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THE
ANNALS
OF
TENNESSEE
TO THB
END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY:
OOMPRIBINO ITS BSTTLBMEXTTj AS ^
THE WATAUGA ASSOCIATION, A PART OF NORTH-CimlNA,
FROM 1777 TO 1784;
THE STATE OF FRANKLIN,
FROM 1784 TO 178B:
A PART OF NORTH-CAROLINA,
FROM 1788 TO 1780;
THE TERRITORY OF THE U. STATES, SODTH OF THE OHIO,
FROM 1790 TO 1796:
THE STATE OF TENNESSEE, '
FROM 17S6 TO 1800. BY
J. G. M. RAMSEY, A.M., M.D.
COEBBIPOMDXXO eBCmBTAmT 09 TUB BAIT TBBBBIIBB HUTOBICAL AND ABTIQUABIAM lOCIBTT:
BOBOUBABT MBMBBB OP THB BMTOBXCAL lOCIBTT OF THB ITATB OF SBOBOIA ;
OOlBBlPOBinKO MBMBBB BF TUB AMBBICAB BTHSfOLOOICAL lOCIBTT, BTC.
CHARLESTOK:
JOHN RUSSELL, 256 KING-STREET.
1863.
>9//?^3
Eotmdi fteeoidinff to Aet of Confiai, in tke fmt IttS. bf J. O. M. RAMBET. M.D. iBtho Clork'f OiBco oTtlwDiilrietGoiBtortlw United 8catcs,fotlitEafla«I)atriet of Tc
CHARLESTON:
BTEAIf POWXl PBESS OF WALKSR A JAMBf , Mo. 8 Bfond-fltRot.
DEDICATION.
TO THE SURVIVING PIONEERS OF TENNESSEE,
wHoai immPEXis tuBDun an Doii^iir, ahd WBoei valovx DBrBin»iD rr.
MOST oratsfullt; TO THEIR IMMEDIATE SUCCESSORS,
WMMB PATBIOTUH. WISDOM AMB VIETUB, FKOTIDBD WOE. AMD BSqUBATHBD TO POSTBBITTi TBI PATKIMOniL BLBiaiHOS AND WUB imTITUTIOm OP UBBUTT* OF LAW. OF LBABIIllia
ABB BBUOIOHt
MOST dutifully; TO THE YOUNG MEN OF TENNESSEE,
IKHSBITIlfO SO MUCH THAT IS ESTIMABLE, MANLT, YIBTUOUS AND PATRIOTIC,
AND TO WHOSE OUARDIANSHir, FIUAL 7IBTY, AHCESTBAL AlTD STATE PRIDE,
ARE COMMITTED
VBB PRESERVATION OF HER UNSTAINED ESCUTCHEON, HER ANCIENT FAME, HER BSROIO
EXAMPLE, HER SOYEREIONTY, HER CHARACTER AND HER OLORT —
HER HIGH DESTINY AND FUTURE IMPROVEMENT —
MOST confidentlt;
"LbT no mean nOFB TOUR lOVLS BNILATBS Bb INDEPENDENT, OENBROUI, BRATB ;
Your fathbri icch ez ample oatb. And icch reverb!*'
blUi Volome Dedicated, bp thdr fdlow^tina*
THE AUTHOR.
CBarlebtob, 8. C, FebntBrp 89d, 1861.
PREFACE.
Thb writer is one of the first-born of the sons of the State of Ten- nessee. If this seniority brings with it none of the rights of primoge- niture, it certainly has imposed the duty of filial veneration and r^;ard for the land of his nativity. With this devotion to his State, and to its worthy pioneers, has always been united the deep regret, that their early history has been so little known, and is now almost forgotten. Oppressed by this feeling, and impelled by the desire to revive and pre- serve the knowledge of past events in Tennessee, he determined, many years since, td collect such incidents of her history as were within his reach. At first, his object was merely to occupy, in these researches^ the leisure hours which could be spared from professional engagements; but he soon discovered, that by extending his labours, he might add to his own pleasure, the high gratification of contributing something, how- ever humble, to the historical literature of the day, and thus do a ser- vice, at least, to the people of his own State.
For the collection of the materials of such a work, he has had some peculiar facilities. His boyhood and his youth were spent with the pioneer and the emigrant Later in life, he has not been without some share of intercourse, with the public men and principal actors in the early settlement of the country. His opportunity of conferring with many of them, has not been infrequent, and has been sedulously im- proved. He became, whilst yet a young man, the possessor of the journal and papers of his deceased father, the late Col. F. A. Ramsey — a pioneer of the country, whose life was identified with its interests, at every period of its growth, up to the time of his death, in 1820. He has, since, become the depositary of the papers of Sevier, of Shelby,
YI PREFACE.
the Blounts, and other public men. His position as Corresponding Sec- retary of the East Tennessee Historical and Antiquarian Society, has given him the advantage of its collections and correspondence. In addition to these sources of valuable information^ he has availed himself of others. The records of all the old Franklin Counties have been patiently ex- amined by him. He has also visited the Capitals of Georgia, North- Carolina, and Virginia, and, by the courtesy of Governor Towns, Go- vernor Reed, and Governor Fioyd, of these States, has been allowed free access to the Public Archives at Milledgeville, Raleigh, and Richmond, from which has been procured, all that they contain on the subjects of his research. The Archives of Tennessee, preserved in the office at tbe Secretary of State at Nashville, he has also examined. Private and public libraries, the offices at Washington, and the periodical jour- nals of the day — all sources, within the writer's reach, likely to contri- Imte to his purpose, and add to the perfection of his work, have been carefully examined and culled from.
Haywood's History of Tennessee is the authority for many events detailed herein. In several instances, corrections and additions, impor- tant and valuable, have been made.
In the narratives — ^verbal and written — of the old soldiers and pio- neers, and in the matter furnished by authors, correspondents, and pnUic documents, the language of the original narrator b often re- tained, though his statements are very much abridged and condensed. The usual marks of quotation have not, therefore, been always given.
On some of the subjects of the volume, the writer may be charged with unnecessary prolixity. He has not felt at liberty to withhold the minuUae of some of the topics, now published for the first time. The perishable condition in which they are found, in old and nearly illegible manuscriptB, exposes ihem to an early destruction.
The biography of General Robertson and General Joseph Martin would have been more minutely given, but that their private files had been placed in the hands of L. C. Draper, Esq., of Wisconsin. This is the less to be regretted, as that competent writer has promised, in ad4ition to the Uves of those Tennessee pioneers, those of many Westr em adventdrera, which cannot fail to make a valuable contribution to
PEBPAOK. Ylf
the biograplfioal literature of the West. He has been indefatigable in the procurement of material for such a work. Its publication may be expected within the next year.
He space devoted in this volume, to that section of Tennessee east of Cumberland Mountain, will not be considered disproportionate, wheo it is recollected, that it had a priority of ten years in its settlement; that in it were conducted the more important negotiations and treaties with the Indians ; and that the scenes of the Revolution — as participated in by the Western soldiery — the Franklin Revolt and Administration ; the Organization of the Territorial Government, and that of the State of Tennessee, all occurred within its limits.
Thus much as to the plan and materials of the work, and the soureea from which they have been drawn. As to the manner of it, the writer only further adds, that, earlier in life, it had been his ambition and hit design, to have made it, not only more creditable to himself, but, whieh he deeired much more, worthier of Tennessee and her patriotic and chivalrous sons. In the vain hope, and under the fond illusion, that some future day would allow him the necessary leisure to do so, he ha§ postponed the preparation of these sheets several years. The pressure of other engagements — some of them in the service of Tennessee — some, more private, but not less imperative — has dispelled the youth- ful illusion, that, after his half century was passed, life would be without care or active employment, and has brought with it the conviction, that, if his work shall be published at all, it must be done in its present shape — written always eurrente calamo — at intervals of time, snatched from the continued succession of professional and public duties, and with little opportunity to revise or perfect it. In that condition, and under these circumstances, the volume now goes to press. Scarcely has a single page been re- written.
Many of the Sevier papers, and all those of Governor Willie Blount^ being in the writer's possession, should the public voice seem to de^nand a continuation of these Annals, to a more recent period, the materials being on hand, or wihin reach, a second volume will be prepared. The administration of Governor Blount, covering the period of the Creek War, and that of 1812, with England, is an exceedingly interest-
Vm PBBFACE.
ing period in the Annak of the Yoliuiteer State. Since that timef the hiatoiy of Tennessee has continued to be equally important, and is now national and fully identified with the history of the United States.
The writer cannot omit this opportunity of returning his thanks to such of his correspondents, in Tennessee and elsewhere, as have not been spedfically mentioned in the volume, for their assbtance in col- lecting and furnishing material for the work.
The Hon. Mitchell King, during the publication of the volume, has politely opened to the writer^s use his large library and extensive col- lection of maps. Professor Dickson, of the Medical College gf South- Carolina, and an honourary member of the East Tennessee Historical and Antiquarian Society, has, heretofore, presented to its collections several valuable works on the history »of his State, and her early wars with the Indians of the interior. Both of these gentlemen have, from the first conception of this undertaking, given to the writer, under many and great discouragements, their friendly advice and countenance. To each of them, and to the members and officers of the Charleston Library, to whose privileges he was politely introduced, the writer begs here to make his acknowledgments.
The size of this volume has excluded much that had been intended for the Appendix.
Consdous, as he is, of the imperfections of his performance, the writer persuades himself, that he has rendered some acceptable service to Tennessee, in his attempt, thus, to perpetuate her Annals, and illus- trate the actions of her people. Consoled with this reflection, he con- fides it to his countrymen.
-^* 8i qiiid novisti rectioB istis
Candidas imperii ; si dod, his atere mecam.^
J. G. M. RAMSEY.
Mecklenbxtsg, \
Kcsr Knoxrille, Tenn., Nov. 16, 1863. )
INTRODUCTION.
When Columbus, in the name of their Catholic mcgestieSy took formal possession of San Salvador, the natives of that island stood around and gazed upon the strange ceremony in silent admiration. A feeling, somewhat dissimilar, but scarcely less intense, would be excited in the bosom of an aboriginal inhabitant of Tennessee, could he now revisit this theatre of his nation's existence. Could he stand upon an eminence, near the ancient capital of the state, and survey the scenes now presented to his view, he would notice with surprise the magic changes effected in this land of his fathers. The soli- tude of his native forest has given place to the industry and enterprise of a strange people ; its silence is dissipated by the hum of business, and its quiet disturbed by the incessant toil and the active pursuits of civilized life. The ancient woods have been felled, and the wilderness converted to the purposes of agriculture. A town has risen up, as if by enchantment, presenting to his astonished view the evidences which sur* round him, of wealth, of commerce, of learning and the arts. Associating the awakened recollections of his boyhood with the transmutation before him, he would withdraw from the unwelcome contreust, and, chagrined and sorrowful, seek else- where some solace to his wounded spirit. Repairing to the place where once stood the wigwam of his father,Hie finds erected over it the stately mansion of the white man. He recollects to have seen his chieftain recording his victories upon a tree, or perpetuating the annals of his tribe in rude hieroglyphics upon the mountain granite. These vestiges,
* Much of thiB Introdaction is taken from the " Address" delivered hj this writer at the organizatioii of the " East Teonessee Historical and Antiquanan Sodety."
1
L
2 INTRODUCTION.
too, have disappeared. The war-paths of his ancestors hav& been converted into the channels of a gainful commerce ; in the place of their extinguished council fires, are seen the courts of justice ; and amidst the ruins of their Pagan tem- ples, churches, consecrated to the worship of the true God, elevate their spires in the direction of the Christianas hope — to heaven.
This sudden transition from barbarism and rudeness to civilization and refinement, it is the business of history to ex- amine, investigate and record. Labouring in this extended field, the curious student will be carried back to that period when the ** great West " was
<* A Bolitade of yast extent, xmtoQched
By hand of art ; where nature sow'd herael(
And reap'd her crops ;"
when, as yet, no Anglo-American had penetrated the dark recesses of the Alleghany, or explored the unknown wilds now embraced within the limits of Tennessee. He will be led to analyze the first promptings of that spirit of adventure which incited the pioneers of the country to leave their homes of peace, safety and comfort, to endure the toils and priva- tions of a mountain desert, to brave the dangers of an un- known wilderness, and to disregard the perils attending the formation of a remote and feeble settlement upon the bor- ders of numerous and warlike tribes, jealous of their ap- proach, and determined to resist it. Extending his researches, he will find that no section of the United States has fur- nished more of interesting and attractive incident, than is presented from a review of the first exploration and settle- ment of Tennessee. The tales of romance are scarcely equal to the patient perseverance, enterprise and hardihood, the daring heroism and chivalrous adventure, of its inhabitants. Savage barbarity drenched the frontier with the blood of the first emigrants, and the hardy soldier, alike with the helples < female and the child, became victims to the scalping knife and the tomahawk of the Indian. The industrious husband- man derived no immunity from the common danger, in his peaceful pursuits, but found a grave where he hoped to gather a harvest ; and the secluded and quiet cabin, lighted by
INTRODUCTION. 3
savage incendiaries, became the funeral pile of its occupants. Every valley became the avenue of Indian aggression, and every mountain a lurking place for the merciless Cherokee^ Nothing intimidated by these circumstances, the constant attendants of the pioneers of the wilderness, they became, in their turn, the invaders ; and on the rugged banks of the Ken- hawa, in the wilds of Cumberland and on the plains of Goosey we hear of their daring adventure, their prowess and their triumph.
But the proudest recollections are awakened, when we re« cur to the part taken by the infant settlements on Holston, Watauga, and NoUichuckee, in that '^ perilous conflict that tried men's souls," and at its darkest period, when the confi- dence of the firmest friends of independence was shaken, when British valour attd the treachery of the disafiected in the South had given an ascendency to the royal army, and threatened an easy conquest of other sections of the Confede- racy. South-Carolina was scarcely longer considered an American state, but a subdued British colony ; — ^her lion- hearted and invincible whigs, indignant but not dispirited, retiring before the invading enemy, had sought an asylum in the frontier of the West. It was at this crisis the pioneers of Tennessee — though by their remote and insulated position secure from foreign invasion, and exposed at home to the. cruelties of a savage foe — evinced their devotion to the cause of their country and of freedom. At this crisis, western patri- otism projected the most daring expedition, and western va- lour achieved the brightest victory, which adorn the page of our revolutionary history. Free as the air of their mountainSi^ and indignant that the land of freemen should be polluted by the footsteps of an invader, the patriots of the West flew, uninvited, to the rescue of their bleeding country — ascending the Alleghany, and precipitating themselves from its summit^ they overwhelmed the enemy with discomfiture and death.
The early civil and political history of Tennessee presents, also, a fruitful and interesting subject of investigation. A feeble and remote settlement of hunters, herdsmen and small farmers — dissociated from Virginia and North-Carolina by the intervention of a desert mountain, not embraced within
4' nrrEODuCTioK.
the ascertained boundaries, and beyond the reach of the jii'^ risdiction of either province, without its laws, its courts and its protection — ^this primitive, simple and virtuous commu'' nity, formed a civil and military organization adapted to their peculiar condition, and, under the unpretending name of the Watauga Association, laid the foundation of the future Tennessee. Assuming for themselves the name of Washino- Tov District — ^the first thus entitled to the credit of doing this honour to the father of his country — at the dawn of Ameri- can independence these pioneers of the West applied to the Council of North-Carolina to be annexed to that province. They give as reasons, in support of their application, that ''they had already oi|;anized their militia, and Were willing to become a party in the existing war, acknowledging themselves indebted to the American colonies their full pro- portion of the Continental expense, and pledging their deter- mination to adhere ** to the glorious cause in which we are now struggling, and to contribute to the welfare of our own or of ages yet to come." This pledge was most nobly redeemed, — ^the revolution was effected, and independence achieved.
Become thus a colonial appendage of North-Carolina, eonsisting of intrepid adventurers from every section of the country, and bound together by no principles of union but a sense of common danger, they were ceded by the mother state, soon after, to the Congress of the Confederacy, and thu s reduced to a condition of political orphanage. Struggling with the difficulties attendant on such a state, its onward march may be traced, with much interest and curiosity, through the period of its existence as the State of Franklin. This incipient effort of the western people to exercise the " divine right ** of self-government — this first combination of the discordant materials, of which the trans-montane com- munity then consisted — their crude and immature legislation, the disorder and tumult which resulted, their return to their former allegiance, and the overthrow of the new com- monwealth,— ^are all fruitful themes of research and enquiry. From the investigation of these, the philosophic historian will be ftumished with irrefragable proofs of the adequacy of the
IKTRODUCTION. 6
people, under the most unfavourable circumstances, to gov- ern themselves, and will be enabled to trace the important bearing these unhappy commotions had upon great national interests, till then not perceived in their true light.
Peace, order and law, succeeding to tumult, and chaoBy and violence, the character of the partizan became merged in that of the citizen and patriot ; and throughout the subse- quent stages of political organization, whether as a territory of the United States, or as one of the independent sovereign- ties constituting the American Union, we are proud to find the impress of the valour, virtue and patriotism of the first emigrants, stamped upon their descendants, who, obeying the injunction,
" Let no mean hope your sonU enslaye; Be independent, generous, brave ; Your fathers such example gave, And such revere I"
have, in all after times, emulated the heroism exhibited by their ancestors in their own wilderness and on the heights of King^s Mountain ; and animated by the same lofty spirit of freedom and independence, and glowing with the holiest im- pulses of patriotism, have displayed at Tohopeka and Emuckfaw, in the fastnesses of Florida, on the plains of the Mississippi, at the Alamo and St. Jacinto, under the walls of Monterey, at Cerro Gordo, Contreras, Cherubusco and Cha- pultepec, the same fearless disregard of danger, the same in- extinguishable love of freedom, the same pure devotion to liberty, the same undying thirst for glory.
The soldiery of Tennessee have, under the lead of her own Jackson, hallowed the plains of Chalmette with a renown as extensive and immortal as the channel and the sources of the Mississippi. The lustre of the escutcheon of Tennessee has grown brighter wherever they were present, whether serving in the ranks, or leading the battalions and columns of the Volunteer State to the assault of a fortress or against the bristling bayonets of an enemy. On the fields of battle where the rifiemen of Tennessee have fought, new laurels have been won, fresh victories have been achieved, and un-
0 nfTltODUCTlON.
dyiDg glory acquired, worthy of her ancient fame and her deathless renown.
Virginia has been called the mother of statesmen. Ten- nessee, with equal truth, has been called the mother of states. From her prolific bosom, more than from any other state in the Union, have been sent forth annually, for half a century, nidnerous colonies for the peopling of the great valley of the Mississippi. Her emigrants are found everywhere in Ala- bama, Florida, Northern Georgia and Mississippi. The early population of Missouri, Arkansas and Texas, went from her boundaries ; while the entire Northwest of the United States, and the Pacific possessions, have been enriched from year to year by swarms of her enterprising and adventurous people from the parent hive.
Tennessee has already assumed an elevated rank among her sister republics. Her future must be prouder and even magnificent. From the amount of her population, now num- bering more than a million,* from the extent of her territory,
* Tnmuste StatUiieM of 1860, in population, agriculiur; wumufaetureB, dx.
The relatiTe rank of Tenneieee, as compared with other states of the TJnioii, is:
Iq area of square miles, Temieasee is the seventeenth, containing 45,600 aquare mileB.
In popolation, the fifth, and the second of the Western States — ^being exceeded only by New-York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Ohio.
In number of inhabitants to the square mile, the sixteenth.
In ratio of deaths to the number of living in 1860, the fifth — being exceeded even in a cholera year only by Wisconsin, Vermont, Iowa and Michigan.
In number of acres of improved land, the eighth.
In value of agriculture, implements, &c., the eleventh.
In value of live stock, the seventh.
In number of bushels of Indian com, the fifth — ^being exceeded only by Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois and Indiana — the product of Tennessee, in 1850, being 52,187,868 bushels. In the census of 1840, Tennessee was thei first in the pro- duet of this grain.
In. tobacco, the fourth — being exceeded only by Virginia, Kentucky and Mary- land—the crop of 1860 being 20,144,480 poonds.
In number of bales of cotton, the fifth— the amount of the year's crop being 172,626 bales ; being exceeded only by Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia and South- Carolina.
In the production of wool, the eleventh.
In the value of home made manufactoree, the first state in the Union, amount- h^, in 1860, to $8,168,116.
nrrRODUcnoM. 7
and from her peculiar geographical location, touching upon eight members of the Union, and in close propinquity to three others, she will in all future time exert a weighty influence upon coterminous states, as well as upon the country at large. She has already furnished two Presidents of the U. States — Jackson and Polk — whose iron will and energy, whose ability and virtue, have stamped their administrations as worthy of the state, honourable and glorious to themselves, and eminently useful to the country and to the world. White and Grundy have added dignity and efiulgence to the United States Senate ; and a long list of statesmen, and jurists, and patriots, and heroes, have adorned the public councils, the bar, the bench, and in peace and war given eclat and celebrity to Tennessee. This relative consequence will become still more considerable when a concentration of the intelligence, and public spirit, and enterprise of her citizens, shall have more fully developed her physical and commercial resources. Her history is becoming, therefbre, every day more inter- esting and more important. What visions of the f\iture greatness and glory of their country, would have burst upon the view of Boone and his associates, could they have con- ceived, that their lonely and toilsome passage through the Apalachian mountain should open up. a communication to the West, for that flood of emigration, which, restrained for a time within narrower limits, at length broke over every im- pediment, and extending further, and wider, and onward, has overspread the vast valley of the Mississippi, and crossed, in its mighty sweep of adventurous enterprise, the mountain de- sert and the arid plain, to the shores of the distant Pacific? How must the heart of Robertson have thrilled with honest exultation, when he saw his feeble settlement on Watauga expand and grow to its present dimensions ; artd what rays of comfort would have cheered the evening of his life, could he have realized that Tennessee, in eighteen hundred and fifty.
Id the value of cotton manu&ctures, the eleyenth. Id the value of woollen goods, the tenth. In the value of pig iron, the fourth. In the value of wrought iron, the aixtL
[SxtratUdflrmi NtukvUU American:
S INTBODUCTION.
had become in population the fifth state in the Union, and the second of its western division 7 With what zeal should we of the present day cherish a grateful and hallowed re- membrance of the wisdom, patriotism and enterprise, which have bequeathed to us such a country, and endowed it with the ** patrimonial blessings of wise institutions, of liberty and of religion 7" How keen should be our regret that we know so little of those who have done so much for us 7 With one brilliant exception, no one h£ts attempted to perpetuate the achievements of the pioneers of Tennessee. An adopted son is the only one who has recorded her annals. In his history the late Judge Haywood has left a monument of industry, of research and of talents, scarcely less imperishable or honour- able to himself, than the distinction acquired in another de- partment of science — of being designated, by a competent authority, the Mansfield of America. But it is no qualifica- tion of this just and sincere tribute to his memory to add, that he has left much of the field before us unoccupied, unexplored and unknown. Some of the most brilliant incidents in our early history are unrecorded, which, if not soon rescued from oblivion, will be lost to the present generation, posterity and the world. We design, by this remark, no imputation of in- difierence or neglect on the part of those who have gone before us. The omission may be traced to a more obvious cause. The condition of the country at its first settlement, created a continued demand for exertion in the active pur- suits of life. Cut off by their local situation from all foreign sources of supply, the first adventurers depended upon their own labour in their own country, for the procurement of sub- sistence. A wilderness was to be reclaimed to the use of the husbandman, a border warfare was to be kept up, defences were to be erected, and the foundations of government were to be laid. From the pressure of these varied demands upon their time, no leisure was allowed to record their achieve- ments, to perpetuate the tales of their privations and suffer- ings, to narrate the deliberations of their sages, or the prowess of their heroes. This duty has devolved upon their grate- ful posterity. The task, however, is not without its difficul- ties. Much is already forgotten, and has faded from the
INTAODUCnON. 0
minds of the oldest inhabitant ; much is indistinctly remem- bered, or handed down by vague and uncertain tradition. But difficult a^ it is, the duty has been attempted. To have shrunk from its performance, were a parricidal ingratitude. Its omission would have been criminal.
In the investigations which have been made of the history of Tennessee, and the result of which is given in these pages, the usual assistance has not been derived from the archives of state and the portfolios of ministers. Sources more hum- ble, but not less authentic, have supplied this defect. The writer has procured the narratives of the older citizens, who have, ** ab urbe condita," resided in the country and partici- pated in its settlement and defence, and each of whom may truthfully say of the events he narrates, ^ quorum magna pars/ut." He has examined the papers of their deceased contemporaries, which have survived the ravages of time and accident. He has, with untiring perseverance, searched for and obtained ** the private files of the leaders of the day.** In the loft of a humble cabin, in a secluded neighbourhood, he was so fortunate as to find many of the official papers of the State of Franklin ; in another, the lost constitution of the inchoate or proposed State of Frankland. In the garret of an old uninhabited mansion, in Knoxville, was found an antique trunk, containing the Sevier papers. From like sources, much of the matter in this volume has been pro- cured. But these manuscripts, valuable and interesting as they are, furnished an inadequate supply of material neces- sary to form the Annals of Tennessee. The deficit has been made up by oral communications to this writer from the aged pioneer, whom he has visited in health and watched over in sickness, and from whose dying couch he has received, as a rich legacy, an account of the services of his youth and the exploits of his manhood. He has seen the eye of the aged narrator sparkle i^ith unwonted brilliancy during the recital, the heart of the infirm pulsate with unnatural vigour, and the spirit of the decrepid warrior animated with the fire of youthful heroism.
Narratives, thus obtained, are the authority for many of the incidents which will be hereafter detailed. Their fre-
10 DITRODUCnOK.
quency atid minuteness will, to some readers, be tedious and uninteresting. When known to be authentic, the writer con- ceives them to be worthy of preservation in the annals of his countrymen.
Intimately blended with the general history of Tennessee, is the biography of the prominent actors in the interesting scenes it records. We are proud to mention, among the patriot sages of the country, the names of Carter, Cocke, Campbell, the Blounts, Jackson, White, Claiborne, Roane^ Scott, M cNairy and Trimble ; among the apostles of religion and learning, Doak, Barton, Houston, Craighead, Carrick, Brooks and Stone. Our state pride is justly excited when, among American worthies, we enumerate Boone, Christian, the Seviers, the Robertsons, the Shelbys, the Tiptons — names dear to the country and known to fame. Yet, where will be found a detailed account of their services, their exploits, or their sufferings ? Where will be read the affectiifg story of the patriotic and brave Tipton, who, when peace was restored to his own frontier, gallantly led his soldiers to the standard of his country under St. Clair, and fell fighting in the unequal conflict, refusing to leave the field while an enemy survived him ? Who has heard the last injunction to his family, given apparently under the presentiment of cer- tain death ? Who has read the biography of Shelby, whose youthful patriotism first glowed under the genial influence of a Carolina sky, but retained its ardour undiminished by the cold and chilling temperature of a Canadian winter ? And who has been the biographer of our own Sevier, that noble 4^hieftain that led the pioneers of Tennessee to battle and to victory ? Who has recited his civic deeds ? or who, when a grateful Tennessean, wandering over the plains of Alabama, enquires in his lonely exile for the grave of the first general and the first governor in the West, can point to the place of his entombment ? On what field of victory has Tennessee gratitude erected his cenotaph ?
** How died that hero t In the field, with banners o*er him thrown t
With trmnpets in his falling ear hj charging squadrons blown ?
With scattered foemen fljing fast and fearfully before him 9
With shouts of triumph swelling round, and braye men bending o'er him ? *
He £ed not thus ; no war note round him rang ;
INT&ODUCnON. 11
No warriors trndenieAth his eyes in harneas'd squadrons spnuig ; Alone he perished in the land he saVd, And where in war the yictor stood, in peace he found a fi^raye. Ah, let the tear flow freely now, it will not awake the sleeper. And higher as je pile his tomb^ his slumber shall be deeper. Freemen may sound the solemn dirge — ^the funeral diant be spoken ; Hie quiet of the dead is not by idle modkeries broken ! Yet, let Tennessee's banner droop aboye the fallen chief. And let the mountaineer's dark eye be dim with earnest grief ; For who will stand as he has stood, with willing heart and hand, To wrestle well with freedom's foes,— defender of his land 1"
To remedy and supply, in some small degree, the defects and omissions thus alluded to, is the object and design of the succeeding pages. In the execution of this purpose, the writer proposes to give —
1st. The discovery and exploration of the country now known as the State of Tennessee, the first approaches of civilization to it, and some account of the contiguous Indian tribes.
2d. Its settlement and government under the Watauga Association.
8d. As a part of North-Carolina, embracing the participa- tion of the pioneers of Tennessee in the war of the Ameri- can Revolution.
4th. The history of the revolt of the three western coun- ties, and of the insurrectionary State of Franklin.
5th. The history of the Cumberland settlements, and of the Franklin counties, after they returned to their allegiance to the mother state.
6th. The subject of the relations with Spain, and the ne- gotiation with that Power, relating to boundaries and the navigation of the Mississippi river.
7th. The territory of the United States south of the River Ohio.
8th. The State of Tennessee to the end of the last century.
ANNALS OF TENNESSEE.
CHAPTER L
DISCOVERY OF TENNESSEE.
As has been already remarked^ Tennessee is, in popula- tion, the fifth state in the Union. Her geographical position is pecuKar, and before the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of New Mexico and California, entitled her to the name of the Central State. She is one of the rapidly increasing family of daughters which have sprung from the good old thirteen ; and though not a separate and distinct political organization at the eventful period of separation from the crown of Great Britain, it is a proud reflection that Tennessee is closely connected and directly identified with the cause of freedom and independence, and with the American Revolution, by a moumfol but glorious consasir guinity.
The adventures and perils, of Tennessee pioneers, their hearty sacrifices for the general good, their character for conduct and courage in war, their uniform devotion to die honour and greatness of the country, their rapid advance* ments in the arts of peace, in population and political infiu- ence, and the impress of their wisdom, valour and patriot- ism which they have stamped upon their descendants, invite to the early history of their state the attention of every American, and secures the deepest regard of every Tennes- sean.
To examine these various topics satisfactorily, it will be necessary to look a little into the original condition of tha country, its first discovery and exploration, its aboriginal inhabitants, and the approaches of civilized man to it ; since,
14 CABOT SEES THE COAST OF VORTH-CAROLIKA.
without this examination, feeble and inadequate indeed will be our conceptions of the adventure displayed, the hardships suffered, the dangers encountered, the services rendered, the conquests achieved, the glory won, by those who have effected the transmutation from rudeness to refinement, from barbar- ism to civilization, and from heathenism to Christianity.
Postponing to another place any remarks upon the bounda- ries, the physical history, and the aboriginal population of Tennessee, it is proposed here to trace the approaches of civilization to its several boundaries in the exact order of their occurrence ; in doing which, its first discovery, explo- ration and settlement, will be the more clearly delineated and the more easily understood.
Of the country included within the limits of the present State of Tennessee, little was known for more than two hundred and thirty years after the discovery of America. Until that time, with perhaps a single exception, the foot of no European adventurer had touched her soil. The vast interior of North America was a terra incognita, till long after the skill, and science, and cupidity, and arms of Spain, had crossed the continent further south, and reached the shores of the Pacific ocean.
After the conquest of Mexico, achieved by Cortes with a handful of soldiers, vastly disproportioned to the population and resources of that immense empire, and after the capture and execution of the Inca and the subjugation of Peru by Pizarro, with a force still smaller, the fame of their victo- ries, the rapidity and ease with which they had been ob- tained, their sudden acquirement of incalculable treasure, and the imperishable renown of these skilful and indomita- ble leaders, excited afresh the spirit of exploration, adventure and acquisition.
While Spanish discoveries and Spanish conquests had reached across the American continent, and extended along the Pacific coast from Chili to California, little was known of that immense country north of the Gulf of Mexico. As early as 1497, the coast of our parent state, North-Carolina, had been seen by Gaboto,* a Venetian adventurer, who.
•AogHofr-OUbot
.MA&VASz'ji IWAaiOir. ' 16
under the auspices of Henry VII. of England, and the pa- tronage of Bristol merchants, undertook to prosecute further discoveries in the New World. He returned, however, with- out attempting the conquest of the natives or the formation of . a settlement. In 1512, Juan Ponoe De Leon visited tb^ continent, in north latitude 30^, 8 ^ and discovered a country of vast and unknown extent, to which, from the abundance of flowers, and from its being first seen on Palm Sunday, (Pascha Florida,) he gave the name of Florida.*^ Being afterwards invested by the King of Spain with the govern- ment of the country hp had discovered, he attempted the erection of a town and fortress, but was assailed with such vigour by the natives, as to compel him to abandon the Country. The Indians used poisoned arrows. De Leon died from the wounds received in the encounter, and lost most of his men. Similar disfiusters seem to have overtaken the ad- venturous leaders who, after De Leon, attempted the subju- gation of Florida^t
In 1524, Lucas Vasquez de Ay Hon efiected a landing fur- ther east, upon the coast of what is now Georgia or South- Carolina. Two hundred of his soldiers penetrated a few leagues in the interipr, while he remained with the rest of his force to guard his ships. The Indians attacked unexpect- edly the detachment he had sent out, and massacred the whole ; then falling suddenly upon the guard near the ships, succeeded in driving them from the coast. The few survi- vors returned to San Domingo.
In 1528, Pamphilo de Narvaez sailed from Cuba, having on board four hundred foot and twenty horse, for the con- quest '' of all the lands lying from the River of Palms to the Cape of Florida," for which he had obtained a grant from Charles y. He anchored on the eastern coast, landed his troops, and took possession of the country without opposi- tion. But, marching into the interior, he at length reached Apalachee, where he encamped several days. The village had offered no resistance to the Spaniards, but this inoffen-
* ?rom this discovery by De Leon, Spafti elaimed Flori^ as Ehgland did ffom that made, in U97, by Cabot, f For a long time, aU the country eonth of Newfoandland wis called Floiida.
16 NASVAEZ BHIPWBEClfSD.
8ive spirit did not continue long. The natives were warlike and intrepid, harassed the camp of Narvaez by day and night, and compelled him to leave it. His march was beset by hordes of savages ** of gigantic height ; they had bows of enormous size, from which they discharged arrows with such force as to penetrate armour at the distance of two hundred yards.^* After the loss of many of his soldiers and horses, and the endurance of incredible hardships, ^ the hopes of wealth and conquest were at an end," and, coming to an arm of the se€^ Narvaez, despairing of reaching his ships by land, determined to construct small barques, and save the remnant of his little army from the ruin that menaced it. His frail barques were shipwrecked, and nearly all of his followers, with himself, found a watery grave. Five only survived the disasters by land and sea.
We have thus seen the unfortunate termination of several well arranged enterprises, undertaken by able and experi- enced leaders, and promising, under Castilian courage and discipline, a certain, if not an easy conquest, of the original inhabitants of the country. The spirit of the native Ameri- can population seems no where to have been so energetically and so successfully exerted against the invaders of their coun- try. A very different result had followed the standard of the conqueror of Mexico. He, under circumstances scarcely more favourable, had met and discomfited numerous armies of native wairiors, fighting for their homes, their tnonarch and their religion, at Tobasco and Tlascala, and, with a courage bordering upon temerity, had pushed his conquest to the palace of Montezuma. Had the countries south of Tennessee been inhabited by the spiritless and imbecile natives of Mexico, which it was the good fortune of Cortes to meet and conquer, it is not difficult to conceive that some intrepid Castilian would have anticipated the laurels won by Anglo-American prowess on the hardly contested battle- grounds of Tamotlee, Etowah, Nickajack, Emuckfaw and Tohopeka, and erected the standard of the Cross upon the demolished council houses and ruined temples of the ances- tors of Oceola, To-mo-chi-chi and Oconostota. Different,
•Irving.
FBSDINAKD DB SOTO. 17
indeed, was the character of the aborigines north of the Gulf of Mexico, at the period of which we are treating. A manly firmness of purpose, a wise union in counsel, and a determined bravery in action, enabled them to, repel every hostile invasion of their country, and to maintain nearly un* disturbed possession of it for two centuries after the dismem- berment of the Mexican confederacy, and after the Children of the Sun had been driven into exile or reduced to an igno- ble vassalage. The latter are humbled and nearly extinct, while the former retain even yet something of their original character ; though restrained, they are not subjugated — though curbed, their spirit is yet independent and free.
BafQed and defeated as were the Spaniards, in the several attempts of invasion and conquest which have been thus slightly sketched, they projected further enterprises, upon a still larger theatre, under more imposing and magnificent appointments, and, if possible, under more distinguished and chivalrous leaders. The passion of the age was war and conquest ; the vice of the times was wealth and the pre- cious metals. In all these lay the path to preferment and distinction, and the cavaliers of Spain thrust themselves once more into it. Allured by the hope of finding gold and silver in the interior country, or incited by the thirst for glory, which had crowned their successes elsewhere — perhaps cha* grined at the failure which had marked all previous efibrts to achieve the conquest of Florida — they determined to in- vade the continent with such a force as would ensure its accomplishment. Ferdinand De Soto projected the expedi- tion, and received from the Emperor Charles V. permis- 1SS9 i ^^^^ ^^ undertake the conquest. He was invested ( with ample power, civil and military ; and from the official relation be bore to the Island of Cuba, was enabled to command all the means necessary for the meditated inva- sion. A companion in arms of Pizarro, he had assisted that renowned leader in the conquest of Peru, and commanded in person the squadron of horse that captured the unfortunate Inca, Atahualpa, and put his army to flight. Having thus added to his fame for courage and adroitness as a soldier, the weight of experience and success as a commander ; having 2
'9
18 FERDINAND DB SOTO— HIB ARMT.
received the most signal marks of his monarch's confidence and favour ; and having, in addition to the control of the resources of Cuba, the avails of his Peruvian conquests^ Ferdinand De Soto, in less than a year from the date of his first proclamation, found himself at the head of nine hun- dred and fifty Spaniards, anxious to serve under him in his adventurous expedition. The chivalry, rank and wealth of Spain entered into his army. *' Never had a more gallant and brilliant body of men ofiered themselves for the New World."*
In addition to the forces brought from Spain, the arma- ment of De Soto, by recruits and volunteers in Cub€^ was increased to a thousand men, besides the marines. There were also three hundred and fifty horses.
The account here given of the outfit and composition of the army of De Soto, and the details which follow of his marches, his disasters, and the melancholy fate of himself and his men, will not be considered foreign to the purpose of these annals, when it is remembered that the country they invaded, and through which they marched, has since been invaded successfully by Tennessee enterprise, and won by Tennessee valour, and hallowed by Tennessee blood ; and that the Indian tribes, who attacked them soon after they landed at Tampa Bay, who harassed them on their march, obstructed their passage, broke in upon their bivouac, an- noyed their camp, resisted them in battle, and finally forced them to leave their country uncolonized and unsubdued, have long since yielded to the prowess and arms of American pioneers. The minutise of the track pursued by the invaders will be excused for the further reason, that it has been con- jectured, with much plausibility, that De Soto was the first European or civilized adventurer whose foot touched the soil, whose eye surveyed the vast wilderness, whose heart expanded with the contemplation of the magnificent scenery, and whose senses were regaled by the influences of the delightful climate of Tennessee. It may be added, in sorrow, that though not the first to see and cross her great mediter-
DB 80T0 AT TAMPA BAY* 19
ranean boundary — the Mississippi — ^he was the first to find an inhospitable grave beneath its turbid waters.
Sailing from Havana on the 12th of May, 1530, tha ( squadron, containing the army of De S<^o, arrived in ( fifteen days at Espiritu Santo Bay, about half way down the western side of the peninsula of Florida. A de- tachment of three hundred men were landed, and, finding no Indians, they remained on shore all night in a state of care- less security. Towards morning they were vigorously at- tacked by a great number of savages, and forced to retreat to the edge of the sea in confusion. A reinforcement was soon landed, and put the natives to flight after a slight resiistance.
From his encampment near Espiritu Santo Bay, De S6to marched two leagues to a village, which was found deserted by the inhabitants. By the aid of some straggling Indians whom he had captured, he endeavoured to appease the ca- cique of the village, Hirrihigua, and invited him from his re* treat to a friendly interview. To this message, brought by his subjects, he replied, '* I want none of their speeches nor promises ; bring me their heads, and I will receive them joy- fully. "*
A neighbouring cacique, Mucozo, was more placable. At the invitation of the envoys sent to him by De Soto, he visit- ed his camp, accompanied by his warriors. ** He kissed the hands of the governor with great veneration, saluted each one of his ofiicers, and made a slight obeisance to the pri- vates, "t
As far as Mucozo, their march had been impeded by mo- rasses, which disappeared, however, as they advanced into the interior. It occupied them four days to go from Mucozo to Urribarracaxi (seventeen leagues). Here they were in- formed, in answer to inquiries about gold and silver, that there was a country to the westward, called Ocali, where the spring was perpetual and gold abundant.
De Soto had received intelligence, that at the vilUfge of Urribarracaxi, a cacique of great influence, to whom
*InriDg. fldem.
20 ACUIRA DBFIE8 DB 0OTO.
hig^a and Mucozo paid tribute, he would find provisions fot his army. He took up the line of march always to the no^rdi- east, and on the morning of the third day came to the village of Mucozo (thirteen leagues). After marching seventeen leagues further to Urribarracaxi, and passing beyond it, they encoun- tered, at three leagues distance from the village, ^ a great mo- rass, a league in width, two-thirds mire and one-third water, and very deep at the borders. ^*^ After several days' search, a pass was found, by which, the army crossed it with ease.
Their route soon became obstructed with impassable swamps and bogs, made by the streams of the morass they had just passed. It was, therefore, recrossed by De Soto and his^army. In their march from this place they encountered, again, the greatest difficulties from deep swamps and nu- merous bogs that everywhere intersected the country. la addition to these, they were often annoyed by the Indians^ who hung upon their rear and shouted, in words of threat and defiance : ^ Keep on, robbers and traitors ; in Acuera and Apalachee, we will treat you as you deserve. Every cap- tive will we quarter and hang upon the highest trees along
the roadrt
At the end of sixty miles from Urribarracaxi, they encamp- ed in ^ a beautiful valley, where were large fields of Indian oom, of such luxuriant growth as to be€tr three and four ears upon a stalk. ** This fertile province was ruled by a ca- cique named Acuera. De Soto invited him to & friendly conference. The haughty chief replied : " others of your ac*- cursed race have in years past poisoned our peaceful shores. They have taught me what you are. What is your employ- ment 7 To wander about like vagabonds from land to land ; to rob the poor — to betray the confiding — ^to murder in cold blood the defenceless. No I with such a people I want no peace, no friendship. War — never-ending, exterminating war — is all the boon I ask. You boast yourselves valiant, and so you may be, but my faithful warriors are not less brave ; and this, too, you shall one day prove, for I have sworn to maintain an unsparing conflict while one white
* Inring. t Idem, pp. 104 and 106.
DX 0OTO ARRIVES AT OCAU. 21
man remains in my borders. Not openly in the battle field, though even thus we fear not to meet you; but by strata- gem, and ambush, and midnight surprisal. ^ *
In reply to the demand that he should yield obedience to the emperor, he said : '' I am king in my own land, and will never become the vassal of a mortal like myself. Vile and pusillanimous is he who will submit to the yoke of another^ when he may be free I As for me and my people, we choose death, yes, a hundred deaths, before the loss of our liberty and the subjugation of our country I"
As the event proved, these were no idle threats or un- meaning bravadoes of Acuera and his warriors. Stratagem, and ambush, and iliidnight surprisal, cut off many a brave Spaniard ; and while a white man remained in this province, the natives, with most unyielding spirit, continued to oppose and annoy the invaders.
Unable to appease Acuera by pacific overtures or gentle treatment, De Soto broke up his encampment after a few days' rest, and passed over a desert tract twelve leagues broad, in a north-eastern direction, and then traversing an inhabited country, seven leagues more, arrived at the principal village of the province, called Ocali. It contained six hundred houses and vast quantities of provisions. " Hard by the vil- lage ran a wide and deep river, with most precipitous banks, "f Crossing this stream by a temporary bridge, the army of De Soto continued its march three days to the fron- tiers of Vitachuco — ** a province of great extent, being fifty leagues across. " It was governed by three brothers. Two of these, after a protracted negotiation, entered into terms of peace with De Soto, and agreed to use their influence with Vitachuco, the other cacique, to accept the offers of peace from the Spaniards. This chieftain was the most pow* erful of the three, and disapproved the terms made by the others with De Soto. He detained the envoys charged with the embassy ; imputed the pacific conduct of his brothers to cowardice, or to a spirit of inglorious submission ; and rep- resented the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, and warn- ed them not to enter into his dominions, vowing that ^^va-
*IiTing. fldem.
S8 TITAOHUOO'a VILLAGB DBflCEIBBD.
liant as they may be, if they dare to put foot upon my soily they shall never go out of my land alive — ^the whole race will I exterminate I" With similar messages he continued to threaten De Soto. At length, however, his two brothers visited Vitachuco, and he affected to be ^ won by their per- suasions, and agreed to enter into a friendly intercourse with the strangers.***
After this deceitful alliance, the Spaniards marched to the village of Vitachuco, and were received with great kindness and hospitality. The Indian interpreters, however, in a few days, disclosed to De Soto that a perfidious plot was devised to destroy^him and his army. Apprised by this disclosure of the details of the plot, De Soto, at a preconcerted signal, fell unexpectedly upon the cacique and his warriors, made Vita- chuco a prisoner, killed several hundred of his followers, and nine hundred more whom he had captured, he distributed as menials to his soldiers. But the fierce spirit of the cacique was yet unsubdued. Though a prisoner, and in the power of his conqueror, he laid another plot to put into effect the me- naces he had made against the invaders of his country. In this, too, he was unsuccessful. He fell, thrust through witlf a dozen swords and lances, ahd lost in these two engage- ments and ** the subsequent massacres, thirteen hundred of his warriors, the flower of his nation.**!
The village of Vitachuco, where these battles were fought^ is thus described, and may possibly yet be identified by the physical features of the country around it. '^ Near the village was a large plain. It had on one side a lofty and dense for- est, on the other, two lakes ; the one about a league in cir- cumference, clear of trees, but so deep that three or four feet from the bank no footing could be found. The second, which was at greater distance from the village, was more than half a league in width, and appeared like a vast river, extending as far as the eye could reach.** X T^^^ village is called by the Portuguese narrator, Napatuca. The province was likely very fertile, certainly very populous, as the chosen warriors in the first battle amounted to ten thousand.
De Soto, resuming his march, went four leagues the first
* Irring. t Idem. t Idem.
DB SOTO RBAGHI8 08ACHILI AND APAXiAGHBB. 38
day, and ** encamped on the bank of a large and deep river,** a boundary of the province. Crossing the river on a bridge constructed by his army, the march was continued two leagues through a country free from woods ; here were found ^ large fields of maize, beans and pumpkins, with scattered habitations.** * At the distance of four leagues further, the Spaniards arrived at Osachili, a village of two hundred houses. Hearing at this place of the fertility and extent of the province of Apalachee, they continued their march, and ** were three days traversing an uninhabited desert, twelve leagues in extent, which lay between the two provinces, and about noon of the fourth day arrived at a great morass. It was bordered by forests of huge and lofty trees, with a dense underwood of thorns and brambles. In the centre of the mo- rass was a sheet of water half a league in width, and as far as the eye could reach in extent ''The opposite side of the morass was bordered by the same kind of impervious forest as the other; the distance across it was about a league and a half.** t Near this place, ten or eleven years before, the uii- fortunate Pamphilo de Narvaez had met with his signal de^ feat ; and the Indians, encouraged by their successes over him, made a desperate effort to gain a similar victory over the present invaders ; and the result seemed doubtful while the conflict was carried on in the morass. So soon, however, as the horsemen of De Soto gained the open woods, the contest was decided, and the natives were forced to fly. Apalachee^ the province to which De Soto had been directing his course^ was found to be not only fertile and well supplied with pro- visions, but, as he had been frequently forewarned, was in- habited by a brave and ferocious population, who, by strata- gem and cunning, not less than by open assaults, attempted to repel the invading Spaniards.
The flrst night after they had crossed the morass, they en- camped near a small village in an open plain. The march was resumed next day, and they passed two leagues through fields of corn, and '' came to a deep stream bordered by deep forests." Here the Indians had made palisades and bar- riers, determining that at this place their utmost opposition
* Inriog. t Idem.
t4 DS SOTO *&BflUlIB8 HIBi MAWOi.
should be made. But these efforts were insufficient. Seve- ral Spaniards were killed, others were wounded, yet they passed the stream with ease, and continued the march two leagues further, without opposition, and encamped. The next day they reached Anchayea, a village of two hundred and fifty large and commodious houses. Capafi was the name of the cacique of Apalachee.
The winter was now approaching, and De Soto determin* ed to remain at Anchayea till the next spring. Fortifying the village, and building additional houses for barracks, and collecting from the adjoining neighbourhoods a supply of pro- visions, he went into winter quarters. Here he remained fire months, during which time he had received such information of the countries in the interior, as to point out his future course in quest of gold and silver, which seems to have been the primary object of himself and his followers.
The march was resumed in the spring of 1540, in a north- east direction. On the third day the army reached Capa- obique, a village ** situated on high ground, on a kind of peninsula, being nearly surrounded by a miry marsh, more than a hundred paces broad.*** Two days further march brought them to the boundary between Apalachee and Ata- paha, into which latter province they now entered. On the third day, De Soto reached the village of Achese, and meet- ing with no hostile feelings fhim the natives, rested there several days. '^He theri resumed his march northeast, ascending for ten days along the banks of a river, skirted by groves of mulberry trees, and winding through luxuriantly fertile valleys.*' On the eleventh day he entered the province of Cofa, (alias Ocute,) which was fertile and plentiful, and inhabited by a kind and hospita|>le people, who entertained De Soto and his army five days. The march was continued ^^ through a pleasant and luxuriant country, fertilized by many rivers,*' to the confines of Cofaqui. The cacique re- ceived the Spaniards with great pomp and kindne^ss, and ^ imparted to De Soto every information about his own terri- tory, and spoke of a plentiful and populous province to the n<Mrthwest, oalled Cosa." f De Soto, however, determined
t Idem.
FAMU THS MOUNTAIKB Vl^AM OHOUALLA. 86
first to visit Cofachiqai, a province separated from Cofaqoi by an uninhabited tract of great extent. In passing through this, the army crossed two rivers, '' a cross-bow shot broad/' which were with difficulty forded. On the seventh da} their march was suddenly s^ested by *^ a wide, deep and unford- able river. ^' At length, after travelling along its banks several days, they reached a small village called Aymay, well furnished with provisions and surrounded with corn-fields. Here they rested seven days, and then continued their march along the bank of the river, till the third day they halted *'in a verdant region, covered with mulberry and other fruit trees. ^' Two leagues further they reached the village of the princess of Cofachiqui, situated on the opposite bank of the river, and were hospitably received.
From Cofachiqui De Soto started. May 3, 1540, towards the north or northwest, in the direction of Cosa, which was represented to him to be distant twelve days journey. ^ He passed through the province of Achalaque — ^the most wretch- ed country, sayB the Portuguese narrator, in all Florida." * Progressing forward, he reached the province of Choualla, or Xualla, and encamped in its principal village of the same name, where he remained several days. '' This village was situated on the skirts of a mountain, with a small but rapid river flowing by it." Unlike Chelaque,this province abound- ed with maize and other provisions.
At this place De Soto changed his route westward, aiming for the province of Quaxale. ^ The first day's march was through a country covered with fields of maize of luxuriant growth." t ** During the next five days they traversed a chain of easy mountains, covered with oak and mulberry trees, with intervening valleys, rich in pasturage and irri- gated by clear and rapid streams. These mountains were tw;enty leagues across, and quite uninhabited." These waste mountains being passed, the Spaniards entered the province of Guaxule. The cacique received them with great parade and courtesy, and conducted them to his village, which con- sisted of three hundred houses. *' It stood in a pleasant spot^ bordered by small streams, that took their rise in the a4jacent
• Irring. t Idem.
36 PAaSlfl THS MOUICTAINS NEAR CHOUALLA.
moantains." * ^ The several streams that traversed this pro- vince, soon mingled their waters and formed a grand and powerful river, along which the army resumed their journey.** **0n the second day of their march, they entered the small town of Canasauga. Continuing forwai;^ for five days through a desert country, on the 25th of June they came in sight of Ichiaha, thirty leagues from Guaxule. This village stood on one end of an island, more than five leagues in length.'^f They crossed the river in many canoes, and on rafts prepared for the purpose, and were quartered in and around the vil- lage, and ^ their worn-out horses enjoyed rich and abundant pasturage in the neighbouring meadows." (Query. What island did Ichiaha stand upon 7) While at this village the Indians showed the Spaniards how they obtained pearls from the oysters taken in the river.;!^
• Inring. f Idem.
} The width of some of the streams, the nmnher and extent of their isUndi^ and the names of some of the Tillages and other localities mentioned in the ae- oomits given of De Soto*s mArdiee, have led to the belief that he may have wmitd the southern psrt of what is now East Tennessee, and that then turning west he crossed and recrossed the Tennessee riyer. McCuUough, in the map accompanj- ing his learned work,(*) lays down the route of De Soto*s army as penetrating at its extreme northern pcnnt to Choualla, near to the thirty -fifth degree of north lati- tude, and amongst the sources of the Coosa riyer. Choualla was situated oo tha ■Idrta of a mountain with a small but rapid riyer flowing by it. Could that hay* been the modem Cherokee Chilhowee f The route hsd previously led the inya- ders to and through the province of Achalaque. It is known that the Cherokeea do not pronounce the letter r, and that they call themselves Chelakees. The nar- rator also describes the country as mountainous, and as answering well to the fea- tures of the country near Chilhowee. The Portuguese Oentlemun says the mooa- tains were very bad. Herrera says that though they were not disagreeable, tba mountains were twenty leagues across, and the anny was five dsys in passing over them. After leaving Choualla, the route lay westward. Mention is made of Canasaqua. May this have been the presiot Canasauga t Talisse and Sequin ohee — names fiuniliar to Tennessee readers — are also mentioned, and suggest the tiieory of Hartin,(t) that De Soto may have passed through Tennessee and int* Kentucky.
Col. Pettival, who had been m the service of Napoleon during the peninsalar war, and was, therefore, fiuniliar with Spanish fortifications, visited, in 1884, " tw« Ibrts or camps oo the west bank of the Tennessee river, one mile above Brown's
(*) Researches, Philoeophical and Antiquarian, concerning the aboriginal hit- toiy of America, (t) Martin's
EEACHB8 TALIB8B AND MAIHriLA. 37
On the 2d day of July, DeSoto left Ichiaha, and travelled the length of the island to Acoste, a village on its extreme point, where they encamped. Next day they crossed the river in rafts and canoes, and afterwards continued their march through a fertile and populous province called Cosa. It was more than one hundred leagues in extent The vil- lage of the same name ^ was situated on the banks of a river, amidst green and beautiful meadows, irrigated by numerous email streams." •
On the 20th of AuguA, De Soto left Cosa, and passing Ullabali, continued the march to Talise. It was a well for- tified post, '* and situated on the bank of a very rapid river, which nearly surrounded it." During his stay at Talise, De Soto received an embassy from Tuscaluza, the cacique of the immense province which the Spaniards now approached, inviting him to his residence, which was about thirteen leagues distant. The army accordingly crossing the river, in a few days reached Tuscaloosa (alias Piache). '' It was a strong place, situated like Talise, upon a peninsula formed by the windings of the same river, which had here grown wider and more powerful."t The next day was spent in* making rafts and crossing the river; and continuing the march on the third day, October 18, they arrived before the vil- lage of M auvila. ''It was strongly fortified, and stood in a fine plain, and was surrounded by a high wall made of logs.** % The pacific conduct of the several tribes with which the Spaniards had met during the last few months, and espe- cially the friendly overtures of the powerful chieftain in whose capital they now were, had thrown them ofi* their guard. But while reposing in the village and around its
Ferrjr, below the Moscle Shoals, and opposite the moath of Cedar Creek, (the ooanfy not mentioaed,) which certainly belongs to the expedition of Alphonso De Soto." He'promiBes, in the letter from which this extract is made, a plan and description of these fortifications. He died soon after, and this writer is without further infor- mation on the subject It is certainly worthy of the further attention of the curious. The information concerning the exact route pursued by De Soto, is so obscure and scanty, that it is difficult to make even an approximation to the truth. After all the speculations and conjectures which several authors have made about it« liiUe progress has been attained in the solution of the enquiry.
* Irring. f Idem. t Idem.
38 BATTLE OF AUBAMa
walls in imagined secarity, tbey were suddenly assailed by the natives. They had concentrated all their own warriors at this place, and many from neighbouring provinces had joined them. For nine hours the battle raged, often with doubtful success to the Spaniards. At the setting sun, how- ever, victory was obained over the Indians. They fought with desperation, as was evident by the numbers slain—- twenty-five hundred. The loss of De Soto was eighty-two.
After so severe a battle, the army of De Soto needed repose. They rested, therefore, several days at Mauvila, to take care of his wounded followers. On the eighteenth of November he turned his course northward, and after marching five days through an uninhabited country, entered the province of Chicaza. ''The first village at which they arrived, was called Cabusto. It was situated on a river, wide and deep, with high banks.*** To the proffers of peace made by De Soto, the inhabitants replied, "War is what we want — ^a war of fire and blood.** Eight thousand warriors collected to- gether to oppose his crossing, but were soon put to flight by the cavalry, and dispersed to the fastnesses of the adjoining country. Without further opposition the march was con- tinued to Chicaza. "It stood upon a gentle hill, stretching from north to south, watered on each side by a small stream, bordered by groves of walnut and oak trees." It was the I8th of December when the army arrived at Chicaza, and the weather being cold, with snow and ice, De Soto deter- mined to winter here. At Chicaza, as at Mauvila, the Span- iards were surprised by a well arranged night attack from the Indians. As in the former case, the Spaniards were vic- torious ; their loss, however, was severe. Forty soldiers were killed, and fifty horses.
After a few days his encampment was broken up, and the army marched to Chiacilla, about a league distant ; here they spent the remainder of the winter, and till the end of March. **The cold was rigorous in the extreme.**
From this place the army marched, the 1st April, four leagues, and encamped in a plain beyond the Chicaza boun- dary. At a fortress of great strength, called Alibamo, was
• Inring.
BATTLE AMD PILLAOB OF GHISGA. 29
the next battle fought. It was ^ upon a narrow and deep river, that flowed in its rear." The loss of the Spaniards was fifteen; that of the natives, great. Continuing the march towards the north, ^ for seven days they traversed an unin- habited country, full of forests and swamps. At length they came in sight of a village, called Chisca, seated near a wide river.'^ * This was the largest stream they had discovered in their expedition, and the Spaniards called it the Rio Grande. It is evidently the Mississippi. Juan Coles, one of the fol- lowers of De Soto, says that the Indian name of the river was Chucagua. The Portuguese narrator says, that in one place it was called Tomaliseu ; in another, Tupata ; in another, Mico ; and at that part where it enters the sea, Ri. It is probable it had difierent names among the difierent Indian tribes. The village of Chisca, near its banks, was called by the Portuguese narrator, Quizquiz.
It is generally conjectured that Chisca, the village near which De Soto was encamped, and which bore the name of ibe chieftain of the province through whose territories the Spaniards were passing, occupied the site of the present thriving city of Memphis, and that the point where they crossed the Mississippi was near the Chickasaw Bluff. A mournful interest will be excited in the mind of the Ten- nessee reader to know every incident that occurred during the sojourn of the cavaliers near our boundaries or within our state. We copy from Irving.
" The Indiaiis of this province, owing to their unceasing warfare with the natives of Chicaza, and the country lying between them being un- peopled, knew nothing of the approach of the strangers. The moment the Spaniards descried the village, they rushed into it in a disorderly manner, took many Indian prisoners, of both sexes and of all ages, and pillaged the houses.
'^Od a high arti6cial mound, on one^ide of the village, stood the dwellioff of the cacique, which served as a fortress. The only ascent to it was by two ladders. Many of the Indians took refuge there, while others fled to a dense wood, that arose between the village and the river. Chisca, the chieftain of the province, was very old and lying ill in his bed. flearinff the tumult and shouts, however, he raised himself nd went forth ; and as he beheld the sacking of his village, and the CMtore of his vassals, he seized a tomahawk, and began to descend in a ftnioos ragei threatening vengeance and extermination to all who had
• Irving.
80 INDIAN COUNCIL.
dared to enter his domains without permission. With all these bniy»> does, the cacique, besides being infirm and very old, was pitiful in his dimensions ; the most miserable little Indian that the Spaniards had seen in all their marchings. He was animated, however, by the deeds and exploits of his youth, for he had been a doughty warrior and ruled over a vast province.
^* The women and attendants of the cacique surrounded him, and, with tears and entreaties, prevailed upon him not to descend ; at the same time, those who came up from the village informed him that the enemy were men such as they had never before beheld or heard o( and that Uiey came upon strange animals of great size and wonderful agility. If you desire to battle with them, said they, to avenge this injury, ii will be better to summon together the warriors of the neighbourhood, and await a. more fitting opportunity. In the meantime, let us put on the semblance of friendship, and not, by any inconsiderate rashness, provoke our destruction. With these and similar arguments, the women and attendants of the cacique prevented his sallying forth to batUe. He continued, however, in great wrath, and when ^e governor sent him a message, offering peace, he returned an answer, refusing all amity, and breathing fiery vengeance.
^ De Soto and his followers, wearied out with the harassing war&ie of the past winter, were very desirous of peace. Having pillaged the Tillage and offended the cacique, they were in something of a dilemma ; aooordmgly, they sent him many gentle and most soothing messages. Added to their disinclination for war, they observed, that during the three hours they had halted in the village, nearly four thousand weQ armed warriors had rallied around the cadque, and they feared that if such a multitude could assemble in such a short time, there must be large reinforcements in reserve. They perceived, moreover, that the situation of the village was very advantageous for the Indians, and very unfavourable to them ; for the plains around were covered with trees and intersected by numerous streams, which would impede the move- ments of the cavalry. But more than all this, they had learned from sad experience, that these incessant conflicts did not in the least profit them ; day after day, man and horse were slain, and, in the midst of a hostile country, and far from home and hope of succour^ their number was gradually dwindling away.
^ The Indians held a council, to discuss the messages of the strangers. Many were for war ; they were enraged with the imprisonment of their wives and children, and the pillage of their property — to recover which, according to their fierce notions, the only recourse was arms. Others, who had not lost any thing, yet desired hostilities, from a natural indi- nation for fighting. They ^inshed to exhibit their valour and prowess, and to try what kind of men these were, who carried such strange arms. The more padfic savages, however, advised that the proffered peaoe should be accepted, as the surest means of recovering tneir wives, and children, and CTOcts. They added, that the enemy might bum their vil- lages and lay waste their fields, at a time when their grain was almost ripening, and thus add to their calamities. The valour of these stranr
DB SOTO AND HIS ARMY CROSS THE MISSISSIPPI. 81
gen, said they, is sufficiently evident ; for men who have passed through BO many enemies, cannot be otherwise than brave.
*^ This latter counsel prevailed. The cacique, dissembling his anger, replied to the envoy, that since the Spaniards entreated for peace, he would grant it, and allow them to halt in the village, and give them food, on condition that they would immediately free his subjects and restore their effects, not keeping a single article. He also stipulated that they should not mount to see him. If these terms were accepted, he said he would be friendly ; if not, he defied them to the combat.
^ The Spaniards readily agreed to these conditions ; the prisoners and plmider were restored, and Uie Indians departed from the village, leaving food in the dwellings for the Spaniards, who sojourned here six days to tend the sick. On the last day, with the permission of the cacique, De Boto visited him, and thanked him for his friendship and hospitality, and, on the subsequent day, they resumed their march. Departing from Chisca, the army travelled by slow journeys of three leagues a day, on account of the wounded and sick. They lollowed up the windings of the river until the fourth day, when they came to an opening in the thickets. Heretofore, they had been threading a vast and dense forest, bordering the stream, whose banks were so high, on both sides, that they oould neither descend nor clamber up them. De Soto found it necessary to halt in this place twenty days, to build boats or piraquas to eross the river ; for, on the opposite bank, a great multitude of Indian warriors were assembled, well armed, and with a fleet of canoes to defend the passage.
'^The morning after the governor had encamped, some of the natives ▼iflited him. Advancing without speaking a word, and turning their frees to the east, they made a profound genuflexion to the sun ; then fedng to the west, they made the same obeisance to the moon, and con- tluded with a similar, but less humble, reverence to De Soto. They said that they came in the name of the cacique of the province, and in the name of all his subjects, to bid them welcome, and to offer their friendship and services ; and added, that they were desirous of seeing what kind of men these strangers were, as there was a tradition handed down from their ancestors, that a white people would come and conquer their country. The adelantado said many kind things in reply, and dinnifised them well pleased with their courteous reception."
At the end of twenty days, four piraqaas were built and launched. About three hours before the dawn of day, De Soto ordered them to be manned, and four troopers of tried courage to go in each. The rowers pulled strongly, and when they were within a stone's throw of the shore, the troopers dashed into the water, and, meeting with no opposi- tion from the enemy, they easily eflfected a landing and made themselves masters of the pass* Two hours before tlie mm went down, the whole army had passed over tli9
88 TBS FRXNCH ASCEND THS ST. LAWRENCE.
( Mississippi. The river in this place, says the Por- ( tuguese historian, was a half leagae from one shore to the other, so that a man standing still could scarce be discerned from the opposite bank. The stream was of great depth, very muddy, and was filled with trees and timber carried along by the rapidity of the current.
It is deemed not necessary to the purpose of these annals^ to follow the route of De Soto further. The object of bis expedition had been conquest and colonization. He had thus far succeeded in neither. The generous mind sympa- thizes in his reverses of fortune. The captor oi Atahualpa entreated a peace with the superannuated cacique of Chisca ; a leader at the storming of Cusco, asked leave to bivouao in the wigwam of his subjects ; and the Governor of Cuba begs for the hospitalities of the chieftain of an interior pro- vince on the banks of the Mississippi. It is painful to wan- der with him a year longer in the wild and boundless soli- tudes west of that stream, or to trace his return to it, to die ( in the secluded forest upon its shore. It will be suffi-
1543 1
( cient to remark, that the death of the enterprising^ commander of the expedition, the vast amount of money (100,000 ducats) expended, the loss of more than two-thirds of his army, his failure to find gold or to achieve any of the objects of the undertaking, discouraged further attempts by Europeans to penetrate this part of the country ; and it was not till 1673 that another adventurer from the Old World again visited what is now known as Tennessee.
Maritime discoveries were, however, still prosecuted ; and at the very time De Soto was carrying on his abortive invasion by land, the interior of North America was sought in another direction, and under the auspices of another nation. In 1542, Cartier and Roberval had sailed up the St Lawrence, built a fort, and made a feeble efibrt to explore and settle Canada. The colony was soon abandoned, and for half a century the French took no measures to establish settlements there. England, also, partook of the spirit of exploration and adventure that was still active and engross- ing. That power, in consequence of the discoveries by the Gabots, bad taken formal possession, under Sir Humphrey
mALEIGff LAHDB IH NOETH-OAKOLIKA. 98
Gilbert, in 1 563, of Newfoundland. The next year, Queen Elizabeth, by royal patent, authorized Sir Walter Raleigh to discover and occupy such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, not possessed or inhabited by Christian people, as to him should seem good.* Under this patent, Raleigh sent two experienced commanders, Amadas and Barlow, to ex* plore the country then called Florida. They arrived on the American coast, July 4, 1584, and sailed along the shore one htindred and twenty miles, before they could, find an entrance, by any river, issuing into the sea. Coihing to one at length, they entered it, and having manned their boats and viewed the a<yoinitig lands, they took formal possession of the coun- try for the Queen of England.! They had landed upon the Isli^nd of Wocoken, the southernmost of the islands forming Oeracock Inlet, upon the coast of our parent state,' North- Carolina* The adventurers explored Roanoke Island and Albemarie Sound, and, after a short stay, returned to Eng* land, *^ accompanied by Manteo and Wanchese, two natives of the wilderness ; and the returning voyagers gave such glowing descriptions of their discoveries as might be ex- pected from men who had done no more than sail over the smooth waters of a summerV sea, among 'the hundred is- lands' of North-Carolina. Elizabeth, as she heard their reports, esteemed her reign signalized by the discovery of the enchanting regions, and, as a memorial of her state of life;, named them Virginia.^;!^ Raleigh', determined to carry into eflTect his scheme of colonization, found little difficulty in collecting together a large company of emigrants, and, in April ,of 1585, fitted out a new expedition of seven vessels and one hundred and eight colonists, with which to form the first settlement upon the soil of Carolina. The fleet reached Wocoken the 26th of June, and having left the colony tinder the direction of Ralf L&ne as its governor. Sir Richard
* Thus QoMti EUnbeth ezecntad the first patent from an Engliah soTereign, iac anj landa withlo the territory of tbe United States, to Sir Walter Ealei^t* Its date is March 26, 16S4. The present State of Tennessee is within its bonn- dariefl^ but nearl j two centuries elapsed before that part of the queen's grant waa wlded.
fHolnea. 4 Bancroft.
8
84 JAlffEfl TOWV LAID OFF.
Grenville, in command of the ships, returned to Plymouth. The colony, however, was destined to be short-lived. Its members became discontented, their supplies were exhausted, they sighed '* for the luxuries of the cities of their native land,^' and an opportune arrival of Sir Francis Drake fur- nished the means of their return to England. *
Sir Walter Raleigh, not to be driven from his purpose of ( colonization by past failures, collected another body ( of emigrants, with wives and families and implements of husbandry ; intending to form an agricultural community, in which the endearments of home and the means of pro- curing a certain subsistence, might ensure stability and per- manence. This new and more promising colony, with Jolm White for its governor, was sent out in April, and arrived July 23, at Roanoke, where the foundations of the ** citie of Raleigh" were laid.
Eleanor Dare, wife of one of the assistants, and the daugh- ter of Governor White, gave birth to a female child, the first ofi*spr]ng of English parents on the soil of the United States.* It was called, from the place of its birth, Virginia Dare.
But the wise policy and liberal provision of Raleigh .were' lost upon this his last colony. In 1590 not a vestige of its existence could be found.
In 1607, a more successful efibrt secured the formation of a permanent English colony in America. Captain Newport commanded a fleet of three ships, with one hundred emi- grants, to Virginia. He had intended to land at Roanoke, and make further attempts to form a settlement there ; but being driven by a storm to the northward of that place, the fleet entered Chesapeake Bay, and, on the 13th of May, the adventurers took possession of a peninsula upon the north side of the river Powhatan. Here they laid ofl* a town, whichi in honour of the king, they called James Town. The charter under which this flrst English colony in America was planted, reserved supreme legislative authority to the king ; And while a general superintendence of the colony was con- fided to a council in England, appointed by him, its local ad- ministration was entrusted to a council residiAg within its
* Bancroft. .
FIR9T REPRESENTATIVE BODY IN AMERICA. 8&
limits. ^To the emigrants themselves it conceded not one elective franchise ; not one of the rights of self-government*'*
A second charter, in 1609, invested the company with the election of the council and the exercise of legislative power, independent of the crown.
In 1612, a third patent gave to the company a more demo- cratic form ; power was transferred from the council to the stockholders, and ** their sessions became the theatre of bold and independent discussions.'^ In 1619, the colonists them- selves were allowed to share in legislation ; and in June of that year, the governor, the council, and two representatives from each of the boroughs, constituted the first popular repre- sentative body of the western hemisphere.f In 16S1, a writ- ten constitution was brought out by Sir Francis Wyat, gov- ernor of the colony, extending still further the representative principle. Under its provisions two burgesses were to be chosen for the assembly by every town, hundred or particu- lar plantation. All matters were to be decided by a majority in the assembly, reserving to the governor the veto power» and requiring the sanction of the general court of the com- pany in England. On the other hand, no order of the gene- ral court was to bind the colony until assented to by the as- sembly ; each colonist thus became a freeman and a citizen^ and ceased to be a servant of a commercial company, and dependent on the will and orders of his superior.;]; The colony flourished, and its frontier extended to the Potomac in the interior, and coastwise expanded to Albemarle Sound, upon which the first permanent settlers in North-Carolina pitched their tent, having been attracted by the report of an adven- turer from Virginia, who, on his return from it, '' celebrated the kindness of the native people, the fertility of the country, and the happy climate, that yielded two harvests in ea^h year.'*§ These representations of the advantages of the eoantry, and the prosperous condition of its pioneer emigrants, awakened the cupidity and excited the ambition of English coartiers. On the 24th of March, 1663, Charles II. granted to Edward, Earl of Clarendon, Monk, Lord Craven, Lord Ashley Cooper, Sir John Colleton, Lord John Berkeley, Sir
•Bincnlt t.II<ilB>«^ (Idem. § Smitli's Yngiiiia.
S6 BBLP-OOVERirBfElfT PROVIDSD FOE.
William Berkeley, and Sir George Carteret, all the country from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, included between the thirty-first and thirty-sixth parallels of latitude, and consti- tuted them its proprietors and immediate sovereigns. Exten- sive as was this grant, the proprietaries in June, 1665, secured by a second patent, an enlargement of their powers, and such further extent of their boundaries, as to include all the country between the parallels of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes and twenty-nine degrees north latitude, embracing all the territory of North and South-Carolina, Georgia, Ten- nessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, a part of Florida and Missouri, and much of Texas, New Mexico ani California. That part of its northern boundary extending from the top of the Alleghany mountain to the eastern bank of the Tennessee river, is the line of separation between Vir^ ginia and iTennessee, and Kentucky and Tennessee;
** Among other powers conferred upon the lord proprietors was that of enacting laws and constitutions for the people t>f that province, by and with the advice, assent and approbation of the freemen thereof or of the greater part of them, or of their delegates or deputies, who were to be assembled from time to time for that purpose.^^ * So early and so deeply was the germ of self-government planted in Carolina. In 16H7, thB first constitution was given by the proprietary government. It directed that the governor should act with the udvice of a council of twelve, one half to be appointed by himself, the other half by the assembly, and this was to be composed of the governor, the council, and twelve delegates chosen by the freeholders.*
Historians do not agree as to the precise year in which the fibret legislative body in North-Carolina convened. It was certainly, however, in 1066 or 1667. This legislature was called the ^ Grand Assembly of the County of Albemarlp.** Its principal acts were such as were believed to be reqoireil by the peculiar situation of the country, and were prompted by* an anxious desire to increase its population.!
While the colonists of Virginia and Carolina were slowly extending their settlements in the direction of Tennessee,
•liwfaoeofRiftisedSUtiileiofNortM^arMiia. fldmtu
ALLEOHANIES FIB8T ORO0SED. ^7
they remained entirely ignorant of the great interior of the continent. It was the policy of the proprietors to know some- thing more of the vast domains within the limits of their grants, and explorations were projected to ascertain and oc- cupy them. In their hunting excursions, the highlands of Virginia had been seen, but adventure had not discovered the distant sources of its rivers, and the country beyond the Blue Ridge was yet unknown. Its original inhabitants still roamed through the ancient woods, free,- independent and secure, in happy ignorance of the approaches of civilized man. Its flora, scattered in magnificent profusion over hill and dale, mountain and prairie, still '' wasted its fragrance on the desert atr." La Belle Reviere, in quietude and silence, winded along its placid current through the " dark and bloody land " to the Father of Rivers, which itself, in turbid violence, rolled its angry floods in solitary grandeur to the sea. It was not till 1655, that ''Colonel Woods, who dwelt at the falls of James river, sent suitable persons on a journey of discovery to the westward ; they crossed the Alleghany mountains, and reached the banks of the Ohio and other rivers emptying into the Mississippi." * The route pursued is not distinctly known. It is scarcely probable that, ascending the James river. Colonel Woods fell into the beautiful valley of Vir- ginia, and, following its course, passed through the upper part of East Tennessee and Cumberland Gap to the Ohio. With the limited knowledge then had of the geography of the West, the Holston would be considered as an immediate tri- butary o^the Mississippi. If such was indeed the route pur- sued. Colonel Woods was the pioneer in that great channel of emigration that more than a century afterwards began to pour its immense flood of emigrants from the Atlantic to the West
In the meantime, religious enthusiasm and French loyalty were extending discoveries to the westward in another chan- neL The feeble settlements of the French planted upon the 1605 i ^^' Lawrence, were strengthened and extended along ( the great lakes. In 1665, Father Claude AlloUez em- backed on a mission to the Far West by way of the Ottawa*
* Martin's North-CaroUna, toI. 1, p. 116.
38 CHICKASAW BLUFF.
Daring bis voyages along the lakes, and his sojourn in the immense wilds around them, '' he lighted the torch of faith for more than twenty different nations.^ His curiosity was roused by bearing from the Illinois ^ the tale of the noble river on which they dwelt, and which flowed towards the south." AUoUez reported its name to be Messipu
In 1673, Marquette, another missionary, and Joliet, pene- trated beyond the lakes. Talon, the intendant of New France, wished to signalize his administration by *' ascertain- ing if the French, descending the great river of the central west, could bear the banner of France to the Pacific, or plant it, side by side with that of Spain, on the Gulf of Mexico.** • Under his patronage, Marquette and Joliet, with five French companions and two Algonquins as guides, entered upon the enterprise. Their canoes were carried across the narrow portage between the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, and on the 10th of* June, in the beautiful language of Bancroft, France
\ and Christianity stood in the valley of the Mississippi.
( Descending the Wisconsin in seven days, they entered the great river. They were peaceably received by the Illi- nois and other Indian tribes along its banks. The Missouri was then known by its Algonquin name, Pekitanoni. The Ohio was then, and long after, called the Wabash. In the map published with Marquette's Journal, in 1661, numerous villages are laid down upon its banks as inhabited by the (Ghauvanon) Shawnees, and east of them, in the interior, are represented dense Indian settlements or villages of different tribes, and all situated between the thirty-fifth and thirty- sixth degrees. Highlands corresponding to the first, second and third Chickasaw Bluffs, as now known, are delineated with considerable accuracy ; as is also a large island in the Mississippi nearly opposite to the lower bluff, now known as President's Island. The Ohio has a tributary running into it from the south-east, and the Shawnee villages occupy a place upon the map between that tributary and the Missis- sippi. The latter stream is spelled Mitchisipi.' In the land of the Chickasaws, the Indians had guns, obtained probably by traffic or warfare with the Spaniards. Lower down 4he
* Bancroft.
FIBST CABIN AND FORT IN TENNESSEE. 89
river axes were also seen, acquired probably in the same way.
The adventurers descended as low as the mouth- of the Arkansas, and on the 17th of July ascended the Mississippi on their return. The account of their voyage and discove- ries excited among their countrymen brilliant schemes of colonization in the south-west, — a spirit of territorial aggran- dizement for the crown of France, and of commerce between Enrope and the Mississippf — and La Salle was commissioned to perfect the discovery of the great river. In 1682, he de- scended that stream to the sea, planted the arms of France near the Gulf of Mexico, claimed the territory for that power, and in honour of his monarch, Louis XIV., gave it the name of Louisiana. As he passed down the river he framed a cabin anQ built a fort,* called Prud'homme, on the first Chickasaw Bluff. The first work, except probably the pira- quas of De Soto, ever executed by the hand of civilization within the boundaries of Tennessee. A cabin and a fort I Fit emblem and presage of the future in Tennessee. The axe and the rifle, occupancy and defence, settlement and con- qaestl
While at the Bluff, La Salle entered into amicable arrange- ments for opening a trade with the Chickasaws, and esta- blished there a trading post that should be a point of ren- dezvous for traders passing from the Illinois country to the posts that should be established below. The commercial acumen of . La Salle in founding a trading post at this point, is now made most manifest. Near the same ground has since arisen a qity, whose commerce already exceeds that of any other in Tennessee, and whose facilities for trade, foreign and domestic, by land or water, portend a commercial destiny ■earcely inferior to that of the ancient Memphis ; and, after die accomplishment of the public improvements contemplated and projected, not surpassed by any point upon the Missis- ikippi above New-Orleans.
Thns one hundred and eighty years after the discovery of America, and one hundred and thirty years after De Soto had erosBed our western limit, did Marquette and Joliet coast
* Martin*8 North-Carolina, toL 1, p. 176.
40
niAHI.IW TDWM LAID OUT.
nloiifT i»inl ilittwivpr lli«* \vi*»trrn l>c>uiulnry of Tennesiee. thiiH, mil- liiiiulrr-il yi'iirs nWer l{iii't'ii Klizahplh had : tlir ]iiili'iit (<■ Sir WiiIdT Itiili'iRli, did l,;i SuIIp claim : iiioiiiirfli, (.Hiiis \IV., the rit'li tloiiinin. with the illinr mill iiint;i>ili('<'iit rrKotirrcs u( tW cn-iil Mississippi ' III iiniiiCnt' till' uiKvrltiia tonurr ol nil carihly monai tiiiiy lio rriiiiirkcil, lli.-il lli<< oltiiins ol' U>tli these riv* tIttiiiH liiivo loiiK siiiro ))tiNSf(l into llu< liiiiiils of Othei tliiil Aiiii'rii'iiii !«>vt*r»'iBniii** »ni) Aiiicrirnii freemei IHWNrNs Hint oontni) lhi< rioli hfri;:i::o wliich. in its 1' lorriloriiil !ii*iiiiiNition, Kiiropriiti roynliy liail. with mun |inNl))titliiy, ii|i)iro)ir)iiloil lor triut>-»ilaiuio suhiects.
Artor iliis r;ii>iil siirv«-\ of Kn-iu-Ii oxplnratioo ai i'uvrry in ilir Wt-sl, wr rt'tiirti lo noiioo :'ur:her ihe ( mill i-NtviiMon or' \ inrmiA »iiil C:iiMl:n:i. n> ihroo^b tti K-titT )t<Ti>>ils, wciv the iiriiik'ipnl »\rnur^ oi cmi^ra "IV-nin's'nv,
111 iho loniH'r o.>lor). :i-!«|v^rary .::mt-i:!:io* rrsailt*" rtt il i*i^ii:noi;i«ti a»hi .v,'.i>,i''na; sc£fv»,onj of lb* ni mill -.he pfl^ftTiaev.: :-..a.: Wtv. o.^i.'.uo:*-.! » iih »uc] iw.\^<T,ii:.M-. ;!-..-\: ::■»-;■.■. :> w .-.» r^ *:.--i ,;. stid a ra] orrsw .m" }vj^«".,'»;tvr. s-.: ::.f <\:. ;.>..;■. .-■:" ib? fwnli to:j.'««s;. i- I(i"i. \ -^ r s ;-,■■■ "n : iv. :.•-.} ;iiOiaRaiid
AS-m»TT. .'> N.--:, -*.'■-, .; ,-. w ..<::< r. (A. ird. con in )i»T(V aNv.:: j.^tso?- r ..: .■;~-.. ■■.i,:;^ Clbw
mrn;> Ss,-. >;■<,;- ■,■ (\:st:-. h ..-..c I! .-..fc*: siwUl "* Vbr .^w,:■.^.^:>.-. .-.. S r .' ..■ ■ ^ : a— ..'.:.v. m :..- n.i<*c litr | lit«n »tv;;rs: Os:v T'fx-. " .•.> : \'i :• ■:■.. / » t-r ;T.a; wriu ^■»i;ih«*r.: .-.; ^'xrw **,- : -f ■ T": 7. M,'-!- :-oiii Ciai »n.i i\i~: S.-^Ti -v>.v- "v, -.- ;;.- :..'.-►-,.; A?-!.'* » r.T-cr.' !»!■;. -.v.; i>.5.-.-^.«T ■ w;., ;. . ....: .1, .rr*. -
tt upf
OUI^BPKk's &EBELMOM. M
was removed to the point formed by the confluence of the A&hley and Cooper rivers, and was dechired to be the capital for the general administration of government in Carolina.
In December, 1077, Miller,a collector of the royal customs, in. attempting to reform some abuKes in Albemarle, became obnoxious to the people; and an insurrection followed. The insurgents, conducted chU-fly by Culpeper, imprisoned the president and seven proprietary deputies, seized the royal revenue, established courts of justice, appointed officers, called a parliament, and for two years exercised all the authority of an independent state. This insurrection, rather this bold attempt at revolution and self-government by the fourteen hundred colonists of Albemarle, deserves a further notice. We copy from Marshall :
"The proprietors of Carolina, disaatisfiRd with their own system, applied lo the celebrated Mr. Ixvke for the plan of a constitution. They ■nppot^d thiit this profoand and accurate reasoner munt be deeply skilled in the science of guvernmcnL In com^iliance with their request, he frnmed a body of fundamental laws, which were approved and adopted. A palatine for life was to be chosen from among the proprio- toTB, who was to act as president of the paktine court, which waa to be composed of all those who were entrusted with the execution of the IMS -! P"™^™ granted by the charter. A body of hereditary nobility j was created, to be denominated landgrares and caciquex, the former to be invested with four baronies, consisting each of four thou- aand acres, and the latter to have two, contaiLing each two thousand acres of land. These estates were to descend with the dignities forever. The provincial legislature, den^minaU^d a parliament, nas to consist of the proprietors, in the absence of any one of whom his place was to bo aupplied by a deputy appointed by himself, of the nobility, and of the representatives of the freeholders, who were elected by districts. These discordant materials were to compose a single body, which could initiate nothing. The bills to be laid before it were to be prepared in a grand council, composed of the goii'emor, the nobility, and the deputies of the proprietors, who were invested also with the execative powers. At the end of every century, the laws were to become vdd without the fbmtality of a repeal. Various judicatories were erected, and numerous miaiite perplexing regulations were made."
The Duke of Albemarle was chosen th« finit pnlntinfl, And*
1670 { ^^ philosophic Locke himself was created a land-
( grave. When Governor Stephens attempted to in^-
dnee, as he was ordered to do, this constitution in Albemarln
the innovation Was strenaoasly opposed ; and the d
42 ALBEM Alf^ Iin>EPB!rDEirr.
it produced was increased by a rurooor that the proprieton designed to dismember the province. At length these diseon* tents broke oat into open insurrection, and resulted, as h been narrated, in the establishment, under Culpeper, of independent government. Thus furnishing, in the language of the same writer, additional evidence to the many affotded by history, of the great but neglected truth, that ezperienee is the only safe school in which the science of government is to be acquired, and that the theories of the closet roust have the stamp of practice, before they can be received with imp* plicit confidence. The truth is, the people of Albemarle were, perhaps of all communities, the least favourable for a fair experiment of the philosophic system of Mr. Locke. It con- tained scarcely a single feature suited to the wants of a primitive people. Most of its provisions were in conflict with their interests. They needed little legislation and less goT- emment, and heretofore they had legislated for and governed themselves. ** The representative principle, indeed the right of self-government, seems to have been, if not an inheritance to the Carolina colonists, certainly cognate and inborn. Thej were the * freest of the free.' Self-government was epidemie to them. It was inherited from them. It has descended without allov or adulteration to their descendants bevondthe mountain. Its contagion has afiected the original territorial boundaries of Carolina, has crossed the Mississippi, pervades all Texas, approaches Mexico and^alifornia, and can have its ardour quenched only by the waves of the Pacific. From the germ at Albemarle sprang, remotely, our independence ; and the seed sown in 1677, although it required the culture of ninety-eight years to bring it to maturity, continued to vegetate, till it produced the rich harvest of American ind^ pendence." *
The proprietors, discovering the growing dissatisfaction of
1^^ t the colbaists with the constitution of Mr. Locke, abol-
) isfaed it, and wisely substituted the ancient form of
While the grievances in Carolina were being redressed,
* WmtcB before the var with Mi
bacon's rebellion. 43
discontents in Virginia assumed a serious aspect ; and about the same time that Gulpeper was revolutionizing Albemarle, a rebellion appeared at Jamestown, and was headed by Bacon, a member of the council. It was so far successful as to produce the flight of Governor Berkeley from the capital, a convention of the people, a new election of burgesses, and a new government. A civil war followed ; the insurgents burned Jamestown, and would probably have entirely sub- verted the authority of the governor, but for the sudden death of their daring leader.
The pacification which followed the death of Bacon, was itnn S ^^^o^P^oi^d "^i^b increased emigration and an exten- I sion of the settlements into the valley of Virginia. In 1090, they reached to the Blue Ridge, and explorations of the distant West were soon after undertaken. " Early in his ad- \ IW4 S n^J'^^^ration, Colonel Alexander Spotswood, Lieu- ^
( tenant-Governor of Virginia, was the first who passed the Apalachian mountains, or Great Blue Hills, and the gen- tlemen, his attendants, were called Knights of the Horseshoe, having discovered a horse pass," * ** Some rivers have been discovered on the west side of the Apalachian mountains, which fall into the River Ohio, which falls into the River Mississippi below the River Illinois." f It is said that Gov- ernor Spotswood passed Cumberland Gap during his tour of exploration, and gave the name to that celebrated pass, the mountain and the river, which they have ever since borne.
Intestine wars prevailed among the numerous Indian tribes in Carolina, and the colonists, as the means of their own security, had fomented these disputes between the natives. As early as 1693, twenty chiefs of the Cherokee nation waited upon Governor Smith, and solicited the protection of his gov- ernment against the Esaw and Congaree (Coosaw) % Indians, who had lately invaded their country and taken prisoners. The governor Expressing a disposition to cultivate their friendship, promised to do what he could for their defence. In 1711, the Tuscaroras, Corees, and other tribes, attempted the extermination of the settlers upon Roanoke. One hundred
• Snmmiry, historical and political, of British Settlements. Vol 2, p. 363
t Idem. X Martin.
44 CAROUVA DIVIDBP.
and thirty-seven were massacred. The news of the disaster reaching Charleston, Governor Craven sent Colonel Barnwell, with six, hundred militia and nearly four hundred Indians, to their relief. These allies consisted, in part, of the Cherokees and Creeks. The Tuscaroras were subdued, and the hostile part of the tribe emigrated to the vicinity of Oneida Lake, and became the sixth nation of the Iroquois confederacy. ** Thus the power of the natives was broken, and the interior forests became safe places of resort to the emigrant.'^ *
The alliance between the colonists of Carolina and the aboriginal inhabitants, perhaps never cordial, was certainly of short duration. In less than five years after Colonel Barn- well's expedition against the Tuscaroras, every Indian tribe, from Florida to Cape Fear, had united in a confederacy for the destruction of the settlements in Carolina. The Con** garees, Catawbas, Cherokees and Creeks, had joined the Yamassees in this conspiracy. They had recently received presents, and guns and ammunition from the Spaniards at St. Augustine ; and it has been supposed that the defection of the Indians may be traced to their authority and seductive influence. The confederates, after spreading slaughter and desolation through the unsuspecting settlements, were met by 1716 ^ Governor Craven at Salkehachie, and defeated and I driven across the Savannah.
In 1 71 9, a domestic revolution took place in the southern part of Carolina. The proprietary government had, from the operation of several causes, become unpopular with the people. An association was therefore formed for uniting the whole province against the government of the proprietors, and '' to stand by their rights and privileges." The members elected to the assembly '' voted themselves a convention dele* gated by the people, and resolved on having a governor of their own choosing." The new form of government went into operation without the least confusion or-struggle.f
In 1732, the province was divided into two distinct govern- ments, called NorthTCarolina and South-Carolina.
In the meantime the French had extended their settlements, laid out Kaskaskias and other towns, and built several forts
• Bancroft f ^^urtin.
FIRST 6TORB IN TENNESSEE. 45
in the valley of the Mississippi, and established New-Orleans npon its bank. It had become evident that their intention was, not only to monopolize the Indian traffic in the West, but by a chain of forts on the great passes from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico, to confine the English colonies to narrow limits along the coast of the Atlantic, and, by their influence with the natives, to^ retard their growth and check their ex- pansion westward. Traders from Carolina had already pene- trated to the country of the Chickasaws and Choctaws, but had been driven from the villages of the latter by the influ- ence of Bienville, of Louisiana. By prior discovery, if not by conquest or occupancy, France claimed the whole valley of the Mississippi. '' Louisiana stretched to tlfe head-springs of the Alleghany and the Monongahela, of the Kenhawa and the Tennessee. Half a mile from the head of the southern branch of the Savannah river is Herbert's Spring, which flows to the Mississippi ; strangers* who drank of it would say they had tasted of French waters.^' This remark of Adair may probably explain the English name of the principal tributary of the Holston. Traders and hunters from Carolina, in exploring the country and passing from the head waters of Broad river, of Carolina, and falling upon those of the stream with which they inosculate west of the mountain, would hear of the French claim, as Adair did, and call it, most naturally, French Broad.
M. Charleville, a French trader from Crozafs colony at 1114 \ New-Orleans, came among the Shawnees then inhab- I iting the country upon the Cumberland river, and traded with them. His store was built upon a mound near the present site of Nashville, on the west side of Cumberland river, near French Lick Creek, and about seventy yards from each stream. M. Charleville thiis planted upon the banks of the Cumberland the germ of civilization and commerce, un- conscious that it contained the seminal principle of future wealth, consequence and empire.
About this period the Cherokees and Chickasaws expelled the Shawnees from their numerous villages upon the lower Camberland.
At the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, the French
^ PADUCAH BUILT.
built and garrisoned Fort Toalouse, Tombeckbee, in the country of the Ghoctaws, Assumption, on the Chickasaw Bluff, and Paducah, at jthe mouth of Cumberland, and trading posts at different points along the Tennessee riveri indicated future conflict of territorial rights, if not aggression and hos- tility between the English and French colonies. Colonial rivalry prompted each to ingratiate itself with and secure the trade and friendship of the native tribes.
In pursuance of this policy. Governor Nicholson, in 1721, sent a message to the Cherokees, inviting them to a general congress, in order to treat of friendship and commerce. The chieftains of thirty-seven different towns met him. He made them presents, smoked with them the pipe of peace, laid off their boundaries, and appointed an agent to superintend their affairs. With the Creeks he also made a treaty of commerce and peace, and appointed an agent to reside among them. In 1730, the projects of the French, for uniting Canada and Louisiana, began to be developed. Already had they extended themselves northwardly from the Gulf of Mexico, and had made many friends among the Indians west of Carolina. To counteract their intentions, it was the wish of Great Britain to convert the Indians into allies or subjects, and to make with them treaties of union and alliance. For this purpose. Sir Alexander Cumming was sent out to treat with the Cherokees, who then occupied the lands about the head of Savannah and backward among the Apalachian mountains. They were computed to amount to more than twenty thousand, six thousand of whom were warriors. Sir \ Alexander having summoned the Lower, Middle, Valley I and Over-hill settlements, met in April the chiefs of all the Cherokee towns at Nequassee,''^ informed them by whose authority he was sent, and demanded of them to acknow- ledge themselves the subjects of his sovereign. King George, and to promise obedience to his authority. Upon which the chiefs, falling on their knees, solemnly promised obedience and fidelity, calling upon all that was terrible to fall upon them if they violated their promise. Sir Alexander then, by
* Martin has it Reqnaasee. It is laid down on Adair's map among the moon- itim neaf Ihe sonroea of tiie Hiwaasee.
TENA8SEE CHIEF TOWN. 47
their unanimons consent, nominated Moytoy* commander and chief of the Cherokee nation. The crown was brought from Tenassee,t their chief town, which, with five eagle tails and four scalps of their enemies, Moytoy presented to Sir Alexander, requesting him, on his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his majesty's feet. But Sir Alexander proposed to Moytoy, that he should depute some of his chiefs to accom- pany him to England, and do homage in person to the great king Six of them, accordingly, did accompany him, and, being admitted to the royal presence, promised, in the name of their nation, to continue forever his majesty's faithful and obedient subjects.;]; A treaty was then drawn up and exe- cuted formally,§ of friendship, alliance and commerce. With- ' oat mentioning the Spaniards and French, it is plain that some of its provisions were intended to exclude their traders from any participation in trafiic with the Cherokees, and to prevent any settlements or forts from being made by them in their country. In consequence of this treaty, a condition of friendship and .peace continued for many years between this tribe and the colonists.
In 1732, the colony of Georgia was projected, and the governor of it, Oglethorpe, effected a treaty with the Lower and Upper Creeks, a large tribe, numbering together betweea twenty and thirty thousand. To-mo-chi-chi was their chief, and with his queen and other Indians accompanied Ogle- thorpe to London. This alliance of the Creeks and Chero- kees with the colonists promised security from the approaches of the Spanish and French in Florida and Louisiana.
These treaties, however, were not considered sufficient guarantees to the southern English colonies of permanent security and quiet. The tribes with which they had been negotiated were in close proximity with rfval nations, and
* Moytoy of Telliqao, probably the modern Tellico.
f TUs M the first place in any of the authorities we have consulted, that Tenaa- see is meatiooed. The town, thus called, was on the west bank of the present Little Tennessee river, a few miles above the mouth of Tellico, and afterward gmve the name to Tennessee river and to the state.
t Hewitt
g Bee Hewitt's History of South-Carolina for an aoooont of this treaty, and also the speech of one of the chiefs, Sldjagustah.
48 PROVINCIAL MEMORIAL.
were easily seduced from their fidelity to a distant monaral^ i by the machinations of French emissaries amongst tbedu j It was, therefore, deemed necessary to adopt further measurfli of protection and defence against future defection and attadb The Carotin as and Georgia were now royal provinces. . Tto crown had already granted them many favours and indiit gences for promoting their success and prosperity, and Ibr. securing them against external enemies. What further t^ vours they expected, may be learned from a memorial aoA representation of the condition of Carolina transmitted to his majesty, bearing date April 9, 1734, and signed by tlitt governor, president of the council, and the speaker of' assembly.* The memorial, after enumerating instances the royal care and protection of these distant parts of dominion, represents —
" That being the southern frontier of aU his American po6ses8ioil%i they are peculiarly exposed to danger from tlie strong castle of Bt^^ Augustine, garrisoned by fuur hundred Spaniards, who have seven! ] nations of Indians under their subjection ; that the French have erectsA^ a considerable town near Fort Thoulous on Mobile river, and sev^il ' other forts and garrisons, somt* of which are not above three hundred miles from their settlement, and that their poss<^ons upon the Miaaii- sippi are strengthened by constant accessions from Canada ; that thev garrisons and rangers are producing disaffection to the English among the Indian tribes, one of which, the Choctaws, consists of above five thousand fighting men ; that they are paving the way for an invasion of the English colonies, by the erection of the Alabama fort in the oentro of the Upper Creeks, which is well garrisoned and mounted with four- teen cannon, and which, with the liberal presents they are making to them, has overawed and seduced them from their allegiance to the dA- tish crown, and from a dependence upon British manufactures for their supplies. An expedient is then proposed, to recover and confirm the Indiana to his raajef^ty^s interest, and that is, by presents to withdimir them from the French alliance, and by building forts araon^ them to enable us to rodu^ Fort Alabama, and prevent the Oherokees from joining our enemies and making; us a prey to the French and savages. The Cherokee nation has lately become very insolent to our traders, and we b^ leave to inform your' majesty that the building and mounting some forts among them may keep them steady in. their fidelity to n8| and that the means of the province are inadequate to its defence-^the militia of Carolina and Georgia not exceeding three thousand five hoxH dred men."
The reaults of this memorial will be given at another
» Hewitt
.«. •■
••.:
• • • •
. « • • •
• ■ • •
• ■
• ••
.■••
FORT ASSUMPTION BUILT. 4ft
place. In 1732, the country in the neighbourhood of Win^ Chester, Virginia, began to be settled.
Louisiana had, in the meantime, reverted from the Missis* ( sippi Company to the crown of France ; and it con- ( tinned to be the policy of Louis to unite the extremes of his North American possessions by a cordon of forts along the Mississippi river. The Chickasaws had been an obstacle to the accomplishment of this purpose. They had resisted the insinuations of French emissaries, and were indeed considered unfriendly to them. It was, therefore, determined to subdue them. A joint invasion, carried into their country from opposite directions, by Bienville and D'Ar- taguette, terminated disastrously to France. A further inva- sion was projected, and
''In the last of June, an army, oomposed of twelve hundred whitea^ ( and twice that number of red and black men, took up its quar- ( ters in Fort Assumption, on the bluff of Memphis ; the re* smitB from France — the Canadians — sunk under the climate. In th« March of next vear, a small detachment proceeded towards the Chickar taw country ; mey were met by messengers who supplicated for peacS| and Bienville gladly accepted the calumet The fort at Memphis was naed — ^the Chickasaws remained the undoubted lords of their country."*
From Kaskaskia to Baton Rouge was a wilderness, and the present Tennessee was again without a single civilized inhabitant, two centuries after Europeans had visited it.
In this year there was a handsome fort at Augusta, where { there was a small garrison of about twelve or fifteen ( men, besides officers. The safety the traders derived from this fort, drew them to that point. Another cause of the growth of the place, was the fertility of the lands around it. The Cherokee Indians marked out a path from Augusta to their nation, so that horsemen could then ride from Savan- nah to all the Indian nations.
** The boundary line between the provinces of Virginia and North- ( Carolina was this year continued, by commissioners appointed by ( the legislatures of the respective provinces, to Holstein river, directly opposite to a place called the Steep Rock."f
* Bancroft.
t Martin. Una if the first time that this tributary of the Tennessee river is yitMaed. Haywood says it was o&lled Holston, from a man of that name wha mt diseoverad and lived upon it. 4
so TEEATr WITH THE CHEROKBE8.
The settlements in Virginia were gradually extended aloBg i *^^ beautiful valley in the direction of Tennessee. ( Those of North-Carolina had reached the delightful country between the Yadkin and Catawba, and Port Dobbs was built in 1756, and had a small neighbourhood of farmers and graziers around it. It stood near the Yadkin, aboat twenty miles west of Salisbury,* and had been erected agreeably to the stipulations of a treaty held by Col. Wnddle with Atta-Culla-Culla, the Little Carpenter, in behalf of the Cherokees. It was usually garrisoned by fifty men. The Indians paid little regard to the treaty, as the next spring they killed some people near the Catawba.
To prevent the influence of the French among the Indian tribes, it became necessary to build some forts in the heart of their country. This policy had been suggested to the crown by the authorities of South-Carolina, in their memo* rial, as already mentioned. A friendly message was received by Governor Glen from the chief warrior of the Over*hiil Settlements in the Cherokee nation, acquainting him that
^ Some Frenchmen and theit allies were among their people, endee- Touring to poison their minds, and that it won Id be nt'cewary to hold a
Sineral coDgress with the nation, and renew their former treaties of end»hip. Accordingly, the governor appointed a time and place tat holding a treaty.**
Governor Glen needed no argument to convince him that
i ^^ alliance with such a tribe was, under present cir-
( cumstances, essential to the security of South-Caro*
lina and her sister provinces, and, accordingly, in 1755, he
met the Cherokee warriors and chiefs in their own country.
^ After the usual ceremonies were over, the governor sat down under a spreading tree, and Chulochcullaf being chosen speaker for^tlie Chero- kee nation, took a seat bef«ide him. The other warriors, about five hun- dred in number, stood around them in solemn silence and deep atten- tion. The governor then arose and made a ppen^h in the name of hia king, representing his great power, wealth and goodness, and his particular regard for hia children, the Cherokees ; and added, that he had many presents to make to them, and expected them, in n^tum, to surrt*nder a share of their territories, and demanded lands to build two forts upon fai their country, to protect them against their enemies, and to be a retreat
* WilKamsoD.
f Prolably Atta-Gulla-Cuila, with whom CoL Waddle of North.CaroUna fof med a treatj.
FORT FRINGE GEORGE BUILT. 51
to their finends and allies. He represented to them the great poverty and wicked designs of the French, and hoped they would permit nona of them to enter their towns.* When the governor had finished hia speech, Chulocbculia arose, and, holding his bow in one hand, hia ahaft of arrows and other symbols in the other, spoke to the following efl^: 'What I now speak, our father, the great king, should hear. Wa are brothers to the people of Carolina — one house covers us all.' Then taking a boy by the hand, he presented him to the governor, saying— * We, our wives and our children, are all children of the great King Oeoige. I have .brought this child, that when he grows up he may remember pur agreement on this day, and tell it to the next generation, that it may be known forever.' Then, opening his bag of earth and laying it at the governor's feet, said — ' We freely surrender a part of our landa to the great king. The French want our possessions, but we will defend them while one of our nation shall remain alive.' Then shew- ing hia bows and arrows, he added — ' These are all the arms we can make for our defence. We hope the king will pity his children, tha CSierokees, and send us guns and ammunition. We fear not tha Fkench. Give us arms, and we will go to war against the enemies of the great king.' Then, delivering the governor a string of wampum in ocNQ&mation of what he had sud, he added — * My speech is at an end ; It is the voice of the Cherokee nation. I hope the governor will send ft to the kingi that it may be kept forever.' "
At this treaty a large cession of territory was made to the kingy and deeds of conveyance were formally executed by the head men, in the name of the whole people.
Soon after this cession, Governor Glen built Fort Prince George upon the Savannah, near its source, and three hun- dred miles from Charleston, and within gun-shot of an Indian town, called Keowee. It contained barracks for one hundred ihen, and was well mounted with cannon, and designed for a defence of the western frontier of the province.
The earl of Loudon, who had been appointed commander { of the king's troops in America, and governor of the I province of Virginia, came over in the spring of this year. He sent Andrew Lewis to build another fort on Ten- nessee river, on the southern bank, at the highest point of its navigation, nearly opposite to the spot on which Tellico Block House has since been placed, and about thirty miles fix>m the present town of Knoxville ; the fort was called, in
• There is naaoa to believe that the French at this time had trading estaUish- ments oo tiie TennesBce river, about the Muscle Shoals, in close propin^aity with tlie Over-bill Cherokees, and that in their hunting, trapping and trading ezour- I, they bad aaoeoded to the centre of East Tennessee.
52 FORT LOUDON BUILT.
honour of the earl, Fort Loudon. Lewis informed Governor Dobbs that, on his arrival at Chota, he had received the kindest usage from Old Hop, the Little Carpenter, and that the Indians in general expressed their readiness to comply with the late treaty with the Virginia commissioners (Byrd and Randolph). They manifested this disposition while the fort was building ; but when it was finished, and they were pressed to fulfil their engagements, and send warriors to Virginia, they equivocated. Lewis observed that the French and their Indian allies, the Savannahs, kept a regular cor* respondence with the Cherokees, especially those of the great town of Tellico. He expressed his opinion that some scheme was on foot for the distress of the English back settlers, and that the Cherokees greatly inclined to join the Frenoli. While he was at Chota, messengers had come to the Little Carpenter, (Atta-Culla-Culla,) from the Nantowees, the Sa^ vannahs, and the French at the Alabama fort. He took notice that the object of the communications were indas^ triously concealed from him, and that a great alteration in that chiefs behaviour towards him had ensued. In return, towards the latter part of September, a Frenchman, who had Jived a considerable time among the Cherokees, accom- panied by a Cherokee woman, who understood the Shawnee tongue, went from Chota to the Alabama fort, and to the Savannah Indians. The object of his visit to the French, was to press them for the accomplishment of a promise the commander of the fort had made, to send and have a fort built among the Cherokees, near the town of Great Tellico. The communication concluded, by observing that the Indians had expressed a wish that Captain Dennie, (Demer^ ?) *' sent by the Earl of Loudon, with a corps of two hundred men to garrison the fort, might return to Virginia, the Indians being displeased at seeing such a large number of white people, well armed, among them, expressing a belief that their intention was to destroy any small force that might be sent, in order to take the fort and surrender it to the French. On this information, Captain Hugh Waddle was sent with a small force to reinforce Captain Dennie."*
* Martin.
LONG ISLAND FORT BITILT. 58
Fort Loudon was then estimated to be five hundred miles from Charleston, and Hewitt remarks, that it was a place to which it was very difficult at all times, but, in case of a war with the Cherokees, utterly impracticable, to convey neces- sary supplies. Prince. George and Loudon were garrisoned by the king's independent companies of infantry stationed there. ** The Indians invited artizans into Fort Loudon by donations of land, which they caus<'.d to be signed by their own chief, and, in one instance, by Governor Dobbs of North- Carolina."* ^ These stronghplds were garrisoned by troops from Britain ; and the establishment of these defences in the interior, led to the rapid accumulation of settlers in all the choice places in their neighbourhood.^t Loudon is remarka- ble as being the first fort or other structure erected in Ten- nessee by Anglo-Americans.];
The continued possession of Fort Du Quesne enabled the French to preserve their ascendancy over the Indians, and to hold undisturbed control over almost the entire country west of the Alleghany mountains. The spirit of Britain rose in full proportion to the occasion, and Mr. Pitt, in a circular letter to the colonial governors, promised to send a large force to America to operate by sea and land against the French, and called upon them to raise troops to assist in that measure. In furtherance of that object, Virginia, pushing her settlements south-west, and guarding and protecting them, as they advanced, by forts and garrisons, had built Fort Lewis near the present village of Salem, in Bottetourt county. In 1758, Col. Bird, in pursuit of the French and Indians, who had recently taken Vaux's Fort on Roanoke, marched his regiment, and built Fort Chissel and stationed a garrison in it. It stood a few miles from New river, near the road leading from what is since known as Inglis' Ferry.
Col. Bird continued his expedition further, and erected an- other fort, in the autumn of this year, on the north bank of Holston, nearly opposite to the upper end of the Long Island, now the property of Col. Netherland. It was situated upon
♦ Haywood. f Simma.
% In Hajwood, the time of its erection is given in 1767. I have chosen to fi>l- l«v HmwiU, who vrote in 1779, and gives it as it is in the text, 1766.
54 FORT LOUDON tHREATE^D.
a beautiful level, and was built upon a large plan, with pro- per bastions, and the wall thick enough to stop the force. of small cannon shot. The gates were spiked with large nails, so that the wood was all covered. The army wintered there in the winter of 1758. The line between Virginia and North-Carolina had not then been extended beyond the Steep Rock. Long Island Fort was believed to be upon the terri- tory of the former, but as it is south of her line, the Virgi-J nians have the honour of having erected the second Anglo- American fort within the boundaries of Tennessee.
In the spring of 1758, the garrison of Fort Loudon was augmented to two hundred men. In a few months, by the arrival of traders and hunters, it grew into a thriving village.
In the meantime, the French garrison at Fort Du Quesne, \ ^®s^^*^^ '^y their Indian allies, and unequal to the I maintenance of the place against the army of Gene- ral Forbes that approached it, abandoned the fort, and es- caped in boats down the Ohio. The English took posses- sion of it, and, in compliment to the popular minister, called it Pittsburg. In the army of Forbes were several Cherokees, who had accompanied the provincial troops of North and South-Carolina.
" The capture of Fort Du Quesne, though a brilliant termination of the several campaigns so successfully prosecuted from the northern colo- nies against the French, was followed by disastrous consequences as to the frontier settlements in the south. The scene of action was only ehanged from one place to another, and the baneful influence of those active and enterprising enemies that had descended the Ohio, soon manifested itself in a more concentrated form among the Upper Chero- kees ; the interior position of whose country furnished facilities of imme- diate and frequent intercourse with the defeated and exasperated French- men, who now ascended the Tennessee river and penetrated to their mountain fastnesses. An unfortunate quarrel with the Virginians helped to forward their intrigues, and opened an easier access into the towns of the savages. The Cherokees, as before remarked, had, agreeably to their treaties, sent a number of their warriors to assist in the reduction of Du Quesne. Returning home through the back parts of Yiriginia, some of them, who had lost their horses on the expedition, laid hold on Buch as they found running at large, and appropriated them. The Vir- ginians resented the injury by killing twelve or fourteen of the unsus- pecting warriors, and taking several more prisoners. This ungrateful conduct, from allies whose frontiers they had defended and recovoredi
FORT PKINCE 6EORGR ATTACKED. 56
aravued at once a spirit of deep reaentment and deadly retaliation.'' * * * "The flame soon spread through the upper towns. The garri- son of Fort Loudon, consisting of about two hundred men, under th« ooraoiand of Captains Demeri: and Stuart, was, from its remote position from the white settlements, the first to notice the dissffection of the Indians, and to suffer from it. The soldiers, as usual, making excur- ■ions into the woods, to procure fr&^h provisions, were attacked by them, and some of them were killed. From tliis time such dangers threat- ened the garrison, that every one was confined within the small bonnda- ri'jB of the fort"! * * * "All communication with the settle- ments across the mountains, from whic& they received supplies, was cut x4Sj and the soldiers, having no other sources from which provisions oonld be obtained, had no prospect lefl them but famine or death. Par- ties of the young warriors rushed down upon the frontier settlements, and the work of massacre became general along the borders of Caro- lina.'*! • * * " Governor Lyttleton, receiving intelligence of these OQtmges, prepared to chastise the enemy, and summoned the militia of the province to asiserable at Congaree." * * * u^ treaty was inade afterwards, signed by the governor and only six of the head men ; in this, it was agreed that the twenty-two chieftains should be kept as hostages, confined in Fort Prince George, until the same number of Indians, guilty of murder, should be deHvered up, and that the Chero- kees shonld kill or take prisoner every Frenchman that should presume to oome into the naUon.'^§
The treaty, however, illy expressed the sentiment of the tribe. And, immediately after the return of the governor and the dispersion of his army from Fort Prince George, hostilities were renewed, and fourteen whites were killed within a mile of the fort. Under a pretence of procuring a { release of the hostages, Oconostota approached and ( surprised the fort, and faithlessly fired upon and killed its officers. Exasperated to madness by this outrage, the garrison fell upon the hostages, and killed them to a man. This was followed by a general invasion of the frontier of Carolina, and an indiscriminate butchery of men, women and children.
f Hewitt. X Simms.
ICblonel, afterwards General , Sumpter, accompanied Oconostota and bis GbevokM delegation on their visit to Charlestown. Returning with that distin- fiiWied ehief to the seat of his empire, he there found anions the Indians one Bnroo Des Johnnes, a Frendi Canadian, who spoke seven of the Indian lan- nages. Sumpter, suspecting the baron of being an incendiary sent to excite m several tribes to hostility against their white neighbours, with characteristic letohrtioD Arrested him ; taking him single-handed, n spite of the opposition of the Indiana, am], at much personal risk, carrying him piisoner to Fort Princa OMfge. Det Johnnes was afterwards sent to Charleston, where he was eiam- inad, and though not proved guilty, it was deemed expedient to send him to Eng- land.
56 ARMY UNDER COLONEL IIONTOOMERY.
Prompt measures were adopted to restrain and piuiish these excesses. Application was made to the neighbouring provinces, North-Carolina and Virginia, for assistance, and seven troops of rangers were raised to patrol the frontiersi and the best preparation possible was made for chastising the enemy, so soon as the regulars coming from the north should arrive. Before the end of April, 1760, Colonel Mont- gomery landed with his troops, and, being joined by several volunteer companies, hastened to the rendezvous at Conga- rces, where he was met by the whole strength of the pro- vince, and immediately set out for the Cherokee country. His march wa^ spirited and expeditious. Little Keowee was surprised by a night attack, and every warrior in it put to the sword. Estatoe was reduced to ashes. Sugaw Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation, suffered the same fate.
*' Montgomery, after the loss of but four men, advanced to the relief •f Fort Prince George, vfh\ch had been for some time invested by the savages. From this place a message was sent to the Middle Settle- ments, inviting the Cherokees to sue for peace, and also to Captains Demerd and Stuart, the commanding officers at Fort Loudon, request- ing them to obtain peace with the Upper Towns. Finding the enemy not disposed to listen to terms of accommodation, he determined to penetrate through the dismal wilderness between him and the Middle Towns." * * * "Captain Morrison^s rangers had scarcely entered the valley near Etchoe, when the savages sprang from their lurking den^ fired upon and killed the captain, and wounded a number of his men. A heavy fire began on both sides. The battle continued above an hour. Colonel Montgomery lost in the . engagement twenty men, and had seventy-six wounded. The Indians, it is believed, lost more. But the repulse was far from being decisive, and Colonel Montgomery, finding it impracticable to penetrate the woods further with his wounded men^ returned to Fort Prince George with his army, and soon after departed for New-York.
^* In the meantime, the distant garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting of two hundred men, was reduced to the dreadful alternative of per- ishing by hunger or submitting to the mercy of the enraged Cherokees. The Governor of South-Carolina hearing that the Virginians had'under- taken to relieve it, for a while seemed satisfied, and anxiously waited to hear the news of that happy event. But they, like the Carolinians, were unable to send them assistance. So remote was the fort from any setUement, and so difficult was it to march an army through the barren wilderness, where every thicket concealed an enemy, and to carrv, at the tame time, sufficient supplies along with them, that Uie Virginians had
BUBBENDIPR OF FOBT LOUDON. 67
dropped all thoughts of the attempt Ph>vi8ion8 being entirelj ex- luHUted at Fort Loudon, the garrison was upon the point of starving. t'or a whole month they had no other subsistence than the flesh of lean horMB and dogs, and a small supply of Indian beans, procured stealthily for them by some friendly Cherokee women. The officers had long endeavoured to animate and encourage the men with the hope of suo- eonr ; but now, being blockaded night and day by the enemy, and having no resource left, they threatened to leave the fort, and die at once by the hands of savages, rather than perish slowly by famine. In this ex- tremity, the commander was obliged to call a council of war to consider what was proper to be done ; when the officers were all of opinion, that it was impossible to hold out longer, and therefore agreed to surrender the fort to the Cherokees, on the best terms that could be obtained from ihem. For this purpose Captain Stuart, an officer of great sagacity and address, and much beloved by those of the Indians who remained in the British interest, procured leave to go to Chota, one of the principal towns in the neighbourhood, where he obtained the following terms of capitolation, which were signed by the commanding officer and two of the Cherokee chiefs. ' That the garrison of Fort Loudon march out with their arms and drums, each soldier having as much powder and ball as their officer shall think necessary for the march, and all the bag- gaffe they may choose to carry ; that the garrison be permitted to march to Virginia or Fort Prince George, as the commanding officer shall think proper, unmolested ; and that a number of Indians be appointed to «Mort them, and hunt for provisions during the march ; that such sol- diers aa are lame, or by sickness disabled from marching, be received into the Indian towns, and kindly used until they recover, and then be allowed to return to Fort Prince George ; that the Indians do provide for the garrison as many horses as they conveniently can for their march, agreeing with the officers and soldiers for payment ; that the fort, great
SDB, powder, ball and spare arms, be delivered to the Indians without ud or further delay, on the day appointed for the march of the troops.'*
*^ Agreeable to this stipulation, the garrison delivered up the fort, and marched out with their arms, accompanied by Ocouostota, Judd's ftiendy the prince of Chota, and several other Indians, and that day went
* Great inms. Of these there were twelve. It is difficult to conceive how the CinnoD of Fort Loudoo, in 1756, had been transported to a point so interior and ioMoesible. A wa^on had not then passed the head of HoUton, and not till the autumn of 1776 had one come as low down that stream as the Long Island, with nroviaoiis for the supply of Fort Patrick Henrv. Artillery could not have been bioq^ down the Ohio and up the Tennessee, for after the loss of Du Qucsne the Freodi stiU held undisturbed possession of the rivers below. The cannon at Lou- doo were most probably taken there across the mountain from Augusta or Fort Priooe George wnen reinforcements were sent to its relief In this case the trans- portatkn of the great guns must have been made along a narrow mountain trace vpeo pack horses — requiring in the more difficult gorges even yet found in the in- terrmuDg country, the assistance of the soldiers. It is barely possible that those CMBwn may have been brought from Fort Lewis or Fort Chissel, to the head waters ef Holaton, and carried down that stream, and up the Little Tennessee to Loudon. ~ I no tradition on the subject in Tennessee.
58 M A80ACBE OF THE OABBISON.
fifteen miles on their way to Fort Prince George. At night Hbay oamped upon a plain about two nailes from Taliquo, an Indian towii| when all their attendants, upon one pretence or another, left them ; which the officers considered as no good sign, and therefore placed a strict guard around their camp. During the night they remained nit- molested, but next morning alH>ut break of day, a soldier ^m an oat- post came running in, and informed them that he saw a vast number of Indians, armed and painted in the most dreadful manner, creeping among the bushes, and advancing in order to surround them. Scaroelj had the officer time to order his men to stand to their arms, when tha savages poured in upon them a heavy fire from different quarters^ ac- companied with the most hideous yells, which struck a panic into the soldiers, who were so much enfeebled and dispirited that they were in- capable of making any efl^tual resistance. Captain Demer6, with three other officers, and about twenty-six privates, fell at the first onset. Some fled into the woods, and were afterwards taken prisoners and confined among the towns in the valley. Captain Stuart and those that remained, were seized, pinioned, and brought back to Fort Loudon. No sooner had Aj;takullakulla heard that his fiiend Mr. Stuart had escaped, than he hastened to the fort, and purchac»ed him from the Indian that took him, giving him his rifle, clothes, and all he could command by way of ransom. He then took possession of Captain Demer^'s house, where he kept his prisoner as one of his family, and fi*eely shared with him the little provisions his table afibrded, until a Mr opportunity should ofier ioT rescuing him fix)m the hands of the savages ; but the poor soldiers were kept in a miserable state of captivity for some time, and then re- deemed by the province at great expense.
" While the prisoners were confined at Fort Loudon, Oconoetota fi^rmed the design of attacking Fort Prince George. To this bold under- taking he was the more encouraged, as the cannon and ammunition sur- rendered by the garrison would, under the direction of French offioen who were near him, secure its success. Messengers were therefore dis- patched to the valley towns, requesting their warriors to meet him at Stickoee.
^ By accident a discoveiy was made of ten bags of powder, and a large quantity of ball that had been secretly buried in the fort, to pre- vent their falling into the enemy's hands. This discovery had nearly proved fatal to Captain Stuart ; but the interpreter had such presence of mind as to assure the incensed savages that these warhke storee were concealed without Stuart's knowledge or consent. The supply of ammunition being sufficient for the siege, a council was held at Chota, to which the captive Stuart was taken. Here he was reminded of the obligations he was under for having his life spared, and as they had determined to take six cannon and two cohoms against Prince Geor^, the Indians told him he must accompany the expedition — ^man- age the artillery -and wrjte such letters to the commandant as they should dictate to him. They further informed him that if that officer should refuse to surrender, they had determined to bum the prisoners one by one before his face, and try whether he could be so obstinate as to hold out while his friends were expiring in the flames.
ESCAPE OF CAPTAIN 8TUABT. SO
** Captain Sttlart was much alarraed at his present sitnation , and from that moment resolved to make his escape or |)eri»h in the attempt He •privately communicated his design to Attakullakulla and told him that the thought of bearing arms against his countrymen harrowed his feel- ings, and he invoked his assistance to accomplish his release. The old warrior took him by the hand — told him he was his friend, and was folly apprised of the designs of his countrymen, and pledged his efforti to deliver him from danger. AttakullHkulla claim^^d Captain Stuart as his prisoner, and resorted to stratagem to rescue him. lie told the other Indians that he intended to go a hunting for a few days, and to take his prisoner with him. Accordingly they departed, accompanied bj ihe warrior's wife, his brother and two soldiers. The distance to the firontier settlements was great, and the utmost expedition was necessary to prevent surprise from Indians pursuing thom Nine days and nights did they travel through a dreary wilderness, shaping their course by the Ban aod moon for Virginia. On the tenth they arrived at the banks of Hokton*8 river, where they fortunately fell in with a party of three hnodred men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of Fort Loudon. On the fourteenth day the captain reached Colonel Bird's camp on the ihrntiera of Virginia. His faithful friend, AttakullakuUa, was here loaded with presents and pro\isions, and sent back to protect the unhappy prisr bnera till they should be ransomed, and to exert his influence widi the Gherokees for the restoration of peace."
After Captain Stuart^s escape, he lost no time in concert- ing' measures of relief to his garrison. An express was at once forwarded to the Governor of South-Carolina to inform him of the disaster at Fort Loudon, and of the designs of the enemy against Fort Prince George. The prisoners that had sarvived the hardships of hunger, disease and captivity, at London, were ransomed and delivered up to the commanding officer at Fort Prince George.
This account of the siege and capitulation of Fort Loudon, and of the attack upon the retiring garrison, has been copied or condensed from " Hewitt's Historical Account of South- Carolina and Georgia,'' as republished in the valuable his- torical collection of Carroll. Being written in 1779, soon aftor the transactions which it relates took place, Hewitt's work is considered authentic, and may be fully relied on as being generally correct. Still in some of the details other bbtorians differ from him. One of them gives another ver- rion of the assault upon the camp the morning after the evacuation of the fort. Haywood says: ''At this place, about day-break, the Indians fell upon and destroyed the whole troop, men, women and children, except three men,
60 ASSOCIATIONS CONNECTED WITH LOUDON.
Jack, Stuart and Thomas, who were saved by the friendly exertions of the Indian chief called the Little Carpenter ; ex- cept also, six men, who were in the advance guard, and who escaped into the white settlements." * * * " It is said that between two and three hundred men, besides women and children, perished in this massacre. The Indians made a fence of their bones, but after the war they were, by the advice of Oconostota, King of the Over-hill Cherokees, removed and buried, for fear of stirring afresh the hostility of the English traders, who began again to visit them." Such, too» has been the prevalent tradition.
In addition to the concealment within the fort of the am- munition, as already related, Haywood mentions that the garrison threw their cannon, with their small arms and am** munition, into the river. After the close of the war the Cherokees excused their perfidy in violating the terms of the capitulation, and their barbarous massacre of the garrison, by imputing bad faith on the part of the whites in hiding the warlike stores surrendered with the fort.
Associations connected with Loudon as the first English fort erected within the State of Tennessee, the mournful fate of its garrison, and the tragic issue of the earliest Anglo- American settlement planted upon our soil, have invested the history of Old Fort Loudon with a romantic and melancholy interest — one that may be deemed elsewhere disproportioned to its real importance. But the writer persuades himself that the tediousness of the preceding details — scarcely in consonance with the object of these annals — will be excused, when it is considered, that hereafter no opportunity will present itself of again recording 4he surrender of a fort or the capture and massacre of a garrison. In the narration of the events upon which he will soon enter, it will be the grateful duty of the annalist to show, that in all their border conflicts, in their wild adventures into the wilderness, in their frequent invasions of neighbouring tribes, in their glo^ rious participation in the struggle for independence and free- dom, in all their wars with European or American enemies, the sons of Tennessee have every where achieved success, triumph, victory, conquest and glory.
GRANT CONaUERS AT ETCHOE. 61
The indecisive battle at Etchoe and the catastrophe in' the valley of the Tennessee, served only to stimulate Cherokee aggression; and Canada being now reduced, an adequate force was at once sent from the north for the defence of the floathern provinces. Col. Grant, early in 1761, arrived in Charleston with the British regular troops. A provincial regiment had been raised, and it accompanied the army to the Cherokee country. Among its field officers were Mid- dleton, Laurens, Moultrie, Marion, Huger and Pickens — after- wards so highly distinguished in the service of the country. The army arrived at Fort Prince George on the 27th of May. Attakullakulla hearing that a formidable army approached his nation, hastened to the camp of Col. Grant and proposed ( terms of accommodation. But it was known that the I temper of his countrymen was averse to peace, and his proposals received no encouragement.
** The Cherokees encountered Grant, with all their strength, near the town of Etehoe, on the %pot where they had fought with Montgomery ID the proTiona campaign. For three hours did the engagement con- tinne, until the persevering valour of the whites succeeded in expelling ihe Indians from the field. ****** Their granaries a^ eom fields were destroyed, and their miserable femilies driven to the boren mountains. The national spirit was, for a while, subdued, and they humbly sued for peace, through the medium of the old and fiiondly chief, Attakullakulla. * I am come,' said the venerable chie^ *to see what can be done for my people, who are in great distress.' Ks prayer was granted, peace was ratified between the parties, and ths sad of this bloody war, which was supposed to have originated in the machinations of French emissaries, was among the last humbling blows given to the expiring power of France in North America.
•• The peace which followed this victory over the Cherokees, and the ezpnision of the French and Spaniards from the borders of the southern provinces, brought with it a remarkable increase of population and prosperity. Multitudes of emigrants from Europe and the middle provincee came out in rapid succession to the interior, and pursuing the devkras progress of the streams, sought out their sources, and planted their little settlements on the sides of lofty hills, or in the bosom of lovely vallies.''*
Emigrants from Ireland sought the wilds of America, throDgh two avenues. The one by the Delaware Bay, whose chief port was Philadelphia — the other by a more southern landing — the port of Charleston. Those landing at the
*Siinmi.
88 TENNESSEE STILL UNSETTLED. AND
latter place, immediately sought the fertile forests of the upper Carolinas, where they met a counter tide of emigra- tion. Those who landed on the Delaware, after the desira- ble lands, east of the AUeghanies, in Pennsylvania, were occupied, turned their course southward, and soon meeting the southern tide, the stream turned westward to the wilder- ness long known as *' the backwoods, or beyond the moun- tains," now as Tennessee. These two streams from the same original fountain — Ireland — meeting and intermingling in the new soil, preserve the characteristic difference ; the one possessing much of the air and manner of Pennsyiva- Ilia, and the other of Charleston.*
But, as yet, Tennessee was a desert and a wilderness. The Adelantado of Cuba and his proud cavaliers had, indeed^ looked upon its south-western angle, but resisted with unyielding spirit by the aboriginal inhabitants, the chivalry of Spain were driven across its western boundary, and glad to escape savage resentment for their during invasion, buried themselves in the solitudes beyond it. At a later period, La Salle and his voyageurs had coasted along the shores of the great mediterranean of the west, and claimed for the mon- arch of France the magnificent valley watered by its tribu- taries ; and Marquette, in his pious zeal for his church, had attempted the conversion of the natives from heathenism and barbarity to the worship of the God of Heaven. Later still, England and her colonies had penetrated far into the western wilds, and erected a fort and planted an infant set- tlement upon the distant banks of the Tennessee. But the efforts of Spain, of France, and of England, had been alike ansuccessful in founding, upon the soil of Tennessee, a per^ manent establishment of civilized man. The colonists of the Carolinas and of Virginia had been steadily advancing to the west, and we have traced their approaches in the direction of our eastern boundary, to the base of the great Apalachian range. Of the country beyond it, little was positively known or accurately understood. A wandering Indian would imperfectly delineate upon the sand, a feeble
•Footk.
IB VISITED BT TRADERS. 68
outline of its more prominent physical features — its magnifi- cent riverSy'witli their numerous tributaries — its lofty moun- tains, its dark forests, its extended plains and its vast extent A voyage in a canoe, from the source of the Hogohegee* to the Wabash,f required for its performance, in their figurative language, ''two paddles, two warriors, three moons." The Ohio itself was but a tributary of a still larger river, of ^vrhose source, size and direction, no intelligible account oould be communicated or understood. The Muscle Shoals And the obstructions in the river above them, were repre- sented as mighty cataracts and fearful whirlpools, and the Sttck, as an awful vortex. The wild beasts with which the illimitable forests abounded, were numbered by pointing to the leaves upon the trees, or the stars in a cloudless Ay.
These glowing descriptions of the west seemed rather to Vtinialate than to satisfy the intense curiosity of the approach- ing settlers. Information more reliable, and more minute, was, from time to time, furnished from other sources. In the Atlantic cities, accounts had been received from French and Spanish traders, of the unaparalleled beauty and fertility of the western interior. These reports, highly coloured and amplified, were soon received and known upon the frontier. Besides, persons engaged in the interior traffic with the south- western Indian tribes had, in times of peace, penetrated their territories — traded with and resided amongst the natives — and upon their return to the white settlements^ con- firmed what had been previously reported in favour of the distant countries they had seen. As early as 1690, Doherty, a trader from Virginia, had visited the Gherokees, anTafter* wards lived among them a number of years. In 1730, Adair, from South-Carolina, had travelled, not only through the towns of this tribe, but had extended his tour to most of the nations south and west of them. He was not only an enters prising trader, but an intelligent tourist. To his observa- tions upon the several tribes which he visited, we are indebted for most that is known of their earlier history. They were published in London in 1775.
• Holston. t The Ohio was known many jreara by this name.
64 TBAFFIC WITH IKDIANB
In 1740 other traders went among the Cherokees from Virginia. They employed Mr. Y^ugban as a packman, to transport their goods. West of Amelia county, the country was then thinly inhabited ; the last hunter's cabin that he saw was on Otter river, a branch of the Staunton, now in Bedford county, Va. The route pursued was along the Great Path, to the centre of the Cherokee nation. The traders and packmen generally confined themselves to this path till it crossed the Little Tennessee river, then spreading themselves out among the several Cherokee villages west of the moan- tain, continued their traffic as low down the Great Tennessee as the Indian settlements upon Occochappo or Bear Creek, below the Muscle Shoals, and there encountered the compe- tition of other traders, who were supplied from New-Orleans and Mobile. They returned heavily laden with peltries, to Charleston, or the more northern markets, where they were sold at highly remunerating prices. A hatchet, a pocket looking-glass, a piece of scarlet cloth, a trinket, and other articles of little value, which at Williamsburg could be bought for a few shillings, would command from an Indian hunter on the Hiwassee or Tennessee peltries amounting in value to double the number of pounds sterling. Exchangei were necessarily slow, but the profits realized from the ope- ration were immensely large. In times of peace this traffic attracted the attention of many adventurous traders. It became mutually advantageous to the Indian, not less than to the white man. The trap and the rifle, thus bartered for, procured, in one day, more game to the Cherokee hunter than his bow and arrow and his dead-fall would have secured during a month of toilsome hunting. Other advantaees resulted from it to the whites. They became thus acquaint- ed with the great avenues leading through the hunting grounds and to the occupied country of the neighbouring tribes — an important circumstance in the condition of either war or peace. Further, the traders were an exact thermo- meter of the pacific or hostile intention and feelings of the Indians with whom they traded. Generally, they were for- eigners, most frequently Scotchmen, who had not been long in the country, or upon the frontier, who, having experienced
DOOTOB WALKSE PASSSH paUBUiAlrD OAF. B&
none of the craelties, depredations or aggressions of tlie Indians, cherished none of ti^^^^wrint and spirit of reta^ liation bom with, and ever^^^^^Biifested.by the Ameri' can settler. Thus, free fro^^^^Hty agninst the abori^- nes, the trader was alIo\v-ec^WBBK.in in the village where he traded unmolested, even when its warriors were singing the war song or hrandishing the war club, preparatory to an invasion or massacre of the whites. Timely warning was thns often given by a returning packman, to a feeble and nnsospecting settlement, of the perSdyand emelty meditated against it.
This gainful oommeree was, for a time, engrossed by the traders ; bat the monopoly was not allowed to continue long. Their rapid acoamulations soon, excited the cupidity of an-. other class of adventurers ; and the huntVi in his turn, be- came a co-pfoneer with the trader, in the march of oiviliza* tion to the wilde of the West. As the agricultural popula- tion approached the eastern base of the AUeghanies, the game became scarce, and was to be found by severe toil in almost inaccessible recesses and coves of the moantain. Packmen, returning from their trading expeditions, carried with them evidences, not only of the abundance of game across the mountains, but of the facility with which it was procured. Hunters began to accompany the traders to the Indian towns ; but, unable to brook the tedious delay of pro- <siring peltries by traffic, and impatient of restraint, they struck boldly into the wilderness, and western-like, to use a western phrase, set up for themselves. The reports of their return, and of their successful enterprise, stimulated other advqpturers to a similar undertaking. "As early as 1748, Doctor Thomas Walker, of Virginia, in company with Colo- nels Wood, Fatten and Buchanan, and Captain Charles Campbell, and a number of hunters, made an exploring tour upon the western waters. Passing Powell's valley, he gave the name of ' Cumberland' to the lofty range of mountains on the west. Tracing this range in a south-western direc- tion, he came to a remarkable depression in the chain: through this he passed, o^jtMriy' Cumberland Gap.' On the western side of the nM^F^^Ijl a beautiful mountain
i»d,am|gU|t'Cuii
06 PIftST ORANT IK TEirXB8tBB.
Stream, which he named * Cumberland river,' all in hononr of the Duke of Cumb^Hj^faen prime minister of Eng- land.''* These name^^^^^^r since been retained, and, with Loudon, are belie^^^^^He only names in Tennessee of English origin. ^^1^^
Although Fort Loudon was erected as early as 1756, upon the Tennessee, yet it was in advance of any white settle^ ments nearly one hundred and fifty miles, and was» as has been related, destroyed in 1760. The fort, too, at Long Is- land, within the boundaries of the present State of Tennes- see, was erected in 1758, but no permanent settlements had yet been 'formed near it. Still, occasional settlers had began to fix their habitations in the south-western section of Vir- ginia, and, as early as 1754, six families were residing west of New River. ** On the breaking out of the French war, the Indians, in alliance with the French, made an irruption into these settlements, and massacred Burke and his family. The other families, finding their situation too perilous to be maintained, returned to the eastern side of New River ; and the renewal of the attempt to carry the white settlements farther west, was not made until after the close of that
war."t Under a mistaken impression that the Virginia line, whea ( extended west, would embrace it, a grant of land was ( this year made, by the authorities of Virginia, to Ed- mund Pendleton, for three thousand acres of land, lying in Augusta county, on a branch of the middle fork of the Indian river, called West Greek,!]: now Sullivan county, Tennessee. In this year. Doctor Walker again passed over Clinch' and { Powell's river, on a tour of exploration into wh^ is ( now Kentucky. The Cherokees were now at peace with the whites, and hunters from the back settlements began with safety to pe-
* Monette The Indian name of this range was ViTaaioto, and of the riTer, Shawanee.
f Howe.
X The original patent, signed by Governor Dinwiddie, and now in the possewioii of the writer, was presented to Idm fay T. A. R. Nelson, Esq., of Joiiesbons Ten* nessee. It ia piobably the oldest grant in the state.
FIR8T ARRIVAL OF BOON* 07
\
I'rai \ "^^^^tc deeper and further into the wilderness of Ten- ( nessee. Several of then^biefly from Virginia, hear- ing of the abundance of gameVith which the woods were stocked, and allured by the p||l»splcts of gain, which might be drawn from this source, formed themselves into a company, composed of Wallen, Scaggs, Blevins, Cox, and fifteen others and came into the valley, since known as Garter's Valley, in Hawkins county, Tennessee. They hunted eighteen months upon Clinch and Powell's rivers. Wallen's Creek and Wal- len's Ridge received their name from the leader of tl^ com- pany ; as, also, did the station which they erected in the present Lee county, Virginia, the name of Wallen^s Station. They penetrated as far north as Laurel Mountain, in Ken- tucky, where they terminated their journey, having met with a body of Indians, whom they supposed to be Shawnees. At the head of one of the companies that visited the West this year *' came Daniel Boon, from the Yadkin, in North- Carolina, and travelled with them as low as the place w&ere Abingdon now stands, and there left them."
This is the first time the advent of Daniel Boon to the western wilds has been mentioned by historians, or by the fleveral biographers of that distinguished pioneer and hunter. There is reason, however, to believe that he had hunted upon Watauga earlier. The writer is indebted to N. Gammon, Esq., formerly of Jonesboro, now a citizen of Knoxville, for the following inscription, still to be seen upon a beech tree* standing in sight and east of the present stage-road, leading from Jonesboro to Blountsville, and in the valley of Boon's Creek, a tributary of Watauga.
D. Boon OaiED A. BAR On
2ree in IhE
yEAR
m
1760
68 WALKBE HUim ov OUirCH.
Boon was eighty-six years old when he died, which was September, 1820. He wa^thus twenty-six years old when the inscription was madeftWhen he left the company of hunters in 1761, as mentionedS^bove by Haywood, it is pro- bable that he did so to revisit the theatre of a former hant upon the creek that still bears his name, and where hit camp is still pointed ont near its banks. It is not improba- ble, indeed, that he belonged to, or accompanied, the party of Doctor Walker, on his first, or certainly on his second, tour of exploration in 1760. The inscription is sufficient authority, as this writer conceives, to date the arrival of Boon in Tennessee as early as its date, 1700, thus preced* ing the permanent settlement of the country nearly ten years.
In the fall of the next year Wallen and his company retnm-
1762 \ ®^ ^ftin and hunted on the waters of Clinch; they ( crossed the Blue Ridge at the Flower Gap, New ri- ver, at Jones's Ford, and the Iron Mountain at the Blue Spring ; they travelled down the south fork of Holston, and crossing the north fork and going to the Elk Garden, on the waters of Clinch, they discovered some Indian signs: they extended their journey, in the same direction, to the Hunters' Valley— so named from their travelling to and down it several days to Black- water Creek. They fixed their station-camp near the Tennessee line, and on the present road from Jonesville to Ro- gersville. Some of the same company travelled down to Greasy Rock Creek, and fixed a station-camp there. It stood near the present line between Hawkins and Claibourne counties.*
This year Wallen's company ventured further into the in-
1763 \ terior — passed through Cumberland Gap, and hunted ( during the whole season on Cumberland river ; and
*A s^nU signed Arthur Dobbe, Governor of the Province of North-CaroUiUi, William Beamer, Senr., Superintendent and Deputy Adjutant in and for the Cherokee Nation, and William Beamcr, Junr., Interpreter, and the Little Carpenter, Half King of the Cherokee Nation of the Oyer-hill Towns, and Matthew Tool, Inter- preter, made to Captain Patrick Jack, of the Province of Pennsylvania, is recorded io Register's office of Knox county. It purports to have been made at a council held at Tennessee river, March 1, 1757 ; and the consideration u^ four hundred dollars, and conveys to Captain Jack fifteen miles square south of Tennessee river. The grant itaelf^ confirmatory of the purchase by Jack, is dated at atveneral Council met at Catawba river. May 7, 1762, and is witnessed by Nathaniel Alexander.
SMITH BXnXHlSB THE OUMBBRLAHD. 69
for the next several years continued to make fall hunts on Rockcastle river, near the Crab-Orchard, in Kentucky.
Daniel Boon, who still lived on the Yadkin, though he had llU. i previously hunted on the western waters, came again ( this year to explore the country, being employed for this purpose by Henderson ^ Company. With him came Samuel Callaway, his kinsman, and the ancestor of the re- spectable family of that name, pioneers of Tennessee, Ken- tacky and Missouri. Callaway was at the side of Boon when, approaching the spurs of the Cumberland Mountain^ and in ▼lew of the vast herds of buffalo grazing in the vallies be- tween them, he exclaimed, ** I am richer than the man men- tioned in scripture, who owned the cattle on a thousand hills — ^I own the wild beasts of more than a thousand val- lies.''
After Boon and Callaway, came another hunter, Henry Seaggins, who was also employed by Henderson. He extend- ed his exploration to the Lower Cumberland, and fixed his sta- tion at M ansco's Lick.
^About the last of June, 1766, Col. James Smith set off to explore the J great body of rich lands, which, by conversing with the Indians, ( he understood to be between the Ohio and Cherokee rivers, and lately ceded by a treaty made with Sir William Johnston, to the King of Great Britain. He went, in the first place, to Holston river, and thence travelled westwardly in company with Joshua Horton, Uriah Stone and William Baker, who came from Carlisle, Pa., — ^four in all — and a slave, aged 18, belonging to Horton. They explored the country south of Kentucky, and no vestige of a white man was to be found there, more than there is now at the head of the Missouri. They also explored Cum- berland and Tennessee rivers, from Stone's river down to the Ohio. Stone^a river is a branch of Cumberland, and empties into it eight or ten miles above Nashville. It was so named in the journal of these explorers, after Mr. Stone, one of their number, and has ever since retained the name. When they came to the mouth of Tennessee, Col. Smith concluded to re- tain home, and the others to proceed to the Illinois. They gave to CoL Smith the greater part of their powder and lead — amounting only to lialf a pound of the former, and a proportionate quantity of lead. Mr. Horton, also, left with him his slave : and Smith set off with him through the wilderness, to Carolina. Near a buf^o path, they made them a shelter ; but, fearing the Indians might pass that way and discover his fire place, he removed to a greater distance from it After remaining there mx weeks, he proceeded on his journey, and arrived in Carolina in Octo- ber. He thence travelled to Fort Chissel, and from there returned home to Conaoo^heague, in the fedl of 1767."*
• Haywood.
70 FINDUBT PAflBE0 THKOUGH BAST TB1INE88EE.
This exploration of Col. Smith was, with the exception of Scaggins'sy the first that had been made of the country ivest of Cumberland Mountain, in Tennessee, by any of the Anglo- American race. The extraordinary fertility of the soil upon the Lower Cumberland — the luxuriant cane-breaks upon the table-lands of its tributaries — its dark .ind variegated forest- its rich flora — its exuberant pasturage — in a word, the ex- act adaptation of the country to all the wants and purposes of a great and flourishing community, impressed the explorer with the importance of his discovery, and of its great valae to such of his countrymen as should al\orwards come in and possess it Not strange was it, that the recital of what he had seen during his long and perilous absence, should excite in Carolina, Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvnnia, as he passed homeward, an urgent and irrepressible desire to emigrate to, and settle, this El Dorado of the West.*
During this year John Findley, a fearless Indian trader from 1H*I f North-Carolina, accompanied by several comrades, vis- ( ited the West. Passing through Upper East Tennes- see to the Cumberland Gap ,he continued his explorations to the Kentucky river.
Indeed, the spirit of exploration and adventure was now a mania: it had become an epidemic — numbering among its subjects every bold, fearless, daring, ambitious, intrepid back- woodsman. Companies of these, varying in number from two to forty, accumulated in rapid succession upon the border set- tlements, from the Monongahela to the »SavannaIi, and ex- cited in the minds of the more discreet and sagacious settlers, apprehension of renewed hostilities from the now friendly na- tives of the country. They clearly foresaw that an avalanche of population, concentrating thus upon the frontier, could not be restrained from precipitating itself across an ideal line-^ the feeble barrier that now separated the two races. These apprehensions were not without foundation.
" The peace of 1763 had secured to Great Britain the right of terri- torial fiovereignty to the country east of the Mississippi, to which Franca
* Colonel Crogfaan, b his Journal, May 31, 1765, pawning down the Ohio rirer, mentions '* the month of the river Kentucky, or Holsteo's rirer "* The bead cif Holston may previously have been seen, and probably was supposed to run in tte direction of the Kentucky river.
THI KIKG 70RBID8 WESTBBM GRANTS* 71
hMd previoiiBlj asserted the paramount right of territory and dominion. The change of this right of dominion, whether real or imaginary, necessa- lilj fiidlitated the transrarigration of British colonists frcm their Atlantic settlements to the newly acquired territory on the western waters. * * * Bat the treaty of Paris had made no stipulation for the tribes who had been in alliance with France, and who claimed to be indepen- dent nations, and the real owners of the territory ceded by her. They liad been no party to the treaty of peace, and they refused to be bound by any transfer which the French King should make of their country to tne English. Every excursion, therefore, into their hunting grounds, was, at first, viewed with dissatisfaction and jealousy, and at a later period, resisted as an encroachment upon their rights and an invasion of their soil. This jealousy against the English colonists was the more sasily excited in the mincU of the Indians, as the French had always taken pains to impress upon them the inordinate desire and determina- tion of England to occupy their lands and to dispossess them of their whole country. To quiet, as far as possible, any discontent from this sonroe, and to remove any apprehension that the British government designed to extend its jurisdiction over the territory of the Indians, the
Srodamation of King George was issued, Oct. 7, 1763, prohibiting all. y le provincial governors from granting lands, or issuing land warrants, ^ to be located upon any territory \\\ug west of the mountains, or west of the sources of those streams which flow into the Atlantic, and all settle- ments by the subjects of Great Britain, west of the sources of the Atlan- tic rivers. The proclamation of the king further ' strictly enjoined and required that no private persons do presume to purchase from the In- dians any lands, ice. And that if the Indians should be inclined to dis- pose of their lands, the same shall be purchased only for us, in our name, at some general meeting or assembly of the Indians, to be held for that purpose, by the governor or commander-in-chief of our colony respectively.' "*
It was further directed and required, that ''all traders should take out licenses from their respective governors, for carrying on commerce with the Indians." In accordance, also, with the provisions of this proclamation, the boundaries of the Indian hunting grounds were fixed, and a superinten- dent of Indian affairs was appointed for the southern district* This office was conferred upon Captain John Stuart, who, as- we have already seen, owed his life, at the massacre of the garrison at Fort Loudon, to the clemency and interposition of his captor, a Cherokee chief.
However well intended, this proclamation of the distant king was a dead letter. In the back woods of America, it received no hearty response— exacted not the lowest whisper
*ManhalL
72 ymanriA omAim lahm oir thi ohio.
of obedience. It was every where, and by all classes of disregarded. Masses of population were, npon the western boundary of all the middle and southern colonies, ready and impatient for the occupancy of the new lands in the wilderness. Hunters and traders had discovered and explored them. They knew the avenues by which they could be reached, and had spread abroad among their countrymen enchanting accoants of their value and beauty. Another circumstance hastened the more perfect exploration and future settlement of tl^ western country. It was the bounty given in these very lands, by several of the provinces, with the approbation of the crown, to the officers and soldiers who had served in the British army, in their wars with the French and their Indian allies.* These, with the script and military warrants in their hands, and accompanied by hundreds of surveyors and agents, were constantly employed in selecting and locating their respective claims. The proclamation of the king could not deter them from their locations and surveys. Even the wise and virtuous George Washington and Chancellor Li- vingston admitted it to be intended merely to quiet the jealous apprehensions of the Indians, against the advance of the white settlements on the western side of the mountains. It was not, in any wise, designed, really, to check the ultimate occupation of the country. Virginia, viewing the procla- mation in no other light than as a temporary expedient to quiet the minds of the Indians, soon afterwards patented considerable tracts of land on the Ohio, far beyond the Apa- lacbian mountains.f Thus the discontents of the Indiana were increased, and by the opening of the spring of 1768, along the whole line of the western frontier, from the sources of the Susquehannah to those of the Tennessee, they became exasperated, and united in their determination to check fur- her encroachments, and to enforce an observance of their rights ; still they refrained from open hostilities, while the
* By the proclamation of the king, the govemon were directed to grant " to erery person having the rank of a field officer, 6000 acres ; to every captain, 8000 Seret ; to every subaltern or staff officer, 2000 acres ; to every non-commissionad officer, 200 acres ; and to every private, 50 acres.
t See Sparks's writings of Washington.
MOST OF TENVE88BB mrOCOUPIBD BT IHDIAH8. 78
restless popalation of the Atlantic border continued to press
forward into the west, regardless, alike of the rights of the
Indians and the proclamation of the king, issued five years
previously.*
At the recommendation of Grov. Tryon, an appropriation
1767 i ^^^ made by the Province of North-Carolina, on the
( application of the Cherokee nation, for running a
dividing line between the western settlements of the pro>
vince and their hunting grounds, and the governor was
authorized to appoint three commissioners for that purpose.
'^ Ii May of this year, an appeal was made to the prpper autho- ( rities, to restrain further encroachments on the part of the frontier ( people, upon the lands claimed by the Indians. Some of the settlements now being formed upon the head of the Kenhawa, and the north fork of Holston, were upon territory to which the Indian title had not been extinguished, and parties of woodmen, explorers, and surveyors, were distributed in the Tallies below, preparatory to a further occupancy. The superintendents of Indian affidrs were, accordingly, instructed by the royal government to establish the boundaries between the whites and the Indians, and to purchase from the latter the lands already occu- pied by the king's subjects. But what tribe owned these lands ? Who were the proprietors of the soil !"
At the time of its earliest exploration, the country east and north of the Tennessee river was not in the occupancy of any Indian tribe. Vestiges were then found, and, indeed, still remain, of an ancient and dense population — indicating higher progress in civilization and the arts than has been attained by more modern tribes in this part of the con- tinent. A fresh hunting camp was occasionally found,
^ But in their frequent peregrinations and trading expeditions through the vast territories between the Ohio and the Tennessee rivers, the first traders, hunters and explorers never found, within that extent of coun- try, a single wigwam or modern Indian village. The Indian settlements nearest to the frontier border of the Carolinas, and of south-western' Virginia, were on the Sciota and Miami, in the north, and on the waters of the Little Tennessee in the south. From these points the various war or hunting parties issued, to engage in the one or the other pursuit, as the passions or the opportunities of their expeditions might lead. Here the Choctaws, Chickasaws or Cherokees, of the south, used to engage with the various tribes of the Miami Confederacy, of the north ; here they indulged thsir. nsiiiOD Idt hunting, in the profusion of game afforded by TenneMse <>HkJbfeiM||^ That part of these two states embraced within the boMllJ^^^^HfeBedy was one great park, where
74 ABOBIOIHAL OLADIS.
the skill of the uncivilised haoter was praetioed, Mid a central theafanti upon which the desperate conflicts of savage warriors and hloodj rivula were perpetrated. JBy common agreement of all the surrounding tribes, this whole section of country seems to have been reserved for these purposes, from permanent occupancy ; and so much was it exempted from settlement, that south of the Ohio, and north and east of the Ten- nessee, it is not known that a single village was settled by the Indians ; yet no situations have generally delighted savage tribes, so much as the margins of water courses ; the opportunities of navigation, and of fishing, unite to attract them to such spots. Some known and acknowledged ihhibition must have, therefore, prevented the settlement and possession of this great Mesopotamia. W hat was it ? On this subject, tradition and history are alike indistinct and unsatisfactory."*
At the point of time to which these annals have reached, the territory of which we are speaking was claimed, though not occupied, by the Confederacy of the Six Nations. These were called by the early French historians, Iroqouis, and by the English, Mohawks. In 1672 these tribes conquered the Illinois and Shawanee Indians, the latter of whom were also incorporated with them. To these 'conquests they added, in 1685, that of the Miamis, and about the same time carried their victorious arms westward to the Mississippi, and south* ward to what is now Georgia. In 1711 they incorporated with them the Tuscaroras, when expelled from North-Caro" Iina.t Gov. Pownal, in his *' culministration of the British Colonies," says that these tribes carried their arms as far south as Carolina and as far west as the Mississippi, over a vast country, twelve hundred miles in length and six hun* dred in breadth, where they destroyed whole nations, of whom there are no accounts remaining among the English : and, continues the same writer, the rights of these tribes to the hunting lands on the Ohio may be fairly proved by their con- quests over the Shawanees, Delawares, &c., as they stood possessed thereof at the peace of Ryswick, in 1607. In fur- ther confirmation of this Indian title. Butter adds :
^ It must be mentioned that Lewis Evans represents, in his map of the Middle Colonies of Great Britain, the country on the south-easterly side of the Ohio river, as the hunting lands of the Six Nations. In the analy- sis to his map, he expressly says that the Shawneese, who were onoe a most considerable nation, have been subdued by the confederates, and
• Batlei'8 Keotneky. t Botler.
TREATY OF FOBT 8TANWIX. 75
their oountiy baa sinoe become their property. At a celebrated treatf , held more than a centuiy since iEtt Lancaster, the statement made by the delegates in attendance from the Six Nations to Dr. Franklin, was, *• that all the world knows that we conquered all (he nations back of the great mountains ; we conquered the nations residing there, and that land, if the Viiginians ever get a good right to it, it must be by ns.' These In- dian claims are solemnly appealed to in a diplomatic memorial, addressed by the British ministry to the Duke Mirepoix, on the part of France, June 7, 1755. 'It is a certain truth, states the memorial, that these lands ha^ belonged to the Confederacy, and as they have not been given up or made over to the English, belong stiU to the same Indian Nations.' The court of Great Britain maintained, in this negotiation, that the con- federates were, by origin or by right of conquest, the lawful proprietors of the river Ohio and the territory in question. In support of this an- oient aboriginal title, Butler adds the further testimony of Dr. Mitchell's map of North America, made with the documents of the Colonial office before him. In this map, the same as the one by which the boundaries in the treaty of Paris, in 1783, were adjusted, the Doctor observes, * tliat the Six Nations have extended their territories ever since the year 1672, when they subdued and were incorporated with the ancient Shawaneese, the $uiUve proprietors of these countries.' This, he adds, is con6rmcd by their own claims and possessions in 1742, which include all the bounds aa laid down in the map, and none have even thought fit to dispute them,"*
Such was the aboriginal title to the greater part of Ten- nessee in 1767, when the white settlers approached its east- i ^^^ boundary. On the 6th of May of this year a ( deputation of the Six Nations presented to the super- intendent of Indian affairs, a formal remonstrance against the continued encroachments of the whites upon their lands. The subject was immediately considered by the royal go- ▼erment ; and near the close of summer, orders were issued|to Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of Northern Indian Affairs, instructing him to convene the chiefs, warriors and sachems of the tribes most interested. Agreeably to these orders, Sir William Johnson convened the delegates of the Six Nations, and their confederates and dependents, at Fort Stan wix, (now Utica, N. Y.,) October 24.. Three thousand two hundred Indians, of seventeen different tribes, tributaries to the Confederacy, or occupying territories coterminous with iheirs, attended. On the 5th of November, a treaty of limits and a deed of cession to the King of England, were
* Franklin's workB, as quoted by Butler.
76 FOtST CB8BION FBOM ABOEIOIIIAL 0WNBR8*
signed. In this, the delegates of their respective natioM aver that '* they are the true and absolute proprietors of the lands thus ceded^ and that for the considerations mentioDedy ^ we have continued the line south to the Cherokee or Hogoh^ gee rivers* because the same is^ and we declare it to be,our iruo bounds with the Southern Indians^ and that we have an im- doubted right to the country as far south as that river. ^
The cession thus made by the Six Nations, of the country north and east of the Tennessee river, is the first deed fitKQ any of the aboriginal tribes for any territory within the boundaries of our state. The title of the Confederates to thes^ lands was, by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, forever transferred from them; but other tribes contended that the Six Na- tions had not an exclusive claim to them, but that they Were the common hunting grounds of the Cherokees and Chieka* saws also. In the journal of the commissioners, detaU* ing the progress of the treaty, the tribes represented, dz;c., no mention is made of delegates in attendance from any of the southern Indian tribes. It is said by Haywood, that some visiting Cherokees were present at the treaty, who upon their route had killed game for their support, and on their arrival at Fort Stanwix, immediately tendered the skins to the Indians of the Six Nations, saying : " they are yours ; we killed them after we passed the big river," as they always designated the Tennessee. This would seem to imply an acquiescence on their part, in the validity of the claim of the Six Nations. These claimed the soil, not as its aboriginal owners, but by the right of conquest ; and all tra- dition concurs in admitting their right to that extent. But the Cherokees had long exercised the privilege of hunting upon these lands, and therefore regarded, with jealousy and dissatisfaction, the approaches of the white settlements. Mr. Stuart, the Superintendent of Southern Indian Affairs, was therefore instructed to assemble the southern Indians for the purpose of establishing a boundary with them ; and before negotiations with the confederates at Fort Stanwix had be- gun, he concluded a treaty with the Cherokees at Hard La- bour, in South-Carolina, October 14, 1768. By this treaty, it
* The HdAioii was tfans called.
ABORIGOflB OF TuriiBasxs. 77
was agreed that the south-westem boundary of Virginia should be a line ^ extending from the point where the northern line of North-Carolina intersects the Cherokee hunting gronndS} about thirty-six miles east of Long Island, in the Hcdston river, and thence extending in a direct course, north by eaatp to Ghiswell's Mine, on the east bank of the Kenhawia river, and thence down that stream to its junction with the Ohio." This line, however, did not include all the settle- ments then made ; and even during the progress of the treaty, the settlers were advancing further west, and erecting their cabiQS north-west of the Holston, and upon the branches of the Clinch and Poweirs river, within the limits of the Indian territory. This fact being ascertained, a subsequent treaty booame necessary for the adjustment of a new boundary and the remuneration of the savages for an additional extent of oountry.''*
ABORIGINES OF TENNESSEE.
At the time of its first exploration, Tennessee was a vast and almost unoccupied wilderness — a solitude over which an Indian hunter seldom roamed, and to which no tribe put in a distinct and well defined claim. For this reason, and on ac- count of the mildness of its climate, and the rich pasturage fur- nished by its varied ranges of plain and mountain, Tennessee^ in common with Kentucky, had become an extensive park, of which the beasts of the forest held undisturbed possession. Into these wild recesses, savage daring did not oflen venture to penetrate. Equi-distant from the settled territories of the southern and northern Indian tribes, it remained, by common consent, uninhabited by either, and little explored. The ap- proach of civilization, from several directions, began to abridge the territories of surrounding Indian nations ; and the mar- gin o^his great terra incognita was occasionally visited by parties of savages in pursuit of game, and as places of retreat finom the encroachments of a superior race. In these respects, the value of the country began to be appreciated as hunting
* MoDette.
78 BHAWNEE8 OOOUPISD THB LOWER OUMBEKLAND,
grounds, and as affording immunity from the molestations of civilized man. Vague and uncertain claims to several por^ tions of the territory, were asserted by as many several tribes ; but no part of the present Tennessee was held by the actual and permanent occupancy of the Indians, except that section embraced by the segment of a circle, of which Tennessee ri- ver is the periphery, from the point where it intersects the North-Carolina line to that where this stream enters the State of Alabama. This was settled by the Cherokees. All of Ten- nessee, besides this, was uninhabited, though a portion of it was claimed or occupied as hunting grounds by the Shaw- nees, the Chickasaws,the Choctaws and the Cherokees.
The limits of these several territorial claims were ill defin- ed and indistinct. An ideal line, merely, passing through boundless forests and pathless mountains, with no river or other notorious object to ascertain its exactness, became the occasion of misunderstanding between rival Indian nations.
Of the four tribes, as above enumerated, a brief notice will be given, as connected with and illustrative of, the settlement of Tennessee.
8HAWNBE8.
The earlier French explorers, and geographers after them, designate the banks of the Lower Cumberland as the country of the Shawnees. Numerous villages are laid down on the map, published with Marquette's Journal in 1681, within the pre- sent boundaries of Tennessee. They were a wandering na- tion— one of their tribes being mentioned as dwelling for a time in Eastern Virginia, and anothei% soon after, on the head- waters of the Savannah. Adair, little more than a century since*, ^ saw the chief part of the main camp of the Shawano, consisting of about four hundred and fifty persons, on a tedious ramble to the Muskoghee country, where they settled, seventy miles above the Alabahma garrison."
The late General Robertson learned fVom the Indian J, that more than a century and a half ago, (1665,) the Shawnees oc- cupied the country from the Tennessee river to where Nash- ville now is, and north of the Cumberland ; and that about 1700, they left this country and emigrated north, and were re-
AND WEBE EXPELLED BY CHEBOKEEfl 79
oeived a§ a wandering tribe by the Six Nations, but were not allowed to have there any claim to the soil. As late as 1764, the Shawnees moved from Green river, in Kentucky, where a part of them' then resided, to the Wabash.
In 1772, the Little Com Planter, a most intelligent Ghero- kne chief, narrated, that the Shawnees, a hundred years be- j^re» by the permission of his nation, removed from the Sa- vannah river to Cumberland. That many years afterwards, the two nations becoming unfriendly, the Cherokees marched, in a large body, to the frontiers of the Shawnees — and divi- ding themselves into several small parties, unexpectedly and treacherously, as Little Corn Planter expressed himself — ^fell iqpon the Shawnees, and put a great many of them to death. The sorvivors then forted themselves, and maintained a pro- tracted war in defence of their possession of the country. At length the Ghickasaws became the allies of the Cherokees ; and the expulsion of the Shawnees from the Cumberland val- ley was gradually effected. This was about the beginning of the last centary. A few years later, when Monsieur Char- 1*^14 i l^vil'® opened a store where Nashville now is, he oc- ( cupied this fort of the Shawnees, as his dwelling. They were then, and had been for several years, so harassed by their enemies, that small parties of them had been, for a long time, gradually withdrawing from the country ; and their nomber had become so inconsiderable, that they determined to abandon Cumberland entirely, and soon after did so. The GkickasawB, hearing of the intended removal of the Shawnees, raeolved to strike an effectual blow against them, and, if pos- •ible» possess themselves of their stores. For this purpose, a large party of Chickasaw warriors posted themselves on both sides of Cumberland, above the mouth of Harpeth, provided with canoes, to prevent escape by water. Their attack was •nccessful. All the Shawnees were killed, and their property was captured by the Chickasaws.
The hostilities between these tribes not being brought to a doee, by any formal treaty of peace, they continued to destroy each other as often as opportunity offered. At length, afraid of meeting each other, all of these tribes wholly forsook the coontry ; and for sixty years it remained not only unoccupied by either, bat was seldom visited by a hunting party. In this
80 CHICKASAWfl.
way, when it iv^as first explored and began to be settled by the whites, the whole country west of Gamberland moontain was found uninhabited, and abounding with all the wild beasts of the forest.
Small parties of wandering Shawnees occasionally infested the frontiers, and from their familiarity with the mountains^ the rivers, and the paths to and from the country, were able to inflict serious damage to the infant settlements. A {Morl of the banditti who afterwards infested the narrows of the Tennessee river, and committed such enormous outrages on emigrants and navigators, at these celebrated passes, were Shawnees.
In the map accompanying Adair's book, the river from the head of Holston to the confluence of the Tennessee and Ohio, is called Cherake. The Cumberland is called Old Shauvanon, or river of the Shawnees. Near the source of the latter stream, a tributary of the Tennessee takes its rise ; it is probably intended for the modem Clinch. The Hiwassee is called Euphasee, of which Chestoe is a confluent. Ten-* nase is the stream now known as Little Tennessee.
CHICKASAWS.
This nation of Indians inhabited the country east of the Mississippi, and north of the Choctaw boundary ; their Vil- lages and settlements were generally south of the 35th degree of north latitude, but they claimed all the territory within the present States of Tennessee and Kentucky, which lies between the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers, and a considerable por- tion north of the former. These they claimed as hunting* grounds, though they had few or no permanent settlements within them. Tradition assigns to this tribe, when they first emigrated to this country, a very considerable population, but when Adair first visited them, (1735,) the Chickasaw warriors were estimated below five hundred. Though thus inconsiderable in numbers, the Chickasaws were war^ like and valiant. They exercised an unwonted influence over the Natches, Choctaws and other tribes. Their peace- able but brave warriors, were instrumental in preventing hostilities between their more numerous neighbouring tribes, or in concentrating their hostile operations against the
UCHEEB, MUBKOOEBS AND CHUOKEE8. 81
French and Spaniards. Generally they were the friends and allies of the Anglo-Americans.
At the time of De Soto's invasion, this tribe, as has been al- ready mentioned, occupied the same territory which has since been the seat of that nation, extending south from the mouth of the Tennessee river, to the country of the Natches and Choctaws. Chickasaw tradition assigns to this tribe a resi- dence, at one time, upon the Savannah. Chonubbec, one of their chieftains, said, that when his tribe occupied the country opposite to and east of Augusta, Georgia, hostilities arose between their people and the Creeks, and forced a great part of them to migrate to the country bordering on the MiBsissippi, while another fragment of their tribe was sub- doed by, and became incorporated with, the Creeks. As late as 1795, the Chickasaws presented to Congress their claim for lands on the Savannah.
There is a close affinity between the Chickasaws and Ghootaws, in their physical appearances, their languages, onstomSy traditions and laws. These tribes are believed to have had a common origin.
UCHEES.
A small tribe of Uchees once occupied the country near the mouth of Hiwassee. Their warriors were exterminated in a desperate battle with the Cherokees. Little elsje is known of them.
RfUSKOGEE OR CHEEKS.
Fragments of this powerful tribe occasionally lived on the aouthern boundary of Tennessee, but never formed a perma- nent settlement in it.
CHEROKEES.
Adair says of the Cherokees, " their national name is derived from Chee-ra — fire — which is their reputed lower heaven^ and hence they call their magi, Cheera^tahge, men possessed of the divine fire. The natives make two divisions of their coun- try, wlueh they term Ayrate and Ottare, signifying low and 6
82 8ILYSS MINE IK TSNITEflSBB.
mountainous. The former is on the head branches of the beautiful Savannah, and the latter on those of the eastern- most river of the great Mississippi."
The same writer says, that forty years before the time he wrote, (1775,) the Cherokees had sixty-four populous towns, and that the old traders estimated their fighing men at above six thousand. The frequent wars between the Over-hill Towns and the northern Indians, and between the Middle and Lower Towns and the Muskogee or Creek Indians, had greatly diminished the number of the warriors, and con- tracted the extent of their settlements.
" Within twenty miles of the late Fort Loudon,** continues Mr. Adair, ^ there is a great plenty of whet-stones for rasorSi of red, white and black colours. The silver mines are so rich, that by digging about ten yards deep, some desperate va^ grants found at sundry times, so much rich ore, a« to enable them to counterfeit dollars to a great amount, a horse-load of which was detected, in passing for the purchase of negroes, at Augusta." He also mentions load stone as being fonnd there and at Cheowhee, and also a variety of precious stones, of 'Various colour and beautiful lustre, clear and very hard." A tradition still continues of the existence of the silver mine mentioned thus by Adair. It is derived from hunters and traders who bad seen the locality, and assisted in smelting the metal. After the whites had settled near and'^began to encroach upon the Over-hill towns, their inhabi- tants began to withhold all knowledge of the mines from the traders, apprehending that their cupidity for the precious metals would lead to an appropriation of the mines, and the ultimate expulsion of the natives from the country. The late Mr. De Lozier, of Sevier county, testified to the existence and richness of mines of silver, one of which he had worked at, in the very section of the Cherokee country described by Adair.
The Cherokee tribe is closely identified with the settlement and history of Tennessee. Their nation, and some of their villages, are frequently mentioned in the accotnts of De Soto's invasion, and the journals of other explorers and adventurers into the interior of the south-west. They were formidable alike for their numbers and their passion for war.
MARTIAL SPIRIT OF GHEROKEES. 88
The frontier of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, all suf- fered from their vigour and their enterprise ; and these pages will her^^ailter abound with instances of their revenge, their perfidy, and their courage. They were the mountaineers of aboriginal America, and, like all other mountaineers, adored their country, and held on to and defended it with a heroic devotion — a patriotic constancy, and an unyielding tenacity, which cannot be too much admired or eulogized.
*» Si Pergtma dextra Defendi poaunt : etiain hac defenia faioent."
The native land of the Cherokee was the most inviting and beautiful section of the United States, Ijring upon the sources of the Catawba and the Yadkin — upon Keowee, Tugaloo, Flint, Etowah and Coosa, on the east and south, and several of the tributaries of the Tennessee on the west and north.
This tribe, inhabiting the country from which the southern eonfluents of the Tennessee spring, gave their name, at first to that noble stream. In the earlier maps, the Tennessee is called the Cherokee river. In like manner, the name of this tribe also designated the mountains near them. Currahee is only a corruption of Cherokee, and in the maps and trea- ties where it is thus called, it means the mountains of the Cberokees.
Of the martial spirit of this tribe, abundant evidence will be hereafter given. In the hazardous enterprises of war, they were animated by a restless spirit which goaded them into new exploits, and to the acquisition of a fresh stock of mar- tial renown. The white people, for some years previous to J 730, interposed their good offices to bring about a pacifica- tion between them and the Tuscaroras, with whom they had long waged incessant war. The reply of the Cherokees was : ** We cannot live without war. Should we make peace with the Tuscaroras, we must immediately look out for some other, with whom we can be engaged in our beloved occu- pation." Actuated by the restless activity of this sentiment, there have been but few intervals in the historj^ of the Chero- kees, when they have permitted themselves to sink into the inglorious arms of peace, and to be employed only in the
84 0UBBK8 EXPBLLED.
less perilous slaughter of the wild beasts of the wilderness. They have hardly ever ceased to sigh for danger, and to aspire to the rank which is attained by acts of heroic valour.* Under the promptings of this feeling, they have, at different times, been engaged in war against the colonists of England, of France, and of Spain, and also against other Indian tribes, with varied success. They assisted in the reduction of Fort Du Quesne ; they besieged and captured Fort Loudon ; they met the entire tribe of the Uchees, at the Uchee Old Fields, in what is now Rhea county, and, exterminating all its war- riors, compelled the surviving remnant of that brave race to retreat to Florida, where they became incorporated with the Seminoles.
The Cherokees have a tradition, that when their tribe first crossed the Alleghanies, and settled upon the Little Tennes* see river, some Creeks had previously occupied the country near the mouth of the Hiwassee river. Being near neigh- bours, the latter pretended to enter into alliance with the former, in a war which they were then carrying on against the Shawnees, but secretly abetted the common enemy. Their treachery became known to the Cherokees while cele- brating one of their national festivals at Chota, when they fell suddenly upon the unsuspecting Creeks, and cut them off. A general war between these two tribes succeeded, and was carried on with such vigour as to cause the Creeks to abandon all their settlements and villages on the waters of Tennessee, and to leave them in the undisturbed possession of the Cherokees. Indeed, the latter pushed their conquests as far as the great Creek Path, and then crossed over to Coosa, where, at a large settlement on an island, they by stratagem drew the Creeks from their towns, in a fleet of canoes, to a place on the bank of Coosa, where they lay in ambush, captured the canoes and all the Creek warriors, sacked their towns, and massacred the defenceless inhabi- tants. The English name of the leader of this excursion was Bullhead. Cherokee tradition abounds with instances of the exploits performed by this Brave against the Creeks.
These continued successes of the Cherokees made them
* Haywood's Aboriginal History.
CHOTA — ^A CITY OF REFUGE. 85
qnarrelsome, arrogant and incautious. They took offence at the Chickasaws, with whom they had confederated in the expulsion of the Shawnees, and in prosecution of a hostile invasion of their country, had advanced as far as the Chicka- saw Old Fields. The inoffensive but brave owners of the country, there met the invaders with great spirit. A terrible eonflict ensued. The Cherokees were defeated, and withdrew by the way of the Cumberland river and the Cany Fork, to their own villages. This signal overthrow of the flower of the Cherokee nation, took place about 1760 — the period when the first white settlement was being formed on Wa- tanga, and, doubtless, contributed much to the pacific demea^ nour manifested for some years by the neighbouring Indians to that infant, feeble and secluded community. The favoura- ble moment was lost, when the young Hercules might have been strangled in his cradle, by a slight exertion of the usual vigilance and enterprise of the Indian sachem and warrior. A germ of the Anglo-American family was permitted to take root and to grow for a time, unmolested by Cherokee opposi- tion, and unrestrained by savage wariness and caution.
Every Indian tribe, according to Adair, has a house or town of refuge, which is a sure asylum to protect a man-slayer, or (he unfortunate captive, if he can once enter into it.
Among the Cherokees, Chota, five miles above the ruins of Fort, Loudon, was their city of refuge. At this place an Englishman took refuge and found protection, after killing an Indian warrior in defence of his property. His dwelling- house being near to Chota, the English trader resolved, after remaining in the city of refuge some months, to return home ; but he was assured by the head men, that although perfectly safe where he then was, it would be not only dangerous but fatal to him, if he attempted to remove thence. The Indians will revenge blood for blood, unless in some particular case, where the eldest kinsman of the slain is allowed to redeem or pardon.
Among the distinguished Cherokees, was Oconostota. Of him Adair says : " Before the last war. Old Hop^ who was helpless and lame, presided over the whole nation, as Archi- maguSy and lived in Chota, their only town of refuge.''
86 EUPHONY AVD BEAUTY OF INDIAN NAMES
k
Speaking of the Indian's passion for revenge, Adair says t '* I have known them to go a thousand miles for the purpose of revenge, in pathless woods, over hills and mountains, through large cane swamps, full of grape-vines and briars, over broad lakes, rapid rivers and deep creeks ; and all the way endan- gered by poisonous snakes, if not with the rambling and lurk- ing enemy — while, at the same time, they were exposed to the extremities of heat and cold, the vicissitudes of the season, to hunger and thirst — both by chance and their religious scanty method of living when at war — to fatigues and other difficul- ties. Such is their overboiling revengeful temper, that they utterly contemn all those things as imaginary trifles, if they are so happy as to get the scalp of the murderer or enemy» to satisfy the supposed craving ghosts of their deceased rela- tions."
Amongst the Cherokees, when first seen by the pioneers of Tennessee, there were no cities or fortresses — scarcely a con- siderable village. Their towns — settlements, rather — were rude huts and wigwams, scattered without order or regular- ity, along the banks of some stream abounding with springs* and convenient to a fishery, a hunting ground, or lands for pasturage. To each hut was attached a small patch of rich land, from which the cane had been removed. This was used as a garden, where the women cultivated beans, Indian corn, and, at a later period, apples, peaches and plums. These lots were often without fences — as the domestic animals which the Indians raised, were not kept near their houses, but roam- ed at large over the cane-breaks, or the more distant prairies or forests.
The Indians designated the mountains and streams of their country by names remarkable for their euphony and beauty. Many of these have been lost, or are now seldom heard. The loss is, we fear, irreparable. Bay's, Stone, Iron, Yellow, Smoky, Black, Grand-father Mountains, were once doubtless known by names as smooth and musical as Alleghanee, Unaca, Chil- howee and Chattanooga. Dumplin, Sandy Mush, Little Dis- mal, Bull Run, Calf Killer, Sweet Water, and High Tower, though sufficiently [significant, would grate harshly upon the ears of a Cherokee, who had bathed in the waters, luxuriated
OF RIVERS IN TEHNE8BEE. 67
in the shades, formed bis ambuscade and sung his war- song upon the banks of the Allejay, the Oustinalla and the Etowah.
ABORIGINAL NAMES OF THE RIVERS IN TENNESSEE.
From information derived from all the sources within his reach, this writer believes that the Tennessee river was called by the first explorers and geographers, Ueviere des Cheraquis, or Cosquinambeaux — but by the aborigines, Kallamuchee; which I take to be the aboriginal name of the stream, from its confluence with the Ohio to the mouth of Little Tennessee. From this point to the mouth of the PVench Broad, it was called Cootcia ; and from there to the mouth of Watauga, and per- haps to its source in Virginia, the Holston was known to the Indians as Hogohegee. The French Broad, throughout its whole length, was the Agiqua, and received, on its northern bank, the Swannanoah and the Nonachunheh (now Nolli- chacky). The present barbarous Clinch, had the more eupho- nious name, Pellissippi. Little River was the Canot ; Little Tennessee was the Tannassee ; and its confluent, Tellico, has bien changed from Ptsaliko, or Saliko ; Hiwassee, was pro- nounced Euphasee ; Cumberland, was called by the Indians, Warioto— but by the French, Shauvanon ; Wolf River was the Margot ; Loushatchee, Hatchee, Sequatchee, Ocoee, Conesauga and Watauga have, happily, escaped the Vandal mutilation or corruption which the unfortunate Holston, French Broad, Clinch, Wolf and Forked Deer have suffered.
When the pioneers of Tennessee settled in the south- western part of Virginia, and the coterminous portions of North-Carolina, the country had ceased to be, perhaps had never been, the settled residence of any of the more modem aboriginal tribes. At this time it was the common hunting grounds of the Shawnees, Cherokees and other southern In- dians. But east and north of the Tennessee river, there was not a single Indian hut. Still, along the vallies of what is now East Tennessee and South-western Virginia, lay the great Toute and thoroughfare between the northern and southern Indians, in their intercourse with distant tribes, in their hunt- ing excursions, in their hostile expeditions and in their em-
88 OBSAT IMDIAH PATH.
baaeies of peace ; this was the path of migration, the ohase^ the treaty and savage invasion. Besides its central poritmi and its direct bearing, the great Apalachian chain coald no where else be so easily ascended and crossed. Abundance of game, water and fuel, a healthful and moderate climate^ an unoccupied territory, no impracticable swamps, or deep and wide streams to retard their jonrneyings^ were all eonsiderap tions that led to the selection of this path. One branch of it was nearly the same as the present stage route passing the Big Lick, in Bottetourt county, Viginia ; crossing New River at old Fort Chissel, near Inglis' Ferry, Holston at the Seven Mile Ford, thence to the left of the present stage road and near to the river, to the North Fork, crossing as at present ; thence to Big Creek and crossing the Holston at Dodson'a Ford, to the Grassy Springs, near the residence of the late Micajah Lea ; thence down the waters of Nollichucky to Long Creek, ascending that stream to its source, and descending Dnmplin Creek to a point a few miles from its mouth, where the path deflected to the left and crossed French Broad near Buckingham's Island. Near this, the path divided. One branch of it went up the west fork of Little Pigeon, and crossed some small mountains to the Tuckalechee towns, and so on to the Over-hill villages of the Cherokees. The other and main fork, went up Boyd's Creek to its source, and falling upon the head branches of Allejay, descended its valley to Little River, and crossing near Henry's, went by the present town of Maryville, to the mouth of Tellico, and passing through the Indian towns and villages of Tellico, Chota and Hiwassee, descended the Coosa, where it connected with the Great War Path of the Creeks. Near the Wolf Hills, now Abingdon, another path came in from the north-west, which pursued nearly the same route now travelled from the latter place to Kentucky, and crossing the mountain at that remark* able depression called Cumberland Gap. It was along this path that the earlier English explorers and hunters first passed to Kentucky, and through it the Rockcastle and Ohio savages often penetrated, to molest and break up the early settlements upon New River and Holston. Dr. Hardy, of Asheville, North-Carolina, believes that the
TUMULI AHD OTHEB BXHAiyB. 89
Cherokees used the country, near and around the sources of the French Broad, more as hunting grounds than as a place of resi- dence. This opinion is sustained by the fact, that the streams and mountains of that region do not bear aboriginal names. French Broad, Pigeon, Sandy Mush, Ivy, &c., are the water courses. Blue Ridge, Pisgah, Glass, Smoky and Bald* are the mountains, all English names. No considerable war path or Indian trace passed through those elevated and almost inaccessible regions, and it was not till after 1787 that emigrants passed through them.
Little of the former history of the Cherokee tribe can be ascertained from their traditions. These extend little further baek than the early days of 0-ka-na-sto-ta, the distinguished chief who visited England in the days of George II. From his time they date the declension of their natioil ; he was king or principal chief. His seat of government was one of the Over-hill towns, Echota, more properly E-tsaw-ty, on Tellico river, since the property of the late John McGhee, Esq.
Of the tumuli scattered every where through the country, and of other remains occasionally found in and near them, ifae Cherokees know nothing, only that when their fathers first took possession of the country, they considered them as the vestiges of an ancient and more numerous population, further adyanced in the arts of civilized life than their own people* For these relics they seemed to entertain some ^collar vene- ration, and never appropriated them to any secular purpose
The piles or heaps of rocks, so often met with in the gaps or crossing places of mountains or ridges, are structures very different from the tumuli proper. They are believed to be more modem, and it is not improbable that they owe their origin to a superstition not uncommon, if not general, in all heathen countries. The Rev. Mr. Winslow, American missionary at Oodooville, in the district of Jafna, makes the firilowing statement in a journal under date of May 19, 1832 : "In coming over a tract of land which would be called in America * barrens,' where there was no forest and but little cultivation, I saw in several places, near the foot paths lead- ing to the principal bazaar, large piles of stones ; and en-
90 ABOUGIITAL flTRUOTURlS.
quiring into the caase, was told that the people, in passing over such places, are in the habit, eaph one, of casting a stone upon heaps begun in some particular spot, as an offering to an evil spirit, who would otherwise afflict them and their families.'^
We may not here indulge in further remarks upon the aborigines of America. Were it otherwise proper, the theme would invite us to inquire into and examine their physical, domestic, political, social and religious history; their manners, rites, arts, traditions, religion, government and laws. The analogies which are found betwen these and those of some Asiatic tribes, not less than their physical affinities, furnish, if not the foundation of legitimate infe- rence, certainly ground for plausible conjecture and speon- lation. Iti their language or dialects, is presented a subject for philological research that may illustrate the connection which, at some former time, existed between the aboriginal population of America and the rest of the world. But upon these topics we dare not enter. It must be sufficient here, only to say that every where in the West, we find ourselves surrounded with vestiges of different nations who have lived here before us ; and that we may infer from these relics, very different degrees of progress and improvement in the people who constructed them. Of these there are three classes. First : — thos# belonging to the modern Indians ; these are nei^ ther numerous nor interesting — such as rude axes of stone, pestles and mortars, arrow heads, earthen vessels, pipes, war clubs, musical instruments and idols, carved out of a spe- cies of serpentine, calumets, &c. Second : — those belong- ing to or constructed by a people of European or foreign descent ; such as medals, coins, beads, crucifixes, furnaces^ ^c. Third: — those belonging to or made by a people evidently demi-civilized, who anciently inhabited the coun- try ; such as forts, cemeteries, tumuli, temples, altars, camps, towns, videttes, fortifications, &c. These structures fur- nish unquestionable evidence, that a dense population, at a remote period, occupied this country, and had made some advance *in the arts of civilized life. These, though they may not awaken in the beholder the same associations as
TRADITIONS OF TENNESSEJB TRIBES. 01
the rains of Rome, or the majestic desolations of Greece, are certainly not entirely devoid of interest, but excite a feeling of veneration for the memory of those mighty em- pires which once flourished where these vestiges of their former greatness are yet found. And the inquiry forcibly presents itself, who were these unknown people ? How and when have these nations become extinct ? Did some swarm of ruthless invaders from our northern hive, at some far dis- tant period of time, seeking a more genial climate, descend the vallies of the West, and, carrying devastation in their march, Vandal-like, consign them to oblivion ? Tradition, a medium of communication between remote ages too much undervalued, is not altogether silent on this subject. At a Tory noted congress or treaty, held early in the last century, at Lancaster, Pa., Indian delegates in attendance, said their- ancestors had conquered several nations on the west side of ffae Great Mountains, viz : " The Gony-uch-such-roona, the Coch-now-was-roonon, the Tohoa-nough-roonaw, and the Conatskin-ough-roonaw."
The traditions of the Tennessee tribes on the subject, are indistinct and conflicting. They agree in this, that their forefathers «found these vestiges here, or that they were always here, meaning, thereby, to assign to these ancient relics an indefinite antiquity. The several Indian families in America have been well compared to the fragments of a vast ruin. Certain is it, that these remains imply the former existence of a population so dense as to prove that it was incapable of existing in a country of hunters only, and that, possibly, Tennessee and the West were once the theatre upon which agriculture, civilization and peace exhibited their benign influence, or the dreadful battle field, where the lust of dominion, the bad passions of man and his unhallowed ambition, consigned to the grave and to oblivion hecatombs of human victims, and made the fairest part of God's crea- tion a desert and a waste. Turning from the contemplation of this gloomy picture, we hasten to trace the progress of civilized man, of enlightenment and art over the wilds of Tennessee. #
92 WATAUGA ^T8 flBTTLBMEHT ABTD OOTEUTMENT.
I
CHAPTER IL
WATAUGA— ITS SETTLEMENT AND GOVERNMENT.
In the meantime, the treaty of Fort Stanwix had given a pretext for a general disregard of the king's proclamation^ prohibiting settlements of his subjects west of the mountatnSp and had excited afresh the spirit of emigration and explora* tion westward. Land-mongers penetrated fearlessly into the wilderness, while masses of emigrants had accnmalated along the boundary, and concentrating themselves at the leading avenues from the Atlantic to the westerd watery stood for a moment impatient of longer restraint, and cast- ing a wishful look upon the inviting country before them. Tennessee was yet without a single civilized inhal)itant We have traced the approaches of the Anglo-American popu- lation to her eastern boundary. The genius of civilizatiottp in her progress from the east, had passed the base of the great Apalachian range. She stood upon its sutnmit, protid of past success — and, ambitious of further and greater achievement, surveyed from that height the wide field before and around her. On her right, are the rich vallies and Iqmz- riant plains of Kentucky and Ohio, as yet imperfectly known from the obscure report of the returning explorer or the Shawnee prisoner. On the left, her senses are regaled by the luxuriant groves, the delightful savannas, and the en- chanting beauties of the sunny south. Far in the distance and immediately before her, she contemplates the Great West, lis vastness at first overwhelms and astounds her, but at the extreme limit of her vision, Aq(ierican adventure and western enterprise are seen beckoning her to move for- ward and to occupy the goodly land. She descends to the plains below, and on the prolific soil of the quiet Watauga, in the lonely seclusion of one of its ancient forests, is de- positA the germ of the future State of Tennessee. In that germ were contained all the elements of prospective great-
mST ftETTLEMBVT IN TBNNEB0EB. 08
ness and achievement. What these elements were, succeed- ing pages will but feebly develope and illustrate. Toil, enterprise, perseverance and courage, had planted that germ in a distant wilderness. The circumstances that surrounded Uy "required for its growth, culture and protection, wisdom, flKue, patriotism, valour and self-reliance. American was to jjecome Western character, and here was the place and this ^e time of its first germination.
The ne^ of the great grant from the Six Nations reached 1769 \ y^F^n^i^f settlement soon after the tre<ity of ^o- »er, 1768. Dr. Walker, the Commissioner from Virginia, had returned from Fort Stanwix, and brought with him an account of the cession. He is the same gentleman who, as has been already narrated, had twice explored the new country, and now bore with him one form of authority for an indefinite extension of the white settlements west- ward. The Indian boundary, as adjusted at Hard Labour, in October of the same year, had given the assent of the Cl^erokees to a further expansion of the Holston settlements ; lyid late ii|^ December, 1768, and early in January of 1769, YAS formed the nucleus of the first permanent establishment / of the white race in Tennessee. It was merely an enlarge-
KBnt of the Virginia settlement near it, and at the time was lieved to be upon the territory of that province, — the line ^^vidin^ Virginia and North-Carolina not having been yet my west of Steep Rock. The settlers were principally from what is now Wake county, in North-Carolina. Some of them had been among the troops raised by that province, and tent, in 1760, for the relief of the garrison at Fort Loudon — Mhers of them had wintered, in 175H, at the Long Island Fort, around which a temporary settlement had been made, which was soon after broken up and its members forced to retire east of Kenhawa.
Early in this year further explorations were made. One of them originated with Gilbert Christian and William Anderson. They had accompanied the regiment com- manded by Colonel Bird, and were so pleased with the country through which they had marched, that they deter- mined to explore it more fully. They were joinec? by the
94 CHRISTIAN ANDERSON AND SAWYERS.
late Colonel John Sawyers, of Knox county, and fonr others. They crossed the north fork of Holston at the present ford, and penetrated as low down that stream as Big Creek,, in the present county of Hawkins, where they met a largj party of Indians. '' They turned about and went back up th^ river ten or fifteen miles, and concluded to return home^ About twenty miles above the North Fork, they found, upo^ their return, a cabin on every spot where the range vmm good, and where oniy^six weeks before nothinogKas to be seen but a howling wilderness. When they pass^^k before, on their outward destination, they found no setti^ron Hol- ston, save three families on the head springs of that river."* So impetuous was the current of population westward. i
Of those who ventured farthest into the wilderness with ^ their families, was Capt. William Bean. He came from Pit^ sylvania county, Va., and settled early in 1769 on Boon'sCreel^ a tributary of Watauga, in advance of Carter and others^ who soon after settled upon that ^stream. His son, Russell Bean, was the first white child born in what is now Tenmss- see. Captain Bean had hunted with Boon, knew his camp^ and selected this as the place of lys settlement on the a<v count of its abundant game. His cabin was not far from Watauga. He was an intrepid man, and will be mentioned hereafter. Bean's Station was afterwards settled by him.
But explorations were not confined to the country sinc9b known as East Tennessee. A glimpse had been obtaiaed by Findley, Boon and Smith, of those portions of Kentucky and Middle Tennessee lying upon the Cumberland river. It had been ascertained, too, that the entire territory between the Ohio and Tennessee was unoccupied by any aboriginal tribe, and that it was the hunting ground and often the bat- tle field of the adjoining Indian nations. Possessed by none of these for residence or cultivation, it presented an inviting field for further exploration and future settlement. It had been represented, also, as a country of boundless fertility and inconceivably beautiful. Men of hardy enterprise and fear- less spirit were at hand to explore and occupy it. The pio-
• Haywood.
STATION AT FRENCH LICK. 95
neers of«civ]lization in the West, — the trader, the hunter, the surveyor, — were already on the frontier ready to tempt the dangerous wilds.
After the return of Smith in 176G, from his expedition to the Lower Cumberland, Isaac Lindsay, and four others from South-Carolina, were the next adventurers. They crossed ^e AUeghanies and the Cumberland at the usual place — hanted upon the Rockcastle and de^M|ded Cumberland as low as the mouth of Stone's river. ^^^ they met Michael
Stoner, who, with Harrod, hao^Pme from Illinois to
hunt. These two were from Pittsburg. Previous to this time, in 1704, the Shawnees had removed from the Cumber- land and Greene rivers to the Wabash, and no Indians were then there. At the bluff, where Nashville now stands, some French were settled and had a station. Ten or twelve miles above the mouth of Tennessee, there was then another French station.
The first of May, 1769, Daniel Boon, as narrated by him- idfy ^lefl his peaceable habitation on the Yadkin river, in quest of the country of Kentucky," in company with John Findley, John Stewart, and three others. These hunters must have passed rapidly through Upper East Tennessee, as we learn from the narrative that on the 7th of June they were upon Red River, the northern-most branch of the Kentucky liver. In December of that year, John Stewart was killed by Indians, ^the first victim, as far as is known, in the heca- tombs of white men, offered by the Indians to the god of bat- tles, in their desperate and ruthless contention for Kentucky."* Of Findley, nothing more is known than that he was the first huntet of Kentucky, and the pilot of Boon to the dark and bloody ground.
On the 2d of June, 17G9, a larger company of adventurers was formed, for the purpose of hunting and exploring, in what is now known as Middle Tennessee. As the country was discovered and settled by the enterprise and defended by the valour of these first explorers, we choose to give their names, the places from which they came, and such details of their hazardous journeyings as have been preserved.
• Batler.
96 RAIHB EXPL0XE8 CUMBERLAHD.
May the time never come, when the self-sacrificing.toil and the daring hardihood of the pioneers of Tennessee will be forgotten or undervalued by their posterity. The company consisted of more than twenty men. Some of them from North-Carolina ; others from the neighbourhood of the Na- tural Bridge, and others from the infant settlement near Inglis' Ferry, in Virginia. The names of some of theii| follow : John Rains, l|^per Mansco, Abraham Bledsoe, Jobs Baker, Joseph DraJ^^Aadiah Terrill, Uriah Stone, Henry Smith, Ned Cowan^PSert Crockett. The place of rendes- vous was eight miles below Fort Chissel, on New River. They came by the head of Holston, and, crossing the north fork, Clinch and Powell's rivers, and passing through Cum* berland Gap, discovered the southern part of Kentncky, and fixed a station camp at a place since called Price's Meadow, in Wayne county, where they agreed to deposit their game and skins. The hunters here dispersed in different diree* tions ; the whole company still travelling to the south-west They came to Roaring River and the Cany Fork, at a point far above the mouth and somewhere near the foot of the mountain. Robert Crockett was killed near the head wateri of Roaring River, when returning to the camp, provided for two or three days' travelling ; the Indians were there in am- bush, and fired upon and killed him. The Indians were tra- velling to the north, seven or eight in company. Crockett's body was found on the war track, leading from the Cherokee nation towards the Shawnees tribe. All the country through which these hunters passed, was covered with high grass ; no traces of any human settlement could be seen, and the pri- meval state of things reigned in unrivalled glory ; though undor dry caves, on the side of creeks, they found many places where stones were set up, that covered large quanti- ties of human bones; these were also found in the caves, with which the country abounds. They continued to hunt eight or nine months, when part of them returned in Aprilt 1770.* The return of Findley and Boon to the banks of the Yadkin
•Haywood.
COLONEL JAME8 KNOX EXPLORES OUMBEBLAND. 97
i'77o i *"^ ^^ ^^^ explorers, whose journal has just been c given, to their several homes, produced a remarkable sensation. Their friends and neighbours were enraptured with the glowing descriptions of the delightful country they had discovered, and their imaginations were inflamed with the account of the wonderful products, which were yielded in such bountiful profusion. The sterile hills and rocky uplands of the Atlantic country began to lose their interest, when compared with the fertile vallies beyond the moun- tains.* A spirit of further exploration was thus excited in the settlements on New River, Holston and Clinch, which originated an association of about fortJ^ stout hunters, for the purpose of hunting and trapping west of Cumberland mountains. Equipped with their rifles, traps, dogs, blankets, and»dressed in the hunting shirt, leggins and mocassins, they commenced their arduous enterprise, in the real spirit of hazardous adventure, through the rough forest and rugged hill8.t The names of these adventurers are now not known. The expedition was led by Colonel James Knox. The leader, and nine others of the company, penetrated to the Lower Camberland, and, making there an extensive and irregular ciroait, adding much to their knowledge of the country, after a long absence, returned home. They are known as the *• Long Hunters."
In the meantime, the infant settlement on Watauga was ^ receiving constant additions to its numbers from North-Ca- ^ rolina and Virginia, where the rage of visiting unexplored regions had become irresistible, and an irrepressible anxiety to emigrate succeeded. Other causes, too, were exerting an indirect influence upon the people of both North and South- Carolina. In each of these provinces, civil disturbances existed, the results of which augmented the population and stimulated the growth of the new community germinating across the mountain.
In South-Carolina, previous to 1770, no courts of justice were held beyond the limits of the capital, and, in the inte- rior of that province, the inhabitants took tfte law into their. own hands and punished oflenders in a summary way.
* MoDette. t Marshall.
7
96 DIiCONT£MTS IN NORTH-CAROLINA.
^ This mode of proceeding was called Regulation, and its authors Regulators."* Those who opposed them were called Scovilites, after their leader, Scovil, commissioned by the governor to suppress them. Each party was armed and pre- pared for the last extremity, ■y These tumults, and the bitter animosities they engendered,
' ^ drove many from South-Carolina to the settlements on Hol- ston and Watauga.
In North-Carolina, disturbances existed also, but produced by other and different causes, and, unlike those just narrated, were, unfortunately, not quieted without bloodshed. The inhabitants of this province, who lived upon Lord Granville'8 reservation, about two-thirds of the whole, complained that illegal and exorbitant fees were extorted by officers of gov- ernment, that oppressive taxes were exacted by the sheriffs and that the manner of collecting them was arbitrary and tyrannical. The people had long petitioned and remonstrated, but the officers remained unpunished. Another fruitful source of general discontent increased the popular clamour.
^V In 1764 the intentions of the British ministry to quarter troops in America, and to support them at the expense of the colonies, were publicly announced. Afler debate in the House of Commons, it was unanimously determined that the Parliament of Great Britain had the ri^A^.toJax the Ameri- cans, but it was not till March, of the next year, that this right was exercised by the passage of an act for raising a - revenue by a general stamp duty through all the American colonies. This act excited the most serious alarm. It was received as a violation of the British constitution, and as destructive of the first principles of liberty, and combina-. tions against its execution were every where formed. Vir- ginia was the first to assert colonial rights, and to deny the claim of parliamentary taxation. To the bold patriotism and fervid eloquence of Patrick Henry, is dye the immortal honour of this early avowal of the inviolability of the repre- sentative principle.
In North-Carolina, the public mind was much disturbed by the report that the stamp act had been passed by Parlianient.
'Banuay.
COLONEL ASHE PREVENTS THE LANDING OF THE STAMPS. W
This intelligence reached Wilmington shortly after the meet^ ing of the Assembly, and such was the violence exhi- bited by the members of the popular House, that Governor Tiyon suddenly prorogued the legislative body.* By the passage of the stamp act, an amalgamation of all par- ties in the province was brought about. The people of North-Carolina were never before so unanimous. All joined in giving a solemn assurance to the mother country that the colonies would not be forcibly taxed — an assurance that was nobly, thoagh not unanimously, enforced, and which achieved the freedom of America.t Col. Ashe, on the approach of the stamp ship, embodied a company of militia, and held himself ready for battla The odious freight was never kmdedy and the fiery impetuosity of the colonel, aided by the enthusiasm of the whole people, arrested the stamp master, condacted him to the market house, where, in the presence of the assembled multitude, he swore a solemn oath never to perform the duties of his office.
The subsequent repeal of the odious stamp act was insuffi- cient to appease the growing discontent, or to repress the insorreetionary tendencies of the people. The extortions of the officers were continued, and the taxes were multiplied. Besides, the office holders were all foreigners, who, not con- tent with having engrossed the stations of authority and hon- our in their adopted country, endeavoured to revel upon the hard earnings of an agricultural and primitive people. The trade, too, of the province was monopolized by foreign mer- chants, ** who came in shoals, to get rich and to get conse. quence. The poor man was treated with disdain, because unable to contribute to their emoluments. He was excluded from their society, unless when he was to be reminded of his insignificance, and to be told with brutal freedom of the low rank which he held.":|; Nothing is more offensive to correct taste, virtuous, sentimeut and just discernment, than the up- start consequence and fictitious importance engendered by sudden or unexpected accumulation. This hauteur is the more intolerable and annoying, as it is never accompanied with intellectual or moral worth.
'May 18,1766. t Jones. :( Haywood.
100 BE80LYE8 OF TI18 BBGULATORS.
Such were the outrages, political and domestic, that dis- quieted the people of North-Carolina. The perpetrators of the former were the men in power, who were appointed by law to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of the people. Those who were injured met and petitioned for re- lief, and made representations of the mal-practices from which they had suffered. Their petitions were rejected and treated with disdain. They held several meetings, assumed the name of Regulators, and resolved "to pay no more tazesy until they were satisfied that the tax was agreeable to law, and should be applied to the purposes therein mentioned ; to pay no officer any higher fees than the law allows, to attend their meeting of conference ; to consult our representatives on the amendment of such laws as may be found grevious or unnecessary ; to choose more suitable men for burgesses and vestrymen, than we have heretofore done, and to petition tlie Assembly, Governor, Council, King and Parliament for re- dress, in such grievances as in the course of the undertaking may occur ; and to inform one another, learn, know and en- joy, all the privileges and liberties that are allowed and were settled on us by our worthy ancestors, the founders of oar present constitution, in order to preserve it on its ancient foundation, that it may stand firm and unshaken.^^ In the public and documentary proceedings of the Regulators we see nothing to blame and much to admire. " On these prin- ciples, and to this extent of opposition, the whole western counties were agreed. The most sober and sedate in the community were united in resisting the tyranny of unjust and |Xorbitant taxes, and had been aroused to a degree of violence and opposition, difficult to manage and hard to quell. And the more restless, and turbulent, and unprincipled parts of society, equally aggrieved and more ungovernable, cast themselves in as part of the resisting mass of population, with little to gain, bat greater license for their unprincipled passions ; and little to lose, could they escape confinement and personal punish- ment. Unjustifiable acts perpetrated by these, were charged upon the Regulators, and they were held accountable for all the ill that wicked men chose to do, under the name of struggling for liberty ; while it is well known that the leaders
BATTLE our THE ALAMANCE. 101
of this oppressed party never expressed a desire to be free from law or equitable taxation. The governor's palace, doable and treble fees, and taxes without law or reason, drove the sober to resistance and the passionate and unprin- cipled to outrage. But there were cases of injustice most foul and crying, that might palliate, where they could not justify, the violence that followed.
^ The Regulators continued their resistance to illegal taxa- tion, two or three years. The better part of the community were averse to the irregularities of those lawless spirits, who> attaching themselves to the cause of liberty, greatly impeded its progress ; and desired to govern themselves and persuade iheir neighbours by reason, to gain the justice they demanded. But tumult, and violence, and rebellion followed ; the Regu- lators prevented the setting of courts, and otherwise ob- structed the execution of the laws. Governor Tryon met them on the 16th May, 1771, on the Alamance. They num- bered between two and three thousand. The governor's troops were something less. The Regulators, being poorly armed, undisciplined and without commanders of skill or experience, were defeated. ''It is the unvarying tradition among the people of the country, that they had but little am- * munition, and did not flee until it was all expended. Nine of them, and twenty-seven of the militia, were left dead on the field ; a great number were wounded on both sides in this first battle — in this first blood shed for the enjoyment of liberty. We cannot but admire the principles that led to the result, how much soever we may deplore the excesses that preceded and the bloodshed itself*
The conduct of the Regulators is viewed in the same light liy an American historian, who from his official position at the Court of St. James, has had the opportunity of examining in the British State Paper Oflice, all the documents pertaining t6 the " Regulation." He says, speaking of them : '* Their eomplaints were well founded, and were so acknowledged^ though their oppressors were only nominally punished. They form the connecting link between resistance to the Stamp Act, and the movement of 1775 ; and they also played a
•Foote.
102 TREATY OF LOCHABER.
glorioas part in taking possession of the Mississippi val- ley, towards which they were carried irresistibly by their love of independence. It is a mistake if any have supposed that the Regulators were cowed down by their defeat at the Alamance. Like the mammoth, they shook the bolt from their brow and crossed the mountains.***
Thus early did a great political wrong — ^ taxation without representation" — ulcerate the minds of the subjects of the King in all the American colonies. A little later, did regal oppres- sion, in exorbitant and illegal fees of Crown officers and their deputies, produce disaffection and resistance in Western Ga^ rolina. The defeat of the Regulators on the Alamance quelled, \ for a time, the spirit of resistance ; but the disaffection re- mained, and caused the voluntary exile of thousands of indigo nant and independent freemen to the western wilds. Re- mote from the seat of power, and free from the oppressions of regal officers, Watauga gave its cordial welcome to these honest-hearted and virtuous patriots : and here was the cm- die of the infant Hercules — ^Tennessee.
The tide of emigration continued from Southern Virginia^
> ( and from the country near the sources of the Yadkin
I and Catawba, in North-Carolina, and was spreading itself beyond the limits assigned to the white inhabitants, by the treaty of Hard Labour, in 1768. Some of the settlements were within what was supposed to be the Indian territory, and the Cherokees began to remonstrate against the encroach- ment. To avoid Indian resentment, and to prevent hostilities on the part of the Cherokees, the Superintendent of Southern In- dian Affairs took measures to establish a new boundary further ^1 west. The treaty of Lochaber was signed on the 18th of Octo- ber, 1770, by the cotmciTof the chiefs, warriors, and head men of the Cherokee nation. The new line commenced on the south branch of Holston river, six miles east of Long Island — ^thence to the mouth of the Great Kenhawa.t This boundary — ^the western limit of the frontier settlements of Virginia and North- Carolina — was a feeble barrier against the approaches of the emigrants, who came in greatly increased numbers to the West. The Holston river was considered as the line^dividing
* Letter to D. L. Swain, Esq., from Mr. Bancroft. ^liMonette.
(
ARRIVAL OF R0BERT80K. 108
North-Carolina and Virginia. An act of the Legislature of this Province, allowed every actual settler having a log cabin erected, and any portion of ground in cultivation, the right of four hundred acres of land, and so located as to include his improvement. A subsequent act extended the privilege much further — ^allowing such owner and occupant the preference right of purchasing a thousand acres adjoining him, at such cost as scarcely exceeded the expense of selecting and sur- veying it. These acts greatly encouraged emigration to the West, where every man, with the least industry, could not , fail to secure to himself a comfortable home and a valuable estate for his children. Crowds of emigrants immediately advanced to secure the proffered bounty.* When the line was afterwards run, many of these were found to be within the limits of North-Carolina.
But the misgoverned Province of North-Carolina sent forth most of the emigrants to Watauga. The poor came in search of independence — others to repair their broken fortunes — the aspiring, to attain respectability, unattainable in the country of their nativity. In the wilderness beyond the mountain, they promised themselves, at least, exemption from the super- cilious annoyance of those who claimed a pre-eminence above them.f Others came prompted by the noble ambition of form- ing a new community, of laying broad and deep the founda- tion of government, and of acquiring, under it, distinction and consequence for themselves and their children.
Amongst those that reached Watauga about this time, was Daniel Boon, who had previously crossed the mountain upon a hunting excursion, and had been as low ai% Boon's Creek, in the present county of Washington. He acted as pilot to the new settlements, and continued the pioneer to civilization, from the Yadkin to the district of St. Charles, in Missouri, where he ended his remarkable and eventful life, in 1820, in the eighty-sixth year of his age.
A little after Boon, and early in 1770, came also James ,*\ Robertson, from Wake county, North-Carolina. "He is the same person,** to use the language of Haywood, who was his countryman, and knew him well, " who will ap-
* Monette. f Haywood.
104 CHAKACTER OF ROBERTSON.
pear hereafter by his aotions, to have merited all the eulo- gium, esteem and affection, which the most ardent of his coun- trymen have ever bestowed upon him. Like almost all those in America who have attained eminent celebrity, he had not a noble lineage to boast of, nor the escutcheoned armorials of a splendid ancestry. But he had what was far more val- uable : a sound mind, healthy constitution, a robust frame, a love of virtue, an intrepid soul, and an emulous desire for honest fame. He visited the delightful country on the wa- ters of Holston, to view the new settlements which then began to be formed on the Watauga. Here he found one Honeycut living in a hut, who furnis ed him with food. He made a crop there the first year. On re-crossing the moun- tains he got lost for some time, and coming to a precipicet over which his horse could not be led, he left him there and travelled on foot. His powder was wetted by repeated show- ers and could not be used in the procurement of game for food. Fourteen days he wandered without eating, till he was so much reduced and weakened that he began seriously to despair of reaching his home again. But there is a Provi- dence which rules over the destinies of men, and preserves them to run the race appointed for them. Unpromising as were the prospects of James Robertson, at that timer, having neither learning, experience, property, nor friends to give him countenance, and with spirits drooping under the pres- sure of penury and a low estate, yet the God of nature had given him an elevated soul, and planted in it the seeds of vir- tue, which made him in the midst of discouraging circum- stances look forward to better times. He was accidentally met by two hunters, on whom he could not, without much and pressing solicitation, prevail so far as to be permitted to ride on one of their horses. They gave him food, of which he ate sparingly for some days, till his strength and spirits returned to him. This is the man who will figure in the future so de- servedly as the greatest benefactor of the first settlers of the country. He reached home in safety, and soon afterwards returned to Watauga with a few others, and there settled."
While a nucleus of a civilized community was thus being formed in what is now East Tennessee, the adventurous
LOWER CUBfBEKLAND EXPLORED. 105
hnnters whom we left upon the Lower Cumberland were extending explorations in that part of the country. In 1769 or 1770, Mr. Mansco, Uriah Stone, John Baker, Thomas Gor- don, Humphrey Hogan, Cash Brook, and others, ten in all, built two boats and two trapping canoes, loaded them with the results of their hunting, and descended the Cumberland river — the first navigation, and the first commerce probably ever carried on upon that stream by Anglo-Americans. Where Nashville now stands they discovered the French lick, and found around it immense numbers of buffalo and other wild game. The country was crowded with them. Their bellowings sounded from the hills and forest. On the mound near the Lick the voyageurs found a stock fort, built, as they conjectured, by the Cherokees, on their retreat from the battle at the Chickasaw Old Fields. Descending to the Ohio, they met with John Brown, the Mountain-leader, and twenty-five other warriors, marching against the iSenekas. The Indians offered them no personal injury, but robbed them of two guns, some ammunition, salt and tobacco. De- scending the river, they met Frenchmen trading to the Illi- nois, who treated them with friendship. The voyage was prosecuted as low as the Spanish Natches. Here some of them remained, while Mansco and Baker returned by the way of the Keowee towns to New River.
In the fall of this year the country on the Lower Cumber- 1771 i '*°^ ^^^ further explored by Mansco, in company with ^ C John Montgomery, Isaac Bledsoe, Joseph Drake, Hen-
ry Suggs, James Knox, William and David Linch, Christo- pher Stoph, William Allen, and others. Among them was an old hunter named Russell, who was so dim-sighted that he was obliged to tie a piece of white paper at the muzzle of his gun to direct his sight at the game — ^and yet he killed a number of deer. The winter being inclement, the party built a skin house. Their ammunition being exhausted, five men were lefl to take care of the camp, while the rest returned home. During their absence in the settlements the camp was attacked, as was supposed, by Northern Indians, and Stoph and Allen were taken prisoners. Hughes escaped, and aUdt the company returning to the camp. It was found
106 WATAUGA FORMS ARTI0LE8 OF
€18 it bad been left — ^tbe Indians bad not plundered it. The party thence extended their bunting and exploring excur- sions— formed a station camp upon a creek, which is still known as Station Camp Greek — each hunter made a discov- ery, and time has signalized it with the discoverer's name. Thus, Drake's Pond, Drake's Lick, Bledsoe's Lick, Manseo's Lick, etc. In the absence of* the hunters, twenty-five Cherokees came to their camp, and plundered it of ammuni- tion, skins, and every thing it contained. As they left no trail, it was supposed that they had retreated by wading along the channel of the creek — no pursuit of them could be made. The hunters soon exhausted the remaining ammuni- tion and returned to the settlements.
The Holston and Watauga settlements were in the -mean- ^^f^ ( time receiving a steady stream of emigrants. They em- ( braced within their limits men of very different and in- deed opposite traits of character. Most of them were honest, industrious, enterprising men, who had come there to improve their condition, by subduing and cultivating the new lands in I the West. But others had arrived among them, who had fled
\ from justice in their own country, and hoped to escape the
j demand of the law, and the punishment of crime, by a re-
treat to these remote and inaccessible frontiers. There, from the existing condition of affairs, they found safety from prose- cution, and certainly from conviction through the regular channels of law. North of Holston, in what is now Sullivan and Hawkins counties, was then believed to be in Virginia^ and the inhabitants agreed among themselves to adhere w the government of that province, and to be governed by its laws. The line separating the two provinces had not then been extended west of the Steep Rock. South of Holston was admitted to be within the boundaries of North-Carolina. I There the settlers liyed without law or protection, except byJ regulations of their own adoption. Being thus without any regular government, the people of Watauga, in 1772, exer-^A cised the ** divine right" of governing themselves. They ^ formed a written association and articles for the manage-
ment of general affairs. Five Commissioners were appointed, ^ by the decision of a majority of whom all matters in contro-
\
ASSOCIATION AND A COURT. 107
veray were settled; and the same tribunal had entire control in all matters affecting the common good. The government was paternal and patriarchal — simple and moderate, but summary and firm. It was satisfactory and sufficient for a number of years. The Articles by which the Association was governed have not been preserved. They formed, it is * believedy the first written compact for civil government any where west of the AUeghanics, and would make a valuable and exceedingly interesting contribution to the historical lite- rature of the Great West, and a most desirable addition es- pecially to these annals. But after the most diligent inquiry and patient search, this writer has been unable to discover them. ^
The Watauga settlers, in convention assembled, elected as , Commissioners, thirteen citizens. They were, John Carter, Charles Robertson, James Robertson, Zach. Isbell, John Se- ▼ier, James Smith, Jacob Brown, William Bean, John Jones, Greorge Russell, Jacob Womack, Robert Lucas, William Ta- tham. Of these, John Garter, Charles Robertson, James Rob- ertson, Zach. Isbell, and John Sevier, it is believed, were se- lected as the court — of which W Tatham was the clerk. It is to be regrettedVhat the account of thelives of all these pio- neers is 'bo meagre and unsatisfactory. The biography of each of them would be now valuable and interesting. Many of them will be hereafter frequently mentioned.
CfA. John Carter was one of the pioneers of Tennessee^ * ( and a principal and prominent member of the Watau- ( ga settlement. He emigrated from Virginia, in 1771 or 1772. Intelligent and patriotic, he was soon a leader in the Watauga Association, and became the chairman of its committee and of the court — which, for several years, com- bined the legislative, judicial and executive functions of the infant government west of the Alleghany. His administra- tion was wise and popular.
Charles Robertson emigrated from South-Carolina — was ^ the Trustee of the Watauga Association ; and to him was the conveyance afterwards made by the Cherokee Indians, for the lands purchased or leased from them. He was distinguished for his great good sense and wisdom, not less than for his virtue.
108 CHARACTER OF JOHN SEVIER.
0( James Robertson we have already spoken. He sooii1>e- came distinguished in the nev^r settlement, for sobriety and love of order, as well as for a firmness of character, qualifying him to face danger and defend the feeble colony.
Zachariuh Isbell was a fearless soldier, and was, for years after, engaged in the military operations of the country.
John Sevier was one of the Watauga Committee. His char- acter and services throughout a long life, will be fVeqnently a theme of remark to the close of these annals. This may, therefore, be the proper place to introduce his family to the reader's attention.
The ancestors of Mr. Sevier were French Haguenots. The family name in France, is Xavier. About the beginning of the last century they emigrated to England. Valentine Se- vier, the father of John, was born in Liondon, and preyiods to 1740, emigrated to the county of Shanandoah, in the colony of Virginia. Here John Sevier was born, in the year 1744. The opportunity of literary improvement was small, but he used it diligently. The Earl of Dunmore, then Governor of Virginia, conferred upon young Sevier the appointment of captain in the military service of the colony. Not long after, the family emigrated to the West, and s^led on Holston, in what is now Sullivan county. The father, Valentine Sevier, moved from there to Watauga, where he settled permanently* occupying a farm on that river, between the Sycamore Shoals and the present Elizabethton. The remains of part of the old family mansion could be traced in 1644.
Captain Sevier inherited some of the vivacity, ease and sprightliness of his French ancestry. He was fluent, collo- quial and gallant — frolicsome, generous and convivial — well informed, rather than well read. Of books, he knew little. Men, he had studied well and accurately. Oral communica- tions had been the source of his mental culture and his know- ledge. He was injpulsive, but his impulses were high and honourable. The Chevalier and the Huguenot were combined in his character. He exhibited, in good proportions, the suav- iter in mode and the fortiter in re. He was without pride — if that feeling is not one of the ingredients that constitute a laudable ambition — for he was ambitious — not of anything
I
WATAUGA — LEASE FROM INDIANS. 109
low or ii^oble : he was ambitions of fame, character, distinc- tion and achievement.
With such traits of character, it is not strange that Captain Sevier at once became a favourite in the wilds of Watauga, where a theatre presented itself for the exercise of the talents and principles which characterized '' that portly young stran- ger from Williamsburg."
Early in this year the authorities of Virginia made a ( treaty with the Cherokees-, by which a boundary was | / ( fixed between them, to run west from the White Top Mountain, in latitude thirty-six degrees thirty minutes. Soon after this, Alexander Cameron, a deputy agent for the government of Great Britain, and resident among the Chero- keeSy ordered the Watauga settlers to move off. Some of the Cherokees expressed a wish that they might be permitted to stay, if they would agree to make no further encroach- metits; this avoided the necessity of their removal. The inluibitants, however, became uneasy at the precarious te* nvre by which they occupied their land, and desired to obtain a more permanent title. For this purpose they deputed James Robertson and John Boon to negotiate with the Indians for a lease. The negotiation succeeded, and for an amount of merchandize, estimated to be worth five or six thousand dollars, some muskets, and other articles of convenience, the Cherokees made a lease for eight years of all the country on the waters of the Watauga.*
Hitherto the settlements had been confined to the Upper Hobton and to the Watauga. About this time another stream south of them was found to present strong allure- ments^ and to hold out great inducements to emigrants to settle upon it The NoUichucky finds its source in the midst of the highest mountains in the United States. The scenery near it is romantic and Alpine. Its numerous tributaries, deseending the northern slope of these stupendous heights, bear opon their currents the soil that forms and enlarges its rich alluvial. The bottoms were covered with the most luxariant cane-brakes ; the vallies near it abounded in game, and presented the most inviting prospect of present success
* Haywood.
110 BROWN 8BTTLE8 ON NOLUOflUCKT.
to the hunter and grazier, and of a rich requital in future for the toils of the husbandman. The temptation to occupy it could not be resisted by the emigrants, and Jacob Brown, with one or two families from North-Carolina, pitched their tents, in 1772, upon its northern bank. Brown was a small merchant, and for the goods that were carried to his new settlement, upon a single pack-horse, bought a lease of a large tract of this fertile country from the Cherokees. Like jthat on the Watauga, the property advanced for its purchase,, Iwas reimbursed by selling out the lands in small parcels to individuals for the time the lease was to last.
The boundaries of these two leases are not distinctly known. There were no offices in the country at that tiDe^ in which such instruments of writing could be recorded* and the original papers have probably been lost Brown's lease is believed to have embraced lands upon both sides of the Nollichucky. The writer has a deed of conveyance now before him, from Jacob Brown to Richard Trivillian, for two hundred and thirty-two acres of land, lying on the south side of the river. The consideration is one hundred pounds, and the title is not a fee simple, but only a relinquishment on the part of the grantor. In these early times, and among thess primitive people, little regard seems to have been given to forms, even where real estate was concerned. A transfer of land was made in the most simple mode. Upon the back of the same deed from Brown, is endorsed —
" For value received of eighty-five pounds, I do hereby assign all, my right, claim and interest of the within deed, unto George Gillespie, as witness my hand and seal. *
RioBABD Trivilliak. (SeaL) Witness present test,
Amos BniD."
And again immediately below —
" For value received, of Jeremiah Jack, I do hereby assign aU mr right, claim and interest of the within deed, as witness my hand and seaL
GsoBGE GiLLKBPiE. (Seal.) Witness present,
Thos. Gillespie.''
The present name of the river is a corruption of the abo-
WISDOM AND INTREPIDITY OF B0BBRT80N. Ill
riffinal Nonachunheh. It is so given in Brown's deed of con- veyance, and also in the plat upon the same paper. In his traffic with the Indians, and in his negotiation for the lease from them, Brown had, doubtless, learned the true pronunci- ation* Its signification is rapid or precipitous, and is exactly descriptive of the upper portion of the stream.
About the time Robertson was forming his settlement on | Watauga, and a little previous to the first emigration to NoUichucky, several families settled in Carter's Valley, fif- teen or eighteen miles above the present flourishing town of Rogeraville. This country being north of Holston, was then believed to be in Virginia. The first emigrants to it were principally from that province. Two of them, Gar- ter (whose name the valley still retains) and Parker, after- wards opened a store, which was robbed by the Indians ; the depredators were supposed to be Cherokees, but of this no certain proof was obtained. The relations between them and the whites had recently been of the most friendly char- / aeter, and mutual confidence was not destroyed on account of this robbery. But at the time when the Watauga lease was executed, an occurrence^ took place, which had wen nigh involved the then feeble settlements of Robertson, Carter and Brown, in hostilities with their savage neighbours. At the close of that treaty, a great race was appointed to be run at Watauga. The occasion had brought together a large oonconrse of people from all the acfjacent settlements. Many of the Indians were still there participating in the athletic amusements of the frontier people. Mischievous white men, from the neighbourhood of the Wolf Hills, in Virginia, as was believed, among others were present, and lurking about the place where the race was run, watched an opportunity at the close of the day and killed one of the Indians. This act, alike atrocious, inhuman and impolitic, gave great offence and produced much alarm. The inhabitants felt that it was not only wrong, but that it would expose them to the retaliatory vengeance of the outraged Cherokees. At this crisis the wis- dom and intrepidity of Robertson saved the infant? settle- ments from extermination. He undertook a jouiTiey to the Indian nation, one hundred and fifty miles distant, in order to
112 BOON ATTACKED IN A DEFILE.
pacify them, and allay the irritation produced by this bar- barous and imprudent act. The attempt was hazardoes in the extreme ; but the safety of the whites demanded the mis- sion, and he proceeded at once to the chief town of the Che-^ rokees, met their head men, and declared to them that his ' people '* viewed the horrid deed which had been perpetrated^ I with the deepest concern for their own character, and with the keenest indignation against the offender, whom they in- tended to punish as he deserved whenever he could be dii- covered." The Indians were appeased by this instance of condescension in the white people, and of the discountenance which they gave to the miscreant. The settlers were saved from their fury, and Robertson began to be looked upon as an intrepid soldier, a lover of his countrymen, and as a man of uncommon address, in devising means of extrication from difficulties.* In the fall of 1778, Daniel Boon made the attempt to take \ 1773 ) his family to Kentucky. Before this time no white 9 female, no family, had crossed the Cumberland range. Boon prevailed on four or five other families to join him, and with Uiem advanced towards Cumberland Gap. The. little colony was joined in Powell's Valley by forty hunters, well armed. The whole formed a caravan of eighty persons. While passing a narrow defile in their march, on the fifth of October, they were startled by the terrific yell of Indians, in ambuscade, by whom they were furiously assailed. Some of the men flew to the protection of the helpless women and children, while others of them rushed to encounter the enemy in their coverts. A scene of consternation and confusion for a moment ensued ; but the Indians, surprised at the fierce and resolute resistance of the men, soon fled in every direo* tion.
. The first fire of the Indians killed six men and wounded the seventh. Among the killed was a son of Boon, aged about twenty. The party fell back to the nearest settlement, where the emigrant families remained till after the close of Lord Dunmore's war.f After the extension of the British dominion over West
' ^Hajwood. fMonette.
GREAT NAUTICAL ADVENTURE. 113
Florida, enconragement was given by the English authori- ties to emigration thereto, from the Atlantic Provinces. No country sarpassed in soil and climate that portion of Florida lying npon the Mississippi River, and emigrants began to seek a ronte to it through the interior, and down the Ten- nessee and Ohio. Many of these stopped one season and made a crop on Holston, sold the crop, built a boat, and per- formed the dijQicult and dangerous voyoge from the Boat- yard to Natches. A higher degree of nautical adventure lias been no where exhibited. The passage, by men unac- eostomed to navigation, through the Boiling Pot, the Skillet^ the Suck, the Muscle Shoals, more than two thousand miles down an unexplored river, both banks of which were, at these places, in the occupancy of Indians, was more than an adven- ture, it was an enterprise, in which every movement was ac- companied with danger and probable disaster. Through this channel Louisiana and Mississippi received some of the oldest American families. Some of these came from the Roanoke, in North-Carolina, and it was probably the first An- glo-American settlement upon the banks of the Mississippi.* A large number of surveyors and woodsmen had been ( sent under tha authorities of Virginia to the wilder- ( ness of Kentucky, for the purpose of locating and selecting lands under royal grants and military warrants. This was viewed by the Indians as an encroachment upon their rights, as they still claimed these lands. Hostilities had, indeed, already been commenced by the Shawnees, who at- tacked the party of Boon the October previous. The murder of the whole family of the generous, but unfortunate Logan^ who had been the friend of the whites, and an advocate for peace among his red brethren, aroused the vengeance of that bold warrior and influential chieftain. The Shawnees, in alliance with the warriors of other northern and western tribes, began the work of destruction and massacre, in de- tached parties, on the whole Virginia frontier. The emer- gency was met by Lord Dunmore with great vigour, and measures were immediately adopted to repress the hostilities; and punish the audacity of the enemy. General Andrew
* Martin'B Tioniiiana.
8
114 cAPTAiy bhelbt's volunteers.
Lewis* was ordered to raise four regiments of militia and volunteers, from the south-western counties, to rendezvous at Gamp Union, and to march down the Great Kenhawaf to the Ohio. Captain Evan Shelby raised a company of more than fifty men, in the section of country now included in the counties of Sullivan and Carter. With these he marched on the 17th of August, and joined the regiment of Colonel Christian, on New River. From this place the regiment pro- ceeded to the great levels of Green Brier, where they joined the army of General Lewis. On the 11th of September, the army set out for the designated point. The route lay through a trackless wilderness, down the rugged banks of the Ken- hawa — through deep defiles and mountain gorges, where a pathway had never been opened. Twenty-five days were consumed in slow and toilsome marches. On the 6th of Oc- tober, the army reached the Ohio and encamped upon its banks. The camp was upon the site of the present town of Point Pleasant. The troops being upon short allowance, select parties of hunters were kept constantly on duty to supply them with food. On the morning of the 10th, about daylight, two of the men belonging to Captain Shelby's vol- unteer company, James Robertson and Valentine Sevier, who had been out before day hunting, very unexpectedly met a large body of hostile Indians advancing towards the camp upon the provincials. They were on the extreme left of the enemy, and fired on them at the distance of ten steps. As it was yet too dark to see the assailants, or to know their number, the firing caused a general halt of the enemy, while Robertson and Sevier ran into camp and gave the alarm. Two detachments, under Colonel Charles Lewis and Colonel William Fleming, were immediately ordered forward to meet the Indians, and break the force of their assault upon the camp. These detachments had scarcely proceeded beyond the sentinels, when they encountered the enemy advancing upon them. A most violent and hard fought engagement
* This ia the aame person who was sent by the Earl of Loudon, in 1756, to erect a fort on the Tennessee River, t Angliee. The river of the woods — now known as New Riv.er.
BATTLE OF THE KENHAWA. 115
ensued. Fleming and Lewis were wounded in the first as- sault— ^the latter mortally — but refused to leave the field until the main line came to their relief. The contest lasted the whole day, with varied success — each line receding or advancing alternately, as the fate of war seemed to balance between the two armies. In the evening, General Lewis ordered the companies commanded by Captains Shelby, Matthews and Stewart, to advance up the Kenhawa River, under the shelter of the bank and the undergrowth, so as to gain the rear of the Indians, and ppur in a destructive fire upon them. In the execution of this order, the men were ex- posed to a galling fire from some Indians, who had taken position behind a rude breast- work of old logs and bushes, and were from that point giving a deadly fire* One of Shel- by's men, the late John Sawyers, of Knox county, wishing to shorten the conflict, obtained permission to take a few others and dislodge the Indians from the shelter which pro- tected them. His bold conception was gallantly executed. A desperate charge was made — the dislodgement of the In- dians was effected, and the three companies having gained the enemy's rear, poured in upon the savages a destructive fire. The Indians fled with great precipitation across the Ohio, and retreated to their towns on the Scioto.
The battle of the Kenhawa is, by general consent, admitted to have been one of the most sanguinary and well contested battles which have marked the annals of Indian warfare in the West On the part of the provincials, twelve commis- sioned officers were killed or wounded, seventy-five non-com- missioned officers and privates were killed, and one hundred and forty-one were wounded.*
Of the company of volunteers from what is now East Tennessee, Evan Shelby was captain; and his son, Isaac Shelby, lieutenant. After the fall of his colonel, Captain Shelby took command of the regiment. This was early in the action, and through the rest of the day Isaac Shelby commanded his father's company. **Two privates, Robertson and Sevier, had the good fortune on this occasion to make
* Monette.
116 HEROIC CHARGE OF SAWYERS.
an unexpected discovery of the enemy, and by that means to prevent surprise and defeat, and possibly the destruction of the whole army. It was the design of the enemy to attack them at the dawn of day, and to force all whom they could not kill into the junction of the river." The heroic charge of the little detachment under Sawyers is admitted to have had a decided influence in shortening the obstinate conflict. JVf any of the officers and soldiers in the battle of Kenhawa, distinguished themselves at a later period in the public ser- vice. Thus early did the ''Volunteer State" commence its novitiate in arms. ! As the battle of Point Pleasant furnished the first occa- sion for the display, by the pioneers of Tennessee, of the ad- venture and prowess which have since so signally charac- terized her volunteer soldiery in all periods of her history, it is thought proper to present, at this place, a list of Captain Evan Shelby's company, in the remarkable and patrioty; campaign on the Kenhawa.
James Shelby, John Sawyers, John Findley, Henry Span, Daniel Mungle, Frederick M ungle, John Williams, John Ca- mack, Andre^w Torrence, George Brooks, Isaac Newland, Abram Newland, George Ruddle, Emanuel Shoatt, Abram Bogard, Peter Forney, William Tucker, John Fain, Samuel Vance, Samuel Fain, Samuel Handley, Samuel Samples, Ar- thur Blackburn, Robert Handley, George Armstrong, William Casey, Mack Williams, John Stewart, Conrad Nave, Richard Burk, John Riley, Elijah Robertson, Rees Price, Richard Hol- liway, Jarret Williams, Julius Robison, Charles Fielder, Ben- jamin Graham, Andrew Goff, Hugh O'Gullion, Patk. St, Lawrence, James Hughey, John Bradley, Basileel Maywell, and Barnett O'Gullion. Of the non-commissioned officers; it is only known that John Sawyers, James Robertson, and Valentine Sevier, were three of the orderly sergeants.
Afler the battle at Point Pleasant, and a further invasion 1M6 I ^^ ^^^^^ country, the Indians made a treaty with Lord 5 Dunmore, in which they relinquished all their claim to lands south of the Ohio. To a large extent of this terri- tory, the Cherokees, with other southern tribes, pretended
Henderson's purchase. 117
also to hold title. Early in that century they had expelled the ShawneeSy and had since occupied their country as hunt- ing grounds. Daniel Boon still adhered to his darling pro- ject of planting a colony upon the Kentucky River, which he had seen, and, desirous of obtaining the consent of the Chero- kees; had stimulated Colonel Richard Henderson and others of North-Carolina, to effect a treaty with them for that pur- pose. Henderson, accordingly, associated with him other men of capital, viz : Thomas Hart, John Williams, James Hogg, Nathaniel Hart, David Hart, Leonard H. Bulloch, John Luttrell and William Johnston. Two of these, Colonel Henderson and Colonel Nathaniel Hart, accompanied by Daniel Boon, proceeded to the Cherokee towns, and proposed a general council, for the purpose of purchasing land. Sub- sequently, on the 17th of March, a treaty was concluded and signed by the agents of this compan}f on the one part^ and by certain chiefs and warriors of the Cherokee nation on the other part, at the Sycamore Shoals, on Watauga River. By this treaty, the Indians agreed to cede and relinquish to the associates all the lands lying between the Kentucky and the Cumberland Rivers. " Which said tract or territory of lands was, at the time of said purchase, and time out of mind had been, the land and hunting grounds of the said tribe of Cherokee Indians." In consideration of this cession, ten thousand pounds sterling were alleged to have been paid in merchandise. Twelve hundred Indians are said to have been assembled on the treaty ground.* Upon this occasion, and l>efore the Indians had agreed to make the cession, one of the Cherokee orators, said to be Oconostota, rose and deliver- ed a very animated and pathetic speech. He began with the very flourishing state in which his nation once was, and mentioned the encroachments of the white people, from time to time, upon the retiring and expiring nations of Indians, i¥ho left their homes and the seats of their ancestors, to gra- tify the insatiable desire of the white people for more land. Whole nations had melted away in their presence, like balls of snow before the sun, and had scarcely left their names behind, except as imperfectly recorded by their enemies and
* Monette.
1
118 ELOQUENT SPEECH OF OCONOSTOTA.
destroyers. It was once hoped that they would not be will- ing to travel beyond the mountains, so far from the ocean on which their commerce was carried on, and their connections maintained with the nations of Europe. But now that falla- cious hope had vanished ; they had passed the mountains and settled upon the Cherokee lands, and wished to have their usurpations sanctioned by the confirmation of a treaty. When that shall be obtained, the same encroaching spirit will lead them upon other lands of the Cherokees. New cessions will be applied for, and, finally, the country which the Cherokees and their forefathers had so long occupied, would be called for, and the small remnant which then may exist of this nation, once so great and formidable, will be
^ compelled to seek a retreat in some far-distant wilderness, there to dwell bilt a short space of time, before they would again behold the advancing banners of the same greedy host, who, not being able to point out any further retreat for the miserable Cherokees, would then proclaim the extinction of the whole race. He ended with a strong exhortation to run all risks, and to incur all consequences, rather than sub- mit to any further dilaceration of their territory.*
The speech of the Venerable chieftain was listened to by his assembled countrymen, with profound attention and mark- ed respect. His counsels were disregarded : the cession was made. The future of his tribe, as delineated by his vehement eloquence, seems now, after the lapse of three quarters of a century ,to be stamped with the inspiration of prophecy. The cotemporaries of Oconostota have left "the lands which their forefathers had so long occupied,'' and their bones are mouldering " in some far-distant wilderness" beyond the Mis- sissippi.
^ The proprietors of Transylvania, as Henderson^s purchase was called, at first contemplated the establishment of a sepa- rate and independent government, not materially dissimilar from the other British colonies. In a memorial, however, ad- dressed to the Continental Congress of 1776, they took care to request that Transylvania might be added to the number of the United Colonies. " Having their hearts warmed with the
♦Haywood.
PUROHASE OF WATAUGA. 119
same noble spirit that animates the colonies" — such is their language — ** and moved with indignation at th^ late ministe- rial and parliamentary usurpations, it is the earnest wish of the proprietors of Transylvania to be considered by the colo- nies as brethren engaged in the same great cause of liberty and mankind." *
During the treaty at the Sycamore Shoals, Parker & Carter, whose store had been robbed by jhe Indians, attended the con- ference, and demanded, in compensation for the injury they had sustained, Garter's Valley — to extend from Cloud's Creek to the Chimney-top Mountain of Beech Creek. The Indians consented, provided an additional consideration were given. This consideration was agreed to, and Robert Lucas was taken in as a partner, to enable them to advance the stipulated price. They, leased their lands to job-purchasers. It was» however, afterwards ascertained that the lands thus leased lay in North-Carolina and not in Virginia ; and the purcha- sers refused to hold under them, and drove them off.
The Watauga Association, holding the lands which they occupied, under a lease of eight years, as has been heretofore stated, desired to obtain for them a title in fee. They pro- cured, two days after the purchase was made by Henderson & Co., a deed of conveyance to Charles Robertson, for a large extent of country. It is found in the Register's office of Wash- ington county.
"land reookds of the watauoah purchase.
"This Indenture, made the 19th day of March, 1775, by O-con-os-to" 1716 i **» Chief Warrior and First Representative of the Cherokee Na" ( tion or Tribe of Indians, and Attacullecully and Savanucah, oth- erwiw Coronoh, for themselves and the rest of the vfhole Nation, being the aborigineB and sole owners by occupancy from the beginning of timoi of the lands on the waters of Holston and Wataugah Rivers, and other lands thereunto belonging, of the one part, and Charles Robertson, of the settlement of Wataugah, of the other part, Witnesseth, Arc." The con- nderatioD was " the sum of two thousand pounds, lawful money of QtetA Britain, in hand paid." The deed embraced '^ all that tract, territory or parcel of land, on the waters of Wataugah, Holston and Great Canaway or New River : beginning on the south or south-west side of Holston Bifer, six English miles above Long Island, in said river ; thence a direct line near a south course to the ridge which divides the waters of Watau-
* Morehead's Addren^ p. 86.
120 WATAUGA LAND OFFICE.
gah from the waters of Nonachuckeh ; thence along the various comrsos of said ridge nearly a south-east course totheBluel&dge or line dividing North-Carolina from the Cherokee lands; thence along the various coursea of said ridge to the Virginia line ; thence west along the Virginia line to Holston River; thence down the meanders of Hol8V>n River to the first station, including all the waters of Wataugah, part of the waters of Hol- ston and the head-branches of New River or Great Canaway, agreeable to the bounds aforesaid, to said Charles Robertson, his heirs and assigns," &o. ^ ''And also, the said Charles Robertson, his heirs and assigns, shall and may, peaceably and quietly,^ have^ hold, possess and enjoy said premises, without let, trouble, hindrance or moliitation, interruption and denial, of them, the said Oconostota and the rest, or any of the said Nation." Signed in presence of
John Sevier, Oconostota, his H mark. [SeaL]
Wm, Bailst Smith, Attaoulleoully, his M mark. " Jesse Benton, Tennest Warrior, his M mark. ^
Tillman Dixon, Willinawauoh, his M mark. "
William Bleyins, Th9b. Price. Jas. Vann, Linguister.
The lands thus conveyed to Charles Robertson, were after- wards regularly patented to the settlers. Occupancy bad pro- bably heretofore given ownership. The first patentee was Joshua Haughton. The form of his patent is brief and sim* pie, and is given at length.
*' Joshua Haughton, on the seventh day of May, 1775, obtained a patent from this office of a tract of land lying on the south side of the Wataugah, half a mile below the mouth of Doe River, which tract was entered by the said £[aughton, April 1, 1775, and obtained a warrant for surveying the same, a plan of which was returned to this office bj the hands of Wm. Bailey Smith, Surveyor.
James Smith, C. L. 0."
A list is given here of other patentees in their order : Thomas Haughton, Henry Grymes, Wm. Tacket, Matthew Talbot, Isaac Ruddle, Henry Lyle, John Sevier, John Carter and John Sevier, John Carter, George Russell, Wm. Bean» Andrew Greer, Robert Young, James Robertson, Ben. Ry- bum. Baptist McNabb, Edmond Roberts, John McNabb, Andrew Little, John Jones, James HoUis, John Cassada George Gray, Choat Gambal, Jonathan Tipton, Farrer, Fletcher, Thompson, Lincoln, Lucas Megsengall, Duncan Abbit, Walding Denton, Hodge, Bennet, Reaves, Gunning- bam, Jesse D. Benton, Catherine Choat.
To the holders of patents thus given, a deed regularly
bbown's pbincipality. 121
drawn up, and signed by Charles Robertson, was made out. One of these is now before the writer, carefully drawn up and indented after the English style. The witnesses to it are John Sevier and J[. Smith.
Another deed was made to Jacob Brown, for lands on both sides of Nonachunheh, and as far west as the mouth of Big Limestone Creek.
^ This Indenture, made the 25tb day of March, 1775, between Ooo- nostota, chief warrior and head prince, the Tenesay Warrior, and Bread Slave Catcher, and Attakullakulla, and Chenesley, Cherokee chiefe of Middle and Lower Settlements, of the one part, and Jacob Brown, of No- nachuchy, of the other part — consideration ten shillings — a certain tract or parcel of land lying on Nonachuchy River, as follows : Beginning at the mouth of a creek called Great Limestone, running up the meanders of the said creek and the main fork of the creek to the ridge that divides Wstaogah and Nonachuchy, joining the Wataugah purchase, from thence up the dividing ridge that divides the waters of Nonachuchy and Wataugah, and thence to the head of Indian Creek, where it joins the Iron Mountain, thence down the said mountain to Nonachuchy river, thence across the said river including the creeks of said river, thence down the side of the Nonachuchy Mountain against the mouth of Great Limestone, thence to the beginning.
Li presence of^
Samusl Crawford, Ocoonosto ia, [Seal.]
JSSSS DlENHAM, The TeNESAT WarRIOR, "
Moses Crawford, The Bread Slave Catcher, "
Zachart Isbell, Attakullakulla, "
Chenesley. "
" Witness the Warriors — ^Thomas Bulla, Joseph Vann, Richard Hen- deison."
Mr. Brown thus became the purchaser of a principality on Nonachunheh, embracing much of the best lands in Wash- ington and Greene counties.
Another deed of the same date and between the same parties, conveys another tract of land *'lying on Nonachuchy River, below the mouth of Big Limestone, on both sides of said river, bounded as follows, joining the rest of said Brown's purchase. Beginning on the south side of said river, below the old fields that lie below the said Lime- stone, on the north side of Nonachuchy Mountain, at a large rock ; thence north thirty-two deg. west to the mouth of Camp Creek, on south side of said river ; thence across said river ; thence north-west to the dividing ridge between Lick Creek and Watauga or Holston ; thence up the dividing ridge
122 PARLIAMENTARY TAXATION
to the rest of said Brown's lands ; thence down the main
fork of Big Limestone to its mouth ; thence crossing the river
a straight course to Nonachuchy Mountain ; thence down the
said mountain to the beginning.**
In the meantime, the British Parliament persisted in the
1774 \ ^l^termination to tax the American colonies without
( their consent. We copy or condense from Holmes :
" The obnoxioiis port duties of 1767 had been repealed, excepting the duty of three pence a pound on tea, which was continued for the purpose' of maintaining the parliamentary right of taication. ' That import was continued to keep up the sovereignty,' and ' could neifier be opposed by the colonists, unless they were determined to rebel againflt Great Britain.' Such was the language of Lord North. But the jeal- ousy of the colonies was directed against the principle of the ministiyy which was as discernible in the imposition of a small as of a laige da^« The partial repeal was, therefore, unsatisfactory, and combinations were formed in the prindpal commercial cities, to prevent the importation of the excepted article. One sentiment appears to have pervaded all tlie colonies. The ministerial plan was umversally considered as a direct attack upon the liberties of the American citizen, which it was the du^ of all to oppose. The tax was every where resisted, and at Boston the cargoes of tea were thrown into the dock. This act so provoked the British government that the city of Boston was selected as the first object of legislative vengeance. A bill was passed by which its harbour was closed. This bill excited universal indignation. At Philadelphia contributions were made for such poor inhabitants of Boston as were deprived, by the act, of the means of subsistence. The Assembly of Virginia resolved to observe the first day of its operation as a fast, and espoused the cause of Massachusetts by the declaration ' that an attack made on one of our sister colonies to compel submission to arbitrary taxes, is an attack made on all British America, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied.' "
They also proposed the meeting of a General Congress annually, to deliberate on those measures which the united interests of America might, from time to time, require. This recommendation of Virginia was gradually concurred with, from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina, and on the fifth ^ day of September the first Continental Congress met in Philadelphia. A declaration of rights was soon agreed on ; the several acts of Parliament infringing and violating those rights recited, and the repeal of them resolved to be essen- tially necessary to the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and the colonies. They resolved further on an address to the king and to the people of Great Britain, and
OPPOSED IN ALL THE COLONIES. 128
a memorial to the people of British America. These reso- lutions of the Continental Congress, received the general sanction of the Provincial Congresses and Colonial Assem- blies. Massachusetts took immediate measures for the defence of the province. The Assembly of Rhode Island passed resolutions for obtaining arms and military stores, and for raising and arming the inhabitants. In New-Hamp- shire similar precautions were taken.
In the more southern colonies, signs of discontent and jealousy of the British government were strongly manifested. A meeting of the officers under the command of Lord Dun- more, resolved : — " That as the love of liberty and attachment to the real interests and just rights of America outweigh every other consideration, they would exert every power within them for the defence of American liberty and for the support of her just rights and privileges, not in any precipi- tate, riotous or tumultuous manner, but when regularly called forth by the unanimous voice of our countrymen.** The Provincial Congress of Maryland resolved : — " That if the late acts of Parliament shall be attempted to be exe- cuted by force, Maryland will aid such colony to the utmost extent of its. power ;" and further resolved to raise money for the purchase of arms and ammunition. In South-Carolina Judge Dra)rton, in a charge to a grand jury, said, in speaking of liberty : — " English people cannot he taxed, nay, cannot be bound by any law, unless by their consent, expressed by themselves or by the representatives of their own election. I charge you to do your duty; to maintain the laws, the rights, the constitution of your own country, even at the hazard of your lives and fortunes. In my judicial character I know no master but the law ; I am a servant, not to the king, but to the constitution."
The testimony of one of the earliest and most distinguished martyrs to the cause of liberty is at once illustrative of his own patriotism and that of his countrymen. Dr. Warren said: — ^"It is the united voice of America to preserve their freedom or lose their lives in the defence of it. Their reso- lutions are not the effects of inconsiderate rashness, but the sound result of sober inquiry and deliberation. I am con-
124 MARTIAL SPIRIT OF THE FEOFLE.
vinced that the true spirit of liberty was never so universally diffused through all ranks and orders of people in any coun- ty on the face of the earth, as it now is through all North America."
Georgia was the youngest of the colonies, the most feeble and the most exposed ; yet her whigs were aroused and active at the very dawn of the Revolution. Under Haber- sham and Brown, her volunteers assisted in capturing, at the mouth of the Savannah, the schooner of Gov. Wright, con- taining the king^s powder; and afterwards Doctor N. W. Jones, Joseph Habersham, Edward Telfair, William Gibbon, Joseph Clay, John Millege and others broke into the maga- zine and secured for their little band of whig patriots, the powder intended by the colonial authorities to intimidate the rising spirit of republicanism and resistance to the royal cause. '^ Some of the bravest and most honourable men in the Union were among the patriots of Georgia." **Mr. Habersham, alone and unaided, entered the house of Gro- vernor Wright and arrested him at his own table."*
But all these manifestations of a spirit of determined resist-
Sance on the part of the American colonies, were disre- garded by the British government. Parliamentary supremacy had been asserted, and coeircive measures were adopted to enforce and sustain it. A crisis approached which precluded, forever, all reconciliation between England and her 4 American colonies. On the 19th of April the battle of Lex- ington took place, the first act in the great drama of the American Revolution. The blood there shed was the signal for war. The martial spirit of the American people rose with the occasion. The forts, magazines and arsenals through- out the colonies, were instantly secured for the use of the Pro- vincials. Troops were raised, and provision made for their pay and support. Valour in the field was not sufficient for the emergency ; it demanded also wisdom in council. A new Congress met on the 10th of May, adopted measures of de- fence, and unanimously elected one of their number, George Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United Colonies.
*I>r. JohDBOD'B RemiiuBcenoes.
^
HOOPER FORETELLS INDEPENDENCE. 125
Notwithstanding these proceedings, the views of the colo- nists did not yet extend to a separation from Great Britain, or to the establishment of independent governments, except in the last extremity. This is evinced, not only by the declara- tions of Congress, but from those of the colonial assemblies and conventions in the course of this year.
" Bnt the charm of loyalty to the king and allegiance to his govern- ment, was broken — the spell was dissolved. The colonists bad armed in defence of their riehts, and the transit was easy from resistance to inde- pendence and revolution. For ten years they had been complaining and remonstrating against the unconstitutional enactments of the mother coun- try, in the submissive language of faithful and loyal subjects. Their tone was changed, and Mndependency' was by many contemplated, and no where earlier than in North-Carolina. In this province, peculation by Crown officers, exorbitant taxes and the court law controversy, were pro- minent causes of early dissatisfaction to the people, and indeed transcend- ed, in their immediate influence upon their personal comforts and rights, the abstract question of British allegiance. At a later period, their op- positioD to the ministry was embittered, not so much by their personal aufierings as by a deep sympathy with the people of Massachusetts, who were complimented in all their public meetings, and assured of their rea- diness to aid them in any general scheme of protection or resistance. The organisation of a Continental Congress had been suggested. That was to be eflfected through the agency of Provincial Congresses ; and in North- Carolina, as early as April 5, 1774, measures were in progress to con- Tenegne for that purpose. And on the 26th of the same month, Wil- liam Hooper, in a letter to James Iredell, openly avows the propriety, as ^ell as the probability, of independence. It distinctly says : * With yon I anticipate the important share which the colonies must soon have in re> ^nlatini^ the political balance. They are striding fast to independence, and wil^ ere long, build an empire on the ruins of Britain — will adopt its coDstitntion, purged of its impurities ; and from an experience of its de- lects, will guard against those evils which have wasted its vigour and l>roaght it to an untimely end-' ^ *
The people of North-Carolina elected delegates to a Pro- -V vincial Congress, to meet at Newbem, August 25, 1774. The royal governor consulted his council, and with their advice iissaed his proclamation condemning the elections that had been held as illegal, and warning all officers of the king, civil and military, to prevent all such meetings, and especially that of certain deputies on the 25th instant. Neither the procla- mation, nor the less official menaces of Gov. Martin, could prevent the assembling of the deputies ; and on the appointed
* Jones.
<t
^
126 PBOVINCIAL CONGRESS MEETS AT NEWBERN.
day a deliberative assembly was organized at Newbem, independent of and contrary to the authority of the existing government. This assembly or congress, as it was called* elected William Hooper, Joseph Hewes and Richard CaswelL delegates to the General Congress to be held in September at Philadelphia, and invested them with such powers as may make any act done by them, '* obligatory in honour upon every inhabitant of the province, who is not an alien to his country's good and an apostate to the liberties of America." They re* cognize George the Third as sovereign of the province ; but^ as if to mock this profession of loyalty, they claim the rights of Englishmen, without abridgement, and swear to maintaiii them to the utmost of their power. One of these rights is de* fined to be, that no subject shall be taxed but by his own con- sent, or that of his legal representative, and they denounoe, in unmeasured terms, every policy that assails that most sar cred right.* The instructions to their delegates were in conso- nance with their resolutions. They contemplated a restora- tion of harmony with Great Britain, but pledged a determined resistance to aggression upon their persons or properties, and ** to all unconstitutional encroachments whatsoever."
It does not appear that the infant settlements west of the mountains were represented at Newbern. While the Congress of North-Carolina was in session at that place, her Western pioneers were laying the foundation of society, and her brave soldiery had volunteered in an expedition, distant, toilsome, dangerous, patriotic, against the inroads of a savage enemy : thus serving an apprenticeship in self government and self defence, which events transpiring on the Atlantic side of the mountain soon after rendered necessary and important.
At this period the colonial government claimed the sole right to treat with the Indian tribes and to purchase their lands, as one of the prerogatives of sovereignty. This claim furnished a new pretext to Governor Martin to vent his spleen upon the distant settlers. The purchase which they had made at Watauga of the Cherokee lands, was pro- nounced illegal ; the governor alleging, in his proclamation against it, that it was made in violation of the king^s inhibi- tion of Oct. 7, 1763, as well as of an act of the Provincial
* Jones.
END OF ROYAL GOVERNMENT IN NORTH-CAROLINA. 127
Assembly. This proclamation of Gov, Martin was a dead letter. No regard was paid to it on Watauga.
A second Provincial Congress was elected. It convened i at Newbern, April 8, 1775, the same time and place J- ( appointed for the meeting of the Provincial Legisla- ture* The members elected by the people to one of these bodies, were generally the same persons elected to the other. ** As the Provincial Assembly, with but few exceptions, con- sisted of the delegates to the Congress, and as the Speaker of the former was also the Moderator of the latter body, their {NTOceedings are a little farcical. The Congress would be in session, when the Governor's Secretary would arrive, and then Mr. Moderator Harvey would turn himself into Mr. Speaker Harvey, and proceed to the despatch of public busi- ness. The Assembly, too, would occasionally forget its duty, and trespass upon the business of the Congress."*' Governor Martin had, as on a former occasion, endeavoured in vain, by the efficacy of an intemperate and argumentative procla- mation, to prevent the meeting of the Congress. That body issued a counter-proclamation, by way of reply, in terms firm, moderate, forcible, respectfbl, and not less logical. *'0n the 8th of April, 1775, the Assembly wets dissolved by pro- clamation, and thus ceased forever all legislative action in North-Carolina under the royal government." "^
The Congress at Newbern approved of what had been done by their delegates at Philadelphia, and, in evidence of their continued confidence, re-appointed them delegates to the second Continental Congress. They also approved the Association entered into by that body, and firmly pledged themselres to adhere to its provisions, and to recommend its adoption to their constituents.
All this had transpired in North-Carolina before the battle at Lexington had been fought. The intelligence of that oocnrrence produced the most decisive effect. It not only stimalated resistance to arbitrary power, but precipitated a sererance from the British government. Meetings were iield throughout the province, in which the great whig prin- cqiles of the day were asserted, and a cordial sympathy
* Jones.
128 MECKLENBURG DECLARES INDEPENDENCE.
with the distresses of the people of Massachusetts was ex- pressed. Hooper had said, "that the colonies were fast striding to independence," and Mecklenburg county was the first to sustain his declaration. In that county a Convention was called, which met on the 19th of May, 1775, at Char- lotte. Abraham Alexander was chosen Chairman, and John McKnitt Alexander, Secretary. After a free and full dis- cussion of the various objects of the meeting, which contin- ued in session till 2 o'clock, A. M7, on the 20th, ^ It was unanimously
** I, JReaolved, That whosoever, directly or indirectiy, abetted, or in any way, form or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dai^^^erovt invasion of our rights as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and inalienable rights of man.
^* n. Besolved, That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, do hereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us to the mother country, and hereby absolve ourselvea from all allegiance to the Britah Crown, and abjure all political connection, contract or association, with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and libertieBi and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington.
"' m. Besolved, That we do hereby declare ourselves a fr^ and inde- pendent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self govenuag association, under the control of no power other than that of our Qm and the general government of the Congress ; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other our mutual co- operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honour.
" IV. Resolved^ That as we now acknowledge the existence and con- trol of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this county, we do hereby ordain and adopit, as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our former laws — wherein, nevertheless, the Crown of Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immunities or authority therein."
Other resolutions were adopted, making provision for the new condition of things. A copy of the proceedings of the Convention was sent by express to the North-Carolina mem- bers of Congress, then in session in Philadelphia. These delegates approving of the spirit of their fellow-citizens and the elevated tone of the resolutions, thought them, neverthe- less, premature, as the Continental Congress had not yet abandoned all hopes of reconciliation, upon honourable terms, with the mother country. The Declaration of Independence was not, therefore, presented to nor acted upon by that body. A copy was also addressed to the Provincial Con-
DOCTOR SPHRAIM BREVARD. 129
gress in August, but, for similar reasons, was not particu- larly acted upon.
But the proceedings being published in the ''Cape Fear Mercury,*' at Wilmington, and thus meeting the eye of Gro- vemor Martin, called forth another proclamation, in which he thus notices the Charlotte resolutions : '' And whereas I have also seen a most infamous publication, in the 'Cape Fear Mercury,' importing; to be Resolves of a set of people styling themselves a Committee of the County of Mecklenburg, most traitorously declaring the entire dissolution of the laws^ government and constitution of the country, and setting up a system of rule and regulation repugnant to the laws, and subversive of his majesty's government, &c."
Doctor Brevard is the reputed author of the Mecklenburg Resolations. The names of the delegates, and of the master, spirits and patriots of the country through whose influence and popularity the resolutions were adopted, are Hezekiah Alexander, Adam Alexander, Charles Alexander, Ezra Alex- ander» Waightstill Avery» Ephraim Brevard, Hezekiah Jones B&lcb, Richard Barry, Henry Downs, John Davidson, Wil- liam Davidson, John Flenniken, John Ford, William Graham^ James Harris, Richard Harris, Senr., Robert Irwin, William Kennon, Neill Morrison, Matthew McClure, Samuel Martin, Thomas Polk, John Phifer, Ezekiel Polk, Benjamin Patton, Duncan Ocheltree, John Queary, David Reese, William Will- son, and Zacheus Willson, Senr.*
At this time hope was entertained of a reconciliation with England, and the thought of independence had been con- ceived by few. Even Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. William Small, under date of May 7, 1775, said : " When I saw Lord Chatham's bill, I entertained high hope that a reconcilia- tion could have been brought about. The diflference be- tween his terms and those offered by our Congress, might have beeu accommodated, &c."t
A month after the Charlotte Convention, the people of Cumberland county entered into an association. They say : ^ Holding ourselves bound by that most sacred of all obliga-
• State Pamphlet^ pp. 11 and 16. Raleigh: 1881. /f 8m American Arcfairea, toL ii, p. 5S8. 9
180 A WHIG CONORB88 COHTmOLB NOmTH«€AKOLDrAy
tions, the duty of good citizens towards an injured oountfy, and thoroughly convinced that, under our distressed circaoi- stances, we shall be justified in resisting force by force, do unite ourselves under every tie of religion and honour, and associate as a band in her defence against every foe, hereby solemnly engaging, that, whenever our Continental or Pro- vincial Councils shall decree it necessary, we will go forth* and be ready to sacrifice our lives and our fortunes to secure her freedom and safety. This obligation to continue in foroe until a reconciliation shall take place between Great Britain and America upon constitutional principles — an event we most ardently desire." Mecklenburg still stood alone in the • bold position she had assumed of absolute independence.
A similar association was also entered into by the people of Tryon county, on the 14th August, but, like the prece- ding, was limited by the ''reconciliation to take place upon constitutional principles."
On the 20th of August the Provincial Congress assembled at Hillsborough. The royal governor had fled from his pal- ace, and taken refuge on board his majesty's ship Cruiser, in Cape Fear River, from which he issued his proclamation, vainly hoping by these harmless missiles to intimidate the patriot freemen of North-Carolina. The Provincial Assem- bly had been prorogued— dissolved, rather — no vestige of the royal government was left, and a Whig Congress had as- sumed the control of North-Carolina. Still professing alle- giance to the king, it denied his authority to in;pose taxes ; and its members took an oath to support the Whig authori- ties of the Continental and Provincial Congress. They de- clared, unanimously, that North-Carolina would pay her due proportion of the expense of raising a Continental army. and appointed a committee to prepare a plan for regulating the internal peace, order and safety of the province. ** This was the most important committee ever yet appointed by popular authority, and it achieved one of the most difficult and trying ends of the Revolution. It substituted a regular gov- ernment, resting entirely on popular authority, for that of the royal government, and annihilated every vestige of the power of Josiah Martin. Nothing but the idle and vain
AlTD BKCOMlUBlfDS INDBPENDBHOB.
theory of allegiance to the throne was left to reminc people of the recent origin of their power."*
The Provincial Congress of North-Carolina met again, ^ i 4, 1776. The following extract from its Journal, si ( '* that the first legislative recommendation of a d ration of independence by the Continental Congress, i nated, likewise, in North-Carolina. It is worthy of rec that John McKnitt Alexander, the Secretary of the Chai Convention, Thomas Polk, Waightstill Avery, John i and Robert Irwin, who were conspicuous actors in the ceedings in Mecklenburg, were active and influential i hers of this Provincial Congress from that county.f
^ Bemdvid, That the delegates for this colony in the Contioenti gross, be empowered to concur with the delegates of the other cc in dedariiig independency and forraing foreign alliances, reserving 1 colony the sole and exclusive right of forming a constitution and la this colony, and of appointing delegates from time to time, (under 1 lection of a general representation thereof.) to meet the delegates other colonies, for such purposes as shall be hereafter pointed out
**The Congress taking the same into consideration, nnanimouil eorred therewith.*'
This resolution, thus unanimously adopted by the Con at Halifax, was presented by the delegates of North-Cai to the Continental Congress, May, 27, 1776 — nearly six \ before the national declaration of July 4th was made.
Before the Congress which thus recommended independ was debated the project of a civil constitution for North-i Una* The idea of a constitution seemed to follow that dependence ; and, accordingly, on the thirteenth a comn was appointed to prepare a temporary civil form of gc ment. The subject, after discussion, was postponed t
next Congrcss4
An ordinance was also passed, '' empowering the gov to issue a proclamation requiring all persons who ha any time, by taking arms against the liberty of Am< adhering to, comforting or abetting the enemies there by words disrespectful or tending to prejudice the ind dence of the United States of America, or of this sti
* Jones. f Idem. X I<^cm.
[
1S2
OUmSSHOT OF MORTH-GAEOLIHA.
particular, to come in before a certain day therein mentioned^ and take an oath of allegiancQ. and make submission, on pain of being considered as enemies and treated accordingly.'' Also an ordinance ''for supplying the public treasury with money for the exigencies of this state, and for the sup- port of that part of the continental army stationed therein." The form of two of the Treasury Bills is here given.
fMW
I
These issues of the North-Carolina Treasury for expenses incurred by her patriotic militia in the cause of indepen- dence, are still found in great abundance in the scrutoires and chests of the old families and their descendants in Tennessee :
WATAUGA ASSOCIATION. 188
valueless now, but still proud remembrancers of past sacri- fices and toils. Of this money, it has been well said, it vin- dicated our liberties, but fell in the moment of victory.
The device of the volunteer levelling his rifle and the motto chosen for him, are peculiarly appropriate. ''Hit or miss'' is a homely but significant phrase, and is expressive of the noble sentiment of the patriot Adams, uttered about the same period: — ^**Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish."
Other ordinances for putting the machinery or the new state into successful motion being passed, the Congress of Halifax adjourned.
We have chosen thus to throw together, in a connected view, the action and sentiment of the several colonies at the dawn of the Revolution, and to give in more detail, and with a less rapid recital, the early participation of our mother state^ North-Carolina, in the cause of liberty and of freedom, and in the Declaration of Independence. It is no ordinary achievement thus to have laid the foundation of free and independent government. Every review of these illustrious events increases our admiration of that enlightened love of freedom, that noble spirit of independence, and that self- sacrificing and lofty patriotism, which glowed in the bosoms, animated the councils and nerved the hearts of those who, for the inestimable privileges we enjoy, pledged their mutual co-operation, their lives, fortunes and most sacred honour.*
Returning to the chronological order of events from which we have slightly departed, we find the small community on Watauga still living under the simple government of their own appointment, consisting of five commissioners elected by themselves. Before this tribunal all private controver- sies were settled. Its sessions were held at stated and regu- lar periods, and as its business increased with the constant enlargement of the settlement, a clerk was found necessary. Felix Walker, Thomas Gomley, William Tatham and John
* See State Pamphlet^ published by North-Carolina, page 6 : Pitkin, Force's CoUectione ; State Papers ; Jones, Foote, Wheeler and Martin's North-Caroliiui ; hftTe all been referred to and consulted.
y'
184 PETinoir pbom wabhingtom dIbtriot^
Sevier, all served in that office ;• Lewis Bowyer was the attorney. A sheriflf was also appointed, but who he was is
'^(^not now known. The laws of Virginia were taken as the standard of decision. Of this court, of its decisions and pro- ceedings, little or nothing is certainly known. The records afe, probably, all lost. No research of the writer has been successful in discovering them ; he has examined in vain the several offices in Tenneseee, and also the state archives at Richmond and Raleigh. At the latter place, by the courtesy of Gov. Reed, the present Executive of North-Carolina, he was allowed free access to the public papers of that state. No trace of the records of Watauga Court was to be found ; but his pains-taking search was richly compensated by the discovery, in an old bundle of papers, lying in an upper shelf, almost out of reach, and probably not seen before for seventy-five yeai-s, of a petition and remonstrance from Wa- tauga settlement, praying, among other things, to be an*
^ nexedf whether as a county, district or other division, to North-Carolina. The document appears to be in the han^- ^^Titingof one of the signers, John Sevier, and is probably Us own production. The name of the chairman, John Carter, is written by a palsied hand. It is remarkable that about sixty years afterwards, his grandson, the late Hon. W. B. Carter, from exactly the same Watauga locality, was president of the convention that formed the present consti- tution of Tennessee. The others are all names since, and at the present time, familiar to Tennesseans.
This document is, throughout, replete with interest ; is full of our earliest history ; breathes the warmest patriotism, and is inspired with the spirit of justice and of liberty. No apology is needed for presenting it entire in these pages rf
** To the Hon. the Provincial Council of North-Carolina :
"The humble petition of the inhabitants of Washington District, including the River Wataugah, Nonachuckie, Slc.,
* Mr. Walker was a member of CoDgrefls from the Bmicombe District, N. C, in 1821. f The petitioD is copied literatim et yerbatim.
mBCimiO THB ACTS OF THE WATAUGA ASSOCIATION. 185
in oommittee assembled, Humbly Sheweth, that about six years ago, Col. Donelson, (in behalf of the Colony of Virginia,) held a Treaty with the Cherokee Indians, in order to pur- chase the lands of the Western Frontiers; in consequence of which Treaty, many of your petitioners settled on the lands of the Wataugah, &c., expecting to be within the Virginia line, and consequently hold their lands by their improvements as first settlers ; but to their great distippointment, when the lin^ was run they were (contrary to their expectation) left out ; finding themselves thus disappointed, and being too in- conveniently situated to remove back, and feeling an un- willingness to loose the labour bestowed on their planta- tions, they applied to the Cherokee Indians, and leased the land for the term of ten years, before the expiration of which term, it appeared that many persons of distinction were ac- taally mining purchases forever ; thus yielding a precedent, (supposing many of them, who were gentlemen of the law, to be better judges of the constitution than we were,) and considering the bad consequences it must be attended with^ should the reversion be purchased out of our hands, we next proceeded to make a purchase of the lands, reserving those in our possession in sufficient tracts for our own use, and resolving to dispose of the remainder for the good of the community. This purchase was made and the lands acknowledged to us and our heirs forever, in an open treaty, in Wataugah Old Fields ; a deed being obtained from the chiefs of the said Cherokee nation, for themselves and their whole nation, conveying a fee simple right to the said lands, to us and our heirs forever, which deed was for and in con- sideration of the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, (paid to them in goods,) for which consideration they acknowledged themselves fully satisfied, contented and paid ; and agreed, for themselves, their whole nation, their heirs, &c., forever to resign, warrant and defend the said lands to us, and our heirs, &c., against themselves, their heirs, &c.
** The purchase was no sooner made, than we were alarmed by the reports of the present unhappy differences between Ghreat Britain and America, on which report, (taking the now united colonies for our guide,) we proceeded to choose
186 FlTITIOir OF WATAUGA PBOPLB
a committee, which was done unanimously by consent of the people. This committee (willing to become a party in the present unhappy contest) resolved, (which is now on our records,) to adhere strictly to the rules and orders of the Continental Congress, and in open committee acknowledged themselves indebted to the united colonies their full pro- portion of the Continental expense.
^' Finding ourselves on the Frontiers, and being apprehen- sive that, for the want of a proper legislature, we might be- come a shelter for such as endeavoured to defraud their creditors ; considering also the necessity of recording Deeds, Wills, and doing other public business ; we, by consent of the people, formed a court for the purposes above mentioned, taking (by desire of our constituents) the Virginia laws for our guide, so near as the situation of affairs would admit ; this was intended for ourselves, and was done by the consent of every individual ; but wherever we had to deal with peo- ple out of our district, we have ruled them to bail, to abide by our determinations, (which was, in fact, leaving the mat- ter to reference,) otherways we dismissed their suit, lest we should in any way intrude on the legislature of the colonies. In short, we have endeavoured so strictly to do justice, that we have admitted common proof against ourselves, on ac- counts, &c., from the colonies, without pretending a right to require the Colony Seal.
** We therefore trust we shall be considered as we deserve, and not as we have^no doubt) been many times represented, as a lawless mob. It is for this very reason we can assure yoa that we petition ; we now again repeat it, that it is for want of proper authority to try and punish felons, we can only mention to you murderers, horse-thieves and robbers, and are sorry to say that some of them have escaped us for want of proper authority. We trust, however, this will not long be the case ; and we again and again repeat it, that it is for this reason we petition to this Honourable Assembly.
** Above we have given you an extract of our proceedings, since our settling on Wataugah, Nonachuckie, &c., in regard to our civil affairs. We have shown you the causes of our first settling and the disappointments we have met with, the rea-
TO BE ANKEXED TO NORTH-OAKOLDTA. 187
son of our lease and of our purchase, the manner in which we purchased, and how we hold of the Indians in fee Ample ; the causes of our forming a committee, and the legality of its election ; the same of our Court and proceedings, and our reasons for petitioning in regard to our legislature.
** We will now proceed to give you some account of our military establishments, which were chosen agreeable to the rules established by convention, and officers appointed by the conunittee. This being done, we thought it proper to raise a company on the District service, as our proportion, to act in the common cause on the sea shore. A company of fine riflemen were accordingly enlisted, and put under Capt. James Robert- son, and were actually embodied, when we received sundry letters and depositions, (copies of which we now enclose yoOy) you will then readily judge that there was occasion for them in another place, where we daily expected an attack. We therefore thought proper to station them on our Frontiers, in defence of the common cause, at the expense and risque of our own private fortunes, till farther public orders, which we flatter ourselves will give no offence. We have enclosed you snndry proceedings at the station where our men now re- main.
^ We shall now submit the whole to your candid and impar- tial judgment. We pray your mature aud deliberate con- sideration in our behalf, that you may annex us to your Province, (whether as county, district, or other division,) in such manner as may enable us to share in the glorious cause of Liberty ; enforce our laws under authority, and in every
respect become the best m^jgllfiHiiiit^^^^^^^y ' ^^^ ^^i* ^^^' selves and constituents we hope, we may venture to assure yoU) that we shall adhere strictly to your determinations, and that nothing will be lacking or any thing neglected, that may add weight (in the civil or military establishments) to the glorious cause in which we are now struggling, or contribute to the welfare of our own or ages yet to come.
*• That you may strictly examine every part of this our Peti- tion, and delay no time in annexing us to your Province, in such a manner as your wisdom shall direct, is the hearty
138
mST IHHABITANTB OF WATAUOA.
prayer of those who, for themselves and constituents^ as in doty bound, shall ever pray.
John Carter, Chn. Jolin Sevier, John Jones,
Charles Roberdson, Jas. Smith, (George Rusel,
James Robertson, Jacob BrowD, Jacob Womack,
Zach. Isbell, Wm. Been, Robert Lucas.
The above signers are the Members in Committee assembled.
Wm. Tatham, Clerk, P. T. Jacob Womack, John Brown,
Joseph Dunham, Jos. BrowD,
Rice Durroon, Job Bumper,
Edward Hopson, Isaac Wilson,
Lew. Bowyer, D. Atty, Richard Norton,
Joseph Buller, Andw. Greer,
his Joab X Mitchell,
mark. Gideon Morris, Shadrack Morris, William Crocket, Thos. Dedmon, David Hickey, Mark Mitchell, Hugh Blair, v, Elias Pebeer, Jos. Brown, John Neave, John Robinson,
George Hutson, Thomas Simpson, Valentine Sevier, Jonathan Tipton, Robert Sevier, Drury Goodan, Richard Fletcher, Ellexander Greear, Jos. Greear, Andrew Greear, jun., Teeler Nave, Lewis Jones, John L Cox, John Cox, jr., Abraham Cox, Emanuel Shote,
Christopher Cunning- Tho. Houghton,
ham, Jas. Easeley, Ambrose Hodge, Dan'l Morris, Wm. Cox, James Easley, John Haile, Elijah Robertson, William Clark,
his John H Dunham,
mark. Wm. Overall,
Jos. Luske, Wm. Reeves, David Hughes, Landon Carter, John McCormick, DMid Crocket,
Tho's Hughes, William Roberson, Henry Siler, Frederick Calvit, John Moore, William Newberry,
Adam Sherrell, Samuel Sherrell, jnnr. Samuel SherreU, aenr. OasaRose, Henry Bates, Jan., Jos. Grimes, Christopher Cuniung-
ham, sen., Joshua Barten, sen^ Joud. Bostin, sen., Henry Bates, jun., Wiirm Dod, Gh'oves Morris, Wm. Bates, Rob't Mosely, Ge. Hartt, Isaac Wilson, Jno. Waddell, Jarret Williams, Oldham Hightower, Abednago Hix, Charles McCartney, Frederick Vaughn, Jos. McCartney, Mark ^Robertson, Joseph Calvit, Joshua Houghton, John Chukinbeard, James Cooper, William Brokees, Julius Robertson, John King, Michael Hider, John Davis, John Barley."
Matt Hawkins,
This document is without date. The original, now in the state archives at Raleigh, has endorsed upon it, '' Received August 22, 1 776." It had been probably drawn up in the early part of that year. Nothing has been found after the
WATAUOA 8ENIM9 DELEGATES TO FROTIHOIAL CONORB8S. 189
most carefal examination, to show what action was taken by the Provincial Council in reference to the petition. It is probable, however, that in the exercise of its now omnipotent and unrestricted authority, the Council advised the settlers to send forward their representatives to the Provincial Congress at Halifax, as it is known they did as delegates from ^ Wash- ington District, Watauga Settlement." The name Washing- ton District, being in the petition ftself, must have been assumed by the people petitioning, and was probably sug- gested by John Sevier, who, during his residence at Wil- liamsburg, had doubtless known Cf>l. George Washington, now the commander-in-chief of the American army. It is not known to this writer that the authorities or people of any other province had previously honoured Washington by giving his name to one of its towns or districts — a district, too^ of such magnificent dimensions, extending from the Al- leghany Mountains to the Mississippi. A most suitable tribute of respect to the exalted character and enlarged pa- triotism of the Father of his Country ! The pioneers of Tennessee were, probably, the first thus to honour Wash- ington.
The District of Washington being, as is probable, in accord- ance with the prayer of the petitioners, " annexed" to North- Carolina, was thus authorized to send its representatives to the Provincial Congress at Halifax. That body assembled at that place Nov. 12, 1776, and continued in session till the 18th of December. A Bill of Rights and a State Constitution were adopted.
In the last section of the Declaration of Rights, the limits of the state, on the west, are made to extend '' so far as is mentioned in the charter of King Charles the Second, to the late Proprietors of Carolina ;" and the hunting grounds are secured to the Indians as far as any former legislature had secured,, or any future legislature might secure to them.
Amongst the members of this Congress were Charles Ro- bertson, John Carter, John Haile and John Sevier, from **Wash- ington District, Watauga Settlement."* Her remote and pa- triotic citizens, on the extreme frontier, thus participated in
* Womack was also elected, bat did not attend.
140 TOFOORAPHT OF WATAUGA.
laying the foundation of government for the free, sovereign and independent State of North-Carolina. In that part of the Declaration of Rights adopted by the Congress, specifying the limits of the state, is the proviso, '' thai it shall not be so construed as to prevent the establishment of one or more govern^ ments westward of this state^ by consent of the legislature.^ This was inserted, probably, at the suggestion of the young legisla- tors from Watauga. Iv their nurfiber — the last in the list as here given — was the futureGovernor of Franklin and of Ten- nessee. His fortune, as will be shown in the further pro- gress of these annals, was hereafter hewn out by his sword and shaped by his wonderful capacities. Could he have been, at this time, preparing a theatre for their future employment and exhibition ?
WATAUGA.
The topography of Watauga has become interesting, and the modern visitant to that early home of the pioneers of Ten- nessee and the West, lingers around and examines, with in- tense curiosity and almost with veneration, the places conse- crated as their residence or their entombment. The annalist, partaking deeply in this feeling, has used every effort to identify these localities. He has made more than one pilgrimage to these time-honoured and historic places. In all time to come they will be pointed out and recognized as the abode and rest- ing place of enterprise, virtue, hardihood, patriotism — the an- cestral monument of real worth and genuine greatness.
** Watauga Old Fields," already mentioned, occupied the site of the present Elizabethton, in Carter county. Tradition says it was once an ancient Indian village, of which, when Mr. Andrew Greer, an early hunter and explorer, first set- tled it, no trace remained but the cleared land. In confirma- tion of that tradition it may be remarked, that a short distance above that place, on the south side of Watauga River and im- mediately upon its bank, an ancient cemetery is seen, in which are deposited quite a number of human skeletons.
"The Watauga Fort" was erected upon the land once owned and occupied by an old settler, Matthew Tolbot. The land is now owned by Mrs. Eva Gillespie. The fort stood upon
y
RB8IDBNCE8 OF THE PIONEERS. 141
a knoll below the present site of Mrs. Gillespie's house, in a bottom, about half a mile north-east of the mouth of Gap Creek. The spot is easily identified by a few graves and the large locust tree standing conspicuously on the right of the road leading to EHzabethton. Let it ever be a sacrilege to cut down that old locust tree — growing, as it does, pear the ruins of the Watauga fort which sheltered the pioneer and protected his family — where the soldiery of Watauga fought under Captain Robertson and Lieutenant Sevier, and where the Courts of the Association were held, and even-handed jus- tice was administered under the self-constituted legislature, judiciary and executive of the Watauga settlers.
Besides the fort proper, there were near, and within reach of its guns, a court-house and jaif These were, necessarily, of the plainest structure, being made of round poles. In 1782 the former was converted into a stable.
Higher up the river, and on the north side of it, near the closing in of a ridge, upon a low flat piece of land, stood /
another fort. The land was then owned by Valentine Se- vier, Sen., now by Mr. Hart. On Doe River was a third fort, in the cove of that stream. The Parkinsons forted here. The farm is now owned by Mr. Hampton. Carter Wo mack had a fort near the head of Watauga ; its exact loca- tion is not now known. During an outbreak of the Indians, men were sent from this fort to protect settlements lower down the country. Another fort stood near the mouth of Sinking Creek, on land now owned by Bashere, then by Dunjain.
RESIDENCES OF THE FIRST SETTLERS OF WATAUGA.
James Robertson lived on the north side of the river, at the upper end of the island, on lands since the property of A. M. Carter, Esq., deceased, late of EHzabethton. Valen- tine Sevier, Jun., at one time lived where Mr. Hickey now resides, opposite N. G. Taylor's store. Valentine Sevier, Sen., owned the land now occupied by Mr. Hart. Colonel John Carter's residence was about half a mile north of EHz- abethton, on the property still owned by his grandson, Gene- ral James J. Carter. The house of Mr. Andrew Greer was
142 FIB8T Bin^Lfl EEECTED IK TBNNE88EB.
on Watauga River, abont three miles above Elizabethtpn, near to the place where Henry Nave, Jan., now lives. Mr. Gretr was an Indian trader, and at a very early period, per- haps 1766, came with Julius C. Dugger to the West. They are believed to be the first white men that settled south of what was afterwards ascertained to be the Virginia line. After them came the Robertsons, John Carter, Michael Hy- der, the Seviers, Dunjains, McNabbs, Matthew Tolbot, the Hortons, McLinns, and Simeon Bundy. The latter of these was the first settler on Gap Creek His house stood near the Big Spring, the head of that stream. Soon after the arrival on the Watauga of the emigrants above named, came the Beans, the Cobbs and the Webbs, and, subsequently, the Tip* tons and Taylors. Julius C. Dugger lived and died at a place still owned by his heirs, and known as Dugger's Bridge^ fourteen miles up the Watauga from Elizabethton. Mr. Horton lived at the Green Hill, a little south of the Watauga Springs. Joshua, his son, owned the present residence of Samuel Tipton, and another son, Richard, lived at the place now occupied by Mr. Renfro. Charles Robertson lived on Sinking Creek, on the property now owned by John Ellis* Ambrose Hodge lived where Wm. Wheeler now resides, on the road leading to Jonesboro, from Elizabethton. Mr. Ho- neycut, whose hospitality furnished the first home to James Robertson, lived about Roane's Creek, near the Watauga. Evan Shelby lived and died at the place now known as King's Meadows, in Sullivan county, near the Virginia line» where his grave is still pointed out. Michael Hyder lived on Powder Branch, a mile south of Watauga. His son has built his present residence near the site of the old mansion. James Edens settled near the Big Springs on Gap Creek, the place now occupied by his son.
The first mill erected in all the country, was on BufiTalo Creek. It belonged to Baptist McNabb, and stood near where David Pugh since lived. About the same time, an- other mill r was built by Matthew Tolbot on Gap Creek. The property is now owned by the heirs of Love.*
* To one of whom, Mr. John Love, recently deceased at Charleston, S. C, the writer ia indebted for many of thef»e details.
OOMMENOBMBNT OF CHEROKEE HOBTILFTY. 148
In August, 1775, Rev. William Tennent informed the Pro- vincial Congress of South-Carolina, that Cameron was among the Over-hiU Cherokees, aud would soon join the disaffected with three thousand Cherokee gun-men, who will fight for the king. An Indian talk waa intercepted, which contained an assurance from the Cherokees that they were ready to attend Cameron^and massacre all the back settlers of Carolina and Greorgia, without distinction of age or sex.
In a letter to Lord Dartmouth, under date, Boston, June 12, 1775y Gen. Gage said : " We need not be tender of calling on the savages" * to attack the Americans.
In this year an Indian trader, Andrew Greer, one of the first,
1T76 \ ^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ settlor of Watauga, being in the ( Cherokee towns, suspected, from the conduct of Walker and another trader, that some mischief was intended against him. He returned with his furs, but left the main trading path and came up the Nollichucky Trace. Boyd and Dogget, who had been sent out by Virginia, travelling on the path that Greer left, were met by Indians near a creek, were killed by them and their bodies thrown into the water. The creek is in Sevier county, and has ever since been known as Boyd's Creek. A watch and other articles were afterwards found in the creek — the watch had Boyd's name engraved on the case. He was a Scotchman. This was the commencement of the Cherokee hostility^ and was believed to be instigated by the agents of the British government. One of its mea- sures adopted to oppress and subjugate the disaffected Ameri- can colonies, was to arm the neighbouring tribes and to sti- mulate them against the feeble settlements on their border. The southern colonies had expressed a decided sympathy with their aggrieved brethren in Massachusetts, and lying adjacent to the warlike Cherokee tribe, it was desired to secure the alliance of these savages against them in the existing war. £arly in the year 1776, John Stuart, the Superintendent of Southern Indian Affairs, received his instructions from the British War Department, and immediately dispatched to his deputies, resident among the different tribes, orders to carry into effect the wishes of his government Alexander Came-
•Am. Archives^ yol. il, folio 968.
/
144 HUMANITT OF NANCT WARD.
ron, a Highland officer, who had fought for America in the French war, was at this time the Agent for the Cherokee nation. Receiving from Stuart his orders, he lost no time in convoking the chiefs and warriors, and making known to them the designs of his government. He informed them of the difEculties between the King and his American subjects, and endeavoured to enlist them in favour of his monarch.
The Indians could scarcely believe that the war was real — a war among savages that speak the same language being unknown. This phenomenon confused them. The Ameri- cans, moreover, had friends in the towns, who endeavoured to counteract the intrigues of the Agent, and to gain time to apprise the frontier inhabitants of the danger which threat- ened them. But by promises of presents in clothing, the plun- der of the conquered settlements, and the appropriation to their use of the hunting grounds to be reclaimed from the whites upon the western waters, Cameron succeeded, event- ually, in gaining to the British interests a majority of the head men and warriors. '* This formidable invasion was rendered much less destructive than was intended, by the address and humanity of another Pocahontas. Nancy Ward, who was nearly allied to some of the principal chiefs, obtained know- ledge of their plan of attack, and without delay communicated it to Isaac Thomas, a trader, her friend and a true American. She procured for him the means to set out to the inhabitants of Holston as an express, to warn them of their danger, which he opportunely did, and proceeded, without delay, to the Com- mittee of Safety in Virginia, accompanied by William Fallin, as far as the Holston settlements'*
The westernmost settlement, late in the fall of this year, was in Carter's Valley. Mr. Kincaid, Mr. Long, Mr. Love and Mr. Mulkey, a Baptist preacher, were the pioneers. Their bread-corn was brought from the neighbourhood where Abing- don now stands. During that winter they hunted and killed buf- falo, twelve or fifteen miles north-west of their settlement. They also cleared a few acres of land, but after they had planted and worked their corn over once, the rumours of a Cherokee invasion forced them to leave their little farms. In great
* Haywood.
TMT OATB ADMINIBTBRED TO TOKIEfl. 146
haste and confusion all the families below the north fork of Holston recrossed that stream, and the women and children were conducted back as far as the present Wythe county.
The tide of emigration had, in the meantime, brought large accessions to the three points, Carter's, Wj^tauga and Brown's, and radiating from these centres, the settlers were erecting their cabins and opening their " improvements " at some dis- tance from each, and approximating the boundaries of the parent germ, the whole began to assume the appearance of <MiB compact settlement. The policy pursued in Virginia and the Carolinas, under the direction of County Associa- tiims and Committees of Safety, had driven many to the new aeltlements. A test oath was .required of all suspected of dtflaffection to the American cause. To avoid the oath, and to eeeape the consequences of a refusal to take it or to sub- ■eribe Uie test, many tories had fled to the extreme frontier. Brown's was the fhrthest point and the most difficult of aecess. In this seclusion they hoped to remain concealed: bttt whig vigilance soon ferreted them out, and a body of men, al the instance of John Carter, came from Virginia, went to Brown's, called the inhabitants together and administered to fliem an oath to be faithful to the common cause. After this^ Brovm's and Watauga were considered one united set- tlement, and appointed their officers as belonging to the same body.
The marder of Boyd by the Indians, and a rumour of the intrigoes practiced by Cameron, had put the frontier people iqKMa their guard against meditated mischief. The Chero- kees had so long maintained friendly relations with them, that they had been lulled into a state of false security- While they had provided civil institutions adequate to the wants of the settlers, the military organization had been neglected. They proceeded at once to adopt defensive mea- sures, and immediately appointed Carter and Brown colonels, and Womack major over their respective militia. It was deemed advisable, also, to take further precautions for the protection of the settlements against any attack that might be contemplated by the savages, and the more exposed fanpili^Mi went at once into forts and stations. 10
146 DBSCRIPTIQH OF A ^ BVATIOll.''
A fort, in these rude military times, consisted of pieces of timber, sharpened at the end and firmly lodged in the ground ; rows of these pickets enclosed the desired space, which embraced the cabins of the inhabitants. One block house, or more, of superior care and strength, commanding Ihe sides of the fort, with or without a ditch, completed the forti- fication or station, as they are most commonly called. Gene- rally the sjides of the interior cabins forn^d the sides of tbs fort Slight as was this advance in the art of war, it was more than sufficient against attacks of small armsi in the hands of such desultory warriors, as their irpegcilar supplies of provisions necessarily rendered the Indians.* The place selected for a station was generally the cabin most centnd' to the whole settlement to be iM*otected by it. Often, how* ever, it was otherwise ; an elevated position, not surrounded by woods, clifis or other fastnesses, from which' assailanlt could deliver their fire under cover; contiguity to a spring; a river, or other stream of water, a supply of fuel ; — all these had their influence in deciding the place selected for a ibrt Sometimes the proximity of a number of adjacent settlers^ cultivating the same plantation, or working in the same clearing y overbalanced other considerations. A grist mill was often- a sine qua non in the selection of a site, and espe- cially if, in case of a protracted siege, it could be enclosed by the palisades or commanded by the rifles of a fort.
The boundaries of Brown's settlement, on the west, ex- tended down Nollichucky, below the mouth of Big Limestdne Creek, and that neighbourhood being the weakest and first exposed, a fort was built at Gillespie's, near the river, and a garrison was stationed in it. Another one was built at X. Watauga — another at Heaton's, known as Heaton's Station. It stood in the fork between the north and south branches of Holston, and about six miles from their confluence. Evan Shelby erected one on Beaver Creek,, two miles south of the Virginia line. There was one, also, at Womack's, and three or four miles east of it, on Holston, John Shelby also built a station. In Carter's Valley there were several.f
• Butler, t It is to be regretted that tlie titoof many of llie ferti Mid ataitMms ia Temeaiee
stuart'b urrTEB to the fbomtibr people. 1^
During these preparations for defence, other information reached the Watauga Committee, confirming the previoos intelligence of approaching invasion. On the 18th of May they received a copy of a letter addressed by Mr. Stuart» under date May 9th, to the frontier people. The circum- stances attending its delivery were exceedingly suspicious^ and gave rise to the gravest apprehensions. The lettar and the affidavit of Nathan Read« who was present at Mr. Charles Robertson's house at night, when it was delivered, are here given :
** Wattaoa. — ^This day Nathan Read came before me, one of the Jufr- liceft of Wattaga, and made oath on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, thai a stranger came up to Charles Robcrtson^s gate yesterday eve- ning— who he was he did not know — and delivered a letttr of which this Is a true copy. Sworn before me the 19th of May, 1776.
John Carter. Attest — James Smith."
" Obntlembk — Some time ago Mr. Cameron and myself wrote you a letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the Indiana respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made of them on the levers Wattaga, Nollichuckoy, &c. AVe are sincein formed that you are under great apprehensions of the Indians doing mischief immediately. But it Is not the desire of his Majesty to set his friends and allies, the Indiana, on his liege subjects : Therefore, whoever you are that are will- ing to join his Majesty's forces as soon as they arrive at the Cherokee Nation, by repairing to the King's standard, shall find protection for themselves and their families, and bo free from all danger whatever ; yet, that his Majesty's officers may bo certain which of you are willing to take np arms in his Majesty's jusl right, I have thought iit to recom* mend it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable min to themselves and flirailies, immediately to subscribe a written paper acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty, King George, and that tbey are ready and willing, whenever they are called on, to appear in arms in defence of the British right in America ; which paper, as soon
it is signed and sent to me, by safe hand, should any of the inhabitants
can no longer be satisfactorily identified. Convinced as he was of the value and interest these sites would have given to tlii^i work, the writer has endeavoured, in various ways, to aaccrtain them, with the view of perpetuating them in a dia£:ram or map, to be iosertcd in this volume. These endeavours have been fruitless. From BOOfi correspondents, iu a few countie-*, ho has procured eomo information on the •abject From others he learus that the early settlers arc no longer there to impart the desired knowledge, and from others no reply has been received to hit inqiiinN. Public attmtion in Tennessee is respectfully invited to this sobjoct
148 williamb'b DiBPLoecTftn
be desiroua of knowing how they are to be free from every kind of intuit and dan^r, inform them, that his Majesty will immediately land an army in West Florida, march them through the Creek to the Chickasaw Nation, where five hundred warriors from each nation are to join them, and then come by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then to take possession of the frontiers of North-Carolina and Virginia, at the same time that his Majesty's forces make a diversion on the sea coast of those Provinces. If any of the inhabitants have any beef, cattle, flour, pork or horses to spare, they shall have a good price for them by applying to U8, as soon as his Majesty's troops are embodied.
I am yours, d^c,
Henrt Stuart."
Henry was the brother of John Stuart, and Deputy Superin- tendent oflndian Affairs, and in that capacity had been sent to the Cherokees by Cameron. The letter was doubtless handed by some incognito loyalist from South-Carolina, at the sug- gestion of Col. Kirkland, to whom such negotiations were familiar. Charles Robertson had emigrated from that Pro- vince, and it may have been, was known to some of the dis- aiSected back-settlers there. They mistook their man. They knew the spirit neither of Robertson nor his countrymen. None could have been more prompt nor more vigorous in spurning the bribe and disregarding their threats or resisting the exe- cution of their plans.
Mr. Jarret Williams, on his way to Virginia from the Che- rokee villages, came to Watauga and communicated addi- tional confirmation of the hostile intention of the Indians. It will be found in the subjoined affidavit, afterwards published in the "Philadelphia Packet" of Aug. 13, 1776.
" FiNCASTLK, 88. — The deposition of Jarret Williams, taken before me, Anthony Bledsoe, a Justice of the Peace for the county aforesaid, being first sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith : That he left the Cherokee Nation on Monday nighty the 8th iust. (July) ; that the part of the Nation called the Over-hills, wore then preparing to go to war against the frontiers of Virginia, having purchased to the arbount of 1000 skins, or thereabouts, for mockasons. They were also beating flour for a march, and making other warlike preparations. Their num- ber, from calculation made by the Raven Warrior, amounts to about six hundred warriors; and, according to the deponent's idea, he thinks we may expect a general attack every hour. They propose to take away negroes, horses, and to kill all kinds of cattle, sheep, &c., for which purpose they are well stocked with bows and arrows ; also, to destroy all com, bum houses, Ac, And he also heard, that the Valley towns were, a part of them, set off; but that they had sent a runner to stop them
OF TSRBATBNKD DrVAflKW. 140
(31 all weie ready to start. He further relates, that Alexander Cameron informed them that he had concluded to send Captain Nathaniel Gueeti William FauHn, Isaac Williams and the deponent, with the Indians, till they dime near to Nonachucky ; then the Indians were to stop, and Guest and the -other whites, above mentioned, were to go to see if there wer« any King's men among the inhabitants ; and if they found any, they were to take them off to the Indians, or have a white signal in their handa, or otherwise to distinguish them. When this was done, they were to Ul on the inhabitants, and kill and drive all they possibly could. That OD Saturday, the 6th instant, in the night, he heard two prisoners were brought in about midnight, but the deponent saw only one. That the within Williams saw only one scalp brought by a party of Indians, with a prisoner ; but, from accounts, they had five scalps. Ho also says he beiard the prisoner examined by Cameron, though he gave a very imper- fect account, being very much cast down. He further says, that the Cherokees had received the war-belt from the Shawnese, Mingo, Taa- wah and Delaware Nations, to strike the white people. That fifteen of the s«d nations were in the Cherokee towns, and that few of the Chero- kees went in company with the Shawnese, &c. That they all intended to strike the settlers in Kentucky ; and that the Cherokees gave the said Shawnese, &c^ four scalps of white men, which they carried away with them. The said Shawnese and Mingoes informed the Cherokees that they then were at peace with every other nation ; that the French were to BUpply them with ammnnition, and that they wanted the Cherokeea to join them to strike the white people on the frontiers, which the Chero- kees hj|ve agreed to. And the deponent further saith, that before he left the nation, a number of the Cherokees of the Lower towns, were gone to fall on tiie frontiers of South-Carolina and Georgia ; and further saith
' Jarret Williams. Signed before Anthony BledsoeP
The apprehension of danger excited amongst the remote settlers on Holston, was increased by the report some time after of another trader, Robert Dews. The amount of his statement made on oath was, '' that the Indians are deter- mined on war. The Cherokees have received a letter from Cameron, that the Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws are to join against Georgia, South-Carolina, North-Carolina and Virginia ; also that Captain Stuart bad gone up the Missis- sippi with goods, ammunition, &c., for the northern nations, to cause them to fall on the people of the frontier."
Nothing could have so aroused, and exasperated, and har- monized public sentiment in Watauga, as the intelligeuise thus given, that these settlements were to be sacrificed to savage barbarity, incited by British influence. No wher«
IM EXPBBW CARBtm ABVIBr's LBTTEB.
more thaii among a frontier people, is there a- keener sense
of justice or a warmer homage for kind treatment and right^
fol authority. No where, a greater abhorrence of a flagrant
injustice or a deeper resentment for wanton wrong and ofu-
elty. Every settler at once became a determined whig. On
the great question then agitating the British Colonies, there
was but one opinion in the West. The soldiery was armed,
organized and prepared for the conflict, which Cameron'^
^sclosures demonstrated was at hand.
John Sevier communicated to the officers of Fincastle
county, the following :
"Fort Leb, July 11, 1'TYe. ^Dear Gentlemen : Isaac Thomas, Wm. Falling, Jarot Williams and one more, have this moment come in by making their escape from the Indians, and say six hundred Indians and whites were to start for tbia ibrt^ and intend to drive the country up to New River before they re- turn. John Seyixb.?'
Fort Lee is believed to be the name of the fort at Wa- tauga. Sevier was at the latter place at the Attack upon i^ July 21, and probably was there at the date of this laconic epistle.* Thus forewarned, the Watauga Committee lost no time in preparing for the approaching invasion. The forts were strengthened, and every measure adopted that could add to the security of their people. Having done everything that could be effected by their own resources, on the 30th May, the Committee sent an express to Virginia for aid and sup- plies of lead and powder. To their application Mr. Preston replies, under date June 3rd, 1776.
" Gentlemen : Your letter of the 30th ult. with the deposition of Mr. Bryan, came to hand this evening, by your messenger. The news is re^ly alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians, who are doubtless advised to break with the white people, by the enemies to American liberty who reside among them. But I cannot conceive that you have any thing to fear from their pretended invasion by British troops, by the route they mention. This must, in' my opinion, be a scheme purposely calculated to intimidate the inhabitants, either to abandon their plantations or turn enemies to their country, neither of which I hope it will be able to effect.
" Our Convention on the 14th of May, ordered 500 lbs. of gunpow- der to each of the counties of Fincastle, Botetourt, Augusta and West Augusta. . . . And double that quantity of lead . . . They likewise
* The writer is indebted for this letter and the official report of the battle at tbe Island Flats, to the research and politeness of L. C. Draper, Esq. ^
FLAK OF CBEIOKXB IHVASIOV. 151
orderedlOO men to be forthwith raised in Fincastle, to be stationed irhere our Committee directs for the protection of the frontier. * * • I sent the several letters and depositions you furnished me, from which it is reasonable to believe, that when all these shall have been examined Tigoiuoas measures will be adopted for our protection.
^ I have advertised our Committee to meet at Fort Chiswell oa Tuesday, the 11th instant, and have directed the candidates for com- missions in the new companies, to exert themselves in engaging the number of men required until then ; I much expect wo shall have further news from Williamsburg by the time the Committee meets. 1 have written to Col. Callaway the second time for 200 lbs, of lead, which I hope he will deliver the bearer. This supply I hope will be some r^ Uef to your distressed settlement, and as I said before, should more be -wanted I am convinced you may be supplied. I am fxilly convinced that the expense will be repaid ydh by the Convention of Virginia or North- Carolina, on a fair representation of the case being laid before them, whichsoever of them takes your settlement under protection, as there ifl not the least reason that any one part of the colony should be at any •xtraofdinary expense in the defence of the whole, and you may be assured you cannot be over stocked with that necessary article ; ix should it please Providence that the impending storm should blow over, and there would be no occasion to use the ammunition in the general defence, then it might bo sold out to individuals, and the expense of the whole reimbursed to those who so generously contributed towards the purchase.
^ lam, with the most sincere wishes for the safety of your settlement^ your most obedient and very humble servant,
Wm. Preston."*
Sach was the posture of defence assumed by the inhabi- tants after the receipt of the intelligence brought by Thomas Fallin and Williams. The former had proceeded on his mission to the authorities of Virginia for succour against a threatened invasion. The projected incursion of the Chero- leeSy as communicated by Nancy Ward to Thomas, was this: Seven hundred warriors were to attack the white settle- ments. They were to divide themselves into two divisions of three hundred and fifty each, under chosen leaders, one destined to fall upon the Watauga settlements, by a circtii- tous route along the foot of the mountains. The other divi- sion, to be commanded by the Dragging-Canoe in person, was, by a more northwardly route, to fall upon and break up the seittlements in the fork of the two branches of the Holston, and thence proceed into Virginia.
* Original letter in this writer's posaeasioD.
152 VOLUIITBEKB A88EMBLB AT HEATON's.
The alarm produced by this intelligence hastened the conio pletion of the defences and the embodiment of such a fored as the western settlements of Virginia and North-Carolina could supply. Five small companies, principally Virginians, immediately assembled under their respective captains, the eldest of whom, in commission, was Captain Thompsoiu They marched to Heaton's Station, where a fort had b^ea built, by the advice of Captain William Cocke, in advanoe of the settlements. Here they halted, as well to protect the people in the station as to procure information, by their spies and scouts, of the position of the enemy, of their num- ber, and, if possible, of their designs. In a day or two it was ascertained that the Indians, in a body of three or four hundred, were actually on the march towards the fort* A council was immediately held to determine whether it was most advisable to await in the fort the arrival of the Indians, with the expectation that they would come and attack it, or to march out in search of them and fight them wherever they could be found. It was urged in council by Captain Cocke, that the Indians would not attack them in the station, and enclosed in their block houses, but would pass by them and attack the settlements in small parties; and that for want of protection the greater part of the women and chil- dren would be massacred. This argument decided the con- troversy, and it was determined to march out and meet theoL The corps, consisting of one hundred and seventy men, marched from the station and took their course down towards the Long Island, with an advance of about twelve men in front. When they reached what are called the Island Flats^ the advance guard discovered a small party of Indians coming along the road meeting them, and immediately fired on them ; the Indians fled and the white people pursued for some time, but did not meet the enemy. A halt wa^s then made, and the men were formed in a line. A council was then held by the officers, in which it was concluded that, probably, they would not be able to meet any others of the enemy that day, and^ as evening was drawing on, that it was most prudent to return to the fort. But before all the troops had fallen into ranks and left the place
BATTLB HEAR LOIIG IBLAMD. 168
where tbey had halted, it was announced that the Indians were advancing, in order of battle, in their rear.* Captain Thompson, the senior officer, who was at the head of the left line, ordered the right line to form for battle to the right, and the line which he headed, to the left, and to face the enemy. In attempting to form the line, the head of the right seemed to bear too much along the road leading to the sta- tion, and the part of the line further back, perceiving that the Indians were endeavouring to outflank them, was drawn off, by Lieutenant Robert Davis, as quickly as possible, and formed on the right, across the flat to a ridge, and prevented them from getting round the flank. The greater part of the officers, and not a few of the privates, gave heroic examples to canse the men to advance and give battle ; of the latter, Robert Edmiston and John Morrison made conspicuous exer- tions. They advanced some paces towards the enemy and began the battle by shooting down the foremost of them. The battle then became general.
The Indians fought, at first, with great fury ; the foremost hallooing, the Unacas are running, come on and scalp them. Their first efifort was to break through the centre of our line* and to turn the left flank in the same instant. In both they failed of success, by the well directed fire of our riflemen. Several of their chief warriors fell, and, at length, their com- mander was dangerously wounded. This decided the vic- tory. The enemy immediately betook themselves to flight, leaving twenty-six of their boldest warriors dead on the field. The blood of the wounded could be traced in great profusion, in the direction of the enemy's retreat. Our men pursued in a cautious manner, lest they might be led into an ambus- cade, hardly crediting their own senses that so numerous a foe was completely routed. In this miracle of a battle, we had not a man killed and only five wounded, who all reco- vered. But the wounded of the enemy died till the whole loss in killed amounted to upwards of forty.f The battle lasted not more than ten minutes after the line was com- pletely formed and engaged before the Indians began to retreat ; but they continued to fight awhile in that way, to get the wounded off the ground. The firing during the time
* Haywood. f Idem.
164 OFPKNAL RBPOKT OP THB BATTLB.
of the action, particularly on the side of the white peopte, was very lively and well directed. This battle was fought on the 20th of July, 1776.
An official report of this well fought battle, will be also 17*76 \ E^^^^f ^^^ ^" detail than the preceding, but in most of I the essential parts entirely agreeing with it.
<* On the 19th our scouts returned, and informed us that they had discovered where a great number of Indians were making into the set- tlements ; upon which alarm, the few men stationed at Eaton's, oom- pleted a breast-work sufficiently strong, with the assistance of what men were there, to have repelled a considerable number ; sent expresses to the different stations and collected all the forces in one body, and the morning after about one hundred and seventy turned out in search of the enemy. We marched in two divisions, with flankers on each add and scouts before. Our scouts discovered upwards of twenty meetinff us, and fired on them. They returned the fire, but our men rushed on ui^m with such violence that they were obliged to make a precipitate retreat. We took ten bundles and a good deal of plunder, and had ffreat reas(Hi to think some of them were wounded. This small skirmish happened on ground very disadvantageous for our men to pursue, though it was with the greatest difficulty our officers could restrain their men. A coun- cil was held, and it was thought advisable to return, as we imagined there was a large party not far off. We accordingly returned, and had not marched more than a mile when a number, not inferior to ours, attadced vs in the rear. Our men sustained the attack with great bravery and intrepidity, immediately fonning a line. The Indians endeavoured to surround us, but were prevented by the uncommon fortitude and vigilance of Capt. James Shelby, who took possession of an eminence that pre- vented their design. Our line of battle extended about a quarter of a mile. We killed about thirteen on the spot, whom we found, and have the greatest reason to believe that we could have found a great many more, had we had time to search for them. There were streams of blood every way ; and it was generally tho\ight there was never so much exe- cution done in so short a time on the frontiers. Never did troops fight with greater calmness than ours did. The Indians attacked us with the greatest fury imaginable, and made the most vigorous efforts to surround Ufl. Our spies really deserved the greatest applause. We took a great deal of plunder and many guns, and had only four men greatly wounded. The rest of the troops are in high spirits and ea^er foi\ anotlier engage- ment. We have the greatest reason to believe tliey are pouring in great numbers on us, and beg the assistance of our friends.
James Thompson, John Campbell,
James Shelby, William Cocke,
William Buchanan, Thomas Madison.
To Major Anthony Bledsoe, for him to be immediately sent to Colonel Pireston."
LiBifmrAiiT Moon and tmdiasi bbave. 1£5
• A desperate hand-to-hand conflict took place during the battle^ The precise spot is still pointed out in a field on the left of the road passing through the grounds where the battle took place. The combatants were Lieutenant Moore, late of Sallivan, and a very large chief or leader of the Cherokees. Moore had shot the chief, wounding him in the knee, but not so badly as. to prevent him from standing. Moore advanced towards him, and the Indian threw his tomahawk but missed him. Moore sprung at him with his large butcher knife drawn, which the Indian caught by the blade and attempted to wrest ^ora the hand of his antagonist. Holding on with desperate tenacity to the knife, both clinched with their left hands. A souffle ensued in which the Indian was thrown to the ground, his right hand being nearly dissevered and bleeding profusely. Ho(Hre still holding the handle of his knife in the right hand, succeeded with the other to disengage his own tomahawk from his belt, and ended the strife by sinking it in the skull of the Indian. Until this conflict was ended, the Indians fought with unyielding spirit. After its issue became known* they retreated.
Mr. George Hufticre, late of Knox county, was in this bat- tle, and gives further particulars. He say3 : While the cap- tains were endeavouring to form line, some confusion ensued, when Isaac Shelby (a volunteer under no command and not in ranks) gave orders for each captain to fall into place, and with his company to march back a few paces and form line. This order was obeyed, and the line was immediately formed a short distance in the rear of four men left upon the eminence to watch the movements of the enemy. Encouraged by the apparent withdrawal of the troops and the small number in •igfat, the. Indians made a rapid forward movement against the four men on the rising ground, and pursued them into the line now completely formed, yelling and brandishing their tomahawks and war clubs. Edmondson being in the centre company, bore the weight of the enemy's assault several mi- nutes, and himself killed six of the most daring of the Indians. John Findley was one of the wounded.
The consequences of this victory were of some importance to the Western inhabitants, otherwise than the destroying a
156 ATTACK OK WATAUGA FOVP.
namber of their influential and most vindictive enemies, ^nd lessening the hostile spirit of the Oherokees. It induced m concord and union of principle to resist the tyranny of the British government. It attracted the favour and attention of the. new commonwealth; it inspired military ideas and a contempt of danger from our savage enemies. The inquiry^ afterwards, when* in search of Indians, was not, how many of them are there? but, where are they to be found ? This spirit was kept up and often displayed itself on several important occasions during the war. *
Another division of the Cherokees invaded the settlementil at another point and from another direction. This was com- manded by Old Abraham of Chilhowee. That chieftain was distinguished more for stratagem and cunning, than by valoor and enterprise. He led his division along the foot of the mountain by the Nollichucky path, hoping to surprise and massacre the unsuspecting and unprotected inhabitants upon that river. The little garrison at Gillespie's Station, apprised of the impending danger, had prudently broken up their fort and had withdrawn to Watauga, taking with them such of their moveable effects as the emergency allowed, but leaving their cabins, their growing crops and the stock in the ranges to the waste and devastation of the invaders. The Indians arriving at the deserted station soon after the garrison de- parted from it, hoped, by rapid marches, to overtake and destroy them. In the rapidity of the pursuit, the standing corn, stock and improvements of the settlers, remained un- touched and uninjured. The garrison reached Watauga in safety. The next morning, at sunrise, the Indians invested that place and attacked the fort, now strengthened by the small reinforcement from Gillespie's. Captain James Robert^ son commanded the ft>rces at Watauga, amounting in all to but forty men. Lieut. John Sevier and Mr. Andrew Greer were also present. The assault upon t)ie fort was vigorous and sudden. But, by the unerring aim of the riflemen within it, and the determined bravery of men protecting their women and children from capture and massacre, the assail- ants were repulsed with considerable loss. No one in the
* Haywood.
OAPnviTT OP iota bbav. 167
fi>rt was wounded. Mrs. Bean had been taken prisoner by the Indians on their march, the preceding day. I'he killed and wounded of the Cherokees were carried off in sight of the people in the fort. The number could not be ascertained^ as the Indians remained skulking about in the adjacent woods for twenty days. During that time expresses had succeeded in escaping from the besieged fort at Watauga, and in commu- nicating to the station at Heaton's the dangerous condition in which the siege involved them. Col. Russell was requested to send them succour : and five small companies were ordered to proceed to Watauga. These could not be well spared from Heaton's — ^and some delay occurring, Col. Shelby raised one hundred iiorsemen and crossed the country to the relief of his besieged countrymen. Before his arrival at Watauga the siege was raised, and the Indians had hastily withdrawn. The attack of the Cherokees under Old Abraham, was on the SlsC of July, the next day after the Dragging>-Canoe had made his ansuccessful marph upon Heaton's Station near Long Island.
Mrs. Bean was captured near Watauga, and was taken by the Indians to their station camp over on Nollichucky. A white roan was there also a prisoner. He told her she was to be killed, and a warrior stepped towards and cocked his gun as if intending to shoot her. The white man, at the instance of the chiefs, then began to ask Mrs. Bean some questions : how many forts have the white people ? how many soldiers in each ? where are the forts 7 can they be starved outt have they got any powder? She answered these questions so as to leave the impression that the settlements could protect themselves. After conferring among themselves a few minutes, the chiefs told the white man to say to Mrs. Bean that she was not to be killed, l^ut that she had to go with them to their towns and teach their women how to make butter and cheese.
After she was taken into captivity Mrs. Bean was con- demned to death. She was bound, taken to the top of one of the mounds, and was about to be burned, when Nancy Ward, then exercising in the nation the functions 3f the Beloved or Pretty Woman, interfered and pronounced her pardon. Her life was spared. We give farther details.
158 SEVIBR ATTElfFBB TO BnOU»)iDORJfi.
The fort ,at Watauga, when attacked, had one hundred and fifty settlers within its enclosures The women from the fort had gone out at daj'breab to milk the cows and were fired upon, but made a safe retreat to the fort. A brisk fire was then made upon the garrison, and kept up till eight o'clock, without efiect. The assault was repelled with con- siderable loss to the assailants, as was inferred from th^ quantity of blood left upon the ground. In a short time after the Indians renewed the attack and continued before the fork six days.
In the meantime, a soldier efiected his escape from Wap tauga and went to Holston express lor reinforcements. A detachment of one hundred rangers was instantly forwarded under the command of Col. Wm. Russell. On their way thi rangers fell in with a party of forty Cherokees, who were busy skinning a beef at a deserted plantation, fifty miles east of Long Island. Of these Col. Russell's men killed five and took one prisoner who was mortally wounded, and also made prize of twenty rifles belonging to the Indians.*
During the time the Indians were around tBe fort, James Cooper and a boy named Samuel Moore, went out after boards to cover a hut. When near the mouth of Gap f reek, they were attacked by Indians ; Cooper leaped into the river, and by divings hoped to escape their arrows and bullets, but the water became too shallow and he was killed by them and scalped. The firing by the Indians and the screams of Cooper were heard in the fort, and Lieutenant John Sevier at- tempted to go to his succour. Captain Robertson saw that the Indians were superior in force to that within the fort, and/ that it would require all the men he commanded to protect the women and children from massacre. The firing and scream- ing without, he believed to be a feint on the part of the enemy to draw his men from the fortification, and he recalled Sevier and his party from the attempted rescue. Moore was carried prisoner to the Indian towns, and was tortured to death by burning. A few mornings after the battle a man named Clonse was found in the thicket below the fort, killed apd scalped. . 11^ had probably chosen the darkness of the
'Maryland Qasette.
DiymOK OOMM ANDBD BT HAYBN^ IM
night to reaoh tbe fort from some of the settlements, and had been interoepted and slain. The intelligence of the defeat at the Island Plats had probably reached the division com- manded by Old Abraham, and occasioned the precipitate re- treat from Watauga.
Another division of the Gherokees, commanded by Raven^* had struck across the country, with the intention of falling npoD the frontier people of Carter's Valley. They came up Hdston to the lowest station, and finding the inhabitants toeurely shut up in forts, and hearing of the repulse at Wa- tauga and the bloody defeat at the Flats, they retreated and relumed to their towns.
A fourth party of Indians had crossed the country still lower down, and fell in upon the inhabitants scattered along the valley of Clinch. To this body of the enemy no oppo- sing force was presented. They divided themselves into small detachments, and carried fire and devastation and massacre into every settlement, from the remotest cabin on Clinch, to the Seven Mile Ford, in Virginia. One of these detachments made a sudden inroad upon the Wolf Hills Set- tlement* A station had been built there, near the present town (of Abingdon, at the house of Joseph Black. This station was a centre or rallying point for the infant settle. ments then being extended down the Holston Valley, into what is now Tennessee. As early as 1772, a congregation was organized and two churches built among these primitive people, to whom the Rev. Charles Cummings regularly preached. On this occasion, Mr. Cummings and four others, going to his field, were attacked by the Indians. At the first fire William Creswell, who was driving a wagon, was killed, and during the skirmish two others were wounded. Mr. Cummings and his servant, both of wlfom were well armed, drove the Indians from their ambush, and with the aid of some men from the fort, who, hearing the tiring, came to
• « The Maven is one of tbe Cherokee favourite war names. Carolina and Geoigia rememher Quorinnah, the Raven of Huwhase-town. He was one of the most daring warriors of the whole nation, and by far the most intelligent, and this Dune or war appellative admirably salted his well-known character.^ ** The nam^ pointa out an indef«tigftbl«, keeo^ sucoeBiful irvmar.^-^JLdair.
160 A FBONTIKR OONGKBGATIOK.
their relief, brought in the dead and wounded. Mr. Cres- well had been in the battle at Long Island. His numeroas descendants reside in Sevier and Blount counties.
From the period that Mr. C. commenced preaching in the Holston settlements, up to the time of this attack, the men never went to church without being armed and taking their families with them. On Sabbath morning, during most of this period, it was the custom of Mr. Cummings to dress himself neatly, put on his shot pouch, shoulder his rifle, mount his horse and ride off to church, where he met his gallant and intelligent congregation — each man with his rifle in his hand. The minister would then enter the church, walk gravely through the crowd, ascend the pulpit, deposit his rifle in a corner of it, lay off his shot pouch and commence the solemn services of the day.*
The several invasions, by as many separate parties of Cherokee warriors, well armed, and carrying with them fall supplies of ammunition, were ascribed to the instigation of British officers. The imputation is a serious one, and should not be made without adequate testimony. It is abhorrent to the feelings of civilized man ; it is in direct conflict with the kindly sympathies of a christian people, and it is repugnant to all the pleasant charities of life, to incite a blood-thirsty and barbarous nation to perpetrate outrage and cruelty, rapine and murder, havoc and war, indiscriminately upon valiant men, helpless women and innocent children. Not only was this invasion by the Cherokees imputed to British agency, but the details of it were traced to a concerted plan of attack, arranged by Gen^jGage and the Superintendent of Indian Affairs.
John Stuart was sole agent and Superintendent of his Majesty's Indian Affairs for the Southern District. For a long time he had been suspected of endeavouring to influ- ence the Indians against the American cause. In support of these suspicions, a gentleman from North-Carolina had given some particulars to the committee of intelligence, in Charleston, which he had collected from the Catawba In- dians. Stuart departed suddenly from Charleston, just before
* Letter of General Campbell, of AbiogdoD.
cAPTAnr stcart'b lettek-book. 161
the meeting of the Provincial Congress, and went to Savan* nalh There his official letter-liook was seen, by Mr. Haber- sham, in which a- full confirmation was found of the 8uspi« cions excited against him, and proving that his intention was, evidently^to arouse the resentment and stimulate the bad passions of the savages in their neighbourhood against Anglo-Americans struggling against oppression, and vindi- cating the rights of freemen. In the letter-book was found a despatch from Mr. Cameron, saying to Mr. Stuart, ** that the traders most, by some means or other, get ammunition among them, or otherwise they may become troublesome to Um for the want of it.** The ammunition was, doubtless, finmished, and went into the outfit of the several detach- ments of warriors that soon after invaded the qlliet and unoffending pioneers of Tennessee.
Only one of these written disclosures of the murderous policy adopted by England against American citizens, had yet reached the frontier ; but there were other sources of in- formation, not less authentic or reliable, fVom which the machinations of the enemy were soon made known. The traders noticed at first a spirit of suspicion and discontent, and directly after unmistakable evidences of fixed resentment and hostility. This discovery was communicated to the settlers, and along with the friendly interposition of the Che- rokee Pocahontas, saved the settlements from a surprise thdfC' might otherwise have proved fatal.
Simultaneously with these several invasions of the frontier settlements of Virginia and North-Carolina by the Cherokees, that warlike nation was carrying into execution the mur- derous policy instigated by British officers against South- Carolina and Georgia. A plan for compelling the colonies to submission, had been concerted between the British com- mander-in-chief. General Gage, and the Superintendent of Southern Indian Affairs, John Stuart. That plan shall be given in the words of a British historian :*
^British agents were again employed, in engaging the Indians to make a diversion, and to enter the Southern Colonies on their back and ddnideaa parts. Accnatomed to their diapositions and habits of mind,
• C. Stednum, History American War, yd. 1. 11
109 rmSPABATIONS to UfVAPS
the agents found bnt litUe difficulty in bringing them over to their pni^ pose, by presents and hopes of spoil and plunder. A large body of men was to be sent to West Florida, in order to penetrate through the terri- tories of the Creeks, Chickasaws and Cherokees. The warriors of theee nations were to join the body, and the Carolinas and Virginia were im- mediately to be invaded. At the same time the i^ttention of the colo- nies was to be diverted, by another formidable naval and military force, which was to make an impression on the sea coast. But this under- taking was not to depend solely on the British army and Indians. It was intended to engage the assistance of such of the white inhabitants <^ the back settlements, as were known to be well a£^ted to the British cause. Circular letters were accordingly sent to those persons by Mr. Stuart, requiring not only the well a^cted, but also those who wished to preserve their property from the miseries of a civil war, to repair to the royal standard as soon as it should be erected in the Cherokee country, with all their horses, cattle and provisions, for which they should be liberally paid."
A part only of this compKcated plan was executed. Sir Peter Parker appeared with a British squadron in May, o£f the coast of North-Carolina, and early in June prepared to attack Charleston with a large naval and military fbroe. The Indians were true to their engagement Being informed that a 'British fleet with troops had arrived off Charleston, they proceeded to take up the war club, and with the dawn of day on the first day of July, the Cherokees poured down upon the frontiers of South-Carolina, massacring without distinction of age or sex, all persons who fell into their ppwer. Several white men with whom Cameron and Stuart had been intriguing, painted and dressed as Indians, marched with and directed their attacks upon the most defenceless points of the frontier. The news of the gallant defence at Sullivan's Island, and the repulse of Sir Peter Parker, in the harbour of Charleston, on the 28th of June» arrived soon after that glorious victory, and frustrated in part the plan as con- certed.
Preparations were immediately made, to march with an imposing force upon the Cherokee nation. The whole fron- tier, from Georgia to the head of Holston in Virginia, had been invaded at once ; and the four southern colonies, now on the point of becoming sovereign and independent states, assumed an offensive position, and determined in their turn to invade and destroy their deluded and savage enemies.
THB OHBBOKBB VATIOir. 168
The Cherokee nation at this time occupied, as places of resi- ( dence or as hunting grounds, all the territory west and I north of the upper settlements in Georgia, and west of the Carolinas and South-western Virginia. They were the most warlike and enterprising of the native tribes, and, ex- eept the Greeks, were the most numerous. Intercourse with the whites had made them acquainted with the use of small arms and some of the modes of civilized warfare. They had made some advances in agriculture. They lived in towns of various sizes — their government was simple, and in time of war especially, the authority of their chiefs and warriors was supreme. Their country was known by three great geo- graphical divisions : The Lower Towns, the Middle Settle- ments and Vallies, and the Over-hill Towns. The. number of warriors were, in the
Middle Settlements and Yallies, ... 878
In Lower Towoa, 856
In Over-hill Towns, ^57
Total Cherokee men in Towds, - - - 1991
To these may be added such warriors as lived in the less oompact settlements, estimated at five hundred. *
To inflict suitable chastisement upon the Cherokees, seve- ral expeditions were at once made into their territories. Colo- nel McBury and Major Jack, from Georgia, entered the Indian settlements on Tugaloo, and defeating the enemy, destroyed all their towns on that river. General Williamson, of South- Carolina, early in July began to embody the militia of that state, and before the end of that month was at the head of. an army of eleven hundred and fifty men, marching to meet Cameron, who was, with a large body oCEsseneca Indians and disaffected white men, encamped at Oconoree. Encounter- ing and defeating this body of the enemy, he destroyed their town and a large amount of provisions. He burned Sugaw Town, Soconee, Keowee, Ostatoy, Tugaloo and Brass Town. He proceeded against Toniassee, Chchokee and Eustustie, ijirhere, observing a recent trail of the enem3', he made pur- suit and soon met and vanquished three hundred of their warriors. These towns he afterwards destroyed.
•Drajtoo.
tM OEMMUL RUTHBEFOBD's AEMT.
In the meantime, an army had been raised in North-Caro- lina, nnder command of General Rntherford, and a place of joining their respective forces had been agreed upon by that officer and Colonel Williamson, under the supposition that nothing less than their united force was adequate to the redac- tion of the Middle Settlements and Vallies. Colonel Martin Armstrong, of Surry county, in August raised a small regiment of militia and marched with them to join General Rutherford. Benjamin Cleveland was one of Armstrong's captains. Wil- Ham (afterwards general) Lenoir was Cleveland's first Wexb- tenant, and William Gray his second lieutenant. Armstrong's regiment crossed John's River at McKenney's ford, passed the Quaker Meadows and crossed the Catawba at Greenlee's ford, and at Cathey's Fort joined the army under General Rutherford, consisting of above two thousand men. The Blue Ridge was crossed by this army at the Swannanae Gap, and the march continued down the river of the same name to its mouthy near to which they crossed the French Broad. From that river the -army marched up Hominy Creek, leaving Pis- gah on the left and crossing Pigeon a little below the mouth of the East Fork. Thence throu^ the mountain to Richland Creek, above the present Waynesville, and ascending that creek and crossing Tuckaseigee River at an Indian town. They then crossed the Cowee Mountain, where they had an engagement with the enemy, in which but one white man was wounded. The Indians carried off their dead. From thence the army marched to the Middle Towns on Tennessee River, where they expected to form a junction with the South-Caro- lina troops under General Williamson. Here, after waiting a few days, they left a strong guard and continued the march to the Hiwassee towns. All the Indian villages were found evacuated, the warriors having fled without oflTering any resistance. Few were killed or wounded on either side, and but few prisoners taken by the whites — but they destroyed all the buildings, crops and stock of the enemy, and left them in a starving condition. This army returned by the same route it had marched. They destroyed thirty or forty Cherokee towns. * The route has since been known as Rutherford's Trace.
* Gen. Lenoir's letter to this writer.
GENERAL (SHUtlBTIAN DrVADM OHBBOKBE NATION. MB
While the troops commanded by McBury, Williamson and Rutherford, were thus desolating the Lower Towns and Middle Settlements of the Cherokees, another army, not less valiant or enterprising, had penetrated to the more secure, because more remote, Over-hill Towns. We have seen that the great chieftains of these interior places, Dragging-Ganoe, Old Abram of Cbilhowee, and Raven, had, at the head of their several commands, fallen upon Watauga and the other infant settlements, and although signally repulsed, some of ihem had united with another detachment, under another leader, and were spreading devastation and ruin upon the unprotected settlements near the head of Holston and Clincfaf in Virginia. The government of that state, indignant at aggressions so unprovoked and so offensive, soon acted in a manner suitable to her exalted sense of national honour. Orders were immediately given to Col. William Christian to raise an army and to march them at once into the heart of the Cherokee country. The place of rendezvous was the Great Island of Holston. This service was undertaken with the greatest alacrity, and so active were the exertions of the officers and men that by the first of August several compa- nies had assembled at the place appointed. This prepara- tory movement was itself sufficient to drive off the Indiana who still remained lurking around the settlements. Soon after Col. Christian was reinforced by three or four hundred North-Cai^lina militia, under Col. Joseph Williams, Col. Love and Major Winston. To these were added such gun- men as could be spared from the neighbouring forts and stations. The whole army took up the line of march for the Cherokee towns, nearly two hundred miles distant. Crossing the Holston at the Great Island, they marched eight miles and encamped at the Double Springs, on the head waters of Lick Creek. Here the army remained a few days, till the reinforcement from Watauga should overtake it. The whole force now amounted to eighteen hundred men, including paok-horse men and bullock drivers. All were well armed with rifles, tomahawks and butcher knives. The army was all infant}^, except a single compi^ny of light horse. While on the march the precaution was taken to send forward
IflO ASHY WADB8 FKElTOe BBOAB,
sixteen spies to the crossing place of the French Broad. The Indians had boasted that the white men should never cross that river. Near the mouth of Lick Creek were extensive cane-brakes, which, with a lagoon or swamp of a mile long, obstructed the march. The army succeeded, however, in crossing through this pass. The packs and beeves did not get through till midnight. At the encampment that night, Alexander Harlin came in and informed Col. Christian that a body of three thousand warriors were awaiting his arrival at French Broad, and would certainly there dispute his pas- sage across that stream. He was ordered into camp with the spies. At the bend of Nollichucky the camps of the enemy were found by the spies, deserted, but affording unerring evidence that the Indians were embodied in large numbers. This, with the message of Harlin, put the com- mander on his guard, and the march was resumed, next day, with every precaution and preparation against a surprise. Harlin was dismissed with a request from Col. Christian that he would inform the Indians of his determination to cross not only the French Broad, but the Tennessee, before he stopped. The route to be pursued was unknown and through a wilderness. Isaac Thomas, a trader among the Cherokees, acted as the pilot. He conducted the army along a narrow but plain war path up Long Creek to its source, and down Dumplin Creek to a point a few miles from its mouth, where the war path struck across to the ford of French Broad, near what has since been known as Buckingham's Island. As they came down Dumplin, and before they reached the river, the army was met by Fallen, a trader, having a white flag in his rifle. Christian directed that he should not be dis- turbed and that no notice should be taken of his embassy. He departed immediately, and gave to the Indians informa- tion that the whites, as numerous as the trees, were march- ing into their country. Arrived at the river. Col. Christian ordered every mess to kindle a good fire and strike up teiit, as though be intended to encamp there several days. During the night a large detachment was sent down the river to an island, near where Brabson's mill now stands, with direc- tions to cross the river at that- place, and to come up the
NSAK BUCKINClHAtt*0 IBLAITD. 167
rivviTy on its sonthem bank, next morning. This order was executed with great difficulty. The ford was deep, and the water so rapid as to require the men to march in platoons of four abreast, so as to brace each other against the impetu- ous stream. In one place the water reached nearly to the shoulders of the men, but the ammunition and the guns were kept dry.
Next morning the main body crossed the river near the Big Island. They marched in order of battle, expecting an attack from the Indians, who were supposed to be lying about in ambush ; but to their surprise no trace was found even of a recent camp. The detachment met no molestation from the enemy, and, joining the main body, a halt was made one day, for the purpose of drying the baggage and provi- sions which had got wet in crossing the river.
When it was understood in the Cherokee nation that Christian was about to invade their territory, one thousand warriors assembled at the Big Island of French Broad to resist the invaders. The great war path, which led through ity was considered as the gate to the best part of their coun- try ; and the island being the key to it, the Indians deter- mined to maintain and defend that point to the last extremity. From that place, a message was sent by Fallen, as already mentioned, addressed to the commanding officer, not to at- tempt the crossing, as a formidable host of their braves would be there to dispute the passage. After the departure of the messenger, a trader named Starr, who was in the Indian encampment, harangued the warriors in an earnest , tone. He said that the Great Spirit had made the one race of white clay and the'other of red ; that he had intended the former to conquer and subdue the latter, and that the pale faces would not only invade their country, but would over- run and occupy it. He advised, therefore, an immediate abandonment of their purpose of defence, and a retreat to their villages and the fastnesses of their mountains. The trader's counsels prevailed — all defensive measures were abandoned, and, without waiting for the return of their mes- sengers, the warriors dispersed, and the island was found deserted and their encampments broken up and forsaken.
168 *^ AHMY GKQSaES TBNNSSSEft*
The next morhiog the army resumed its march. The route led along the valley of Boyd's Creek and down Ellejay to Lit- tle River. From there to the Tennessee River not an Indian was seen. Col. Christian supposed that, as the Cherokee settlements and towns were upon the opposite bank, he would meet a formidable resistance in attempting to cross it. When the troops came within a few miles of the ford, he called upon them to follow him in a run till they came to the river. This was done, and, pushing through, they took possession of a town called Tamotlee, above the mouth of Telico. The army, pack horses, &c., were all safely crossed over before night, and the encampment was made in the deserted town. Next morning they marched to the Great Island Town, which was taken without resistance. The fertile lands in the neighbourhood furnished a supply of corn, potatoes and other provisions, and the Indian huts made comfortable bivouacs for the troops. The commander, for these reasons, made this place, temporarily, head-quarters and a centre for future operations. A panic had seized the Cherokee warriors, and not one of them could be found. Small detachments were, therefore, from time to time, sent out to different parts of the nation, and finding no armed enemy to contend against, they adopted, as not a less effec- tual chastisement of the implacable enemy, the policy of laying waste and burning their fields and towns. In this manner Neowee, Telico, Chilhowee and other villages were destroyed. Occasionally, during these excursions, a few warriors were seen, escaping from one town to a place of greater safety, and were killed. No males were taken pri- soners. These devastations were confined to such towns as were known to have advised or consented to hostilities, while such, like the Beloved Town, Chota, as had been disposed to peace, were spared. Col. Christian endeavoured to convince the Cherokees that he warred only with enemies. He sent oat tliree or four men with white flags, and requested a talk with the chiefs. Six or seven immediately came in. In a few days several others, from the more distant towns, came forward also and proposed peace. It was granted, but not to take effect till a treaty should be made by representatives
A COKfiTTlONAL PEACE AOEEBD UPON. ^' 1^
from the whole tribe, to assemble the succebding May, at Long Island. A suspension of hostilities was, in the mean- time, provided for, with the exception of two towns high up in the mountains, on Tennessee River. These had burnt a prisoner, a youth named Moore, whom they had taken at Watauga. Tuskega and the other excepted town were reduced to ashes.
Colonel Christian finding nothing more to occupy his army longer, broke up his camp at Great Island Town, marched to Chota, recrossed the Tennessee and returned to the settle- ments. In this campaign of about three months, not one man was killed. A few, from inclement weather and undue fatiguOf beeame sick. . No one died. The Rev. Charles Cummings accompanied the expedition as chaplain, and was thus the first christian minister that ever preached in Tennessee. A pioneer of civilization, of learning and of religion — let his memory not be forgotten !
Most of the troops commanded by Christian were disbanded at Long Island, where they had been mustered into service. A portion of them were retained and went into winter quar- ters. A new fort was erected there, which, in honour of the patriotic Governor of Virginia, was called ^'Fort Henry.^^ Its ruins are still pointed out on the lands of Colonel Nether- land. Supplies of provisions were brought to it from Rock Bridge and Augusta counties, in wagons and on pack-horses.
Captain Thompson, who commanded a company at Long Island in July preceding, was with his company in this cam- paign, and formed the life-guard of the commanding general*
In the centre of the Cherokee towns, taken by Christian's troops, was found a circular tower, rudely built and covered with dirt, thirty feet in diameter and about twenty feet high. This tower was used as a council house and as a place for celebrating the green corn dance and other national ceremo- nials. Within it were beds, made of cane, rather tastefully arranged around its circumference. Each tower hsul a single entrance, a narrow door. There was neither window nor chimney.
The unexpected invasions made by the hitherto peaceable Cheiokees upon the infant settlements, retarded for a time
170 9BW FLOOD OF SMtGB AHTB;
the rapid growth and enlargement by which they had becfn^ for five years, so signally distinguished. But the remarkable miccess that had followed the unaided efforts of some of the stations, to repulse the assailants and to defend themselves, left little ground of apprehension for the future. Not one emigrant deserted the frontier or crossed the mountain for safety. On the other hand, the campaign that had been carried into the heart of the enemy's country, had done more for the new settlements than the mere security it afforded from pre- sent assault or future invasion. The volunteers who com- posed the command of Christian were, many of them, from the more interior counties of North-Carolina and Virginia. In their marches they had seen and noticed the fertile vallies, the rich uplands, the sparkling fountains, the pellucid streams, the extensive grazing and hunting grounds, and had felt the genial influences of the climate of the best part of East Teii^ nessee. Each soldier, upon his return home, gave a glowing account of the adaptation of the country to all the purposes of agriculture. The story was repeated from one to another, till upon the Roanoke and the Yadkin the people spoke fami- liarly of the Holston, the NoUichucky, the French Broad, Lit- tle River and the Tennessee. Particular places were selected, springs designated and points chosen as centres for future settlements. A flood of emigration followed to strengthen, build up and enlarge the little community already planted across the mountain.
Notwithstanding these accessions to their strength, the frontier people continued their accustomed vigilance. A gar- rison was still maintained in Fort Henry. The military com- mand of the country was in the hands of Col. Arthur Camp- bell, of Washington county, Virginia, under the belief that the settlements were included within the limits of that state. Col. Campbell ordered Captain Robertson to keep the Wa- tauga people assembled in two places for mutual protection and safety — he designated Patton's and Rice's Mills as the most suitable points, on account of the weakness of the set- tlement below the fort, and of the danger to which 'they might soon b^ exposed.
In addition to these precautionary measures, it was ordered
LETTBE FROM COLOMEL R0BBST80N ITI
by the authorities of Virginia that four hundred men, under the command of Col. Evan Shelby and Major Anthony Bled- soe, should be stationed on the south-western frontiers, at such places as would most effectually protect the inhabitants against the Indians. A part of the Cherokees were known to be still hostile — their towns had been destroyed and their country laid waste, but their warriors had survived, and some of them still panted for revenge, and had resolved to repu- diate any participation in the contemplated treaty.
A letter is preserved from Col. Charles Robertson, Trustee of the Watauga Association. In it will be found some infor- mation never before published. It follows :
Washington DirrRicr, 27th April, 1Y77.
^t JBxeelUncy Richard Caswell,
Captain General of North- Carolina :
Sir : The many hostilities committed by the Cherokee and Creek In- cBrqs on this frontier, since the departure of the gentlemen delegates bom this county, merit vour Excellency's consideration. I will give myself the pleasure to in/orm you of the particulars of this distressed place, and of our unhappy situation. There have been several murders committed lately, and on the 10th of this instant one Frederick Calvatt was shot and scalped, but is yet living ; and on the day following Capt. James Robertson pursued the enemy with nine men, killed one and re- took ten horses, and on his return in the evening was attacked by a party of Creeks and Cherokees, who wounded two of his men. Rob- ertson returned the fire very bravely, but was obliged to retreat on account of thrir superior numbers, still kept the horses and brought them in. On the 27th of March last. Col. Nathaniel Guess brought letters from the Governor of Virginia, which letters were sent by an Indian woman to the Cherokee nation, soliciting them to come in, in eighteen days, to treat for peace ; accordingly there came a party of about eighty-five fel- lows, (bat none of the principal warriors that had first begup the war,) and at their arrival the commanding officer at Fort Patrick Henry sent for me to march some troops to that garrison, as a guard during the treaty. Accordingly I went, and on the 20th ult. the talks began, and the artides of the treaty were as follows : first, a copy of the governor's ktter was read to them, promising them protection, such as ammuni- tion, provision, and men to build forts, and guard and assist them aguDst any nation, white or red ; and in return the Commissioners re- quired the same from them, to which the Indians replied, they could not %[fat against their Father, King George, but insisted on Col. Christian's liromise to them last fall, that if they would mak% a peace they should lie neutral and no assistance be asked from them by the stj^tes. The Com- nuBsioners then asked some of them to go to Wilhamsburgh, not as hos-
\
)72 ^ TRSATT AT LONG lil^AND.
tages, but to see their goods ^delivered, to obviate any auspicion of falae reports. A number of about ten agreed to go ; the Commiasioners then told them that Virginia and South-Carolina gave them peace and pro- tection, and Nor^-Carolina offered it : to which the Indians reptied, they heard the tklls from South -Carolina, and they and the talks from Virginia were very good. The Indians then promised to try and bring in the Dragging Canoe and his party, (a party that lies out, and has refused to come in, but says they will hold &st to Cameron's talks,) and they stall made no doubt but they could prevail on him, and said that he had sent his talk with them, and what they agreed to he would abide by. But the Little Carpenter, in private conversation with Capt Thomas Price, contradicted it, and said that the Canoe and his party were fighting Capt. Robertson a few days before ; and the last day of the talks there amved an express from Clinch River, informing us of two men bdng killed, to which the Indians replied, to keep a sharp look out, for there were a great many of their men out ; and several of their women pre- sent declared that the talks was before the time to get guns and am- munition and continue the war as formerly. Accordingly they de- manded them, which was the finishing of the talk, and in sixty days they were to come in to treat and confirm the peace, and if they could not bring in the Dragging Canoe, they send word laying the blame of the late murder on the Creeks.
This, sir, is a true state of the whole proceedings of which I have the honour to inform your Excellency, conscious you will take every prudenlt method for our security.
I am, sir, your most obedient and meet humble servant,
Charlkb Robxrtsok.
N. 6. There has been to the number of about twelve persons killed, since the delegates departed.
But the Cherokee nation at large was reduced to great want and suffering. Their national pride being humbled and their martial spirit subdued, they made overtures of peace. Two separate treaties were made. The one at Dewitt's Corner with Commissioners from South-C&rolina and Georgia, by which large cessions of country on the Sa- vannah and Saluda Rivers were made. The other was held, according to the agreement made between Col. Christaia and several of the chiefs of the Over-hill Towns, at Long** Island. It was conducted by Waightstill Avery, Joseph VTinton and Robert Lanier, Commissioners on the pairt of North-Carolina, and Col Preston, Col. Christian and Col. Evan Shelby on the part of Virginia, and the Head-men and warriors for the C&erokee Indians. By this treaty BrownV line was established as the boundary line between the con-
t»
CHICK AMAUGAS RBFU8B TO SIGN THE TBBAT7. 178
taMSting parties, and the Indians relinquished their lands as low down Holston as the mouth of Cloud's Creek.
Dufing the progress of the negotiation, the Commissioners r^roached the Cherokees ^ith a breach of good faith, on aOcouRt of some massacres that had been perpetrated du- riBg the suspension of hostilities. They excused themselves by ascribing these murders to the Chickamaugas, a tribe settled on a creek of that name, whose chieftain, the Dragging Ga^ noe,,had refused to accept of peace on the terms offered by CoL Christian.
The whole treaty and the proceedings during the negotia^ tion» are found in Haywood, Appendix, page 488, and onward. It 18 deemed to be sufficient here to give the boundaries as agreed upon between North-Carolina and the Cherokees, as fbniidm Article V of the treaty.
ABTICLE V.
That the boundary line between the State of North-Carolina and the said Over-hill Cherokees shall forever hereafter be and remain as idbwB, (to wit:) Beginning at a point in the dividing line which darinff this treab^ hath been agreed upon between the said Over-hill Cberokees and the State of Virginia, wnere the line between that state and North-Carolina (hereafter to be extended) shall cross or intersect liie aune, running thence a right line to the north bank of Holston Biver at the mouth of Cloud's Creek, being the second creek below the Warrior's Ford, at the mouth of Carter's V allev, thence a right line to . the highest point of a mountain called the High Rock or Chimney Top, fiom £enoe a right line to the mouth of Camp Creek, otherwise called ^ M<^Nama's Creek, on the south bank of Nolichucky River, about ten miles or thereabouts below the mouth of Great Limestone, be the same more or less, and from the mouth of Camp Creek aforesaid a south-east course into the mountains which divide the hunting grounds of the middle settlements from those of the Over-hill Cherokees.
The Commissioners of North Carolina appointed Captain James Robertson temporary agent for North-Carolina, and in written instruc- tions directed him to repair to Chota in company with the warriors re- toming from the treaty, there to reside till otherwise ordered by the governor. He was to discover if possible, the disposition of the Drag- ghig Canoe towards this treaty, as also, of Judge Friend, the Lying Fish and others, who did not attend it, and whether there was any danger of a renewal of hostilities by one or more of these chiefs. He was also to find out the conversations between the Cherokees and the southern, western and northern tribes of Indians. He was to search in all the Indian towns for persons disaffected to the American cause, and have them brought before some justice of the peace, to take the oath of fidelity to the United States, and m case of refusal to deal with them as the law directed. Travellers into the Indian nation without passes, such as the
174 WATAXJOA DYNABTT TBRMINATJB8) AMD TUB
third article of the treaty required, were to be secured. He was imme- diately to get into possession all the horses, cattle and other property, belonging to the people of North-Carolina, and to cause them to be re- stored to their respective owners. He was to inform the government of all occurrences worthy of notice, to conduct himself with prudence and to obtain the favour and confidence of the chie& ; and in all matters witb respect to which, he was not particularly instructed, he was to exercise his own discretion, always keeping in view the honour and interest of the United States in general, and of North-Carolina in particular. These instructions were dated on the same day the treaty was signed, the 20th of July, 17*77. The commissioners addressed a letter to the chiefs and warriors of the Middle, Lower and Valley towns, on the 21st of July, in- forming them of the treaty of peace which they had just signed, and of the intention of the oomimssioners to recommend to the governor the holding of a treaty with them, of which he should give due notice to them of the time and place. They promised protection and safety to the chie& and warriors who should attend it, and a suspension of hostili- ties in the meantime, and they requested that the messengers who should be sent from North-CaroUna to- their towns, might be protected from insult, be permitted to perform their business, and to return in safety.
•
In April of this year an act was passed by the Legislature ( of North-Carolina, for the encouragement of the mili- ( tia and volunteers in prosecuting the war against that part of the Cherokees who still persisted in hostilities. At the same session an act was passed for the establishment of courts of pleas and quarter sessions, and also for appointing and commissioning justices of the peace and sheriffs for the several courts in the district of Washington, in this state.
No frontier community had ever been better governed than the Watauga settlement. In war and in peace, without legisla- tors or judicial tribunals, except those adopted and provided by themselves, the settlers had lived in uninterrupted har- mony— acting justly to all, offering violence and injury to none. But the primitive simplicity of patriarchal life, as exhibited by a small settlement in a secluded wilderness^ uncontaminated by contact with the artificial society of older communities, was forced to yield to the stem commands of progress and improvement. The hunter and pastoral stages of society were to be merged into the agricultural and commercial, the civil and political. Hereafter, Watauga, happy, independent, free and self-reliant, the cradle of the Great West, is merged into and becomes a part of North-Caro- lina I
BOLB OP MOKTH-OiUlOUiNA BBOINS. 175
CHAPTER m.
TENNESSEE— kS PART OF NORTH-CAROLINA, AND THE
PARTICIPATION OF HER PIONEERS IN THE
REVOLUTIONARY WAR.
The general assembly of North-Carolina in November, aeventaen hundred and seventy-seven, formed Washington dis- trict into a county of the same name, assigning to it the bound- aries of the whole of the present great State of Tennessee.* By an act passed at the same session, establishing Entry Ta- kers' offices in the several counties, ** lands which have ac- omed or shall accrue to the. state by treaty or conquesty^ are subject to entry, &c.t
At the same session of the assembly, provision was made for opening a land-office in Washington county, at the rate of f<H*ty shillings per hundred acres, with the liberal permission to each head of a family to take up six hundred and ibrty acres himself, one hundred acres for his wife, and the same quantity for each of his children. The law provided that the Watauga settlers should not be obliged to pay for their occu- pancies till January of 1779, and then for any surplus entered above the quantity before mentioned, the purchaser was re- quired to pay five pounds per hundred.^
The facility of taking up the choice lands of the country^ induced great numbers of persons, principally those without moans^ to emigrate to the frontier. A poor man, with seldom more than a single pack-horse on which the wife and infant were carried, with a few clothes and bed-quilts, a skillet and a small sack of meal, was often seen wending his way along the narrow mountain trace, with a rifle upon his shoulder — the elder sons carrying an axe, a hoe, sometimes an auger
*For the botmdiries of Washington connty, and all counties subsequently cneled out of it, aee Appendix at end of volume. t IredeU*a Rmriaal, page 292, chap. I, sec. 3. tHajwood.
176 C«ARAOTRR C^ PIOKBBM.
and a saw, and the older daughters leading or carrying the smaller children. Without a dollar in his pocket when he arrived at the distant frontier, the emigrant became at once a large land-holder. Such men laid the foundation of society and government in Tennessee. They brought no wealth with them — but what was far better, they bad industrious and fru- gal habitSy they had hardihood and enterprise, and fearlessness and self-reliance. With such elements in the character of its pioneers, any community will soon subdue the wilderness to the purposes of agriculture.
Hitherto emigrants had reached the new settlements upon pack-horses and along the old trading paths or narrow traces that had first been blazed by hunters. No wagon road had been opened across the mountains of North-Carolina to the West. The legislature of this year appointed commissioners to lay off and mark a road from the court-house of Washington county into the county of Burke. After that road Was openedt emigrants of larger property began to reach the country, and some of the settlements assumed the appearance of greater eomfort and thrift. The first house covered with shingles was put up this year. It stood a few miles east of the present Jonesboro', near *'The Cottage," the residence of J. W. Deaderick, Esq.
Under the provisions of an act passed for encouraging the militia and volunteers to prosecute the war against the In- dians, the militia of Washington county was, for the greater part of this year, in the service of the state. This enabled every able-bodied man between eighteen and fifty years of age to secure the lands he wished to own. It had the fur- ther effect of keeping the frontier well guarded. Companies of rangers were kept upon the most exposed points to scour the woods and cane-brakes, and to pursue and disperse small parties of ill-disposed Indians who, hovering about the settle- ments, occasionally killed and plundered the inhabitants. Under the protection of these rangers, the settlements were widened and extended down Nollichucky below the mouth of Big Limestone, and down Holston to the treaty line. Indeed, the frontiers were so well guarded that the Indians consi- dered their incursions as perilous to themselves as they could
KBIKFOBCEBfEKT FBOM HOLSTON TO BOONESBOBOUGH. 177
»
be to the white inhabitants, and for a great part of the year forbore to make them.*
John Carter was appointed Colonel of Washington county, 1*1*1*1 \ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ execution of his duties as commandant, his ( authority had been interfered with by men acting under the orders of General Rutherford. Bringing this subject to the notice of Governor Caswell, Col. Carter uses this inde- pendent language: ''Your Excellency may be assured that I will do everything in my power for regulating the militia, for the defence of our frontier, and for the benefit of the United States, but if my dignity is to be sported with under those circumstances, I have no need of your commission as commanding officer for Washington District.
''N. B. I have just received intelligence of the Little Carpenter being at the Long Island, with twenty-five or thirty young warriors. They declare the greatest friendship, and say they have five hundred young warriors ready to come to the assistance of Virginia and North-Carolina when called for, if to fight the English or any Indians that want war with the white people of these two states.'^
During the summer of this year the Indians invaded the Kentucky settlements. On the 4th of July two hundred of them appeared before Boonesborough and commenced one of the most memorable sieges in the annals of border war- fare. It continued till September, although relieved by a reinforcement of forty riflemen from Holston. During the siege an Indian was killed, and upon his body was found a proclamation by Henry Hamilton, British Lieutenant-Go- vernor and Commandant at Detroit, in which he offered pro- tection to such of the inhabitants as would abandon the cause of the revolted colonies, but denounced vengeance against those who should adhere to them. Captain Logan, with a select party of woodsmen, left the fort by night and set out for Holston to procure further supplies and reinforcements. With a sack of parched corn for their fare, Logan's party, travelling by night, on foot, by unfrequented ways, and con- cealing themselves in secluded vallies by day, eventually
* Haywood. 12
176 WAKM SPBINGB DISCOYEBBD.
succeeded in making the journey of two hundred miles, appealed to the patriotism of the pioneers of Tennessee, and retnmed to the relief of the beleaguered forts with supplies and one hundred riflemen.*
During this summer two of the spies that were kept out in WB i advance of the settlements, viz, Henry Reynolds and ( Thomas Morgan, discovered the Warm Springs on French Broad. They had pursued some stolen horses to the point opposite, and leaving their own horses on the north bank, waded across the river. As they reached the southern shore they passed through a little branch, the tepid water of which attracted their attention. The next year the Warm Springs were resorted to by invalids.
The frontier people had been so far relieved from appre- hension of Indian hostility, as to dispense during the summer of this year, with a portion of the guards heretofore main- tained for their protection. These were disbanded and re- turned to the quiet pursuits of planting and working their crops. They were lulled into a false security and had neg- lected to take the usual measures of protection and defence, which the exposed condition of the border settlements de- manded. This relaxation of their ordinary watchfulness and care, invited aggression and a renewal of the outrages and massacres which had been before experienced. The settle- ments being thus thrown off their guard, a portion of the militia discharged and little or no regular armed force being at hand, another source of annoyance and injury presented itself. The tories from the disaffected counties of North- Carolina and other states, had come in great numbers to the frontier, and there combining with thieves and robbers, prowled around the feebler neighbourhoods, and for a time committed depredation and murder with impunity. Their number was considerable, and they boasted that they were able to look do>yn all opposition and to defy all restraint.
In this emergency we have again to mention another in- stance of self-reliance, so characteristic of the pioneer people. A combination of lawless men had been formed, formidable alike for their number and for their desperate character. The
* Monette.
BUMMART PUNISHMENT 07 T0EIB8. 170
laws could not reach ; them they escaped equally detection and pnnishment.
The law-abiding and honest people of the country took the affair into their own hands, appointed a committee, invested it with unlimited power, and authorized it to adopt any mea- sure necessary to arrest the growing evil. The names of this committee of safety are not given, but it is known that under its direction and authority two companies of dragoons, num- bering about thirty each, were immediately organized and equipped, and were directed to patrol the whole country, capture and punish with death all suspected persons, who refused submission or failed to give good security for their appearance before the committee. Slighter offences were atoned for by the infliction of corporeal punishment ; to this was superadded, in cases where the offender was able to pay it, a heavy fine in money. Leaders in crime expiated their guilt by their lives. Several of these were shot ; some of them at their execution disclosed the names and hiding places of their accomplices. These were in their turn pursued, arrested and punished, and the country was in less than two months restored to a condition of safety, and the disturbers of its quiet preserved their lives only by secrecy or flight.
Isam Yearley, a loyalist on Nollichucky, was driven out of the country by a company of whigs, of which Captain Wm. Bean, Isaac Lane, Sevier and Robertson, were members. The same company afterwards pursued a party of tories, who under the lead of Mr. Grimes, on Watauga, had killed Millican, a whig, and attempted to kill Mr. Roddy and Mr. Grubbs. The latter they had taken to a high pinnacle on the edge of the river, and threatened to throw him off. He was respited under a promise that they should have all his property. These tories were concealed high up Watauga in the mountain, but Captain Bean and his whig comrades fer- retted them out, flred upon and wounded their leader, and forced them to escape across the mountain. Capt. Grimes was hung after King's Mountain battle, in which he was taken prisoner.*
* Othen of Bean's company were Joseph Duncan, John Condley, Thomas Hardi- man, Wm. Stone, Michael Massingale, John and George Bean, Edmond Bean, AqnOla and laiac I^me, James Roddy, and Samuel and Robert Tate.
180 CX>UBT8 OOimSOATB THJB PBOPBKTY Q' TOUES.
•
The occasion for this summary mode of preserving order and promoting the welfare of the people^ having thus been removed* the committee laid down its functions and ceased to exist It had accomplished the purposes for which it had been created, and the extraordinary powers with which the sovereign people had invested it, were surrendered, and jus- tice was again administered through the regular channels*
The exercise of these rigorous and sanguinary measures may be» at this day, viewed by some with a degree of disap- probation and regret This feeling* however, will be quali- fied by a recollection of the peculiar condition of the new community in tirhich they transpired, and the circumstances :of the general country at the period of their adoption. Wicked and unprincipled men had chosen to commit their ontrages and depredations upon infant settlements* feeble* immature and just germinating into political life. They Jbad selected, too, a period for perpetrating their crimesi when the whole energies of their patriotic countrymen across the mountain were called into requisition in support of the con- flict for Independence ; and it is a proud reflection* that in these times of trial and embarrassment, patriotism* enlarged and lofty, was the sentiment of the pioneers of Tennessee. Their courage never quailed, and their energies never faltered amid the gloom that enveloped their Atlantic coun- trymen. Under these difficulties at home^ under such dis- couragements abroad, did the patriots of Nollichucky and Watauga discharge their high duties to themselves and to i their bleeding country. The tories were hunted up and pun- ished or driveiR from amongst them, while the refugee whigs were cordially welcomed, and found shelter and protection in these distant retneats.
The energetic conduct of the people and the patriotic impul- ses that engendered it, received also the cordial sanction and concurrence of the legal tribunals of the country. In some instances the action of the county courts may have assumed or encroached upon the legislative prerogative. Some ex* tracts from the Journals of the first courts held in the country, may not be uninteresting to the curious* and are here pre- served:
FIB8T RECORDS OF WASHINGTON COUNTY. 181
"Washington Cottnty, Feb. 23. — Coubt Journals. — At a oonrt befl^nn and held for the county of Washington, Feb. 23, 1778, Presenti John Carter, Chairman, John Sevier, Jacob Womack, Robert Lucas, Andrew Greer, John Shelby, George Russell, Wm. Been, 2^hariah Isbell, John McNabb, Thomas Houghton, William Clark, John McMahan, Ben- jamin Gist, John Chisholm, Joseph Willson, Wm. Cobb, James Stuart, Michael Woods, Richard White, Benjamin Willson, James Robertson and Valentine Sevier, Esqs. On Tuesday, next day, John Sevier was chosen Clerk of the county; Valentine Sevier, Sheriff; James Stuart, Surveyor; John Carter, Entry-Taker ; John McMahan, Register, ; Jaoob Womack, Stray-Master and John McNabb, Coroner.
" Wm. Cocke, by W. Avery, moved to be admitted Clerk of WAhing- ton county, which motion was rejected by the Court, knowing that John Sevier is entitled to the office.
" Thb State vs. , ) It is the opinion of the court that the
In Teansic. f defendant be imprisoned during the pre-
sent war with Great Britain, and the Sheriff take the whole of his estate into custody, which must be valued by a jury at the next court— one Iialf of said estate to be kept by said Sheriff for the use of the State, and the other half to be remitted to the family of defendant'*
The court thus exhibited a marked instance of judgment and mercy in the same Order — combining patriotism with justice and humanity.
At term of Washington Countv Court, " On motion of K Dun- lap, State Attorney, that J. H., for his ill practices in harbouring and abetting disorderly persons who are prejudicial and Inimical to the Com- mon Cause of Liberty, and frequently disturbing our Tranquility in Genera], Be imprisoned for the term and time of one year. . ** The Court duly considering the allegations Alledged and objected against the said J. H., are of opinion that for his disorderly practices as imiresaid, from time to time, and to prevent the further and future prac- tioe <^ the same pernicious nature, do order him to be imprisoned for the term of one year, <fe Is, accordingly, ordered into the custody of the Sheriffi" * m
The jurisdiction of the court seems to have extended not
only to the persons of political offenders but to their property
alsOy whether in possession or expectancy. We extract again
from the minutes :
^ On motion of £. Dunlap, Esq., that a sum of money of fifteen hun- dred pounds, current money due from R. C. to said J. H. for two negroes, be ret«ned in the hands of said C, as there is sufficient reason to believe that the said H.'8 estate will be confiscated to the use of the State for his nnsdemeanorB, Ac.
* Journal of Waahington County Court.
183 • rnurr cheuttian uaunuMB.
•
^Tfae Court ooiunderiiig the case, are of opmion that the said monies oi^t to be retained.
*^ On motion that CommMonen ought to be app<nnted to iik» into poasession such property as shall be confiscated, Jbe.
** The Court on taking the sanae under consideration, do Nominate and Appoint John Seyier, Jesse Walton and Zachariah Isbell, Esqs., for the ameaaid purpose."
Amidst these scenes of civil disorder and violence, the chris-
vm \ ^^^^ ministry began to shed its benign influence. Ti*-
( dence Lane, a Baptist preacher, organized a congregar
tion this year. A house for public worship was erected on Buf-
fklo Ridge. About the same time. Rev. Samuel Doak was
.preaching through Washington and Sullivan counties.
The second term of the Washington County Court was held May 25, 1778^ at the house of Charles Robertson. Ephraim Dunlap was admitted as Attorney: Valentine Sevier was appointed Sheriff*; John Sevier, Jesse Walton and Zachariah Isbell, entered into bond for faithful performance of duties as Commissioners of Confiscated Estates ; Spruce McCay was admitted as Attorney.
The first settlers in the Greasy Cove were Webb, Martin and Judd. ' The large bottoms on the NoUichucky were then dense masses of cane. Webb discovered, in a cane-brake^ a company of Indians. They followed him to his house, and intimated to him that they would not permit him to stay there unmolested. He returned to Virginia and brought back to his settlement additional emigrants, and they were allowed to form a considerable neighbourhood without molestation ;^t higher up, above this, on Indian Creek, Mr. Wm. Lewis, ^^ wife and seven children, were killed by the Indians, and his house was burned. One of the sons escaped, and a daughter was taken prisoner and was afterwards ran- somed for a gun. The Indians were pursued by a company of troops commanded by Nathaniel Taylor, but were not overtaken till they, crossing French Broad river, reached the inaccessible retreats beyond it.
To counteract the intrigues of the British agents, and the wicked influence of disafl!*ected Americans who had taken refuge in the Cherokee nation, a Superintendent of Indian
f
OAPTAIM ROBULTSOn's AGKHCT TO CHBSOKEES. 183
Affairs was directed by Gov. Caswell to repair to their towns and reside among them. Captain Robertson was selected for that station. He carried, from the governor, a talk for the Raven of Chota,%> be delivered to that chieftain and his nation by the hands of the agent and Col. McDowell. By this embassy the governor acknowledged the receipt of a peace talk from Savanuca, and gave assurances that he was pleased with it and desired further correspondence with him, and promised to use every effort for the preserva- tion of peace and to inj9ict adequate punishment on all who should violate it. He further added that, if any of the Indians were kept in captivity by the whites, they should be restored. But these conciliatory measures were misunder- stood by the deluded savages. Savanuca and some of the more aged chiefs were disposed to peace, but were unable to repress the warlike attitude of the Dragging-Canoe and his hostile tribe, the Chickamaugas. This tribe of the Cherokees, at first, occupied the borders of Chickamauga Creek, but afterwards extended their villages fifty miles below, on both sides of the Tennessee.
The passage of this river through the several ranges of the Cumberland Mountains, forms one of the most remark- able features in American topography. It is unique, roman- tic and picturesque — presenting views at once variegated, grand, sublime and awful. At the Great Look Out or Chatta- nooga Mountain, commences a series of rapids, where, in its tor- tuoas windings along the base of several mountain ranges, the Tennessee River, contracted into a narrow channeU hemmed in by projecting cliffs and towering precipices of solid stone, dashes with tumultuous violence from shore to shore, crea- ting, in its rapid descent over immense boulders and masses of rock, a succession of cataracts and vortices. Beautiful and interesting in the extreme to the beholder, these rapids constitute a formidable obstacle to navigation, which, even yet, is not entirely overcome by the agency of steam. Che- rokee tradition is prolific of accident and disaster to the navigation of the aborigines. It is fabled that a fleet of IndiiEtn canoes, rowed by Uchee warriors, and destined for an invasion of the Shawnees, at the mouth of the Ohio, was
f
184 OAVX or KIOAJAOK.
engnlphed in the Whirlpool, now known as the Sack. Civi- lization, skill and experience have diminished these obstacles to commerce and navigation, bat three quarters of a century since it was an achievenient of no ordinary kind to pass tiurough them, though at high tide. Even now, the voyageur must be fearless and vigilant.
If the channel of the river presented dangerous physical impediments, its environs held those of another character, not less formidable. Along those foaming rapids and on either side of the river, the shores are wild, elevated and bold, in some places, scarcely leaving room for a path separating the stream from the adjacent mountain, with here and there a cove running back from the river into the heights which sur- round and frown down upon it, in sombre solitude and gloomy silence. In these mountain gorges were fastnesses, dark, forbidding and inaccessible. Their very aspect invited to deeds of violence, murder and crime. No human eye could witness, no vigilance detect, no power punish, no force avenge them. A retreat into these dreary seclusions, stimu- lated to aggression, as they furnished a perfect immunity from pursuit and punishment.
NIC-A-JACK CAVB. *
One of the secret resorts of the free-booters who infested this region, was an immense cavern still known as the Nic- a-jack Cave. It is situated in the side, or end rather, of Cum- berland Mountain, at a point near the present depot of the Nashville and Chattanooga Rail Road, and about thirty-six miles below Chattanooga. Its main entrance is on the Ten- nessee River. The cave has been thus described by an- other : '' At its mouth it is about thirty yards wide, arched over head with pure granite,Hhis being in the centre about fif- teen feet high. A beautiful little river, clear as crystal, issues from its mouth. The distance the cave extends into the moun- tains has not been ascertained. It has been explored only four or five miles. At the mouth the river is wide and shallow, but narrower than the cave. As you proceed further up the stream the cave becomes gradually narrower, until it is con- tracted to the exact width of the river. It is beyond this
THE ^ NARROWS OF THE TEKNESBEE. 185
point explored only by water in a small canoe.'* The abo- riginal name of this cavern was Te-calla-see.
Into this vast cavern, for the purposes of concealment and murder, the banditti of the " Narrows" retired with their spoils and their victims. The place now enlivened and enriched by the genius of Fulton, and in view of the Steamer and Loco- motive, was then the dismal and gloomy retreat of savage cruelty and barbarian guilt.
These impregnable fortresses of nature were as yet un- occupied by the sons of the forest. The hunter avoided atid was deterred from entering them. The Indian, in his canoe, glided swiftly by them, as if apprehending that the evil ge- nius of the place was there to engulph and destroy him. It remained for American enterprise to see and overcome them.
About 1773 or 1774, some families in West Virginia and North-Carolina, attracted by the glowing accounts of West Florida, sought a settlement in that province. They came to the Holston frontier, built their boats, and following the stream, reached Natchez by water. Necessity drove them to employ Indians and Indiah traders, as pilots through the dangerous passes of the Tennessee River. Occasionally a boat was either by accident or design shipwrecked, at some point between the Chickamauga Towns and the lower end of the Muscle Shoals. Its crew became easy victims of savage cruelty — its cargo fell a prey to Indian cupidity. As these voyages increased, and the emigrants by water multi- plied from year to year, so did the Indian settlements all along the rapids, also extend. The Chickamaugas were the first to settle there, and to become depredators upon the lives and property of emigrants. Conscious of guilt, unwilling to withhold their warriors from robbery and murder, they failed to attend with the rest of their tribe at treaties of peace, and refused to observe treaty stipulations when entered into by their nation. They broke up their old towns on and near Chickamauga, removed lower down on the river, and laid the foundation of several new villages, afterwards known as the Five Lower Towns — Running Water, Nicajack, Long bland Villages, Crow Town, and Look Out, which soon be- came populous, and the most formidable part of the Cherokee
186 Qou pvAH SBXLBT'i u;nu>moK.
nation. They were situated near the Great CrosBing on Tennessee, where the hunting and war parties, in their ex- oursions from the south to the north, always crossed that 8l;ream. To this point congregated, with fearful rapidity, the worst men in all the Indian tribes. Murderers, thieves, pirates, banditti, not of every Indian tribe only, but depraved white men, rendered desperate by crime, hardened by out- lawry and remorseless from conscious guilt, fled hither and confederated with barbarian aborigines in a common as- sault upon humanity and justice, and in defiance of all laws of earth and heaven. These miscreants constituted for a number of years the Barbary Powers of the West — the Al- giers of the American interior.
They had become veiy numerous, composing a banditti of more than one thousand warriors. These had refused the terms of peace proposed by Christian, and had perpetrated the greatest outrages upon the whole frontier. The Chioka- mauga Towns were the central points from which their de- tachments were sent out for murder and plunder, and where guns^ and ammunition, and other supplies, were received from their allies in Florida. It was determined to invade and destroy these towns. North-Carolina and Virginia, in ooi^junction, ordered a strong expedition against them, under the command of Colonel Evan Shelby. It consisted of one thousand volunteers from the western settlements of these two states, and a regiment of twelve months' men under the \ command of Col. John Montgomery.* At this period ( the two governments were much straightened in their resources on account of the existing war of the Revolution, and were unable to make any advances for supplies or trans-
* When General George Rogers Clarke^ in 1778» was planning his celebrated expedition to Kaskaskias^ Vincennes, etc., in the Illinois eountry, Major W. B. Smith was despatched to the Holston settlements to recmit men for that serfioe. It was desired by the government of Virginia that the .troops shoold be raised west of the Bloe Ridge, so at not to weaken the Atlantic defence. Smith raised four com- panies on Holston. Montgomery's regiment was intended as a reinforcement to Clarke, and was temporarily diverted from that object, and opportunely was at hand to assist in the reduction of the Chickamaugas. Montgomery had recently letnmed from Richmond, whither he had gone in charge of M. Rocheblave, the commaodant of Kaaknskias.
KAVAL AAMAMSNT DBSCBNDS HOUTTON. 187
portation necessary for this campaign. All these were pro- cured by the indefatigable and patriotic exertions, and on the individaal responsibility, of Isaac Shelby.*
The army rendezvoused at the mouth of Big Creek, a few miles above where Rogersville, in Hawkins county, now stands. Perogues and canoes were immediately made from the adjacent forest, and, on the 10th of April, the troops em- barked and descended the Holston. So rapid was the descent of this first naval armament down the river, as to take the enemy completely by surprise. They fled in all directions to the hills and mountains, without giving battle. Shelby pur- sued and hunted them in the woods — killed upwards of forty of their warriors, burnt down their towns, destroyed their com and every article of provision, and drove away their great flocks of cattle.t
In this sudden invasion Col. Shelby destroyed eleven of their towns, besides twenty thousand bushels of corn. He also captured a supply of stores and goods valued at £20,000, which had been provided by his majesty^s agents for distri- bution, at a general Council of the Northern and Southern Indians, that had been called by Governor Hamilton, of De- troit, to assemble at the mouth of Tennessee.;]:
Shelby's chickamauga expedition.
Evan Shelby commanded 350 and Col. Montgomery 150 men, on the Chickamauga expedition. Their pilot was named Hudson. The boats turned up the Chickamauga Creek ; near the mouth of a branch an Indian was taken prisoner. With him as their guide, the troops waded out through an inun- dated cane-break, and entered Chickamauga, a town nearly one mile long; Dragging Canoe and Big Fool were its chiefs. The Indians, five hundred in number, astonished at the sudden invasion of their towns by an armament by water, made no resistance and fled into the mountains. The town was burned. John McCrosky, late of Sevier county, took a party and followed the flying Indians across the river, and dispersed a camp of them which he found on Lauiel
* Haywood. tidem. IMonette.
188 TiooffB wtmuf iloKTH OF TBI ums.
Creek. Another party took Little OwPs Town, and others were in like manner taken and burnt Besides the other 8p<^8, Shelby took 150 horses, 100 eattle and great quanti- ties of deer skins, owned in part by a trader named McDonald. These were all sold at vendue. Isaac and all the other sons of Gol. Evan Shelby, were out on this campaign.
This service performed, the troops destroyed or sunk their little vessels and the supply of provisions that was in them» and returned home on foot In their march they suffered much for the want of provisions, which could be procured only by hunting and killing game. They returned on the north side of the Tennessee, passed by the place since known as the Pos^Oak-Springs, crossed Emery and Clinch a little above their confluence, and Holston some miles above its junction with. French Broad. These were the first troops that had seen the richest lands of the present Hamilton, Rhea, Roane, Knox, and the north part of Jefferson counties, and seen as they were in all the beauty and verdure of May, it is not strange that a new and increasing current of emi* gration was at once turned to this beautiful and inviting country.
About the time of the expedition of Shelby to Chicka- mauga, Gov. Hamilton was attempting to form a grand co- alition between all the northern and southern Indians, to be aided by British regulars, who were to advance and assist them in driving all the settlers from the Western waters. In the prosecution of this object be bad advanced from Detriot and re-captured Vincennes, and contemplated an expedition against Kaskaskias, where he expected to be joined by five hundred Cherokees and Chickasaws. Shelby had destroyed the towns and killed the warriors of his allies at Chicka* mauga, and the coalition of the southern and northern Indians was thus entirely prevented.
Col. Evan Shelby, the commander of this expedition, has been elsewhere mentioned, as an officer at the Kenhawa battle. He had been before in the military service of Vir- ginia, as a captain of rangers under Braddock, and led the advance under General Forbes when f^ort DuQuesne was taken by that ofiicer. After the successful expedition to
JOKESBORO^ OLDEST TOWH IN TBNNB8BBB. t 198
Chickamaugay Col. Evan Shelby was appointed by Yirginiay a general of her militia.
At the close of a useful life he died, and was buried npar King's Meadow, in Sullivan county.
The Legislature of North-Carolina, this year, laid off and 1779 i established Jonesborough as the seat of justice for C Washington county. John Wood, Jesse Walton, George Russell, James Stewart and Benjamin Clerk, were appointed commissioners to lay out and direct its buildings. This was the first town in what is now Tennessee. Jonesboro' was so called after Willie Jones, Esq., of Halifax, N. C, a friend to the growth and prosperity of the western counties. He was an active patriot and statesman in the days of thfe Beyolution, as well as before and after. He was an intelU- genty useful and honest legislator, exercising great c&ndour and independence.*
Commissioners were appointed this year to run the boun- dary between Virginia and North-Carolina. This was. the more necessary, as lands near the line had not been entered in the proper offices, and many of the settlers did not know to what jurisdiction, civil or military, they belonged. At the October sessions of the North-Carolina Legislature, a new county was laid off. It was called, in honour of a general then commanding in the army of the United States, Sullivan.
Sullivan county Records show that in February, 1780, the county court met at the house of Moses Looney. A commission was presented, appointing as Justices of the Peace Isaac Shelby, David Looney, William Christie, (Chris- tian T) John Dunham, William Wallace, and Samuel Smith; John Rhea was appointed Clerk ; Nathaniel Clark, Sheriff till court in course.
Isaac Shelby exhibited his commission from Gov. Caswell, dated Nov. 19, 1779, appointing him Colonel Commandant of the county ; D. Looney, one of same date, appointing him Major. Ephraim Dunlap was appointed State Attorney, and Jphn Adair, Entry-Taker.
The next court was to be held at the house of James Hollis.
* Konnt pftpm.
190 ATTACK Off WMIiflTOll'fl HOUn.
Anthony Bledsoe had lived, in 1769, at Fort Chisel, and, in a short time after, with his brother Isaae and the Shelbys, removed further west, into what is now.SuIlt^an connty. His station was not far from Long Island. He was in the battle of the Flats.
After the repulse of Sir Peter Parker from Charleston, the Southern States had a short respite from British attack and invasion. The conquest of the states was thereafter at- tempted from north to south. But that order was, from this IY79 ( time, inverted, and his migesty's arms were directed '( against the most isK>uthem of the states. On the 29th Dec, 1778, Savannah, the capital of Georgia, was taken, and 0oon after British posts were established as far into the interior aa Augusta. General Lincoln, who commanded the southern department, sent a detachment of fifteen hundred North- Carolina militia, under command of Gen. Ashe, to oblige the teeoiy to evacuate the upper part of Georgia. The detach- ment was surprised by Geiieral Provost and entirely defeated. By this victory of the British, their conmiunication witfi their friends, the tories, in the back country, and with their allies the Cherokees, across the mountains, was restored. The effect of this was soon felt upon the frontier.
Frequent conferences were held with the Cherokees to induce them to farther outbreaks upon the western settle- ments. The Indians invaded the country soon after and attacked Boilston's house, on the frontier, with the loss on the part of the assailants of four warriors killed and a num- ber wounded. Daring the attack, Williams and Hardin were killed. The enemy was driven off*. They were pursued by George Doberty, Joseph Boyd and others, but escaped.
Other mischief was attempted, but the scouts and light- horse companies guarded the frontier so vigilantly, that little iigury was sustained by the settlers. The apprehension of danger kept up the military organization of the new country, made the inhabitants familiar with the duties of camp life, inured them to toil and exposure, deprivation and endurance, and kindled into a flame that martial spirit, which in the course of the next year they were called upon to exhibit with such advantage to the country and such honour to themselves.
FITKTHER EXPLOBATIOK OF CUMBE&LAND. 101
Stopping the order of current events, we return to the ( further exploration and settlement of that part of Ten- ( nessee west of the Cumberland Mountain. By the treaty of Watauga, in March 1775, the Cherokees had ceded to Richard Henderson & Company all the lands lying between the Kentucky and Cumberland Rivers. Although that treaty had been repudiated by the proclamations of Lord Dunmore and Governor Martin, and settlements upon the ceded terri- tory had been inhibited, the Company, regardless of conse- quences, proceeded to take possession of their illegal purchase* The spirit of emigration from Virginia and North-Carolina was aroused, and pioneers were anxious to lead the way in effecting settlements.
Boon and Floyd and Callaway opened the way, and Benja- min Logan, who resided some time on Holston, soon followed ; and with a host of other valiant and enterprising men erected fortSy built stations, repelled, with unsurpassed heroism and self-sacrifice, hostile invasion, and contemporaneously with the pioneers of Tennessee laid the foundations of society and government in Kentucky.
A portion of Henderson's purchase on the Lower Cumber- land, was within the supposed boundary of North-Carolina* It was at first reached through the old route by the way of Cumberland Gap, and explorers continued to pass through it on their way to what is now called Middle Tennessee. Amongst others, Mansco * renewed his visit in Nov., 1775, and came to Cumberland River, in company with other hunt- ers of the name of Bryant. They encamped at Mansco's Lick. Most of them became dissatisfied with the country, and re- turned home. Mansco and three others remained and com- menced trapping on Sulphur Fork and Red River.
But finding themselves in the neighbourhood of a party of Blackfish Indians, they deemed it essential to their own safety to ascertain where they were encamped and what was their number. Mansco was selected to make the discovery. He came cautiously upon their camp on the river, and standing behind a tree was endeavouring to count them. He could see but two, and supposed the rest were out of camp, hunting.
* Condenied or eopied from Hajwood.
192 ABUVAL OF CAPTAIN DB MUMBRUNB.
At the moment when he was about to retire, one of the In- dians took up a tomahawk, crossed the stream and went upon the other side. The other took up his gun, put it upon his BhQulder, and came directly towards the place where Mansco stood. He hoped the advancing Indian would go some other way, but he continued to come in a straight line towards the spot where he lay concealed^ and had come within fifteen steps of him. There being no alternative but to shoot him Mansco cocked and presented his gun, and aiming at the most vital part, pulled trigger, and fired. The Indian scream- ed, threw down his gun and made for the camp ; but he passed it and pitched headlong down the blufi* dead, into the river. The other Indian ran back to the camp, but Mansco outran him, and picking up an old gun tried to shoot, but he could not get it to fire, and^e Indian escaped. Mansco broke the old gun and returned in haste to his comrades. The next day they all came to the Indian camp, found the dead warrior, took away his tomahawk, knife and shot-bag, but could no^ find his gun. The other Indian had returned, loaded his horses with his furs, and was gone. They pursued him all that day and all night, with torches of dry cane, but could not overtake him. Returning to Mansco's Lick^ they soon after began their journey towards the settlements on New-River, but were detained four weeks by snow, which was waist- deep. After that melted, they resumed their journey and arrived safe at home.
Thomas Sharp, Spencer and others, allured by the fiatter- ing accounts they had received of the fertility of the soil, and of the abundance of game which the country afforded, determined to visit it. They came, in the year 1776, to Cumberland River, and built a number of cabins. Most of them returned, leaving Spencer and Holliday, who remained in the country till 1779.
Captain De Mumbrune who, as late as 1823, lived in Nashville, hunted in that country as early as 1775. He was a native of France. He fixed his residence, during the sum- mer, at the plajse since known as Eaton's Station. He saw no Indians, during that season, in the country, but immense numbers of buffalo and other game. In February, 1777, he
FUtST PLANTATION IN MIDULE TBNNESSIfiE. 193
arrived^ after a trip to New-Orleans, at Deacon's Pond, near where Palmyra now stands, and found there six white men and one white woman, who, in coming to the country, had taken water where Rockcastle River disembogues into the Cumberland, and descended it, hunting occasionally upon its banks. In their excursions they had seen no Indians, but immense herds of buffaloes. One of their companions, Wil- liam Bowen, had been overran by a gang of these animals, and died from the bruises he received. John Duncan and James Ferguson were of this .company. They afterwards went down the river, and were cut off at Natchez, in 1779.
A settlement of less than a dozen families was formed ) near Bledsoe's Lick, isolated in the heart of the ) Chickasaw nation, with no other protection than their own courage, and a small stockade inclosure.*'
About the same time, a number of French traders ad- vanced up the Cumberland River, as far as ^'the Bluff,'' where they erected a trading post and a few log cabins, with the approbation of the Chickasaws.f
The Lower Cumberland continued to be visited and ex- plored farther. Richard Hogan, Spencer, HoUiday and others, came this year from Kentucky in search of good landfl, and with the intention of securing some for themselves as permanent settlements, they planted a small field of corn in the spring of 1778. This first plantation, in Middle Ten- nessee, was near Bledsoe's Lick. A large hollow tree stood near the Lick* In this Spencer lived. He was pleased with the prospects for further settlement which the situation af- forded, and could not be induced to relinquish them and re- turn home, as HoUiday in vain persuaded him to do. The former, however, determined to leave the wilderness, but having lost his knife, was unwilling to undertake bis long travel without one with which to skin his venison and cut his meat. With back-woods generosity and kindness, Spen- oer accompanied his comrade to the Barrens of Kentucky, put him on the right path, broke bis knife and gave him half of it, and returned to his hollow tree at the Lick, where he passed the winter. Spencer was a man of gigantic stature,
* flint. f Martin's Louisiana.
18
194 CAPT. Robertson's first colony at french lick.
and passing one morning the temporary cabin erected at a place since called Eaton's Station, and occupied by one of Captain DeM umbrune's hunters, his huge tracks were left plainly impressed in the rich alluvial. These were seen by the hunter on his return to the camp, who, alarmed at their size, immediately swam across the river, and wandered through the woods until he reached the French settlements on the Wabash.
Nearly ten years had now elapsed since the germ of a 17M i civilized community had been planted in Upper East I Tennessee. No settlement had yet been permanently fixed on the Lower Cumberland. A hunter's camp, and the lonely habitation of Spencer, were all that relieved the soli- tude or lightened the gloom of that western wilderness. But the cheerlessness of barbarian night was about to be dissipated by the dawn of civilization and improvement. In the early spring of 1779, a little colony of gallant adventu* rers, from the parent hive at Watauga, crossed the Cumber- land Mountain, penetrated the intervening wilds, and pitched their tents near the French Lick, and planted a field of com where the city of Nashville now stands. This field was at the spot where Joseph Park since resided, and near the lower ferry. These pioneers were Captain James Robertson, George Freeland, William Neely, Edward Swanson, James Hanly, Mark Robertson, Zachariah White, and William Overhall. A negro fellow also accompanied them. To their number was added, immediately after their arrival at the Lick, a number of others conducted by Mansco, who had ten years before visited, and explored, and hunted in the country. These emigrants also planted corn preparatory to the remo- val of their fam^ilies in the succeeding autumn. Captain Robertson, during the summer, went to the Illinois to pur- chase the cabin rights from General Clarke. After the crop was made, Overhall, White and Swanson, were left to keep the bufialoes out of the unenclosed fields of corn, while the rest of the party returned for their families.
Mansco, Frazier, and other early hunters and explorers, upon their previous return to the older settlements, had diflused an account of the fertility of the Cumberland lands, the
bobsrtson's second colony. 105
abundance of game and the salabrity of the climate. This account was now confirmed and extended, by the experi- ment that had been made by the parties under Robertson and Mansco, in planting and raisigg a crop. Cumberland became the theme of eager conversation in every neighbour- hoody and great numbers prepared to emigrate to this land of Aiture plenty and of promise. Under the lead of Mansco» several families removed and settled at Mansco's Lick, Bled- soe^s Lick, and other places. John Rains and others, in Oc- tober of this year, leaving New River, on their way to Ken- tucky, were persuaded by Captain Robertson to accompany him to the French Lick. Assenting to this proposal, they were soon joined by several other companies of emigrants — the whole amounting to two or three hundred, many of them young men without families — some of them took out cattle and othw domestic animals. The route pursued was by Cumberland Gap, and the Kentuc\cy trace to Whitley's Sta- tion, on Dick's River ; thence to Carpenter's Station, on the waters of Green River ; thence to Robertson's Fork, on the north side of that stream ; thence down the river to Pit- man's Station ; thence crossing and descending that river to Little Barren, crossing it at the Elk Lick ; thence passing the Blue Spring and the Dripping Spring to Big Barren ; theaee up Drake's Creek to a bituminous spring ; thence to the Maple Swamp ; thence to Red River, at Kilgore's Sta- tion; thence to Mansco's Creek; and from there to the French Lick.
The inclemency of the season, the great number of the emigrants, the delay inseparable from travelling over a new route, part of it mountainous, all of it through a wilderness, without roads, bridges or ferries, prevented the arrival of the Cumberland colonists at their point of destination till the beginning of the year 1780. The winter had been intensely cold, and has always been remembered and referred to as the cold winter by all countries in the northern hemisphere, between the thirty-fifth and seventieth degrees of latitude, and is decisive of the chronology that fixes the arrival of these emigrants in seventeen hundred and eighty.* The Cumber-
♦ Haywood.
196 FORTS AND BLOCK-HOUSES ERECTED NEAR THE BLUFF.
1780 \ ^^^^ ^^^ found frozen over. Snow had fallen early ( in November, and it continued to freeze for many weeks after the emigrants reached the bluff. Some of them settled on the nort^ side of the river, at Eaton's Station, -where Page afterwards resided. These annals would be im- perfect without their names. Some of them are given from Haywood. They are Frederick Stump, Senr., Amos Eaton, Hayden Wells, Isaac Roundsever, William Loggins, and — Winters. The names of others are not recollected. Here they built cabins, cleared ground and planted corn. The cabins were built with stockades from one to the other, with port holes and bastions. But most of the company crossed immediately after their arrival, over the river upon the ice» and settled at the Bluff where Nashville now stands. They were admonished by the existing condition of things in Ken- tucky on one side, and the hostilities many of them had wit- nessed from the Cherokees on the other, that their settlement could not long escape the aggression of the savages around them. They prudently erected block-houses in lines— -the intervals between which were stockaded — two lines were built parallel to each other, and so were other two lines, the whole forming a square within. Freeland's Station, where McGavock since resided, was at this time also erected. Here were also block-houses and stockades. Mr. Rains settled the place since known as Deaderick's plantation. Among the emigrants that built their cabins at the bluff, were some from South-Carolina. These were John Buchanan, Alexan- der Buchanan, Daniel Williams, John Mulherrin, James Mulherrin, Sampson Williams, Thomas Thompson, besides others whose names are not given. While Robertson and his co-emigrants were thus reaching ( Cumberland by the circuitous and dangerous trace ( through the wilderness of Kentucky, others of their countrymen were undergoing greater hardships, enduring greater sufferings, and experiencing greater privations upon another route, not less circuitous and far more perilous, in aiming at the same destination. Soon after the former had left the Holston settlements, on their march by land, several
JOUBHAL OP THE ** ADVENTURE. 197
boats loaded with emigrants and their property left Fort Patrick Henry, near Long Island, on a voyage down the Holston and Tennessee, and up the Ohio and Cumberland. The journal of one of them, ** The Adventure," has been preserved.* It was kept by Col. John Donelson, the projec- tor of the enterprise. His grandson. Captain Stockley Do- nelson, who resides near **the Hermitage," in Davidson county, has the original journal still in possession. The de- tails of so new and remarkable an adventure by water, are full of interest, and the journal is, therefore, given entire.
Journal of a votaqe, inteoded by God^s permission, in tho good boat Adventure, fix)m Fort Patrick Henry on Holston River, to the French Salt Springs on Cumberland River, kept by John Donaldson.
DtomJber 22, 1779. — Took our departure from tho tort and foil down the river to the mouth of Reedy Creek, where we were stopped by the fall of water, and most excessive hard frost ; and after much delay and maoy difficulties we arrived at the mouth of Cloud^s Creek, on Sunday evening, the 20th Febuary, 1780, where we lay by until Sunday, 27th, when we took our departure with sundry other vessels bound for the same voyage, and on tho same day struck the Poor Valley Shoal, together with Mr. Boyd and Mr. Rounsifer, on which shoal we lay that afternoon and succeeding night in much distress.
M<mday^ February 28/A, 1780. — In tlie morning the water rising, we got off the shoal, after landing thirty persons to lighten our boat In attempting to land on an island, received some damage ano lost sun- dry articles, and came to camp on the south shore, where we joined sundry other vessels also bound down.
Tuesday^ 2dth. — Proceeded down the river and camped on the north Aore, the afternoon and following day proving rainy.
Wednesday, March Ist. — Proceeded on and camped on the south ahore, nothing happening that day remarkable.
March 2d, — Rain about half the day ; passed the mouth of French Broad River, and about 12 oVIock, Mr. Henry^s boat being driven on the point of an islandf by the force of the current was sunk, the whole cargo much damaged and the crew's lives much endangered, which occasioned the whole fleet to put on shore and go to their assistance, but with much difficulty bailed her, in order to take in her cargo again. The same afternoon Reuben Harrison went out a hunting and did not return that niffht, though many guns were fired to fetch him in.
^Hday, Zd. — Early in the morning fired a four-pounder for the lost man, •eat oat sundry persons to search the woods for him, firing many guns that
^ For a cop7 of it this writer is indebted to the politeness of L. C. Draper, Eiq. t Probably William's Xdand, two miles above £jiozville.
198 '* adventure" joins clinch RIVEB COMPAITT.
day and the succeeding night, but all without suooeaa, to the gmfc picf of hw parents and fellow travellers.
Saturday^ 4th. — Proceeded on our voyage, leaving old Mr. HamHn with some other vessels to make further search for his lost bod ; iboit ten oVlock the same day found him a considerable distance down the river, where Mr. Ben. Belew took him on board his boat At 8 e*clod, P. M., passed the mouth of Tennessee River, and camped on the sowUi shore about ten miles below the mouth of Tennessee.' •
Sunday^ 5ih. — Cast off and got under way before sunrise ; 12 oMock passed the mouth of Clinch ; at 12 oVlock, M. came up with the CliDch River Company, whom we joined and camped, the evening proving rainy.
Monday, Gik, — Got under way before sunrise ; the mominff proving ver}' fogpry, many of the fleet were much bogged — about 10 o clodc Iw by for them ; when collected, proceeded down. Camped on the north shore, where Capt Ilutching's negro man died, being much froeted in his feet and legs, of which ho died.
Tuesday, Itk. — Got under way very early, the day proving veiy windy, a S.S.W., and the river being wide occasioned a high acA, insomuch that some of the smaller crafts were in danger; therefore came to, at the uppermost Chiccamauga Town, which was then evacuated, where wo lay by that afternoon and camped that night The wife of Ephraim Peyton was hero delivered of a child. Mr. Peyton has gone through by land with Capt Robertson.
Wednesday, 8th. — Cast off at 10 oVlock, and proceed down to an Indian village, which was inhabited, on the south siae of the river ; thej insisted on ub to *' come ashore,'' called us brothers, and showed other signs of friendship, insomuch that Mr. John Caffrey and my son tlien on board took a canoe which I had in tow, and were crossing over to them, the rest of the fleet having landed on the opposite shore. After thej had gone some distance, a half-breed, who called himself Arcbr Coodjr^ with several other Indians, jumped into a canoe, met them, and advised them to return to the boat, which they did, together with Ooodj and several canoes which left the shore and followed directly after him. They appeared to be friendly. After distributiMr some presents among them, with which they seemed much pleased, we observed a num- ber of Indians on the other side embarking in their canoes, armed and painted with red and black. Coody immediate!? made «^ to his com- panions, ordering them to quit the boat, which Uiey did, himself and another Indian remaining with us and tellipg « «<> ™ove off matanUy. We had not gone far before we discovered a DamDerot Indians armed and painted proceeding down the river, «• Jj ^T^y ^^ mtercept ns. Coody, the half-breed, and his companioB,*"**^'^^ tor some time,
and telling us that we had passed all ^J^^Z^^-^l^^ll ^^ <J«°ger, left us. But we had not gone far until iH»W come m sight of another
town, situated likewise on the south «?*J^^ ^PF^ite a
small island. Here they again i«^'«fi?liT tbe^nl^^^^^ '^''u'^^ ^ brothers, and oUser^nng the boats BtaaAjgoJ ^J;^/>PP<^'te channel, told us that " their side of the river w» bettw lor boats to pass.- And
PASSES TBE >^ narrows" — FIRED UPON Bi: INDIANS. 199
here we must regret the unfortunate death of joung Mr. Pajne, on board CapL Blackemore^s boat, who was mortally wounded by reason of the boat running too near the northern shore opposite the town, where some of the enemy lay concealed, and the more tragical misfortune of poor Stuart, ^is family and friends to the number of twenty-eight per- sons. This man had embarked with us for the Western country, but his family being diseased with the small pox, it was agreed upon be- tween him and the company that he should keep at some distance in the rear^ for fear of the infection spreading, and he was warned each iiiffht when the encampment should take place by the sound of a horn. AAer we had passed the town, the Indians having now collected to a considerable number, observing his helpless situation, singled off from the rest of the fleet, intercepted him and killed and took prisoners the whole crew, to the great grief of the whole company, uncertain how sooA they might share the same fate ; their cries were distinctly heard by those boats in the rear.
We still perceived them marching down the river in considerable bodies, keeping pace with us until the Cumberland Mountain withdrew them firom our sight, when we were in hopes we had escaped them. We were now arrived at the place called the Whirl or Suck, where the river is compressed within less than half its common width above, by the Cumberland Moimtain, which juts in on both sides. In passing through the upper part of these narrows, at a place described by Coody, which he termed the ^' boiling pot," a trivial accid(int had nearly ruined the expedition. One of the company, John Cotton, who was moving down m a large canoe, had attached it to Robert Cartwright's boat, into which he and his family had gone for safety. The canoe was here over- turned, and the little cargo lost. The company pitying his distress, concluded to halt and assist him in recovering his property. They had landed on the northern shore at a level spot, and were going up to the place, when the Indians, to our astonishment, appeared immediately over IIS on the opposite clifl&, and commenced firing down upon us, which occasioned a precipitate retreat to the boats. We immediately moved ofi^ the Indians lining the bluffs along continued their fire from the heights on our boats below, without doing any other injury than wound- ing four slightly. Jennings^s boat is missing.
We have now passed through the Whirl. The river widens with a placid and gentle current ; and all the company appear to be in safety except the &mily of Jonathan Jennings, whose boat ran on a large rock, projecting out from the northern shore, and partly immersed in water immediately at the Whirl, where we were compelled to leave them, perhaps to be slaughtered by their merciless enemies. Continued to sail on that day and floated throughout the following night.
Thursday^ Qlh. — Proceeded on our journey, nothing happening wor- thy attention to-day ; floated till about midnight, and encamped on the northern shore.
Friday^ lOth. — This morning about 4 o'clock we were surprised by the cries of ^ help poor Jennings," at some distance in the rea;. He had dis- covered us by our fires, and came up in the most wretched condition. He states, that as soon as the Indians discovered his situation they turned
hei
200 INTREPIDITT OF MBS. JENNINGS.
their whole attention to him, and kept np a most galling fire at his boat. He ordered his wife, a son nearly grown, a young man who accompa- nied them, and his negro man and woman, to throw all his goods into the river, to lighten their boat for the purpose of getting her ofl^ himself returning their fire as well as he could, being a good soldier and an ex- cellent marksman. But before they had accomplished their object, his son, the young man and the negro, jumped out of the boat and left them. He thinks the young man and the negro were wounded before they left the boat.* Mrs. Jennings, however, and the negro womam succeeded in unloading the boat, but chiefly by the exertions of Mrs. tfennings, who
t out of the boat and shoved her ofi^ but was near fiilling a victim to er own intrepidity on account of the boat starting so suddenly as soon as loosened from the rock. Upon examination, he appears to have made a wonderful escape, for his boat is pierced in numberless nlaces with bul- lets. It is to be remarked, that Mrs. Peyton, who was tne night before delivered of an infant, which was imfortunately killed upon the hurry and confusion consequent upon such a disaster, assisted them, being fre- quently exposed to wet and cold then and afterwards, and that her health appears to be good at this time, and I think and hope she will do well. Their clothes were very much cut with bullets, especially Mrs. Jennings's.
Saturday, 11 th, — Got under way after havinje distributed the fiimily of Mrs. Jennings in the other boats. Rowed on quietly that day, and eneamped for the night on the north shore.
Sunday, 12 tk, — Set out, and after a few hour's saihng we heard the CTQwing of cocks, and soon came within view of the town ; here they fired on us again without doing any injury.
After running until about 10 o'clock, came in sight of the Muscle Shoals. Halted on the northern shore at the appearance of the shoals, in order to search for the signs Capt. James Robertson was to make for us at that placQ. He set out from Uolston early in the fall of 1779, was to pro- ceed by the way of Kentucky to the Big Salt Lick on Cumberland River, with several others in company, was to come across from the Big Salt lick to the iipper end of the shoals, there to make such signs that we might know he had been there, and that it was practicable for us to go across by land. But to our great mortification we can find none — from which we conclude that it would not be prudent to make the attenapt, and are determined, knowing ourselves to be in such imminent danger, to pursue our journey down the river. After trimming our boats in the best manner possible, we ran through the shoals before night. When we approached them they had a dreadful appearance to those who had never seen them before. The water being high made a terrible roaring,
♦ The negro was drowned. The son and the young man swam to the north side of the river, where they found and embarked in a canoe and floated down the river. Tlie next day they were niet by five canoes full of Indians, who took them prisoners and carried them to Chickainaiiga, where they killed and burned the young man. Thev knocked Jennings down and were about to kill him, but were
Erevented by the friendly mediation of Rogers, an Indian trader, who ransomed im with g(K)d3> Rogers had been taken prisoner By Sevier a short time before, and had been releasea ; and that good office he requited by the ransom of Jen-
OlDgB.
ATTACK ON THE FLEET BELOW THE 8HOAL8. 201
irhax^ oonld "be heard at eome distaooe among the drift-wood heaped firightfall J upon the points of the islands,' the cuirent running in every poesible direction. Here we did not know how soon we should be dashed to pieesB, and all our troubles ended at once. Our boats frequenUj dragged on the bottom, and appeared constantly in danger of striking. They warped as much as in a rough sea. But by the hand of Provi- dence we are now preserved from this danger also. I know not the length of this wonderful shoal ; it had been represented to me to be 25 or 80 miles. If so, we must have descended very rapidly/ as indeed we did, fot we passed it in about three hours. Came to, and camped on the northern shore, not fat below the shoals, for the night.
Monday^ 19 th. — Got under way early in the morning, and made a good run that day.
Tuesdajf^ 14th, — Set out early. On this day two boats approaching too near the shore, were fired on bv the Indians. Five of the crews were wounded, but not dangerously. Came to camp at night near the mouth of a creek. After kindling fires and preparing for rest, the company were alarmed, on account of the incessant barking our dogs kept up ; taking it for granted, that the Indians were attempting to surprise us, we retreated preeipitately to the boats; fell down the river about a mile and encamped on the other shore. In the morning I prevailed on Mr. Caffrey and my son to cross below in a canoe, and return to the place ; which they did, and found an African negro we had left in the harry, asleep by one of the fires. The voyagers returned and collected their ntensib which had been left.
Wednnday, 16th. — Got under way and moved on peaceably the five following days, when we arrived at the mouth of the Tennessee on Mon- day, the 20th, and landed ort the lower point immediately on the bank of the Ohio. Qur situation here is truly disagreeable. The river is very high, and the current rapid, our boats not constructed for the purpose of stem- ming a rapid stream, our provision exhausted, the crews almost worn down with hunger and fatigue, and know not what distance we have to 00, or what time it will take us to our place of destination. The scene 18' rendered still more melancholy, as several boats will not attempt' to ascend the rapid current Some intend to descend the Mississippi to Natches ; others are bound for the Illinois — among the rest my son-in- law and daughter. We now part, perhaps to meet no more, for I am determined to pursue my course, happen what will.
Tuektay, 2l8t. — Set out, and on this day laboured very hard and got but a little way ; camped on the south bank of the Ohio. Passed the two following days as the former, suffering much from hunger and &- tigue.
Friday, 24th. — About 3 o'clock came to the mouth of a river which I thought was the Cumberland. Some of the company declared it could not be — ^it was so much smaller than was expected. But I never heard of any river running in between the Cumberland and Tennessee. It I4>pewed to flow with a gentle current We determined, however, to make the trial, pushed up some distance and encamped for<he night
Saturday^ 25t?i. — ^To-day we are much encouraged ; the river ^ws irider; the current is very gentle, and we are now convinced it is the
BAPFT MVUMa OF THB YOTAOaU
Omobeiland. I lia?6 dierived great amftanoe from a «inaU aquaee aaU whidi was fixed up oa the day we left the iQQUth of the river j^Da&d to prevent any ill-e&cta from sudden flaws of wind, a man was stationed at each of the lower comers of the sheet with, directions to give way whenever it was necessary.
Sunday f 26f& — Qot under way early ; procured some buffido-meat; tbongh poor it was palatable.
Momay^ 27tA.— Set out again ; killed a swan, which was veiy deHr
Tuuday^ 28<A.-^-8et out very eaiiy this morning; killed some buffido.
Wednesday^ 2 0<A. ^Proceeded up the river ; g^ered some herbs on the bottoms of Cumberland, which some of the company called Shawnee salad*
3%ttr«fay, 80^ — ^Proceeded on our voyage. This day we killed aome more bufialo.
JW4ay, BUi. — Set out this day, and after running some distance, met with Col. Richard Henderson, who was running the line between Virgy nia and North-Carolina. At this meeting we were much rejoiced. He gave ua every information we wished, and further informed us that he had purohased a quantity of com in Kentucky, to be shipped at the Falls of Ohio for the use of the Cumberland settlement We are now withofit Iwead, and are compelled to hunt the buffido to preserve life. Worn out with btiffue, our progress at present is slow. Camped at night near the mouth of a little river^at which place and bek>w there is a handsome bottom of rich land. ;Here we found a pair of hand-mill stones set up for grinding, but appeared not to have been used for a great length of time.^:
Proceeded on quietly until the 12th of April, at which j^me we came to the mouth of a little river running in on the north side, by^Moses Ren« foe and his company called Red River, up which they intend, to settle. Here they took leave of us. We proceeded up Cumberland, nothing happening material until the 23d, when we reached the first settlement on the north side of the river, one mile and a half below the Big Salt lick and called Eaton's Station, after a man of that name, who with several other families, came through Kentucky and settled there.
Monday, April 24^.-^This day we arrived at our journey's end at the Big Salt Lick, where we have the pleasure of finding Capt Robert- son and his company. It is a source of satisfaction to us to be enabled to restore to him and others their families and friends, who were entrusted to our care, and who, sometime since, perhaps, despaired of ever meeting again. Though our prospects at present are dreary, we have found a few log cabins which have been built on a cedar bluff above the Lick, by Capt Robertson and his company.
The distance traversed in this inland voyage, the extreme
\ danger from the navigation of the rapid and unknown
( rivers, and the hostile attacks from the savages upon
their banks, mark the emigration under Col. Donelson as one
of the greatest achievements in the settlement of the West
WITH THE COLONISTS AT THB BLUFF. 208
The rfames of these adventurous navigators and bold pio- neers of the Cumberland country are not, all of them, recol- lected; some of them follow: Mrs. Robertson, the wife of James Robertson, Col. Donelson, John Donelson, Jun., Robert Cartwright, Benjamin Porter, James Cain, Isaac Neely, John Cotton, Mr. Rounsever, Jonathan Jennings, WilHam Crutch- field, Moses Renfroe, Joseph Renfroe, James Renfroe, Solo- mon Turpin, Johns, Sen., Francis Armstrong, Isaac
Lanier, Daniel Dunham, John Boyd, John Montgomery, John Cockrill and John Cafirey, with their respective families ; also, Mary Henry, a widow, and her family, Mary Purnell and her family, John Blackmore and John Gibson. . These, with the emigrants already mentioned as having arrived with ^bertson by the way of the Kentucky trace, and the few that had remained at the Bluff to take care of the growing crops, constituted the nucleus of the Cumber- land community in 1780. Some of them plunged, at once, into the adjoining forests, and built a cabin with its necessary defences. Col. Donelson, himself, with his connexions, was of this number. He went up the Cumberland and settled upon Stone's River, a confluent of that stream, at a place since called Clover Bottom, where he erected a small fort on its south side. The situation was found to be too low, as the water, during a freshet, surrounded the fort, and it was, for that reason, removed to the north side.
Dr. Walker, the Commissioner on the part of Virginia, for running the boundary line between that state and North- Carolina, arrived at the Bluff. He was accompanied by Col. Richard Henderson and his two brothers, Nathaniel and Pleasant Col. Henderson erected a station also, on Stone's River, and remained there some time, selling lands under the deed made to himself and partners by the Cherokees, at Watauga, in March, 1775, as has been already mentioned. He sold one thousand acres per head at ten dollars per thou- sand. His certificate entitled the holder, at a future time, to further proceedings in a land office.* The purchase of ^ Transylvania in America," as made by Henderson and his associates, without any authority from the states of North-
* Haywood.
204 KKTtLfSMt DEARTH ON THE FBONTIEB.
Carolina and Virginia, was, in itself, null and void, so far as it claimed to vest the title of lands in those individuals. The associates could be recognized only as private citizens, having no right to make treaties with or purchase lands from the Indians. This treaty was, however, considered as an extinguishment of the Indian title to the lands embraced within the boundaries mentioned in it. The legislatures of the two states, for this reason, and as a remuneration for the expenditures previous and subsequent to the treaty of Wa- tauga, allowed, to the Transylvania Company, a grant of two hundred thousand acres from each state.
One of the great sources of Indian invasion and of hostile instigation, had been broken up by the capture of the British posts on the Wabash and in the Illinois country, and the captivity of Colonel Hamilton, who was now a prisoner at Williamsburg. Many of the western tribes had entered into treaties of peace and friendship with Col. Clarke, which presaged a temporary quietude to the frontier people. The repeated chastisements of the Cherokees by the troops under Sevier and Shelby, seemed, for a time, to secure the friend- ship of that nation. The news of this condition of western affairs gave a new impulse to emigration, and the roads and traces to Kentucky and Cumberland were crowded with hardy adventurers, seeking home and fortune in their distant wilds. This rapid increase of population exhausted the limited supply of food in the country, and a dearth ensued. Corn, and every other article of family consumption, became remarkably scarce. The winter had been long and exceed- ingly cold. The cattle and hogs designed for the use of the emigrants in their new settlements, had perished from star- vation and the inclemency of the season. The game in the woods was, from like causes, poor and sickly, and, though easily found and taken, was unfit for food. This scarcity prevailed throughout the whole frontier line for five hundred miles, and was aggravated by the circumstance that no source of supply was within the reach of the suffering peo- ple. In the neighbouring settlements of Kentucky, corn was worth, in March, of 1780, one hundred and sixty-five dollars a bushel, in continental money, which price it main-
BXPQBKD CONDITION OF THE COLOMT. 205
tained until the opening spring supplied other means of sustenance.*
Such were the circumstances under which the pioneers of the Lower Cumberland formed the first permanent 'white settlement in Middle Tennessee. Their position was that of hardship and danger, toil and sufiering. As has been well said by anotherf in reference to Kentucky : they were posted in the heart of the most favourite hunting ground of numerous and hostile tribes of Indians on the north and on the south ; a ground endeared to them by its profusion of the finest gamOf subsisting on the luxuriant vegetation of this great natural park. It was, emphatically, the Eden of the Red Man. Was it then wonderful, that all his fiercest passions and wildest energies, should be aroused in its defence, against an enemy, whose success was the Indian's downfall ?
The little band of emigrants at the Bluff were in the centre of a vast wilderness, equi-distant from the most war-like and ferocious tribes on this continent — ^tribes that had frequently wasted the frontiers of Carolina, Virginia and Pennsylvania, with the tomahawk and with fire, and that were now aided, in the unnatural alliance of Great Britain, by the arts and treasures furnished by the agents of that government. To attack and invasion from these tribes, the geographical po- sition of the Cumberland settlers gave a peculiar exposure and a special liability. Three hundred miles of wilderness separated them from the nearest fort of their countrymen on Holston. They were, perhaps, double that distance from their seat of government in North-Carolina, while all the energies of the parent state were employed in the tremendous struggle for Independence, in the cause of ^hich she had so early and so heartily engaged. This forlorn situation of the settlement at the Bluff became more perilous, as it was so accessible by water from the distant hostile tribes. De- scending- navigation could bring, with great rapidity, the fleets of canoes and perogues, from the Ohio and its western tributaries, loaded with the armed warriors of that region ; while upon the Tennessee River, with equal celerity, the Cherokee and Creek braves could precipitate themselves to
• Mooette. f BaUer.
206 PERMANENT SETTLJBMENT AT THE BLUFF.
the different landings on that stream, and co-operating wtth their confederates from the north, unite in one general stroke of devastation and havoc. Had this been done at the period of the iSrst emigration, the Bluff settlement could have been annihilated. Happily, the protracted and inclement winter that inflicted its inhospitable severity and such great hard- ships upon the first emigrants, protected them from attack, by confining their enemies to their towns and wigwams. Early in January, a small party of Delaware Indians came from the direction of the Cany Fork, and passed by the head of Mill Creek, and encamped on one of its branches, which has since been called Indian Creek. The Indians proceeded to Bear Creek of Tennessee, and continued there during the summer. At this time they offered no molestation to the whites. Before the next irruption of the Indians, time was given for the erection of defences, and Robertson's second colony was planted — consisting, like the first at Watauga, of intrepid men and heroic women — ^fit elements for tlie founda- tion of a great and fiourishing state. And here, at the Bluff, with its little garrison and rude stations — ^in the centre of a wide wilderness, and overshadowed by the huge evergreens and the ancient forest around it — ^amidst the snows, and ice, and storms of 178O5 was fixed the seat of commerce, of learning and the arts — the future abode of refinement and hospitality, and the cradle of empire.
When the first settlers cam© to the Bluff in 1779-'80, Hay- wood says the country had the appearance of one which had never before been cultivated. There was no sign of any cleared land, nor other appearance of former cultivation. Nothing was pr^ented to the eye but one large plain of woods and cane, frequented by buffaloes, elk, deer, wolves, foxes, panthers, and other animals suited to the climate. The lands adjacent to the French Lick, which Mansco, in 1769, when he first hunted here, called an old field, was a large open space, frequented and trodden by buffaloes, whose large paths led to it from all parts of the country and there con- centred. On these adjacent lands was no under-growth nor cane, as far as the water reached in time of high water. The country as far as to Elk River and beyond it, had not a
ANCIENT REMAINS ON CUMBERLAND. 207
single permanent inhabitant, except the wild beasts of the forest ; but there were traces, as everywhere else, of having been inhabited many centuries before by a numerous popu- lation. At every lasting spring is a large collection of graves, made in a particular way, the whole covered with a stratum of mould and dirt, eight or ten inches deep. At many springs is the appearance of walls enclosing ancient habitations, the foundations of which were visible whenever the earth was cleared and cultivated — to these walls entrenchments were sometimes added. The walls sometimes enclose six, eighty or ten acres of land, and sometimes they are more extensive. We have thus traced the stream of emigration from the Atlantic to the West We have seen a few enterprising and adventurous men, clustering together on the banks of the remote and secluded Watauga, felling the forest, erecting the cabin, forming society and laying the foundation of go- vernment. We have seen the plain and unpretending emi- grant from the Yadkin, and his hunter associates, combining the .wisdom and virtue of the pioneer condition, and provi- ding laws and regulations suited to the wants of the new conununity around them. We have seen the patriotism and chivalry of the extreme western settlement rally at the sound of danger. Leaving their own frontier exposed, they mag- nanimously returned to the defence of a sister colony, and on the rugged Kenhawa, met and repulsed the savage invader. We have seen Robertson negotiate an enlargement of his border, and effect a peaceable extension of the settlements. We have seen the fortress erected, the station built, and the enemy repulsed. We have seen armaments by land and wa- ter boldly penetrate to the centre of the warlike Cherokee nation, and the soldiery of the Watauga bivouac upon the sources of the Coosa. The first settlement in Tennessee planted, defended, secure and prosperous, we have seen its founder and patriarch lead forth a new colony, through ano- ther wilderness, to experience upon another theatre, new pri- vations, and undergo new dangers, and perform new achieve- ments upon' the remote Cumberland. There, for the present, we shall leave them, and return to the eastern settlements. Here was the cradle of the great State of Tennessee, where
a06 WKfOhUTKOfAMY WAE.
itg infancy was spent and its early manhood formed. The vigorous shoots sent out from the parent stem — the colonies that have gone abroad from the old homestead- and peopled the great West— have ever been worthy of their ancestry. Their rapid growth and enlargement, their miexampled profr- perity and achievement, are noticed with feelings of parental ibodness and pride. In no spirit of senile, arrogance is the daim upon their filial piety asserted for veneration and re- gard to their East Tennessee forefathers. Through them our piond state claims to be one of the ^Id lliirteen,'* and to be identified with them in the cause of independence and freedom.
On a preceding page, it has been mentioned that the ciq;>i- tal of Georgia was in the possession of the British, and that their posts had been extended up the Savannah River, as high as Augusta. Simidtaneously with the arrival of the enemy in G^rgia, was that of Gmieral Lincoln in South- Carolina, and the war of the Revolution was at onoe^trans- ferred fit>m the Northern to the Southern States.
It was hoped that by the co-operation of our generous ally, France, all that had been lost in the south Would be lecovered at a single blow ; and that by the combined forces of Lincoln and Count D'Estaing, the army under Provost, and then concentrated at Savannah, would be captured. That place was attacked on the 8th of October, but the result blasted all the high hopes of the combined armies ; and their failure was the precursor of the loss of Charleston and the reduction of the Southern States. D'Estaing soon after left the coast. The southern army was nearly broken up ; sickness had diminished the number of the Carolina regi- ments, while those from the north were daily becoming weaker, by the expiration of the term of their enlistment The quiet possession of Georgia by the enemy, brought to their aid many of the Indians, and of the loyalists who liad fled from the Carolinas and Georgia and taken refuge among them. These were now emboldened to collect from all quar- ters, under cover of Provost^s army. These either united with it, or joined in formidable bodies to hunt up and de- stroy the whig inhabitants. M^y of these were forced, in
CHARLESTON CAPITULATES. 209
their turn, to forsake their plantations, and transport their families beyond the mountains to the securer retreats of Wa^ taagaand Nollichucky. It became evident that all that wasr wanting to complete British ascendancy in the South, was the possession of Charleston. Should that metropolis, and the army that defended it, be captured, the reduction of the whole state, and probably of North-Carolina also, would ensue. To attain these objects, ten thousand chosen men, with an immense supply of arms and munitions of war, were landed, on the eleventh of February, 1780, on John^s Island, the command of which was taken by Sir Henry Clinton. The assembly of South-Carolina was in session ; and though the regular troops in the state did not then amonnt to one thousand men, and the defences of the city were in a dilapidated or unfinished .condition, it was resolved with one voice to defend the capital to the last extremity. Grovemor Rutledge was invested with dictatorial powers, and measures were taken to hasten the arrival of reinforce- ments from the interior of the state and from North-Caro- lina. The besieged at no time amounted to four thousand men, and yet had to defend an extent of works that could not be well manned by less than ten thousand. Besides, they were badly furnished, and, before the siege was over, were even suffering for food. Yet the defence was pro- tracted, under every discouragement and disadvantage, from the 29th of March to the 12th of May, when General Lincoln found himself obliged to capitulate. The fall of the metro- polis was soon after succeeded by the rapid conquest of the interior country, and, from the seacoast to the mountains, the progress of the enemy was almost wholly an uninter* rapted triumph. The inhabitants generally submitted, and were either paroled as prisoners, or took protection as Bri- tish subjects. A few brave and patriotic men, under gal- lant and indomitable leaders, remained in arms, but were sarprised and cut to pieces by Tarleton and Webster, or, for security from their pursuit, withdrew into North-Caro- lina. The march of the enemy was continued towards the populous whig settlements, and garrisons were established at prominent points of the country, with the view of pushing 14
SIO CLARKE OALLANTLT ATTAOKB THB ENSMT.
their conquest still farther into the interior. Sonth-Garolina was considered a sabdaed British province, rather than an American state, and Sir Henry Clinton, believing the conquest Qomplete, invested Lord Comwallis with the chief command, and sailed for New- York.
** But^ in the midit of the general Bnbmisrioii of the inhabitants, there Mmained a few unoonqneraUe Bpiiits, whom nothing but death ooold qnelL These were Sompter, Marion and Williams, m South-Carolina, and Clarke and Twiggs, m Georgia. The three last had never submit- ted, and were ever in motion, harassing and waylaying the enemy. But their force was seldom ccNttiderable. Sumpter and Marion, after ths capitulation of Charleston, had retired into North-Carolina, to recruit their commands and gather the means ot carrying on that partisan war- frie in which they afterwards became so conspicuous.'' *
When Georgia was overrun by the British, Colonel Clarke, ^ ( with about one hundred of his valiant but overpowered ( countrymen, sought safety in the remote settlements on the Watauga and Holston. Here their representations of the atrocities perpetrated by the loyalists induced many of the frontier men to return with Clarke and retaliate the inju- ries he and his associates had suffered. Clarke thus rein- forced, approached the British camp, placed his men near the road that lead to it, and sent forward a small detachment of his men to draw out the enemy into his ambuscade. The stratagem succeeded. On the approach of the British and loy- alists, Robert Bean, of Watauga, fired at and killed the com- manding officer. Many of his men suffered the same fate. The enemy was repulsed, and in their retreat before Clarke several were killed, while he sustained the loss of but a sin- gle Georgian. Here began a lasting friendship between the Georgians and the Western settlet«.
The successes of the British army had stimulated into life the hitherto dormant disaffection of some of the inhabitants of North-Carolina. That army was now approaching, in its career of conquest and victory, the southern boundary of that state. Some who had hitherto worn the mask of friendship, became now the avowed enemies of the American cause. In the settlements beyond the mountain a few tories had taken refuge. To watch their motions as well as those of the Indians,
'Johoioii.
Onr. XUTHBRFORD CALLS FOR THE WEBTERX RIFLEIfEK. 211
it was found necessary to embody scouting parties of armed men. One of these killed Bradley, a disaffected citizen from Halifax county, and notorious for his crimes and his frequent and artful escapes from justice. With him was also taken another confederate in guilt, Halley. They were both taken and shot by Robert Sevier's company of horsemen. Another tory named Dykes, was also captured. He and others had concerted a plan to come to the house of Col. Sevier and mur- der him. The wife of Dykes, who had in time of distress been treated by Sevier with great kindness and humanity, dis- closed to him the meditated mischief Dykes himself was inmiediately hung. This was done by Jesse Green and John Gibson, two of the Regulators. An act of oblivion was passed for their relief.
Thus the vigilance and efforts of the Western settlers were not confined to the protection and defence of their own seclu- ded homes. They had left parents and kindred and country- men east of the AUeghanies, and their hearts yet yearned for their safety and welfare. The homes of their youth were pillaged by a foreign soldiery, and the friends they loved were slain or driven into exile. Above all, the great cause of American freedom and independence was in danger, the coun- try was invaded by a powerful foe, and the exigencies of Ca- rolina called aloud for every absent son to return to her res- cue and defence. The call was promptly obeyed. And the mountain men — the pioneers of Tennessee — were the first to resist the invaders, and restrained not from the pursuit of the vanquished enemy till they reached the coast of the Atlantic.
After the destination of the large armament under Sir ( Henry Clinton was ascertained to be Charleston, Gen. ( Rutherford, of North-Carolina, issued a requisition for the militia of that state to embody for the defence of their sis- ter state. That order reached Watauga, and the following proceedings were immediately had in that small but patriotic and gallant community. They are copied from the original manuscript in the possession of this writer. They are almost illegible from the ravages of time and exposure, but even now plainly shew the bold and characteristic chirography of Col. Sevier and the commissioned officers under him. There is
212 MBETXMO OF OOL* BEVIEB AND OTH£E MILITIA OFFICBR0.
no preamble, no circumlocution -^Nothing but action, prompt and decisive action, and the names of the actors :
''At a meetiiig of sundry of the Militia Officers of Washingtoii Comity, ibm loth day of March, 1780 : Preeent, John Sevier, Colone], Jonathan Tipton, Major, Joseph Willson, John McNabb, Godfrey Isbell, Wm. Trim- ble, James Stinson, Robert Sevier, Captains, and Landon Carter, Lieute- nant, in the absence of Valentine Sevier, Captain.
''In order to raise one hundred men, ameable to command of the Htm. Brigadier Rutherford, to send-to the aid of South-Carolina.
"It is the opinion of the officers, that each company in this county do furnish eight effective men, well equipt for war, except Samuel Williams's company, which is to furnish four men well equipt as aforesaid.
John Sevisr, Jno. McNabb,
joskph willsok, jonathan tipton,
Wm. Trimblk, GoDraxT Ibbxll.'' Jamss Stinson,
On the same page is a list of captains. They are " Cap- tains McKnabb, Sevier, Hoskins, Been, Brown, Isbell, Trim- ble, Willson, Gist, Stinson, Davis, Patterson, Williams.'' • A similar requisition was made upon Isaac Shelby, the dolonel of Sullivan county. He was then absent in Ken- tucky. Fortunately General Rutherford was hurried off with such reinforcements as were near at hand, and the militia of these remote counties were not, with him, placed under the command of General Gates in the ill-advised and badly arranged engagement near Camden. Well was it for the future fame of Sevier and Shelby; well was it for the cause in which, soon afterwards, they acquired distinction for themselves and led their comrades in arms to victory and glory, that they were still left in their mountain recesses to quicken the patriotic impulses, and arouse the martial spirit of their countrymen, and lead them forth against the enemies of their country and of freedom. This duty they were soon called to perform. Col. Charles McDowell, in the absence of General Rutherford, succeeded in command, and immediately forwarded a despatch to Sevier and Shelby, informing these officers of the surrender of Charleston and the main south- ern army, and that the enemy had overrun South-Caro- lina and Georgia, and were rapidly approaching the limits of North-Carolina ; and requesting them to bring to his aid all the riflemen that could be raised, and in as short time as
COLONEL BHELBT AND HIS RIFLEMEN. 213
possible. Sevier had already enrolled, under the requisition of General Rutherford, one hundred of the militia of Wash- ington county. At his call, another hundred immediately volunteered, and, with these two hundred mounted riflemen, he started, at once, across the mountain for the camp of Mc- Do well. The despatch to Shelby reached him the 16th of June, in Kentucky, where he was locating and surveying lands. He immediately returned home, determined to go to the aid of his bleeding country and sustain the struggle in which she was engaged, till her independence should be secured. His appeal to the chivalry of Sullivan county was met by a hearty response, and early in July he found himself at the head of two hundred mounted riflemen, whom he rapidly led to the camp of McDowell, near the Cherokee ford of Broad River, in South-Carolina. Sevier, with his regiment, had arrived there a few days before.
In the meantime, the British army had advanced to Ninety- Six, Camden and Cheraw, in South-Carolina. At the for- 1780 i ^^^ place Nesbitt Balfour commanded, and, on the ( 15th July, issued the following proclamation:
" Notwithstanding the extraordinary lenity shown the misled inhabi- tants of this province, that they may now plainly see their true interest 18 to unite sincerely with his Majesty's forces to suppress every invader of the public tranquillity, I have certain information that some persona who have been received into his Majesty's protection, forgetting every tie of honour and gratitude, and led by the hope of enriching them- selves by plundering the peaceable inhabitants, and are engaged in the woik of subverting his Majesty's mild and just government, have f * * * and are now actually in arms, with a body of rebels, assembled against the peace of this province.
"This is, therefore, to give notice that every inhabitant of this province who is not at his own home by the 24th instant, or cannot make it appear that he is absent on lawful business, is hereby declared an out- law and is to be treated accordingly, and his property, of whatsoever lund, confiscated, and liable to military execution."
Lord Cornwallis meeting with little obstruction in his vic- torious march, contemplated an extension of his conquest throu'^h North-Carolina. He had instructed the loyalists of that state not to rise until his approach to its southern bound*
f The origmal, from which this is copied, b here illegible. It was taken from « tory offieer bj Ool. Sevier.
214 CAPTUBB OF COLONEL MOORB.
ary would favour their concentration with his forces, and at the same time intimidate the whigs. As he approached Cam- den. Col. Patrick Moore appeared at the head of a large band of disaffected Americans from Tryon (since Lincoln) county, and erecting the royal standard, invited to it all the loyalists in Uiat section of North and South-Carolina lying between Uie Catawba River and the mountains. The rapid successes of the enemy and his near approach, encouraged the rising of the tories, and Colonel Moore, after an uninterrupted march, took post in a strong fort built by General Williamson, about four years before, during the Cherokee war. It was sur- rounded by a strong abbatis and was otherwise well provided with defences. It stood upon the waters of Pacolet River.
Soon after the arrival of Sevier and Shelby at the Chero- kee ford. Col. McDowell detached them, and Col. Clarke, of Georgia, with about six hundred men, against Moore. His post was more than twenty miles distant. The riflemen took up the line of march at sunset, and at the dawn of day next morning surrounded the fort. Shelby sent in one of his men (William Cocke, Esq.) and made a peremptory demand of the surrender of the fort Moore replied that he would de- fend it to the last extremity. The lines of the assailants nvere immediately drawn in, within musket-shot of the enemy all round, with a determination to make an assault upon the fort. But before proceeding to extremities a second message was sent in. To this Moore replied, that he would surrender on condition that the garrison be paroled not to serve again during the war. The assailants were as humane as they were brave ; and to save the effusion of the blood of their deluded countrymen, the terms were agreed to. The fort was sur- rendered. Ninety-three loyalists and one British sergeant- major were in the garrison, with two hjmdred and flfty stand of arms, all loaded with ball and buckshot, and so disposed of at the port-holes that double the number of the whigs might have been easily repulsed.
As confirming the accuracy of the account as here given of the surrender of Colonel Moore, the subjoined letter is^ here for the first time published. It was taken amongst the spoils at King's Mountain, and is now so worn as to be nearljr
OTHBR mtASUREB TAKEN TO EMBODY THE L0TAIJ8TS. 215
illegible : the writer's name is no longer upon it. It may be the despatch of Major Ferguson himself to Lord Cornwallis, apolo- gizing for the conduct of some loyalist then under censure. Speaking of the fort and garrison commanded by Col. Moore, the writer says :
''It had an upper line of loop-holes and was surrounded by a very strong abbatis, with only a small wicket to enter by. It had been put in thorough repair at the request of the garrison, which consisted of the
neighbouring militia that had come to , and was defended by
dghty men against two or three hundred banditti without cannon, and
each man was of opinion that it was impossible •
. . . . The officer next in command and all the others, gave their opinion for defending it, and agree in their account that Patrick Moore, alter proposing a surrender, acquiesced in their opinion and offered to go and sigDjfy as much to the rebels, but returned, with some rebel offipers, whom he put in possession of the gate and place, who were instantly followed by their men, and the fort full of rebels to the surprise of the garrison. He plead cowardice, I understand
^ Mr. Gibbs is a very loyal man and has suffered much in this rebel- lion. , . Maj. Gibbs's fidelity and zeal for the
King's service is undoubted. I have only laid the above circumstances before your Lordship, as a proof of the very bad consequences to the pub- lic service . . ... . . . . . . Lordship, measures that may
follow from the mistaken humanity of easy, well-meaning men to the utter subversion of all justice and policy.''
This bold incursion of the mountain men, together with the capture of the garrison under Moore, induced Lord Corn- wallis to detach from his main army some enterprising offi- cers, with a small command, to penetrate through the country, embody the loyalists and take possession of the strongest posts in the interior. This had become the more necessary as the advance of the American army under De Kalb, and afterwards under Gates, began to inspirit the desponding whigs and at the same time restrained the vigor- ous co-operation of the tories with the British troops. Mea- sures were, therefore, adopted to embody and discipline the zealous loyalists, and for this purpose Col. Ferguson, an active and intelligent officer, and possessing peculiar quali- fications for attaching to him the marksmen of Ninety-Six, was despatched into that district.
'^ To a corps of one himdred picked regulars, he soon succeeded in twelve or thirteei^ hundred hardy natives ; his camp became
216 FERGUflON BBCURBS THB ALLEGIANOE OF THB IBTHABITAirTS.
ihe rendeKYOos of the desperate, the idle and vindictive, as well as of the youth of the loyalist^ whose zeal ir ambition prompted them to military aervioe. There was a part of South-Carolina which had not yet been trodden by a hostile foot, and the projected march through this unex-
Slored and as yet undevastated region, drew many to the standard of 'erguson. This was the country which stretches along the foot of the mountain towards the borders of North-Carolina. The progress of the British commander and his unnatural confederates, was marked with blood and lighted up with conflagrations.''*
Astonished by the ' bold and unexpected incursion of the western volunteer riflemen, under Shelby and Sevier, and apprehending that the contagion of their example and their presence might encourage the whigs of Carolina to resume their arms, Ferguson and the loyalists took measures to secure the allegiance of the inhabitants by the following written agreement, entered into and signed by disaffected American militia officers. The original is now before the writer. It was found in the possession of a tory colonel, by Sevier, at King's Mountain.
^ As the public safety and the preservation of our freedom and pro- perty depends upon our acting together in support of the royal cause, and in defence of our country against any enemy who may attack us ; it is the unanimious opinion of the officers and men of Gibbs', Plummer's, Cunningham's, dairy's, King's and Eirkland's battalions of militia, and also of all the officers and men of Colonel Mills's battalion of North-Caro- nians, assembled under the command of Major Ferguson at Brannon's Settlement, August 13, 1780: That every man who does not assemble when required, in defence of his country, in order to act with the other flood subjects serving in the militia, exposes his comrades to unnecessary danger, abandons the royal cause and acts a treacherous part to the country in which he lives ; and it is the UDanimous opinion that whoever quits his battalion, or disobeys the order of the officers commanding, is a worse traitor and enemy to his king and country, than those rebels who are aflain in arms after having taken protection, and deserves to be treated accordiogly ; and we do, therefore, empower the officers com- manding in camp as well as the officers commanding our several bat- talions of militia, from time to time, to cause the cattle and grain of all such officers and men, as basely &il to assemble and muster as re- quired in times of public danger, or who quit their battalions without leave, to be brought to camp for the use of those who pay their debt to the country by their personal services ; and we do also empower the said commanding officers, and do require of them, that they will secure the arms and horses of such delinquents, and put them into the possession of men who are better disposed to use them in defence of their country,
* Jofanaon.
BHBLBT AND CLARKE AT THE CEDAR SPRING. 217
and that they will bring such traitors to trial, in order that they may be punished as they deserve and turned out of the militia with disgrace. The above resolutions agreed to by every man of the above mentioned
regiments^ as well as by the men of and Philip's regiment,
who were at camp at Edward Moverley's, this 16th day of August, 1780. Zach. Gibbs, Major, John EEamilton, Major, Thos. D. Hill, jun., Adjty John Philips, L. 0., W. T. Turner, L. Colonel, Daniel Plummer, Major.
** It was also this day unanimously. Resolved, by every officer and man now in camp, of all the above mentioned regiments, that whatever man should neglect to assemble and do his duty in the militia, when sum* moned for public service, shall be made to serve in the regular troops ; it bein^ the unanimous opinion of every man present, that it is the duty of all who call themselves subjects, to assist in defence of the country one way or the other."
By such means as these were the whigs dispirited and the ranks of the British and tories hourly enlarged.
As be advanced, Ferguson increased his command till it iTso i amounted to above two thousand men, ir) addition to ( a small squadron of horse. To watch their move- ments, and, if possible, to cut off their foraging parties. Col. McDowell, not long after the surprise and capture of Moore, detached Cols. Shelby and Clarke, tv^ith six hundred mounted riflemen. Several attempts were made by Ferguson to sur- prise this party, but, in every instance, his designs were baffled. However, on the first of August, his advance of six or seven hundred men came up with the party of Shelby and Clarke, at a place called Cedar Spring, where they had chosen to fight him. A sharp conflict of half an hour ensued, when Ferguson came up with his whole force, and the Americans withdrew, carrying ofi* the field of battle twenty prisoners, with two British officers. The killed of the enemy was not ascertained. The American loss was ten or twelve killed and wounded. Among the latter was Col. Clarke, on the neck, slightly, with a sabre.
McDowell's policy was to change his camp frequently. He now lay at Smith's ford of Broad River. Here he re- ceived information that a party of four or five hundred tories were encamped at Musgrove's mill, on the south side of Eno- ree River, about forty miles distant. He again detached Shelby and Clarke, together with Col. Williams, of South- Carcdina, who had joined his command, to surprise and dis-
218 BATTUB AT MUiGBOTX's MUX.
perse them. Ferguson lay, with his whole force, at that time, exactly between. The detachment amounted to six hundred horsemen. These took up their line of march, just before sundown, on the evening of the eighteenth of August. They went through the woods until dark, and then took a road leaving Ferguson's camp some three or four miles to the left. They rode very hard all night, and at the dawn of day, about half a mile from the enemy's camp, were met by a strong patrol party. A short skirmish followed, when the enemy retreated. At that moment a countryman, living just at hand, came up and informed the party that the enemy httd been reinforced the evening before with six hundred regular troops, under Col. Ennes, which were destined to join Fergusoif s army. The circumstances of this informa- tion were so minute that no doubt could be entertained of its truth. For six hundred men, fatigued by a night ride of forty miles, to march on and attack the enemy, thus rein- forced, seemed rash and improper. To attempt an escape by a rapid retreat, broken down as were both men and horses, was equally hopeless, if not impossible. The heroic determination was, therefore, instantly formed to make the best defence they could under the existing ' circumstances. A rude and hasty breast-work of brush and old logs was immediately constructed. Captain Inman was sent forward with about twenty-five men to meet the enemy and skirmish with them as soon as they crossed the Enoree. The sound of their drums and bugles soon announced their movements, and induced the belief that they had cavalry. Inman was ordered to fire on them, and retreat according to his own discretion. This stratagem, which was the suggestion of the captain himself, drew the enemy forward in disorder, as they believed they had driven the whole party. When they came up within seventy yards, a most destructive fire from the riflemen, who lay concealed behind their breast-work of logs, commenced. It was one whole hour before the enemy could force the Americans from their slender defences, and just as they began to give way in some points, the British commander. Col. Ennes, was wounded. All his subalterns, except one, being previously killed or wounded, and Captain
TBB BBAYB OAPTAIN INMAN KtLLXD. 219
Hawsey, the leader of the loyalists on the left, being shot down, the whole of the enemy's line began to yield. The riflemen porsoed them close, and drove them across the river. In this pursuit the gallant Inman was killed, bravely fight- ing the enemy hand to hand. Tn this action Col. Shelby commanded the right, Col. Clarke, the left, and Col. Williams, the centre.
The battle lasted one hour and a half. The Americans lay 8o closely behind their little breast-work that the enemy entirely over-shot them, killing only six or seven, amongst whom the loss of the brave Captain Inman was particularly regretted. Hii^ stratagem of engaging and skirmishing with the enemy until the riflemen had time to throw up a hasty breast-work — ^his gallant conduct during the action, and his desperate charge upon their retreat — contributed much to the victory. He died at the moment it was won. The number of the enemy killed and wounded was considerable. The tones were the first to escape. Of the British regulars un- der Col. Ennes, who fought bravely to the last and prolonged the conflict even against hope, above two hundred were taken prisoners.
The Americans returned immediately to their horses, and mounted with a determination to be in Ninety-Six before night. This was a British post less than thirty miles distant, and not far from the residence of Col. Williams, one of the commanders. It was considered best to push their successes into the disafiected regions before time would allow rein- forcements to reach them. Besides, by making their next expedition in the direction of Ninety-Six, they would avoid Ferguson's army, near whose encampment they would have necessarily to pass on theic return to McDowell's head-quar- ters, at Smith's Ford. At the moment of starting, an express firom McDowell rode up in great haste, with a short letter in his hand from Governor Caswell, dated on the battle ground, apprising McDowell of the defeat of the American grand army under General Gates, on the sixteenth, near Camden, advising him to get out of the way, as the enemy would, no no doubt, endeavour to improve their victory to the greatest advantage, by cutting up all the small corps of the Ameri-
390 TBI AMamtOAMB MmnMM Aoaotm tbb MOUiiTAni.
can armies. Fortanately» Col. Shelby was well acquainted with the hand- writing of Governor Caswell, and knew what reliance to place upon the intelligence brought by the ex- press. The men and horses were fatigued by the rapid march of the night, as well as the severe conflict of the morning. They were now encumbered with more than two htmdred British prisoners and the spoils of victory. Besides these difficulties that surrounded the American party, Uiere was another that made extrication from them, dangerous if not impossible. A numerous army under an enterprising leader lay in their rear, and there was every reason to be- lieve that Ferguson would have received intelligence of the daring incursion of the riflemen, and of the defeat of his friends at the Enoree. The delay of an hour might have proved disastrous to the victors. The prisoners were imme- diately distributed among the companies, so as to leave one to every three men, who carried Uiem alternately on horse- back. They rode directly towards the mountains, and con- tinued the march all that day and night, and the succeeding day, until late in the evening, without ever stopping to re- fresh. This long and rapid march — ^retreat it can scarcely be called, as the retiring troops bore with them the fruits of a well earned victory — saved the Americans. For, as was af- terwards ascertained, they were pursued closely until late in the evening of the second day after the action, by Major Du- poister, and a strong body of mounted men from Ferguson's army. These became so broken down by excessive fatigue, in hot weather, that they despaired of overtaking the Ameri- cans and abandoned the pursuit.
Shelby having seen the party and its prisoners beyond the reach of danger, retired across the mountains. He left the prisoners with Clarke and Williams, to be carried to some place of safety to the North, for it was not known then that there was even the appearance of a corps of Americans any where south of the Potomac. So great was the panic aflier the defeat of Gates, and the disaster of Sumpter, that McDow- ell's whole army broke up. He, with several hundred of his followers, yielding to the cruel necessity of the unfortunate circumstances which involved the country, retired across the
DEPRBS8BD CONDITION OF THE AMERICAN CAUSE. 221
mountains, and scattered themselves among the hospitable settlers in the securer retreats of Watauga and Nollichucky.
At this period a deep gloom hung over the cause of ( American Independence, and the confidence of its c most steadfast friends was shaken. The reduction of Savannah, the capitulation of Charleston and the loss of the entire army under General Lincoln, had depressed the hopes of the patriot whigs, and the subsequent career of British conquest and subjugation of Georgia and South-Carolina, excited serious apprehehsion and alarm for the eventual success of the American cause. At the urgent appeal of the patriotic Governor Rutledge, Virginia had sent forward rein- forcements under Col. Buford. His command was defeated and his men butchered by the sabres of Tarleton. At Cam- den a second southern army, and commanded hy General Oates, was dispersed, captured and signally defeated by Corn wal lis.
Bat besides these disasters, there were other circumstances that aggravated the discouraging condition of American affairs. The finances of Congress were low ; the paper cur- rency had failed ; its depreciation was every where sinking with a rapid proclivity still lower ; the treasuries of the states were exhausted and their credit lost ; a general distress per- vaded the country ; subsistence and clothing for the famish- ing and ill-clad troops, were to be procured only by impress- ment ; and the inability of the government, from the want of means, to carry on the war, was openly admitted. British posts were established, and garrisons kept up at numerous points in the very heart of the country, and detachments from the main army were with profane impudence rioting through the land in an uninterrupted career of outrage, ag- gression and conquest. Under the protection of these, the loyalists were encouraged to rise against their whig coun- trymen, to depredate upon their property, insult their fami- lies, seek their lives and drive them into exile upon the Western waters. This was the general condition of Ameri- can affairs in the South, immediately after the defeat near Camden. General Gates endeavouring to collect together the shattered fragments of his routed army, made a short
222 OOBVWAUiU ADVAVOM TO OHABLOTTB.
halt at Charlotte, He afterwards fell back further and made his head-quarters at Hillsboro'.
After the discomfiture of the American army at Camden, and the defeat and dispersion of Sumpter's corps, Lord Com- wallis waited only for supplies from Charleston, before he proceeded to North^Carolina, which he now scarcely con- sidered in any other light than as the road to Virginia. A junction with the royal forces in that state, was expected at so early a day as to give time for prosecuting further opera- tions against Maryland and Penns/ylvania. The expectation of some went so far as to count upon a junction with the royal army in New- York, and the subjugation of every state south of the Hudson, before the close of the campaign."*^ Elated with such delusive prospects of conquest and renown, from achievements so magnificent and romantic. Lord Com- wallis, until provisions for his army arrived, resumed at Cam- den the consideration of civil affairs, hoping to give quiet and stability to the province he had subdued. Finding that many Americans, after swearing allegiance to the British government, had, on the approach of Gates, revolted, he thought it necessary to prevent further defection by severity towu^s the most active and forward in violation of their oaths. The estates of such were sequestered. Instant death was denounced against those, who after taking protection, should be found in arms against the king. Other measures were at the same time adopted, to secure the submission of the whigs. Some of the most influential of these, in defiance of the terms of surrender and the faith of treaty, were torn from their families, hurried into transports and conveyed to the fortress of St. Augustine. Among these was General Rutherford, whose offence was that while a prisoner at Cam- den, he manifested no signs of penitence for his rebellion, nor of submission to his captors. The lives and property of the whigs were subjected to a military despotism.
Having completed these arrangements in South-Carolina, his lordship, on the eighth of September, marched towards North-Carolina ; and as he passed through the most hostile and populous districts, he sent Col. Tarleton and M igor Fer-
* RamMj.
FBEGU80N TAKES POST AT RUTHERFORDTON. 323
guson to scour the country to his right and left. Arrived at Charlotte, and conceiving it to be a favourable situation for further advances, he made preparations for establishing a post at that place. While he was thus engaged, the com- manders of his detachments were proceeding in their respec- tive expeditions. The detachment under Ferguson, as has been already seen, had been for several weeks on the left of the main army, watching the movements of McDowell, Sevier, Shelby, Sumpter and Williams, and Clarke and Twiggs. His second in command, Dupoister, had followed in close pursuit the mountain men as they retired, after their victory at Enoree, to their mountain fastnesses. Ferguson himself, with the main body of his army, followed close upon the heels of Dupoister, determined to retake the prisoners or support his second in command, if he should overtake and engage the escaping enemy. Finding that his efforts were fmitless, Ferguson took post at a place then called Gilbert Town, near the present Rutherfordton, in North-Carolina. From this place he sent a most threatening message by Samuel Philips, a paroled prisoner, that if the ofEcers wes£ of the mountains did not lay down their opposition to the British arms, he would march his army over, burn ,and lay -waste their country and hang their leaders.
Patrick Ferguson, who had sent this insolent message, was at the head of a large army. Of the loyalists compo- sing a part of his command, some had previously been across the mountain, and were familiar with the passes by which these heights were penetrated. One of them had been subjected to the indignity of a coat of tar and feathers, in- flicted during the past summer, by the light horsemen of Captain Robert Sevier, on Nollichucky. He proposed to act as pilot to the command, which now stood at the foot of the Blue Ridge, ready to carry into execution the threat made by Ferguson. This gentleman had already displayed that oombination of intrepid heroism, inventive genius and sound judgment, which constitute the valiant soldier and the able commander. In early youth he entered the British army, and in the German war was distinguished by a courage as cool as it was determined. The boasted skill of the Ameri-
' \
SM rasouioir at xnnBXT-ai*
cans in the vme of the rifle was an oiyecl of tetwta lln
British troops^ and the ramors of their fatal aim opermMd open and stimulated the genius of Ferguson. His inventkiB pm- duced a new species of that instrument of warfiunf^ wliMk he could load at the breech, without using the ramoier er turning the muzzle away from the enemy, and with MMh quickness of repetition as to fire seven times in m linirtfii^ After the reduction Charleston, Lord ComwaUis oftUad fa the assistance of Ferguson in procuring the snbmiiim flf South-Carolina. Among the propositions of that comiBuuMisr to secure this object, one scheme was to arm those of the inhabitants who were well-afiected to the British eame mai embody them for their own defence. Fergusout now a liM- tenant-colonely was entrusted with the charge of m^iwhfrfV ting the militia throughout the upper districts. Uadv his direction and conduct, a military force, at <MieeBtt- merous and select, was enrolled and disciplined. T^mmm he divided into two classes ; one, of the young men, should be ready to join the king's troops to repel any *that infested the country ; another, of the aged and headu of families, who should unite in the defence of their hnnSM, farms and neighbourhoods.t
" In completing this organization, Ferguson had adraneed to Ninslf- Six, and, with a large body of troops, was, with hia usual T^oor and success, acting against small detachments of Americans, who, undsr sU the discouragements that surrounded them, still remained true to the cause of independence, and determined to maintain possession of the country against the overwhelming force of the British and the royal militia. At J^inety Six Ferguson received intelligence that a eorps of Americans, under Col. Clarke, had made an attempt upon the British post at Augusta, and, being repulsed, was retreating by the back setUe- ments to North-Carolina. To this information, the messenger further added that the commandant at Augusta, Col. Brown, intended to lunig upon the rear of Clarke, and urged Ferguson to cut across his nmls and co-operate inr intercepting and dispersing his party. This serrioe seemed to be perfectly consistent with the {Purposes of Ferguson's expe- dition, as it would give employment to ms loyalists, prevent the con- eentration of whig forces, and prevent their junc^on with Gen. Ghttes. Clarke was able, however, to elude his vigilance, and was present^ ss has been seen, at the battle of Enoree, and assisted in that mastuNrly oigagement, and the remarkable retreat by which he and his comrades
•Biifett. tldem.
8HBLBT AND SI^VISR APPftilL TO THE V0LUNTBSB8. 885
escaped from Ferguson. The pursuit of tlie letiripg Americans brought Ferguson so far to the left as to seem to threaten the habi- tations of the hardy race that occupied and lived beyond the moun- tains. He was approaching the lair of the lion, for many of the fiimi- lies of the persecuted whigs had been deposited in this asylum."*
The refugee whigs received a hearty welcome from their hospitable but plain countrymen on Watauga and Nolli- chucky. The door of every cabin "wbls thrown open, and the strangers felt at once assured of kindness, of sympathy and assistance. Among the neighbours of Sevier and Shelby the exiles from the JCaroIinas and Georgia were at home.
Among the refugees, soon after, came Samuel Philips, the paroled prisoner, by whom Ferguson sent his threatening mes* sage as already mentioned. It reached Shelby about the last of August. He immediately rode fifty or sixty miles to see Sevier, for the purpose of concerting with him measures suited to the approaching crisis. He remained with him two days. They came to the determination to raise all the riflemen they could, march hastily through the mountains and endeavour to surprise Ferguson in his camp. They hoped to be able, at least, to cripple him so as to prevent his crossing the moun- tain in the execlition of his threat. The day and the place were appointed for the rendezvous of the men. The time was the twenty-fifth day of September, and the Sycamore Shoals, on Watauga, selected as being the most central point and abounding most in the necessary supplies.
Col. Sevier, with that intense earnestness and persuasive address for which he was so remarkable, began at once to arouse the border-men for the projected enterprise. In this he encountered no difficulty. A spirit of congenial heroism brought to his standard, in a few days, more men than it was thought either prudent or safe to withdraw from the settle- ments: the whole military force of which was estimated at considerably less than a thousand men. Fully one half of that number was necessary to man the forts and stations, and keep up scouting parties on the extreme frontier. The remain- der were immediately enrolled for the distant service. A dif- ficulty arose from another source. Many of the volunteers
* Johnson. ]5
226 PATRIOTISM OP MRS. BE7IBB.
«
were unable to furnish suitable horses and equipments. The iron hand of poverty checked the rising ambition of many a valorous youdi, who
^ had heard of battle.
And who longed to follow to the field aome warlike chieCT
** Here," said Mrs. S., pointing to her son, not yet sixteen years old ; ^ Here, Mr. Sevier, is another of our boys that wants to go with his father and brother to the> war — ^but we have no horse for him, and, poor fellow, it is a great distance to walk.** Colonel Sevier tried to borrow money on his own responsibility, to fit out and furnish the expedition. But every inhabitant had expended the last dollar in taking up his land, and all the money of the country was thus in the hands of the Entry-taker. Sevier waited upon that officer and represented to him that the want of means was likely to retard, and in some measure to frustrate, his exertions, to carry out the expe*- dition, and suggested to him the use of the public money in his hands. John Adair* Esq., late of Knox county, was the Entry-taker, and his reply wa3 worthy of the times and wor^ thy of the man. ** Col. Sevier, I have no authority by law to make that disposition, of this money. It belongs to the im- poverished treasury of North-Carolina, and I dare not appro- priate a cent of it to any purpose. But, if the country is over- run by the British, liberty is gone. Let the money go too. Take it. If the enemy, by its use, is driven from the country, I can trust that country to justify and vindicate my conduct. Take it."
The money was taken and expended in the purchase of am- munition and the necessary equipments. Shelby and Sevier pledged themselves to see it refunded, or the act of the Entry- taker legalized by the North-Carolina legislature. That was scrupulously attended to at the earliest practicable moment. The evidence of it is before this writer, in the original receipt now in his possession :
''RecMn Jan'j. Slat, 1782, of Mr. John Adair, Entiy-taker in the county of Sulliyao, twelve thousand seven hundred and thirty-five dol- lan, which is placed to his credit on the Treasury Books.
1 o TaR n^iio« \ ^^^ Robert Lakieb, Treas'r.
12,786 Dollars. ^ ^^^ j^j^^„
CO-OPERATION OF OOLONBL CAMPBELL. 387
Sevier also undertook to bring Col. McDowell and other field officers who with their followers were then in a state of expatriation amongst the western settlers, into the measure. In this he succeeded at once. All of them had been driven from their homes, which were now deserted and exposed to the depredations of the disorderly and licentious loyalists who had joined the foreign enemy. Most of them had friends and kindred, on whom Ferguson and his tories were even then wreaking their vengeance. These homes and these friends, they longed to rescue and protect from further violence and desecration.
To Shelby was assigned the duty of securing the co-ope- ration of the riflemen of Western Virginia. These had, ia many a pcust campaign, with the pioneers of Tennessee, bivooaced and fought and triumphed together over a savage foe, and it was now deemed essential to the preservation of liberty and independence to obtain the aid of these gallant men in resisting the invasion of the common country. Shel- by accordingly hastened home, wrote a letter to William Campbell, eolonel commandant of Washington county, Vir- ginia, and sent it by his brother, Moses Shelby, to the house of Campbell, a distance of forty miles. In this letter Col. Shelby stated what had been determined on by Sevier and liimself, and urged Campbell to join them with his regiment. That gallant officer, true to the general cause, but most loyal to Virginia, replied, by the same messenger, that he did not approve of the measures that had been adopted, and that he shoald pursue his original intention and march his men down by way of the Flower Gap, and get on the southern borders of Virginia, ready to meet and oppose Lord Cornwallis when he approached that state. With this answer Shelby was much disappointed. He was unwilling that the whole mili- tary force of Sullivan and Washington counties should be taken upon the contemplated expedition, and thus leave the frontier exposed to attacks from the Cherokees, from whom they were threatened with, and had good reason to expect, an immediate invasion. He, therefore, wrote a second letter and sent it by the same messenger, immediately back to Col. Campbell, giving additional reasons in favour of the prqjected
9S8 TBI OAMP AT WATA0OA.
campaigih To this letter Oampb^U replied that he woold oo-operate with his whole foroe.
. Col. Campbell commanded four hundred men from Yir- gioia, Col. Sevier two hundred and forty from Washington, and Col. ^helby two hundred and forty from Sullivan county, in North-Carolina. The refugee whigs mustered under Col. M<eDowelI. All were well mounted, and nearly aH armed with a l5eokhard * rij9e.
The camp on Watauga, on the twenty-fifth of September, presented an animated spectacle. With the exception of the few colonists on the distant Cumberland, the entire military fbree of what is now Tennessee was assembled at the Syca- more Shoals. Scarce a single gunman remained, that day, «t his own house. The young, ardent and energetic had generally enrolled themselves for the campaign against Per* gnson. The less vigorous and more aged, were left, with the inferior guns, in the settlements for their protection against the Indians ; but all had attended 'the rendezvous. The old men were there to counsel, encourage and stimulate the youthful soldier, and to receive, fW>m the colonels, in- structions for the defence of the stations during their absence* Others were there to bring, in rich profusion, the products of their farms, which were cheerfully furnished gratuitously and vrithout stint, to complete the outfit of the expedition. Gold and silver they had not, but subsistence and clothing, and equipment and the fiery charger — anything the frontier- man owned, in the cabin, the field or the range, was offered, unostentatiously, upon the altar of his country. The wife and the sister were there, and, with a suppressed sigh, wit- nessed the departure of the husband and the brother. And there, too, were the heroic mothers, with a mournful but noble pride, to take a fond farewell of their gallant sons.
The sparse settlements of this frontier had never before seen assembled together a concourse of people so immense and so evidently agitated by great excitement. The large
* Thii rifle wm remflrlrtble ibr tlie preoiiioo and distance of its shot. It waa geoerally three feet six inches long, weighed about seven pounds, and ran about ■erenty bullets to the pound of lead. It was so called iroinJ)eckhard, the maker* tf Laneaater, Pa. One of tiiem k now in the poweision of the writer.
CAMPBELL, BHBLBY, BBVIBB AKD H'dOWELL. 229
mass of the assembly were volunteer riflemen, clad in the home-span of their wives and sisters, and wearing the hunting shirt so characteristic of the back-woods soldiery^ and not a few of them the moccasins of their own manu- facture. A few of the officers were better dressed, but all in citizens' clothing. The mien of Campbell was stern* authoritative and dignified. Shelby was grave, taciturn and determined. Sevier, vivacious, ardent, [impulsive and ener- getic. McDowell, moving about with the ease and dignity of a colonial magistrate, inspiring veneration for his virtues and an indignant sympathy for the wrongs of himself and his co-exiles. All were completely wrapt in the absorbing subject of the revolutionary struggle, then approaching its acme, and threatening the homes and families of the moun- taineers themselves. Never did mountain recess contain within it, a loftier or a more enlarged patriotism — never a cooler or more determined courage.
In the seclusion of their homes in the West, many of the volunteers had only heard of war at a distance, and had been in undisputed possession of that independence for which their Atlantic countrymen were now struggling. The near approach of Ferguson had awakened them from their secu- rity, and indignant at the violence and depredations of his followers, they were now embodied to chastise and avenge them. This they had done at the suggestion and upon the motion of their own leaders, without any requisition from the governments of America or the officers of the continental army. Indeed, at this moment, the American army in the South was almost annihilated, and the friends of the Ameri-^ can cause were discouraged and despondent. The British "Were everywhere triumphant, and the loyalists, under the pretence of promoting the service of his Britannic Majesty, "were in many sections perpetrating the greatest outrage and cruelty upon the whigs. The attitude of these volunteer detachments was as forlorn as it was gallant. At the time of their embodiment, and for several days after they had marched against the enemy, flushed with recent victories and confident of further conquest, it was not known to them that a single armed corps of Americans was marshalled for
9M DivhrB pftOtEonoir mrLOun).
their assistance or relief. The crisis was; indeed, dark and ffloomy. Bat indomitable patriots were present, prepared and willing to meet it. The personnel of no army could have bten better. There was strength, enterprise^ courage and enthusiasm. The ardour and impetuosity and rashness of yooth were there, to project and execute, with the wisdom of mature age, to temper and direct them ; the caution of the fkther and the irrepressible daring of the son. *
"Without delay, early on the morning of the next day after its rendezvous at Watauga, the little army was on the march. Before the troops left the camp, the officers requested that ihey should assemble for the purpose of commending the army to Divine protection and guidance. They promptly com- plied with the request. Prayer, solemn and appropriate, was ojBTered by a clergyman present, and the riflemen mounted tbeir horses and started on the distant campaign.
After leaving the rendezvous at the Sycamore Shoals, the troops took up the line of march ; passing along the valley i^RA i ^^ ^^P Creek, they encamped the first night at the I mill of Mr. Matthew Tolbot. They pursued Bright's trace across the Yellow Mountain. The staff* was incom- plete; rather, there was no staff*; no quarter-master, no commissary, no surgeon, no chaplain. As in all their Indian campaigns, being mounted and unencumbered with baggage, their motions were rapid. Each man, each officer, set out with his trusty Deckhard on his shoulder. " A shot pouch, a tomahawk, a knife, a knapsack and a blanket, completed the outfit. At night, the earth aff*orded him a bed and the heavens a covering ; the mountain stream quenched his thirst ; while his provision was procured from supplies ac- quired on the march by his gun." Some beeves were driven in the rear, to furnish subsistence while in the settlements, but they impeded the rapidity of the march, and, after the first day, were abandoned. After passing the mountain, the troops, sparing the property of the whigs, quartered and subsisted upon the tories.
On the second day, two of the men were missed. They bad deserted, and would doubtless escape to the enemy, and apprise them of the approach of the mountain men, and the
THB YOLUNTEEB» CROSS THB MOUNTAm. 281
route by which the march would be conducted. Owing to this apprehension, which was subsequently ascertained to be well fbooded, the troops, after passing the top of the Alle- ghany, left the frequented trace, and turned to the left, de- scending by a worse path than was ever before travelled by an array of horsemen. Reaching the foot of the mountain, they fell in with Colonel Cleveland, of Wilkes county, and CSolonel Winston, of Surry county, North-Carolina, with three or four hundred men, who were creeping along through the woods, desiring to fall in with and join any party that might be going to oppose the enemy.
After reaching the settled country east of the mountain, additions were constantly made to. their numbers — of officers with men, and of officers without men, and of men without officers ; some few on horses — most of them on foot — ^but all eager to find and fight the enemy.
The junction of the party from Wilkes and Surry took place about the first of October. The second day following was so wet that the army could not move. The delay was improved by the commanding officers, meeting, as if by instinct, in the evening and holding a council. At this meeting it was deter- mined to send to head-quarters, wherever it might be, for a general officer to take the command of the several corps ; and that in the meantime they would meet in council every day to determine oh the measures to be pursued. Col. Shelby was not well satisfied with these regulations ; and in support of his objections, observed to the council that they were then in striking distance of the enemy, who lay at that time at Gil- bert Town, sixteen or eighteen miles distant — that Ferguson 'Would either attack or avoid them until he gathered together :sach a force that they dared not approach. He therefore advised that they should act with promptness and decision, and proposed that they would appoint one of their own num- ber to command and march the next day and attack the enemy at Gilbert Town. He further proposed that Colonel CSampbell was known to him as a gentleman of good sense and warmly attached to the cause of the country — was the only officer from . Virginia and commanded the largest ngimentin the army, — and that he would accordingly nomi-
S8S raMUflov uiAvn oiuubkt towk,
Bate him as their chief. Shelby made this proposition for the purpose of quieting the expectations of some that Colonel McDowell should assume the command. He was the senior officer present, the army was then in his military district, and he had commanded during the past summer against the same enemy — ^was, moreover, a brave man and a decided friend to the American cause. But he was considered too far advanced in life and too inactive a man to take charge of such an enter- prise, against such an antagonist as was immediately before them. McDowell proposed that he would be the messenger to go for a general officer. He started immediately, and his brother, Joseph McDowell, took command of his men. On his way, about eight miles from camp, he fell in with Colonel . ^ames Williams, of South-Carolina, and a number of other field officers from that state, with near four hundred men. The intelligence of this opportune reinforcement McDowell oonununicated by express.
^ king's mountain.
•
Gilbert Town is distinguished as the extreme point of British invasion in the direction of the home of the mountain men. To that place Ferguson, in the execution of his vain threat to invade and burn up their villages, had advanced and there erected his majesty's standard, with the double purpose of . securing the co-operation of the loyalists and of preventing the rising and concentratioa of the whigs. At that place he received intelligence of the avalanche of indignant patriotism accumulating along the mountain, and ready to precipitate itself upon and overwhelm his army. From that place, en- terprising as he was, he found it necessary to fall back and seek safety by a junction with the main army of Cornwallis, at Charlotte. Every movement of Ferguson, from the time he left his camp at Gilbert Town, indicated his apprehension of the impending danger. He commanded the loyalist militia, he importuned them, he held out the language of promise and of threatening, to stimulate their allegiance and their courage. He called in vain. A cloud was gathering upon the mountain, and his loyal militia knew that it portended a storm and a disastrous overthrow. Ferguson changed his
AHD RBTIRES BEFOBB TBE &IFLSMKV. 238
langaage and appealed to them in the words of bitter reproach and contemptuous ridicule. On his retreat he issued a circu« lar letter to the tory leaders, informing them of an '' inunda- tion of barbarians" — calls the patriotic riflemen *' the dregs of mankind/* and importunes his loyalists thus : ^ If you wish to live and bear the name of men, gfesp your arms in a mo- ment and run into camp. The backwater men have crossed the mountain, McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland are at their head — so that you know what you will have to depend upon. If you choose to be degraded for ever and ever by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon you and look out for real men to protect them."
Ferguson, after breaking up his camp at Gilbert Town, had
despatched Abram Collins and Quinn, to Lord Com-
wallis, informing him of his critical situation and begging a re- inforcement. After despatching his letter, Ferguson marched, on the fourth, over Main Broad River to the Cow Pens. On the fifth he continued his march to Tate's, since Dear's Ferry, where he agaih crossed and encamped about a mile above. On the sixth, he marched about fourteen miles and formed his camp on an eminei.oe, where he waited for the expected reinforcements, of loyalists in the neighbourhood, and of regulars from the royal army. The loyalty of the former quailed at the approach of the riflemen, and in this hour of need their assistance was withheld ; they remained out of Ferguson^s camp.
On Wednesday, the fourth of October, the riflemen ad- vanced to Gilbert Town. But Ferguson had decamped, having permitted many of the loyalists to visit their families, under engagement to join him on the shortest notice. In the meantime, he took a circuitous march through the neighbourhoods, in which the tories principally resided, to gain time and avoid the riflemen until his forces could be collected and had joined him. This retrograde movement betrayed his apprehensions, and pointed out the necessity of a vigorous eflfor^to overtake him. Having gained a know- ledge of his designs, the principal officers determined, in eooncil, to pursue him with all possible despatch. Accord-
884 wiHJfiMiv niuwuuws amb oamoxiouiy
ingly, two nights before the action, the officers were engaged aU night in selecting the best men, the best horses and the best rifles, and at the dawn of day took Ferguson^s trail, and pursued him with niae hundred andten^ expert marks- men, while those on foot and with weak horses were ordered to. follow on more leisulely.
On the pursuit, the Americans passed near where several large parties of tories were collecting. At the Cow Pens sixty men under CoL Hambright and M^or Chronicle, of Tryon county^ and Col, Williams, with the South-Carolina troops, joined them. Here they were informed that a body of six hundred tories were assembled at Migor Gibbs^s, four miles to their right, and would join Ferguson the next day. These they did not take time to molest The riflemen from the mountains had turned out to catch Ferguson. He was their object ; and for the last thirty-six hours of the pursuit, they never alighted from their horses but once to refresh iat an hour at the Cow Pens, although, the day of the battle was so extremely wet that the men could only keep their guns dry, by wrapping their, sacks, blankets and hunting shirts around the locks, thus exposing their bodies to a heavy and incessant rain. The trail every hour became more fresh, and the Americans hurried with eagerness after the prey, which they determined should not escape their grasp. The advance met some unarmed men, who were fresh from Ferguson's camp, a short halt was made, and these men were closely examined. From them it was ascer- tained that the enemy was encamped three miles before them, and were to march next morning to Lord Cornwallis's head-quarters ; bis position was accura^ly described, and the route to the camp minutely given. Col. Williams and soma of his men were well acquainted with the shape of the ground and the approaches to it.
It was now after twelve o'clock ; the rain had ceased, the clouds were passing ofi*, the sun shone brightly, and nature seemed to smile upon the enterprise at hand. It was deter-
* I quote ^m the Shelby papers in my possession, and from vhich many of te details of this ezpeditioa have been derived. Haywood has extracted from ifaflBi alio.
JOIN THE ARMY, WHICH APPSOACflEB THB KNSMt'b CAMP. 285
roiqed to inarch at once upon the camp, and decide the con- flict without further rest or refreshment. Each man was ordered to ** tie up his over-coat and blanket, throw the pri- ming out of his pan, pick his touch-hole, prime anew, ex- amine his bullets, and see that every thing was in readiness for battle." While this was being done the officers agreed upon the general plan of attack, which was to surround the eminence and make a simultaneous assault upon every part of the camp. The men were soon in their saddles and upon their march. When within a mile of the battle ground an express from Ferguson was arrested, on whom was found a despatch to Lord Gornwallis, urging him to send immediate reinforcements and stating the number under his command ; and that he was securely encamped upon a hill, which, in in honour of his majesty, he had named King's Mountain, and that if all the rebels out of h — 11 should attack him, they would not drive him from it. The contents of the despatch were, with the exception of the number of the enemy, communi- cated to the riflemen, the march wad resumed, their pace quickened and they rode in a gallop within view of the camp of Ferguson.
A closer examination of the ground and the position of the enemy, demonstrated the feasibility of the plan of attack already concerted by the officers. More minute arrange- ments were immediately made and carried into execution. It was decided that the troops commanded by Winston, McDowell, Sevier, Shelby and Campbell, being something more than half of the whole number of the assailants, after tying their horses should file to the right, and pass the moun- tain nearly out oPreach of the enemy's guns, and continue around it till they should meet the rest of the troops encir- oling the mountain on its other side, and led by Hambright and Chronicle, and followed by Cleveland and Williams; after which each command was to face to the front, raise the Indian war whoop, and advance upon the enemy. Ac- cordingly the troops moved forward, and passing up a ravine between two rocky knolls, came in full view of the enemy's camp above them, and about one hundred poles in front Here they dismounted, and having tied their horses, left a
•mall guard with thenL The right wing or eiriaiiut was U by V/inuUm and Sevier, the left by CleTelaad and WUliaaH; the centre was composed of Campbeirs men on the wi^bi, and Shelby's on the left. In this order each oflicer haTiag formed bis ranks, led off at the same time to the position signed him, under pilots selected from CoL WilUam^a who were familiar with the ground. On its march th^ mountain, the right column discovered that there two gaps in the ridge at the enemy's left flank— one about twenty poles from it» the other fifty. It was decided to pas through the latter. About the time they entered it, the eDemf began to fire upon them. The fire at first did not sUtraot attention, until some of Shelby's men being woondedf that officer and McDowell determined to return the fire, and be- fore they had crossed the ridge, broke off towards the enemy, through the gap nearest to his camp, and discharged their rifles with great effect. The rest of the column under Campbell ascended the mountain, and poured in a deadly flre upon the enemy posted upon its summit. The firing be- came so heavy as to attract the attention of Ferguson, who immediately brought up a part of his regulars from the other end of his line, and a brisk charge was made upon the Ame- rican right by the British regulars and some of the torias. This charge pushed McDowell, Shelby and CampbelU down the mountain. At this moment, the left column under Ham- bright, Chronicle, Cleveland and Williams, had driven in the enemy's picquets at the other extremity of the encampment^ and advancing up the mountain, poured in a well directed fire on the enemy protected here by their wagons and some slight defences, and commanded by Fergnon himself. Dn- poister, his second in command, was immediately recalled, ordered into line on the top of the ridge, and directed to make a charge with all the regulars upon the Americans at that end of the encampment. On his passage to the relief of Fer- guson, Dupoister received a galling fire from the South-Caro- linians under Williams. The regulars were soon rallied, made a desperate charge, and drove the riflemen to the foot of the hill. Here Mi\jor Chronicle fell. In the meantime, the recall of Dupoister from the charge
AVD ATTACK FEBGUSOn'b CAMP. 237
at the other extremity of the mountain, gave the appearance there of a retreat on the part of the enemy, and the men nnder Shelby, McDowell and Cam^)bell, having recovered from the slight disorganization produced by the first charge, rallied to the pursuit. The cry was raised — " huzza, boys, they are retreating ; come on !** They advanced with great firmness up the hill, almost to the lines of the encampment, and for some time maintained a deadly conflict with the tory riflemen. Ferguson, as before, decided to resort again to the bayonet. But the marksmen had so thinned the ranks of the regulars, that the expedient was adopted of trimming the handles of the butcher knives, and adapting them to the muzzles of the tory rifles, and of thus using them in the charge. With the number of his bayonets thus enlarged, Dupoister returned to his first position, and made another charge. It was short and feebly executed, and the regulars returned within their lines.
About this time the front of the two American columns had met, and the army of Ferguson was surrounded by the riflemen. Their firing became incessant and general in all quarters, but especially at the two ends of the enemy's line. Sevier pressed against its centre, and was charged upon by the regulars. The conflict here became stubborn, and drew to it much of the enemy's force. This enabled Shelby and Campbell to reach and hold the crest of the mountain.
On all sides, now, the fire was brisk and deadly, and the charges with the bayonet, though less vigorous, were fre- quent. In all cases where the enemy charged the Amerir cans on one side c^ the hill, those on the other thought he was retreating, ana advanced near to the summit. But in all these movements, the left of Ferguson's line was gradu- ally receding, and the Americans were plying their rifles with terrible effect. Ferguson was still in the heat of battle ; with characteristic coolness and daring, he ordered Captain Dupoister to reinforce a position about one hundred yards distant, with his regulars ; but before they reached it, they were thinned too much by the American rifles, to ren- der any effectual support. He then ordered his cavalry to moonty with a view of making a desperate onset at their
988 DBfPmATB COUmAOB AMD DBATH. W nUMUSOlT.
head. Bat these oaly presented a better mark for the rifl^ and fell as fast as they could monnt their horses. He rode from «ne end of his line to the other, enconraging his men to pr^ong the conflict. With desperate coarage, he passed from one exposed point to another of equal danger. Ha carried in his wounded hand, a shrill sounding silver whistlj^ whose signal was univertelly known through the ranks, wasof inunense service throughout the battle, and gave a kind of ubiquity to his movements.*
But the Americans having reached the top of the moon- tain, were gradually compressing the enemy, and the line of Ferguson's encampment was sensibly contracted. A flag was raised by the tories in token of surrender. Ferguaoi^ rode up to it, and pulled it down. A second flag was ndsfd at the other ^end of the line. He rode there too, and oat it down with his sword. He was frequently admonishad bj Dupoister to surrender ; but his proud spirit could not deiga to give up to raw and undisciplined militia. When .the se-' cond flag was cut down, Dupoister renewed his admonitioB. To this he replied by declaring, he would never surrender to such a damned set of banditti as the mountain men. These men, while they admired the unyielding spirit of Ferguson, had noticed, that whenever his voice or whistle wasiieard, the enemy were inspirited to another rally. They believed that while he survived, his desperate courage would not permit a surrender. He fell soon after, and immediately expired.
The forward movement of. all the American columns brought them to a level with the enemy's guns, which here- tofore, in most instances, h^ overshot their heads. . Tha horizontal fire of the regulars was now Ibnsiderably fatal ; but the rapid advance of the riflemen soon surrounded both them and the tories, who b^ing crowded close together, and cooped up into a narrow space by the .surrounding pressure of the American troops, and fatally galled by their incessant fire, lost all hope from further resistance. Dupoister, who succeeded Ferguson in command, perceiving that jGa.rther struggle was in . vain, raised the white flag, and exclaimed for quarters. A general cessation of the American fire fol- lowed ; but this cessation was not comidete. Some of the
•FofUr.
COLOHEL WILLIAMS^B HEROIC CHARGE. 289
^onng* men did not understand the meaning of a white flag ; )ther8 who did, knew that other flags had been raised before, uid were qaickly taken down. Shelby halloed out to them ;o throw down their guns, as all would understand that as a larrender. This was immediately done. The arms were low lying in front of the prisoners, without any orders how o dispose of them. Col. Shelby, seeing the facility with ¥bich the enemy could resume their guns, exclaimed : ** Good Sod I what can we do in this confusion ?" " We can order he prisoners from 'their arms,** said Sawyers. '' Y^s," said Shelby, *• that can be done." The prisoners were aceord- y marched to another place, and there surrounded by a looble guard.
The battle of King's Mountain lasted about an hour. The 088 of the enemy was two hundred and twenty-five killed, me hundred and eighty wounded, seven hundred prisoners, ifteen hundred stand of arms, and a great many horses and wagons loaded with supplies, and booty of every kind, taken >y the plundering tories from the wealthy whigs.
General Bernard, an officer under Napoleon, and after- jrards in the United States Engineer Service, on examining he battle ground of King^s Mountain, said : " The Ameri- )an8f by their victory in that engagement, erected a monu- cent to perpetuate the memory of the brave men who had alien there ; and the shape of the hill itself, would be an )temal monument of the military genius and skill of Col. ?*erguson, in selecting a position so well adapted for de- ence ; and that no other plan of assault but that pursued by he mountain men, could have succeeded against him."*
The loss of the Americans was thirty killed, and about wice that number wounded. Of the former, was Col. Wil- iams of South-Carolina. He fell a victim to the true Pal- aetto spirit, and intemperate eagerness for battle. Towards he close of the engagement, he espied Ferguson riding
*11ie aooomt of the battle at King's Moantain, as giveii, has been taken from ba Shelby papers, the written statements of Qenerals Graham and Lenoir, Mr. ^oalo^a EsMty, and manuscript narratiyes of several of the riflemen, who partici- ■M in il The official report has been seen for the first time, bj this writer, in ' WImmVii V Noffth'Carolina," jnst cot of prew. It is girtn at page S43.
S40 wnruioDfT at kxho*i iioiTiTADr.
near the line, and dashed towards him with the gallant de- termination of a personal encounter. ** I will kill Perga- son, or die in the attempt P* exclaimed Williams, and spar- ring hia horse in the direction of the enemy, received a ballet as he crossed their line. He survived till he heard that his antagonist was killed, and his camp surrendered ; and amidst the shouts of victory by his triumphant countrymen, said : ^ I die contented,** and with a smile upon his countenance^ expired.
Major Chronicle, who, with CoL Hambright, led the left wing, was, in passing round the end of the mountain, much exposed to the fire of the enemy above them, and little more than one hundred yards distant He fell early in the engage- ment, at the foot of the hill, near the junction of the two streams, while gallantly repulsing' the British charge. A plain monument attests the grateful remembrance of his countrymen It bears this inscription :
Saobxd To the memoir of . MAJOB WILLIAM CHRONIGLB, CAPT JOHN MATTOCKS. WILLIAM ROBB,
AND
JOHN BOYD, Who were killed at this place, on the seventh day <^ October, 1780,
fighting in defence of America. On the other side of the numument, fadng the battle ground, is in« scribed:
COL. FERGUSON,
An officer of his Britannic Majesty,
Was defeated and killed
At this place,
On the 7th day of
October, 1780.
Of Col. CampbelPs regiment. Lieutenant Edmondson, two others of the same name and family, and ten of their asso- ciates in arms, were killed. The names of the Virginia offi- cers are Captains Dysart, Colville, Edmonston, Beattie and Craig; Lieutenants/ Edmonston, Bo wen ; Ensign Robert Campbell, who killed the British Adjutant McGinnis at the head of a charging party. Captain Robert Edmonston said to one of his men, John McCrosky, that he did not like his
MINOR DSTAIL8 OF THE BATTLB. 241
place, and broke forward to the hottest part of the«battle, and there received the charge of Dupoister's regulars, dis- charged his rifle, clubbed his gun, knocked the musket oat of the hands of one of the soldiers, and seizing him by the neck, made him his prisoner, and brought him to the foot of the hill. Returning again to the British line, he received a mortal wound in the breast. After the surrender, McCrosky went in search of his captain, and told him the battle was oyer, and the tories were defeated. Edmonston nodded satis- faction, and died.
Of the wounded in Col. Shelby's regiment, was his bro- ther, Moses Shelby, who, in a bold attempt to storm the ene- my*! camp, leaped upon one of the wagons out of which the breast-work was formed, and was wounded. Fagan and some others, sufi*ered in the same way. Col. Snodgrass, late of Sallivan county, belonged to Col. Shelby's regiment. His captains were Elliot, Maxwell and Webb ; Lieutenant Sawy
Of the regiment from Washington county, and commanded by Col. Sevier, the captains were his two brothers, Valen- tine Sevier, Robert Sevier, Joel Callahan, George Doherty and George Russell ; Lieutenant Isaac Lane. Capt. Robert Sevier was wounded in the abdomen, and died the second or third day after, and was buried at Bright's.
Among the privates, were four others of the Sevier family, "viz : Abraham Sevier, Joseph Sevier, and two of Col, Se- irier's sons, Joseph and James ; the latter in his sixteenth year.
William Lenoir (since General Lenoir) was a captain un- der Winston. He was encouraging the men who had re- ceived Dupoister^s second isharge, to load well, and make a l>old push against their assailants, when he received a slight 'wound in his left arm, and another in his side, while a bul- let passed through his hair, just below the tie, without touch- ing the skin.
In Ferguson^s' possession was found, after his defeat, the following letter to him from Lieut. Col. Cruger, commanding at Kinety-Six. The original is mutilated, and a few words or eyphers are illegible. 16
242 UBTTSB IV OTPHBR FKOM COLONBL CEUGSB*
• ^ 06, TUXSDAT MORNINO, OOT. 3.
^ Sir — ^The night before last I retorned from the Ceded Landa, having done that busineaa pretty effectually. Your several letters I am now in possession of. This instant I receiv^ what you wrote the 30th Septem- ber. I shall repeat for the militia to turn out their
mz months' men ; — dear ,. . that if you get aa
many as will defend the from so considerable fores
as you understand is coming from the mountains, is as many, in my opinion, as in reason we have a right to expect, Qr. will join yon. Onr force of soldiers here does not exceed in number what in your last letter
IB mentioned to march ... 1 don't see bow
YOU can possibly the country and its n^hbour-
hood that you . . : now in. The game from the mountains is just what I expected. Am glad to find you so capitally supported by the friends to government in North-Carolina. I flattered myself theT woaKd have been equal to the mountain lads, and that no further call for the drfemive would have been on this part of the Province. I b^n te think our views for the present rather larfe. We have been led to thia, pjo- bably, in expecting too much from ue militia — as, for instance, you call for '. . . . . r^;iment8. They are but just ^ that number ; •
^ Farewell believe me, very sinc^k^ly and with much regard, .
. . • • • Dr. Sir, ^
" Yr. Very hum Ve Ser'vt,
Crugsr, Lieut CoL Com'g. 06* Addressed, ^' On his Majesty's Service,
Colonel Ferguson,
Commanding Detachment
Of his Majesty's Troop, Ac."
The victory at King's Mountain was complete. Not one of the enemy escaped during the battle : from its commence- ment they were surrounded and could not escape. The army encamped upon the battle ground the night of the seventb. They had more prisoners than whigs with whom to guard them. They were in the neighbourhood of several parties of tories, and had reason to expect that Tarleton or some rein- forcements from Lord Cornwallis, would attempt either to pursue or intercept them. The next day was the Sabbath. Its dawn was solemnized by the burial of the dead. This mournful duty performed, the enemy's wagons were drawn by the men across their camp fires, and after they were con- sumed the return march was commenced.
As there was no other method of transporting the arms that had been captured, the strong and healthy prisoners were re- quired to carry them. The flints were taken from the locks,
RIFLBMEH RETURN WITH TQE PRISONERS. 24ft
and the most vigilant espionage kept over the prisoners by the troops, who marched the whole day at a present. No escape or rescue was attempted. At sundown they met the men they had leilt on foot on their hurried march to the bat- tle* The march wa^ continued pretty close to the mountain till the fourteenth, when a court-martial was held at Bicker- staff's Old Field, in Rutherford county, over some of the pri- soners. A few for desertion, others for greater crimes and enormities, were convicted and sentenced to be hung. The number brought under the gallows was thirty. Nine of these only were executed. Among these were Col. Mills, a tory leader, and Captain Grimes, a refugee tory from Watauga. The rest were respited.
Apprehending pursuit by Lord Comwallis, whose head- qnarters were close at hand across the Catawba, in Meck- lenburg county, and determined to escape with the eight hundred prisoners and fifteen hundred stand of arms taken at King's Mountain, the colonels led off their victorious troops, with their valuable spoils, to some place of safety in the direction of Virginia. Sevier and his comrades from the West recrossed the mountain, and remained in arms upon their own frontier. Campbell, Shelby and Cleveland, con- tinned the march, with the prisoners, in search of some posi- tion of greater security. Passing through Hillsboro', where General Gates then had his head-quarters, these officers made out to that unfortunate commander —
''A STATXMKKT of the proceedings of the Western Army, from the 25th of September, 1780, to the reduction of Major Ferguson, and the army under his command.
'K>n receiving intelligence that Major Ferguson had advanced as hieh up as Gilbert lown, in Rutherford county, and threatened to cross the mountaiiis to the Western waters, Col. William Campbell, with four hnndred men from Washington county, of Virginia ; Col. Isaac Shelby, with two hundred and forty men from Sullivan county, North-Carolina, and Lieutenant-CoL John Sevier, with two hundred and forty men from Washington county, Korth-Carolina, assembled at Watauga on the 25th of September, where they were joined by Col. Charles McDowell, with one hundred and sixty men from the counties of Burke and Ruther- fcHrd, who had fled before the enemy to the Western waters.
^We began our march on the 26th, and on the 30th, we were joined by CoL Cleveland, on the Catawba River, with three hundred and Gttj men bom the counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one ofib^ having
244 OFFICIAL KBPORT OF BATTLE;
Sroperly a right to the oommand-in-chief, ou the Ist of October we eepatched an express to Major General Gates, iDforming him of our situation, and requested him to send a general officer to take command of the whole. In the meantime Col. Campbell was chosen to act as commandant till such general officer should arrive.
^We reached the Cow Pens, on the Broad River, in South-Carolinay where we were joined by CoL James Williams, on the^ evening of the 6th October, who informed us that the enemy lay encamped somewhere near the Cherokee Ford of Broad River, about thirty miles distant from us. By a council of the principal officers, it was then thought advisable to pursue the enemy that night with nine hundred of the b^t horsemeD, and leave the weak horses and footmen to follow as fast as possible. We began our march with nine hundred of the best men about eight o'clock the same evening, marched all night, and came up with the enemy about three o'clock, P. M. of the 7th, who lay encamped on the top it King's Mountain, twelve miles north of the Cherokee Ford, in the oon- ^dence they could not be forced from so advantageous a post Previous to the attack, in our march the following disposition was made :
'^Col. Shelby's regiment formed a column in the centre on the left ; CoL Campbell's another on the right ; part of Col. Cleveland's la- ment, headed by Major Winston and Col. Sevier's, formed a lar^ column on the right wing ; the other part of Col. Cleveland's regiment composed the left wing. In this order we advanced, and got within a quarter of a mile of £e enemy before we were discovered. CoL Shel- by's and Col. Campbell's regiments b^;an the attack, and kept up a fire on the enemy while the right and left wings were advancing forward to surround them. The engagement lasted an hour and ^y^ minutes, the greatest part of which time a heavy and incessant fire was kept up on both sides. Our men in some parts where the regulars fought^ were obliged to give way a small distance two or three times, but rallied and returned with additional ardour to the attack. The troops upon the right having gained the summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy to retreat along the top of the ridge where Col. Cleveland commanded, and were there stopped by his brave men. A flag ■ was immediately hoisted by Captain Dupoister, the commanding officer, (Major Ferffuson having been killed a little before,) for a surrender. Our fire immediately ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms — the greater part of them loadedr— and surrendered themselves to us prisoners at discretion. It appears from their own provision returns for that day, found in their camp, that their whole force consisted of eleven hundred and twenty- five men, out of which they sustained the following loss : — Of the regu- * lars, one major, one captain, two lieutenants and fifteen privates killed, thirty-five privates wounded. Left on the ground, not able to march, two capt^ns, four lieutenants, three ensigns, one surgeon, ^\q sergeants ; three corporals, one drummer and fifty-nine privates taken prisoners.
^Loss of the tories, two colonels, three capt^ns, and two hundred and one privates killed ; one major and one hundred and twenty-seven pri- vates wounded and left on the ground not able to march ; one colonel, twelve captains, eleven lieutenants, two ensigns, one quarter-roaster, one adjutant, two coipmissaries, eighteen sergeants and six hundred pri-
TBB EXPEDITION WAB PATRIOTIC AND 0UCCE8SFUL. 245
vates taken prisoners. Total loss of the enemy, eleven hundred and fi?e men at King's Mountain.
'^Given under our hands at camp. William Campbell,
Isaac Shelbt, Bekjamin Cleveland. . "Hie loaa on our side — Killed — 1 colonel, Wounded — 1 major,
1 major, 3 captains,
1 captain, 3 lieutenants,
2 lieutenants, 53 privates.
4 ensigns, 19 privates.
28 total killed."
60 total wounded.
On the 10th, Cornwallis ordered Tarleton to march with the light infantry, the British Legion and a three-pounder to assist Ferguson, no certain intelligence having arrived of his defeat Tarleton's instructions directed him to reinforce Ferguson wherever he could find him, and to draw his corps to the Catawba, if after the junction advantage could not be obtained over the mountaineers ; or upon the certainty of his defeat, at all events, to oppose the entrance of the victorious Americans into South-Caroliita. Intelligence of Ferguson's defeat reached Cornwallis, and he formed a sudden determi- nation to retreat from Charlotte. Tarleton was recalled, and North-Carolina was for the present evacuated.
The expedition against Ferguson was chivalric in the ex- treme. It was undertaken against a distinguished and skil- ful leader, at the head of a large force which could easily have been doubled. It was composed of raw and undisciplined troops, hastily drawn together, against fearful odds .and under the most appalling discouragements.
The expedition was also eminently patriotic. When i^ was projected, disaster and defeat had shrouded the South with an impenetrable cloud of despondence and gloom. Ruined expectations and blasted hopes, hung like a pall over the paralyzed energies of the friends of America.
The expedition was, moreover, entirely successful. The first object of it, Ferguson, was killed and his whole army either captured or destroyed. This gave new spirit to the desponding Americans, and frustrated the well concerted
MG HumriNo suist of thb yomimEBS.
scheme 6f strengthening the British army by the toriiss in its neighbourhood.
The whole enterprise reflects the highest honour upon the patriotism that conceived and the courage that executed it. Nothing can surpass the skill and gallantry of the officers, nothing the valour of the men who achieved the victory. The whole history of the campaign demonstrates that the men who undertook it, were not actuated by any apprehen- sion that Ferguson would attempt the execution of his idle threat against themselves. For, to these mountaineers, noth- ing than such a scheme would make prettier game for their rifles ; nothing more desirable than to entice such an enemy from his pleasant roads, rich plantations, and gentle climate, with his ponderous baggage, valuable armory, and the booty and spoils of his loyalists, into the very centre of their own fastnesses, to hang upon his flank, to pick up his stragglers^ to cut ofi* his foragers, to make short and desperate sallies upon his camp, and finally, to make him a certain prey with- out a struggle and without a loss.
Nor was it the authority or influence of the state, that led to this hazardous service. Many of them knew not whether to any or to what state they belonged. Insulated by moun- tain barriers, and in consequent seclusion from their Eastern friends, they were living in the enjoyment of primitive inde- pendence, where British taxation and aggression had not reached. It was a gratuitous patriotism that incited the back-woodsmen. In those days, to know that American liberty was invaded, and that the only apparent alternative in the case was American independence or subjugation, was enough to nerve their hearts to the boldest pulsations of free- 'dom, and ripen their purposes to the fullest determination of putting down the aggressor.*
From the colonels to the privates, all of the mountain men were attired in hunting shirts. Speaking of this costume, Mr. Custis says :
^ The hunting shirt, the emblem of the Revolution, is now banished from the national military, hut still liogere among the hunters and pio- neers of the Far West This national coetume was adopted in the out-
• Foster's Bvaj.
RESULTS OF FERGUSdN's DEFEAT. 247
•
set of the Revolution, and was recommended, bj Washington, to the army in the most eventful period of the war of IndependeDce. It was a favourite garb with many of the officers of the line. The British beheld these sons of the mountain and the forest, thus attired, with wonder and admiration. Their hardy looks, their tall athletic forms, their marehing in Indian file with the light and noiseless step peculiar to their pursuit of woodland game, but above all, to European eyes, their singular and picturesque costume, the hunting shirt, with its fringes, wampum belts, leggins and moccasins, the tomahawk and knife ; these, with the well known death-dealing aim of. these matchless marksmen, created, in the European military, a degree of awe and respect for the hunting shirt "which lasted with the war of the Revolution. And should not Ameri- cans feel proud of the garb, and hail it as national, in which theit fathers endured such toil and privation in the mighty struggle for inde- pendence— the march across the wilderness — the triumphs of Saratoga jtnd King's Mountain ? But a little while, and, of a truth, the hunt- ing shirt, the venerable emblem of the Revolution, will have disap- peared from among the Americans, and will be found only in museums, like anoient armour, exposed to the gaze of the curious."
•
In Tennessee, the hunting shirt is still worn by the volun- teer, and occasionally forms the costume of the elite corps of a battalion or regiment. It once constituted, very com- monly, a part of the citizen's dress. It is now seldom seen in private life, though admirably adapted to the comeliness, convenience and comfort of the farmer, hunter and pedes- trian. In all the early campaigns in the West, and in the •war of 1812, the soldiery uniformly w^ore it. Many of them did so in the war with Mexico, but the volunteer's hunting shirt is evidently going out of use.
Important results followed the defeat of Ferguson. Emis- saries* had been despatched to the loyalists on Deep and Haw Rivers, in advance of Lord Cornwallis, with instruc- tions to hold themselves in readiness to act in concert with the British army. His lordship had boasted that Georgia and South-Carolina were subdued, and that North-Carolina "was but the stepping block to the conquest of Virginia. There was no army south of the Delaware to oppose him. In the realization of this boast, he had passed Charlotte and was advancing to Salisbury, where he had directed Ferguson to join him with the three or four thousand loyalists in his train. On his route, Cornwallis received the intelligence of
* Steadman
M8 OOUnVALUfl'l BAPID EKTBBAT.
the catastrophe at King's Moantain. Romoar had magnified the namber of the riflemen, and converted their return with the prisoners, into a march upon himself with a force three dumsand strong. Abandoning, for the present, his progrew northward, he ordered an immediate retreat, marched all night in the utmost confusion, crossed the Catawba^ and retrograded as far as Winnsboro', eighty or one hundred miles in his rear.* There, for the present, he confined his operations to the protection of the country between Camden and Ninety-Six, nor did he attempt to advance until . rein- forced by General Leslie, three months afterwards, with two thousand men from the Chesapeake. In the meantime^ the whigs of North-Carolina, under General W. L. Daiadeon and Captain .W. R. Davie, assembled in considerable force at New Providence and the Waxaw. General Smallwood» with Morgan's light corps, ^nd the Maryland line, advanced to the same point. General Gates, with the shattered re- mains of his army collected at Hillsboro', also came up, and one thousand new levies from Virginia, under General Ste- phens, also came forward. Of these, early in December, General Greene assumed the command. The cloud that had, till the fall of Ferguson, bung over the whole South and enveloped the country in gloom, was dispelled, and from that moment the American cause began to wear a more promi- sing aspect.
Referring to the signal victory obtained at King's Moun- tain, Mr. Jefferson says : ** It was the joyful enunciation of that turn in the tide of success, that terminated the revolu- tionary war with the seal of our independeilte."
The General Assembly of North-Carolina, at its first ses- sion after the defeat of Ferguson, held at Halifax, January 18, 1781, passed a resolution that a sword and pistols should be presented to both Shelby and Sevier, as a testimony of the great services they had rendered to their country on the day of this memorable defeat The finely finished sword, thus presented by the State of North-Carolina to Colonel John Sevier, was inherited by his son, the late Colonel
* It was upon this retreat of the enemy that Andrew Jackson, then a boy of fifteen, received and repented so znaDfully, the insult of a British officer.
8W0RD PmniXNTSD TO SEVIER A1H> SHELBY. 349
George Washington Sevier, of Davidson county, and by him given to the State of Tennessee. It is now in the office of Colonel Ramsey, Secretary of State. On one side of the handle is engraven —
STATE OF NOBTH-OABOLIirA
TO
COLONEL JOHN SEVIER.
And upon the other side —
KING'S MOUNTAIN, 1m October, 1780.
On the third of February, of the same year. Governor Nash signed a commission, appointing John Sevier colonel commaiidant of Washington county. Theretofore, he had acted as colonel at the spontaneous desire of the* troops he commanded.
Though adopted in 1781, the resolve of North-Carolina i^as not carried into execution till 1813, when Governor Hawkins wrote to General Sevier, under date,
ErEcunvE Office, North-Carolina, ) Raleigh, 17th July, 1813. )
Sir .^— In compliance with a resolntion of the Oeneral Assembly of this state, passed at their last session, I have the hoDour of tendering you the sword, which this letter accompanies, as a testimonial of the distiDguished claim jou have upon the gratitude of the state for jour gallantry in achieving, with your brothers in arms, the glorious victory over the British forces, commanded by Colonel Ferguson, at the battle of King's Mountain,* on the memorable 7th of October, 1780. This tribute of respect, though bestowed at a protracted period, will not be considered the less honourable on that account, when you are informed that it is in unison with a resolution of the General Assembly, passed in the year 1781, which, from some cause not well ascertained, it is to be regretted, was not complied with.
Permit me, sir, to make you an expression of the high gratification felt by me, at being the favoured instrument to present to you, in the name of the Stnte of North-Carolina, this testimonial of gratitude, this meed of valour, and to remark, that contending as we are at the pre- MDt time, with the same foe for our just rights, the pleasing hope may be entertained, that tho valorous deeds of the heroes of our Revolution will animate the soldier of the existing war, aud nerve his arm, in lau- dable emulation, to like achievements.
I beg you to accept an assurance of the just consideration and re- specty with which I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant^
WILLIAM HAWKINS.
GsmnuLL Jobk Ssyisi^
850 UMIflLATUmB CALLS AOAIK
Gen. Sevier was at that time a member of Congress from the Knoxville district, and replied to Governor Hawkins from Washington, acknowledging the honour conferred on him and his brothers in arms, and specially the compliment to hfmseli^ implied by the presentation of the elegant sword that had been handed to him :
«* With that memorable day," alluding to the ^th Oct, 1780, ^ began to shine and beam forth the glorious prospects of our American stniggle.
In those trying days I was governed by love and regard
for my common country, and particularly for the state I then had the honour of serving, and in whose welfare and prosperity I shall never cease to feel an interest I was then ready to hazard eveiything/dear to man to secure our Independence. I am now as willing to risk all to re- tain it . . . . It is to be lamented that the heroes and fiith^n of our Revolution have fallen into the arms of old age and death, and that so few of them remain to benefit the country by their advice or thdr ser- "rices in the field. . . . Our countrymen must become acquainted with the arts of active warfare, and then I am proud in thinking thej will become better soldiers than those of any other nation on the glojbe^ and we will soon be able to meet the enemy at every point"
We shall not stop to dwell upon Morgan's spirited affair ( at the Cow Pens, nor Greene's masterly retreat through ( North-Carolina to Virginia, nor the marches and coun- ter-marches of that prudent commander and his skilful anta- gonist, Cornwallis. It is sufficient for the purposes of these annals to say, that the authorities of North-Carolina had placed a suitable estimate upon the services of the Western riflemen, and now, when ther own state was overrun, called for their aid to rescue it from foreign invasion and domestic outrage. The Assembly, while in session at Halifax, turned their eyes to Shelby and Sevier, and rested their hopes upon them. On the 13th of February, it was
^^Besolved, That Colonel Isaac Shelby, of Sullivan county, and John Sevier, Esq., of Washington county, be informed by this resolve, which shall be communicated to them, that the General Assembly of this State are feelingly impressed with the very generous and patriotic services ren- dered by the inhabitants of the said counties, to which their influence has in a great degree contributed. And it is earnestly urged that they would press a continuance of the same active exertion ; that the state of the coun- try is such as to call forth its utmost powers immediately, in order to preserve its freedom and independence."
By the same resolutions, Sevier and Shelby were requested
UPON BHELBT AND SBVIEE. 251
to procure again the military co-operation of Cols. Campbell and Preston, and their gallant riflemen, from Virginia.
Governor Caswell, in communicating this resolution, took the opportunity of depicting to Shelby the melancholy cir- cumstances in which North-Carolina was involved. The tories were in motion all over the state — their footsteps were marked with blood, and their path was indicated by devasta- tion and outrage. The British army was advancing, under Cornwallis, through the most populous and fertile district of the state, and detachments from it, under difierent leaders, were committing ravages upon the lives and property of the inhabitants. Under this condition of things, the governor con- jured Shelby to return to the relief of his distressed country. Gen. Greene also addressed to the Western leaders who had signalized their zeal at King's Mountain, the most earnest and flattering letters, reminding them of the glory already acquired and calling upon them to come forwiard once more to repulse the invaders.
Col. Sevier was at this time, with most of the militia of Watauga and Nollichucky, engaged in protecting their own frontier and chastising the Cherokees, as will be elsewhere narrated. Neither of the Western commanders could, there- fore, go to the assistance of General Greene. A few of the pioneers of Tennessee, however, were under his command as volunteers at the hardly contested battle of the. fifteenth of March, at Guilford Court House, and are said to have behaved well.
Could the safety of the frontier allowed the entire com- mands of Shelby and Sevier to have joined the army of Greene, the catastrophe that afterwards overtook Lord Corn- "wallifl at Yorktown, might have overwhelmed him at Guil- ford Court House ; as it can scarcely be doubted that the battle of the fifteenth of March, with the joint assistance of the riflemen from Watauga and Nollichucky, would have re- sulted in the complete overthrow and capture of the British army. Their additional numbers would have made the affair hard by the field of Alamance — the first blood shed in defence of American rights — the last great scene in the drama of the Revolution ; and North-Carolina, so early in her
880 oluEBHI^A nMOMT OK 0OqT8-OA|bCXLlirA.
deolaration of independence, would have contained llie field on which th^t greal achierement was consammated*
After the battle at Gnilford Court House, Lord Cornwallis, with his crippled army, retired to Wilmington, and after re* freshing his troops there, marched by way of Halifi^a^, into Virginia. His precipitate retreat from De^ Bivei^* ta which place General Greene bad followed . uid offered him battle, induced that commander to carry the war iounedi- ately into South-Carolina.
By this movement he hoped the enemy would be obliged to follow him or give up the posts he held in that state, la the prosecution of this plan he broke up- his camp on the 7th of April, and on the nineteenth, made his appeanuiee before Camden. . Lord Cornwallis declined to follow him, and directing the march of his army towards the CheMr peake, little expectation could be entertained of a reinliNme' ment from that direction, to support Greene in his descent upon South-Carolina. He was, of course, compelled to d^* pend upon the militia of the three Southern States and the volunteers from the mountain. Active^ measures wecb promptly adopted to concentrate these forces for fhtiue operations. The expedition that had been carried on a short time previous by the frontier militia, having- liberated them from the danger that threatened their firesides with Cherokee invasion and massacre, Shelby and Sevier were enabled to promise the assistance of the riflemen. Greene appointed the latter end of August, and Fort Granby, as the time and place of rendezvous. The volunteers promptly obeyed the call of their leaders, and collected in a largq force for the purpose of rescuing South-Carolina from the enemy. They had actually advanced far on their way to Greene's camp, when intelligence reached them that Cornwallis had left North-Carolina, and that the American commander, by cutting off the supplies between Camden and Charleston, had compelled Lord Rawdon to evacuate the former place ; that the post at Orangeburg, Fort Motte, another post at Nelson's Ferry, Fort Granby and Georgetowji, had in like manner been captured or evacuated ii\ rapid ^ucceteion ; and that Col. Hampton had, with a party of dragoons, charged within
flBVIBR CBOBflES TH^ MOnNTAfir. 25S
five miles of- Gbarleston. They learned, furthermore, that Fort Comwallis at Augusta, had surrendered to Pickens and Lee, assisted by the brave riflemen of Georgia under Clarke, and that the British had retreated from their stronghold at ?finety-Six, and had contracted their operations almost en- tirely within that small extent of country which is enclosed by the Santee, the Gongaree and Edisto ; and to all this was added, that the enemy were driven into Charleston. This information so changed the complexion of affairs in South- Garolina, as to admit the return of the mountain men to their homes, and Sevier* accordingly wrote to General Greene, that as his recent successes had rendered the services of the VTestem riflemen unnecessary, they had returned and dis- banded. It was on account of these considerations, that the troops from the mountains of Tennessee had not the good fortune to participate in the battle of Eutaw Springs, which oecnrred not long aflter they were disbanded.
In the meantime Greene received information, through General La Fayette, that Lord Gomwallis's movements in- dicated an intention of retreating from the pursuit of the allied army on the Chesapeake southwardly. This intention was supported by the simultaneous rising of all the royalists in the different sections of the South. They began immedi- ately to assemble and renew their ravages, and to harass tfie whigs in every quarter. At this crisis, and on the six- teenth of September, General Greene wrote to Col. Sevier, informing him of the posture of affairs near Yorktown, and of the suspicions which were entertained that Lord Com- wallis would endeavour to escape by marching back through North-Carolina to Charleston ; to prevent which. General Greene begged that the colonel would bring as large a body of riflemen as he could, and with as much expedition as was possible, and march them to Charlotte. Sevier immediately raised two hundred mounted riflemen in Wash- ington eonnty, and marched with them across the mountain. The well liffected in South-Carolina were suffering extremely by the eruelties which the tories were inflicting ugon them. Sevier joined hn forces to those of General Marion, on the
* JouDSOO.
9M Bsnim axd iiuelbt ioa MAioirt
Santee, at Davis^s Ferry, and contributed macli to keep np resistance to the enemy ; to raise the spirits of those 'who were friendly to the American caase, and to affotd protection to those who were in danger from the infuriated royalists.
Lord Cornwallis being now besieged in Ycwrktown, and his retreat through Noith-Carolina being no longer appre- hended, General Greene, with a view of stopping the depre- dations of the enemy, who were now committing their r»- vages in St. Stephen's Parish, endeavoured to collect a foree sufficient to drive them into Charleston, and only awaited lor the arrival of the mountain men before he began his open^ tions.
Col. Shelby had also been called upon by Greene^ to bring his regiment to his relief in intercepting Cornwallis, should he effect his escape from the blockade by the French fleet in the Chesapeake bay, and attempt a retreat through the Care- Unas. His lordship's surrender took place on the nineteeatk of October, and the riflemen of Shelby were also attached to Gen« Marion's command below on the Santeie. To this both Shelby and Sevier consented with some reluctance- Their men were called out upon a pressing emergency, whic^ no longer existed. They had been, moreover, enrolled only for sixty days. Much of that time had already expired, and the contemplated service under Afarion would take thea still further from their distant homes. Besides, Shelby was a member of the General Assembly of North-Carolina, from Sullivan county, and its session at Salem took place early in December. Notwithstadding these considerations, they promptly joined Marion early in November, with five hun- dred mounted riflemen. With these were associated, under the command of the same distinguished leader, the forces of Col. Mayhem and Col. Horry. Together they formed a most efficient corps of cavalry, Vnoun ted infantry and riflemen.
The enemy, at that time under General Stewart, lay at a place called Ferguson's Swamp, on the great road leading to Charleston. General Marion, some weeks after the arrival of the mountain men at his camp, received information that several hundred Hessians, at a British post near Monk's Corner, eight or ten miles below the enemy's main army.
AND CAPTURB A BRITISH POST. 255
were in a state of mutiny, and would surrender the post to any considerable American force that might appear before it^ and he soon determined to send a detachment to surprise it. Sevier and Shelby solicited a command in the detach- ment. Marion moved down eight or ten miles, and crossed over to the south side of the Santee River, from whence he sent a detachment of five or six hundred men to surprise the post, the command of which was given to Col. Mayhem, of the South-Carolina dragoons. The detachment consisted of parts of the regiments of Sevier and Shelby, one hundred and eighty of Mayhem's dragoons, and twenty or thirty lowland militia. The line of march was taken up early in the morning, and the detachment marched fastly through the woods, crossing the main Charleston road, leaving the ene- my's main army three or four miles to the left ; and on the evaping of the second day, struck the road again leading to Charleston, about two miles below the post which it was in- tended to surprise. The men lay all night upon their arms across the road, so as to intercept the Hessians in case the enemy had got notice of the approach of the Americans, and had ordered them to Charleston before morning. In the eonrse of the night, an orderly sergeant from the main Bri- tish army rode in^ among the riflemen and was taken pri- soner. No material paper was found upon him that night (which was very dark) before he made his escape, except some returns, which contained the strength of the enemy's main army, and their number on the sick list, which was i^ery great As soon as daylight appeared, the detachment advanced to the British post. Col. Mayhem sent in a con- fidential individual to demand an immediate surrender of the garrison, who returned in a few minutes, and reported that the oflicer commanding would defend the post to the last ex- tremity. Col. Shelby immediately proposed to Mayhem that he would go in himself and make another eflx)rt to obtain a surrender. This was readily assented to. On his approach to the garrison, Shelby declared to the commander that if he was so mad as to sufier the post to be stormed, he might rest assured that every soul within should be put to the sword, for there were several hundred mountain men at hand, who
S66 BBTUBV TO MAEiOll'l OAIO.
would soon be in with their tomahawks upon them. The, officer then inquired of Shelby whether they had any artil- lery. To which he replied, **we have gons that will blow you to atoms in a minate." Upon which the British officer said, ^ I suppose I must surrender,** and immediately thmw open the gate, whieh Mayhem saw and advanced up quiokly with the detachment It was not until this moment, that another strong British post was seen, five or six hundred yards eastof the xme which had surrendered. It had been built to coves a landing on Cooper River. It was a sttoiig brick house, erected at a very early period, and known to have been calculated for defence as well as comfort. This had been enclosed by a strong abbati% and being on tlie route from Charleston to Monk*s Comer, had been used . hy the enemy as a stage for their troc^ and convoys, in pasring from post to post It was sufficiently eapaeious to ootov « party of considerable magnitude, and was unassaUablo by cavalry, the only force from which stidden inooniawi oould be apprehended.* The garrison .consisted of ahoot one hundred soldiers and forty or -fifty dragoons. Tliese immediately marched out as if intending a charge iq[N>a llie riflemen. These, however, stood firm and prepared to meet them. A party of the horsemen were ordered to dismount, and approaching the abbatis, appear and act as infantry, while the residue of that corps, headed by the cavalry, ad- vanced boldly into the field and demanded a surrender. The idea of resistance was abandoned, and the place surrendered at discretion. One hundred and fifty prisoners were taken, all of whom were able to have fought fVom the windows of the large brick building and from the abbatis. Three hun- dred stand of arms were also captured, besides many stores of great value. Ninety of the prisoners were carried ofi* on horseback behind the mounted men — the officers and such of the garrison as were unable to march to Marion's camp,, sixty miles ofi*, were paroled. The house, with its contents and the abbatis, were consumed.
General Stewart, who commanded the enemy's main army, eight or ten tniles above, made great efibrts to intercept the
•johntoa
fHBLBT ATTENDS AT BALBM. 257
Americans and rescue their prisoners. But they arrived at Marion's camp about three o'clock the morning following. Before sunrise, it was announced in camp that the whole British army was in the old field, three miles off, at. the outer end of the causeway, which led into the camp. Sevier and Shelby were immediately ordered out, with their regiments, to attack the enemy if he approached the swamp, and to retreat at their own discretion. But, receiving information that Marion was reinforced with a large body of riflemen from the West, the enemy retreated, in great disorder, nearly to the gates of Charleston.* t
About the 28th of November, Col. Shelby obtained leave of absence from the army, for the purpose of attending the approaching session of the Legislature of North-Carolina, of which he was a member. It met early in December, at Salem, nearly four hundred miles from the then seat of war. He had remained in camp to the last minute that would per- mit his arrival at the seat of government at the commence- ment of the session. Laying down the sword, and relin- qaishing the duties of a commander, he left the camp of Marion to enter another field of service and assume the fonctions of a legislator.
CoL Sevier remained with the mountain men. Little more remained to be done to bring the war to a close.
''John's and James's Island, with tho city of Charleston and the Neck, were now the only footholds left to the British of all their oon-
SAtB in South-Carolina. A detachment of mounted infantry had been at Monk's Corner to watch the motions of tho enemy, who, by means of Cooper River, had free access, in their boats and gallies, to that neighbourhood. To destroy this detachment, in the absence of Marion, a mce of three hundred and fifty men were transported, by water, from Oharleaton. The unexpected return of Marion enabled him, partly, to defeat their enterprise. His force did not equal that which was arrayed agunst him, but he, nevertheless, resolved upon attacking it. In order to detain tho enemy, he despatched Colonels Richardson and Sevierf and a part of Mayhem's horse, with orders to throw themselves in front of the British and engage them until he should come up with tho main body. The order was gallantly executed. Tho British advance was
* The details of this caippaign of the riflemen to South-Carolina, are taken ftom Shelby's Narrative, now before mo. Tliey aro also found in Haywood.
f Tliia was probably Col ValcntiDe Sevier. There is reason to believe that GoL John Sevier was, at this lime, on the frontier or in the Cherokee nation. 17
OOVUNOK BDTLEPaB COaTBI
chaived and driven near 8L Tfionui's Muri«T Ilowe, bj Captain Sni of Mayhem's cavalry, and tLeir Uadcr, Capuia Campbell, with aare others, fell in tie flight,"*
In the mcaDtime, elections were held and Governor Ri ledge ooDvened the legislatoro of the Ktale at JaeksoDl] rough, a sniall village about thirtyfive miles from Cbarlt toD. This event, which once more restored the fomis civil government to Soutb-Carolina, after an interrepium nearly two years, took place in January, 1783.f It was m however, till December 14th that Charleston was evacuate But that inte§ini famished little opportunity for milUai adventure or achievement. The emergency that had call) the pioneers of Tennessee from their mountain recesses^ hi ceased to exist, as soon as the common enemy waa driven i the environs of Charleston, and civil government establiahl in South-Carolina. This being accomplished, the riflema returned to their distant homes and were disbanded. The felt a proud consciousness of having performed a patriot] duty, and of having rendered the country some service They bad rendezvoused at the western base of the Apala chian Range — they had ascended its summit, and, precipi tating themselves upon the plains below, had punned tb enemy to the coast of the Atlantic. They bad suffered fron the mountain snow storm and the miasmata of the lov grounds of the Santee and Edisto. Toils and marches anc watches, by night and by day, were cheerfully endured, anii wherever the enemy could be found, his post assaulted o: bis abbatis stormed, the backwoodsman was there, ready, witl his spirited charger, his war whoop and his rifle, to executi the purpose of his mission.
A large number of negroes and a vast amount of otbei property, were taken from Georgia and South-Carolina, am carried away. But to the honour of tlic troops under Sflviei and Shelby, no such captives or property came with them inb the country of their residence; their integrity was as littli impeached as their valour.J They came home enriched by n( spoils, stained with no dishonour ; enriched only by an im peiishable fame, an undying renown and an unquestionabh • SimniB. t Uem. } Uajwood.
aOOD HAM E OF THB BirLBMEN. 869
claim to the admiration and gratitude of their countrymen and of posterity. This has been accorded to them by a con- sent aUnost unanimous. The authorities of the states in whose service they were employed, conceded it to them. The offi- cers wbo commanded them, asserted it for them. The com- mander-in-chief of the southern department, attests its validi- ty by inviting them to a second campaign under his standard. The very impatience of Gen. Greene at their delay in reach- ing^ his camp at the hour of a perilous conflict, vouches for the value he placed upon their conduct and courage ; and the regret expressed by that oflicer at the retirement of Shelby, is itself an admission that he considered the co-operation of that leader and his regiment, as an essential element in his farther success. In the expression of that regret no censure is even implied. Though the conduct of the riflemen from their rendezvous at Watauga to their return to the frontier, has generally received unqualifled eulogy and approbation, by one historian a single part of it has been censured and a term of reproach used, which shall not stain these pages, by an idle and profane and distasteful repetition of it. The wri- ter holds the memory of these patriot heroes in too grateful veneration, not to repel an imputation upon their high-souled honour, the constancy of their patriotism, and the majesty and steadfastness of their pubHc virtue. The imputation belongs hot to Tennessee ; it contradicts all her past history ; it does violence to her very instincts ; — ^she repudiates, disclaims and disavows it.
The substance of the censure alluded to is, that Shelby and his men returned home before the object of the campaign was accomplished. An injustice, no doubt unintentional, has been thus inflicted. These pages already contain an ample vindi- cation of the mountain men from the imputation. Uude, some of them may have been, — illiterate, many of them doubtless w^re ; but nothing unpatriotic, nothing unmilitary, nothing nnsoldiery, can be imputed to them or their gallant leader. An honest fame belonged to them through life. Let not their graves be desecrated by a posthumous reproach.
Commenting upon the return of the mountain men from
260 CIVIL GOVERKMBNT BB8T0SXD.
their campaign under Marion, on the Santee, the historiaiB. from whom we quote, says :
'' This was, mth some probability, attributed to the dep^rtu:
of their colonel, Shelby, who had obtained leave 6f absence. Somethings tooj has beep said of the service not being sufficiently active for th^r habits r but reasons such as these, furnish a poor apology for soldiers who, in th^ cause of their country^s liberty, should be well pleased to encounter anjr sort of service which it may be the policy of their commander to impose. Marion had endeavoured to find them sufficient employment. He had approached and defied the enemy, but could neither tempt nor provoke him to leave his encampment. With numbers decidedly inferior, the brave partizan was chagrined to find it impossible to bnng his enemy into the field."*
And so it continued to be afterwards. The enemy never did again enter into the field. Small foraging parties and plundering detachments occasionally presented themselves. But this was not the entertainment to which the mountain men had been invited. Something worthier of their mettle had brought them from their homes. Enterprise, adventure, heroism, was their sentiment — achievement their purpose. Nothing less than to intercept Lord Corn wallis and to cap- ture his army, was at first the object of their expedition* A " poor apology," this disappointment, produced by the sur- render at Yorktown, — but yet involving in it nothing little or inglorious.
It will be recollected, too, that the time of their enrolment was for sixty days. More than that period had expired be- fore their return. The southern enemy had been driven from the interior and was retiring within the lines of Charleston and Savannah, from which the commander did not expect to drive him without the co-operation of a naval force. This co-operation was impossible. Civil government, too, was re- instated, and Marion and Mayhem, and other leaders, like Shelby, obtained leave of absence from the camp to assume their legislative functions. Reinforcements, too, from the army at Yorktown, were on their way to the support of Greene. The crisis was safely passed — the tug of the war was over, and the aid of the Western riflemen could be no longer needed in the South. One half of the guns and of the
• Simms.
BBYIBR DBBPAT0HB8 BUB8ELL HOME. 261
■
men had been withdrawn from the exposed frontier^ across the moantain. These were now restored to it where their services were wanted. No further help was afterwards re- qairAd from abroad. The safety of South-Carolina was left in the keeping of its own citizens. To defame the mountain men for their leaving it, is to insult the native valour of the South, then and afterwards, as it still is, adequate to the achievement of everything but an impossibility.
The results of the campaigns of seventeen hundred and 1Y82 \ ^^S^^y A^^ eighty-one, sensibly affected the measures ( of the British ministry, and rendered the American war unpopular in Great Britain.
On the nineteenth of April, seventeen hundred and eighty- 1788 i ^h'669 Peace was proclaimed in the American army, ( by the commander-in-chief, George Washington, pTe- oisely eight years from the first day of the effusion of blood at Lexington. For more than that length of time the pioneers of Tennessee had been engaged in incessant war. On the tenth of October, seventeen hundred and seventy-four, their youth- ful heroes, Shelby and Sevier, flushed their maiden swords at the battle of Kenhawa, and with little intermission there- after, were constantly engaged in guarding the settlements or attacking and invading the savage enemy. The gallant and patriotic participation of the mountain men in the revo- lutionary struggle, under the same men, now become leaders, has been just related. To preserve the chain of these trans- actions unbroken, it has been found necessary to depart from the chronological order of events, which has been gene- rally pursued in these annals. To that order we again return.
On the return march of the army from King^s Mountain, 1780 i Sevier, apprehending an outbreak from the Cherokees I in the absence from the frontier of so many men and gans, detached Capt. Russell home, as soon as the riflemen with the prisoners had safely crossed the Catawba. Russell re- turned by a rapid march, and found that Sevier's apprehen- sions were well founded. Two traders, Thomas and Harlin, brought information from the Cherokee towns that a large body of Indians were on the march to assail the frontier.
388 aiEVlBl-- CHEROKEE SZPBDITIOir.
«
The men oomposiDg Capt. Russell's command continued their organization. Col. Sevier soon after, with his vioto- riouB companions in arms, reached their homes in good time to repel the savage invaders. Without a day's rest bb set on foot another expedition.
Sevier's cherokee expedition.
Whilst the volunteers were being enrolled and equipped in sufficient numbers for the magnitude of the campaign he contemplated, Sevier put himself at the head of about one hundred men, principally of Captain Russell's and Captain Guess's companies, with whom he set out in advance of the other troops. The second night this party camped upon Long Creek. Captain Guess was here sent forward with a small body of men to make discovery. On ascending a slight hill, they found themselves witblti forty yards of a large In- dian force, before they discovered it. They fired from their horses and retreated to Sevier's camp. The Indians also fired, but without efiect. Sevier prepared his command to receive a night attack. Before day» Captain Pruett rein- forced him after a rapid march, with about seventy men. Thus reinforced, Sevier next morning pursued his marcb» expecting every minute to meet the enemy. When they came to the point at which the spies had met and fired upon the Indians, they found traces of a large body of them. They had, in their hasty retreat, left one warrior who had been killed the evening before by the spies. The pursuit was continued vigorously by the troops, who crossed French Broad at the Big Island and encamped on Boyd's Creek. The next day, early in the morning, the advance guard under the command of Captain Stinson, continued the march, and at the distance of three miles found the encampment of the enemy and their fires still burning. A reinforcement was immediately ordered to the front, and the guard was directed if it came up with the Indians, to fire upon them and retreat, and thus draw them on. Three-quarters of a mile from their camp, the enemy fired upon the advance from an ambuscade. It returned the fire and retreated, and, as had been antici- pated, was pursued by the enemy till it joined the main
BATTLE OF BOTD^B GREEK* 968
body. This was formed into three divisions : the centre commanded by Col. John Sevier, the right wing by Major Jesse Walton, and the left by Major Jonathan Tipton. Or- ders were given that as soon as the enemy should approach the front, the right wing should wheel to the left, and the left wing to the right, and thus enclose them. In this order were the troops arranged when they met the Indians at the Cedar Spring, who rushed forward after the guard with great rapidity, till checked by the opposition of the main body. Major Walton with the right wing wheeled briskly to the left, and performed the order which he was to execute with precise accuracy. But the left wing moved to the right with less celerity, and when the centre jfired upon the In- dians, doing immense execution, the latter retreated through the unoccupied space left open between the extremities of the right and left wings, and running into a swamp, escaped the destruction which otherwise seemed ready to involve them. The victory was decisive. The loss of the enemy amounted to twenty-eight killed on the ground, and very many wounded, who got oif without being taken. On the side of Sevier's troops not a man was even wounded. The victorious little army then returned to the Big Island — after- wards called Sevier's Island — and waited there the arrival of reinforcements that promised to follow..
This prompt collection of troops, and rapid expedition of Sevier, saved the frontier from a bloody invasion. Had he been more tardy, the Indians would have reached the settlements, scattered themselves along the extended border, driven them into stations, or perhaps massacred them in their cabins and fields. Their force was understood to be large and to be well armed.
Another narrative of this engagement gives further details : The Indians had formed in a half-moon, and lay concealed in the grass. Had their stratagem not been discovered, their position, and the shape of the ground, would have enabled ibem to enclose and overcome the horsemen. Lieutenant Lane and John Ward had dismounted for the fight, when Sevier, having noticed the semi-circular position of the In« dians, ordered a halt, with the purpose of engaging the two
((». A<»« "
264 COMBAT BKTW£EH SEVIER AMD A " BBAVE.
extremes of the Indian line, and keeping up the action until the other part of his troops could come up. Lane and his comrade, Ward, remounted and fell back upon Sevier with- out being hurt, though fired at by several warriors near them. A brisk fire was, for a short time, kept up by Sevier's party and the nearest Indians. The troops behind, hearing the first fire, had quickened their pace and were coming in sight. James Roddy, with about twenty men, quickly came up, and soon after the main body of the troops. The Indians noticed this reinforcement and closed their lines. Sevier immediately ordered the charge, which would have been still more fatal, but that the pursuit led through a swampy branch, which impeded the progress of the horsemen. In the charge, Sevier was in close pursuit of a warrior, whO| finding that he would be overtaken, turned and fired at him. The bullet cut the hair of his temple without doing further injury. Sevier then spurred his horse forward and attempted to kill the Indian with his sword, having emptied his pistols in the first moment of the charge. The warrior parried the licks from the sword with his empty gun. The conflict was becoming doubtful between the two combatants thus en- gaged, when one of the soldiers, rather ungallantly, came up, shot the warrior, and decided the combat in favour of his commander. The horse of Adam Sherrill threw his rider, and, in the fall, some of his ribs were broken. An Indian sprang upon him with his tomahawk drawn. When in the act of striking, a ball from a comrade's rifie brought him to the ground, and Sherrill escaped. After a short pursuit, the Indians dispersed into the adjoining highlands and knolls, where the cavalry could not pursue them. Of the whites not one was killed, and but three seriously wounded. This battle of Boyd's Creek has always been considered
1780 \ ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ fought battles in the border war of ( Tennessee. Major Tipton was severely wounded. Besides the ofiicers and men already mentioned as having participated in it, there were Capt. Landon Carter, James Sevier, the son, and Abraham Sevier, the brother, of John Sevier, Thomas Gist, Abel Pearson, James Hubbard, Major Benj. Sharp, Captain Saml. Handly, Col. Jacob Brown, Jere-
COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBBLL's REINFORCEMENT. 205
miah Jaok, Esq., Nathan Gaun, Isaac Taylor and George Doberty*
Sevier remained but a few days at his eneampment on French Broad» till he was joined by Colonel Arthur Camp- bell, with his regiment from Virginia, and Major Martin, with his troops from Sullivan county. The army consisted of seven hundred mounted men. They crossed Little Ten- nessee, three miles below Chota, since the residence of Da- vid Russell. The main body of the Indians, having notice of their approach, lay in wait for them at the principal ford, a mile below Chota. The imposing array of the cavalry, and the fact of their crossing at the lower ford, so discon- eerted the Indians, that no attack was made by them, nor any attempt made to hinder the crossing. Ascending the opposite bank, the horsemen saw a large party of Indians on a neighbouring eminence, watching their movements. These, on the approach of the troops, retreated hastily, and escaped. They then pushed up to Chota. A detachment of sixty men, under command of Robert Campbell, immediately set off to reduce Chilhowee, eight' miles above, on the same river. It was found deserted. They burned it. The In- dians were seen on the opposite shore, but beyond the reach of their rifles. They returned, without loss, to the army. Every town between Tennessee and Hiwassee was reduced. to ashes, the Indians flying before the troops. Near to Hi- wassep, after it was burned, an Indian warrior was surprised and captured. By him a message was sent to the Cherokees, proposing terms of peace. But one white man was killed ^n this expedition — Captain Elliott, of Sullivan. He was buried in an Indian hut at Tellico, which was burned over hiB ^ave, to prevent the Indians from finding and vio- lating it.
At Tellico, the army was met by Watts and Noon Day, who proposed terms of peace, which were accepted as to the villages contiguous. Tellico was then a small town of thirty or forty houses, built on forks and poles and covered with bark. They did not destroy it. Watts and Noon Day aecorapanied and piloted the army. The Indians made no hostile demonstration till the army had crossed Hiwassee,
206 HIWA08BB BVACUATKD.
when it became necessary to place out sentinels aroand their camps. Hiwassee town was found evacuated, and the troops saw but a single Indian warrior, who was placed npon the summit of an adjoining ridge, there to beat a drum and giro otiier signals to the Indians secreted in hearing of him. The spies stole upon and shot him. The troops then continaed their march southwardly till they came near the Chicka- mauga or Look Out Towns, when they encamped and next day marched iilto the towns. The warriors had deserted them. The only persons found there were a Captain Rogers, four negroes, and some Indian women and children. These were taken prisoners. The warriors were dispirited by the vigorous defence of Sevier at the commencement of the campaign, and never ventured again to meet him, but se- creted themselves in the fastnesses around Chtckamauga. The troops killed all the cattle and hogs which could be found ; burnt many of the towns and villages, and spread over the face of the country a general devastation, from which the Indians could not recover for several years.*'
The march was continued so low down Coosa as to reach the region of the long-leafed pine and cypress swamps. Here they began an indiscriminate destruction of towns, houses, grain and stock. The Indians fled precipitately. A few of. .them were killed and captured. In one of the villages a well dressed white man was found, with papers in his pos- session showing that he was a British agent. Attempting to escape, he was shot and left unburied. The army here turned to the left, scouted among the hills, and turned their faces homeward, killing and capturing several Indians, and devastating their country. Returning as far as Chota, the con^manders here held a council with a large body of the Cherokees, which lasted two days. Hanging Maw made a free exchange of prisoners, whom he had brought with him
to the council. Among others, Jane and Ireland, who
had be.en captured on Roane's Creek, were exchanged. They were nearly naked, and other ways looked like Indians. They had been well treated, though closely watched during their captivity. They were frantic with joy at their restoration.
• Hajwood.
VBOOTIATIOM AT OHOTA. 867
A peace was agreed upon, and the army crossing near the mouth of Nine Mile, returned home. They found that set^ tiers had followed the route pursued by the army as low as French Broad, and at every spring had begun to erect their cabins.'
Gol. Arthur Campbell communicated to Governor Jeffer- son a further account of this expedition, and of the treaty of peace. **0n the 25th, Major Martin went with a detachment to discover the route by which the enemy were flying off. He surprised a party of the enemy, took one scalp and seven- teen horses loaded with clothing, skins and household furni- ture. He discovered that most of the fugitives were making towards Tellico and the Hiwassee. On the 26th, Major Tip- ton was detached with one hundred and fifty mounted in- fantry, with orders to cross the river, dislodge the enemy on that side, and destroy the town of Telassee. At the same time Major Gilbert Christian, with a like number of foot, were to patrol the hills south of Chilhowee, and burn the remaining part of that town. This was effected, three In- dians being killed and nine taken prisoners."
After completing the expedition, the leaders of it sent the following message to the
•* Ghdbfs akd Warriors — ^We came into your country to fight your Toanff men. We have killed many of them and destroyed your towns. Yoa know you begun the war by listening to the bad counsels of the King of England, and the falsehoods told you by his agents. We are now satbfied with what is done, as it may convince your nation that we can distress you much at any time, when you are so foolish as to engage in war against us. If you desire peace, as we understand you do, we, out of pity to your women and children, are disposed to treat with you on that subject.
** We therefore send you this by one of your young men, who is our prisoner, to tell you, if you are disposed to make peace, six of your head men mmt come to our agent. Major Martin, at the Great Island, within two mooDs, so as to give him time to meet them with a flag-guard, on Holston River, at the boundary line. To the wives and children of those men of your nation who protested against the war, if they are willing to take refuge at the Great Island until peace is restored, we will give a supply of provisions to keep them alive.
*• Warriors, listen attentively ! — If we receive no answer to this mes- sage, until the time already mentioned expires, we shall then conclude that yoa intend to continue to be our enemies. We will then be compelled to Mud another strong force into your country, that will come prepared to
968 8EVIBR PENSTRATBB TO TUCKAflEJAH.
lemab in it, to take poeseasion of it as a conquered ctrazitrj, without i^^ you any compensation for it
''Signed at Eai-a-tee, the 4tli Jany, 1781, by
Arthur Campbell, Colonel.
John Sevier, Colonel.
Joseph Martin, Agent and Major of Militia*"
It was not till the ensuing year that a treaty could be con- cluded under a Commission appointed by General Greene, as commander of the southern department, Notwithstanding the overtures of the Indians sent by Col. Campbell, of a dis- position to treat and the prompt measures adopted by Gene- ral Greene to negotiate with them, and the. severe punish- ment that had been so recently inflicted upon the Cherokees, the deep passion for war and glory which constantly agitates the bosom of the savage, continued to excite to further ag- gression and hostility. The emissaries of England, in thepei^ sons of refugee tories, were in the Indian villages, and stimn*- lated to its highest point their natural thirst for blood. It was the policy of the British commander, then upon the sour- ces of the Yadkin, to instigate the Cherokees to renewed war- fare upon the western frontier, so as to prevent the hardy in- habitants from crossing the mountain again and forcing him to a second retreat. This policy succeeded but too well, and occasioned the necessity of collecting troops and establishing garrisons on the frontier.
But stationed troops were a most inadequate defence. The , < Indians still prowled around the more remote settle- ( ments, and in an unguarded moment committed murder and theft. Col. Sevier suspected that the perpetrators of this mischief came from some hostile towns in the mountain gorges, where his troops had never yet penetrated. He collected toge- ther, in March of this year, one hundred and thirty men in the Greasy Cove, and with them he marched against the Middle settlements of the Cherokees. He entered and took by surprise the town of Tuckasejah, on the head waters of the Little Ten- nessee. Fifty warriors were slain and fifty women and child- ren taken prisoners. In that vicinity the troops under Sevier burnt fifteen or t\yenty towns and all the granaries of corn they could find. It was a hard and disagreeable necessity that led to the adoption of these apparently cruel measures.
MAJOR MARTIN 8C0UR8 CLINCH. 289
Still, nothing less would keep the savages in their towns, or prevent more cruel massacres of the whites upon the frontier. Sevier had but one man killed at Tuckasejah, and but one "wounded, and he recovered. Ten of the prisoners resided with Colonel Sevier three years, and were treated with hu- manity and kindness. They were afterwards delivered to Col. Martin, and by him restored to their own nation.
David McNabb was one of the captains in this expedition. The command went up Cane Creek, and crossed Ivy and Swan- nanoa. Isaac Thomas, an old Indian trader, was their pilot. The mountains were so steep that the men had to dismount and lead their horses. Before an exchange of prisoners was effected, some of the Cherokee women and children made their escape. ' This campaign lasted twenty-nine days, and 'was carried on over a mountainous section of country never before travelled by any of the settlers, and scarcely ever pass- ed through, even by traders and hunters. The Indians of the Middle towns were surprised at this unexpected invasion of Sevier — were pQ,pic stricken and made little resistance.
April 24. — ^Under this date, Joseph Martin writes from Long i Island to Col. Sevier that he had returned lately with I his command of sixty-five men from an expedition on Clinch : that he saw evidences of Indians all through his route: had pursued them, but had not had any engagement. On his return he turned south and went across Clinch, within thirty miles of Chota, then turned up Holston and returned home. He went out with the hope of finding the camp or town of the Hanging Maw, but made no discovery that led to it.
During the summer of this year, a party of Cherokees inva- ded the settlements then forming on Indian Creek. Colonel Sevier again raised troops to drive them off. With about one hundred men he marched from Washington county, cross- ed Nollichucky, and proceeded south of that river to what has flince been known as the War Ford, near the present town of New Port. Crossing French Broad at that place, and also Big Pigeon at the War Ford, he fell unexpectedly upon the trail of the Indians, surrounded their camp, and by a sudden Are killed seventeen of them. The rest fled and escaped.
STO GOYBEHOS MAtfriv's ORDER TO SEVIER.
This aflfair was upon Indian Creek, in what is now Jefferson^ county.
Scarcely were these troops disbanded when a letter received by CoL Sevier from Gen. Greene, dated S^t. 16th»bu1 not received till several weeks after, urging him to come to- his standard with his riflemen, for the purpose of intercepting' Lord Cornwallis, should be attempt a retreat through the Garolinas to Charleston. That enterprising officer had been since June, of 1780, constantly in the field with his regiment, in various expeditions against the British, the loyalists and the Indians, and their services were still needed at home to give protection to the feeble settlements ; but he promptly complied with the request of the southern commander, and as has been elsewhere nletrrated, repaired to his camp aboot the last of October, and remained with Marion on the Santee till the enemy were driven to the lines of Charleston ; and the period for which his riflemen were enrolled having expired, he returned 'to Watauga and there disbanded his regiment. This was early in January of 1782.
Immigrants followed close upon the rear of the army, and began to form settlements along the route pursued by it south of French Broad. The Cherokees complained of this intrusion, which brought from Governor Martin the following :
"Dakburt, Feb. 11, 1782. Gov. Alexander Martin, to GoL John Sevier :
'' Sir : I am distressed with the repeated complaiDts of the Indians respecting the daily intrusions of our people on their lands beyond the French Broad River. I beg you, sir, to prevent the injuries these savages justly complain of, who are constantly imploring the protection of the state and appealing to its justice in vain. By interposing your in- fluence on these, our unruly citizens, I think will have sufficient weighty without going into extremities disgraceful to them and disagreeable to the state. You will, therefore, please to warn these intruders off the lands reserved for the Indians by the late act of the Assembly, that ihejr remove immediately, at least by the middle of March, otherwise they will be drove off. If you find them still refractory at the above time, you will draw forth a body of your militia on horseback, and pull down their cabins, and drive them off, laying aside every consideration of their entreaties to the contrary. You will please to give me the earliest information of your proceedings. The Indian goods are not yet arrived from Philadelphia, tnrough the inclemency of the late season ; as soon as
TALK or THE OLD TA8SSL. 271
tfaey will be in the State, I shall send them to the Great Islaiul and hold a treaty with the Cherokees.
TheCherokees of the Upper Towns continued to complain and remonstrate.
** A Talk to Colonel Joseph Martin, by the Old Tassel, in Chota, the
26th of September, 1782, in favour of the whole nation. For His Ex-
oelleDcy, the Governor of North-Carolina. Present, all the chiefe of the
friendly towns and a number of young men. .
Brother : I am now going to speak to you. I hope you will listen to
me. A string. I intended to come this fall and see you, but there was
Bttdi eooAuion in our country, I thought it best for me to stay at home
Mid send my Talks by our firiend Colonel Martin, who promises to do-
Kfer them safo to you. We are a poor distressed people, that is, in
great trouble, and we hope our cider brother will take pity on us and
do nft justice. Your people from Nollichucky are daily pushing us out
of onr lands. We have no place to hunt on. Your people have built
hffmm within one day's walk of our towns. We don't want to quarrel
with onr elder brother ; we, therefore, hope our elder brother will not
take onr lands from us, that the Great Man above gave us. He made
a and he made us ; we are all his children, and we hope our elder lier will take pity on ns, and not take our lands from us that our ftther gave us, because he is stronger than we are. We are the first people that ever lived on this land ; it is ours, and why will our elder Momer take it from us ? It is true, some time past, the people over the
Sat water persuaded some of our young men to do some mischief to our er brother, which our principal men wero sorry for. But you our elder brothers come to our towns and took satisfaction, and then sent ferns to come and treat with you, which we did. Then our elder hiofher promised to have the line run between us agreeable to the first tieafjf and all that should be found over the line should be moved off. Bui it is not done yet. We have done nothing to offend our elder brother since the last treaty, and why should our elder brother want to qoarrel with us 9 We have sent to the Governor of Virginia on the same aabgect We hope that between you both, you will take pity on your jomiger brother, and send Colonel Sevier, who is a good man, to have all jonr people moved off our land. I should say a great deal more, but onr friend. Colonel Martin, knows all our grievances, and he can inform yoii. A string.^
The old Tassel of Chota did not represent the feelings of i ^^^ great body of the Cherokees, who still retained ( their deep-seated animosities against the whites, and ia September, of this year, were hurried, by a revengeful spirit, against the frontiers. The Chickamauga Indians were the least placable of the Cherokee nation, and, imparting their hostile feelings to some of the Lower Towns, and also
272 8EVIBR INVADES THB CHBB0KEE8.
to some of the Creeks, they united together and again begai their work of murder and depredation upon the more ex — 2 posed neighbourhoods. Some white men were killed an< much property stolen. Colonel Sevier immediately sum- moned to his standard a hundred men from Washingtoi county, and was joined by Colonel Anderson, with nearly many volunteers, from Sullivan. These troops rendezvoosed^E at the Big Island, on French Broad, and from that placets marched towards the towns of the enemy. The ofiScers in ^M this expedition were Jonathan Tipton and James Hubbard, majors; and Mr. Green and others, captains. The night after they left the Big Island, they camped upon Elyah* Creek, at a place now known as McTeer's Mills. They crossed Little River the second day, and camped upon Nine- Mile Creek. The third day they crossed the Tennessee River at Citico, and there held a council with the friendly Indians, at which was present the Hanging Maw. They engaged to continue the existing peace. Here, also, John Watts, who afterwards became a distinguished chief in his tribe, was engaged to accompany the expedition, to effect^ by friendly negotiation, an arrangement for peace with the entire nation. On the fifth day they crossed the Tellico, on the Hiwassee trace. On the sixth day they encamped on the Hiwassee River, above what is now called '* The former Agency." Crossing that stream, on the seventh day, they encamped at an Indian town upon the opposite bank. There they entered upon the territory of the hostile Indians. Thence they marched, immediately, against Vann's Towns, and re- duced them to ashes. Thencie to Bull Town, on the head of Chickamauga Creek. The troops destroyed the town, and marched, thirty miles, to Coosa River. Near a village, on that stream, they killed a white man, who called himself Clements. In his possession were found papers which showed that he had been a British sergeant ; he was then living with an Indian woman, Nancy Coody, and, it was believed, had instigated the warriors of her town to main- tain their hostile attitude. Bean, one of the soldiers, shot him dead. The troops then marched to Spring Frog Town,
• Elijah— Anglice, Owl Creek.
.JACK AND RANKIN GO TO GOIATEB. 278
'thence up Coosa to Estanaula, which they destroyed. After killing all the warriors they could find, and burning their villages, the troops returned, by the Old Hiwassee Towns, to Chota, on the Tennessee River. Here another council was held with the friendly Indians, and the troops returned home by the same route they had gone.*
Daring the infancy of the settlements on Nollichucky, com had become scarce, and availing themselves of a short sus^ pension of hostilities, Jeremiah Jack and William Rankin, of Greene county, descended the river in a canoe, for the pur- pose of bartering with the Indians for corn. They reached Coiatee without interruption. The warriors of that place refoaed to exchange or sell the corn, and manifested other signs of suspicion, if not of open enmity. They entered the canoe and lifted up some wearing apparel lying in it, and which covered their rifles. This discovery increased the un- willingness of the Indians to tradcy'^and they began to show a disposition to oflTer violence to their white visitants. The beloved woman, Nancy Ward, was happily present, ani was wMe by her commanding influence to appease their wrath, and to bring about friendly feelings between the parties. The little Indians were soon clad in the home made vest- ments brought by the traders — the canoe was filled with corn, and the white men started on their return voyage well pleased ^th the exchange they had made, and especially with the Idmd offices of the beloved woman.
On their return, the white men landed and camped one night, a mile above the mouth of French Broad, on the north bank of the little sluice of that river. Mr. Jack was so well pleased with the place, that he afterwards selected it as his future residence, and actually settled and improved it on his emi- gration to the present Knox county, in 1787.
The district of Salisbury, by Act of Assembly, was divi- ded, and the counties of Berke, Wilkes, Rutherford, Lincoln, Washington and Sullivan, erected into the district of Mor- gan.
A Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Deli- Twy, was provided to be held by one of the Judges, at Jones-
* Haywood. 18
274 CAPTAIN WHITB PROMOTBB PBAOB.
boro*, for Washington and Sullivan counties. This was done' on account of '' the extensive mountains that lie desolate between the inhabited parts of Washington, and the inhabi- ted parts of Berke counties.**
** At a Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Deli- very, for the counties of Washington and Sullivan, begun and held on the 1 5th of August, 1782. Present, the Hon. Spruce McCay, Esq. Waightstill Avery, Esq., was appointed Attorney for the State, and John Sevier, Clerk,*'
**1782, February Term. William Cocke was admitted to practice Law. If 63, November Court, F. A. Ramsey quali- fied as Surveyor.***
The peace procured by the several campaigns already mentioned, was momentarily interrupted by the conduct of James Hubbard, and a comrade no less wicked and reckless. They were shooting at a mark with two Indians. During the shooting one of the warriors was killed — the other es- caped and fled to the nation. It was believed that Hubbard had killed the Indian designedly, and that a border war would be the consequence. The settlers assembled together at Henry*s, near the mouth of Dumplin, and there built a station. A half breed passing through the neighbourhood, was requested to procure a friendly conference between his exasperated countrymen and the settlers. The conference was held at Gist*s, now Underwood's. Six or eight Chero- kees attended there, having crossed the river at Henry's. Soon after their arrival, Hubbard and a gang of mischievous associates came in. They had been way-laying the Indians on the other side of French Broad, and having missed them, followed on to Gist's. For fear of further mischief, the In- dians were kept in the centre of the white men in attendance. Hubbard, desirous of another outbreak, slipped up to one of the Indians and whispered to him to run, as the whites in- tended to kill them. Captain James White told him to re- main and they would protect them. Thus reassured, the Indians remained — the conference was held — the difficulty was satisfactorily adjusted and peace prolonged.
The acquisition of territory, made from time to time, by
* Court Records.
CHEROKJiB BOUNDARY FIXED. 875
leases, purchases and treaties, from the Cherokees, had uni- formly been small. The wisdom of this policy was seen in every step in the growth and enlargement of the frontier settlements. The lease to Robertson, of the Watauga colo- ny, confined that infant settlement to a limited area, which took at first, and retained for some time afterwards, a com- pact form, that favoured defence and gave an easier protec- tion from Indian aggression. The same may be said of other leases and purchases. Had relinquishments of larger extent of territory been obtained, the adventurous disposition of the settlers would have led them so far into the wilder- ness, and spread them over so large a section of country, as to have deprived them of mutual protection in times of war and danger. The first ten years of its existence, the yonng community west of the mountain maintained a com- pact form, and could assume a defensive attitude upon any ■adden alarm. Its gradual expansion served also to quiet Indian jealousy of encroachment from the whites. But, almost imperceptibly, the seed of civilization had been planted, was firmly fixed in the soil, was germinating under saecessful culture, was producing its fruits of permanent society and established government. Its eradication was impossible. Still, it was found necessary to restrain the too rapid expansion of the frontier. The General Assembly of North-Carolina deemed it inexpedient to continue the Land Office open, and, accordingly, in June, of J 781, closed it. It was not opened again, till after the end of the revolutionary war. In May, of 1783, the Assembly opened an office for the sale of western lands, for the purpose of paying the arrears then due the officers and soldiers of that part of the eontinental line which was raised in North-Carolina, and of extinguishing her part of the national debt. Without any previous consultation with the Indians, the Assembly en- larged the western boundary —
** Beginning on the line which divided that state from Virginia, at a point due north of the mouth of Cioud*s Creek ; running thence west to the Miasinippi ; thence down the MiMissippi to the thirtj-fifth degree of north latitude ; thence due east, until it strikes the Apalachian Moun- tlini ; thence with the Apalachian Mountains to the ridge that divides the wsten of Frendi Broad River and the waters of NoUichucky River,
376 6XANT TO IlEMDEKBON AKD OOHPAITT.
•nd with that nige, until it strikes the line described in the set of 11 oommonly called llrown's Line, and nitb that line and Uioaa Mfi vater courses to the beginning."
But a tract of country was reserved for the Cherol bunting grounds — ■
" Beginning at tha TennewM, where the sonthem boundary of Koi Carolina intersects the pame, nearest to the Chickamauga Towm> ; tbe np the middle of the Tennessee and Rolaton to the middle of Frei Broad River, which line;* arc not to include anv island or islands in i river, to the mouth of Bigl^gbon River; thence np the lameto tliebi thereof; tbence along the dividing ridge between the waters of I^ 'Bivei and TuckasejVi River, to tbo southern boundair of this state.'
The Assembly of North-Carolina took into considerati the claim set up by Henderson and company, under I Transylvania purchase. It was considered that the compa was entitled to a handsome remuneration for their expeni in holding the treaty and buying the territory, and an i was accordingly passed granting to Richard Henderson a his associates two hundred thousand acres of land, to be li off in one survey, and with the following boundaries. "Beg: ning at the Old Indian Tower, in Powell's Valley, runni down Powell's River, not less than four miles in width, one or both sides thereof to the junction of PovvelTs a Clinch Rivers ; then down Clinch River, on one or both sidi not less than twelve miles in width, for the complement two hundred thousand acres." Thenceforward all dout were removed as to the right of the state to grant the otb lands on tbe western waters, which were contained with the bounds specified in the Indian deeds to the company.
At the same session, an Act was pafiscd authorizing tl governor to hold a treaty with the Chickamauga and Ovc hill Cherokees, and also with those of the Middle and Valli settlement, at the Long Island. Joseph Martin is appoint by the same Act, agent. It is made his duty to visit the I dian country once in six months, deliver the governor's mc sages and receive the talks of the Indians, record them inh Journal, etc.
In order that all dealing and intercourse with the Cher keea should he carried on in tbe most friendly and aprig manner, it was fardier provided that no one but "men of tl
OIISBNB POUKTT SaTABUBHBD. S77
most upright, uuexceptionable, honest characters,'* should be licensed to trade with them.
Daring the same session of the Assembly, the county of i Washington was again divided, and a new county ( erected, which was called Greene, in honour of Gen. Nathaniel Greene, under whose general command many of the western riflemen had acted their part in the Revolution, and whose valour and skill had done so much in establishing the Independence of the United States.
** On the third Monday in August, the Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions, for Greene county, met at the house of Mr. Robert Carr. Present, Joseph Hardin, John Newman, George Doherty,- James Houston, Amos Bird, and Asahel Rawlings, Esqs. ; Daniel Kennedy wa$ elected Clerk, and James Wilson, Sheriflf; William Cocke, Esq., Attorney for the State ; Joseph Hardin, Junr., Entry-Taker ; Isaac Tay- lor, Surveyor; Richard Wood, Register. ***
Jeflferson county, as known at present, received its first settlers in this year. These were Robert McFarland, Alex- ander Outlaw, Thomas Jarnagin, James Hill, Wesley White, James Randolph, Joseph Copeland, Robert Gentry and James Hubbard. The first of these made a crop in 1782, at the bend of Chucky, and the next year moved his family to that place. Capt Jarnagin settled four miles above the mouth of Chucky, on the north side ; James Hill, a mile lower down ; Wesley White, immediately opposite Taylor's Bend ; Robert Gentry, four miles above Dandridge ; Joseph Cope- land settled this year south of the French Broad, seven miles above Dandridge.
The settlements had reached as far as Long Creek, in the 1784 \ present Jefierson county, as at this session of the ( court, '^ Thomas Jarnagin hath leave to build a mill on Long Creek."
" A tax was laid, at the same time, of one shilling in specie for each one hundred pounds value of taxable property, for the purpose of erecting public buildings. An appropriation of eight pounds was also made to Mr. Carr, for the use of his house in which the court met. At August Term, a road was laid out from the mouth of Bent Creek to the mouth of
* County Reoorda.
278 OEir. WHITE Am col. ram»bt explore the countrt.
Dumplin (now Sevier). Also from the county line south of Chucky, and where the War Path crosRses the same, the nearest and best way to the War Ford, on Pigeon (now Cocke county).
^ Ordered, that a Bench Warrant issue to Captain John Newman, to take suspected persons.
" At November Sessions, leave was granted to Thomas Stockton to build a mill on French Broad, at Christianas Ford" (now Sevier county).*
In AuTUst, of this year, the late General James White, 1788 \ ^^'* Robert Love and Col. F. A. Ramsey and others; ( for the purpose of locating land warrants, explored the country as low as the confluence of theHolston and Ten* nessee. They crossed the French Broad at the War Ford. There were but few inhabitants then south of Chucky. At the mouth of Pigeon, Mr. Gilliland had corn growing, but no cabin had then been erected there. A few miles below his clearing, the remains of three or four Indians were found ; they ha3 been killed several days before. The explorers con- tinued on the south side of the river as low down as the mouth of Dumplin Creek, near which they recrossed French Broad and fell down between that and Holston, pass- ing the Swan Pond and crossing Holston a few miles above, where Knoxville now stands. Their route was continued through the Grassy Valley to the mouth of Holston. It was upon this tour that General White and Col. Ramsey .saw the lands, which they afterwards entered and eventually occupied in the present Knox county.
The Indians, late in this year, commenced hostilities, hy stealing horses and cattle, and retreating across the Pigeon Mountains, in what is now Cocke county. Major Peter Fine raised a few men and pursued them. After killing one Indian and wounding another, and regaining the stolen property, they began their return and encamped. They were fired upon in the night by the savages, who had fol- lowed their tracks. Vinet Fine, a brother of the major, was killed, and Thomas Holland and Mr. Bingham were wounded. After the departure of the Indians, who hung around the camp till morning, the white men broke a hole
* Coaotjr Reoordf.
AKMSTBONO'fl LAND OFFIOS OPENED- 379
in the ice and pat the body of V. Fine in the creek, which has ever since been called Fine's Greek. The wounded men were brought in, in safety, and recovered.
It continued to be necessary for two years, to keep out scouts between Pigeon and French Broad. In this time Nehemiah and Simeon Odell were killed, scalped and their guns taken. A boy ten years old, named Nelson, was killed and his horse taken seven miles up Pigeon. McCoy's Fort was built on French Broad, three miles above New Port Wbitson's, on Pigeon, ten miles above New Port, where HcNabb since lived ; Wood's, five miles below. These were all guarded several years.
The General Assembly laid off a district for the ex- clusive satisfaction of the officers and soldiers of the late continental line, whi(^i was raised in North-Carolina. The claims to be satisfied, were founded upon certain promises held out to them by the legislature, in May, 1780. Shortly afterwards it was provided, that in case of a deficiency of good land in this district, to satisfy these claims, the same might be entered upon any vacant land in the state, which flhould be appropriated for their satisfaction, by grant.*
On th^ 20th of October, seventeen hundred and eighty- three, John Armstrong's office was opened, at Hillsborough, for the sale of the western lands not included in these reser- vations, nor in the counties of Washington and Sullivan, at the rate of ten pounds, specie certificates, per hundred. These certificates had been issued by Board:^ of Auditors, appointed by public authority, for services performed and articles impressed or furnished in the time of the revolu- tionary war, and were made payable in specie. The lands were to be entered in tracts of five thousand acres or less, at the option of the enterer. By the 25th of May, 1784, ▼ast quantities of land were entered, and certificates, to a very large amount, had been paid into the public offices.f . By a subsequent law of the next session, the surVeyor of Greene county was allowed to survey all lands for which warrants might be granted by John Armstrong, lying west- ward of the Apalachian Mountains, and including all the
* Haywood. f I^^iia*
MO nHAiTcirraAOBt
«
lands on the waters of Holston, from tbe month of Frcmeh Broad River, upwards to the bounds of Washington aod Sullivan counties, exelusive of the entries omde by the entiy taker of Greene county.
By the eighth article of the treaty of 1768, it was provided that the nawgation of the Mississippi River ^fi^om its someeio tike oeean^ shall^ forever^ remain free and open to the subjecie of Qreat Britain ani the citizens of the United States.
In conformity with the ninth article of confederation. Gob* gtess issued a proclamation, prohibiting all persons from making setlements on lands inhabited or claimed bylndiann^ without the limits or jurisdiction of any particular state^ and from purchasing or , receiving any gift or cession of saeh lands without the express authority and directions of the Uiiited States in Congress assembled.
The state of peace brought with it new motives for ever- tion in all the industrial pursuits of life, and new incentives to patriotism. Tbe country had secured to itself indepen- dence ; each citizen became proud of his connexion with it^ and felt that, as he had had an agency in giving to the government form, vitality and vigour, he was also responsi- ble for its success, prosperity and enlargement. The ten- dency westward was greatly increased, and multitudes of emigrants from tbe Middle and Southern States turned their eyes upon the new lands in the West. -Holston, Cumberland and Kentucky, each received its share of enterprising and •resolute men, willing to undergo the hardships and brave the perils of the wilderness. The facility of procuring cheap and fertile lands induced a new and large emigration to what is now Upper East Tennessee. The settlements upon the French Broad and its tributaries extended rapidly. This in- duced a renewal of hostilities on the border settlements, and Major Fine and Col. Liliard raised^ company of thirty men, and penetrated through the mountains to the Over-hill Town of Gowee, and burned it. From this town the aggressions against the Pigeon settlements had been principally made. These were afterwards less frequent.
In seventeen hundred and eighty-four, the frontier inhabit tants were clearing their fields and building their cabins as low down as the Big Island, and along the banks of the
PROOEB88 OF IBfPBOVSMSNT. 281
Big and Little Pigeon. A few adventurers were also on i Boyd's Credk, south of French Broad. North of Hol- ( ston they were extending their improvements, within a few miles of the present Rogersville. Heretofore, none but men of little or no fortune had crossed the mountain. A pack- horse carried all the effects of an emigrating family. The country could now be reached, not as at first, only by a trace, but by wagon roads. This invited men of larger property, and society began to put on the aspect of permanence and respectability. Forts and stations bad served as places for private and public instruction in learning and religion, ag "well as for the administration of justice. Now, in the oldest part of the settlements, might occasionally be seen the back- wood's school-house, without floors or windows, and at still greater intervals an equally unpretending building set apart for public worship. At Jonesboro', in Washington county, the first court-house in Tennessee had been erected. It was built of round logs, fresh from the adjacent forest — was co- vered in the fashion of cabins of the pioneers, with clap- boards.
Improvement was the order of the day, and ** The court recommend that there be a court-house built in the following manner, viz : 24 feet square, diamond corners, and hewn down after it is built up ; 9 feet high between the two floors ; body of the house 4 feet above upper floor ; floors neatly laid with plank; shingles of roof to be hung with pegs. A justice's bench ; a lawyer's and clerk's bar ; also, a sheriff's box to ait in." *
But improvement and progress and change had dawned upon its future fortunes, and Jonesboro', already distinguish- ed as the oldest town established in the present Tennessee, the centre of much of the intelligence and political influence in the new country, and the seat of its courts, was now to be- come the scene of exciting events — the theatre on which, at first, the master spirits of the frontier should co-operate and harmonize upon their political organization, and the arena where afterwards they became factionists and partizans, for and against the State of Franklin. The history of that an- eient commonwealth will be given in the next chapter.
* Countj Records.
882 flTATS or FEAMKIiUr.
CHAPTER IV.
THE STATE OF FRANKLIN.
The revolutionary war was now ended, and the indepaa- ( denoe of the United States acknowledged by England, I and some of the great powers on the Eastern c<m- tinent. The transition from a state of provincial vassalage and colonial dependence to self government, was sodden, and in some of the states almost imperceptible. 'The chango from a monarchy to a republic, brought with it, here ana there over the country, a little of the spirit of insubordina- tion, but to a much more limited extent than, under existing circumstances, might have been expected. The boundary between liberty and licentiousness, has at no time and in no place, been better understood and more strictly observed, than at the close of the American Revolution, and by the peo- ple of the new republics then entering upon a new theatre of national existence. Still, under the recent order of things, it is not matter of wonder that there should be immature concep* tions of the nature of government and mistaken views of public policy, and that even lawlessness and violence should result from error and inexperience. To a limited extent it was so. The wonder rather is, that so little anarchy, misrule and in- subordination existed amid the chaos, convulsions and up- turnings of society, which the separation of the colonies from the parent government produced, and where the rights of the people were substituted for the prerogatives of sovereignty.
Apart from these considerations, there was a further diffi- culty involving the honour, the stability and almost the exis- tence, of the United States government.
In achieving their independence, the states had each con- 1784 i tracted a large debt upon its own treasury, for expen- ( ses incurred during the war. In addition to this, Con- gress had created a heavy liability upon the general trea- sury for advances made by American citizens and foreign-
OEIISIOH ACT OF NORTH-CAROLmA. 28S
ers, to meet expenditures growing out of a protracted conflict. While the country received the news of an honourable and advantageous peace with acclamations of joy and triumph, government felt itself borne down by its heavy public indebt- edness, and harassed by the importunate clamour of its pub- lic creditors. Among the expedients adopted by Congress to lighten this burden, replenish its treasury and increase its exhausted credit, was the recommendation to such of the states as owned vajcant and unappropriated lands, to throw them into the common stock, cede them to. the United States, and out of the joint fund thus created, liquidate the common debt. North-Carolina was one of these. She owned a vast amount of unappropriated lands in that portion of her west- em territory extending from the Aileghanies to the Missis- sippi. Sympathizing with Congress in the distress and diffi- culty resulting from the embarrassed financial condition of the Union, the General Assembly of North-Carolina, at its April session of this year, at Hillsborough, adopted measures to relieve them. Taxes were laid for this purpose, and au- thority was given to Congress to collect them, and also to levy a duty on foreign merchandize. Partly for the same reason, and for others which will hereafter be noticed, the As- sembly passed an aet in June, ceding to the Congress of the United States the western lands, as therein described, and authorized the North Carolina delegates to execute a deed for the same. In this cession thus authorized, was embraced all the territory now constituting the State of Tennessee, and including, of necessity, the trans-montane counties, Washing- ton, Sullivan, Greene and Davidson.*
By an additional act of the same session, it was declared that the sovereignty and jurisdiction of North-Carolina in and over the territory thus ceded, and all its inhabitants, should be and remain the same in all respects, until the United States, in Congress, should accept of the cession. It had been pro- vided in the cession act that if Congress should not accept in two years, the act was thenceforward to be of no eCect.
The Assembly, at the same session, closed the land office
* DftYidsoii oouDtj waa erected in 1788, on Comberland, as will be elaewhert
SM qpMnkVKTn of w^mtobm couwrmM.
for the Western Territory, and aoUifiad all entries of laad, except as therein specified.
Members from the four western counties were present at Hillsborough, and voted for the act of cession. They had observed a growing disinclination on the part of the legisla* tore to make any provision for the protection and defenoa of the Western people, or to discharge the debts that had. been contracted in guarding the frontiers, or inflicting chaati— ments upon the Indians. Accounts for these pui^poses had been, and of necessity would continue to be, large and iiro* quent. These demands against the treasury of the stata were received reluctantly — were scrutinized with tho u^ most caution, and paid grudgingly. Often they were re- jected as informal or unauthorized. It was intimated eves, that some of these demands were fabricated by the Western people, and that the property of the citizens east of the mountains was wrongly and uigustly taken to cancel the debts of their Western brethren.
It will be recollected that the Bill of Rights, which was adopted at the same time with the Constitution of North- Carolina, bad made provision for the formation of a new state or states out of her Western Territory. Her western settlements were becoming expensive and burdensome to her, and as the time was at hand when a new and indepen- dent state might be formed out of them, her rulers felt it to be impolitic, to be very lavish in expenditures, for those who might soon become strangers to her peculiar interests, or members of a separate organization. The West complained of inadequate provision on the part of North-Carolina for their necessities, while the mother state lost no opportunity to impute to her remote children in the wilderness extravagance and profligacy — filial ingratitude and disobedience. To the influence of these mutual criminations and recriminations, may be traced the hasty passage of the cession act of June, 1784.
The members from the four western counties, immediately after the adjournment of the Assembly, at Hillsborough, re- turned home. They brought with them the first intelligence that had reached the West, of the passage of the cession act.
REDUCED TO POLITIOAL ORPHANAGE. 285
The impression was generally entertained, that Congress woald not formally accept the cession of the Western Terri- tory for the space of two years, and that, during that period, the new settlements being under the protection neither of Congress nor of North-Carolina, would be left in a state of anarchy, without aid or support from abroad, and unable to command, under the existing state of affairs, their own re- soarees at home. This aspect of their condition was made the more diilcoaraging and alarming, from the consideration that heretofore no provision had been made for the establish- ment of a Superior Court west of the mountains. Violation of law was permitted to pass unpunished, except by the Eommary process of the Regulators appointed for that pur> po0e» by the people themselves. Nor was the military organi- zation adequate to the exigencies of the new settlements. There was no brigadier-general allowed by law to call into ■ervice the militia of the counties, or to concentrate its ener- gies on sudden emergencies. This defect was the more dan- geroas, and the more sensibly felt, now when Indian aggression eontinned. With a frontier exposed to the inroads of a sa- vage enemy, and with no authority amongst themselves to whom the settlers could apply for assistance — with the set- tlements infested with culprits of every degree of guilt, re- Itagees from other places, and escaping to these seclusions on acoount of their supposed immunity from conviction and punishment — distracted by the apprehension of an uncertain or questionable allegiance, ceded by the parent state, not yet accepted by their federal owners — depressed by the contem- plation of the state of political orphanage to which they were now reduced, and of the anarchy which must result from it— the opinion became general with the entire popula- tion that the sacred duty devolved upon themselves to de- Tise the means — to draw upon their own resources— and, by a manly self reliance, to extricate the inhabitants of the ceded territory from the unexpected difficulties by which they were suddenly surrounded. Self protection is the first law of na- ture. Salus populi suprema lex. The frontier was sufiering ctastantly by Indian perfidy and assailed by Indian atro-
886 vnaxBi or ooHYunn<ni cBocn*
city, and the settlers seemed to hold their lives by the pei mission and at the will of their Cherokee neighbours.
In this dilemma it was proposed that in each captain'ji company two representatives of the people shoald be electa edy who should assemble, as committees, in their respective counties, to deliberate upon the state of public affauri^ and recommend some general plan of action suited to th« emergency. These committees, for Washington, SuUiv«a and Greene, met and recommended the election of deputies from each of the counties, to assemble in oonventioa at Jonesboro', with power to adopt such measures as they should deem advisable. The election of deputies to the convention was held, and resulted in the choice for Wash- ington county of John Sevier, Charles Robertson, William Purphey, Joseph Wilson, John Irvin, Samuel Houston, Wit liam Trimble, William Cox, Landon Carter, Hugh Heqiy, Christopher Taylor, John Chisolm, Samuel Doak, William Campbell, 3eigamin Holland, John Bean, Samuel WiUiams^ and Richard White.
For the county of Sullivan — ^Joseph Martin, Gilbert Chris- tian, William Cocke, John Manifee, William Wallace, John Hall, Saml. Wilson, Stockley Donelson, and William Evans.
For the county of Greene — Daniel Kennedy, Alexander Outlaw, Joseph Gist, Samuel Weir, Asahel Rawlings, Joseph Ballard, John Maughon, John Murphey, David Campbell, Archibald Stone, Abraham Denton, Charles Robinson, and Elisha Baker.
Davidson county sent no delegates ; probably none were elected.
These deputies, on the day appointed, August 2dd, as- sembled at Jonesboro'. John Sevier was appointed pi^eai- dent of the convention. Landon Carter was the secretary. ' Immediately after its organization, the convention raised a committee, to take into consideration the state of public affairs, and especially the cession of her Western Territory, by North-Carolina to Congress.
The committee consisted of Messrs. Cocke, Oi^law, Car- ter, Campbell, Manifee, Martin, Robinson, Houston, Chris- tian, Kennedy and Wilson.
KBPORT OF COMMITTEB. 287
While discussing and deliberating upon the object of the convention, the committee came to its conclusion in the following manner : '* A member rose and made some re- marks on the variety of opinions offered, for and against a separation, and taking from his pocket a volume con- taing the Declaration of Independence by the colonies in 1776, commented upon the reasons which induced their sepa- ration from England, on account of their local situation, etc., and attempted to show that a number of the reasons they had for declaring independence, applied to the counties here represented by their deputies/^
^ After this member had taken his seat, another arose and moved to declare the three western counties independent of North-Carolina, which was unanimously adopted" by the eommittee.* This decision was submitted to the conven- tion in the following
" REPORT.
** Your Committee are of opinion and judge it expedient, that the Counties of Washington, Sullivan and Qreene, which the Cession Bill pivticaUrlj respects, form themselves into an Association and combine themselves together, in order to support the present laws of North Caro- lina, which may not he incompatible with the modes and forms of lay- ing off anew state. It is the opinion of your committee, that we have a Joit and undeniable right to petition to Congress to accept the cession made by North-Carolina, and for that body to countenance us in form- ingouraelves into a separate government, and either to frame a permanent or temporary constitution, agreeably to a resolve of Congress, in such case made and provided, as nearly as circumstances will admit We bare a right to keep and hold a Convention from time to time, 'by meeting and convening at such place or places as the said Convention •hall adjourn to. When any contiguous part of Virginia shall make ap- pKcation to join this Association, after they are legally permitted, either Dj the State of Virginia, or other power having cognizance thereof, it is our opinion that they be received and enjoy the same privileges that wo do, may or shall enjoy. This Convention has a right to adopt and pre* acribe such regulations as the particular exigencies of the time and the public good may require ; that one or more persons ought to be sent to represent our situation in the Congress of the United States, and this Convention has just right and authority to prescribe a regular mode for lut support''
This report was received and adopted by the convention. The question was then taken.
of Rev. 8. Houston.
S88 TBAB AVD XAT8 OV aUBBTIQV Of nPAlATIOir.
** On moticm of Mr. Cocke, whether for or igaiiMfc formhig ooreeb«s into a separate and distinct state, indeDendent of the State of North- Carolina, atikis time^ it was carried in tne affirmative.
^ On motioQ of Mr. E^ennedj, the yeas and nays were ta&en on the above question.
'* Yeai, — Mr. Tirril, Samms, North, Taylor, Andoion, Hoaston, Oo^ Talbot, Joseph Wilson, Trimble, Reese, John Anderson, Manifee, Chria* tian, Carnes, A. Taylor, FiU^rald, Cavit, Looney, Cocke, B. Gist, Baw- fings, Bnllard, Joshua Gist, Valentitte Sevier, Robinson, Evana anil Miuighan. (28.)
** Nay$. — John Tipton, Joseph Tipton, Stuart, Mazfidd, D. Loonej. Vincent, Cage, Provincer, Gammon, Davisi Kennedy, Newman, Weai^ James Wilson and CampbelL" (15.)
The manuscript from which the above is taken, was found among the papers of Genei^al Kennedy. It is without a date upon it It is not known from the paper itself, ^hich of the conventions had these proceedings. It was probably at the first convention at Jonesboro', in August, 1784^ That body, however, consisted of forty members, and at this calling of the yeas and nays, forty-three voted. Some names are also found in this list of members, which are not put down in the convention at Jonesboro'. Credentials were of little conse- quence at that day, and perhaps were not required from members. This may account for the discrepancy, both as to the names and members of the convention.
It was then agreed that a member from the door of the house inform the crowd in the street of the decision. Proela- mation was accordingly made before the anxious spectators, who seemed unanimously , to give to the proceedings, their consent and approbation. In pursuance of one of its recom« mendations, the convention appointed Messrs. Cocke and Hardin a committee to draw up and form the plan of asso* ciation. That plan was presented the next day to the con- vention in the following report :
^To remove the doubts of the scrupulous ; to encourage the timid, and to induce all, harmoniously and sp^dily, to enter into a firm asso- ciation, let the following particulars be maturely considered. If we should be so happy as to have a separate government, vast numbers from different quarters, with a little encouragement from the public, would fill up our frontier, which would strengthen us, improve agiicul- ture, perfect manufactures, encourage literf^ure and every thing truly laudable. The seat of government being among ourselves, would evi- dently tend, not only to keep a circulatuig medium in gold and silver
REPORT OF COMMITTED. 280
among ns, but draw it frora many individuals living in otber states, who claim large quantities of lands that would lie in the bounds of the new state. Add to the foregoing reasons, the many schemes as a body, we could execute to draw it among us, and the sums which many travel' lers out of curiosity, and men in public business, would expend amonff us. But all the^ advantages, acquired and accidental, together wim many more that might be mentioned, whilst we are connected with the old counties, may not only be nearly useless to us, but many of them prove injurious ; and this will always be the case during a connexion with them, because they are the most numerous, and consequently will always be able to make us subservient to them ; that our interest must be generally neglected, and sometimes sacrificed, to promote theirs, as was instanced in a late taxation act, in which, notwithstanding our local situation and improvement being so evidently inferior, that it is unjust to tax our lands equally, yet they have expressly done it ; and our lands, at the same time, not of one fourth of the same value. And to make it still more apparent that we should associate the whole councils of the stale, the Continental Congress, by their resolves, invite us to it The assembly of North-Carolina by their late cession bill, opened the door, and by their prudent measures invite to it ; and as a closing reason to induce to a speedy association, our late convention chosen to consider public afiairs, and concert measures, as appears from their resolves, have QDammously agreed that we should do it, by signing the following ar-
*^Fir8t That we agree to entrust the consideration of public affiurs, and the prescribing rules necessary to a convention, to be chosen by each company as fellows : — That if any company should not exceed thirty, there be one representative ; and wher^it contains fifty, there be two ; and so in proportion, as near as may be, and that their regulations be reviewed by the association.
* Secondly. As the welfare of our common country depends much on the friendly disposition of Congress, and their rightly understanding our situation, we do therefore unanimously agree, speedily to furnish a per- son with a reasonable support, to present our memorial, and negotiate our business in Congress.
"Thirdly. As the welfare of the community also depends much on public spirit, benevolence and regard to virtue, we therefore unanimously affree to improve and cultivate these, and to discountenance every thing 0? a'oontradictory and repugnant nature.
"Fourthly. We unanimously agree to protect this association with our lives and fortunes, to which we pledge our faith and reputation."
These report being concurred in, on motion of Mr. Cocke, it was
**JSe9alved^ That the clerks of the county courts who have the bonds and recognizance of any officers, shcrifi^ and collectors, who have col- lected any of the public monies, or are about now to collect any of the same, are hereby specially commanded and required to hold said bonds ill their possession and custody, until some mode be adopted and pre-
19
S80 HEW ooNvnrnoM breaks up nr cohfusioii.
•cribed to have our accounts iairly aad properij liquidated vith tb* State of North-Carolina. And they resolved, further^ tli^t all the aj^- riflb and collectors, who have before collected any of the publip inoBice^ shall be called on, and render due accounts of the monies that tliej have collected and have in their hands, or may collect by virtue of their
"^Messrs. White and Doak moved, and were permitted to enter their against both of these resolutions, because, in their opioioD, it was contrary to law to detain the bonds."
The depaties then took into consideration the propriety of having a new convention called to form a constitutionp aind give a name to the Independent State. They decided tluU eaeh oonnty should ekct five membera to the coaventiiHi— ^ the same number that had been elected in 1776^ to form the cboatitution of North-Carolina. They fixed the time and place of meeting to be at Jonesboro', on the 16ih of Septeobi ber, and then adjourned.
For some reason not now distinctly knov^n, the convention did not meet till November, and then broke up in great ^bppir fusion. The members bad not harmonized upon the details of the plan of association. There was a still greater con- flict of opinion amongst their respective constituencies, a^id in a new community the voice of a constituent is always omnipotent, and musttiot be disregarded. Each party ^vas tenacious of its own plan, and clamourous for its adoption. Some preferred a longer adherence to the mother state, under the expectation and hope that by the legislation of North- Carolina, many, if not all, of the grievances which had dig* affected her western counties, would be soon redressed. Her Assembly was then in session at Newbern, and did repeal the act for ceding her western territory to Congress. During the same session they also formed a judicial district of the four western counties, and appointed an assistant judge and an attorney-general for the Superior Court, which was di- rected to be held at Jonesboco'. The Assembly also formed the militia of Washington District into a brigade, and ap- pointed Col. John Sevier the brigadier-general.
In the law repealing the cession act, it is mentioned as the reason for the repeal: '*That the Cession, so intended, was made in full confidence that the whole expense of the Indian expeditions, and militia aids to the States of South-Carolina
GBMIRAL 8BVIBR DISSUADES FROM BEPARATIOH. 291
and Georgia, should pass to account in our quota of the continental expenses in the late war; and, also, that the other states, holding western territory, would make similar cessions, and that all the states would unanimously grant imposts of five per cent, as a common fund for the discharge of the federal debt ; and, whereas, the States of Massachu- setts and Connecticut, after accepting the cessions of New- York and Virginia, have since put in claims for the whole or a large part of that territory, and all the above expected measures for constituting a substantial common fund have been either frustrated or delayed ;" — the said act is, there- fore, repealed. On account of the remote situation of the ivestern counties, these causes of the legislation of the parent state were not well understood across the mountain, or were so misrepresented as to give rise to the charge, against North-Carolina, of fickleness, or rather to the imputa- tion of neglect and inattention towards the new settlements. But '^ revolutions never go backwards;" the masses had been put in motion ; some steps had been taken in remo-> deling their governments — a change was desired. A new convention was determined on, and, accordingly, another electioA was held, and deputies were again chosen to a future convention. On the day of the election, at Jonesboro', Gene- ral Sevier declared himself satisfied with the provisions that had been made by the Legislature of North-Carolina in favour of the western people, and, enumerating them in a public address, recommended to the people to proceed no further in their design to separate from North-Carolina. He also wrote to Col. Kennedy, of Greene county, under date —
2d January, 1785. Dkab Colonel : — ^T have just received certain information from Col. MarUn, that the first thing the Assenoibly of North-Carolina did was to repeal t!io Cession Bill, and to form this part of the country into a separate District, by name of Washington District, which I have the honour to command, as general. I conclude this step will satisfy the people with the old state, and wo shall pursue no further measures as to a new sUite. David Campbell, Esqr., is appoiutcd one of our judges. I wonld write to you officially, but my commission is not yet come to
hand.
I am, dr. Colo., with esteem, yr. mt obdt.
OoLo. Ebnnsdt. JOHN SEVIER.
893 DSPUTiBS CHOBur TO A FBW ooNmrmv.
Gen. Sevier also made a written commnnication addressed (to Gol. Kennedy and the citizens of Greene coanty;
I informing them what had been done for their relief by the legislature, and, with the purpose of preventing con- fusion and controversies amongst the people of the western counties, he begged them to decline all further acticm in re- spect to a new government
Notwithstanding this earnest advice of the president of the late convention, and the redress of the grievances of which they complained, and which had alienated the people from the mother state, they persisted in their determination ; the election was held, and five deputies from each county were elected. Those chosen for Washington county inrere John Sevier, William Cocke, John Tipton, Thomas Steward and Rev. Samuel Houston. For Sullivan county, David Looney, Richard Gammon, Moses Looney, William Cage* and John Long. For the county of Greene, James Reese, Daniel Kennedy, John Newman, James Roddye and Joseph Hardin. The number of deputies was fifteen, less than half of the convention previously elected. They were choeen, too, by the counties and not by captain*s campanies, and, representing larger bodies of their fellow citizens, were less trammeled by local prejudices and instructions. Their action was less restricted, and their deliberations freer and more enlightened. In this body, as now composed, was conside- rable ability and some experience.
The convention subsequently assembled again at Jones- borough, and again appointed John Sevier president, and F. A. Ramsey, secretary.
The convention being organized and ready for business, the Rev. Samuel Houston, one of the deputies from Wash- ington county, arose and addressed the convention on the importance of their meeting, showing that they were about to lay the foundation on which was to be placed, not only their own welfare and interest, but, perhaps, those of their posterity for ages to come ; and adding that, under such inte- resting and solemn circumstances, they should look to Hea* ven, and offer prayer for counsel and direction from Infinite Wisdom. The president immediately designated Mr. Hous-
OOXVEHTION OPENED WITH PBATBE« 293
ton, and he offered up a solemn and appropriate prayer, in vrhich all seemed to unite.
A form of a constitution under which the new government should be put in motion, was submitted and agreed to, sub- ject to the ratification, modification or rejection of a future convention directed to be chosen by the people, and to meet on the fourteenth of November, 1785, at Greenville. Ample time was thus given to examine the merits and defects of the new organization, and by discussing them in detail, to harmo- nize conflicting opinions, and to secure to it general public sentiment and popular favour.
By an ordinance of the convention, however, it was provi- ded that the electors in the several counties should, in the meantime, proceed to elect members of the legislature for the new state, according to the laws of North-Carolina ; and that when thus chosen, the assembly should meet and put the new government into operation.
The election was accordingly held, and members of the ( legislature chosen for the State of Franklin. These ( met at the appointed time in Jonesboro'. After the most diligent search, the writer has been unable to procure a list of the members of this first legislative assembly in what is now Tennessee. It was, probably, for the most part com- posed of the same members who had constituted the two conventions that preceded, and gave form and vitality to it. This much is known, that Landon Carter was speaker, and Thomas Talbot, clerk of the Senate; and William Cage, speaker, and Thomas Chapman, clerk, of the House of Com- mons. Thus organized, the assembly proceeded to the elec- tion of governor. To this office John Sevier was chosen. A judiciary system was established also at this first session. David Campbell was elected Judge of the Superior Court, and Joshua Gist and John Anderson Assistant Judges.
The first session of the Legislature of Franklin, terminated on the thirty-first day of March, 1785, on which day the follow- ing acts were ratified, and signed by the speakers and coun- tersigned by the clerks of their respective bodies, viz :
** An act to establish the legal claims of persons claiming .any property under the laws of North-Carolina, in the same
S04 PIS8T CLA0BIOAL 80H00L WttT OT TU AIXaQnAHIBB.
manner as if the State of Franklin had never formed itself into a distinct and separate state."
** An act to appoint commissioners, and to vest them vritb fhll powers to make deeds of conveyance to such persons as have purchased lots in the town of Jonesboro*.*^
^ An act forthe promotion of leamingin the county of Wash* 1786 \ ^^^^^^'^ Under the provisions of this act, the foundaitioil ( of Martin Academy was laid. It is believed that this is the earliest legislative action taken anywhere west of the Alleghanies, for the encouragement of learning. Rev. Sanft* nel Doak, who had been a member of the convention, and^ probably, of the Franklin assembly, and the apostle of reli* gion and learning in the West, was the founder and first pre» sident of Martin Academy. He was a graduate of Nas- sati Hall, in its palmiest days, under the presidency of Dr* Witherspoon. His school-house, a plain log bnilding erected on his own farm, stood a little west of the present site of what is now Washington College. For many years it viras the only, and for still more, the principal seat of classical education for the western country.
** An act to establish a militia in this stat«.*'
" An act for dividing Sullivan county and part of Greene^ into two distinct counties, and erecting a county by the name of Spencer." This new county covered the same territory now known as Hawkins county.
" An act for procuring a great seal for this state." This act was probably n^ver carried into effect. More than two years afterwards commissions to the officers of Franklin were issued, having upon them a common wafer as the seal of the state.
** An act directing the method of electing members of the General Assembly.** The first Monday of August, was the time fixed by law for the annual meeting of the legislature.
** An act to divide Greene county into three separate and distinct counties, and to erect two new counties by the name of Caswell and Sevier.** The former occupied the section of country which is now JeflTerson, and extended probably further west There is reason to believe that Caswell
THB SEVEN COUNTIES OF FRAMKLIH. 295
county extended down the French Broad and Holston to their confluence, and perhaps further west. This much is cer- tain : that General White and others, known to be steadfast friends of the new state and officers under it, were at this time forming settlements in this part of the present Knox county. The other new county embraced what is still known as Sevier county, south of French Broad, and also that part of Blount east of the ridge dividing the waters of Little River from those of the Tennessee. The courts of Sevier county were held at Newell's Station, near the head of Boyd's Creek, This is one of the prettiest places in Ten- nessee; its ruins are still to be seen — about fifteen miles south-east from Knoxville— on the farm lately owned by Edward. Hodges, Esq.
** An act to ascertain the value of gold and silver foreign coin, and the paper currency now in circulation in the state of North-Carolina, and to declare the same to be a lawful tender in this state."
" An act for levying a tax for the support of the govern- ment**
** An act to ascertain the salaries allowed the Governor, Attorney-General, Judges of the Superior Courts, Assistant Judges, Secretary of State, Treasurer and members of Council of State.**
*• An act for ascertaining what property in this state shall be deemed taxable, the method of assessing the same, and collecting public taxes."
"An act to ascertain the powers and authorities of the Judges of the Superior Courts, the Assistant Judges and Jus- tices of the Peace, and of the County Courts of Pleas and Quarter Sessions, and directing the time and place of holding the same.**
*• An act for erecting apart of Washington county and that part of Wilkes lying west of the extreme heights of the Apalachian or Alleghany Mountains, into a separate and distinct county by the name of Wayne." This new county covered the same territory now embraced in the limits of Carter and Johnson counties.
The provisions of some of these acts were nearly the
286 orricuts of the stats or rftAHKLiVi
same as those adopted by North-Carolina at the commence ment of her state government. The style of the enactments was this : *' Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Franklin.**
The Governor^ the Judge of the Superior Court, and the Assistant Judges, were elected, as has been already men- tioned, by the legislature at its first session. The other state ofiicers were Landon Carter, Secretary of State ; Wil- liam Cage, Treasurer ; Stockley Donaldson, Surveyor-Gene- ral ; Daniel Kennedy and William Cocke, Brigadier^Grene- rals of the Franklin militia. General Cocke was also dele* gated to represent the condition of the new government in the Congress of the United States. Members of the Counoil of State were — General William Cocke, Colonel Landon Carter, Colonel Francis A. Ramsey, Judge Campbell, Gene- ral Kennedy, Colonel Taylor. Until the new constitution should be adopted by the people, the temporary form of gor- emment was that of North-Carolina.
County courts were, at the same session, established, and justices of the peace appointed. The civil and military officers for each county, as far as can now be ascertained, were — James Sevier, Clerk of Washington County Court ; John Rhea, of Sullivan ; Daniel Kennedy, of Greene ; Tho- mas Henderson, of Spencer; Joseph Hamilton, of Caswell ; and Samuel Weir, of Sevier. On the 10th of June, 1785, Governor Sevier, by proclamation, announced the appoint- ment of F. A. Ramsey, Esq., as Clerk of the Superior Court of Washington District.*
The salaries of the officers of state were — of the Governor, two hundred pounds annually; Attorney-General, twenty- five pounds for each court he attended ; Secretary of State twenty-five pounds annually, and his fees of office ; Judge of Superior Court, one hundred and fifty pounds per annum ; Assistant Judges, twenty-five pounds for each court ; Trea- surer, forty pounds annually ; each member of Council of State, six shillings per day, when in actual service.
'^ In the law, levying a tax for ihe sujiport of government, was the daase following :
*Hajwood-
AND ITS CURRBKCY. 297
" ' Be it €itacted^ That it shall and may be lawful for the aforesaid land tax, and all free polls, to be paid in the following manner : Good flax linen, ten hundred, at three Rhillings and six pence per yard ; nine hundred, at three shillings; eight hundred, two shillings nnd nine pence; seven hundred, two shillings and six pence; six hundred, two shillings ; tow linen, one shilling and nine pence ; linsey, three shillings^ and woollen and cotton linsey, three shillings and six pence per yard ; ^ood, clean beaver skin, six shillings; cased otter skins, six shillings; uncased ditto, five shillings ; rackoon and fox skins, one shilling and three pence; woollen cloth, at ten shillings per yard; bacon, well cured, six pence per pound ; good, clean tallow, six pence per- pound ; ^ood, clean beeswax, one shilling per pound ; good distilled rye whiskey, at two shillings and six pence per gallon ; good peach or apple brandy, at three shillings per gallon ; good country made sugar, at one shilling per pound : deer skins, the pattern, six shillings ; good, neat and weU managed tobacco, fit to bo prized, that may pass inspection, the hun- dred, fifteen shillings, and so on in proportion for a greater or less quan- tity.' »•
^ ' And all the salaries and allowances hereby made, shall be paid by any treasurer, sheriflf, or collector of public taxes, to any person entitled to the same, to be paid in specific articles as collected, and at the rates allowed by the state for the same ; or in current money of the State of Franklin.' In specifying the skins, which might be received as a com- mutation for money, the risibility of the unthinking was sometimes excited at the enumeration. The rapidity of wit, which never stops to be informed, and which delights by its oddities, established it as an axiom, that the salaries of the governor, judges, and other officers, were to be paid in skins absolutely ; and to add to their merriment, had them payable in mink skins."*
The provisions of the Franklin Legislature concerning its currency, have been the source of much merriment and pleasantry, at the expense of the Franks. It should be re- coUectecl that many of the articles, which were thus de- clared to be a lawful tender in payment of debts, were, at that moment, convertible into specie, at the prices designated by the law ; and all of them, certainly, at a lower scale of depreciation than the issues of many banks, considered since that time as a legal currency. Besides, in the forming pe- riod of society, when the pastoral and agricultural have not yet been merged into the commercial and manufacturing stagest where the simple wants of a new community confine its exchanges to the bartering of one commodity or product for another, -there can be but little use for mon'*y. There it does not constitate wealth, and is scarcely the representa- tive of it. On the frontier, he is the wealthiest man, not
•Haywood.
SM cuRRBHcnr op tbb coLomin.
who owns the largest amonnt of wild lands, while of acres around bim are vacant and nnappropriatec] ; or who has money to lend, which no one near him wishes or needa to borrow ; but he whose guns and traps furnish the most peltries^ who owns the largest flocks and herds, and whose cribs and barns are the fullest, and whose household fabrics are the most abundant. In a now settlement, these are wealth, and con^ stitute its standard.
In the earlier periods of all the American colonies, a like condition of things existed, as did now in Franklin. Money appears to have been very scarce, and in their domestic transactions, quite unknown. In Virginia, two centuries ago, the price of a wife was estimated at one hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco ; and the subject of the transaction was held to impart its own dignity to the df bt, which accordingly was allowed to take precedence of all other engagemenHL In 1088, a stipend^of sixteen thousand pounds of tobacco was given by law to each clergymen. In Maryland, tobacco, and not money, was made the measure of value, in all the tawS where prices were stated or payments prescribed.* In North- Carolina, as late as 1722, debts and rents were generally made payable in hides, tallow, furs, or other productions of the country. And still later, in 1738, when money was scarce in that colony, it became necessary to receive pay- ment of quit- rents and other debts, in such articles of country produce as were marketable and easily transported. The price of these several articles was fixed by acts of As- sembly, at which they were a legal tender. When judgment was obtained in a court for damages to a certain amount, the entry was usually made in the docket with the follow- ing addition : *' payable in deer skins, hides, tallow or small furs, at country price."t A specific tax of one bushel of In- dian corn, upon every tithable inhabitant, was laid in 1715, for the support of some forces upon the frontier, and to discharge a debt due to South-Carolina.
At an early day in Virginia, tobacco became the standard of value, and supplied in part the place of a circulating me'^ dium. By pi act of 1G32, " the secretary's fees shall be as
* Graluune. f WiUlamtoD.
FRANKLUI TREATY OP PBACB AMD BOUlfDABIES. 299
followetb :. ffor a warrant, 05 lbs. of tobacco ; flbr a passe lo lbs. ; ffor a freedom 80, etc. The marshal I's fees ffor an arrest, 10 lbs,; ffor warning the cort, 02, imprisonment coming in 10, going out 10, laying by the heels 5, whipping 10, pillory 10, duckinge 10, ffor every 5 lbs. of tobacco the niarshall may require one bushel of corne, etc. etc."*
The court of assistants, of Massachusetts, ordered that ( corn should pass for payment of all debts at the usual ( rate for which it was sold.
Hard Currency. — *'M usket balls, full bore, were a legal tender in Massachusetts, in 1650, current for a farthing a piece, provided that no man be compelled to take above twelve at a time of them." * : \
**In 1680, the town of Hilham paid its taxes in mfflclpaiib,**
Having appointed the officers of state, and provi(fed fop the support of the government of Franklin, the Assembly anthorized a treaty to be held with the Cherokee Indians. Governor Sevier, Alexander Outlaw and Daniel Kennedy, "were appointed commissioners. The treaty was held at the honse of Major Henry, near the mouth of Dumplin Creek, on the north bank of French Broad River. The king of the Cherokees, with a great number of their chiefs, met the Franklin commissioners at this place, on the 31st of May, 17d5. The conference wa3 continued three days, and re- salted in the establishment of the ridge dividing the waters of Little River and the Tennessee, as the boundary between the whites and Indians, and the cession of all the lands south of French Broad and Holston, east of that ridge. For these lands the Indians were promised compensation in general terms. ^*Both parties professed a sincere desire for the bles- sings of peace, and an ardent wish that it might be of long continuance. The governor, in a speech well calculated to produce the end he had in view, deplored the sufferings of the white f>eople ; the blood which the Indians spilt on the road leading to Kentucky ; lamented the uncivilized state of the Indians, and to prevent all future animosities, he sug* geHted the propriety of fixing the bounds, beyond which those settlements sliould not be extended, which had been
•Pbote^toiniginia.
\
too ooinnnoir of thb vbit vtatb.
impradently made on the south side of Freneh Broad and Holston, under the oonnivance of North-Carolina, and coald not now be broken up ; and he pledged the faith of the State of Franklin, if these bounds should be agreed upon and made known, that the citizens of his state should be effectoally restrained from all encroachments beyond it."^
Under the government of Franklin, the county offices were generally conferred upon those who already held com* missions under the State of North-Carolina for the same places. This arrangement gave general satisfaction. The metamorphosis from the old to the new order of things wa0 so noiseless, gradual and imperceptible, it did violence to no . one, produ'eed no convulsion, and for the time being recon- ciled all parties west of the mountains to the new govern- ment, which was now in the, full tide of successful experi- ment.
East of the Alleghanies, however, this sudden dismember^ ment of the territory of North-Carolina produced surprised censure and condemnation. A rumour of the insurrectionaiy tendency across the mountain, had reached Newbern during the session of the legislature, and had, doubtless, much infla* ence in hastening the measures adopted for the conciliation and relief of the western people. Complaints were soon after made to Alexander Martin, then governor of the state» by the chiefs'of the Cherokee nation, of the frequent viola- tion of treaty stipulations, and especially of the murder of one of their head men, Butler, by Major Hubbard, one of the . Franklin officers, in time of peace.
Governor Martin, under date Danbury, Dec. 18, 1784, had written to Col. John Gist, authorizing him to convene the witnesses before him, and if they prove the killing, **you will issue your warrant to apprehend the said Hubbard, di- rected to the sheriff or such other officers as you judge proper, to be brought before you, and if he cannot shew any exculpatory reason for this act, you will commit him under a strong guard to Burke county jail, and to be under the care of General McDowell, there to remain until Washington Supe- rior Court.**
The circumstances of the death of Butler, as furnished by
* Haywood.
UirrOOLAy A CHIEF OP OITICO. 301
<
a surviving kinsman, as he received them from Hubbard himself, are these :
The Death of Untoola or Gun Rod of Citioq — ob, as known
TO THE WHITES, BuTLER A ChEROKEE ChIEF.
Daring an armistice that had taken place between the Upper towns of the Cherokees and the infant settlements upon the French Broad, an attempt was made to revive the peaceful relations which, at happy intervals, had existed be- tween the white and Indian population. The counsels of the elder chiefs had at length prevailed over the rash and in- considerate decisions of the young men and warriors, and had curbed, if not eradicated, the restless spirit of cruelty and ag- g^ression which had so often involved the frontier in war. The whites too, were at this moment not indisposed to a state of peace. The emigration from abroad had been so great as to render the amount of the last year's crop inade- quate for the present wants and support of the country. A pacific policy was necessary to a renewal of that system of barter which, in times of previous scarcity, had been so bene- ficial to all. Impelled by necessity, several small parties ventured into the Indian country to procure corn. Amongst these was one consisting of only two men. Col. James Hub* bardt and a fellow-soldier. Hubbardt's parents and their whole family, had been cruelly butchered in Virginia by the Shawnees, and he had hence become the avowed enemy of the Indian race ; and it may not be saying too much to add, that he had killed more Cherokees than any other one man. In . every battle with them, he sought the place of danger. Coura* geous in action, ardent in pursuit, artful in stratagie and desperate in his revenges, he had incurred the implacable resentment of the Indians. This feeling had been exaspe- rated by th^ mortifying result of many a hardly contested rencounter with them.. In one of these it was his good for- tune to meet and unhorse Butler, a distinguished warrior and the chieftain of Citico. To lose his horse, his tomahawk or his rifiet is equivalent, in the Cherokee warrior's code, to the loss of consequence and of honour. Butler apprehended this effect from his late inglorious retreat from his antagonist. This staia
/
MS BUUAftOT AWD USTOOLA.
Upon his oharaoter ulcerated his prond and ambitions spirit^ and impatient under itscorrodings, and panting for an oppor- tunity to retrieve his loss, he had dissented from the peace- talks which were gradually preparing hts followers for a general pacification — an event which Butler was well awaroi under his peculiar situation, would consign him to temporary obscurity, or perhaps sink him to lasting infamy. His wounded pride could not brook this tormenting apprehension, and fae disdained to accept the overture of peace, which he too well knew bad not been extorted by his valour. Hearing of the approach of Hubbardt and of his companion to his town^ he invited a warrior, who still adhered to his fortunes,' to accoOir pany him. Well armed and well mounted^ they hasteDed from Citico and soon met the object of their search. Hub- bardt and his companion were encumbered with packages^ different kinds, which had been laid upon their horses to be exchanged for com. At the time of Butler's approach, tb^ were on foot, leading the horses leisurely along the Indite path. Butler rode directly up, and with an air of insulted dignity demanded, in English, the object of tbeir intrnsrre visit. Hubbardt, looking at him sternly, replied, with great self possession, As the war is over, we have brought some clothing which we desire to barter for corn ; and as an evi- dence of the conciliatory and peaceable purpose of his visits he exhibited the contents of a sack taken from his horse. He also drew forth a bottle of whiskey and invited the Indians to drink. To inspire Butler with greater coufidencQ, he leaned his rifle against a tree, vainly hoping, by this demeanour, to appease the resentment which but too plainly burned in the bosom and flashed from the eyes of his antagonist. To the enquiry about a supply of corn, no answer was made by But- ler, who manifested a stubborn indiflerence to the negotia* tion. He continued mounted and rode partly around the white men, with the supposed intention of either separating Hubbardt from his gun, by running his horse in between him and the tree, or of getting them both in the range of his dou^ ble-barrelled rifle, and of killing the principal and his second at one shot. Hubbardt, however, was not less eagle-eyed than he was brave, and taking his position near his gun, de«
UMTOOLA KILLED. 303
termined, that while he made no aggression upon others, be would not allow himself to be deprived of the means of de- fence. The negotiation was now ended — not another word was uttered. Though all verbal communication was sus- pended, it was not difficult to read in their expressive coun- tenances, the reckless determination of the two principals. Their companions remained spectators of the conduct of their chiefs — each of them aware that the fate of his friend might be decisive of his own.
Hubbardt knew that to resume his rifle, in the present posture of things, would be construed as a breach of the existing armistice or a renewal of the war, and would expose a starving frontier to famine and to the merciless incursions of their savage neighbours. To remain unarmed wras to. invite an attack from his adversary. He avoided either. He reached his hand to the muzzle of his gun and allowed the breach to remain upon the ground ; then assu*> ming a look of stern defiance, he waited, in silence, for the attack. Butler changed the position of his horse and aimed a blow at Hubbardt, but was unable, by this manccuvre, to gain any advantage over his wary antagonist. Baffled in this expectation, he coolly surveyed him, and, quick as light- ning, levelled his gun and fired. The ball passed between the ear and head of Hubbardt, and cut the hair from his temple and doing little injury to the skin, slightly stunned him. The two Indians immediately retreated. Their flight was so instantaneous and rapid that they had reached the distance of eighty yards when a ball from Hubbardt^s gun stmck Butler in the back and brought him to the ground. He begged Hubbardt, who was now approaching him, to let him alone — he was a dead man. At his own request, he uvras lifted up and placed against a tree, when ho breathed easier. To the request that he should tell them, before he died, whether his nation was for peace, he replied angril}', No. They are for war, and if you go any further thoy will take your hair. To the remark that they had belter not again go to war, for the white people would whip them, he he replied : It is a lie, it is a lie ; and making the declaration more emphatic by the addition of other ofiensive and insult-
S04 oovEBNOR M Ammr smiM (xmlohkl narDBUKur,
ing expletives, continned to provoke Habbardt till» in a paroxysm of ill-timed rage, by a blow from his heavy gon, he dispatched him.
The companion of Habbardt had his attention so wholly absorbed by the principal combatantSi thai he allowed the other Indian to escape without firing at hint. Habbardt reproached him bitterly for this neglect, and said that, if he had killed the other, intelligence of Butler's death would not have exposed the whites to immediate retaliation ; as it is» said he, the Indians will invade the settlements before they can be prepared for them.
It will be seen, hereafter, how severely the frontier snllbrod from the revenge, cruelty and retaliation of Bntlier^B
Rumour had ascribed the disturbances on the frontier to the officers of the new government, and Governor Martin sent Samuel Henderson to the West, with instructions and foil power to examine into and ascertain the extent of the ilqfii^ ries inflicted upon the Indians, and the disaffeeUon of the western people. The governor alKo forwarded, by-MeJor Henderson, a talk from himself to the Cherokees, and a letter to General Sevier. As containing a history of the times at which they bear date, each of these papers is given at length.
To THE Old Tassel and other Warriors of the Cheaokeb KAnoH ;
Brothers : — ^I have received your talk by Colonel Martin, in behalf of yourself and all the Cherokee nation. I am sorry that you have been nneasy, and that I could not see you this last spring, as I promised you, as our beloved men met at Hillsborough had prevented me^ by agreeing and concluding among themselves, that the Great Council of the thirteen American States, at Philadelphia, should transact all affiun belonging to the Red People. . . . . •
Broilur : — It gives me great uneasiness that our people trespass on your lands, and that your young men are afraid to go a-hunting on ac- count of our people ranging the woods and marking the trees. These things, I can assure you, are against the orders of your elder brother, and are not approved of by me and the good men of North -Carolina ; but VfhWe we were consulting our council of Philadelphia, our bad men living near your lands thought we had laid aside all government over them, and that'they had a right to do as they pleased ; and not willing to obey any law for the sake of ill gain and profit, care not what mis- chief they do between the red and white people, if they can enrich them-
ON A MISSION TO FKANKUN. 305
selves. Bat» brother, I know your complaints, and will endeavour to set vour minds at ease, by again ordering off all these persons from your lands, who have settled on them w^ithout your consent. Your fnend, Gen. Sevier, is made our First Warrior for the western country, to whom Cobnel Miuiinr. carries my particular directions to have these intruders moved off About the 25th of April, I propose to meet you, and such of your beloved men as will be pleased to attend, at the Great Island in Holston, or other place most agreeable to you on Broad or that river. I shall bring with me some of our first men, who will assist in the Talks, in whom, as well as myself, you can place your confidence and trust I propose to bring with me the goods, which, in my last Talk, I informed you, were intended to purchase your right and claim to some ot the lands near you, that a line be drawn and marked between yonr people and ours, which shall be the bounds in future, and over whioh cor people shall not go and settle upon, without being highly punished.
jSrotker: — In the meanwhile, 1 beg you not to listen to any bad TaBcB, which may be made by either white or red people, which may disturb onr peace and good will to each other ; and should mischief be done by any of our bad people, be patient until you hear from me, and may be certain your elder brother of North-Carolina will do every thing in his power, to give your minds satisfaction. I am told the northern Indians hare sent you some bad Talks, but do not hear them, as they wish to make vari- ance between all the red and American people without any provocation.
Brother : — Colonel Martin, your friend, has told me your grievances. I vrish to redress them as soon as possible. I cannot come to you sooner tban I have proposed. Bad men may make you uneasy, but your elder bzotlier of North-Carolina has you greatly in his heart, and wishes to make you sensible of it
OovBuroB Martin to General Sevier :
D ANBURY, December, lY84.
Sir ; — By Major Outlaw, I sent your brigadier's commission, which I expect you have received, and which I hope will bo acceptable to you, as also some proclamations agreeably to a request of the Legislature, to have all intruders removed off the Indian lands. I request your atten- tion to this business, as I have received a Talk from the Cherokee nation, matly complaining of trespasses daily committing against them ; and that tneir young men are afraid to hunt, as our people are continually ranging their woods and marking their trees. The importance of keep- ing peace with the Indians you are sufficiently impressed with, and the povers with which you are armed, are sufiicient to check the licentious and disobedient, and remove every impediment out of the way, which may give the Indians uneasiness.
I am informed a daring murder has been committed, on one Butler, a Cherokee Indian, by Major Hubbard, of Greene county, without any provocation. I have given directions for his being apprehended and oonveyed to Burke Gaol for security, until the setting of Washington Superior Court, when he will be remanded back. Col. Gist, of Greene county, is entrusted with this service. I have directed him to call on yon for guards if the same be necessary.
20
806 TALK OF GOVERNOR MARTIN TO CHER0KEE8.
You will please to write to me the first opportunity on this subject* I propose to hold a treaty with the Indians about the 25tli of Aprils at the Great Island.
Governor CasweU and Colonel Blount will be commissioners to assist at the treaty, where I shall e^cpect you to attend with such guard as will be thought necessary, and of which you will hereafter have adyioe.
Hearing of the continued revolt in the West, Governor Martin again addressed Governor Sevier :
jS'tr ; — With some concern, I have heard that the counties of Wash- ington, Sullivan and Greene, have lately declared themselves inde- pendent of the State of North-Carolina, and hare chosen you gDvemor — that you have accepted the same, and are now acting with a number of officers under the authority of a now government
As I wish to have full and proper mformation on this subject^ Mqor Samuel Henderson waits upon you with this, by whom you will please to transmit me an account of the late proceedings of the people in Iha western country, that I may have it in my power to couununicate the same to the General Assembly.
The general discontent that prevailed through the state at the late Cession act, and the situation of our public accounts not being as tm- vourable as they were taught to believe, caused the Assembly to repeal that act by a large majority, and to convince the people of the western country, that the state still retained her affection for, and was not desi- rous to part with, such a respectable body of citisens, in the present situation of affiiirs, attempted to make goveniment as easy as possible to them by erecting a new Superior Court District, creating a Brigadier- General of the Militia, and an Assistant Judge of the said Superior Court, which was, in short, redressing every grievance, and removing every obstacle out of the way that ^Icd for a separation, and which the Legislature were induced to expect from one of the members of that district, would give full satisfaction.
It has also been suggested that the Indiaii goods are to be seized, and the Commissioners arrested, when they arrive, on the business of the Treaty, as infringing on the powers of your new government ; for which reason they are stopped, and I shall not proceed with the Com- missioners until we are assured how far the militia of Washington Dis- trict may be relied on for guards in conducting the Treaty, whom alone I intend to call upon to attend to this business.
You will also please to inform me respecting the late Proclamations to remove off all intruders on the Indian lands, and what is done in Hubbard's case, of which I wrote you by Colonel Mardn.
Gov. Martin also sent another Talk :
To THE Old Tasskl of Chota, and all the warriors of the Friendly
Towns of the Cherokee nation :
Brothers : — The time is about arriving when I expected to have held a great Talk with you, as I promised by Col. Martin, and hope you will not charge me with being mlse and faithless to my promise, when I ex-
GOV. M AHTIN's instructions to MAJOB HeNDBRSON. 307
plain to you the reason why this business is obliged to be put off to some longer time. I am sorry to give you this information, as the &ult 18 not youiB or mine ; but, from a circumstance I could not have foreseen, would have happened, while we were preparing to see each other to ex- change mutual pledges of lasting friendship. A String.
Our brothers, the white people between the mountains and you, wish to have a council of beloved men and government separate irom your elder brothers of North-Carolina, with whom they heretofore sat and held all their councils in common.
Your elder brothers are not yet agreed to their separation from themi till they are a more numerous and stronger people, till we have held Talks together on the terms of the separation, and till the great (}ouncil at New- York' are agreed ; while these things are settling among ourselveSi the talkinff with you must be delayed^ as the meeting must be on the ground where they live, and from whom we must procure things ne- eeaaary for the support of you and us ; and by this Talk we intend to make a chairs of friendship strong and bright, that will last forever be- tween you and all your elder brothers, more especially those who live near von. We wish to have their full consent and hearty assistance as one people in this business. A String.
9
Brothtrn : — Be'not discouraged at this delay. Whatever disputes may be between your elder brothers, I trust it will not concern you, more tban yon may think the time long we may take up in understanding ooieelves. Li the meantime, I, as your elder brother, request you to be peaeeably disposed to all the white people who are our brothers, and not iuftr any misdiief to be done to them, either to their persons or pro- perty, nor listen to any ill Talks which may be offered you, either from the red or white bad people ; but should any injury be done you by the white people near you, complain to their head and beloved men, who I hope will give you redress, till the way is clear for you and us of North- Carolina to see each other. A String.
Brothtn: — ^The time is shortly to be, by the nature of our govern- ment, when I am to become as a private brother, but the eood Talks that have passed between us will not be forgotten. I will deliver them care- fully to my successor. Governor Caswell, who loves you, and wishes to Tau with you in the same manner I have. He will have the conducting <rf the future Talks with you, which I hope will always be to our mu- tual satisfaction. •
OCT. martin's INtTTRUOTIONS 70H MAJOR SAMUEL HENDERSON.
Sir : — ^Tou will please to repair with despatch to Gleneral Sevier, and deliver him the letters herewith handed you, and request his an- swer. You will make yourself acquainted with the transactions of the people in the western country, such as their holdiDg a Convention, and learn whether tlfe same be temporary, to be exercised only during the time of the late Cession act ; ana that since the repeal thereof, they mean still to consider themselves citizens of North-Carolina, or whether they intend the same to be perpetual, and what measures they have
808 GOV. SEVIER ANNOUNCEB FRAVKUN INDEPBHDENT.
taken to support such government. That you procure a copy of the constitution, and the names of such officers at present exercising the powers of the new government That you be informed whether a &o- tion of a few leading men be at the head of this business, or whether it be the sense of a large majority of the people that the state be dii- mcnibered at this crisis of afihirs, and what laws and resolutions are formed for their future government ; also, where the bounds of thdr new state are to extend, and whether Cumberland or Kehtuckv, or both, are to be included therein, and whether the people of those places have also taken part in the above transactions. You will learn the temper and disposition of the Indians, and what is done in Hubbard^a case, and how his conduct is approved or disapproved in general. Lastly, every other information you think necessary to procure, you will conununicate to me as soon as possible ; at the same time you will conduct yotinelf with that prudence you are master of, in not throwing out menaces, or making use of any language that may serve to irritate persons oon- cemed in the above measures.
The authorities of North-Carolina were not long allowed to remain in doabt upon the subject of the defection of the western counties. Soon after the organization of the Le^s- lature of the State of Franklin, and the appointment of its principal oflieers, a communication was addressed to Alex- ander Martin, Esq., Grovernor of North-Carolina, signed by John Sevier, Governor, and Landon Carter and William Gage, as Speakers of the Senate and House of Commons of the State of Franklin, announcing that they and part of the inhabitants of the territory lately ceded to Congress, had declared themselves independent of the State of North-Caro- lina, and no longer considered themselves under the sove- reignty and jurisdiction of the same, and assigning the rea- sons for their separation. This formal Declaration of Inde- pendence, officially communicated by the functionaries of Franklin, and transmitted to the Executive of North-Caro lina, induced Governor Martin to issue his circular under date, Danbury, April 7th, 1785, to the members of Council, requiring them to meet him at Hillsborough on the 22d inst. In his circular, lie goes on to say that the inhabitants of the western counties **had declared themselves independent of the State of North-Carolina, and have refused, and do refuse, to pay obedience to the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the same ;" and he convenes them at Hillsborough, ''then and there in your wisdom to deliberate and advise the measures necessary to be taken on this occasion."
GOV. MARTIN^B MANIFESTO. 300
Three days after the meeting of his Council, Governor Martin issued a Proclamation as follows : — '^Whereas, I have received undoubted information of the revolt of the inhabi- tants of Washington, Greene and Sullivan counties, who have declared themselves independent of the State of North-Caro- lina, under the name of the State of Frankliriy^ and then convenes the Legislature at Newbern, on the 1st of June.
Upon the same day he issued also the following spirited and elaborate Manifesto :
State of North-Carolina :
By ffia Excellency Alkxander Martin, Esqniro, Governor, Captain-
Ckneral and Commander-in-Chief of the State aforesaid — To the Inhabitants of the Counties of Washington^ Sullivan and Greene:
A MANIFESTO.
Whereas, I have received letters from Brigadior-Grencral Sevior, under the style and character of Governor, and from Messrs. Landon Carter and William Cage, as Speakers of the Senate and House of Commons of the State of Franklin, informing me that they, with you, the inhabitants of part of the territory lately ceded to Congress, had declared themselves in- dependent of the State of North-Carolina, and no longer consider them- selves under the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the same, stating their reason for their separation and revolt — among which it is alledged, that the western country was ceded to Congress without their consent, by an act of the legislature, and the same was rei)ealod in the like manner.
It is evident, from the journals of that Assembly, how far that asscr^ tion is supported, which held up to public view the names of those who voted on the different sides of that important question, where is found a considerable number, if not a majority, of the member — some of whom ItfB leaders in the present revolt — then representing the above counties, in Bupport of that act they now deem iini)olitic and pretend to reprobate — which, in all probability, would not have passed but through tneir influ- ence and assiduity — whose passage at length was eflectcd but by a small majority, and by which a cession of the vacant territory was only made and obtained with a power to the delegates to complete the same by grants, but that government should still be supported, and that anarchy prevented — which is now suggested — the western people were ready to nil into. The sovereignty and jurisdiction of the state were, by another act passed by the same assembly, reserved and asserted over the ceded territory, with all the powers and authorities as full and ample as before, until Congress should accept the same.
The last Assembly having learned what uneasiness and discontent the OessioQ act had occasioned throughout the state, whose inhabitants had not been pre\iously consulted on that measure, in whom, by the consti- tation, the soil and territorial rights of the state are particularly vested, judging the said act imjx^litic at this time, more especially as it would, fixr a small consideration, dismember the state of one half of her territo-
310 EXPLAINS THE CESSION ACT AND THE CAUSES OF ITS REPEAL,
I
rj, and in the end tear from her a respectable body of her dtiiens, when no one state in the Union had parted with any of their citizens, or given anything like an equivalent to Congress but vacant lands of an equivo- cal and disputed title and distant situation ; and also conudering that the said act, by its tenor and purport, was revocable at any time before the cession should have been comi>leted by the delegates, who repealed it by a great majority ; at the same time, the Assembly, to convince the people of the western country of their affection and attention to thor mterest, attempted to render government as easy as possible to them, by removing the only general inconvenience and grievance they might labour under, for the want of a regular adminiRtration of criminal ju»- tice, and a proper and immediate command of the militia ; a new district was erected, an assistant judge and a brigadier-general were appcHDted.
Another reason for the revolt is assigned, that the Assembly on the Cession act stopped a quantity of goods intended for the Cherokee In* dians, as a compensation for their claim to tlie western lands ; and that the Indians had committed hostilities, in consequence thereof. Tlie journals of the Assembly evince the contrary ; that the said goods were still to be given to the Indians, but under the regulations of Congress, should the cession take place ; which occasioned the delay of not irnme* diately sending them forward ; of which the Indians were immediately notified, and I am well informed that no hostilities or mischiefs have been committed on this account ; but, on the other hand, that provo- cations have been, and are daily given, their lands trespassed upon, and even one of their chiefs has been lately murdered, with impunity.
On the repeal of the Cession act, a treaty was ordered to be held with the Indians, and the goods distributed as soon as the season would permit; which, before Ibis, would have been carried into effect, had not the face of affairs been changed.
Under what character, but truly disgraceful, could the State of North- Carolina suffer treaties to be held with the Indiaa*^, and other business transacted in a country, where her authority and government were re- jected and set at naught, her officers liable to insult, void of assistance or protection.
The particulv attention the legislature have paid to the interest of the western citizens, though calculated to conciliate their affection and esteem, has not been satisfactory, it seems : but the same has been at- tributed to interest and lucrative designs. Whatever designs the legis- lature entertained in the repeal of the said act, they have made it ap- pear that their wisdom considered that the situation of our public ac- counts was somewhat changed since that Assembly, and that the interest of the state should immediately bo consulted and attended to, that every citizen should reap the advantage of the vacant territory, that the same should be reserved for the jiayment of the public debts of the state, under such regulations hereafter to be adopted ; judging it ill- timed generosity at this crisis, to be too lil^eral of the means that would so greatly contribute to her honesty and justice.
But designs of a more dangerous nature and deeper die seem to glaie in the western revolt. The power usurped over the vacant terri- tory, the Union deriving no emolument from the same, not even the
AND IMFOTflS SINISTER DESIGNS TO THE INSURGENTS. 311
proportional part intended the old states by the cession being reserved, ner jurisdiction and sovereignty over that country (which, by the con- sent of its representatives, ^vere still to remain and be eicercised) rejected and deposed ;> her public revenue in that part of her government seized by the new authority, and not suffered to bo paid to the lawful Trcn- snrer, but appropriated to different purposes, as intended by the Legis- lature,— are all facts, evincing that a restless ambition and a lawless thirst of power, have inspired this enterprise, by which the persons con- cerned thenan, may be precipitated into measures that may, at last, bring down ruin, not only on themselves, but our country at large.
In order, therefore, to reclaim such citizens, who, by specious pretences and the acts of designing men, have been seduced from their allegiance, to restrain others from following their example who are wavering, and to confirm the attachment and affection of those who adhere to the old government, and whose fidelity hath not yet been shaken, 1 havjd thought proper to issue this Manifesto, hereby warning all persons coti- oemed in the said revolt, that they return to their duty and allenriance, and forbear paying any obedience to any self-created power and authority unknown to the constitution of the state, and not sanctified by the Legislature. That they and you consider the consequences that may attend such a dangerous and unwarrantable procedure; that far less causes have deluged states and kingdoms with blood, which, at length, have terminated their existence, either by subjecting them a prey to foreign con<iuerors, or erecting in their room a despotism that has bid- den defiance to time to shake off; — the lowest state of misery, human nature, under such a government, can be reduced to. That they reflect there is a national pndc in all kingdoms and states, that inspires every snbject and citizen with a degree of importance — the grand cement and BQpport of every government — which must not be insulted. That the honour of this State has been particularly wounded, by seizing that by violence which, in time, no doubt, would have been obtained by consent, when the terms of separation would have been explained and stipulated, to the mutual satisfaction of the mother and new state. That Congress, by the confederation, cannot countenance such a separa- tion, wherein the State of North-Carolina hath not given her full con- sent; and if an implied or conditional one hath been given, the same hath be^n rescinded by a full Legislature. Of her reasons for so doing they consider themselves the only competent judges.
That by such rash and irregular conduct a precedent is formed for every district, and even every county of the state, to claim the right of separation and indoj)endency for any supposed grievance of the inhabitants, as caprice, pride and ambition shall dictate, at pleasure, thereby exhibiting to the world a melancholy instance of a feeble or pusillanimous government, that is either unable or dares not restrain the lawless designs of its citizens, which will give ample cause of exultation to our late enemies, and raise their hopes that they may hereafter gain, bj the division among ourselves, that dominion their tyranny and arms have lost, and could not maintain.
That you tarnish not the laurels you have so gloriously won at King's Mountain and elsewhere, in supporting the freedom and independence
312 GOVERNOR MARTIN TilREATENB THE RBVOI4TBB8.
of tlio United States, and this state in particular, to be whoae citueitt were thi*n yonr boast, in l>eing concerned in a black and traitorous revolt from that government in whose defence you liave so copiously bled, and which, by solemn oath, you arc still bound to support .Let not Ver- mont be held u]) ns an (.'xample on this occasion. Vermont, we are informed, had her chiiuis for a separate government at the first existr ence of the American war, and, as such, with the other states, although not in the Univ/n, hatli exerted her ^xjwers against the late common enemy.
That you hi} not insulted or led away witli the pageantry of a modi government without the essentials — the shadow without the subatanoe — which always dazzles weak minds, and which will, in its present form and manner of existence, not only subject you to Uie ridicule and con- tempt of the world, but rouse the indignation of the other states in the Union at your obtruding ^'ourselves as a }K>wer among them without til -ir consent Consider what a number of men of different abilitiea will be wanting to fill the civil list of the State of Franklin, and the expense necessary to sup])ort them suitable to their various degrees of dignity, when the District of Washington, with its present offioersi might answer all the purjxxies of a happy government until the period arrive when a separation might take place to mutual advantage and Batisfactiou on an honourable footing. The Legislature will ahortlj meet, l>oforo whom the transactions of your leaders will be laid. L^ your representatives come forward and present every grievance in a coastitutional manner, that Uiey may be redressed ; and let your tormi of sepanition be proposed with decency, your proportion of the public debts ascertained, the vacant temtory appropriated to the mutual benefit of both parties, in such maimer and proi)ortion as may be juat and reasonable ; let your j)roposals bo consistent with the honour of the stito to accede to, which, by your allegiance as good citizens, you cannot violate, and I make no doubt but her generosity, in time, will meet your wishes.
^^ ]3ut, on the contrary, should you be hurried on by blind ambition to pursue your present unjustifiable nioiisures, which may oj^en afresh the wounds of this late bleeding country, and plunge it again into all the miseries of a civil war, which God avert, let the fatal consequences bo charged upon the authors. It is only time which can reveal the evenU I know with reluctance the state will be drlvin to arms ; it will be the last alternative to imbrue her hands in the blood of her citizens ; but if no other ways and moans are found to save her honour, and reclaim her head-strong, refractory citizens, but this last sad expedient, her resources are not yet so exhaust<3d or her spirits damped, but she may take aatift- faction for this great injury received, regain her government over the re- volted territory or render it not worth possessing. But all these effects may be prevented, at tliis time, by remoWng the causes, by those who have revolted returning to their duty, and those who have stood firm, still con- tinue to support the government of this state, until the consent of the legislature be fully and constitutionally had for a separate sovereignty and jurisdiction. All which, by virtue of the powers and authorities which your representatives and others of the state at large have invested me
ITS EFFEOTfl IN FRAKKUN. 313
with in General Assembly, I hereby will command and require, as you will be liable to answer all the pains and penalties that may ensue on the contrary.
Given under my hand and the Great Seal of the State, which I have caused to be hereunto affixed, at Ilillsborough, the twontvlifth day of April, in the year of our Lord 1785, and ninth year of the Independence oi the said State.
ALEXANDER MARTIN. By SBs Excellency's command.
Jambs Glasgow, Secretary.
A document such as this, emanating from the highest authority known to the sovereignty of North-Carolina, con- ceived in language and spirit at once conciliatory and re- spectfuly though earnest and firm, could not be wholly disre- garded, and was not without its influence upon the reflect- ing and considerate. Copies of it, in manuscript, were dis- tributed, and read amongst the citizens of the new state. A closer scrutiny into the measure of separation that had been adopted, was instituted. A few had, from the first, advised adherence to the mother state. Their number had increased^ after the repeal of the Cession act. To such, the Manifesto of Governor Martin furnished new weapons against Frank- lin and their present rulers. But no one contemplated or advised a permanent connection between North-Carolina and her western counties, as a return to their former alle- giance must soon be succeeded by another separation from her, perhaps not less difHcuIt, or of less questionable validity. The policy of ceding the western territory to Congress, might ultimately be re-adopted, and the existing imbecile condition <if the Confederacy, led no one to think favourably of that alternative. A very large majority of the people, therefore, remained firm in their attachment to the new common- iTvealth; its machinery worked well. Law was, thus far, effectually administered. Treaties, for the acquisition of new Indian lands, were contemplated, the settlements were dally augmenting in number and strength, and the new gov- ernment was acquiring vigour and stability, from a proposed annexation of a part of Virginia. Besides this, there was a charm in the idea of independence. The Manifesto itself evidently contemplated, and seemed to sanction, a separation, not improbable at an early day ; and as, in the minds of
314 GOVERNOH BEVIEr's OOUNTBR-MAVIPEBTO,
most men, the question was one merely as to time, it was almost unanimously determined by the people to maintain their present position. The authorities of Franklin so de- cided also. Governor Sevier, accordingly^ on the fourteenth of May, addressed to Governor Caswell, who had succeeded Martin in the executive chair of North-Carolina, his Mani- festo, setting forth the proceedings of the State of FraiUcIiOt and answering, in detail, the complaints made against it by Governor Martin. Governor Sevier writes to Governor Caswell under date :
State of Frankun, )
Washington County, 14th May, 1786. J
Sir : — Governor Martin has lately sent up into our ooantry a Muu- festo, together with letters to private persons, in order to stir up sedi- tion and insurrection, thinking, thereby, to destroy that peace and tran- quillity, which have so greatly subsisted among the peaceful citixent of tiiis country.
First in the Manifesto, ho charges us with a revolt from North-Caio- Una, hy declaring ourselves independent of that state. Secondly, that' designs of a more dangerous nature and deeper die seem to glare in tho western revolt, the power being usurped over the western vacant terri- tory, the Union deriving no emolument from the same, not even the part intended for North-Carolina by the cession, and that part of her revenue is seized by the new authority and appropriated to dilierent purposes than those intended by your legislature. .
His Excellency is pleased to mention that one reason we have as- signed for the revolt, as he terms it, is that the goods were stopped from the Indians, that were to compensate them for the western lands, and that the Indians had committed murders in consequence thereof. He is also pleased to say that he is well informed to the contrary, and that no hostilities have been committed on that account ; but on the other hand, provocations are daily given the Indians, and one of their chie& murdered with impunity. In answer to the charge relative to what His Excellency is pleased to call the revolt, I must beg leave to differ with him in sentiment on that occasion ; for your own acts declare to the world tliat this country was ceded off to Congress, and one part of the express condition was, that the same should be erected into one or more states ; ixnd we believe that body was candid, and that they fully believe a new state would tend to the mutual advantage of all parties ; that they were as well acquainted with our circumstances at that time, as Governor Martin can be since, and that they did not think a new government here would be led away by the pageantry of a mock gov- ernment without the essentials, and leave nothing among us but a shadow, as represented by him.
But if Governor Martin is right in his suggestidn, we can only say that the Assembly of North-Carolina deceived us, and were urging us on
IN EXPLANATION OF BEPAmATION. 315
into total roin, and laying a plan to destroy that part of her citizens she so often frankly confessed saved the parent state from ruin. But the peo- ple here, neither at that time nor the present, having the most distant idea of any snch intended deception, and at the same time well knowing how pveeaingly Congress had requested a cession to be made of the western territory ever since the t)th of September and lOthofOcto* ber, inthe year 1780 — these several circumstances, together with a real necessity to prevent anarchy, promote our own happiness, and pro- Tide against the common enemy, that always infest this part of the worid, induced and compelled the people hero to act as they have done innocently : thinking, at the same time, your acts tolerated them in the eeparation. Therefore, we can by no means think it can be called a re- volt or known by such a name. As to the second charge, it is entirely groundless. We have by no act, whatever, -laid hold of one foot of the ▼acant land, neither have we appropriated any of the same to any of our nee or uses, but intend everything of that nature for further delibera- tion, and to be mutually settled according to the right and claim of each
As to that part of seizing the public money, it is groundless as the former. For no authority among us, whatever, has laid hold of or ap- propriated one farthing of the same to our uses in any shape whatever, out the same is still in the hands of the sheriff and collectors. And on ihe other hand, we have passed such laws as will both compel and justify tibem in settling and paying up to the respective claimants of the same ; all which will appear in our acts, which will be laid before you and fully evince to the reverse of Governor Martinis charge in the Manifesto.
Very true, wo suggest that the Indians have committed murders in oonsequenoe of the delay of the goods. Nearly forty people have been murdered since tho Cession Bill passed, some of which lived in our own counties, and the remainder on the Kentucky Path ; and it is evidently known to the Cherokees, and their frequent Talks prove, they are exas- perated at getting nothing for their lands, and in all probability had their goods been furnished, no hostilities would have been committed.
The murder committed with impunity, alluding to Major Hubbard's Idlling a half-breed, which Governor Martin calls a chief (but who was never any such thing among the Indians). We can't pretend to say what information His Excellency has received on this subject, moro than the others, or where from. This we know, that all the proof was liad against Hubbard that ever can bo had, which is, the Indian first sfemok, and then discharged his gun at Hubbard, before tho Indian was killed by Hubbard. As Governor Martin reprobates the measure in so great a degree, I can't pretend to say what he might have done, but must believe, that had any other person met with the same insult from one of those bloody savages, who have so frequently murdered the wives and children of the people of this country for many years past, I say had they been possessed of that manly and soldierly spirit that be- OODies an American, they must have acted like Hubbard.
I have now noticed to your Rxcellency the principal complaints in the Manifesto, and such as I think is worth observation, and have called
316 eovEBNom caswbll's bbplt
forth such proofs as must evince fully the reyerae of the charge and complaints set forth.
The menaces made use of in the Manifesto will by no means intinur date us. We mean to pursue our necessary measures, and with the fullest confidence believe that your legislature, when- truly informed of our civil proceedings, will iind no cause for resenting anything we have done.
Most certain it is, that nothing has been transacted here oat of m disregard for the parent state, but we still entert«n the same lofpi opinion and have the same regard and afifection for her, that ever we had, and would be as ready to step forth in her defence as ever we did, should need require it /
Also our iicts and resolutions will evince to the worlds that we hsfe paid all due respect to your state. First, in taking up and adoptiiig her constitution and then her laws, together with naming several neir counties and also an academy after some of the first men in your state*
The repeal of the Cession act we cannot take notice of^ as we had« de- clared our 8(^parat]on before the repeal. Therefore, we are bound to support it with that manly firmness that becomes freemen.
Our Assembly sits again in August, at which time it is expected commissioners will be appointed to adjust and consider on such matten of moment, as will be consistent with thcf honour and interest of eaek party.
The disagreeable and sickly time of the year, together with the great distance from Newbem,as also the short notice, puts it out of the power of any person to attend from this quarter at this time.
Our agent is at Congress, and we daily expect information from that quarter, res|)ectiDg our present measures, and hope to be adviaed thereon.
We are informed that Congress have communicated to your state re- specting the repeal of the Cession act. Be that as it may, I am au- tliorized to say nothing will be lacking in us, to forward everything that will tend to the mutual benefit of each party and conciliate all matters whatever.*
To this counter-manifesto of Gov. Sevier, Governor Gas- well replied, under date —
KiNSTON, N. C, l^th June, 1785.
Sir: — Your favour of the 14th of last month, I had the honour to receive by Colonel Avery.
In this, sir, you have stated the different charges mentioned in Governor Martin's Manifesto, and answered tliem by giving what I understand to be the sease of the people, and your own sentiments, with respect to each charge, as well as the reasons which governed in the measures he complained of.
* For this letter, I am indebted to the politeness of Hon. D. L. Swain. It is extracted from the letter book of Gov. Caswell in his poseessioo.
DRAWS FROM SEVIER FURTHER VINDICATION. 317
I have not seen Gk)vernor Martin's MaDifesto, nor have I derived so full and explicit information from any quarter as this you have been pleased to give me. As there was not an Assembly, owing to the members not attending at Oovemor Martin's request, the sen^e of the Legislatiire, on this business, of course, could not be had, and as you give me assurances of the peaceable disposition of the people, and their "Wish to conduct tliemselvcs in the manner you mention, and also to send persons to adjust, consider and conciliate matters, I sup])Ose, to the next Assembly, for the present, things must rest as they are with respect to the subject matter of your letter, which shall be laid before the next Assembly. In the meantime, let mo entreat you not, by any means, to consider this as giving countenance, by the executive of the state, to any measures lately pursued by the people to the westward of the mountains.
With regard to the goods intended, by the state, for the Indians as a compensation for the lands, they, I believe, have been ready for many months, at Washington, and if I can procure wagons to convey them to the place destined, (the Long Island,) I mean to send them there to be disposed of according to Uie original intention of the Assembly, and will either attend myself or appoint commissioners to treat wiUi the Indians ; but in this, you know, it is necessary that whoever attends should be protected by Uie militia, and, under the present situation of a&iiSy it is possible my orders may not be attended to in that particular ; and however a man may submit to these things in a private character, he may be answerable to the people, at least they may judge it so, in a public situation. Therefore, without your assurances of the officers and men under your command being subject to my orders in this case, as matteis stand, I think it would be imprudent in me to come over or send commisuoners to treat with the Indians. Of this you will be pleased to write me the first favourable opportunity. It is my wish to come Ofer myself, and if matters turn so that I can with convenience, it is piobable I may.
Grovernor Sevier further writes :
Washington County, I7th October, 1786.
Sir: — Having wrote you fully, in my letter of the 14th May last, lelative to the proceedings of the State of Franklin, and answered some complaints set forth in Governor Martin's Manifesto in the same, I shall now only take the liberty to inform your Excellency that our Assembly have appointed a person to wait on your Assembly, with some resolves entered mto by our Legislature.
PSermit me to assure your Excellency that it was not from any disgust or uneasiness that we had, while under the parent state, that occ:isioned the separation. Our local situation you are sufficiently acquainted with, sod your Cession Act, together with the frequent requisitions from Congress, had convinced us that a separation would inevitably take place, and, at the time of our declaration, we had not the most distant idea that we should give any umbrage to our parent state, but, on the other hand, thought your Legislature had fully tolerated tlie separation. I am able, in truth, to say that the people of this country wish to do
318 COLONEL MARTIN TO GOVERNOR CA8WELL.
■
nothing that will be inconsistent with the honour and interest of each party.
The people of this state regard North-Carolina with particular affec- tion, and will never cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern her honour and safety, and our hearty and kind wishes will idwajB attend the parent state.
Before this letter was written, Governor Sevier had, in \ conjunction with other commissioners, under the aa- ( thority of Franklin, already concluded a satisfactory treaty with the Indians, and felt neither the disposition nor the necessity of replying to that part of Governor Caswell's letter, which related to Indian affairs. It seems to have been wholly disregarded west of the mountains ; for, in August, as had been provided for, the Assembly of Franklin met again, and legislated further in promotion of the ulterior views of the new government. At this session, a law was passed, en- couraging an expedition that was to proceed down the Ten- nessee, on its western side, and take possession of the great bend of that river, under titles derived from the State of Georgia.
In the meantime, Colonel Joseph Martin, whose name is found amongst the members of the iSrst convention at Jones- borough, in discharge of his duty as Indian Agent for North-Carolina, had visited the Cherokee nation. Arrived at the Beloved Town, he writes to Governor Caswell, under date,
Chota, 19th September, 1786.
Dear Sir: — ^Your Excellency's favour of the l7th June, by Mr. Avery, never came to hand until the iOth inst I 6nd myself under some concern, in reading that part wherein I am considered a member of the new state. I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that I have* no part with them, but consider myself under your immediate direction, as agent for the State of North-Carolina, until the Assembly shall direct otherwise. I am now on the duties of that office, and have had more trouble with the Indians, in the course of the summer, than I ever had, owing to the rapid encroachments of the people from the new state, toge^er with the Talks from the Spaniards and the Western Indians.
These Talks^ as further communicated by Colonel Martin, indicated renewed hostilities from several Indian tribes, in- stigated by the Spaniards, who were urging their claims to much of the western country, and to the exclusive naviga- tion of the Mississippi River.
ENCLOSED TALKS FROM CHOTA. 319
With this letter, wsis also sent the subjoined Talk of the
Old Tassel.
CnoTA, 19th September, 1786. Brother : — ^I am now going to speak to you ; I hope you will hear mc. I am an old man, and almost thrown away by my elder brother. The ground I stand on is very slippery, though I still hope my elder brother will hear mo and take pity on me, as we were all made by the same Great Being above ; we are all children of the same parent I therefore hope my elder brother will hear me.
You have often promised me, in Talks that you sent me, that you would do me justice, and that all disorderly people should be moved off our lands ; but the longer we want to see it done, the farther it seems o£ Your people have built houses in sight of our towns. We don't want to quarrel with you, our elder brother ; I therefore beg that you, our elder brother, will have your disorderly people taken off our lands immediately, as their being on our grounds causes great uneasiness. We aie very uneasy, on account of a report that is among the white people that call themselves a new people, that lives on French Broad and Nolechuckey ; they say they have treated with us for all the lands on Little Biver. I now send this to let my elder brother know how it if. Some of (hem gathered on French Broad, and sent for us to come and treat with them ; but as I was told there was a treaty to be held with us, by orders of the great men of the thirteen states, we did not go to meet them, but some of our young men went to see what they wanted. They first wanted the land on Little River. Our young men told Uiem that all their head men were at home ; that they had no au- thofitj to treat about lands. They then asked them liberty for those that were then living on the lands, to remun there, UU the head men of their nation were consulted on it, which our young men agreed to. Since tlien, we are told that they claim all the lands on the waters of Little Krer, and have appointed men among themselves to settle their dis- pntes on our lands, and call it their ground. But we hope you, our elder broiher, will not agree to it, but will have them moved off I also beg that you will send letters to the Great Council of America, and let ihem know how it is ; that if you have no power to move them off, ther have, and I hope they will do it
i once more beg that our elder brother will take pity on us, and not take oar ground m>m us, because he is stronger than we. The Great Being abore, that made us all, placed us on this land, and gave it to us, and it IS ours. Our elder brother, in all the treaties we ever had, gave it to US aho, and we hope he will not think of taking it from us now.
I have sent with this Talk a string of white beads, which I hope my alder brother will take hold of, and think of his younger brother, who is now in trouble, and looking to him for justice. Given out by the Old Tassel, for himself and whole nation, in presence • of the head men of the Upper and Lower Cherokees, and inter- preted by me.
JAMES McCORMACK. For the Governor of North-Carolina and Virginia.
320 DISAFFECTION IN VIRGINIA.
The intelligence communicated thus by Martin to Gov. Caswell, of the hostile intentions of the Indians, and espe- ciallj^ of the policy of the Spaniards relative to their claims upon the Mississippi, had also reached the people of Frank- lin, and furnished additional arguments for a continued separ ration from the parent state. As the interests and dangers of the western people were peculiar, they chose to exercise the control of their own policy and means of defence, and to adapt these to the exigencies of their condition. Motoal exposure and common wants had generated a close alliance between themselves and the inhabitants of the coterminons section of Virginia ; and the contagion of independence and separation extended to Washington county of that state» and threatened the dismemberment of the Old Dominion. Patriok Henry was at that time in the executive chair, and at once communicated to the Legislature of Virginia the intelligenee of the disaffection in Washington county, in the following message :
I transmit herewith, a letter from the honourable Mr. Hardy, corer- ing a memorial to Congress from sundry inhabitants of Washingtdki county, praying the establishment of an indenendent state, to ba bounded as is therein expressed. The proposed limits include a vast ei- tent of country, in which we have numerous and very respectable settle- mentA, which, in tlicir growth, will form nn invaluable barrier between this country and those, who, in the course of events, may occupy the vast places westward of the mountains, some of whom have views in- compatible with our safety. Already, the militia of that part of the stat(? is the most respectiiblo we have, and by their means it is that the neighlx)uring Indians are awed into professions of friendship. But a circumstance has lately happened, which renders the possession of the territory at tlio present time indispensable to the peace and safety of Virginia ; I moan tlie jissuniption of sovereign power by the western in- habitants of North-Carolina. If the y>eople who, without considting their own safety, or any other authority known in the American consf tution, have assumed government, and while unallied to us, and under no engag(Mnents to pursue the obj(?cts of tlio federal government, shall be strengthened by the accession of so great a part of our country, con- sequences fatal to our repose will probably follow. It is to be observed, that the settlements of this new society stretch into a great extent in contact with ours in Wasliington county, and thereby expose our citi- zens to the contagion of the example which bids fair to destroy the peace of North-Carolina. In this state of things it is, that variety of mformation has come to me, stating, that several persons, but especially CoL Arthur Campbell, have usea their utmost endeavours, and with
60VEEN0R HENRT^fl MKSSAGE TO VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. 821
■ome BOOoeM, to persuade the citizens in that quarter to break off from this eommonwealth, and attach themselves to the newly assumed govern- ment, or to erect one distinct from it And to effect this purpose, the eoualify and authority of the laws have been arraigned, the collection or the taxes impeded, and our national character impeached. If this most important part of our territory be lopped ofl^ we lose that barrier for which our people have long and often fought ; that nursery of •oldiem, from which future armies may be levied, and through which it will be ahnoet impossible for our enemies to penetrate. We shall ag- grandiie the new state, whose connexions, views and designs, we know not; shall oease to be formidable to our savaee neighbours, or respecta- Ue to oar western settlements, at present or m future.
''Whilst these and many other matters were contemplated by the Siicntive, it is natural to suppose, the attempt at separation was dis- oonniged by every lawful means, the chief of which was displacing such of the field officers of the militia in Washington county as were active partiiaiis tm separation, in order to prevent the weight of office being put in the scale ^^ainst Virffinia. To this end, a proclamation was jMoedy declaring £e militia hws of the last session in force in that coun- ty, and appointments were made agreeable to it I hope to be excused nr ezpreising a wish, that the Assembly, in deliberating on this affiur, wfll prefer lenient measures, in order to reclaim our erring citizens. Tbiear taxes have run into three years, and thereby grown to an amount lM|y<»id the ability of many to dischai^e ; while the system of our trade lias been such, as to render their agriculture unproductive of money. And I eannot but suppose, that if even the warmest supporters of sepa- ifttion had seen the mischievous consequences, they would have retraced n^conndered that intemperance in their own proceedings, which oppo- srami in sentiment is too apt to produce."
Hie limits proposed for the new government of Frankland, by Gol. Arthur Campbell, and the people of Virginia, who aimed at a separa- tion fi:om that state, were expressed in the form of a constitution which CoL Campbell drew up for public examination, and were these : Begin- afaig at a point on the top of the Alleghany or Apalachian Mountains, ■o as a line drawn due north from thence will touch the bank of New Bivff, otherwise called Eenhawa, at the confluence of Little River, which is about one mile above Ingle's Ferry ; down the said river Eenhawa to the month of the Rencovert, or Green Briar River ; a direct line from Ihence, to the nearest summit of the Laurel Mountain, and along the faighest part of the same, to the point where it is intersected by the parallel of thirty-seven deg. north latitude ; west alons that latitude to ft point where it is met by a ^meridian line that passes £rough the lower part of the rapid of Ohio ; south along the meridian to Elk River, a Dranch of the Tennessee ; down said river to its mouth, and down the Tennessee to the most southwardly part or bend in said river ; a direct fine from thence to that branch of the Mobile, called Donbigbee ; down ■ad river Donbigbee to its junction with the Coosawattee River, to tha. month of that branch of it called the Hightower ; thence south, to the top of the Apalachian Mountain, or the highest land that divides the
21
-892 BOUMDABIBI OP nU«KL4«l. .
«omceB of tbe eastern from tbe wteteni waien ; northwardlyi Amg te middle of said heights, and the top of the Apalachian Moantain,toflHi beginning. It was staled in Uie proposed form, that the inhaUtiati wiuiin these limits agree with each other to form themselves into a htby aovereign and independent bodj politic or state, by the nameoftks conunonwealth of Frankland. The laws of the Legislatare .were to bi enacted by the General Assembly of the commonw^th of FranUaad; and all the laws and ordinances which had been before adopted, nsedaai tt>proved in the different parts of this state, whilst under the jonrili* tion of Yiiginia and North-Carolina, shall still remain the role of dfiSjr sion in all cases for the respective limits for which they were ferme^f adopted, and shall continue in (uU force until altered or repealed bj tnl Legislature ; such parts only excepted, as are repugnant to the i%liti and liberties contained in this constitution, or those of Hub aad respective states.*
The mcklcontents in Virginia had thus affixed sack bomr daries to their proposed commonwealth, as embraced ntt only the people and State of Franklin, but much of thie teni* tory of Virginia and the preaent Rentucky on the norths aal of Georgia, and what is now Alabama, on the aonth. Tba western soldiery had carried their conquests nearly to thoiiii limits, and it was probably the right of conquest alone, wUdr suggested the extent of the new state. The magnifioent project of the Virginia Franks received the support of few. men anywhere, and was abandoned soon after by its friei^t
It was not so with the revolted people of North-Carolina. They continued to exercise all the functions of an indepen^ dent government, and under forms anomalous and perplexing beyond example, were adopting measures to improve and perfect their system, and maintain their integrity and separap tion. Thus far they had legislated and administered law, had held treaties and acquired territory, under the expedient of a temporary adoption of the constitution of the parent state. It remained yet for the people to adopt or r^ect the form of government that had been prepared by the conven- tion to whom that duty belonged. That body, and also the Franklin Assembly, at its August session, had recommended to the people to choose a convention for the purpose of rati- fying the proposed constitution, or of altering it as they should instruct. The election was held accordingly. It is
* Haywood.
MR. Houston's form of a constitution. *- 8S8
not known who were the deputies chosen. The names of nineteen only of them have been preserved. They are Da- Tid Campbell, Samuel Houston, John Tipton, John Ward, Robert Love, William Cox, David Craig, James Montgomery, John Strain, Robert Allison, David Looney, John Blair, James White, Samuel Newell, John Gilliland, James Stuart, George Maxwell, Joseph Tipton and Peter Parkison. These are found jigned to a protest against part of the proceedings. The convention was probably larger than either of those previ- ously held. The form of government that ha^ been prepared tot the consideration of the people, had excited acrimonious debates and great contrariety of opinion. Some of its pro- visions being novel, were viewed as innovations upon the law and usages to which the voters were accustomed. In- •Iruetions were poured in upon the convention from all parts at the country in opposition to the exceptionable clauses. jSucb diversity of opinion existed as to cause its immediate ligeotion.'
In their deliberations on a subject so new to most of the members, and in the details of which few in the country had either knowledge or experience to direct them, many propo- sitioas were made and suggested for examination merely, Which were afterwards withdrawn by the movers themselves.
In anticipation of the meeting of this convention, Mr. Houston ^'had, with the advice and assistance of some judi- cions friends, prepared in manuscript A Declaration of Rights and a Constitution, made by the representatives of the free- men of the State of Frankland, which being read on the iSrst day of the meeting, he moved that it be made the platform of the new constitution, subject to such alterations and flumendments as a majority might think proper. Another member moved that the Rev. Hezekiah Balch, a spectator, bat not a member, should have leave to offer some remarks upon the subject ; which being granted, Mr. Balch animad- verted severely upon the manuscript constitution, as prepared and read by Mr. Houston, and especially upon the section of it respecting an Institution of learning. As already men- tionedy the Frankland Constitution was rejected by a small
824 FRAKKLAND CONSTITUTION SB»OTED.
majority. The president, General Sevier, then presented the constitution of North-Carolina, as the foundation of that of the new state. A majority of the house sustaining this proposition, they proceeded to remodel the North-Carolina Constitution, making only a few necessary alterations. This was, in a short time after, adopted by a small majority."
*' A variety of names was pnoposed for the new common- wealth. Some were for calling it Franklin, in honoar of Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia ; others Frankland, as the land of freemen. But it was decided by a meyority (small) in favour of calling it Franklin." *
The rejection of the Frankland Constitution induced its friends to have it published with an explanatory Introduction, written by some of the minority. At the same time there was published a pamphlet, on the '* Principles of Republioaa Grovernment, by a Citizen of Frankland." These publications were made at the instance and expense of the Frankland Commonwealth Society. Francis Bailey, of Philadelphia^ was the printer. Of this society, Mr. Houston was an active member.f
Some proceedings of this convention are found published as a preface to the Declaration of Rights and Constitution as presented to the convention, and afterwards published in pamphlet form. They are copied.J
• Letter of Rev. Samuel Houston, of Rockbridge, Va., March 20, 188S, to this writer.
t Several vcars since, this writer, in a communication addressed to Hon. Hitch- ell King, of Charleston, S. C, and extensively published in the Courier and eUe- where, vindicated at some length, his own accuracy in calling the new atato Franklin, and not Frankland, as adopted by several writers and some bistorianfl. It is deemed unnecessary to extract, here, a line from that communicatioD or to re- new the argument, as almost every original letter and official paper published in these sheets fortify and authorize his position, and furnish irrefragable proof of its correctness. The question is nd longer debatable.
X This pamphlet is out of print, and cannot now be found. For the copy here republished, and believed to be the only one extant, I am indebted to the late Col. Geo. T. Gillespie. It was found amongst the papers of Landon Carter deceased. Secretary of State under the Franklin Government The pamphlet ia, in some places, so worn as to be almost illegible, and one page, at leaat it wanting.
DBOLARATION OF miOHTS. ' ' 825
A DECLARATION OF RIGHTS,
XlDS BT THl BBPRSSSNTATIVES OF THE FREEMEN OF THE STATE OF
FRAKKLAND.
1. That all political power is vested in and derived from the people only.
2. That the people of this State ought to have the sole and exclusive right of r^^ating the internal government and police thereof!
8. That no man, or set of men, arc entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services.
4. That the Legislative, Executive and Supreme Judicial powers of government ought to be forever separate and distinct from each other.
b. That all powers of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority, without the consent of the representatives of the people, is injurious to their rights, and ought not to be exercised.
6. That elections of members to serve as representatives, in General Aasembly, ought to be free.
7. That, in all criminal prosecutions, every man has a right to be informed of the accusation against him, and to confront the accusers and witnesses with other testimony, and shall not be compelled to give evi- dence against himself.
8. Thai no freeman shall be put to answer any criminal charge but by iudictmenti presentment, or impeachment.
9. That no freeman shall be convicted of any crime but by the unan- imous verdict of a jury of good and lawful men, in open court, as here- tofore used.
10. That excessive bail should not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel nor unusual punishments inflicted.
11. That general warrants, whereby an officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places, without evidence of the fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, whose offences are not particularly described and supported by evidence, are dangerous to liberty, and ought not to be granted.
12. 'niat no freeman ought to be taken, imprisoned, or disseized of ills freehold, liberties, or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any mamier destroyed or deprived of his life, liberty, or property, but by the law of the land.
18. That every freeman, restrained of his liberty, is entitled to a remedy, to enquire into the lawfulness thereof, and to remove the same, if unlawful ; and that such remedy ought not to be denied or delayed.
14. That in all controversies at law, respecting property, the ancient mode of trial by jury is one of the best securities of the rights of the people, and ought to remain sacred and inviolable.
15. That the freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and therefore ought never to be restrained.
16. That the people of this State ought not to be taxed, or made •ulgeet to payment of ai\y impost or duty, without the consent of them* Mtres, or taeir repreeentatives, in General Assembly, freely given.
aS6 FEAMKLAUD OOViTITUTIOir.
•
17. That the people have a right to bear arms for the defence of ib» State ; and as stanaing armiee, in time of peace, are danfleroiii to liberty^ they ought not to be kept up ; and that the mUitanr uiould ba kept under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.
18. That the people have a right to assemble together, to conault ior their common good, to instruct their representativesi and to iqppljr to the Legislature for redress of grievances.
10. That all men have a natural and unalienable iig|ht to w^onli^ Almightv Gkxi according to the dictates of their own oonsdeooea.
20. That, for redress of grievances, and for amending and straigt]i- ening the laws, elections ought to be often held.
21. That a frequent recurrence to fundamental prindples la afaaoliile^ necessary to preserve the blessings of liberty.
22. That no hereditary emoluments, prinlegee, or honouiBy ooglit to be granted or conferred in this State.
28. That perpetuities and monopolies are contrary to the geuna of » free State, and ought not to be allowed.
24. That retrospective laws, punishing acts committed befate tiba existence of such laws, and by them only declared criminal, are oTOtes. aive, unjust, and incompatible with liberty; therefore no ex poH jwi9 law ought to be made.
THE CONSTITUTION OR FORM OF QOYERNlfENT
AORKXD TO AND BEBOLYEB UPON BT TBB RePRESBNTATIVXS OV
Freemen of the State of Frankland, elected and chosbit roB
THAT PARTICULAR PURPOSE, IN CONVENTION ASSEMBLED, AT GrBBHB- VILLE, THE 14th NOVEMBER, 1785.
This State shall be called the Commonwealth of Franklandy and shall be governed by a General Assembly of the representatives of tba freemen of the same, a Governor and Ck)unci], and proper courts of jus- tice, in the manner following, viz :
Section 1. The supreme legislative power shall be vested in a single House of Representatives of the freemen of the commonwealth of Frank- land.
Sec* 2. The House of Representatives of the freemen of this State shall consist of persons most noted for wisdom and virtue, to be choaen equally and adequately according to the number of freemen in the com- monwealth ; provided when the number amounts to one hundred it shall never exceed it, nor be ever afterwards reduced lower than eighty and every county shall annually send the number apportioned to it by the General Assembly.
Sec, 3. No person shall be eligible to, oivhold a seat in, the House of Representatives of the freemen of this commonwealth, unless he actually resides in, and owns land in the county to the quantity of one hundred acres, or to the value of ^hy pounds, and is of the full age of twenty-one years. And no person shall be eligible or capable to serve in this or
I
QUALIFICATIONS FOR lIBBfBERflBIP. 327
any other oflke in the dvil department of this State, who is of an im- morarcharacter, or guilty of such flagrant enormities as drunkenness, gaming, profane swearing, lewdness, sabbath breaking, and such like ; or who will, either in word or writing, deny any of the following proposi- tions, viz :
1st. That there is one living and true God, the Creator and Governor of the universe.
2d. That there is a future state of rewards and punishments.
Sd. That the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments are given by divine inspiration.
4th. That there are three divine persons in the Godhead, co-equal and co-essential.
And no person shall be a member of the House of Representatives, who holds a lucrative office either under this or other States ; that is, has a fixed salary or fees from the State, or is in actual military service and claiming daily pay, or minister of the gospel, or attorney at law, or doc- tor of physic.
See. 4. Every free male inhabitant of this State, of the age of twenty- one years, who shall have resided in this State six months immediately preceding the day of election, shall have a vote in electing all officers chosen by the people, in the county where he resides.
See. 5. The House of Representatives of this commonwealth shall be aWled the General Assembly of the Representatives of the Freemen of Jrrankland ; and shall have power to choose their own Speaker, and all other officers, Treasurer, Secretaiy of State, Superior Judges, Auditors, members to Congress. They shall have power to sit on their own ad- journments ; to prepare bills, and to enact them into laws ; to judge of the elections of, and qualifications of, their own members. They may expel a member, but not a second time for the same cause ; they may administer oaths on the examination of witnesses, redress grievances, impeach State criminals, grant charters of incorporation, constitute towns, cities, boroughs, and counties, and shall have all other powers necea- aaiy fbr the Legislature of a free State or commonwealth. But they ^phall have no power to add, alter, abolish, or infringe any part of the Conatitution.
Two-thirds of the whole members elected shall constitute a House, (and the expense from the appointed time 'till they make a House, shall be laid on absentees, without a reasonable excuse,) and hanng met and chosen their Speaker, shall, each of them, before they proceed to busiiiess, take and subscribe, as well the oath of fidelity and allegiance bereafter directed, as the following oath —
** I, A.^B.y do swear. That, as a member of this Assembly, I will not propose or assent to any bill or resolution, which shall appear to me in- jurious to the people, nor do, nor consent to any act or tiling whatever, that shall have a tendency to lessen or abridge the rights and privileges as declared in the Constitution of this State ; but wiU in all things con- duct myself as a faithful honest representative and guardian of the peo- ple, according to the best of my judgment and abilities. So help m$ ChAP
ThedooiB of the house in which the representatives of the fieemen of
928 KLBCTIOM or OFPIOSBS GIVaV TO TU WEOTLM.
this State shall sit in Oeneral Anembly, shall be and remnn qMB, fa the admisBioii of all persons who shJl behave decently ; ezo^ whn the good of the commonwealth requires them to be shut
See. 6. The votes and proceedings of the General Assembly shall Is printed weekly, during their sitting, with the Yeas and Nays on ma question, vote, or resolution, (except when the vote is taken hw baUo!) when any two members reouire it ; and evenr member shw ^v^^* light to insert the reasons of his vote upon the Journals, if he desires it
See, 7. That the laws, before they are enacted, may be more matofsfy considered, and the danger of hasty and injudicious determinationa as much as possible prevented, all Bills of a public and fleneral natais shall be pnnted for the consideration of the people, before thev afe read ia the General Assembly the last time, for debate and amencunenit ; and, except on occasions of sudden necessity, shall not be passed into law* before the next session ci the Assemblv : And, for the more peifiMft satisfaction of the public, the reasons and motives for making anca lasim shall be fully and clearly expressed in the preambles.
Sec 8. The style of the laws of this commonwealth shall be, J5^ si «i- aeted, and it is ker^ enacted^ by the HepreeeniaHvee of ike Frumm of ike Commonvealtk of Frankland^ in General AuenMy^ and Ay the authority (^ the same. And the General Assembly shall affix their. Seal to every Bill as soon as it is enacted into a law ; which seal ahall be kept by the Assembly, and shall be called the Seal of th§ Zotaa qf Ihinklandj and shall not be used for any other purpose.
Sec, 9. As in every free government the people have a riffht of ftae suffrage for all officers of government that can he chosen by the people^ the freemen of this State shall elect Governor and Counsellors, jTuatioea of the Peace for each county, and Coroner or Coroners, Sherifi^ and aU other such officers, except such as the Assembly are empowered to choose.
Sec. 10. All the able bodied men in this State shall be trained foe its defence, under such regulations, restrictions and exceptions as the (Jeneral Assembly shall direct by law, presening always to the people^ from the ago of sixteen, the right oft choosing their colonels, and all ^ other officers under that rank, in such manner and as often as shall be ^ by the same laws directed.
Sec, 11. The Governor of the State shall be annually chosen by thefirea suffirages of the people on the day of general election for Representatiyes for theCreneral Assembly, and the returning officers for each county shall make a fair return to the House of Representatives, of the persons voted for, and the number of votes to each, which the Assembly shall exam- ine, and the highest in votes shall be declared constitutionally elected ; but no person shall be eligible more than three years out of seven, nor hold any other office at the same time.
Sec, 12. Thb State shall be divided into six grand divisions, each of which, as in the above mentioned sections, shall choose a Counsellor ; And these divisions shall be thrown into three classes, numbered Ist, 2d and 8d, which shall change their members in Council by rotation, be* ffinning with the first class the first year after they have served one, and file second the second year, and so on forever ; by which means aome
DOTIBfl OF GOVBRNOm AND OOUNOIL. 329
m
aoqiudnted with business will be always in Coundl. And no person shall be eligible more than three years in seven, nor shall hold any other office in the State.
See. 18. The Goven^r and Council shall meet annually at the same time and place with the General Assembly : The Qovernor, or, in his absence, the Lieutenant Governor, who shall be one of their number, chosen with the rest, with the Council, (two-thirds of whom shall make a board,) shall have power to correspond with other States : to transact buainew with the officers of government, civil and military ; to prepare such business as may appear to them necessary to be laid before the General Assembly : They shall also have power to grant pardons and re- mit fines, in all cases whatsoever, except in case of murder, impeachment, and treason, which they may reprieve 'till the end of the next session of Aflsembly ; but there shall be no mitigation of punishment on impeach- ment) unless by act of the Legislature ; They are to take care that the 1aw» be £sithfully executed ; to expedite the execution of such measures as may be resolved upon by the General Assembly : They may draw upon the Treasury for such sums as shall be appropriated by the House of Representatives — tliey may also lay embargoes, or prohibit the expor- tation of any commodity for any time not exceeding thirty days, in the neesa of the General Assembly only : They may grant licenses, as the Imwa shall direct, and shall have power to convene the House of Repre- sentatives, when necessary, before the day to which they were ad- jonmed. The Governor shall be commander-in-chief of the forces of the State ; but shall not command in person, except advised thereto by iha Council, and then only for so long as they shall approve of. The Qovernor and Council shall have a Secretary, and keep fair books of their proceedings, wherein any Counsellor may enter his dissent, with his reasons in support of it
See, 14. All commissions and grants shall be in the name and by the authority of the freemen of the commonwealth of Frankland, sealed with the State seal, signed by the Governor, or, in his absence, the lieutenant Governor, and attested by the Secretary ; which seal shall be kept by the Council.
See, 15. No justice of the peace shall receive any fee, gratuity, or reward for his services as a justice ; but all other officers of this State ahall be allowed as moderate fees or salaries as possible, to be an ade- quate compensation for their services. And if any officer shall take other or greater fees than the laws allow, it shall ever afterwards dis- qualify him to hold any office in this State.
See, 16. Every officer of government shall be liable to be impeached by the General Assembly, or presented by the grand jury of any of the auperior courts, either in office, or after his resignation or removal, for mal-adoodnistration. All impeachments shall be before a temporary eourti composed of the €k)vemor or Lieutenant Governor, and two members of the Council, to be chosen by the Council ; the three senior Jndffes of the Supreme Court, and three members of the General As- smoly, to be chosen by the Assembly, who shall, or any five of them, imd determine the same.
Sec If. The Treaanrer of State shall be annually appointed, and no
WMMEMMK TO WHJOCT BBOOmM.
p^noneligiUe more than three yean soooeitiTel J. TheSeeretaiyofStete^ Attomey-Qeneraly Auditort, and snch like officers, shall be appointed ta* eDniallj ; but removable for misconduct And any officer, representatha ia Oenend Assembly, or in the Congress of the United Statea, who k convicted of a second violation of any part of this constitution, shall ba fcfover afterwards disqualified to hold any place or office in thia State. Sec. 18. That in every case, where any officer, the right of whoaa
Spoiotment is, by this constitution, vested in the Goienil AsasnaUjr, all, during their recess, die, or his office, by other means, beaoina vacant, the Governor shall have power, with the advice of the Ooaneil of State, to fill up such vacancy, by granting a temporaiy commiaaioB, which shall expire at the end of the next session of the Aasemb^.
See^ 10. That no Treasurer, until he shall have finally settled Ida aoQDunts with the public, and paid the money remaining in his hand to the succeeding Treasurer, nor any person who hereU^ie has been, or hereafter may be, a Receiver of public monies, under this or any oUmt State, until he has fully accounted for and paid into the treaaniy aU m<mies for which he may be accountable and liable, shall have a aeal in the General Assembly, or be eligible to any civil ofiSce in this State.
See. 20. The fireemen of oum county shall, for the purpose of aaaa, justice and conveniency in holding elections, udA other public affidm, be divided into districts, as near one hundred in each as local ciionni^ atances will admit
Sec. 21. The freemen of each district shall meet upon the seoond Tuesday of February forever, and, at their first meeting, el^ three of their own members, who shall be called Registers, and who shall keep a fair alphabetical roll of the freemen of Uieir district Any two of them agreeing, or upon advice of any five freemen, shall have power to assemble the freemen of their district to consult for the common good, ffive instructions to tlieir Representatives, or to apply to the Legislature ror redress of grievances by address, petition, or remonstrance. They shall preside in all civil district elections, shall meet twice, or oftener, in the year, to deliberate upon and prepare to lay before the people such matters as may be necessary for them to consider. And, to keep up a rotation of the members, the person who shall have fewest votes at the first election, shall continue in office one year, the second two, and the highest three. And no Register shall be eligible for two years after he has served his term.
Sec, 22. That elections may be free, and corruption prevented aa much as possible, the Registers of each district shall summon the fr^ee- men of their district to meet at some convenient place, upon the firat Tuesday of March forever, where they shall elect, by ballot^ all the offi- cers for their district, which shall be hereafter directed, and the number of persons, indiscriminately, out of the county, appointed to represent it in the General Assembly, in the following manner : The senior Register shall call each freeman by name, in the order of the roll, who shall give his ticket or tickets to the second Register, and the highest in votes for district officers shall then be declared constitutionally elected ; but the names of the persons to represent the county in Gen- eral Assembly, and their respective numbers of votes, shall, by one of
MAGI8TRATX8 TO BE ELSOTBD BT THB PEOFLE. S81
#
the Roisters, be laid before a meeting of one from each district^ wiUun ten days after the election ; and when all are examined, the highest in votes shall be declared constitutionally elected, and certified by the same Register. No freeman shall have, in this commonwealth, more than one annual Tote for any officer of government, and the Legislature hereafter to be appointed, shall, from time to time, enact and keep in force such laws as may appear necessary to prevent and remedy every species of oomiption, and to oblige freemen to attend upon elections.
See. 23. Justices of the peace shall be elected for each county, ten or more, by the freemen, as shall, by the General Assembly, be thought neoeesary for each, of those residing within the same, and qualified as mentioned in Section 3, who shall be commissioned during good beha- viour, by the Governor or Lieutenant Governor in Council ; and no jus- tioe of the peace, or any other commissioned officer, shall hold his com- mission who misbehaves, or is found guilty of such things as dis- qnaliQr; nor shall any one be chosen who is not a scholar to do the business, nor, unless acquainted with the laws of the country in some measure, but particularly with e\'ery article of the Constitution.
Sec. 24. To prevent the civil power usurping spiritual supremacy, the establishing of professions, denominations, or sects of religion, or patron- ising ecclesiastical hierarchies and dignitaries, also to secure religious fiberty and the rights of conscience for ever inviolate, ev«;ry citizen of this commonwealth shall forever have full and free liberty to join him- self to any society of Christians he may judge most for his edification, and shall experience no civil or legal disadvantages for his so doing : And every society or congregation shall have full liberty, without any restraiDt from law, to choose any minister they think best suited for iheir Christian instruction, and to support him as they think best; And evety snch society or congregation shall have full right to hold all lands given to, or purchased by them, for the use of their society, or any other property they may possess for religious purposes : and the society, or any description of men chosen by them, with power to act in their name, shall have power to receive, or to make and execute deeds, and enter into snch other specialties as the society may direct them to make ; and ahall have full power, by their agent^ treasurer, or collector, to receive, recover and retain all property and money justly due to them, in as full a manner as any other collector or agent in tliis commonwealth. And the future Legislature of this State shall have no power to make any law, act^ or resolve whatsoever respecting religion, or the spiritual ser- vice we owe to Gk>d ; but shall confine themselves wholly to matters purely civil.
See, 25. Laws for the encouraging of virtue, and preventing and sup- pressing of vice and immorality, shall be made and constantly kept in mroe, and provision shall be made for their due execution.
See. 26. That no person in the State shall hold more than one lucra- tive office at any one time, provided that no appointment in the militia, or the office of a justice of the peace, shall be considered as a lucrative <^ce.
See. 27. All writs shall run in the name of the State of Frankland,
888 PftOTIilte MADS FOR LMABimrtt.
and bear test, and be signed bj the cleiivof the respeetiTe (xmiia. In- diotments shall oondude, against the peace a$id dignity of the Siaie.
See, 28. That the del^ates of this State to the Oontiiieiital Oongren^ while neeessaiy, shall be chosen annually bj the General AsaelnUy, bj ballot, but may be superseded, in the meantime, in the same mamwr; and no person shall be elected to serve in that capadty ht move than three years successiyely.
See. 20. A Sheriff and Coroner shall be annually elected, on the daj, and in the manner, for electing Representatives in General AnemU^ who shfdl be commissioned as before mentioned ; and no person ahiS be eligible more than two years out of iSve. Also Commissioners, A»- sesors. Overseers of the Poor, Surveyors of Roads, and all such oflioeit as each district may require, at the same time and in snch number aa in future may appear necessary to the L^islatnre.
Sec. 80. Tiuit the person of a debtor, where there is not a sferong presumption of fraud, shall not be continued in prison, alter deliviAiiiff' up, bonafidey all his estate, real and personal, for the use of his enA- tors, in such manner as shall be hereafter regulated by law. All priaoHh eiB shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless for captal onhnoea, where the proof is evident or the presumption great
Sec. 81. That every foreigner, who comes to settle in this State, hfti^ ing first taken an oath of alleffiance to the same, may purchase, or, hf other just means, acquire, hold, and transfer land or other real estete^- and, iSter one year's residence, shall be deemed a free dtisen. •
See, 82. All kinds of useM learning shall be encouraged by tlife commonwealth, that i» to eayl the future Le^slature shall erect, before the year seventeen hundred and eighty-seven, one University, whidi shall be near the centre of this State, and not in a city or town : And, for endowing the same, there shall he appropriated such lands as may be judged necessary, one-fourth of all the monies' arising from the surveys of land hereafter to be made, one hal^nny upon every pound of inspected indigo, that shall be carried out of the State, by land or water ; three- pence upon every barrel of flour, and one shilling on every hogshead of tobacco, forever.* And, if the fund thence arising shall be found insuffi- cient, the Legislature shall provide for such additions as may be neces- sary. And if experience shall make it appear to be useful to the in- terest of learning in this State, a Grammar School shall be erected in each county, and such sums paid by the public as shall enable the trcia- teesto employ a master or masters of approved morals and abilities.
Sec. 88. That no purchase of lands shall be made of the Indian na- tives, but on behalf of the public, by authority of the General Assembly.
Sec, 84. That the future Legislature of this State shall regulate en- tails in such a manner as to prevent perpetuities.
Sec, 35. That the Declaration of Rights is hereby declared to be a part of the Constitution of this State, and ought never to be violated, on any pretence whatsoever.
See. 86. No tax, custom or contribution shall be imposed upon, or
* DisBeiited to, as is mentioned in the Preface.
DiapUTKB TO BB 0BTTLBD BY ARBITRATIOM. SBB
paid by, the people of this State, nor apy appropriation of public mo- Bies made by the Legislature, except by a law for that purpose ; and the purposes for which the money is raised, and to which it is appro- priated, shall be clearly expressed in the preamble. And, annually, the Oeneial Aisembly sludl publish a full account of all money paid into the Treasury, and by whom ; also of all paid out of it, to whom, and for what
See. 87. 1£ any dispute or difference shall arise betwixt citizens, in jnatten of debt, property, character, or such things, the parties, agree-
ato state their dispute, and leave it to arbitration, shall proceed in the owing manner : — they shall apply by joint petition to the Registers iqt the custrict where the case exists, or the defendant lives, unless they ahall otherwise agree, who shall name, in writing, twenty-four substan- tial freemen residing in the same, and tJie parties shall alternately strike out one until one half are struck out ; then the parties shall draw by lot such an odd number as they shall agree upon, out of the remainder, who^ after taking an oath to try the case in dispute without favour, affiso- tioD, or partiality, shall hear and finally determine the same.
Sic, 88. The printing presses shall be free to every person who im- dertakes to examine the proceedings of the Lepslature, or any person or part of government ; and no prosecution shall commence against a printer for printing any thing whatsoever, provided he gives up the per- son's name.
0/3ee, 39. The Legislature shall take care to proportion punishments to Se crimes, and may provide houses for punishing, by hard labour, those convicted of crimes not capital, wherein the criminals shall be employed, for the benefit of the public, or for the reparation of injuries aone to private persons. All persons, at proper times, shall be admitted to see the prisoners at their labour.
Sec 40. The inhabitants of this State shall have liberty to fowl and hunt in seasonable times, on the lands they hold, and all others therein, not enclosed, and in like manner to fish in all beatable waters, and others, not private property.
Sec. 41. The Legislature hereafter to be chosen, shall provide that marriages, in this commonwealth, be regularly and solemnly celebrated, between one man and one woman, before free and single.
See. 42. That this Constitution may be the better understood by the citiaens of this commonwealth, and be more effectually kept inviolate to the latest ages, the future Legislature shall employ «omo person or per- sons, at the public expense, to draw it out into a familiar catechetical ibrm, and the Registers shall take care that it be taught in all the schools within their respective districts ; and shall further provide, that a suffi- cient number of the Constitution be printed, that each citizen may have one, as the inviolable charter of his privileges.
Sec. 43. The future Legislature snail choose and keep a chaplain du- ring their session, if to be obtained, and shall annually invite some minis- ter of the gospel to open their first session, after the annual election, with a sermon.
Sec. 44. The privileges and benefit of the writ of Habeas Corpus ■hall be enjoyed in this conmionwealth, in the most free, easy, dieap.
S84 onf . oocKB appoixtb) to mmsD vtatm cx>fra
expeditioui and ample manner, and shall not be snapended hj theLept* " lature, except upon the most urgent and preanng ooeaaiooa, and far a limited time, not exceeding twelve months : And, in all casee, efvy mv-/ aon shall enjoy th^ liberty of being heard by himself and his coaaseL
Sec. 46. In order that the fre^om of this commonwealth may bs preserved inviolate forever, there shall be chosen by the tn% soflErage of the freemen of thb State, on the day of in the year ona
thousand seven hundred and ninety, and in every succeeding mth year forever, twenty-four freeholders, two-thirds of which shall conadUtte m Board in every case, and known by the name of a Comtcil ^ 8afii§^ and shall meet on the day A next ensuing their eki^
tion, who, during one year alter said day, shall have foil poweri their duty shall Im, to inquire wdether the Gonstitation has been aerved-— — * [ruuuqidbr or ooKamunox xmt.] .
Before ita adjournment the convention appointed GenenLJ Gocke to present the constitution, aa adopted, and a rial to Congress, applying for admission into the Union. He was not received, and no notice waa taken of his miaBioii.
OREBf B COUNTY COUKT.
The Franklin government had now commenced» a&d»9 i ^^® ^^y Sessions of this year, the county officers \ were re-appointed or conlBrmed. Under the new dy^ nasty, ''Dai^iel Kennedy was confirmed as Clerk ; James Hons^ ton. Sheriff ; Robert Kerr, Register ; and Francis Hughes, Ranger. Tavern rates were, Diet, Is.; liquor, half pint, 6d. ; pasture and stable, 6d. ; lodging, 4d. ; corn, per gallon, 8d. ; oats, per do., 6d."
In the meantime, Greeneville had been laid ofi*. The court-house stood at the lower corner of the present court- house lot. It was built of unhewn logs, and coverd with clapboards, and was occupied by the court, at first, without a floor or a loft. It had one opening only for an entrancoi which was not yet provided with a shutter. Windows were not needed either for ventilation or light, the intervals be- tween the logs being a good substitute for them. In this simple and unpretending chamber, the third Franklin Con- vention was held, and there the elaborated and original constitution of the Commonwealth of Frankland was pre- sented, angrily discussed, analyzed and rejected, and the constitution, of the State of Franklin adopted. In it the
GREENEVILLB, THE CAFITAL OF PBANKLIN. 885
Commons assembled and deliberated, while the Senate con- vened in the old court room in Carr*s house, which, at this time, had become the village tavern. Greeneville became the permanent capital of the new state, the seat of its legis- lature, and the place where the governor met his council of state, and projected and matured the measures of his foreign and domestic administration. Most loyal amongst the loyal, to Sevier and to Franklin, were the inhabitants of Greene eoonty. There resided many of his captains and most of his officers of state. They were the last to abandon — they never did abandon him. Some of them may not have sup- ported the Governor of Franklin, but none of them refused their support to John Sevier.
Petitions were drawn up and circulated among the people, praying the favourable consideration of the Congress of the United States to the separation of the western from the eastern sections of Virginia and North-Carolina.
Other petitions from the people of the ceded territory, were addressed to the Legislature of North-Carolina. In one of these, here preserved, the petitioners '* beg leave to ob- serve that the honourable legislature of your state, on the 8d June, 1784, passed an act ceding to the United States the territory which lies west of the Apalachian or Alleghany Mountains ; containing in said act, several conditions and reservations in behalf of your petitioners, who discovering with pleasure and acknowledged gratitude, the paternal and patriotic disposition of the legislature, to countenance and eonsent to the ease and happiness of your remote citizens, emboldened us to set about erecting a separate government firom that of the parent state. Assuring your honourable body, that it is not from any disgust to your constitution or laws, occasions us to supplicate you to permit a separation, Imt» on the contrary, (we) regard North-Carolina, and will never cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern her happiness and safety ; and that our hearty and kindest wishes will always attend the parent state."
The convention having rejected the constitution as sub- mitted, and adopted that of North-Carolina, under which the Franklin government had thus far been administered, it
TBBATT or BOnWBLL.
was iioped that the pablio sentiment would be propitiated, and general harmony restored ; bat new elements of strife had arisen during the session of the oonvention, and new topics of discussion had been thrown out amongst the peo> pie. The dissentients comprised* in their number, maeh of the wisdom and virtue of the body to which they beloQged ; and desirous of sustaining themselves with their coiutita- entSy they published an account of their proceedings^ together with the rejected form of government, and appealed again to the people. Here, as might have been anticipated, eeotar rian bigotry, unlettered ignorance, and impassioned ultraisni^ would all tend to aggravate the existing discord and embit- ter the dispute. Sections I, II, III, and XXXTI, became [Hro- lific sources of controversy and angry debate. The depatiei in convention had dissented ; their constituents themaelTet oould not harmonize ; and without any further effort to re- model the government, the people at length acquiesced in the constitution of ther mother state.
In the meantime, the settlements were extended over tiie territory acquired under the Franklin treaties with the Cherokees, and a new source of hostilities with that tribe arose from the encroachment of the whites upon lands not embraced in former cessions to the adjoining states. It was considered by Congress necessary, therefore, that a treaty should be held under the authority of the United States. Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Lachn. Mcintosh, were appointed Commissioners on the part of the General Government. They invited the chiefs of the respective towns to meet with them, in treaty, at Hope- well, on Keowee, in South-Carolina.
The boundary, which had been the chief cause of com- plaint by the Indians, was made to conform with the lines of their deed to Henderson &; Co., and the treaty held by Com- missioners of Virginia and Noith-Carolina in 1777. In their report to Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress, the Commissioners say : ** The Spaniards and the French from New-Orleans, are making great efforts to engross the trade of the Indians ; several of them are on the north side of the Tennessee, and are well supplied with the proper goods for
CHBROKBE BOUNDARY* 387
•
the trade. The Governor of New-Orleans or West Florida has sent orders to the Chickasaws to remove all traders from that country, except sach as should take the oath of alle- giance to the Catholic King." ''The Gherokees say that the northern Indians have their emissaries among the southern tribes, endeavouring to prevail with them to form an alli- ance offensive against the United States, and to commence hostilities against us in the spring, or next fall, at the fur- thest ; that, not only the British emissaries are for this mea- sure, but that the Spaniards have extensive claims to the southward, and have been endeavouring to poison the minds of the Indians against us, and to win their affections by large supplies of arms, military stores and clothing."
By the fourth article .of the treaty concluded on the 28th November, 1785, the Cherokee boundary is declared to be :
Beginning at the mouth of Daok River, on the Tennessee ; thence nmning northeast to the ridge dividing the waters running into the Cum- berland from those runuing into the Tennessee; theooe eastwardly along the said ridge to a^ortheast line to be run, which shall strike the Biver Cumberland forty miles above Nasffville ; thence along the said line to the river ; thence up the said river to the ford where the Ken- tucky road crosses the river ; thenoe to CampbelFs line near Cumberland Gap ; thence to the mouth of Cloud's Creek on Holston ; thence to the Chimoeytop Mountaiir; thence to Camp Creek, near the mouth of Big Limestone, on Nollichucky ; thence a southerly course six miles to a mountain ; thence south to the North-Carolina line ; thence to the South- Carolina Indian boundary, and along the same southwest over the top of the Oconee Mountain till it shall strike Tugalo River ; thence a direct line to the top of the Currahee Mountain ; thence to the head of the sooth fork of Oconee River.
In the meantime, North-Carolina was not inattentive to ( the growing alienation and defection of her western ( citizens. The Greeneville Convention had met on the 14th of November. On the 19th of the same month, the North-Carolina Legislature assembled at Newbern. Fol- lowing the example of Virginia, they procee^'ed to take into consideration the state of their revolted counties, and passed an act, preceded by a preamble, in which it is stated as rep- resented to the Assembly —
''That many of the inhabitants of Washington, Greene and Sullivan ooimtiflB,' have withdrawn their allegiance from this state, and have been
22
888 BLBCnOMS held » WnAMKLOKf
erecUng a temporary separate goverDment amopgut themeelvei^ in cmt- sequence of a general report ahd belief that the state, being inattentiva to their welfiire, had ceased to regard them as citizens, and had mads an absolute Cession, both of the soil and jurisdiction of the oountry in which they reside, to the United States, in Congress. And TrhnroM, sneh report was ill-ft>unded, and it was, and continues to be, the deaiie of the General Assembly of this State to extioid the benefits of civil government to the citizens and inhabitants of the western countieB, vasfSL such time as they mi^ht be separated with advantage and oonvenieiiea to themselves ; and the Assembly are ready to pass over, and eonign to oblivion, the mistakes and misconduct of such persons in the above- mentioned counties, as have withdrawn themselves from the govemmeBt of this state ; to hear and redress their grievances, if any they hare^ and to afbrd them the protection and benefits of government, until audi time as tfcey may be in a condition, from their numbers and wealth, to be formed into a separate commonwealth, and be received by the United States as a member of the Union.''
The act then grants pardon and oblivion for all that had been done in the revolted counties, on the condition that they retam to their allegiance to North-Carolina, and ap^ pointed officers, civil and military, in place of the ineom- bents under the Franklii^dy nasty, and fbipowered the vofen of Washington, Sullivan and Greene, to choose their repi^ sentatives otherwise than by the then required forms. Three: good and honest men, preferred by themselves, were to aet as inspectors of the elections, and to feturn a certificate in favour of members thus chosen.
It is not known how many of the several counties partici- pated in the provisions thus made by the parent state, for a return of her western citizens to their allegiance. But in Washington county disaffection to the Franklin government began to manifest itself, and George Mitchell, as sheriff, issued the following notice, which is copied exactly from the origi- nltl, as found among the Sevier papers.
July, 1 0th day, 1 786. .Advbrtibbment. — I hereby give Publick Notice, that there will be an election held the third Friday in August next, at John Rennoo\ near the Sickamore Sholen, where Charles Robertson formerly lived, to chooAe membera to represent Washington county in the General As- sembly of North-Carolina, agreeable to an Act of Assembly, in that case made and provided, where due attendance will given pr me.
Geo. Mitchell, Shff.
The election was held accordingly at the Sycamore Shoals,
FOR MEMBBBS TO NORTH-CAROLINA LEGISLATURE. 389
i ott Watauga River, when Col. John Tipton wa» ( chosen Senator of Washington county, and Jame9 Stuart and Richard White were chosen as members of the House of Commons of the Legislature of North-Carolina, These gentlemen had been members of the convention that formed the new government, and had in other ways partici- pated in its administration. Their well known influence and weight of character in the new settlements, rendered their present position of ill-omen to the future fortunes of Franklin. In Washington county especially, many, influenced by their example, accepted thet^ms of accommodation held oat by North-Carolina, and enrolled their names in opposi- tion to the new state. From this period resistance to, or re- fusal of its authority, assumed a more systematic and deter- mined form.
In the early part of the year 1786, was presented the strange specta- cle of two empires exercised at one and the same time, over one and the same people. County courts were held in the same counties, under both governments; theoiliUa were called out by officers appointed by both ; laws were passed by both assemblies, and taxes were laid by the authority of both states. The differences in opinion in the State of Franklin, between those who adhered to the government of North- Carofina, and those who were the friends ot* the new government, be- came every day more acrimonious. Every fresh provocation on the one side, was surpassed in way of retaliation by a still greater provocation on the other. The Judges commissioned by the State of Franklin, held Su- preme Courts twice in each year, in Jonesborough. Colonel Tipton openly refused obedience to the new government. There arose a deadly hatred between him and Governor Sevier, and each endeavoured, by all the means in his power, to strengthen his party against the other. Tip- ton held courts under the authority of North-Carolina, at Buffalo, ten miles above Jonesborough, which were conducted by her officers and agreeably to her laws. Courts were also held at Jonesborough in the same county, under the authority of the State of Franklin. As the process of these courts frequently required the sheriff to pass within the jurisdiction of each other to execute it, a rencounter was sure to take place. Hence it became necessair to appoint the stoutest men in the eountj to the office of sheriff. This state of things produced the ap- pointment of A. Caldwell, of Jonesborough, and Mr. Pew, the sheriff in Tipton's court. Whilst a county court was sitting at Jonesborough, in this year, for the county of Washington, Colonel John Tipton^ nith a party of men, entered the court house, took away the pa})ers from the clerik, and turned the justices out of doors. Not long after, Sevier's parWcame to the house where a county court was sitting for the county of Washington, under the authority of North-Carolina, and took away
3140 mm* awd militast offioub or wmamklou
the clerk's papers, and tamed the court out of dooia. nomas Gerij was clerk of this court The like acts were several timea repealed during the existence of the Franklin government At one time Jmam Sevier, then having the records of * the old court under North-OaroliB^ Tipton, in behalf^ the court of North-Carolina, went to hia home and took them away by force, and delivered them to Oorly. Shortly aftiv* wards the records were retaken by Sevier's party, and Jamea Sevkri the clerk, hid them in a cave. In these removals many ▼aliiable papoi were lost, and at later periods, fi>r want of them, some estalea of gmt value have been lost In the county of Greene, in 1786, Tipt<A broke up a court sitUnff in Greeneville, under the Franklin authority* Tin two clerks in all £e three old counties, issued marriage licemteai aod maar persons were married by virtue of their authority. In the coartB hsfl under the authority of the State of Franklin, many kttera of mi istration of intestate estates were issued, and probata of wiUa taken.*
Notwithstanding the defection of some of its early advo- cates, and the neutrality of others of its friends, the govem- ment ^of Franklin continued to exercise its functions in the seven counties composing its sovereignty. Conoty and Superior Courts were held, the militia was mastered and disciplined, and civil and military electiens took place under its authority. In the new county of Sevier, Samuel Newel and John Clack were elected repreqentativea ; Saound Weir was clerk of the county court and colonel of the regt* ment In Spencer county, these same offices were filled by Thomas Henderson ; and William Cocke and Thomas King were representatives. In Caswell county, Alexander Out- law and Henry Conway were representatives ; Jneph Hamilton was clerk of the county court, and George Doberty, colonel of the regiment. In Greene county, Daniel Kennedy was clerk, and John Newman, colonel. James Sevier was clerk of Washington county. In Sullivan county, John Rhea was clerk, George Maxwell, colonel of the militia, and John Long, John Provin and George Maxwell, members of the Assembly,
In addition to the administration of civil affairs, Grovemor Sevier, early in this year, found it necessary to repel tha aggressions made upon the citizens of Franklin, by the Che- rokees. In the treaty of Hopewell, that tribe had agreed to a lasting peace with the frontier people. Lulled into a state
VALLEY TOWNS DB8TR0TED. 841
of false secnrity by the unanimity with which the treaty had been signed by the chiefs of that nation, emigrants had pushed their settlements on the north side of Holston as low down as Beaver Creek, in what has since become Knox county. Remote from sources of defence, and exposed on three sides to attack, this settlement was selected as the most vulnerable point. The house of Mr. Biram was at- tacked, and two men fell victims to Cherokee cruelty. Many of the settlers fell back upon the stations above them, while a few of them erected, hastily, temporary defences in their own neighbourhood. Some small parties were soon collected and pursued the authors of the mischief. Governor Sevier himself adopted the policy, heretofore ascertained to be the most effectual, of penetrating at once into the heart of the enemy's country, securing thereby an immediate return of the hostile Indians to the defence of their villages and homes. A call for volunteers was promptly met, by the rendezvous of one hundred and sixty horsemen at Houston's Station, on the waters of Little River, The troops crossed the Ten- nessee River at the Island Town, and passing by the Tellico Plains, marched over the Unaca Mountain to Hiwassee. Here, three of the Cherokee villages, called the Valley Towns, were destroyed, and fifteen warriors were killed. Encamping in another village close at hand, Sevier sent for- "ward his spies, who soon returned and reported that they had discovered a large trail. The troops were at once put in motion, and marched upon the trail. From the best in- formation before them, it was decided in a council of officers, that as the number of the enemy could not be less than one thousand warriors, as they were under the command of John Watts, a cunning and daring leader, and were probably en- deavouring to draw Sevier into a narrow defile, it was deemed, under existing circumstances, inexpedient to pursue the enemy without reinforcements. The pursuit was aban- doned— the troops marched back to their encampment and returned home.
The effect of this invasion of the Cherokee country was salutary. Few aggressions were, for some time after, made against the frontier. But it was considered by each of the
849 COLONEL martim's lbttbr.
Bovereignties claiming jurisdiction over the country, a ^riae and necessary policy to adopt further methods of conciliation and security. North-Carolina had sent Col. Joseph Martin on a mission of peace into the interior of the Cherokee na- tion. Upon his return, he gave to Governor Caswell the re* suit of his observation on Indian affairs, and on some of the measures of the Franklin government, of which he at first waff an officer. His letter follows :
Smith's Rivkr, Hbnrt Countt, Hay 11th, 1786. Sir: — ^The accounts from the Cherokee country are somewhat alarminff. I loft Chota the fourteenth of last month, when two or three parties had gone out towards Cumberland or Kentucky, to take satis- notion for four of their young men that were murdered by one HcClnrei and two others, near a small Indian town, on the Tennessee. I left a man in whom I can confide to watch their return, and fellow me with certain intelligence, which he has done, which is as follows : — ^The I7th of last month, the parties of Indians returned with fifteen scalps, sent seTeral letters to Gen. Sener, which be read, as they were o^n ; thej in- fcrmed that general that they had now taken satisfiKtioa for their friends that were murdered, that they did not wish for war, but if the white people wanted war, it was what they would get. He fiarther says, that he was informed that there was great preparation making by the Greeks, to carry on an expedition against Cumberland — that they weie about to erect a post at or near the Muscle Shoals — ^that several pack hones had already passed by Chickamauga — they say the French andSpaniaids that are settled there are to furnish them with arms and ammunition — the Indians told me I mi^ht depend that the Creeks would endeavour to break up Cumberland this summer — I have lately been through the difierent Cherokee towns this spring, from Tugalo to Hightower, on the Chattahoochee River ; they all seem very friendly, and I believe not the least danger from any unless Chickamauga ; they seem much divided. The Draggon Canoe, which is one of the chiefs, is much attached to the Spanish mterest, and I believe will join the Creeks; he killed two tra- ders the latter part of the winter, on their way to the Chickasaws from Cumberland. Ellis H^islin, one of the principal traders in the Cherokee country, informed me he saw a party of Creeks and Chickamaugas, on their way to Cumberland, and endeavoured to turn them back, but they told him they were at open war with the Vir^nians, and they would not ffo back. I spent some days at Iluiston, to find out, as well as I could, u)e disposition of the people respecting tlie new state, and by the best calculations I can make, two- thirds of them are for the old state, and I make no doubt of their sending delegates to North-Carolina next ses- sion ; they have held an Assembly lately, and appointed Capt. Cocke a member of Congress, and given Col. Charles Robertson liberty to coin thirty thousand dollars specie. I am told they are to have a coat of arms of their own, having a reference to the State of Franklin. One of the members of the Assembly informed me that the colonel was in such
COMMISSIONERS OF COYATEB T&EATY. 343
IbrwardueBB with his mint, that in the course of three weeks he oould furnish their members to Congress with cash of the new coin.
Governor Sevier and the authorities of Franklin were not ( inattentive, in the meantime, to their relations with the ( Indians, and in the exercise of ohe of the highest at- tributes of political sovereignty, appointed Commissioners to negotiate a second treaty with the Cherokees. The Commis- sioners were William Cocke, Alexander Outlaw, Samuel Weir, Henry Conway, and Thomas Ingles. The conference begun at Ghota Ford, July 31, and was concluded at Coytoy, (Coiatee ?) Aug. 3d. On the part of the Indians, the negotia- tion was conducted by Old Tas:«el and Hanging Maw. The best account of the treaty is found in the letter of one of the Commissioners, enclosing the proceedings to the Governor of North-Carolina. It follows :
Bend of CHroKET, Oct. 8th, 1786. Honoured Sir : — I have enclosed you a copy of a late treaty with the Cherokee Indians, and a just account of their conduct and prei^eiit situ- ation. They came into our settlement on the north of Uolston, the 10th of July, and warned the settlement that there were Creeks to attack them the week following, and agreed with our people that they might know them from the Creeks, to wear a white flag on their head and on their guns ; and that whenever they saw any white people, they would halloo ^'Chota" to them; and on the 20ih of July, which was the time they said the Creeks was to attack the settlement, two young men were going from the station to a cornfield, some Indians hailed them, and called " Chota," and the young men went to them, and they «eem^ friendly, offered a swap of guns with one of the white men, and ^t hold of the white man's gun, and then shot him down with his own gun; the other man rode oif, and the other two Indians fired at him, and shot two bullets through him ; but he rode to the station, and lived three days. He was well acquainted with the Indians that shot him. Col. Cocke and myself got account of the murder the 23d, and the dlst we were in the town where the Indians lived that did the mischief, with two hundred and fifty men. We sent for the Heads of the towns to meet us, at about six miles from the town, at Chota Ford, as you will see in the Talk, where they refused to give up the murderers, and said they were gone to the Shawnees ; but we had certain accounts that they were then in the town ; on which news we marched to the town, jmd, luckily, killed two of the very Indians that did the murder ; and sent for all the warriors from all the near towns, which met accordingly, and agreed to the terms I have enclosed ; and I was last week in the town, anc had a Talk with them, and they seem very friendly, and well satisfied we should settle the country, and say they will sell us the coun- t on the souUi of the Tennessee, and let us settle round them, if we
344 NEGOTIATION AT CHOTA FOKD
will keep ths Creeks from killing them ; or they will leave the eonnliy entirely, if wc will give them {pioda for it; and 1 nm convinced, froto the late conduct und accounts 1 base had from them, the whole couDtrj to the Georgia line, on this side of Cumberland Mountain, may be had from them for a very trifling sum.
With this letter. Col. Outlaw sent the following: A Trkatt held between the Officers of the State of Franklin and tha
Cher(:kee Indian Chiefs, July 31st and August 3d, 1786, as fol
Jolt Slst, Chota Ford. Brothert and Warriorx : — We are eorry that you have drove m to the necessity of coming to your ground to hold a Talt v.ith you afl^ the Grand Peace wilh our Great People, the Congress, and our own treaty with you, at DumpUn Creek. last year. You have now brolw through all your Talks, and murdered our young men, and stole oar horaes from our own settlements, and robbed and murdered our men at Kentucky, and on the Kentucky lioad and at Cumberland, and bsTO always laid it on tiie Creeks; but now we have got proof that it is your own warriors that do tlie mischief, and lay it on the Creeks. We have now come down to talk plain and simight with you, and to tell yoa that North-Carolina has sold us all the country on the north side of Tennessee and HoUton ; that we intend to settle on it, and wish to do so in peace with you all, and trade and live friendly with all our bro- thers. And, agreeable to the treaty you made with us, we, in plain words, demand the murderers from you that killed our people, and de- mand all the horses you have taken from us. and from the people oo the Kentucky Roiid and Cumberland ; on nbicli terms we "ill be bro- thers with you all, and continue so until you do more murder on our frontiers, at which time we will come down and destroy the towa that does the mischief, and not let one of the murderers live in the townft that are peaceable and friendly ; and if you are afrtud of the other Indians, we will protect you and help you fight them ; on which terms we will make peace wjth you and be friends. If not, we are warrion, and it is what you will. If you love peace, give up the murderers and ^u shall have peace.
ANSWERED BT THE TABBKL.
Kow I am going to speak to you, brothers. We hare amok^ The Great Man above sent the tobacco. It will make your heaite straight. I come from Chota. I see you. You are my brothers, I see what has been done is the cause of your coming. I am glad to see my brothers and hold them fait by the hand. The Great Han made us both, and he hears the Talk. The Great Man stopped yoa here to hear my Talk. They are not my people that spilt the blood and spoiled the good Talk a little. My town is not so ; they will slwaya use you well whenever tbey see you. The men that did the murdw are bad men and no warriors. They are gone, and I can't tell where Ihey are gone. They lived in Coytoy, at the mouth of Holston. Thia
TRAK8FBBRED TO OOTATBB. 846
18 all I hsYtt to say. They have done tbe murder. Now I give you 0ood talk. I will tell jou about ttie land ; what jou say conoenyng the iknd, I will talk to Congress about, and the man that sold it I shall look to for it You say that North-Carolina sold you tbe land over the river. We will talk to all our Head men about it The Great Man above has sent you this white ^alk to straight your hearts through. I give Tou this pipe in token of a straight Talk. I am very sorry my people Las done wrong to occasion you to turn your backs. A little talk is as good as much talk ; too much is not good.
CoTTOT, August 3d. Broikers and Warriors : — We are now in Coytoy, and are going to give you a straight Talk. You all well know that the great man over the water, Ein^ Gkorge, once commanded us all, and then we were all brothers ; and wat the great man, the king, got angry with us, and came over the water and killed our men and burnt some of our houses, which canaed a war, and all your people, the Indians, helped tbe great man over the water, and we beat you all ; and then the great man over the water gave up all this land to us, the white people, and made a peace with us, and then our great men, the Congress, made a peace with you, and agreed to live brothers with you all, and grive you such a piece of land to live on as they thought right, and so did your brother, John Sevier, governor of this country, and his commissioners at Dumplin, laat year ; but now you have broke all the good Talk, and your people have murdered our young warriors, your brothers, at Kentucky, Cum- berland, and here, at home, and have killed our people as you did when yon were helping the great man over the water, and have always laid it on the Creeks ; but now we know it is your people that does the mischief. And to convince you we are willing to live brothers, we have marehed a few of our warriors into the town that killed our young men, and burnt the town house where your people held the council to kill oar men, and have burnt the bad n\en*s houses, and destroyed as much corn as we thought belonged to them, but have not marched to any other town where our honest brothers lived, but have sent for them all to come and talk and smoke and eat with us, and let them all see that we will not hurt any of their people, our brothers, that are honest and will not kill our people. And we now tell you, in plain words, that if jou kill any more of our people, we will come down and destroy the town that does the mischief^ unless you bring the rogues to us ; and if our people have killed any of your people since we came down, you most blame your bad men for it, for we do not know your bad men when they are in the woods. You have killed our old commanders, Colonel Donelson and Colonel Christian, who were always your friends when you were brothers, and were our great warriors and counsellors ; and that you may not be any more deceived, we now tell you, plainly, that our great counsellors have sold us the lands on the north side of the Tennessee to the Cumberland Mountain, and wo intend to settle and live on it, and if you kill any of our people for settling there, we shall dflitroy the town that does the mischief ; and as your people broke the peace yon made with Congress and us, and killed our men, it was your
.846 TREATY OF COTATXB.
&ultB that we come out to war. We have right to all the gnmiid ve inarched over, but if you wish to live brothers, and be at peace, we will let you live in Coy toy, as brothers, in your old houses, if you will agree to give up the murderers when you can get them ; and we only daim the iiiland in Tennessee, at the mouth of Holston, and from the head of the island to the dividing ridge between lldlston River, Little Biver and Tennessee, to the Blue Ridge, and the lands North-Carolina told us, on the north side of Tennessee, which lines and terms we will agvM to lay before our Great Council, and if you will agree to live farotban and friends, notwithstanding our taking of it by the sword, which ii the best right to all countries, we will do our best endeavours to get our Council to give you all some goods, in token of our sincere peace and lasting friendship, although you refused to give up the murderen at Ohota Ford when we sent to you and demanded them of you, agreeable to your treaty with us before we did you any harm, which, had yoi have done, we would not have marched into your town, bat woali have taken you by the hand and been brothers. Now, can jou blame us, when your people broke the good Talks and spilt our blood f We call upon the Great Man above to witness, and you, yourselves, know, that we have acted agreeable to our former treaty, and onlj wish to punish the bad men and settle on the land North-Carolina sold as.
Wm. Oockk, Alex. Outlaw, Samuel Weab, Henrt CoirwAT, Thomas Inolbs. Attest — Joseph Conwat.
ANSWER.
August 8d.
Brothers : — You have spoke to me. I am very thankful to you for it My brother, William Christian, took care of every body, and was a good man ; he is dead and gone. It was not me nor my people that killed him. They told lies on nie. I loved Col. Christian, and he loved me. He was killed going the other way, over the big river. I never heard of your Great Council giving you the land you speak of. I talked, last fall, with the great men from Congress, but they told me nothing of this. I remember that the great men and I talked together last fiedl, and did not think this murder would have happened so soon. We talk good together now, but the great people, a good way off^ don't talk so good as you ; they have spoke nothing to us about the land, but now you have told us the truth. We hope we shall live friends together on It, and keep our young men at peace, as we all agree to sign the above terms and live brothers hereafter. •
Wm. Cocke, his
Alex. Outlaw, Old M Tassel,
Saml. Wear, mark
Henry Conway, . his
Thomas Ingles. Hanging M Maw.
Attest — Joseph Conway.* mark.
MISSION OF GENERAL OOCKB AND JUDGE CAMPBELL. 847
The difficulties with the Indians being thus adjusted, and provision being made for co-operating with Georgia against the Greeks, it remained for the authorities of Franklin to re- concile conflicts nearer home. The imperium in imperio condition of things threatened anarchy or misrule — perhaps disaster and ruin to all parties. The people in some of the revolted counties had sent forward their representatives to the Genenal Assembly of North-Carolina, which met in No- vember, at Fayetteville. They were, in like manner, repre- sented in the Assembly of Franklin. Taxes were laid by both governments and collected by neither, the people not knowing, as was pretended, which hud the better right to receive them ; and neither government was forward in over- rating the plea, for fear of giving offence to those who could at pleasure transfer their allegiance.* Previous attempts had failed in securing froitl North-Carolina her consent to the separation of her revolted counties. Disaffection had already manifested itself against the authority of Franklin, and some of those who at first were the most zealous and clamprous ibr the separation, were now opposing it in their legislative capacity at Fayetteville. Every day brought new embar- rassments to the administration of Governor Sevier, who, with the Assembly, was devising plans, by which to extri- cate the new government from impending danger. One of these was the appointment of General Cocke and Judge Campbell, as Commissioners, to negotiate a separation. Each of them was well suited for the purpose of his mission. The former was identified with the new settlements, by an early jMurticipation in the privation, enterprise and danger of the pioneer life. More recently, he had taken an active part in ibanding the new state — had been appointed its delegate to C!oiigress — commanded a brigade of its militia, and held other ^positions implying confidence in his talents and address. His ^BoUeague had also a minute acquaintance with every ques- "tfon relating to either of the parties — held the highest judi- cal station in the government from which he was accredited, «md by his private worth was entitled to the respect of the ^ne to which he was sent.
* Uajwood.
S46 COTSBNOB SXVIBE TO OOVOUrOB OAMWmLL,
To secare to his embassy the greater consideration and weight, the Governor of Franlclin addressed to the Governor of North-Carolina a commnnicationy conceived in respectfol and lenient terms, yet manifesting, at the same time, earnest- ness and determination, in maintaining the rights and ad- vancing the interests of his state. It is dated at his private residence.
MouKT Plsasant, Fbankuv, 28ih October, 1Y86.
Sir : — Oar ABsembly have again appointed CkmimisBionen to writ on the parent state, who, I hope, will cheerfaUy consent to the sepini- tion as they once before did.
It gives us inexpressible concern to think that any disputes sboold arise bstween us, more especially when we did not in the first instance pray the separation, but adopted our course alter the same was done Iqr Act of your Assembly. We humbly conceived we should do no wraig by endeavouring to provide for ourselves, neither had we the noKMt dis- tant idea that Sie Cession act would be repealed, otherwise matten might not have been carried to the length they are. Hie propriety of -Ihe repeal we do not pretend to scrutinize, as respecting the policy of your state ; but, permit us to say, that, in our opinion, we discovcf maajr embarrassments both parties are likely to labour under in conaequenes of the repeal. We cannot suppose that Congress will consider hadf well treated by North-Carolina, and we doubt that body will, therelj, become in some measure inattentive.
The late Indian Treaties in the south seem deeply to concern each party, especially now we find Congress have ratified the proceedings, and we have called on your state to carry the same into effect, so &r as respects the same. We do not pretend to discriminate the motives that induced that body to enter into those measures, but beg leave to say, that^ in our opinions, tl^at had the deed or deeds been executed agreeable to the Cession act, that then our lands in the westward would have been secured under the conditions of that act ; but, under the present dt^ cumstances, the greatest part Of our western country lies in a very doubtful and precarious situation. I hope your Assembly will take un- der their serious consideration our present condition, and, we flatter our- selves, that august body will not submerge into ruin so many of their late citizens, who have fought and bled in behalf of the parent state, and are still ready to do so again, should there be an occasion. Our local and remote situation are the only motives that induce us to wish for a separation. Your constitution and laws we revere, and consider our- selves happy that we have had it in our power to get the same estab- lished in the State of Franklin, although it has occasioned some confu- sion among ourselves. We do, in the most candid and solemn manner, assure you that we do not wish to separate from you on any other terms, but on those that may be perfectly consistent with the honour and interest of each party ; neither do we believe there is any among us who would wish for a separation, did they believe the parent state
AOOREDITINO HIS COMMISSIONERS. 349
would suffer any real inoonveniency in consequence thereof. We would be willing to stand or fall together, under any dangerous crisis whatr ever.
We cannot be of the opinion that any real advantages can be ob- tained by a longer connection. Our trade and commerce is altogether carried on with other states, therefore neither party is benefitted on that bead ; and whether it can be suggested that the business of government can be extended fix>m five to eight hundred miles distance, is a matter I leave to your own good sense to judge of ; and, further, it cannot be supposed that the inhabitants who reside at that distance, are not equally entitled to the blessings of civil government, as their neighbours who live east, south, or any other point, and not one-fourth of the distance from the seat of government, besides the incomparable advantages of the roads and other easy communications, that you have on the east of the Apalachian. However inconsiderable the people ^of this country may appear at this dav, reason must inform us that the time is not far distant^ when they will become as'consequential in numbers, if not more 80| than most of the £astem States, and when your Excellency will be ploaiod to view the many advantages arising from the fertility of our aoily and the moderate and salubrious climate, you cannot, Lpi'ssume, diflbr in sentiments on this head.
We will admit that our importation is not so flattering, but our ex-^ porti are equal to any. As to our present abilities, we must confess ihaj ttre not so great as could be wished for ; but, happily for us, we have tfaa parent, and many old and experienced states to copy after.
Am to my own part, I have always considered myself happy while under tilie government of North-Carolina, and highly honoured with the dif- ferent iqppointments they have been ple<>sed to confer.
I heartily wish your Legislature had either not repealed, or never paned the Cession act, for probably it may occasion much confusion^ eqpeoimlly should your Assembly listen too much to prejudiced persons, thooffh Uus I have no right to suggest, but fear we may have a quarrel ■Ufficient on our hands without any among ourselves.
I am authorized to say there is no set of people can think more highly of Toor government than those who want the separation^ and they only wish it to answer their better conveniency ; and, though wanting to be Mfwrated in government, wish to be united in friendship, and hope that aantaal good offices may ever pass between the parent and infant state, iHiich is my sincere wish and desire.
Judge Campbell, on account of ill health, was unable to accompany the other Commissioner on bis embassy to Fay- atteville. But, desirous of effecting its object, '^ a ratifica- tion of our independence," he forwarded to Governor Cas- well his written argument in support of it, as follows :
State of Franklin, ) Caswell County, Nov. dOth, 1786. j* Mtj it please your Excellency —
I liATe heaitated to address your Excellency on so delicate a subject as
350 JUDGE OAMPBBLL^S WmiTEH AlOUBfBlffT.
the present I sball only state a few facts, and leave joxiT Exodkoejlo draw the conclusion.
Is not the continent of America one day to become one oonsolidaied government of United States? Is not your state, when connected w^ this part of the country, too extensive ? Are we not^ then, one day to bet separate people ! Do you receive any advantage from na aa How situated! or do you ever expect to receive any ! I believe you do not. Suffer m, then, to pursue our own happiness in a way moat agreeable to oir situation and circumstances. The plans laid for a re^lar and sjt- tematic government in this country, are greatly frustrated by the oppo- sition from your country. Can a people so nearly connected as yom are with ours, delight in our misfortunes ? The rapid settlements tbd are making, and have been made out of the bounds prescribed both hj your state and ours, is a matter worthy your consideration ; our diTisioDi are favourable to those who have a mind to transgress our lawa. If yoa were to urge us, and it were possible we should revert back to yon, ia what a labyrinth of difficulties would we be involved Y Witness the many lawsuits, which have been decided under the sanction of the Um of FranEIin, the retrial of which would involve many persons in eertna ruin.
If we set out wrong, or were too hasty in our separation, this oountry is not altogether to blame ; your state pointed out the line of coDdoc^ which we adopted ;*we really thought you in earnest when you ceded m to Congress. If you then thought we ought to be separate, or if yot now think we ever ought to be, permit us to complete the work that ii more than half done ; suffer us to give energy to our laws and foroe ta our councils, by saying we are a separate and independent people, and we will yet be happy. I suppose it will astonish your Exoellencf to hear that there are many families settled within nine miles of the Cherokee nation. What will be the consequence of those emigrations! Our laws and government must include these people or they will be- come dangerous ; it is vain to say they must be restrained. Have not all America extended their back settlements in opposition to laws and proclamations ? The Indians are now become more pusillanimous, and consequently will be more and more encroached upon ; they must, they will Ik* circumscribed. Some of your politicians think we have not men of abilities to conduct the reins of government ; this may in some mea- sure be true, but all new states must have a beginning, and we are daily increasing in men both of political and law knowledge. It was not from a love of novelty, or the desire of title, I believe, that our leaders were induced to engage in the j)resont revolution, but from pure neces- sity. We were getting into confusion, and you know any government is better than anarchy. Matters will be differently represented to yon, but you may rely on it, a great majority of the people are anzioiiS for a separation. Nature has separated us ; do not oppose her in her work; by acquiescing you will bless us, and do yourself no injury ; you bless us by uniting the disaffected, and do yourself no injury, because you lose nothing but people who are a clog on your government, and to whom you cannot do equjil justice by reason of their detached situation.
I was appointed to wait on your General Assembly, to urge a ratifi-
OBITBRAL CCK;Kb's ADDRESS TO ASSEMBLY. 351
catioB ci oar independence, but the misfortune of losing one of my eyes, and some other occurrences, prevented me. You will, therefore, par- don me for the liberties I have taken, whilst endeavouring to serve a people whose situation is truly critical.
Notwithstanding these earnest representations made in behalf of the people of Franklin, the Assembly of North- Carolinay disregarding their protests and memorials, con- tinued to legislate for them. The territory that had been em-- braced in the new county of Spencer, under the Franklin Crovemment, was, by the Legislature of North-Carolina, laid off into a new county called Hawkins, and civil and mili- tary officers were at the same session appointed for i&, and the time was fixed by law for holding the courts. The As- sembly had also taken into consideration the measures necessary to be adopted in relation to the revolters in Franklin. At this moment. General Cocke, the other Com* miasioner from the State of Franklin, appeared in Fayette- yilley and, at his request, was heard at the bar of the House of Commons. In a speech of great length, as copied from Haywoody he pathetically depicted the miseries of his dis- tressed countrymen ; he traced the motives of their separa- tion to the/lifficult and perilous condition in which they had been placed by the Cession act of 1 784 ; he stated that the savages in their neighbourhood, often committed upon thede- tenceless inhabitants the most shocking barbarities; and tiiat they were without the means of raising or subsisting droops for their protection ; without authority to levy men ; "^irithout the power to lay taxes for the support of internal ^government ; and without the hope that any of their neces- sary expenditures would be defrayed by the State of North- iC/&rolina, which had then become no more interested in their Safety than any other of the United States. The sovereignty. ^^tained being precarious and nominal, as it depended on the mce of the cession by Congress, so it was anticipa- woald be the concern of North-Carolina for the ceded bvrritory. With these considerations full in view, what were people of the ceded territory to do, to avoid the blow of aplifted tomahawk ? How were the women and children be rescued from the impending destruction ? Would Con-
352 PATHBTICALLT RKCOUVTS TUB TMIAIM AMD
gress come to their aid 7 - Alas I Congress had not yet ac- cepted of them, and possibly, never would. And if accepted, Congress was to deliberate on the quantum of defence which might be afforded to them. The distant states vrould wish to know what profits they could respectively draw from the ceded country, and how much land would remain, aikcr satisfying the claims upon it. The contributions from the several states were to be spontaneous. They might be Um limited to do any good, too tardy for practical purposei. They might be unwilling to burthen themselves for the salva* tion of a people not connected with them by any endearing ties. * The* powers of Congress were too feeble to enfbiee contributions. Whatever aids should be resolved on, mi^ not reach the objects of their bounty, till all was lost Would common prudence justify a reliance upon such pro^ pects ? Could the lives of themselves and their families be staked upon them 7 Immediate and pressing necessity called for the power, to concentrate the scanty means they of saving themselves from destruction. A cruel and i\ ious foe was at their doors. Delay was but another name for death. They might supinely wait for events, but the fint of them would be the yell of the savage through all their settlements. It was the well-known disposition of the sav- ages to take every advantage of an unpreparedness to receive them, and of a sudden to raise the shrieking cry of exulta- tion over the fallen inhabitants. The hearts of the people of North-Carolina should not be hardened against their breth- ren, who have stood by their sides in perilous times, and never heard their cry of distress when they did not instantly rise and march to their aid. Those brethren have bled in profusion to save you from bondage, and from the sangui- nary hands of a relentless enemy, whose mildest laws for the punishment of rebellion, is beheading and quartering. When driven in the late war, by the presence of that enemy from your homes^ we gave to many of you a sanctified asy- lum in the bosom of our country, and gladly performed the rites of hospitality to a people we loved so dearly. Every hand was ready to be raised for the least unhallowed violin tion of the sanctuary in which they reposed.
VIKDIGATION OF THE FRANKS. S^ST*
The act for our dismissal was, indeed, recalled in the winter of 1784; what then was our condition 7 More pennyless, defenceless and unprepared, if possible, than before, and un- der the same necessity as ever, to meet and consult together for our common safety. The resources of the country all locked up, where is the record that shews any money or sup- plies sent to us ? — a single soldier ordered to be stationed on the frontiers, or any plan formed for mitigating'the horrors of our exposed situation ? On the contrary, the savages are irritated by the stoppage of those goods on their passage, "which were promised as a compensation for the lands which had been taken from them. If North-Carolina must yet hold us in subjection, it should at lecist be understood to what a state of distraction, suffering and poverty, her varying conduct has reduced us, and the liberal hand of generosity should be widely opened for relief, from the pressure of their preseut circumstances; all animosity should be laid aside and buried in deep oblivion, and our errors should be considered as the oSbpring of greater errors committed by yourselves. It be- longs to a magnanimous people to weep over the failings of lihair unfortunate children, especially if prompted by the in- eonsiderate behaviour of the parent. Far should it be firom their hearts to harbour the unnatural purpose of adding itill more affliction to those who have suffered but too much Iraady. It belongs to a magnanimous people to give an idastrious attention to circumstances, in order to form a just dgment upon a subject so much deserving of their serious oditation, and when onca carefully formed, to employ, with ialous anxiety, the. best eflbrts of their purest wisdom, in MMing a course to pursue, suitable to the dignity of their B character, consl>tent with their own honour, and the t calculated to allay that storm of distraction in which rbapless' children have been so unexpectedly involved, le mother shall judge the expense of adhesion too heavy 9 borne, let us remain as we are, and support ourselves ir own exertions ; if otherwise, let the means for the con- ace of our connexion be supplied with the degree of vlity which will demonstrate seriousness on the one hand
3cure affection on the other. 23
354 THE REMOVAL OF OLD OFFICE HOLDBRSy DRAWS
Hi^ speech was heard with attention, and he retired.
The Assembly progressed in deliberating on the measures to be adopted with respect to the revolted counties. By another act of this session, they pardoned the offences of all persons who had returned to their allegiance to the State of North-Carolina, and restored them to all the prixileges of the other citizens of the state, as if the said ofienosi and misconduct had never existed. With regard to decisions respectiDg property, which were incompatible with justice, they enacted, that the person injured should have remedy at common law. Thej contiDued in office all officers, both civil and military, who held and enjoyed sudi offices on the Ist of April, iTS^i; but declared vacant the offices of all such persons as had accepted and exercised otlier offices and appoiDlr ments, the acceptance and exercise of which were considered to be i resignation of their former offices held under the State of North-Canh lina ; and they directed'that such vacant offices, both civil and militaij, shall be filled with proper persons to be appointed by the General Ai- sembly, and commissioned by the Governor of North-Carolina^ as bj law directed.*
The tatter provisions of this act produced great dissatis- faction amongst the people upon whom it was intended to operate. The old office holders were capable, they had been faithful, and their experience and attention to official duty had secured universal confidence and approbation These^ upon whom the new appointments were conferred, were many of them non-residents, inexperienced and not reliable, selected by the favouritism of some functionary in the old state, and, for that reason, odious to the people. Their ap- pointment was denounced by and drew forth the bitter con- demnation of some of both parties. The temper of the com- plainants is seen in the letter following, from Judge Gamp- bell to the Governor. «
State of Frakkuk, ) Caswell County, March 18th, 1787. \ May it please your Excellency :
I was honoured with yours of the 23d of February, for which I beg you to accept of my most cordial acknowledgments. The majoritr of the people of Franklin proclaim, with a degree of enthusiastic zeal, against a reversion to your state. Indeed, I am at a loss to conjecture whether your Assembly wished us to revert ; if so, why did they treat the old fiiithful officers of this country with so much contempt ! Officers who have suffered in the common cause, who have been faithful in the discharge of the trust reposed in them, have been displaced, without even the formaUty of a trial. Representations by a few malcontents
• Haywood.
FmOM nWQE CAMPBELL A FUBTHBB REMONSTRANCE. 866
•
i bite been the cause of such proceedingB, but surely it #a8 a .iiipolitic Btep. If the old offioera, who were the choice of the la^ and under whom thej have long served, had been continued, I t noi but all things would have been Settled here, agreeable to the
n[uine wish of jour General Assembly ; but such infringements berties and privileges of a free people will never be attended iay iudntary consequence. I also blame the law, which passed in ^Aaiemblj, to enable the people here to hold partial elections. K i. ilitended to divide us, and set us to massacreing one another, it Ml concerted, but an ill-planned scheme, if intended for the good L The great number of warrants which issue from jour entrj- !i oflSce, without the composition monej being paid, is a yery great nd will tend exceedingly to embarrass this country. But I under- JEOUr Assembly have put a stop to such unfair proceedings. You )otf if the people here could be brought to agree in making a 111 application to the Legislature of North- Carolina, the desired t wigUi easily be brought about Human nature is the same in all list. To expect to bnng a people, cordially and unanimously, to I (Bfen the most salutaiy measure, is not to be expected, and they ■Sit assuredly be refiractory to doubtful and exceptionable plans. • people here — for I have been in public assemblieSi and made it gpiness to collect their sentiments — dread the idea of a reversion. ii^^ if North-Caroh'na is in earnest about granting them a separa- Hm not permit them to go on as they have begun, and not involve .in Inextricable difficulties, by audomg the work of two or three jMrtf They made offers by their a|;ent, which they think waa nUe to your country ; but they rejected \it with contempt I we Inll offered by General Rutherford to your Assembly, in behidf b|wople. What conditions, say they, would North-Carolina extort m^ were we under their laws and immediate influence f Indeed, jjiiid is tilled with painful anxiety for this people ; the sword of jus- nd vengeance will, I believe, be shortly drawn against those of this IT who attempt to overturn and violate the laws and government inUiii, and God only knows what will be the event If any blood is this occasion, the act for, partial elections from your country will be of it ; and I am bold to say, the author of that act was^ the ir of much evil. That your Excellency may not be in the idark ; the spirit and determination of a great majority of these people, iporting, maintaining and defending their beloved Franklin, I shall fon a brief and concise detail of what has transpired here since the if our memorial und personal application to the Legislature of jf-Ovolina has been announced to us. Pains were taken to col- the wishes of tlie people respecting a reversion ; many, who were ■Ij lakewarm, are now flaming patriots for Franklin. Those who real Franklinites, are now burning with enthusiastic zeal. They lit North-Carolina has not treated us like a parent, but like a step- i She means to sacrifice us to the Indian savages ; she hw broke Id oflScers, under whom we fought and bled, and placed over us ' own unskilled in military achiewhents, and who were none of our i» The General Assembly has been convened and steps were taken for
K FBANKLrK IN GREENE COUMTY,
surily.wilh adegrce of unanimity iwn-er before ki Mmbly. A treaty ie set on foot with tbe Indi li^offioe, aa opemdlu tlie Tennessee from the south aide of Frenrh Broad «W ?<J*ton Riven, did not interfere ivith the noKh gid«, wbt^re your qAmww opened, and o'lulioiwly tivoided interferinc; witli the rigltts of C«n- gRM, Yon may jud{r<- frora the foregoing nhftberthefO people are in «IH*eit or -VOL Von must not conclude we are allc^lher UDanituoiu, haf^l do toeure you a very great majority, perbspH nlneteen-tweDlieliM, WMU determiDed (o p. i>i(ieru at all hasitirdB. I make no doubl but jour BupHency -will nae vomp influence to bring mattere to a friendly an*, idwtageons i»ue fw both conntrics. Nothing that the love of hn — BUnitf t)Mi iupira ma witb, eball be wanting on my purt
Th« Legiiilatnre of North-Carolina, at the same session^ vImq thi? obnoxious act was passed, adopted the concilia—- tOKf msMure of relinqniahing to the citizens of thn revolted^
oamties all the taxes due and unpaid since 1784. This, with
ri^V act of pardon and oblivion for such as should return to— — tib|iJr.altegi&Dce to North-Carolina, bad the desired influences—* Vfoa a part of the disaffected. Commissions were sent Ic^cs^ ■a* accepted by several in Washington, Sullivan, and Haw- — Um oountieB, as justices of the peace, under the authority
o£,the old BtatB, and by them courts were held and law ad- '
■aisiBtered, as though the State of Franklin did not exist. In — Greene cotinty, and the new counties below it, men could -*" BOt be found willing to accept the offered commissions. "" Tbere the authority of Franklin ^as supreme, and there , ( was no conflict of jurisdiction. It was very diSerent ^ ( elsewhere, and especially in Washington county. Pre- vious to the revolt, courts had been held at Joneab<»-o', and bad afterwards been held at the same place under the new government. Now, when tbe sentiment of allegiance to riorth-Carolina had, in some measure, become general, the newly appointed magistrates, as directed by law, opened and held their courts at Davis's, ten miles above Jonesboro', on Bbffalo Creek. The partizans of one government quarrelled with those of the other. The officers of each, in discharge of official duty, came into conflict with tde authority of the rival government. The animosity, thus engendered, became tbe more acrimonious, as this county was the residence of Governor Sevier, and also of Col. John Tipton, who, thongh at first a leader in the f^olt, had now become promt-
GEN. SHELBY HOLDS A CONFERE(MCB WITH GOV. SEVIER. 357
Beat at the head of the old state party. These two, alike brave, ambitious and patriotic, and champions of their re- spective adherents, kept the people in a constant tumult, each, alternately, breaking in upon and interrupting the courts and jurisdiction of the other. The horrors of a fra- tricidal conflict seemed inevitable, and measures were adopt- ed by both parties to allay the agitation and restore quiet. General Rutherford had introduced before the Legislature of ^orth-Carolina a measure of conciliation, that would have Jyeen acceptable to the malcontents beyond the mountaint tut it was- instantly rejected. The mission of General Cocke, «nd the pacific overtures of Judge Campbell, had been abor- "Cive and unsuccessful. As a dernier resort, negotiation was ^tttempted, to reconcile the conflicts of interests and of feeling ^etMreen the two states. Who should be the negotiator? An ^>fficer of the old state ? The opposition to such an one, was ^t one time a mere prejudice — it had now become a senti- Midetit of inappeasable malignity, and no offers of compromise om him could be for a moment entertained. Policy dicta- that he should be selected from the western people them- elves, and that he should b(5 one who, from his psist position, identified, in all his sympathies and interests, with the General Evan Shelby, high in the confidence of his ountrymen everywhere, remarkable for his probity, can- , good sense and patriotism, was requested by Gov. Cas- ell to take charge of this delicate negotiation ; and, in con- viction with others, whose assistance he solicited, met a mmission from the State of Franklin, on the 20rh day of larch, 1787, at the house of Samuel Smith. At this con- "•«nce Gov. Sevier represented his own government, aided such of its friends as he chose to invite. The result of ?ir mutual efforts to accommodate existing difQculties, and jprevent the occurrence of those of greater magnitude, now stantiy apprehended, was given in the letter following. General Shelby to Governor Caswell :
V
Sullivan County, March 21st, 1787, ir Sir : — ^Your letter, and the packets which you were pleased to 'ard by your son, I have received, and the commissions to the several ^^*^uties belonging have been forwarded, except those to the county of
358 TSBM8 OF TH£ OOMPROMUB*
Gbreene, yet in my hands, not well knowing who to direct them t^ Thi proclamations have been disposed of accoidingly. I have held a confe* rence with Mr. John Se>ier, Governor of the Franklin people. Tlw enclosed is a copy of what was there concluded between him and mOb It is submitted to the .legislature. The people of Franklin have latdy held an Assembly for their state, and have passed a bill for opening m office for to receive entries for the lands included between French Broad and Tennessee Rivers. Also, they have laid a land and poll-tax on the p60> pie. Conformable to the commissions for thepeace sent np, comta of p^eas, d^c, have been held in the counties of Washington, Sullivan and Hawkins, without any opposition. Many people are firmly attached to Korth-Carolina ; others are as obstinate against it ; however, it is to bo hoped that time and reflection will restore them fnendly to North- Carolina.
The animosities arising from difference of opinion in govemmento among our people here, have run high. To quiet the minds of the people, and preserve peace and tranquillity till something better coold be done, was the reason that induced me to hold a corference and oon- dude on the articles enclosed. I would be much rejoiced vi( "JP"* mention, you wquld think, in earnest, to come and live among us. xoa might do much here.
COKFEREKCB AT SMrrH^S.
'* At a conference held at the house of Samuel Smith, EaqnirCy on ths 20th day of March, 1787, between the Honourable Evan Shelby, Esquire, and sundry officers, of the one part, and the Honourable Jomi Sevier and sundry officers, of the other part Whereas, disputes haTO arisen concerning the propriety and legality of the State of Franklini and the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the State of North-Carolina ofor the said state and the people residing therein.
'^ The contending parties, from the regard they have to peace, tran- quillity and good decorum in the Western country, do agree and recom- mend as follows :
^ First That the courts of justice do not proceed to transact any busi- ness in their judicial departments, except the trial of criminaJs, the proving of wills, deeds, bills of sale, and such like conveyances ; the issuing of attachments, writs and any legal process, so as to procore bail, but not to enter into final determinations of the suits, except the parties are mutually agreed tliereto.
'^ Secondly. That the inhabitants residing within the limits of the dis- puted territory are at full liberty and discretion to pay their public taxes to either the State of North-Carolina or the State of Frankhn.
'* Thirdly. That this agreement and recommendation continue until the next annual sitting of the General Assembly of North-Carolina, to be held in November next, and not longer. It is further agreed, that if any person, guilty of felony, be committed by any North Carolina jus- tice of the peace, that such person or persons may and shall be received by the Franklin sheriff or gaoler of Washington, and proceeded against in the same manner as if the same had been committed by axjd from any such authority from under the State of Franklin. It is also recom- mended, that the aforesaid people do take such modes and regoIatioDi^
A TEMPORARY QUIET RESTORED. 350
and set forth their grievances, if any thej have, and solicit Norih-Caro- lina, at their next annual meeting of the General Assemhiy, for to complete the separation, if thought necessary by the people of the Western country, as to them may appear most expedient, and give their manbcrs and representatives such instructions as may be thought most conducive to the interest of our Western World, 'by a majority of the same, either to be a separate state from that of North-Oarolina, or be citizens of the State of North-Carolina.
^ Signed and agreed, on behalf of each party, this day and year above written. Evan Shelbt,
JoHH Sevier.'*
A temporary quiet succeeded this compromise, and the peo- ( pie having the right of paying their taxes, and of owing ( allegiance to either of the rival governments, at their own option, the jurisdiction of both was for a time co-ordi- nate. No better proof need be adduced that the inhabitants of the disaffected country were law-abiding, honest, just, and peaceable, than their demeanour under this unwonted condi- tion of questionable allegiance. Anywhere else, anarchy, misrule, tumult and violence, would have followed. Preva- lent sentiment was, amongst these primitive people, essen- tially the law, and had the validity and force of legislative authority. Popular opinion was radically sound. It was in favour of right and justice. The people bowed to its supre- macy, and paid allegiance to its mandates. They needed no other tribunal.
Still, a wound had been inflicted upon the dignity of the state, aird there were not wanting men in the coun- % willing to appease her wrath, and make an atonement the indignity and injury she had received. These, findtmg lit with and condemning the acts of the new state, re- jrted its wrong doings to Governor Caswell. They were ol ^^.morous about trespasses committed upon Cherokee terri- r, by the intruding ** Franklinites," and foreboded what Jly took place, a renewal of Indian aggression upon the v^'^tiements, if these were not restrained. Such is the im- •t pf the letter following :
Chota, 26th March, 1787. ' ir : — At mv arrival in this place, I found the Indians in greater ion than I had ever seen before, owing in part to Colonel John Lo- .^8 expedition against them, together wiUi daily encroachments of the
880 OOLOHBL MAETIH TO OOYS|UrO& GASIirJELL.
FnnkUntoiM on their lands. They hate aotmlly opened a land oflioe for ttrery acre of land that the Legislatore of ifortn-Carolina ceded Iv tbam north of the Tenm^Mee, which indudeA several of their principal cornfields, and a part of their heloved town, Ghota, and the wbole^ towa of Bial, and are now settling on the banks of the river*. I thk ^kj finished a Talk with the Indians, a copy of which I enclose to your Bx^ osllency. Three letters havjo latel? been brought to the diflerent_toi and read, from the French at the Muscle Shoals, which inform the ~ that the English* French and Spanish, have actually joined to cany a war against America; that the Americans have stopped their trad^ from Detroit, by seizing several of their boats on the Missif«ippi ; f*^ ^ they will not undertake to fnmish them in future with anything ^^
Kina, knives, tomahawks, and ammunition ; of these articles th^ ahaK ^^^ ve plenty. Various are the conjectures of the traders reapectin^i war with the Cherokees. My opinion is, there will be a great deal mischief done, if not an open war, unless the Franklinitea can be moved off their land ; which, I am well assured, cannot be done wif an armed force.
Another writer, nnder date March 26th, of this year, i forma the governor, *' Politics in this part of the couu ma high. Vou hear in almost every collection of peo frequent declarations of hurrah for North-Carolina I others in the same manner for the State of Franklin.^ ** Th^ Franklin Assembly have passed their act to punish, imprisonment, any person that shall act in the commissi of justice of the peace or other civil office, under the sumed authority of North-Carolina. God only knows w this contention will end. I fear it will end in blood."
Governor Caswell received another letter of still more pb tentous import, from an accredited agent, who had been sen to spy out the real cqndition of affairs in his trans-montane territory. In his tour of observation, he seems to have de- tected not only infidelity on the part of the people of Frank- lin to North-Carolina, but " a tendency to dissolve the federal bands." He is the first to advise " the interference of go- vernment" to suppress the insurgents.
Col. Hutohings to Gov. Caswell :
Hawkins Countt, the Ist April, 1787. iSir : — I received your Excellency's letter of the 27th Feb., 1787, with the enclosed papers and others forwarded ; and in compliance with the contents, I give you a statement of the proceedings in this quarter, as you signified a desire to know how the laws and a return to tlie old go- vernment set on the minds of the people. I find in tlie county of Greene the people are much divided. In the other three counties, about two-
GOVERNOR CASWELL TO GOVERNOR SEVIER. 861
thirds are ranch pleased with the laws and a return to the old govem- xuent. The comniissions and appointments are generally received. The people on the Indian hunting grounds, I \ca,tn, are very obstinate, and I suppoee will pay little or no resf)ect to your Excellency's proclamation for^eir removal The Franklin party yet persist, and seems to impede tbft progress of civilization and retard the operation of the most salutary laws. They have lately held an Assembly and passed several acts, and seem vigorous in executing them. They have opened an office for the lands south of French Broad to the banks of Tennessee River. The land is to be sold at forty shillings per hundred acres, the first ten shillings in hand, and two years credit for the other thirty shillings. This unites the inhabitants of those lands to their party ; and in order to frighten others into a compliance with them, the Assembly have passed an act to fine and imprison any person who shall dare to act under the authority of North-Carolina : — for the first offence five pounds ; a second offence, ten pounds and a year's imprisonment ; and the governor at bis discretion to summon a guard over them, which guard are to be pud out of the property of the offender. They have also empowered the governor to raise the militia to oppose the operation of the laws of Nortn-Carolina, who are now enlisting and giving four hundred acres of land bounty. This is under a colour of guarding the frontiers. Should tbej offer any insult to the civil authority, I expect it will be difficult to prevent an effusion of blood. I think your Excellency will readily see the necessity of the interference of government ; and unle^^ those people are entitled to exclusive and separate emoluments from the rest of the com- manltj, they ought, certainly, to be quelled. If we are in our allegiance, protection ought to be reciprocal. I, therefore, give it as my opinion, that it is highly necessary that notice should be taken of the conduct of thdee people, as there are many plans and matters agitated by them, ir|iieh seem to have a tendency to dissolve even the federal bands. Seve- ral letters I have in my possession, which can be spoken of no other "•ay- A few lines from your Excellency, with your advice how to conduct ffSiyself in this unhappy dilemma, would be most thankfully received.
The Governor of North-Carolina thought proper, after the B^ournment of its legislature, to communicate directly to ?ov. Sevier, the proceedings of that body in reference to the B^Volters. It follows :
KiNSTON, 23d February, 1787.
S'ir: — T was favoured with your letter of the 28th of October, on the
* ect of a separate and independent government on your side of the
lachian, which 1 did myself the honour of laying before the Gene-
-Assembly. Their resolutions and determinations on that subj^'ct, I
I flattered myself it would be in my power to have forwarded you
,ies of, by this time. It must, therefore, suffice, that I acquaint you
2' the present, that the Assembly, from the representation of persons
^J*0 among yourselve**, was induced to believe it was proper for the peo-
P^ to return to subjection to the laws and government of North-Caro-
^"'^ ; that they are not yet of strength and opulence sufficient to sup-
SEPLlr OF GOVERNOK 8EVIX1.
n>rt an independent state ; that they, the Aasemblj, wish to
&e benefits and protection of the state towards them, nntil such tii
as their numbers and wealth will enable them to do for themadva^iK^
when they, the Assembly, are free to say, a separation may take
In the meantime, the most friendly intercourse between the citi»
1]ie eastern and western waters, ib strongly recommended; and as
people westward of the Apalachian have received no benefit firom
temment for the two years last past, they are willing to exempt tl
fiom the payment of the public taxes.
Thus, sir, you have in substandB, as fiw as I recollect, the amount <^ ^ the proceedings of the Assembly, save the appointment of dvil an*— Btna mi^tary officers for the three old and a new couDty ; the brigade to Idi" ^ commanded by Evan Shelby, Esq. In the civil department, Indfl^p.^^^ Campbell is re-appointed; and the representatives carried out commK^-^^ sions fbr the county officers, civil and militair. I have not a doubt| In:^"^^^^ a new government may be shortly established, if the people wonlK^^^ unite, submit to the former government, and petition for a aeparatio^'^— ^'^^ This, I think, is the only constitutional mode, and I firmly believe, _^
pursued, will be a means of eflfecting the separation on friendly which I much wish ; and I cannot say but I have my own satia in view, as I expect, if life and health and strength last, to lay _ boW on the weSstem waters. Twelve months will bring about a lease to me from public employment, and it is my intention then to that country once more ; and if I can find a place, to secure an agree- piivate retreat for the remainder of my life, I mean to establish it the place'of my residence. I wish you and your friends to connder th^^^^f propriety of these measures, and if you Uunk proper to adopt then you will, I think, answer your views with respect to a new government and come a shorter way to obtain the same, than by divisions amon(^ yourselves ; for theie will be greater obstructions in your way thap thos^ occasioned by the mere opinion of the people here. These are my candid^ sentiments. I may be mistaken, but time will evince the propriety oi otherwise, of my observations.
In answer to this communication, the Governor of* Frank- lin writes, under date,
JovBSBORo', 6th April, 1787.
Sir : — I was favoured with yours of 23d February, in which your Excellency was pleased to favour me with a detail of the proceedings of your Assembly. I must own, before their rising, I had the fullest hopes and confidence, that body would have either agreed to the separation, on honourable principles and stipulations, or otherwise endeavoured to have re-united us upon such terms as might have been lasting and friendly, but I find myself and country entirely deceived.; and if your Assembly have thought their measures would answer such an end, they are equalli disappointed. But I firmly believe, had proper measures been adopt an union, in some measure, or perhaps fully, would have taken pU We shall continue to act as independent, and would rather suffer deatK in all its various and firightful shapes, than conform to any thing that ^ ^ disgracefy.
OOLCILIATORY REPLY OP OOYERNOR CASWELL. 363
The firm and decisive tone of this letter, was in accord- ance with the. present teniper of Sevier and his adherents. The compromise entered into between the contracting par- tie^ March 20th, was found to be, in some of the count ies^ of little avail. "It is agreed and recommended," were terms sufficiently explicit and strong to be obligatory on the masses, and their "regard to peace, tranquillity and good decorum," led them to respect the provisions of the agreement. But in Washington, Sullivan and Hawkins, where the recent act of North-Carolina had vacated certain of the ofBces, and commissions under her authority had been accepted and acted under, a spirit of faction and discontent developed itself. The ins and the outs, as is sometimes seen in more modern times, quarrelled. A question arose as to the pow- ers of those who had negotiated the late ** agreement and recommendation." By common consent, the ofBce holders considered them invalid and irregular. The truce was ended. Gov. Sevier determined that he and the other ofBcers of JVanklin would " act as independent."
To Gov. Sevier's letter. Gov. Caswell replied, in a very ^HLendiy and conciliatory spirit, under date,
KiNBTON, April 24th, 1787. ^Jhar Sir : — I had the honour to receive your letters by Mr. Meek. lonot account for the conduct of our Assembly in their last' session, some of the gentlemen's sentiments did not coincide Avith my but still think if the people on your side the mountain bad then n more unanimous, the measures of a separation on just and ourable principles would have been pursued ; and if it were possible "tte people amongst you to prevail upon themselves to apply by suffi- *t number, to give convincing proofs of far the greater part of the ^™<>le being desiious of establishing a new government upon such prin- tbe same may yet be effected. If the violences of the passions of men among you are not restrained, if they are suffered to break it will be Y'Utting the day further off; and, perhaps, the separation not be effected without bloodshed. This, I am sure, neither you nor ^ ^ other man capable of reflection, would wish to see brought about, '*• *^ can be evaded by justifiable means. ^ xon may rely upon it that my sentiments are clearly in favour of a ••iHiTation, whenever the people to be separated think themselves of ^^Bcient strength and abilities to support a government This separa- ^'^ to be established upon reasonable, honourable, equitable and just ^''•dpleB, reciprocally so to those who will still continue the old go- ^"••iiment, as well as those who are to form the new. My ideas are that
364 OENEBAL SUELBY ADVI8E8 ENEBGBTIO MKASU
nature, in this formation of the bills between is, and directiiig tk courses of waters so differently, bad not in view the inhabitiinti ot either side being longer siibj^'Otto the same laws and government; that it mijL^bt )>e convenient for them, aa she has liberally bestowed on tlie minds of thinking men wishes to enjoy and obtain for themselves, W others in their circunistances, equal benefits, privileges and immomtia with the rest of mankind.
I conclude, by rvHiommending unanimity among you, as the only means by which your government ever can obtain energy, evenwlMi the st*])aration is effected by consent of North Carolina.
General Shelby, the other diplomatist, proposed, in the meanwhile, to the government he represented, the adopticm
of more energetic and efficient measures.
SuLLfVAN CouNTT, May 4thy 1787. Sir .—The 27th of April past, I called the colonels (via : TiptOB, Maxwell and Ilutchings) of Washington, Sullivan and Hawkins ooun- ties, in order to consult on some measures which might be most salutaij for the safety of this country nt the present time. The gentlemen meti accordingly, at my house, and several gave it as their opinion that I should address government in the following manner : As the safety snd well l)ein</ of government arc now at hazjird, and the liberties and pn^- perties of the goixl citizens thereof wrested from them by parties of fac- tion, notwithstanding the lenient and conciliatory measures of tfaa General Assembly, by a call of the commanding officers of the several counties, and sundry complaints from individuals and the enclosed copies of letters, it was thought proper to advise with your Excellency on the occasion, and send a just statement of the proceedings. The Assembly of Franklin being called, have pa<s<»d and ratified the following acta : They have opened an office for the lands reserved for the Indians, from Frencii Broad River to the Tennessee River ; also, an act 6ning and im- prisoning any person who shall dare act under the authority of tlie State of North-Carolina, under which act they |)roceed with the greatest rig- our, hcatintr and imprisonini:, and s»Mzing the pro[)erty by men in arras. By a third act, in order t^> complete their desiijns and draw a party to their interest, they have laid their taxes one shilling the poll and sixpence per hundred acres of land, afu»r the collection of which they give three years Ux free. These methods, with many others, such as appointing officei*s to carry into execution their treasonable acts and designs, a total subvei*sion of all laws and good government, even every sense of civilisa- tion, are lost among them. 1 have, therefore, thought it expedient U> call upon you for your immediate assistance, having the faith and honour of the Leirislature of North-Carolina [)ledged to us, that we shall remain secure in our liberties and pro|>erties. The matter is truly alarming, and it is beyond a doubt with me that hostilities will in a short time commence^ and without the interference of government without delay, an effusion df blood must take place. I, therefore, think it highlv necessary that one thousand troops, at least, be sent, as that numl)er might have a good effect ; for should we have that number under the sanction of govern-
OOLONELS HUTCHINGS AND BLEDSOE^S LBTTER8. 365
ment, there is no doubt with me they would immediately give way, aod would not appear in so unprovoked an insurrection. On the con- trary, should a faint and feeble resistance l>e made, the couHequenee night be very fatal, and would tend to devastation, ruin and distress. Should your Excellency think it convenient to call on the commonwealth of Virginia, I have reasons to believe we might meet with their aid, as tbey have fi>ur counties nearly bordering on us, and would be the most speedy assfttance we could come at, in case your troo))s do not reach us in time to relieve us. I think it highly necessary that a quantity of Ammunition be forwarded to us, as it is very scarce in this country. Thus, sir, you have before you the result of my conference with the aforemen- tioned colonels ; it is plain where the measure therein adxised, if adopted, will end. The matter is entirely referred to government, and 1 hope •omething may be done and some measure adopted, to put a final end to the present unhappy disturbances. The officers iu Greene county hsve all engaged in tlie new state aifair, and have, therefore, refused to reoeive their commissions. There is scarcely any money in the country. I liATe been obliged to fit out this express with horse and cash to bear him down. It is to be expected your Excellency will procure some money to besr his expenses home again. Your Excellency will perceive, by oomparinff the enclosed in my last letter with this, that* the {>eople of Franklin have not assented to the agreemenjt which was entered into with their governor, for the preservation of peace and good order in this oosntry. Not many men are here engaged in vindicating the authority of Nortb-Carolina. They have hitherto behaved with that coolnens and prodence which ever ought to characterize good subjects, assured of their safety under the government they are in ; at the same time, con- -viooed that allegiance and protection are reciprocal, they expect to enjoy the 011640 they have yielded the other.
Among the papers enclosed by General Shelby to the verifor of North-Carolina, was a letter to himself from . Hutchings, of Hawkins county, of April 22d, in which, ij>eaking of the officers of the new state, he says:
They have, among them, a Major Elholm, from Geor/iinAi ^ho, I am libnned, is a great advocate for their cause ; also, a Major Jones, who firoiD Virginia. They advise Cromw^-lTs j)oIicy to be adopted, Mr. threatening confiscation and banishment. That the geutle- h^e not been very candid, this Major Donelson will give you a further account of. Cocke's party are getting very insolent. 1 ex|>ect, a a few days, I shall be obliged to try his boasted number. I am ma- -^Tlg the necessary preparations, and cannot doubt Huccess if they have vt aiustance from Greene county. I have more than five their number flawkina.
Col. Anthony Bledsoe, at the time a citizen of Davidson ^^^Hinty, and of great personal influence and weight of cha- itf aided, by bis presence in the disaffected counties, in
366 GOVERNOR CASWELL DISSUADES FROM VIOLBNCB,
keeping down any violence or outbreak. He seconded the views of General Shelby, without being so specific as to the " decided part " he wished the government of North-Caro- lina to act. His letter follows :
SuLLivAK County, May 4th, 1787. Dear Sir : — When I last addressed your Excellency, I little expected to have dated a second from the same place. I have stayed long enoaghin this part of the country to see the appearance of the long-dreaded con- fusion— long enough to see and hear the measures of the last session of Ihe General Assembly treated with the greatest contempt. I have always been of opinion that, without the greatest prudence, it was to end in blood, and am now further convinced that, without government acts a decided part, hostilities will shortly commence. Might I be per- mitted to request your Excellency's addressing these people, and advi- sing them of the necessity and advantage of returning to their duty <Hioe more, and the danger and evil consequences of their persisting in the attempt of their supporting an independence ? I do assure your Excel- lency, that it is my opinion, your address on that occasion would have a very good effect on the principal people in the revolted party. I judge this will accompany a letter from General Shelby addressed particuhiny on* this subject.
To his suggestions of maintaining the authority of North- Carolina by an armed force, Governor Caswell replies to General Shdby, under date,
KiNSTON, May 21st, 1787.
Sir: — Your letter of the 4th current, came to my hands the 19th. I stated the situation of your country to the Council, and laid your letter and every other information I possessed respecting the same, before them for advice ; the result of their deliberations, I have the honour oC enclosinnr you a copy of; they may not answer your expectations, but ^ hope will prove satisfactory, when I inform you upon what princip^* they acted.
They think it would be very imprudent to add to the dissatisfaction. ^ the people there, by showing a wish to encourage the shedding of h\oO ^X as thereby, a civil war would be eventually brought on, which ought at ^ times to be avoided, if possible ; but more especially at the present, ^ we have great reason to apprehend a general Indian war. If ^^ y northern and southern tribes should unite with your Cherokee nei^^ ' hours, you will^tand in need, they think, of all your force; and the^^^Tl fore recommend unanimity amongst you, if it can by any means effected ; as you thereby will be much more able to defend yourselvi than yoii possibly can be when divided ; let alone the circumstances cutting each other's throats. Besides these, it would be impracticable raise an armed force here, to be sent to your a««sistiince at this time, we were ever so much disposed thereto, for the following reasons : Tl people in general, are now engaged in their farming business, and brought out, would very reluctantly march; there is no money in tl
AND ADDRESSES THE MALCONTENTS. 367
treasnry to defray the expenses of such as ixiight be called out ; nor, in feet, have wo arms or ammunition ; that, under such circumstances, it would be necessary to attempt it.
I must, therefore, recommend to you, the using every means in your power to conciliate the minds of the people, as well as those who call themselves Franklinites, as the friends and supjjorters of government. If things could be dormant, as it were, till the next Assembly, and each man's mind be employed in considering your common defence against the savage enemy, I should suppose it best, and wherever unanimity prevails among your people, and their strength and numbers will jus- tify, an application for a separation ; if it is general, I have no doubt of its taking place upon reciprocal and friendly terms.
I have written a letter to the inhabitants of the counties of Washing- ton, SulHvan, Greene and Ilawkins, stating matters in such a point of view, as the opinion of the Council ; a copy of which I have the honour to enclose you. Your express aleo carries a letter for the commanding officer of each of the counties, which you will be pleased to forward to them.
Accompanying this letter, Governor Caswell also for- warded, through General Shelby, the following address :
To the Inhabitants of the counties of Washington, SuUivan, Greene and
Hawkins :
.Friends and Fellow- Citizens:-^! have received information that the former contention between the citizens of those counties^ respecting the aevering such counties from this state, and erecting them into a separate, fr^ and independent government, hath been again raised, notwith- atandiDg the lenient and salutary measures held out to them by the General Assembly in their last session ; and some have been so far mis- led, as openly and avowedly to oppose the due operation and execution of the laws of the state, menacing such as should ad- here to the same, with violence ; and some outrages on such occasions, have been actually committed, whereby sundry of the good citizens of the said counties have been induced to signify to government their ap- prehension of being obliged to have recourse to Ytrms, in order to sup- Citi the laws and constitution of this state. And notwithstanding the haviour of some of the refractory might justify such a measure, yet I am willing to hope, that upon reflection and due consideration of the consequences which must ensue in case of the shedding of blood among
Snrselves, a moment's thought must evince the necessity of mutual endship and the tics of brotherly love being strongly cemented among joo. You have, or shortly will have, if my information is well-grounded, enemies to deal with, which will require this cement to bo more strong than ever ; your whole force may become necessary to be exerted against ihe common enemy, as it is more than probable they may be assisted ly the subjects of some foreign power ; if not publicly, they will fur- anh arms and ammunition privately to the Indian tribes, to be made use of against you ; and when your neighbours are so supported and assisted
368 POPULAR DIBCONTEMT APPEAflED.
by the northern and southern Indians, if you should he ao vnhappj as to be divided among yourselves, what may yoa not then apprebcnd and dread ? Let me entreat you to lay aside your party disputes ; they have been, as I conceive and yet believe will be, if continued, of very great disadvantage to your public as well as private concerns. 'Whikt these disputes last, government will want that energy which is neeo- sary to support her laws and civili^ ; in place of which, anarchy aid confusion will be prevalent, and, of course, private interest must snfik.
It certainly would be sound policy in you, for other reasons, to anita. The General Assembly have told you, whenever your wealth and dqiii- bers so much increase as to make a separation necessary, they will be willing the same shall take place upon friendly and reciprocal terms, h there an individual in your country who does not look forward, in eipee- tation, of such a day's arriving ? If that is the case, must not eyerj thinking man believe, that this separation will be soonest and rooit effectually obtained by unanimity ? Let that carry you to the quiet submission to the laws of North-Carolina, till your nnmbers will justify A general application ; and then, I have no doubt^ but the same may be obtained upon the principl«*s held out by the Assembly ; naj, it is my opinion that it may be obtained at an earlier day than some imagine, if unanimity prevailed amongst you.
Altliough this is an official letter, you will readily see that it is dicta- ted by a friendly and pacific mind. Don't neelect my advice on thit account ; if you do, you may repent it when it is too late ; when the • blood of some of your dearest and worthiest citizens may have been spilt, and your country laid waste in an unnatural and cruel civil war; and you cannot suppose if such an event should take place, that gih vernment will supinely look on, and see you cutting each other's throa^ without interfering, and exerting her powers to reduce the disobedient I will conclude by once more entreating you to consider the dreadful calamities and consequences of a civil war. Humanity demands this of me ; your own good sense will point out the propriety of it; at least, let all animosities and disputes subside till the next Assembly ; even let things rem<iin as they are, without pursuing compulsory measures until then, and I flatter myself that honourable body will be disposed to do what is just and right, aud what sound policy may dictate.
Nothing yet had occurred in the transactions between Franklin and North-Carolina so well calculated to heal the breach, and efTect a reconciliation between them, as this letter of Gov. Caswell, and the action of the North-Carolina
•
Legislature communicated in it. The origin and cause of the separation, at the time it occurred, was the Cession Act That had been repealed. The great object of the secessionists now, was independence of North-Carolina, so as to avoid a re-enactment of the repealed law. The apprehension of that objectionable and iuadmissable policy was removed in
•Bm^SMENTS SOUTH OF FBBMCH BROAD. 369
minds of some of the earliest and most steadfa43t friends Pranklin by the assurances of the Governor and Legisla- D of North-Carolina, that, at the proper time, a new state •aid be formed, and their cherished wishes for indepen- ice should be gratified, if the malcontents would return lieir allegiance. The argument was forcible — to many feetly satisfactory and irresistible. It inflicted a vital l> npon the new government, which, within the next year, ised its dissolution.
FR0OBX8S OF THE 8ETTLSMENT8 SOUTH OF FRENCH BROAD.
The Irish Bottom began to be settled. George McNutt
B one of the earliest emigrants. His daughter, ,
irwards the wife of Col. McFarland, and still living
Jefferson county, was the first white child born south of inch Broad. Nancy Rogers, . daughter of Jonah Rogers B the second. Lfker the treaty of Dumplin, great facilities existed for
i occupying the country acquired under it, south of French Broad and Holston, and the stream of emi- iion was principally directed in that channel. From nry's Station, at the mouth of Dumplin, the emigrants Med the river, settling along Boyd's Creek Valley, where Ganghy's, NewelVs and other stations were formed. By soon crossed the ridge dividing that stream from Elijah, I formed a station, M cTeer^s, still in the occupancy of a oendant of the same name, William McTeer, Esq. It n became the nucleus of an excellent neighbourhood of dligent, worthy and patriotic citizens— emigrants princi- ly from the valley of Virginia, who brought with, and ued around them, republicanism, religion, intelligence I thrift. They were, for several j'ears, annoyed and ba- sed by Cherokee incursions. The proximity of their set- nent to the fastnesses of the adjoining mountains, made it lewary, constantly, to guard their frontier. While one rked in the field, another acted as a scout or a sentinel. By were often driven into stations, and twice had to leave ir farms and cabins, and fall back, for a short time, upon older settlements. But gaining, year after year, addition-
rtffength by new emigrations, they gradually extended the 24
870 sTATumi » uvlim avd blouiit oomrrm.
setdemeiits down the valley of Elijah and Naill's Creek. Henry's^ McTeer's, McCallock's, Gillespie's^ Craig's, Kelley's, Houston's, Black's, Hunter's, Bartlett's, Kirk's, Ish's^and oth- ers, were, soon after, the neuclei of settlements. Daring the formation and defence of all these stations, a volume 'woold not contain the instances of Indian outrage and aggreasioa perpetrated against the property and lives of the inhabitants, nor the heroic and soldierly conduct of the brave frontier- men, in protecting themselves, repelling invasion, pursoing and chaiftising the savages, inflicting a just retaliation with vengeftal severity upon the cruel Cherokees, in their distant villages and the seclusions of the mountains. Bojrs became men—women turned soldiers — assisting in clefence of the family and the home. Vigilance and heroism, and fearless- ness and energy, characterized the entire population. Could a diagram be drawn, accurately designating every spot rig* nalized by an Indian massacre, surprise or depredation, or oourageous attack, defence, pursuit or victory by the whites^ or station, or fort, or battle-field, or personal encounter, the whole of that section of country would be studded over by- delineations of such incidents. Every spring, every ford,' every path, every farm, every trail, every house, nearly, in its first settlement, was once the scene of danger, exposure, attack, exploit, achievement, death. Some of these are given in their chronological order, elsewhere. A few other instances, culled from the whole, are here given : Houston's Station stood about six miles from Maryville, where Mr. Minnis has since lived. It was occupied by the families of James Houston, McGonnell, McEwen, Sloane and Henry. It was attacked by a party of Indians, one hundred in num- ber. They had, the day before, pursued the survivors of the Citico massacre, in the direction of Knoxville, many of whom they had killed. Elated with their preceding suc- cesses, they determined, on their return, to take and murder the feeble garrison at Houston's. A vigorous assault was made upon it. Hugh Barry, in looking over the bastion, incautiously exposed his head to the aim of an Indian rifie. He fell, within the station, fatally wounded, having received a bullet in his forehead. The Indians were emboldened by this success, and prolonged the conflict more than half an
HEROISM OF MRS. m'eWEN. 871
hour. The garrison had some of the best rifleman in the country within it, and, observing the number and activity of the assailants, they loaded and discharged their guns with all possible rapidity. The women assisted them as far as they were able. One of them, Mrs. McEwen, mother of R. H. McEwen, Esq., of Nashville, and since the wife of the Senior S. Doak, D.D., displayed great equanimity and hero- ism. She inquired for the bullet moulds, and was engaged, busily, in melting the lead and running bullets for diiSerent guns. A bullet from without, passing through the inter- stice between two logs of the station, struck the wall near her, and rebounding, rolled upon the floor. Snatching it up, and melting and moulding it quickly, she carried it to her husband and said : ^^ Here is a ball run out of the In- dians' lead ; send it back io them as quick as possible. It is their own ; let them have it in welcome."
Simultaneously with the extension of the settlement of the country south of French Broad, after the Franklin Treaty at Dumplin, was its expansion north of that stream and on Holston. Adam Meek made the first settlement on the head of Beaver Creek, at the place in the Quaker Valley now owned by John Bales, Sen. Mr. Meek had no neighbour ivest of him, and so sparse were the settlers on the east, that at first he procured meal from the neighbourhood of Greene- ville.
Mr. Meek was a surveyor, an emigrant from Mecklenburg eoanty* N. C, and had, as early as 1785, explored the coun- try and made surveys on the frontier. Like most other pio- neers, Mr. Meek built his first cabin of round poles. This he covered with bark and grass, which, for the first year, sheltered his family. During the Indian alarms, the family frequently retired, at evening, to a deep sink, three-quarters of a mile from their cabin, and there spent the night. A fort or station was, at a later period, formed at the Strawberry Plains, now the residence of Rev. Thomas Stringfield. In this station the settlers collected together for mutual protec- tion and defence. It soon became the centre of an enter- prising, respectable and intelligent population, and there is stillf one of the most flourishing and enlightened neighbour-
372 oillaim's station erectbd.
hoods in the country — distinguished for its Institutions of learning, its churches, its thrift and general prosperity.
Lands had been entered and surveyed, and grants issued for them, in what is now Knox and Grainger counties. The .current of population followed the vallies, and here and there along the valley south of Clinch Mountain, could be seen springing up in the forests, at the head of Flat Creek, Bull Run and Peaver Creek, the humble cabin of the back- woodsman. In the fork between Holston and French Broad, new settlers began their clearings. Henry's Station, at Dumplin, ceased to be the last post north of the river. A little colony from it crossed Bay's Mountain, and formed what was known as Greene's, afterwards Manifold's, Station* Near it, Gibson, Beard, Bowman and Cozby settled, and with, them came James White, afterwards the proprietor of Knox-- ville. He first pitched his tent four miles above the mouths of French Broad, and on its north bank, near the presents residence of John Campbell, Esq. His early compatriots^ Greene and Cozby, settled soon after near him, but on th&- opposite side of the river. Captain Thomas Gillespie set- tled three miles below, on the north side of the river. The ruins of his house are still seen. It stood near the present residence of Mr. James Hufacre. A little later came Jere- miah Jack, Esq., and settled the second plantation above the mouth of French Broad.
Robert Armstrong planted corn and raised a crop, this 1787 5 year, on the plantation which, next year, he settled I on Holston, a little above the mouth of Swan Pond Creek. Mr. Devereaux Gillaim, at the same time, occupied the plantation embracing the point between French Broad and Hplston. His first cabin stood east of the dwelling house of the present proprietor, between it and the church.
Archibald Rhea, Sen., settled immediately opposite, on the south bank of French Broad. Alexander McMillan settled the place now occupied by Rev. Thomas Stringfield, then, as now, known as Strawberry Plains, and soon after removed to the farm on which he died, four miles above Armstrong's Ferry, on the present New Market Road.
The settlements between the rivers were less annoyed by
MRS. Gillespie's presence of mind. 873
the Indians, than those south or north of them. Almost in- sulated by the rivers, the intervention of these large streams furnished to the inhabitants some immunity from invasion. On one occasion, however, some armed warriors crossed the river, and presented themselves at the door of Captain Gil- lespie's cabin. The captain had, the day before, been clear- ing in the island and burning brush, and the fires were still burning there, in view of the house. He had left home early that morning, on his way to Dumplin, twelve miles ojflT. The Indians, finding Mrs. Gillespie unprotected, entered the honscy and one of them taking out a scalping knife, drew it across his bare arm, as if sharpening it He then went to a eradle, in which an infant lay asleep, and indicated with his finger a line around its head, along which he intended to apply the knife in scalping it. The other Indians looked on with savage ferocity. The heroic mother, with surprising presence of mind, sprang to the door, and, looking in the direction of the clearing, exclaimed, in a loud voice, ** White men, come home ! come home, white men ! Iftdians I Indians!" The warriors, disconcerted by her well contrived stratagem and her well timed equanimity, precipitately led the house* dashed down the hill towards the spring, and disappeared in the cane-brake. Mrs. G. bearing her child in her arms, es- caped in the opposite direction, and in sight of the path along which her husband would return. She had gone several miles in anxious apprehension of the murderous pursuit of the warriors, when she met the captain. He guessed the cause of their unexpected meeting, took the mother and the child upon his horse, carried them hastily back to Mani- ibld's; leaving them there, he reinforced himself with three men, and returned in haste to his house. The savages had plondered it of its contents, and while some were carrying off the spoils, one was busily engaged in setting fire to the house. He was fired upon by Captain G., who had outrode Qie other horsemen, and shot without dismounting. The In- 3ian was partly obscured by the smoke of the fire he was Idndling, and escaped. The other men came up, the property eras recaptured and the Indians were driven across the river. Two of them were wounded in crossing, at the mouth of Burnett's branch. It was believed that the Indians came to
874 WHITB AHD COITNER SETTLE THE FOTUftE BSTOXVIUA. .'
Steal rather than to murder; indeed, this neighbonriiood suffered more by having their horses stolen, than by any other form of Indian aggression. On one occasion only, is it re- collected that the people generally went into a station. A sudden invasion of Little River settlement produced an alamib and the settlers temporarily forted at Gillaim^s ; the alam subsided, and the people returned to their plantations.
The population accumulated rapidly ; being accessible by the two rivers, the neighbourhood received many families from the upper counties in boats and canoes. Amongst these were James Anderson, Moses Brooks and George McNutt, Esq., who removed from Chucky and settled on the north side of Holston, above Knoxville. James White, the year before, had moved from his first cabin in the Fork, and settled on what is since White's Creek. With Captain White, came his old neighbour from Iredell county, North-Carolina, and comrade in arms, James Conner, the worthy ancestor ofH. W. Conner, Esq., of Charleston, South-Carolina. These two were the first to disturb the virgin soil, on which the future Knoxville was to be built. Tradition says, that the lot on which the First Presbyterian church now stands, was the place first cleared by them. Pounded corn was the only bread the first settlers used. Their rifles, which had been used in the war of the Revolution, procured them meat Their cabin stood half a mile from the mouth of the creek, and on its west side, north of Mrs. Kennedy's orchard. This cabin afterwards constituted one corner of White's Fort ; Captain Crawford and others forted in it with him. A quad- rangular plat of ground, containing a quarter of an acre, was chosen, on each corner of which was a strong cabin, but of less imposing appearance than Mr. White's, which was two stories high. Between these comers, stockades were placed eight feet high, impenetrable to small arms, and having port-holes at convenient height and distance. A massive gate opened in the direction of the spring. White's Fort became the central point for emigrants, and the rendezvous for rangers and scouts. They were charmed with its beauties. In their short rambles around their en- campment, they noticed an elevated parallelogram, extend- ing south, and terminating with a bold front upon the HolstCML
THE EimAL BEAUTY OF ITS ENVIB0N8. 876
A creek of considerable size glided along its eastern, and another along its western base, from the banks of which gnshed forth, in close proximity, fountains of excellent water. It was noticed that the two streams furnished several eligi- ble sites for water power. The highest point of land between them, seemed designed by nature for a barrack or garrison. As then seen, the site of the future Knoxville was lovely in the extreme — almost entirely sheltered by the primitive forest, in its rich foliage, and having an air of enchanting coolness and rural retirement and seclusion — its quiet disturbed only by the playful murmurings of rivulets, formed by the several springs, and winding through their grassy borders Jn stillness to the creeks. Wooded hills and sylvan slopes com- pleted the picture of rural beauty^ The high land terminated abruptly towards the Holston, seen here and there through the tall trees, winding its way along the cane-brakes which lined its margib. Immediately opposite, was the Lit- tle Island, robed in green and almost submerged by the tur- bid stream. The southern shore presented, in one place lofty hills, resting upon a perpendicular cliff — in another, rising with a more gradual ascent to the ridge beyond. The whole country was carpeted with verdure and clothed with trees — dense woods surrounding you, with the solitude and silence of nature. These attractions, and the advantages of its position, had pointed out the place as the nucleus of a fu- ture settlement. Mr. White soon had other settlers as his neighbours. John Dearmond settled south of the river, near ^<Jol. Churchwell's Ferry, and other emigrants came rapidly around White's Fort. A small tub-mill was erected by him. ^The necessity for it was so urgent, that sit first he was forced to a very inferior stone for runners. These were still in at the time of the treaty in 1791. Amongst other emi- *ants, John Adair moved this year to his late residence in ^nox county. He had been appointed Commissary under •^forth-Carolina, to furnish provisions for the Cumberland ^jraards, and in the discharge of that trust, took his position on extreme frontier. Adair's Station was erected at the same e with White's, about five miles north of it. The country ;an to be reached by wagons; set tiers were graduallv ex*
876 OAMPBSLL^B STATION BEIOTSD.
tending themselves west, and in quick succession, Well*fl» Ben- nett's, Byrd's, Hackett's and Cavett's Stations, were formai Campbell's Station was settled by several emigrants of that name from Virginia, survivors of the gallant regiment whidi 'had signalized itself at King's Mountain. Of these the principal one was Col. David Campbell, who has left the savour of a good name wherever he was known. He was the ancestoi^ of the present Governor of Tennessee, who has so well sustained the reputation of the Volunteer States m the late Mexican War.
At first, each of these stations was a single cabin in the midst of a clearing. When Indian disturbances broke onti the inhabitants clustered together in the strongest one near them, and it then became a Station, They have all disap- peared, except Colonel Campbell's, which still exists as the east end of the present dwelling house of Mr. Martin.
Jacob Kimberlin found lead, and furnished it to the inha- ( bitants. It was found south of French Broad, not &r ( from Gap Creek, on the farm now owned by Jere miah Johnson, Esq.
Besides the Counties of Franklin, the S&te was also ar> ranged into Districts. Whether these were judicial or mili- tary, this writer has no means of determining. The only evidence he has been able to procure of this subdivision of Franklin, is furnished by the '' commission " of one of its Colonels, of Elholm District.* The original is before the writer, in the bold chirography of Governor Sevier. The seal of the state affixed to it, is a small wafer, covered with common paper. There was, in all probability, no other seal of state.
Leaving here the chronological order of events in Frank- lin, we pause to review some transactions in its Foreign policy, which could not be so well introduced elsewhere.
Georgia, desirous of extending her settlements to the rich
**Elholm Dittrici was, doabtless, to called in honoar of Major Elholm. Id tiw district, at the tradition is, was embraced all the territory of FranUin^ below Washington conntj, tis: Greene, Caswell and Sevier counties. Washington Distriet probably embraoed Washington, SoUiran, Spencer and Wayne tiaa. *
FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF FRANKLIN. 377
interior of the state, had established Houston county in that i P***^ ^^ ^^^ territory north of the Tennessee River, ( and including the Great Bend of that stream, oppo- site the Muscle Shoals. The Commissioners appointed to organize the new county, held an adjourned meeting, July 30, 1784.
^'Present, Stephen Heard, Chairman ; John DonelsoD, Joseph Martin and John Sevier, Esqrs.
**The Board resolved that John Sevier be appointed to receive locations and entries of lands, and that William Blount, Esq., Lachlin Mcintosh, John Morell, John Donelson, Stephen Heard, William Downs, John Se- vier, Charles Robertson, Joseph Martin and Valentine Sevier, junior, Esqrs., be appointed justices of the peace.
••That John Sevier be recommended as Colonel, John Donelson, Lieut. Colonel, and Valentine Sevier, junior, I^ajor. John Donelson, Esq., was appointed Sar\'eyor, and Joseph Martin, Esq., recommended as Agent and Superintendent of Indian Afifairs. The Entry-taker is requested to attend and receive entries for claims of land, on the fifteenth day of March next, at or near the mouth of Elk River.
'^The Board adjourned to the 15th March next, and then to meet at the mouth of Elk River. Stephen Heard, Chairman.''
It is not known that the Board ever assembled at the mouth of Elk. It is scarcely probable that they did as the military expedition which accompanied them, descended the Tennessee River no further than the point where it was in- tersected by the state line. The appearances of the Indians were so hostile, the Commissioners remained but a few days, and then withdrew.
A further meeting of the Board took place 29th July, 1785, when it was
**'Re9olvedy That the application be made to the Governor and Council by William Downs and Thomas Napier, Esquires, Commissioners, or either of them, for their direction and approbation, to have ten tracts of hnd, containing ten thousand acres each, to be laid out in the bend of Tennessee, for public use."
The Board met at Washington, July the 24th, 1787, and
^ Took into consideration the state of the business, agreeable to a former ns<^ution of the General Assembly, and having certain accounts from the State of Franklin, and the settlements of the Cumberland and Ken- tucky, that a number of people from the aforesaid settlements are about to go into the District of Tennessee, to make settlements thereon.
^^Resolved^ With leave of the Executive Council, that the business of tnnreying in said district, be immediately put into execution, agreeable tomBeBolve of the Assembly, of February, 1784."
878 LAW OP THE STATS OP FRAVKUN.
At the ensuing session of the Legislature of Frankliii, tte necessary provision was made to raise a force of monntdi riflemen, sufficient to succour Georgia and subdue the Cred Indians. We copy the act of the Franklin Assembly froB the original manuscript in the possession of this "writer.
Whereas, it appears to this House, from a letter of the 87th d August, 1786, to his Excellency, Governor Sevier, from his Honoor, thi Gbveraor, Edward Telfair, of the 8tate of Georgia, with certain infiMmi' tion that the Creek Indians had declared ^ar against the white people, and had committed several murders on their frontier of late ; 'and tut in consequence of which, he had sent a Peace Talk to 'the natioa of b- dians, and that from the best accounts he could get, they intended ti make vigorous assaults on the white people, as soon as they had gathered their com ; and that the said state intends to carry on a vijgo- rous campaign ag^nstsaid India^,if they do not treat with said static and were to march by the first of November next: and ahK> by a kits from Colonel Joseph Martin, dated the first of October, instant^ with ev- tun accounts that the Creek Indians were laying in a large quantity of powder, for the purpose of carrying on the war, which was fbnushedlif the Spaniards ; and that they had spies in all the Cherokee towDS» and on our frontiers, and were making every preparation for war ; and han had also information from the Cherokee Indians, that the Creeks intended attacking our frontier, and were making outrageous threats agunst m daily. And whereas, it is the indispensable dutjr of the inhahstanti «f this state to euard against all dancers, and the uonfederation direetiaad empowers each state to defend itself against any enemy.
Be it therefore Resolved hj this General Assembly, That each coun^ in this state, raise one-fourth of the militia of each county, who are here- by required to hold themselves in readiness, to march on horse to the firontiers of this state, at the shortest notice, to defend their own state, in case there should bo any attacks made on it by any enemy, or nation of Indians, when attacked by the State of Georgia, and that every six m«i furnish themselves with one pack-horse, and twenty days' provinofi each man.
2. And be it further Resolved^ That there be officers appointed to command such men so raised, and that they all go as militia men, and to be paid as such, and all plunder taken in action from the enemy, shall be free plunder to the captors.
3. That the light horse regiment of this state be immediately equipped, and made ready to march with the above draft.
4. And be it further Resolved, That the Governor and Council hold a friendly correspondence with his Honour, the Governor of Georgia; and that they communicate to him our intentions, and that the men 80 raised, and holding themselves ip readiness, march at th^ direc- tion, on the shortest notice, to the protection of our frontien.
And it is Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be directed to hold^the militia of this state in immediate readiness to march to the of the frontier, on the shortest notice.
PROMULGATION OF THE FRANKLIN LAWS. S79
Besolvedy That the Governor, by and with the advice of his Gouncily is hereby empowered to call the Assembly to any part of the state he thinks right, to direct the movements of the army, now ordered out, in case he should find it necessary to march them out of the state.
Attest—
Jo. CoNWAr, C. S. Gilbert Christian, S. S.
L Taylor, C. C. Henr. Conway, S. C.
October 13th, 1786.
As far as is now known, the manuscript from which the above is copied, is the only legislative enactment of the State of Franklin that has survived the ravages of time and accident. At that day, there was no printing press nearer than Richmond, Newbern or Charleston. The proceedings of Franklin were never printed, and for that reason it be- came necessary to revive a provision made under similar circumstances, many years before, in North-Carolina ; and that was, at the opening of the first session of the county courts, and at the first militia training or muster, after the rise of the General Assembly, an individual was appointed to read all recent enactments aloud in the hearing of the peo- ple, at the court-house or muster-grounds. Thirty years since, the late Col. F. A. Ramsey was often mentioned as ** the man who read Sevier's laws to the militia of Franklin.'*
If farther proof were wanting to show that the " .Consti- tation of the State of Frankland " was never adopted or acted under, the above act furnishes that proof irrefragably. That Constitution, as has been seen, provides for a single house, while this act is signed by the Speaker of the Senate, and by the Speaker of the Commons, and is also attested by the Clerk of the Senate, and by the Clerk of the Commons.
After intelligence had reached the authorities of Georgia that the people of Franklin, of Cumberland and of Kentucky, were intending to emigrate to the Bend of Tennessee, another attempt was made to effect the settlement of Houston county. Got. Sevier was written to on the subject. His reply is dated :
Gov. SxviER TO Gov. Telfair :
State op Franklin, )
Washington County, 14th of May, 1786. J . Sir : — ^Being appointed one of * the Commissioners of Tennessee Kitrict, I beg leave to inform jour Honour that it appears impractica- Ue to proce^ on that business before the M season.
380 raOIBOTBD UfVABIOir OP TBB
The people here are apprehensive of an Indian war. daily committed in the vicinities of Kentucky and Cambeilaiid. OAb Donelson, Christian, and several other persona, were lately womided ad are since dead.
The success of the Muscle Shoal enterprise, greatly dependa aajkk number that will go down to that place. A small force wiQ notk adequate to the risk and danger that is to be encoantered, and the pn* pie here will not venture to so dangerou^a place with a few*
Your Honour will be pleased to be further informed, and, tbioai^ you, the difierent branches of your government, that no anbir adff» tage will be taken from this quarter ; no surveying will be attemplal until a force sufficient can be had, and timely notice given to tboM vfci may intend' to move down. The people in this quarter wiali to no- ceed in the fiill, but will wait your advice on this subject. Tour ttni- our may rest assured that I shall, with pleasure, &ci]itato everything ■ my power that may tend to the welfare of this ~
Gov. Telfair, replying to Sevier's letter of May 14^ iih formed him, Aug. 27, 1786, that the Legislature of Geoigia had postponed the consideration of the Tennessee Lud District ; that the Greek Indians had been committing ma^ ders and depredations on the frontier of Georgia ; that com- missioners had been appointed to negotiate terms of a peaces in failure of which, the state would, at once, carry on Tigor ous hostile operations against that tribe. It had been 8q|jt gested, continued Gov. Telfair, that the State of FranUm intended to march a body of men against the Creeks. ^F flatter myself it will be greatly to the success of both armies to begin their movements at one and the same time, should it become necessary. The flrst of November I sug- gest as the time for marching. On this subject I have to solicit your immediate answer and determination.** He also informs Gov. Sevier that Robert Dixon and Stephen Jett; Esquires, were appointed Commissioners on the part of Georgia, to confer with him on that subject.
Not long after the date of this letter, to wit, Aug. 96^ 178G, Governor Houston, of Georgia, commissioned Govermv Sevier, Brigadier-General for the District of TennessiSe. This brigade was formed for the defence of Georgia^ and for repelling any hostile invasion.
Governor Sevier was not unwilling to accept this evidence of the confidence and friendship of the Governor and people of Georgia. He was sensible of the opposition Franklin
EMBA88T OF MAJOR ELHOLM. 381
had encountered, and the growing discontent and difficulty yet to be encountered from some in the new state, and from the government of North-Carolina. His Cherokee neigh- bours, and their allies, the Creeks, were ready, at any mo- ment, to take advantage of the necessities of the infant government, and to involve it in a general war. He took the precaution, therefore, to assure himself of the good feel- ing and co-operation of the Georgians, and to identify that people with his own in the common cause of self-defence and self-protection. With many of their leading men he had become acquainted, in his several campaigns to the Soathy during the Revolutionary war. Some of them were at his side on King's Mountain, and other battle grounds of that struggle. Some of them, at its close, had followed him to the West, and adhered to his fortunes in every vicissitude. The countrymen of Clarke, and Pickens, and Matthews, all knew his gallantry and were his steadfast friends. Of these, no one appreciated Governor Sevier more highly than a foreigner, Caesar Augustus George Elholm. He was a SDHMhflOMk^or Polawder, a member of Pulaski's Legion, and«l C^i'^^a^ was with that brave leader at the siege of Savannah. A feat performed, in part, by him, once considered fabulous, hat recently authenticated by I. K. TefTt, Esq., of Savannah, is here given in the words of that learned antiquarian and aoonrate historian :
*^ While the allied army was engaged before Savannah, and while the nege was pending, Col. John White, of the Georgia line, conceived and executed an extraordinary enterprise.
** Captain French, with one hundred and eleven British regulars, taken post on the Ogechee River, about twenty-five miles from XBavannah. At the same place lay five British vessels, of which four ^^rere armed, the largest mounting fourteen guns and the smallest four. ^}6L White having with him only Captain Csesar Augustus George ^Bhoho, a sergeant and three men, on the night of the 1st of October, /
^779, approached the encampment of French, kindled many fires, "^■vfaich were discernible at the British station, exhibiting from the man- gier of arranging them the plan of a camp. To this stratagem he kidded another. He and his comrades, imitating the manner of the rode with haste in various directions, giving orders in a loud voice, became satisfied that a large body of the enemy were upon hiro, on being summoned by White he surrendered his detachment, the of the five vessels, forty in number, and one hundred and thirty
;
' Sn FKJjnLLDI HBQOTIATIOVS WITB
stand of arms. Having thus snooeeded, CoL White pretended that he must keep back his troops* lest their animosity should break out, and an in- discrimiDate slaughter take place, in defiance of his authority, and that| therefore, he wodd commit them to three guides, who would conduet them safely to ffood quarters. The deception was carried on with so much address, uat the whole of the British prisoneis were safely "oon- ducted by three of the captors for twenty-five miles through the oonntiT to the American post at Sunbury. One of these captors was 0. A. Q. Elholm."
Sachwas Major Elholm, who is now introduced to the reader, and wUl again be mentioned as bearing flirther part in the aflfairs of Franklin.
When, in 1*786, it became necessary for the new state to strengthen the relations of friendship and good feeling witii other communities, Governor Sevier, through the Legislature of Franklin, professed a readiness to unite with Georgia^ and make conmion cause with that state in the proseentiiMi of the war against the Creeks, which seemed then inevitable. The management of this proposition, Sevier entrusted to Migor Elholm, whom he despatched to Augusta. Bearing widi him the strongest evidences of the Gbvemor^s confi- dence, and with ** sealed instructions'* in his possession, he waited upon the Executive of Georgia. In accordance with the main object of his mission, Elholm succeeded in procuring an embassy to accompany him on his return, to whose care was committed the charge of enlisting the Western people into an invasion of the Creek nation. An account of the re- ception of the embassy in Franklin, and the Major's con* jectures of its results, will be given in his own words. The reader will excuse the Major's Gallicisms. They are well atoned for by his ardour and enthusicusm.
Major Elholm to Gov. Telfair :
Governor Sbvier's, Franklin, September 30, 1986. Sir : — I does myself the honour to inform your Excellency, that your Commissioners set out from this the 28th inst, by the way of Kentodty and Cumberland. They were received very politely by his Excelleacy^ the Governor, from whose zeal for to assist you, aided by the inclination of the Franks, I am fully convinced your embassy will meet all wished success by the Assembly of this State, which is ordered to assemble 12th next, by his Excellency's command, in consequence thereof! Seve- ral of the inhabitants have waited on the governor, for to be informed (rf the contents of the embassy from Georgia. And when being ao-
OBORGIA, TO MARCH AGAINST THE CREEKS. 383
quainted therewith, it gave me great pleasure to find no other apprehension appeared, but that of making peace with the Creeks without fighting, by which occasion they said so favourable a chance for humbling that nation would fall dormant. The. Governor, in order that the Americans may reap a benefit from the dread the Cherokces and Ghickasaws feels from the displeasure and power of the Franks, he has despatched letters to them, ofiTering them protection agatest the Creek nation, with condi- tion that they join him.
Cumberland, it seems, has it at this time in contemplation to join in government with the Franks. If so, so much the better, and it would surely be their interest so to do, .as they are yet few in numbers, and often harassed by the Indians.
Judging from apparent circumstances, you may promise youself one thousand riflemen and two hundred cav^dry, excellently mounted and accoutred, from this state, to act in conjunction with Georgia.
** P. S. Governor Sener received letters from the pnncipal men in Cumberland, which inform him of a convention held lately at that place, when Commissioners were chosen by the people with power for to join inth the Franks in their government
^Hr. John llpton's party, which is against the party of the new gOTemment, seems deep in decline at present, which proves very favour- able to the embassy from Georgia."
Gov. SxvnER TO Gov. Telfair :
Mount Pleasant, Franklin, 28th Sept., 1786.
Toun of the . 2'7th August, I am honoured with. I consider myself mueh obOged with the information your Honour was pleased to give me ranwcttDg the manner and form you intend to conduct with the Creek Inaums.
You will please to be informed, that the deliberations of our Assembly have not, as yet, been fully had, respecting the marching a force against that nation of Indians. Our Assembly will be convened in a few days, at which time, I make notthe smallest doubt, but they will order out a respectable force to act in conjunction with the army of your state. The daterminationa of our Legislature I shall immediately communicate to«^ jour Honour, as soon as the same can be fiilly obtained. The move- ments to begin about the first November, I fear will be rather early for our army. Could the time be procrastinated a few- days, I hope it would not obstruct the success of the expedition. Shall be much obliged by being informed of the time of marching, should the same be found ne- ceesary. Also, as near as may be, of the time and place your army may be expected in the Creek country.
Gov. Telfair replied, under date of 28th November, 1786, ^'That Commissioners appointed to treat with the Creek na- tion have concluded a peace, on account of which every preparation for hostile operations are now suspended.^' The governor also expressed a hope that the peace might be lasting. This hope was doomed to be disappointed.
364 ACTioir OF governor and council of OKomoiA.
The ofier of assistance by the people of Franklin, made by Gov. Sevier, and his recommendation of Major Elholm, his ambassador, to the Governor and Council of Georgia,
drew forth the following action :
•
HousB OF AsBEMBLTy Sd Feb^ 1787.
Mr. O^Brien, from the Committee to ^hom was referred the letts from John Sevier, Esq., brought in a report, which was agreed to^ and is as follows :
That the letters from the said John Sevier, Esq., evince a disposilkm which ought not to be unregarded by this state, particularly in the in- tention of settlers in Nollicliucky, etc., to co-operate with us during the late alarm with the Indians, provided the necessity of the case required it ; they, therefore, recommend to the House, that his Honour, th (Governor, inform the Honourable John Sevier, Esq., of the sem this state entertains of their friendly intentions, to aid in the adjostmeBt of all matters in dispute between us and the hostile tribea of Creek h- dians that were opposed to this state.
That in regard to Major Elholm, who has been so particularly reoom- mended, they cannot forbear mentioning him as a person entitled to the thanks and attention of the Legislature, and recommend that lus Hoa- our, the Grovemor, draw a warrant on the Treasury, in favour of Mijor {llholm, for the sum of fifty pounds.
Subsequently, an act was passed by the Liegialatore of Georgia, authorizing the Governor and Executive Conncil to make an engagement with the people of Franklin to sup- press the hostilities of the Creek Indians.
Gen. Clarke to Gov. Sevier :
Augusta, Feb. 11th, 1787.
Dear Sir : — I received your favour by Major Elholm, who informed me of your health. Assure yourself of my ardent friendship, and that you have the approbation of all our citizens, and their well wishes for your prosperity. We are sensible of what benefit the friendship of yourself and the people of your state will be to Georgia, and we hope you will never join North-Carolina more. Open a Land Office as speed- ily as possible, and it cannot fail but you will prosper as a people ; this is the opinion current among us.
I have considered greatly on that part of your letter which alludes to politics in the Western country. It made me serious, and as seven states have agreed to give up the navigation, it is my friendly advice that you do watch with every possible attention, for fear that two more states should agree. I only obser\'e to you, that the Southern States will ever be your friends.
It was reported that East and West Florida were ceded by the Span- iards to France, but it is not so. I know that you must have the navi* gation of the Mississippi. You have spirit and right ; it is almost every man's opinion that a rumour will rise in that countzy. I hope to ses
8SVUB BLBCTBD MEMBER OF THE CINCINNATI. 885
that part myself yet. Adieu ; Heaven attend you and every friend, with my best respects.
Governor Telfair also addressed him, under date —
Augusta, Georgia, 13th February, 1*787. Sir ; .... I took the liberty, in my place, to lay your commuD^ca- tioDS before the legislature, with a few comments thereon. I am happy, sir, to inform you, they were received with that attention and respect doe to the friendly manner in which you were pleased to convey the aid |roa were authorized to afford the state, in case of active operations iwlBg found necessary to be carried on against the Creek Nation.
Governor Sevier, writing to Governor Matthews, says, Diider date —
Mount Pleasant, Franklin, 8d March, 1787.
Sir: — Yours of 12th February, with the resolves of the Honourable dhe General Assembly therein enclosed, I had the honour to receive Mm Major Elholm. A principal chief of the Choctaws arrived here, fAo had come by way oi the Creek Nation, and was there informed, iiat nation intended hostilities against the State of Georgia early this Itting; — that they intended last summer to have given Georgia a home troke, had not a small party, contrary to their councils, committed hos- BitieB before the main body of the warriors was ready to go out
Permit me, sir, to return you mj sincere thanks, and through you the Iber gentlemen of your state, for the great honour done me on the ifkli day of February last.
The honour alluded to in this last paragraph by Gov. Se- der, was the recommendation of his election as an honorary Bember of the District Society of the Cincinnati. His cer- ifieate of membership is before the writer. In the report of lie Committee, appointed to ''investigate the merits of the [onourable Brigadier-General John Sevier," it is mentioned That he had a principal merit in the rapid and well con- ncted volunteer expedition, to attack Colonel Ferguson, at lin^s Mountain, and a great share in the honour of that ■y, which is well known gave a favourable turn to our lo^nny and distressed situation, and that an opportunity ever yet appeared, but what confessed him an ardent friend .nd real gentleman.'^
H© is then recommended for, and received the appointment if a ** Brother Member of the Cincinnati," at Augusta, 12th «r*Pebruary, 1787.
Mi^or Elholm had become, not less by his address than by
lis enthusiasm, a favourite in Georgia. The Executive Coun- 25
S86 LBTTBftS OP BNOOURAGUrairr TO 8BVIKB9
oil received him as a man of distinction, and invited him tD a seat with them, while the subject of his mission was mder consideration. There and elsewhere, he took every oppor- tunity to descant, in his fervid manner, and in the most glow- ing terms, upon the excellence and beauty of the country from which he came, and dwelt at length upon the prowes of the western people, and their devotion to liberty and in- dependence, and succeeded in creating an interest and enthu- siasm in their behalf. "Success to the State of Franklin, His Excellency Gov. Sevier, and his virtuous citixens^*' be- came a common toast Gen. Clarke continued his correspondence, under date—
OxoBGiA, 22d May, 1787.
Sir : .... Should any farther appeanmoe of war he app«PBDt|I shall take the earliest opportunitj of commtinicatinff it to yoo, with dw expectation of actiDfl: in confidence and concert with yonr state, in tki operations taken against the Creeks.
I am very sorry to hear you have not peaceably established yov- •elves in the State of Franklin, and that the unhappy contention yet prevails between that and the State of North-Carolina, and more poti- eblarly when they think of reducing you by foroe of arms. Iliese idtm^ have not proceeded from any assurance from this state, as it js the fs- eeived opinion of the sensible part of every rank in Oeorjgia, that joc will, and ought to be, as independent as the other states in the Unioa.
Other gentlemen of distinction and character in Geoi^'a, in like manner, held out to the Governor of Franklin assu- rances, not of good wishes only,^but of assistance. One of them writes, under date,
WiLKBs County, Statb op Gxoroia, May 21, 1787. Wm. Downs to Gov, Sevier :
^i>; .... We have various reports respecting the di^rent opi- nions of the politics of your state. I must inform you I have had, witlun these few months, the different opinions of a numher of the greatest poH- tidans in our state respecting yours, who give it as their opinion, *fc«t it will support itself without a doubt ; and, from what I can uudentaodi would give every assistance in their power.
As a further means of adding to the strength of the new state, Governor Sevier and his Council asked the advice of Doctor Franklin. His reply is dated —
Philadelphia, June 30, 1 787. Sir: — I am very sensible of the honour your Excellency and your Council have done me. But, being in Europe when your state wm fiirmed, I am too little acquainted with the drcumstances, to be aUe to
PSOM OBN. CLARKE, COL. DOWNS AND DR. FRANKLIN. 987
ofo yon any thing, just now, that may be of importance, since every thing material, that regards your welfare, will, doubtless, have occurred to yourselves. There are two things which humanity induces me to wish you may succeed in : the accommodating your misunderstanding with the government of North -Carolina, and the avoiding an Indian war by preventing encroachments on their lands. Such encroachments * ana the more unjustifiable, as these people, in the fair way of purchase, nanaliy give very good bargains ; and, in one yearns war with them, you may suffer a loss of .property, and be put to an expense vastly exceed- lag in value what would have contented them, in fairly buying the lands they can spare.
I will endeavour to inform myself more perfectly of your afi^irs, by inquiry, and searching the records of Congress ; and if any thing should oeear to me, that I think may be useful to you, you shall hear from me thereupon. I conclude with repeating my wish, that you may amicably wttle your difference with North-Carolina. The inconvenience to your \
M^^e, attending so remote a seat of government, and the difficulty to Imt government in ruling well so remote a people, would, I think, be lowerful inducements to it, to accede to any fair and reasonable propo- Mon it may receive from you, if the Cession act had now passed.
The Doctor continued to address Gov. Sevier, in his official 9i?pacity, as late as December of this year.
Cren. Wm. Cocke, a Brigadier of the Franklin militia, and k member of the council of state, addressed Governor iCatthews the following, dated —
Stats op Frankland,* )
MuLBERRT Grove, 25th June, 1787. J Sir : — When I take a view of the local and political situation of this [PHntryv I conceive the interests of your state, so far as respects Indian QBurs, almost inseparable with the safety and happiness of this country ; ad on hearing that the Creek Indians have committed hostilities in l^orgia, I have endeavoured to consult with my friends here, on the ■Meet of lending you any assistance in our power, provided you should tand in need of such assistance ; and I am certain every thing to serve oar state or its interests, will be done by the people of Franklin, that tiey could, with reason, be expected to do. I imagine General Kennedy ill be able to raise a thousand or fifteen hundred men, as volunteers,
*It it worthy of remark, that this letter is dated, " SUte of Frankland.*' This <xily instance, as this annalist a^ers, in the whole list of letters and other which he has had such ample ot>portQnity to read and examine in the >n of these sheets, in whidi the name of the new state is not spelled PVwUhi.'' In the Convention, Gen. Cocke had been in favour of the (rejected) Constitntioo of the State of FVankland," and may be supposed to have retained MBi a feeling of paternity, the name first intended for his bantling. It is ob.' lUe, however, that in the body of hb letter, he gitet the proper orthography
■1
886 ns pBocBBBoros ui washutotoii uoumti
and I think I can raise a like nnmber. • An army of tWo or Aim tkn- aand, will be quite sufficient to march through any of the towna thatu should have to pass through. I hope the Indians hftTe not beean Bucbessful in your state as £e Cherokees report ; the aooooiilB from An nation are that the Greeks have killed twenty-five fkiniliea, without the loss of a man. I have ordered the different cokmeb under my eo» mand, to hold their men in readiness, and on being well iinred of dn Indians attacking your state, we shall mard^ into their towoBy ao sooi as we shall be requested by you. But lest the United States Bii|^ think us forward, we shall remain in readiness^ until we ere celled for bj the State of Georgia or until hostilities are committed in onr stele.
Propositions to assist in the conqoest of the Creek natiot were also made to Gov. Sevier, by the King, Chiefs and Lead- ers of the Chickasaws.
The proffered aaxiliaries from the Chickaaanv'fl^ the r^ peated assurances of co-operation from Georgia, and the ei- pected assistance from Virginia and Camberland^ atimiilated both the authorities and people of Franklin to undertake ths subjugation of the Greeks. Another consideration in favmir of that policy, exerted at this moment a powerful inflaeneenp* on the mind of Governor Sevier. Some of the causes for sepa- rating the western counties from the parent state, had either ceased to exist, or operated now, upon the minds of the p«h pie with less intensity, and it was very evident that a very formidable party in Franklin was now opposed to a further continuance of the new government.
In Washington county, this opposition had become most apparent. The magistrates appointed by the authorities of North-Carolina, met at the bouse of William Davis, some dis- tance from the seat of justice, and organized a court, when the following proceedings took place :
COUNTT PrOCSEDINOS.
l^S?. — FebruaiT Term, met at the house of William Davisj
Present, John McMahon, James Stuart, and Robert Allison.
George Mitchell was elected Sheriff pro. tem., and John Tipton was elected Clerk pro. tern.,, and Thomas Gomly, Deputy Clerk.
Feb. 6. The gentlemen on the Dedimus, appointed justicea of the peace for said county, are as follows : John Tipton, Loindon Caiter, Bo- bert Love, James Montgomery, John Hamer, John Wyer, John Strain, Andrew Chamberlain, Andrew Taylor, Alex. Moffett, William PuEiky, Edroond Williams, and Henry Nelson.
John Tipton presented commission as Colonel of the ooimtyy and Robert Love as Major, and were qualified.
ASBCTMS A MORE 8£|tIOU0 AfVBOT. S69
The next Quarterly Term of this Court was held at the same place.
At May Term, Tuesday 8th, the Court elected John Pugh Sheriff Alexander MofRstt, Coroner, and Elijah Cooper, Stray-master.
Ordered by the Courts That the Sheriff of this county demabd the public records from John Sevier, formerly Clerk of this county.
Ordered^ That the Sheriff notify Wm. McNabb to appear before the next County Court, with all the records as former Ranger.
Ordered^ That the Sheriff demand the key of the County Jail at Jonesboro, from the former Sheriff of this county.
In other counties, the authority of Franklin was so far extinct, that of North-Carolina so fully recognized, that elec- tions were not held for the Greeeneville Assembly, but repre- sentatives were regularly chosen for the legislature of the old state, to meet at Tarborough, on the 1 8th November. Of those thus elected, several had been the early and steadfast friends of separation and independence, and had been the jniDcipal functionaries of the new commonwealth. Even Greene county, which had refused to allow commissions emanating from the old dynasty, to be accepted and acted under, within its boundaries, had partaken of the general defection, and had elected to the Assembly at Tarborough, David Campbell, the presiding Judge upon the Franklin Bench, as Senator ; and Daniel Kennedy, one of the FranK- Hli, brigadiers, and James Reese, Esq., once a member of its lepslature, to the House of Commons.
Washington county, in like manner, was represented by Tohn Tipton, James Stuart^ and John Blair ; all of whom had been the first to propose, and the most active in carrying Ato effect, the insurrectionary movement. • Sullivan county lad chosen Joseph Martin, John Scott, and George Maxwell ; ind Hawkins county, Nathaniel Henderson and William Iftarsball; all original supporters of Franklin, and advocates »f separation. Sevier and Caswell counties alone main- tained their allegiance to tte^ew state, and adhered to Gov. Sevier and his fortunes ; and even in these, there were not
•
wanting men whose position was equivocal, and who hesi- tated not to dissuade from further resistance to the current li4iich now set so strongly in favour of the mother state. Harassed by the difficulties that surrounded his official posi- tioD, and perplexed by the duties and responsibilities devolv-
aOO BBViBE nnriTW thb msdiatiok or osasaiA.
ing on him as a patriot, Governor Sevier inatitatad afinAtt embassy to the State of Georgia, with the hope of extiiea* ting himself and his government from surrounding enibam» ments. As a dernier resort, he invited the medmtion o( Greorgia between North-Carolina and Franklin ; and ad- dressed to Governor Matthews the following commau- cation :
Frankuv, 24th June* 1787.
Sir : — The Honourable Major Elholm waits upon your Aaaemblj, it character of CommissioDer from thn State, with plenajy powen.
The party in opposition to our new ^public, althoogh few and ii- considerable, yet, by their coutention aqd disorder, they occaaion mack uneasiness to peaceable minds. We are friendly citizena of the Ameri- can Union, and the real desire we have for its welfare, opulence, aid splendour, makes us unwilling and exceedingly sorry to think, that aof nolent measures should be made use of, against the adherenta of any of our sister states ; especially the one that gave us existence, though now wishing to annihilate us. And what occasions in us excmdatit^ pain i^ that perhaps we may be drii-ento the necessity, unparalleled and nnas- ampled, or defending our rights and liberties against thoae, who ntAkng since, we have fought, bled and toiled together with, in the oommoa cause of American Inde|>endenoe, or otherwise become the ridienlo cf a whole world. This I hope, however, Qod will avert ; and that a la- nnion will take place on honourable, just, and equitable princijpki^ la- cq>rocally so to each f>arty, is our sincere and ardent wish.
When wo remember the bloody engagements in which we hava fought together against the common enemy, the friendly, timely and mutual supports afforded between the State of C^rgia and the people of this country, it emboldens us to solicit you, sir, and through yon the dififerent branches of your govemmeiit, that you will be g^cioosly pleased to afford to the State of Franklin such of your countenance 'as ^ you may, from your wisdom and uprightness, think, from the nature of our cause, we may deserve,— in promoting the interest of our infiint republic, reconciling matters between us and tlie parent state, in such manner as you, in your magnanimity and justice, may think moat expe- dient, and the nature of our cause may dcHcrve.
Permit us to inform you that it is not the sword that can intimidate us. The rectitude o%Dur cause, our local situation, together with the spirit and enterprise of our countryjnen in such a cause, would inflama us with confidence and hopes of success. But when we reflect and call to mind the great number of internal and external enemies to American Independence, it makes us shudder at the very idea of such an incurahla evil, not knowing where the disorder might lead, or what part of tha body politic the ulcer might at last infect.
The nature of our cause we presume your Excellency to be sufficient- ly acquainted with. Only, we beg leave to refer you to tlie Cession act of North-Carolina, also the constitution of that govemment, wherein it
AKD WRITB8 TO ITS A8SE1|DLT. 801
meDtioiis that there may be a state or states erected in the West^ when- ever the legislature shall give its consent for the same.
We cannot forbear mentioning, that we regard the parent state with paitioular affection, and will always feel an interest in whatever may «Mie«m her honour and prosperity, as independent of each other.
For further information, I beg leave to refer you to Honourable Ma- jor Elholm.
Accompanying this communication, was one addressed to the Speaker of the Georgia Assembly, dated —
Franklin, 24th June, 1787. / Sir : — At the request of a number of respectable inhabitants of Vir- giiiia, North-Carolina and Franklin, I am induced to write your honour- mUe body, respecting the Tennessee lands, informing you that there is a hkrge number of the aforemenlioned people who, for some time past, have been at considerable expense, in order to equip themselves to be- eome residents in that quarter, who have been led to behcve, from the tenor of your resolves, and the conduct of the Commissioners appointed fcr that business, that they, the people, might, with great propriety,' ex- pect to become immediate settlers.
Permit me to inform your honourable body that we have every rea- ■on to believe, that the making the aforesaid settlements would be of in- jBoite advantage to your state, and of much utility to the adventurers ; tod further, were that place inhabited, from the great advantages it would be to this state, I am confident that Franklin would give every neoeisary support to the inhabitants, that might be wanting to protect them from the ravages and depredations of any of the hostile tribes of fiyliMng^ which will, in a great measure, be effected, by erecting some garrisons on the frontier of our state, which we have lately resolved to 3ow We submit it to your wiser consideration, and myself, as one of
Jour Commissioners, shall be happy in rendering every exertion that the nty of my office may require, in compliance with your determinations,
Sevier continued his efforts in behalf of his tottering go- iremment, and under date 6th July, 1787, says to General Kennedy :
JD^ar General :—l met with the Old State party on the 27th last month ; Tew of our side met, not having notice. I found them much more aompliable than I could have expected, except a few. I have agreed to ft. second conference, which is to be held at Jqnesboro^ the last day of thie month. You will please to give notice, to all those appointed by the lonvention, that may be within yoiir district, to be punctual in attending ■fc the time and place. I shall earnestly, look for you there, and as many 3Clier of our friends as can possibly attend, and I flatter myself somo- diiDg for the good of the public may be effected.
* In the ** Columbian Magazine," for November, 1787, is Found the following extract of a letter from General Cocke be Migor Elholm, at Augusta, Georgia.
S98 GovsBiroR iiviie to ooyniroR vatthswv.
MnumiRT Groyb, Statr ov Frakkuit^ )
AoguBt 27, 1787. f GoL Tipton the other day appeared with a party of about fifty meUf of Bticfa as be could raise, under a pretence of redressing a quarrel that bad arisen between our sheriff and the sheriff of North'<Sux>hDa, tboush their prindpal view was, to put themselves in possession of our records. This conduct produced a rapid report, that they had made a prisoner of his Excellency, to carry him to North-Carolina, which caused two hundred men to repur immediately to the house of Col. Tipton, before they became sensible of the mistake, and it was only through the influence of his Excellency^ that the opposite party did not fall a sacrifice to our Franks. During this time, a body of about fifteen hundred veterans, embodied themselves to rescue their governor (as they thought) out of the hands of the North-Carolinians, and bring him back to the moun- tains— an instance that proves our citizens to have too noble a spirit to yield to slavery or to relish a national insult
Continuing his correspondence with Governor Matthew^ Governor Sevier writes :
Mount Plxabant, Franklin, dOth August, 1787.
Sir : — I had the honour to receive your favour of the 9th inst, by {he express. You are pleased to mention, that you are of opinion thiSt your Assembly will be favourably disposed towards this state. TliA measures entered into by your Executive, relating to our business, we are very sensible of, and the honour you thereby <k> us.
I have enclosed your Excellency copi^ of two letters from Colonek Robertsoil and Bledsoe, of Cumberland, wherein you will be informed of the many murders and ravages committed in that country by the Creeks. It is our duty and highly requisite in my opinion, that suck lawless tribes be reduced to reason by dint of the sword.
I am very sensible, that few of our governments are in a fit capacity for such an undertaking, and perha()s ours far less so than any other ; but, nevertheless, be assured, that we will encounter every difficulty to raise a formidable force to act in conjunction with the army of your state in case of a campaign.
We have lately received accounts from some gentlemen in Virginia, who generously propose to send a number of volunteers to our assistance. We snail cultivate their friendship, and I make no doubt but a conside^ able number may be easily raised in that quarter.
Our Assembly sat but a few days. The only business of importance done, was the making a provision for the defence of our frontier, by raising four hundred men, which is nearly completed. They are to be stationed in the vicinity of Chickamauga, and in case of actual operations against the Creeks this number will bo ready.
Our Assembly is to meet on the I7th of next month, at which time I shall do myself the honour of laying your despatches before that hon- ourable body, who, I am happy to inform you, will be favourably disposed to render your state every assistance in their power, by making such ar Tangements as may be judged adequate to the business. Their de
COLONELS ROBERTSON AND BLEDSOE TO SEVIER. 80S
emuDations on this subject will be immediately oommunicated to your lonour, SO soon as the same can be had and fullv obtained.
The letter above referred to from Col. Robertson, bears
late,
Nashville, Aug. Ist, 1787.
Sir : — ^By accounts from the Chickasaws, we are informed that at a haxtd Council held by the Creeks, it was determined, by that whole istioo, to do their utmost this fall to cut off this country, and we expect he Cherokees have joined them, as they were to have come in, some Ime ago, to make peace, which they have not done. Every circumstance eems to confirm this. The 5th day of July, a party of Creeks killed ^tain Davenport, agent for Georgia, and three men in the Chickasaw atioD — wounded three and took one prisoner, which the Chickasaws re not able to resent for want of ammunition.
The people are drawing together in large stations, and doing every bing necessary for their defence ; but, I fear, without some timely as- stance, we shall chiefly fall a sacrifice. Ammunition is very scarce, nd a Chickasaw, now here, tells us, they imagine they will reduce our tation by killing all our cattle, etc., and starving us out. We expect, iom every account, they are now on their way to this country, to the umber of a thousand. I beg of you to use your influence in that yatitry to relieve us, which, I think, might be done by fixing a station mr the mouth of Elk, if possible, or by marching a body of men into Id Cherokee country, or in any manner you may judge beneficial. We ope our brethren in that country will not suffer us to be massacred by le savages, without giving us any assistance, and I candidly assure you lat never was there a time in which I imagined ourselves in more dan- «r.
Kentucky being nearest, we have applied there for some present ■istance, but fear we shall find none in time. Could you now give us ny f I am convinced- it would have the greatest tendency to unite our yaoties, as the people will never forget those who are their friends in a me of such imminent danger.
I have wrote to General Shelby on this subject, and hope that no di- ision will prevent you from endeavouring to give us relief, which will e'ever gratefully remembered by the inhabitants of Cumberland, and onr most obedient bumble servant.
. .That from Col. Bledsoe, bears date,
Sumner County, Aug. 5th, 1787. jDmt Sir : — ^When I had last the pleasure of seeing your Excellency, ! think you was kind enough to propose, that in case the perfidious Jldckamaugas should infest this country, to notify your Excellency, and foa would send a campaign against them without delay. The period las arrived that they, as I have good reason to believe, in combination nth the Creeks, have done this country very great spoil by murdering lumbers of our peaceful inhabitants, stealing our horses, killing our ■ttle and hogs, and burning our buildings through wantonness, cutting Sown onr com, etc
•94 MAJom blholm'b raonr.
■
I Am well aasured that the distress of the CShickainaiiga tribe m the onlj way this defeDoelese country will have quiet The militia bang Terr few, and the whole, as it were, a frontier, its inhabitants all shut op ID stations, and they, in general, so weakly manned, that in case of an iovaiHion, one is scarcely able to aid another, and the enemy daily in our eountry committing ravages of one kind*or other, and that of the moat aiivage kind. Poor Major Hall and his eldest son, fell a sacrifict to. their savage cruelty two days ago, near Bledsoe's lick. They have kilted about twenty-four persons in this country in a few montha, besidei numbers of others in settlements near it. Our dependence ia much thai your Excellency will revenge the blood thus wantonly shed.
Oct. Skyier to Got. Matthews :
Fraitklik, 28th Oct, lYST.
Sir : — ^I have fortunately met with Mr. William Talbot, who is now on his way to youi^ state. I am happy to have it in my power to in^ Ibnn your Excellencv that the Legislature of this State has passed aa aot| authorizing the Executive to forward an lud to your assistance, con- aisting of nine hundred men, together with several companiea, who at tar their assistance, from Virginia.
We flatter ourselves this force, with that from your state, will be mt fident to answer the wished for purpose. We now wait the determina- tion of your state, and shall endeavour to comply with any reasonaUs request we may receive from your state towards carrying on a i^mj^g^^ in oonjnnction with you, against the Creek Indians. The Greeks, I sm told, have, in some measure, abated their hostilities at Cumberland. They have not done us any damage in this quarter as yet
These several communications were submitted to the Exe- cutive Council of Georgia.
While they were under consideration, Major Elholm wi invited to a seat in the Council, and was requested to far nish a projet of the military preparation necessary for tlB. conquest of the Creek nation, and the settlement of the Gre Bend of the Tennessee River. The plan he submitt^^^
' and advised, was to appropriate the Great Bend as hoxx^^^^^ ties, to the officers and soldiers employed in taking ai^^^ occupying it ; and that while they continued to maintain an^^^ protect their settlements, without expense to Georgia c::^ . Franklin, the inhabitants should pay no taxes for a term C^ years. In support of his plan. Major Elholm added, **I ar^-"^^ certain you may expect at least one thousand men froiC^ Franklin."
Gov. Sevier, desirous of procuring the assent of the pare atate to the separation and independence of Franklin, a;
^ pointed another Commissioner to North-Carolina. One
Dt
/
FURTHER FOREIGN EMBASSIES. M5
the Councily F. A. Ramsey, was . selected for that mission, k is tradition that he proposed to assume, on the part of the new government, the whole Continental debt of North-Caro- lina. At first his embassy met the favourable attention of the Legislature, but the failure to adopt the Federal Consti- tatioD, then under discussion, produced delay, and the nego- tiation failed. After his project was acted on by the Coun- cil, Major Elholm made the following address.
To SU Excellency^ Georqe Matthews, Esq.,
and the Honourable Council : Moved with the liveliest sense of obligation, for your attention paid to the Franks, my constituents, I feel it the most pleasing task to so- Bdt, for a moment, to give the due thanks to the magnanimity of your
government, in the name of my fellow-citizens
. We are prepared to move in concert with the operation of your mili- )Hfj forces, against our common enemy ; and for that purpose, a detach- OBont of upwards of a thousand men, well accoutred, now waits on your Caoellency's chief movements and command, with a reserve on occa- noo, to increase said force, two thousand strong.
To which it was replied by Governor Matthews:
In Council, Augusta, Nov. 6, 1787. To the Honourable Georqb Elholm, Esq.,
Commissioner from the People of Franklin,
Sir : — Your obliging and very friendly letter I had the honour to •eoeive, and which was laid before the Executive Council. I have now, §r^ to return you, (in behalf of the supreme power of this state,) my rarmest thanks for your assiduity, as well as for the close attention you laTO paid mutually to the State of Georgia and the people of Franklin, mpressed deeply as w6 are, for the welfare of all those who have had in- topeAdence enough to free themselves from British usurpation, we cannot Mt be mindful of the good people of Franklin, ^nd hope, ere long, the Hlorests of both will bo securely and lastingly cemented.
Permit me, now, sir, to wish you a safe return, and a happy sight of hi^ people by whom you were commissioned ; in which I am joined by be honourable the Executive.
lowfiKOR Matthews to Governor Sevier :
Augusta, Nov. 12th, 1787. Svr .' — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 30th August. The Assembly of the State are now fully persuaded that they risrer caahave a secure and lasting peace with the Creek Indians, till ftaj are well chastised, and severely feel the effects of war. They have piBied a law for raising three thousand men for that purpose, and have ioipowered the Executive to call for fifteen hundred men from Franklin, )b addition to that number ; which united force, 1 flatter myself, Will be fliore than adequate to chastise their insolence and perfidy. Major BUlolm takes with him the acts for raising the men, which will so fully
SOO RBI0I0I1I08 IN FBAXKLnr AT THS
infenn you on that matter, that I need not tooch on the snljeeL I ha;ve to request, that you will infonn me aB soon as poosibley if I may de-
Cnd on that number of troopsxfron^ Franklin ; ana what time they wiU ready to take the field, as I most ardently wish to have a speedy end Kt to Uie war. The Bend of Tennessee being allowed for your men, I tter myself, wiU give pleasure, and, as the bonn^ is given ibr fightbg our common enemy, will be, I am persuaded, thought generoua and liberal
OovBRNOB Telfair to Governor Sevibr :
Augusta, Georgia, 12th Nov. 1787.
Sir : — It afibrds me pleasure to congratulate you on the legislature of this state, and goverument, having teiken measures that, in my opiii- ion, will prove extremely beneficial to Franklin, inasmuch as to evinoe to the Union that one of the members of it has full confidence in the valour and rectitude of the people and government thereof
When a people unite in common danger, and when a certain portiBn of the blood of each commonwealth engaged therein must be vpH, in the progress and events of a savage war, it will unite ftiendship, awake the feelings, and even hand to posterity a grateful remembrance of n«t transactions ; permit me, then, as an individual, to suggest the propnetf of the intended co-operation having for its basis a well-directed (awb, supported by energy, and conducted by talents and abilitiea. It is a cnsis by which a young people may rise in estimation, and I flatter my^ lel^ it will give tone to the name of Franks.
An officer of similar rank and powers, was directed to ac- company Major Elholm, on his return from his Georgia «^ mission. The negotiation, with the management of which that .^ Commissioner had been entrusted, had been conducted with mt^ zeal and fidelity, and had resulted to the entire satisfactioi of the governor, the council, and those of the people Franklin, who still adhered to the declining fortunes that state. Despatches containing the proceedings at A^' gusta, and the alliance between the contracting parti^^ were forwarded by express to Governor Sevier. The in*>*^' ligence was hailed with acclamations of joy by his adherer^^ and was not unacceptable to that part of the people \v^^ had transferred, or were prepared to transfer, their allegiai^^ to the mother state. The object of the alliance — the cC^^^ quest of the Creeks, and the occupancy of the country bel<^^ . them on the Tennessee — accorded exactly with the mart^^, spirit of the western soldiery, and comported well with th^^' character and taste for adventure and enterprise. Small -^^ was their number, remote and inaccessible as was the the^'
ALLIAKOB WITH GEORGIA. 897
re for the contemplated campaign, difficulty and danger^ miy stimulated them to the undertaking, and they longed for be opportunity of carrying their victorious arms to the coun- ry above Mobile. Rumours had reached them of the occlu- lioQofthe Mississippi, and they already cherished the design )f opening up by their own swords, a channel of commerce jrith the world, in despite of Federal indifference or foreign liplomacy and injustice.
If the people of Franklin rejoiced at the successful issue of Blholm's mission, it may be easily supposed that Governor SeTier received the intelligence with the highest gratifica- ion. He was too sagacious not to have observed, that the new riate was at the point of dissolution — the crisis was at hand nrfaich it could not probably survive. Elections had not been lolden of members for a succeeding session of the Franklin ikflSembly. His gubernatoriak term would expire in a few ihprt month — she was himself ineligible, and a successor srald be appointed only by a vote of the legislative bodies. Fhe only chance of preserving the integrity of his govern- lieiity was that the projected campaign woul^ silence the damoar of the malcontents, and restore harmony and con- leit to the distracted members of his little republic. This lope was fallacious and illusory ; but the governqr*s per- 0Terance was indomitable, and he appealed at once to his joontrymeui and issued the circular which follows, to the olonel commandant of each county, and through them to the liaople.
OOVSBKOB BBVIBr's CIROULAB TO THE MILITART OF FRANKLIN.
28th November, 1787.
ICigor Elholm is just now returned from Georgia with expresses from
lie governor of that state, requiring an aid of fifteen hundred men from
Sib State of Franklin, to co-operate with them against the Creek In-
fiwiBy under the following conditions, to wit :
- AS that will serve one campaign, till a peace is made, shall receiva
A colonel, one thousand two hundred acres ; a lieutenant-colonel, one Aoinand one hundred ; a maior, one thousand ; a captain, nine hun- lired; first-lieutenanl, eight hundred; second-lieutenant, seven hun- JtMd and tiij ; non-commissioned officers, seven hundred ; privates, well and accoutred, six hundred and fortj.
898 SBVIKE*B CIRCULAS TO TBM
Anj general officer, called into the Bervioe^ to hmr% Uie fbIloiii|
proportions : —
A major-general, fifteen hundred acres ; a brigadier general, fbniteai hundred acres.
The Bend of Tennessee is reserved for the troops of Frankfin, vbiek is a desirable spot, and will be of great importance to this state. Ws are to have an additional bounty of fidy acres on every one hmdrai acres, in lieu of rations, and all other claims against the State of Gc«> gia, which maKss our proportion of lands amount to half mm m nch don as what is above allotted. A private man*s share, if be finda Uimd^ amounts to nine hundred and siity acres, and officer's in proportieo.
This great and liberal encouragement will, certainly, induce nmnboi to turn out on the expedition, which will not only be d<nng 8onietfaii| handsome for themselves, but they will have the honour of ssiiifi^ a very generous and friendly sister state to conquer and chastise an ia- solent and barbarous savage nation of Indians.
I now request that you will, with the utmost despatch, canse m gm^ ral muster to be held in your county, and endeavour to get aa mtaj volunteers to enter into and engage in the aforesaid secviee, and under the above conditions, as is in your, power. You may, also, eneoonfi active persons to turn out and recruit ; and both yourself, and those thtf may recruit, to transmit to me, immediately after the general mnslK^ your numbers of recruited volunteers. If I am spared, I think to Ids the field once more, and wish we 9iay be able to march abont Chriit- mas, if possible, for the sooner we march, the sooner the people caa return in time to put in their spring crops.
I congratulate you, and every true friend, on the success of our CSooi- missioner in the State of Georgia, and am happy to inform yon that our situation as a state is now secure and on a permanent footing- much occasioned by one of the members of the Union, through ner liberal and sisterly affecUon, having taken us by the hand, and notidng us as a people, of which you will be convinced by the copies, &&, accompanying this. The good peo])le in this country are under Ingh obligations to our trusty and worthy Commissioner, Uajor ElkdiBi whose acquaintance and abilities have enabled him to accomplish for us most desirable purposes.
I have not time to transcribe and send, for your's and the people's perusal, a copy, in .full, of the Georgia act, respecting Franklin, but hope the outlines, herein inserted, will be satisfactory. I also recommend that the recruiting officers might apply and take a copy for the aatisfae- tion of those who may be inclined to enter into the service.
The State of Georgia has appointed Col. George Handley, a respecta- ble character in that state, to attc^nd the State of Franklin in character of Commissioner. I expect bim in a few days, and shall be desirous of giving bim every information before his return. I recommend the in- mrmation herein contained, through your patronage, to the people, who^ I hope, after seeing the great notice and respect shewn ttfem by the State of Georgia, in her application to us for our assistance, and the high confidence they place in the spirit and bravery of the people here, that they will be animated with the idea, that they are now capable of enn-
MIUTIA OF FRANKLIN. 890
Dg to the world that, like a young officer who first enters the field, they « competent, from their hravery and merit, to make themselves known id respected amongst the nations of the world ; and, though we have )t large cities and sea-ports, which generally sink into wealth and ixmj, by which means the ofl&pring dwindle into effeminacy and dis- palion, yet, I hope, we shall always remain as happy, free and inde- endent as any other people ; if not, sure I am, it will be our own adti and we ought never to be pitied.
This appeal by Governor Sevier, to the gallantry of his
rantrynien, was responded to in their usual warlike spirit.
I.II army of volunteers was at once recruited, and, as early i
% December 2d, a letter was addressed by the Governor to
blonel Handley, offering the co-operation of his army with
le forces of Georgia, in the contemplated invasion of the
Ireek nation. To this no answer was received till after the
oyernor's term of office had expired, and he had become a
rirate citizen.
OiiOVXL Hanulbt to Goyxbnor Sevibb:
Augusta, Ga., February 19th, 1788.
Sir: — ^We now inform you, that we have a iust sense ef the good iQBtMHM of the pepple df Franklin towards this state ; and we are dl-persuaded, the information contained in your letter, when properly ire^ed, is such as will tend to the mutual welfare and prosperity r both.
We haTe the satisfaction to assure you, sir, that great progress is urie in our recruiting service. The regular troops will be marched into le Indian country, putting to death all who make opposition. Mercy Dl not be granted on any other terms than a total surrender of their ^btry and themselves.
'JkJl this, we assure you, would have happened, had not Congress, groeably to their act of the 26th of October, 1787, ordered one Com- ^Moner to be appointed from each of the states, North-Carolina, nith-Oarolina, and Georgia, to hold a treaty with the Indians, and we fW only suspend our operations till their determinations are known.
This letter is sufficiently explanatory of the delay in re- lying to Sevier, as well as of the cause of abandoning the xpedition. This delay, and the consequent disappointment I* the militia of Franklin, baffled the hope which the gov- irhor had cherished of harmonizing his people in support of he new government. The volunteers were restless, impa- imt i^nd disappointed. Employment, suited to their taste — Uinger, with which habit had made them familiar — victory, irhich had ever followed them and their leader — conquest, idiich they never doubted — renown, which they deified —
400 WISTERir PRBJUDIOB AOAINBT BPAIW.
achievement which they idolized, and fame Ibr wkiek t^f sighed, had suddenly vanished and eluded 'their grasp. Not a word of censure was uttered against their gallant commas der-in-chiefy but the soldiery remained in sullen discontent at home.
During the disturbances in Franklin, and more particnlailj while Governor Sevier was recruiting an army to co-openti with Georgia in the invasion and subjugation of the Cnek Indians, some restles spirits in the country contemplated tin seizure of the Spanish posts at Mobile, Natchez and New- Orleans. It was well known, that by the stipulations of tin treaty at Pensacola, in 1784, the authorities of Spain consid> ered themselves bound to treat the Creeks as friends and alli«^ and that they furnished them supplies of ammunition, if th^ did not excite them to hostilities against the western settle ments. This engendered a feeling of resentment agaiiiM Spain, which was exasperated when Congress consented to deliberate upon the proposal of Mr. Jay to surrender, ton a term of years, the right of navigating the Mississippi river. It is not strangp that, under these circumstances, the weslen people should consider the Spaniards and Creeks alike ai enemies to them and to their interests ; nor that they shooU agitate the subject of redressing their grievances and main- taining their rights, by their own arms. This subject was agitated in Franklin, and one of the agents of North-Caro- lina, in criminating the new government, took occasion to impute to Governor Sevier designs unfriendly to the Union. At this conjuncture it was, that a letter came into the posses* sion of the Federal authorities, pointing out unequivocally machinations and designs against Spain on the part of Frank- lin. The letter alluded to, was written Sept 24, 1767, from Charleston, South-Carolina, b>^ohn Sullivan, and was ad- dressed to Major Brown, late of the Maryland artillery. The writer, speaking of the Tennessee River, said : '* There will be work for you in that country. I want you much. Take my word for it, we will be speedily in possession of New -Orleans." This letter, written about the time the Legislature of Frank- lin contemplated and authorized the erection of garrisons in the Bend of Tennessee, and at the time, too, when the alii-
DECLINE OF THE FSANKLIir OOVERITMENT. 401
ance was matured between them and Georgia, alarmed the Federal Government, then negotiating with Spain. The War Office at once directed General Harmar to institute the strictest enquiry into the subject. No formal conspiracy could be detected. Those engaged in it, were probably too few, and the embarrassments nearer home too pressing, to al- low the execution of their plans, which, under other circum- stances, they could have easily effected. Cumberland, Ken- tucky and the whole West, could have co-operated in prevent- ing the occlusion of the Mississippi River against their com- merce. The inhabitants left the subject to the negotiation . of the ' Federal Government, and chose not to disturb its foreign relations.
Having thus presented in detail the foreign affairs of the State of Franklin, we return to its domestic transactions. Pending the negotiations for obtaining auxiliaries from abroad, the new government was every day losing an ad- herent at home, who, by transferring his allegiance to North- Carolina, sensibly diminished the influence atid authority of Sevier. In 1787, there scarcely remained in thfi. Common- wealth of Franklin vitality enough to give it a nominal ex- istence ; its substance and strength were absorbed into the Carolina Regime^ and the pangs of political annihilation ha- ving thus come, little more was left of the skeleton of the government, than its head. That still, under all the debility which affected the body, retained its wonted vitality and vi- gour. The Council of State had participated in the general disaffection, and some of its members had accepted office un- der North-Carolina, while others had failed to meet their colleagues in the Board, or had formally withdrawn from it. The judiciary, in its highest department, was annihilated by the election of Judge Campbell to a seat in the Tarborough Legislature, by which he was soon after appointed Judge of the Superior Court for the District of Washington, at Jones- boro\ The Legislature of Franklin suffered also from the prevalent disintegration, and manifested a strong tendency to dismemberment. From some of the old counties there was no representation, while the delegates from others exhi- bited indecision or discordance. In September, of this year^ 26
40S hAar wjuxjua uMuiiAnnuk
a qoomm was got together, aod constitated, at 6reeiMmlle» the last session of the Legislature of Franklin. Of this body, John Menifee was Speaker of the Honse of Representatives! and Charles Robinson, Speaker of the Senate. Their legis- lation was chiefly confined to unimportant amendments of the laws of North-Carolina. ' The Governor was soaroely able to secure the passage of an act, to provide ways, and means to carry into effect his negotiation with Greorpav and for descending the Tennessee River with his troops^ and ta* king possession of its Great Bend. This bQl was passed fay a compromise. The quid pro quo given to tlie dissentient^ was the appointment of two delegates, to attend the Logjis- lature of North-Carolina, to make such representatioas. of the affairs of Franklin as might be thought proper. Under this final adjustment, Jtidge Campbell and Landon CaxMr were elected delegates — the former of whom, as has bee» already stated, was, at the same time, a member of the Tai^ borough Assembly. The Gceeneville Legidature also pnssed an act, creating a land oflEice in Franklin, with a provisUm^ that peltry should be taken by the Entry-taker instead of money.
It is not known that the State of Franklin issued grants for lands. It had acquired by treaty with the Oherokees, the country south of French Broad, and west of Pigeon. It is probable that only incipient measures were adopted for ap- propriating it to specific purchasers. Each county had its Entry-taker's office, and its Surveyor.
A copy follows, of a Franklin Land Warrant :
State of Frankuv, Oaswell Couktt, ) No. 17, April 20, 1787. f
To the Surveyor of said County^ Grsstikq :
Whbrias, James Raddle hath paid into the Entfy-taker^s Office of thk C!ounty, ten Bhillings, . for one hundred acres of land in said County ; you are hereby required to receive his location for the same, and to lay oS and survey the above quantity of land, and make return thereof to the Secretary's Office, agreeable to law.
Given under my han^ at office, this 2lOth September, 1787.
John Sbhobk, E» T.
No grant has been found on record, conveying land from
the State of Franklin. Indeed, few of its official papers
have survived the ravages of timoi and the accidents to
UrOREABINO DKBIUTT OF FRANKLUf. 408
which the partizan and rival conflicts, of the respective offi- cers of the old and new jurisdiction, exposed them. It is tradition, that one of the married daughters of Governor Se« vier concealed them, on one occasion, in a cave. A portion of the Docket of Washington County Court, now before this writer, seems to have undergone such an exposure. From one of its mutilated pagos, he is able to decipher :
^ On motion being made by the Attorney for the State^ and at the same time exhibited a handbill containing an ' Ad- dress to the Inhabitants of Frankland State,' under the sig- nature of a citizen of the same, the Court, upon the same being read publicly in open Court, adjudged it to contain treasonable insinuations against the United States, and false, QBgenerous reflections against persons of distinction in the Ecolesiastio department, fraught with falsehood, calculated to alienate the minds of their citizens from their government, and overturn the same.
''Upon mature deliberation, the Court condemned said handbill to be publicly, burned by the High Sheriff of the Connty, as .a treasonable, wicked, false, and seditious libel.*
The defection had, in the meantime, extended further, and egdbraced the State Council. Its members were the last to yield to the force of that current in public affairs, which but too plainly they saw, was now setting against Franklin. They all continued the faithful and steadfast friends of Sevier. Bat the legislature, session after session, became smaller and smaller, and confining its action to subjects of immediate importance and urgency, failed to elect the State Council, and the Grovernor was left ** alone in hi^ glofy." Some of the old Board, though no longer his constitutional advisers, dissuaded him from further effort to perpetuate the new go- vernment, and advised him to yield to the necessity which portended its fate, and threatened to overwhelm its Execu- tive. Vestige after vestige of Franklin was obliterated ; its judiciary was gone ; its legislature reduced to a skeleton ; its council effete, defunct, powerless ; its military disorga- nixed, if not discordant ; and its masses confused and dis- tntcted, with no concert and unanimity among themselves.
Distraction extended likewise to the lower judicial tribu-
404 CIVIL DiBTUBBAaoBB — ^AinnoaiTT
nah of Franklin. Discordant elements were found amongst the magistrates composing its county courts. The Franklin courts elected one set of county officers, while another set were chosen by such of the justices as had accepted commis- rions from North-Carolina. This conflict of jurisdiction was snoceededy in some instances, by unpleasant results. The possession of the records was, of course, desired by each io- eombent. Force and stratagem were resorted to by both parties to obtain them. Courts were held in different places^ and an unarmed body of men would suddenly enter the court- house of the adverse party, seize its- records, and bear than off in triumph. An effort would then be made to regain them. A scuffle would ensue, ending sometimes in a geM^ ral fight. Scenes of disorder took place, which were gene*, rally sources of merriment and pleasurable ezcitemeiil^ rather than causes of settled malice or revenge* The pal^ ties separated, and soon afler were friends. In Washingtoo doiinty, however, the dispute became acrimonious, and at length generitted a feeling of inappeasable malignity between the leaders of tbeir respective parties. From the commraoe* meat of the Franklin revolt, this county had been the seat cif a central influence, which, while it remained united, w^ able to repress any opposition to its authority. That central power was represented by two very numerous and most re- spectable families, the leading members of which were John Sevier and John Tipton — each alike brave, patriotic and ambitious. Each had been distinguished by martial ex- ploits and patriotic services in civil life. They had con- quered together at King's Mountain, and co-operated to- gether, harmoniously, in all the incipient measures of the insurrectionary government. On one occasion, as has been mentioned, when Sevier hesitated and dissuaded from sepa- ration, Tipton was decided in support of that measure. Tip- ton becaifte an officer under the new government. Sevier was its Governor. After the repeal of the Cession act, the former returned to his allegiance to the parent state, an was now a member of its legislature; the latter roai tained his opposition to it. They were now implacable en mies. Each of them had political adherents and
BETWEEN GOVERNOR SEVIER AND COLONEL TIPTON. 405
riends. Neither of them had a personal enemy. Each of liese leaders, it is reasonable to suppose, felt the ambition to applant his rival, and prevent his supremacy. The Legislature of North-Carolina, at its session of this \ y^^^* continued and extended its- conciliatory policy ( towards the western people. The former acts of ardon and oblivion to such as had been engaged in the re- olt, were re-enacted, and those who availed themselves of he advantages specified therein, were restored to the privi- 3ges of citizens. Suits were dismissed, which had been tistitated for the recovery of penalties or forfeitures incurred >y a non-compliance with the revenue laws, and those who lad failed to list their property for taxation, for the current ear, were allowed three months longer in which to comply rilth the law. These pacific and satisfactory measures were Dggested and supported by the delegates from the western (oanttes, then members of the North-Carolina Legislature, .nd went far to remove the remains of discontent and Qiet the complaints of the citizens.
' The Governor of Franklin s|ill retained his elastic and angoine temper. As late in his administration of Frank- h, as January 24, 1788, Governor Sevier continued to aspire his adherents with hope. Under that date he rrites to —
[on. General K«nnedt :
Dear Sir: — I have, lately, received some favourable news from Doc- ir Franklin, and other gentlemen; also, am happy to inform you that find our friends very warm and steady — much more so than hereto- tie. My son can inform you of some late particulars. Any thing urterial your way, will thank you for a sketch of it by my son. '
I am, sir, your most obdt,
John Sevier.
*Very warm and steady*' were, indeed, the friends of ohn Sevier, but not of the Governor of Franklin, now totter- iig into ruins. In little more than one month, Franklin had teased to be.
At the return of the members, early in January of this
19B \ ye^^j from Tarborough, it was announced that the
( parent state had no intention of acceding to the
rfews of those who favoured the establishment of the
!*rankliii .go vemment.
406 oovaaroE Bxvnt mamoemb AOAiim nntnr,
The County Ckmrt of Washington still held its sesrioms at Davis^Sy nnder the anthority of Nortb^CaroIina ; that oT Franklin, at Jonesboro*. Of this court, James Sevier, a ■on of the Governor, was clerk. Of the codrt at Davis's, John Tipton was clerk. An extract from his docket is here^ given:
*^ 1788, Febbuabt TER]f.-^0nbr«7— That the Shmff tske info tody the County Court doc&et of said ooimty, sunposed to he in po slon of John Sevier, Bsq^ mud the same records Wfaig firom him or otter person or persona in whose poaseosion they now sre or heieaflai ^ ahsll he, and the same tetum to this or some anooeeding court for aaiUL eoonty."
A fit opportunity soon after occurred, of 'testing the. snpre- paoy of the new and old dynasty. We oopy firom Hay- wood:
A fieri facias had issued in the latter part of the 17B7, and had been placed in the hands of the sheriff, to be eacecuted against the estate of Governor Sevier, in the early part of 1788. The sheriff, acting under the anthority North-Carolina, by virtue tj^ereof, seized all or the greater part, of Governor Sevier's negroes, to satisfy it, and removed tbem, for safe keeping, from his farm, on NoUichucky River, to the house of Colonel Tipton. Sevier waSf &t this time, on the frontiers of Greene county, devising means for defending the inhabitants against the incursions of the Indians, whose oonduct of latCf had given room for the apprehension of a formal renewal of hostilities. Hearing of the seizure of his negroes by virtue of an unlawful precept, as he deemed it, and by an officer not legally constituted, he resolved imme- diately to suppress all opposition to the new government of Franklin, and to punish the actors for their audacity. He raised one hundred and fifty men, principally in Greene oounty, but partly in Sevier, and what is now called Blount and marched directly to Tipton's house, near to which he arrived in the afternoon. Not more than fifteen men of Tip* ton's party were then with him. Sevier halted his troops two or thre hundred yards from the house, on a sunken piece of ground, where they were covered from annoyance by those in the house. Sevier was also incited to itction by another incident. Tipton, it w^s said, in order to get possession of
4 4
AHD BEfllBGEfl HIM IN HIS OWN HOUSE. 407
person, had collected a party of his adherents, some time ire, and had sent them off with orders to make Sevier a loner. The latter happened to be on the frontiers, and ton's emissaries mii^sed their aim. When Sevier came le and was informed of this attempt, he burned with gnation at the ingratitude of it, and at the unrelenting per which he considered to have prompted it. Hence, received an additional motive to action, and resolved, in If to look for the Saul who searched for him in all the B and hiding places of the country. Tipton had gained le intimation of Sevier's design, and had but just time to for the aid of fifteen of his friends, who were with him he time of Sevier's arrival. With them he kept posses- I of his house, and barricaded it against the expected mlt, as well as he could, and, with undismayed steadiness,
•
ted the arrival of the Governor. The house of Colonel ton was on Sinking Creek, of Watauga River, eight or miles east of Jonesboro'. The Governor was not dila- r in making his appearance. He presented himself' and troops, with a small piece of ordnance, and took post in Kt of the house. He demanded the unconditional surren- of Tipton, and of all who were with him in the house. ton, with the earnest langilage which he sometimes em- red on emergent occasions, sent word to him." to fire and lamned." He sent to Tipton a written summons. This, li a letter calling for assistance, Tipton immediately sent 3olonel Maxwell, of Sullivan, who was commandant of .tia in that county, and a representative of the county in General Assembly of North-Carolina. For some time, ton would not permit any communication with Sevier. 'ly the next day, however, he consented that Robert Love, idre, one of the fifteen who had come to his assistance lit correspond with him. Mr. Love wrote to hiixi through medium of his own flag, and directed his letter to CoUh ' Sevier. In reply, it was said, that Colonel Sevier was in camp, alluding to Valentine Sevier, a brother of the 'emor, who bore the title of colonel. Mr. Love answered n, and strongly recommended to the troops to withdraw and land themselves, which, he said, would enable those who
408 EALLY or THE CLAMS.
•
mpported the goyemmeiit of North-Carolina to coontermand * the orders for levying troops in Sullivan ooanty, and other places. The jreply made to this recommendation waa^ that Governor Sevier could countermand the orders for their march. Here the correspondence ended. A few of the most influential persons then with Tipton^ were sent out to collect reinforcements from the neighbourhood and from the settlements above. Two or three were also sent to Snllivan ■oounty, for the same purpose. . On the next day a few men , joined Tipton, and, in the course of the day, a womaa, coming to the house on some occasion, in company with another woman, was shot in the shoulder.* Some of Se- vier's troops occupied an eminence of limestone rocks, with- in shooting distance of the house, and from that quarter the . woman was wounded. On the next night Mr. Robert Love went out with one man, for the purpose of getting aid from the quarter of the country where he resided. On his way home, he met his brother Thomas, now General Love, vdth ten or twelve men, going to join Tipton, whom he informed of the guard, at the eminence of rocks, which lay near the road that led to the house. Mr. Thomas Love, before it was light, approached the rocks on a prancing horse, himself hemming and coughing. Not being hailed, he went to the rocks, at which the guard had been stationed, and found that the whole guard was absent. The weather being exces- sively cold, they had retired to the main body, to warm themselves by their fires. Mr. Thomas Love returned to his companions and informed them of the absence of the guard from their post, whereupon, raising a whoop, they went in full gallop to Tipton's house, and by their junction with the besieged, infused fre^h vigour into their resolutions.
Elholm, second in command to the Governor, in order to make short work, and to escape from the danger of delay; proposed the erection of a light movable battery, under oo- ver of which the troops might safely advance to the walls of the house. In the meantime, those coming in and going out of the house of Tipton, were fired upon, and one, whose
* TfaiB was purely accideatal .
BESIEGING FORCES RETIRE FROM TIPTOm's. 409
name was Webb, was killed ; another, whose name was Vaun, was wounded in the arm. Maxwell, with all possi- ble expedition, raised one hundred and eighty men, and marching with them, he had halted at Dungan's Mill, and had stayed there in the fore part of the night, till they could have just time to reach the camp of Sevier by morning. Whilst they were lying there, Sevier's scouts came within a mile of them, and not discovering any advancing enemy, returned to their main body. The night was cloudy and •dark, and in the morning of the 3d of February,* just after day-break, which was the time of the attack .made by Se- vier, the snow poured down as fast as it could fall from the clouds. Sevier had placed, in the road leading from Sulli- van county, by the place of his encampment, sentinels to watch the approach of the reinforcement to Tipton, which was expected from Sullivan. The cold weather was so extreme that it had forced them into camp to warm them- selves for a few minutes. Maxwell and Pemberton advanced cautiously, with their men well formed in a line, within gunshot of Sevier's camp, having passed the spot where the sentinels were stationed, unobserved. Here they awaited the approach of daylight. As soon as objects had become visible, the snow falling, and Sevier's men advancing to the attack on the house, the troops under Maxwell fired a volley and raised a shout which seemed to reach the heavens, and communicated to Tipton and his men in the house, that de- liverance was at hand. From the house they re-echoed the shout, and instantly sallied out upon the besiegers. In the midst of these loud rejoicings, a tremor seized the dismayed troops of Sevier, and they fled in all directions, through every avenue that promised escape from the victors. Tip- ton and Maxwell did not follow them more than two hun- dred yards. Within one hour afterwards, Sevier sent in Robert Young with a flag, proposing terms of accommoda- tion. They left, in their flight, to be taken by the victors, the small piece of ordnance which Sevier had caused to be planted upon a battery. Pugh, the high sherifl* of Wash-
•
* Hut dat* is an error. It was the 28th of February, 1788.
410 TtFTOH BSLBA01B Bli PRIBOaraU.
ington county, was mortally wonnded. Divers petwnw witte made prisoners who belonged to Sevier^s corps, and amongit them two sons of Sevier, James and John* Tipton fortt with determined to hang both of theip. Apprised of the rash step he intended to take, the young men sent for Bfr* Thomas Love, and others of Tipton's party, with whom they had a good understanding, and iSolicited their intereeasiiai with Tipton. Those persons went directly to him and rep- resented, in strong terms, the rashness, illegality and impolief of the intended execution. They urged their aif^uments m effectually, that, with tears flowing down his cheeks at Ike mention of his own sons, supposing them to be in the pos- session of Sevier, about to be executed by him for offenees imputed to the father, he pronounced himself too womanilk for any manly oflice, and desisted from his purpose.
This is the account usually given of the idFalr between Tipton and Sevier. Tt is believed to befmainly correct The declaration put into the mouth of "Governor Sevier, that- he would suppress all opposition to the government of PraaUiB, needs confirmation, or should be qualified. Prom the com- mencement of the difficulties between the parent state and her revolted counties, Sevier had determined to avoid and in* tended to prevent violence and bloodshed. His moderation and his good temper, have been attested by the narrative of every pioneer this annalist has had an opportunity to ex- amine. The Governor, in every instance, dissuaded his ad- herents from violence or even tumult. His own letters, official and private, breathe the same spirit. The reader will recollect how much, and how pathetically, he deprecated a resort to force in his letter to Governor Matthews, of June 84, in which he also speaks of the mother state with affec- tion and regard — indeed, in a tone of filial piety, whioh can- not be too much admired. His conduct during the siege of Tipton's house, and until he withdrew from it, demonstrates, what is intended here to be said, that Governor Sevier did not intend to maintain the authority of Franklin by force. It is known, that in undertaking to recover his property, then in the custody of Tipton's adherents, and confined in his house, the determined spirit of that brave man defied Sevier.
BBVIBr's DBMEAVOUR DITRIlfG THE SIBOB. .^ 411
Major Elholm advised an immediate assault, and offered to lead it. The Governor restrained the ardour of his adjutant, and declared that not a gun should be fired. Elholm re- nevired his application for leave to storm the house, when he was silenced by the remark from Sevier, that he came not there to kill his countrymen, and that those who followed him had no such wish or design. Sevier himself, and most of his adherents, were too patriotic not to be dissatisfied with the position which surrounding circumstances had forced him to assume, and which he almost reluctantly now occupied, at the head of insurgents, and prompted to engage them in a fratricidal warfare. His sword had been often drawn for his country — ^his heart had never quailed befote its enemies. Over these he had often triumphed ; but now he refused to imbrue his hands in the blood of patriotic countrymen and fHendfl. The patriot prevailed over the officer — the citizen dver the soldier. The sternness of the commander yielded to the claims of duty and a common citizenship. His de- meanour during the siege, and especially on the night before the assault, is represented by those of his party who served tmder him, before and after this occasion, to have been very different from that which he usually manifested. The men under his command exhibited the same altered behaviour. In all their campaigns, ardour and enthusiasm attended the march — care and vigilance the bivouac — the mirthful song and the merry jest, were heard in every tent. On these oooasions, it was the custom of Sevier to visit every mess, and to participate in their hilarity. He spoke of enemies and danger before, and friends and home behind them. He was dins the companion, and friend, and idol of his soldiery. Bat now the camp of the Governor of Franklin was dreary and cheerless. No merry laugh was heard — nor sfng — nor Jest. Little care and less vigilance was taken in placing out die sentinels. Sevier was silent, appeared abstracted, tiioaghtful, and, at this time only in his whole public life, morose and ascetic. Elholm's vivacity failed to arouse him. He communicated little to that officer ; he said nothing to -his men. He took no precaution, suggested no plan, either
412 M mem pabtim urDiaroBBD to bijOodbbid.
of attack or defence. The enemies of his country were nol before him, and the patriot Governor repressed the aspirations of the ** commander-in-chief of the army of the State of Franklin." In no other instance has he given a livelier ex- hibition of the true moral sublime of patriotism.
The example of Sevier was contagious. The energy and skill of Elholm effected nothing. They could not convort American citizens into fratricides. /
A similar spirit actuated the adverse party. Their ^oim- geous leader acted only on the defensive. When the siege was raised, no immediate pursuit was made. The besiegeis and the besieged, were soon after friends, and peaceable neighbours. It is still strange, under all the droomstaiioes^ that so few of both parties were killed or wounded. This has sometimes been ascribed to and accounted for, by the heavy snow storm which occurred during the siege. One of the besieged, the late Dr. Taylor, of Carter county, may explain it in his own words. ^ We did not go thei« to fight Neither party intended to do that Many on both sides were unarmed, and some who had guns, did not even load them. Most of us went to prevent mischief, and did not intend to let the neighbours kill one another. Our men shot into the air, and Sevier's men into the corners of the house. As to the storm of snow keeping the men from taking a sure aim, it is all a mistake. Both sides had the best marksmen in the world, who had often killed a deer, and shot it in the head too, when a heavier snow was falling. The men did not try to hit any body. They could easily have done so if they had been enemies." • .
The late Colonel Joseph Hamilton, senior, speaking of this affair, says : x
Col. . rembertoD, of Sullivan, to whom an express had been sent by Tipton, soliciting relief, arrived with thirty men. These he stationed in front of Sevier^s camp, unperceived by the latter. Pemberton ordered a general discharge of the rifles of his party. The discharge was mads intentionally, to avoid shooting any of Sevier's men.
On the approach of Sevier's troops, Captain John Cowan was sent in with a flng, proposing some terms of compromise. This was refold the first, second and third times. After the reinforcement from Snlli-
ERROR OF THE DATE OF THE 8IBOK* 413
van, Captain Cowan was taken prisoner ; and refusing to give bail for hb appearance before a civil court, was retained in custody of Colonel Tipton several days. Captain Handley, at length, prevailed witli Tip- ton, and Cowan was released.*
The date of the affair before Tipton's house, as given in the account of it taken from Haywood, is the third of Feb- ruary. This is incorrect. It was, certainly, several days later than the twenty-fifth of February. The writer has in hifiT* possession, a military despatch froiQ Governor Sevier,
which is here given :
•
Major Taylor's,! 15th February, 1788. Deaf Captain : — I am informed that the Tipton party have got very insolent, and have been guilty of several cruelties and barbarous ac- tions. I have ordered fifteen men out of each company, to turn out; and I am well satisfied that the men of .Sevier county will turn out bravely. I beg you will use your influence to get as many men out of yonr neighbourhood to turn out, as may be in your power. I shall ex- pect your company up. I am satisfied that a small exertion will settle the matter to our satisfaction. Pray speak to Mr. Allen, and let us raise aa many men as in our power. For further particulars, I beg leave to nfcr yon to the bearer.
I am, dear sir, your most obdt humble servant,
JoH5 Sbvisb. Captain John Zahaun, Caswell County, Franklin State. Favoured per James Sevier.
It wtuld require two or three days for the Governor's mes- senger to reach Captain Zahaun's| residence ; fully as many to notify to the militia the purport of the despatch, and to assem- ble them togethe^r ; and as many more tq reach the Governor's head-quarters, ten miles above Jonesboro'. Sevier county, on whose military ardour the Governor so confidently relied, embraced much of the present county of Blount, a distance ofmore than one hundred miles from Jonesboro'. It is known
•
ihftt Colonel Weir and others from that county, were present at the siege, and it is not probable, that from the dale of tbe despatch to the time of the arrival of the troops at head- quarters, less than two weeks had elapsed. It was, cer* tainly, very late in February, or perhaps, early in March, 'when the engagement took place. The late James Sevier,
*Maiiiiieriptt before me.
t Kear JonoBboro'.
X Siooa known at Sehera's Feiry, above Dandridge.
414 SEVim WBITIS TO GOYBBVOB OW OXOmfllA,
of Washington county, believed the date was February 28. This accords with the following despatches from Colonel Tipton, and with a letter to be hereafter given, from Gro- vernor Sevier himself.
On Monday, February 25th, Colonel Tipton, writing to Colonel Robert Love, says :
** The rebels are- again rising; Sevier is now making'his last effort; he has given orders to his officers below, to draft fifteen men out of each company, and take property from those that will not serve, and give to those that will. This d^y they are to meet at Greene ; to-morrow al Jonesboro'^ and Wedn^ay, if not before, make the push here. I therefore request you to give orders to the officers in the Cove, toeolkd their men with the greatest expedition, and march to my house to-mor- row, fixed in ample manner; as I purpose to defend this quarteri with- out making any excursions, unless I can get further information.
I am, sir, with' respect, yours to serve,
JOBir TZFTOV.
N. B. — ^Let no time be lost
Though now no longer the Governor of Franklin, and iiih deed without office and authority, and a mere private citizei^ Sevier continued to correspond with his quondam allies in Georgia. He still dates from
Franklin, lOth April, 1^88.
Sir : — Yours, of the 10th of February, I had the honour to receive. In our present confused situation of affiiirs, I am not able to reply with that accuracy and satisfaction to your Excellency I could wish. Our country is, at this time, almost in a state of anarchy, occasioned, as we suggest, by the North-Carolinians stimulating a party to act in a hostile manner against us.
Agreeable to our Constitution, my duration in office continued no longer than the 1st of March last, and, in our present embari'assed con- dition, our Assembly have, as yet, failed to make any new appointment.
It is with great pleasure I inform you that a great number of the peo- pjle of this country discover a ready disposition to tad your state against your savage enemies ; and let matters occur as they may, if I am spared I purpose joining your army with a considerable number of volunteers, to act in concert with yau against the Creeks, though many of our enemies are making use of every diabolical plan in their power, in order to destroy our laudable intention.
I beg your Excellency will be so obliging as to advise us, from time to time, of your intended operations, and should your campaign be pro- crastinated until the fall season, I am of opinion you will get a much greater number of men from this country.
During the time Governor Sevier administered the affairs of the Franklin Government, little disturbances existed upon
▲HD &BPAIR8 TO THB F&ONTIKB* 415
the frontier. The Gherokee8 had learned, by past experience, the danger of hostilities with the Franklin people, when commanded by an officer of such vigour and capacity, as in all his campaigns had been manifested by Sevier. The In- dians, until his government was overthrown, stayed, for the most part, quietly in their villages, and permitted the settle- ments to be extended rapidly, and with little interruption, from the lower parts of Greene and Spencer counties, to the western limits of what is now Knox county, north of Hol- ston, and Blount county, south of it. But from the commence- ment of this year, the Gherokees having constant informa- tion of the difficulties existing amongst their white neigh- bomv, had manifested evident tokens of dissatisfaction, and a general desire for a renewal of hostilities. During the short absence of such of the gunmen as had gone from the lower settlements to Sevier*s head-quarters, some mischief was done on the frontier, and the traders all reported an ap- proaching Indian invasion. Messengers . were immediately daspatohbd to the upper counties after Sevier, carrying with them representations of the impending danger, and urging his immediate return to the exposed border settlements. These ha received just after his fruitless siege of Tipton's house^ and when the disasters of the day hung like a pall around hffni and ulcerated his wounded spirit. In a moment Sevier was himself again ; elastic, brave, energetic, daring and pa- triotic. At the head of a body of mounted riflemen, he was at once upon the frontier to guard and protect its most de- fenceless points.
After the departure of Sevier and his adherents. Col. Tip ton* on the 11th March, issued again to Col. Robert Love this order:
^on will cause the men of the Greasy Cove to be notified to appear al my hoyse on Saturday evening next, well equipped, with arms and ammuDitioD, and six days provision. Those that have arms, etc., and do not comply, take and give to those that will serve.*'
Colonel Tipton, with a number of troops, were, on the 16th of March, collected at Abednego In man's. From that place, he wrote to General Kennedy, a friend of Sevier's, that ''.my bnsinass is not to disturb or molest the inhabitants, but
416 CONCILIATORY CONDUCT OF OBNBBAI« If ARTIH.
rather to protect them ; and, sir, as I am persuaded that y<m have the interest of the country at large at heart, if it shonU coincide with your approbation, that yoa should bring the Commissions to Greene Court-Hoase to-morrow, for the pu^ pose of establishing a court, so that the inhabitants maybe exempted of the penalty prescribed by law.**
General Martin, who now commanded the brigade of North-Carolina militia west of the mountain, also wrote to • General Kennedy, March 21, 1788,
'* I am greatly diAtredsod and alarmed at the late proceedings of our countrymen and friends, and must beg your friendly interpoAitioD, ii order to bring about a reconciliation, which, you well know, wat nj object in accepting the brigadier's commiAHion. I am, perhapA, as littk afraid of stepping forth in the field of action as any otner man ; boil would be sorry to imbrue my hands in the blood of my conntrymei and friends, and will take every method in my power to praireDt aiijr thing of that nature. In our present situation, nothing will do b«t t submission to the laws of North-Carolina, which I moot eamaoyy i»> commend to the people. You well know this is the only way to bring about a separation, and< also a reconciliation for our worthy friend, wbon situation at tbis time is very disagreeable. I most sensibly feel Ibr liin, and will go very great lengths to serve l)im. Pray see him often, aad give him all the comfort you can.
** 1 am told that a certain officer says, that if I issue an order tor a reconciliation, that it shall not be obeyed ; but I shall let that gentlemaa know that I am not to be trifled with. Pray write me all what the people will do, and whether you will accept your commission, which I horn you will. Have the militia im?nediately offi cred and prepared for action, as I expect a general Indian war shortly. Please give ray best respecu to the people in general. Tell them my object is reconciliatioQ, not war."
There were few — perhaps none — even of the adherents of the old state, whose feelings and wishes, in reference to Se- vier, were not in exact consonance with those expressed by General Martin in this letter. Its tone, its moderation, its wisdom, its sympathy for a soldier and a patriot, constitute the highest eulogy upon his own good sense, his patriotism and his good feelings. They cannot be too much admired or imitated. They saved the country from further tumult and violence, and all opposition, on the part of Franklin to North- Carolina, ceased.
At this moment of impending tumult and civil discord, a missionary of the Christian religion appeared, unexpectedly,
BISHOP ABBURY's opportune ARRIVAL. 417
in the midst of these conflicting elements of excited passion and social and political disorganization. We extract from Bishop Asbur'y's Journal: "April 28,1788. — We reached the head of Watauga ; came to Greer's. The people are in disorderabout the Old and New State ; two or three men have been killed. At Nelson's, I had a less audience tl^an was expected ; the people having been called away on an expe- dition against the new-statc-men. Preached on Hebrews, vL chapter, 11th and 12th verses." Shortly afterwards, he preached "at Owens's, on Psalm 148, verses 17, 18, 19, with some fervour. Came to H ufiacre's and Key wood's, where we held Conference three days ; and I preached each day. The weather was cold ; the room without fire, and otherwise uncom- fortable. We, nevertheless, made out to keep our seats until we liad finished the essential part of our business." This first Conference west of the mountain — the novelty of such an assemblage in the wilds of Watauga--^its mission of be- nignity and peace-^the calm dignity and unpretending sim- plieity of the venerable Bishop, all conspired to soothe, quiet an4 harmonize the excited' masses, and to convert partizans atid'factionists into brothers and friends.
In the meantime, Governor Caswell's term of office having expired, Samuel Johnston was elected his successor. His administration, it was hoped, might effect the restoration of harmony in the revolted counties, which the conciliatory policy of Governor Caswell had failed to do. He was kept eulvised of the state of affairs, west of the mountains, and in the following letter from Colonel Martin, it was recom- nended to send troops from North-Carolina, to quell existing ifetarbances in Franklin :
Long Island, 24th March, 1788.
-Sir: — ^The confiision of this country induces nie to lay before your {ndllency, by expret^s, our present situation, which is truly aianning.
I sent, on Saturday hist, to Sevier and his party, requiring them to nr down their arms, and submit to the laws of North-Carolina, but WBk get no answer, only from Colonel Joseph Hardin, which I forward ; lioagh I know, that on Friday last^ they met in Convention, to concert ipme plan. The beart^r of my express to them, informs me, that he Qnd^rstood that Si^vier had gone towards French Broad, since the 10th iilitant; that Colonel Kounedy, with several others, had gone tlxo same HMf, to carry on an expedition against the Cherokee Indiani), which, I 27
416 GOV. lOBMwram mmBcnv rm^ aiimii—iiw opravoB.
tfd well aarared, wkh to be aft peeoe ; esnept die
iriiiich could be eaalj driven oat of that oonntiTt if your
flhould recommend it. I am somewhat doubtfuL that Sevier aadfaift
parfy are embodying, under the colour of -an Indian. ^j[pedi&ni, to
amuse us, and that their real object is, to make another attack on tta
citiaens ik this state; to prevent which, I have ordered the- ^flfenai
colonels to have their men in good oidcor, until I can heiff from yonr]^-.
cellency ; at which time, I hope, you will give me directioiia in whaft
manner to proceed, in this uncommon and critical situation ; fer wlifcii*
I shall wait» till the return of the eipras^'brfMl shall tite anj deik
aive steps.
Should the Franks still pemst to oppose the laws of this .atata^. would it not be well to order General Het>owelI to give soibe aarist* akMf M afew menfibm there wiU convince them, that Noffli<3aralUa ia-determined to pioteet her dtiawna.
Ilepresentatioiui eonttnaed to be made to GoreniOT JohM^ flton unfavourable to Sevier^a ocfuduot and tnotiyee, whMfc' iadnced him to iaaae to Judge Catnpbell, the iaalraetidw fbllowing:
BxLLsnoBouott^ '29{h Jdy^'lTSlB.' Sir : — ^It has been ^presented to (he EieeQtlve, that John Setlir; lAo atyka hiHMlf Ci^^tMs-GenerAl of theStJiiteof FrsakHn, has beik^ goilty of h]|^h treason, m levyinjr troops to oppqsof the lawy uidgommm' ment of this state, and has wi& an armed force put to death aevml good citizens. If these fiida shall appeltr to ybu by the affidavit of credible persons, you. will issue your warrant to apprehend the aa^ John Sevier, and in case he cannot be sufficiently secured for trial in the District of Washington, order him to be committed to the pubBa gaol.
At the same time an order w& forwarded to General Mar- tin, to assist the sheriff in the apprehension of Sevier. Go* vernor Johnston says further, to General Martin :
^ Sevier, from the state of his conduct, set forth in your letter, ap- pears to be incorrigible, and I fear we shall have' no peace in your quarter, till he is proceeded against to the last extremity."
These repeated accusations of Sevier and of those impli- cated with him, in the charges of barbarous and cruel oon* duct, are to be ascribed, in some instances, to political ani- mosity — and in others, to exaggeration of bis conduct, and a misapprehension of bis designs. He was now really a pri» vate citizen, without command or authority, and yet, as will
be hereafter seen, he was constantly at the head of troops
volunteers, who selected him as their commander, and
JOHN 8EVIBR TO THE INHABITANTS. 419
who followed his standard and obeyed his orders, as fully and as cheerfully, as if he were yet in power. Thm frontier people knew that they could not be safe, JImt by their own exertions and military services. They needed a leader to combine their strength, discipline the troops, project expe- ditions, secure their exposed stations, expel their Indian ene- mies, and give quiet and safety to a scattered and defenceless people. This responsible duty they imposed upon Sevier He could not decline the position thus assigned him by ao* damation. He.assumed it cheerfully, and executed its da* ties well.
Sevier was now on the frontier, and though invested with. hq oflEicial power, the Ex-Governor and one of his Fraiddin officers, issued this address.
" Major Houston^s Station, 8th of July, 1788. '^ To the Inhalniania in general : — Yesterday we crossed Tennessee with s small party of men, and destroyed a town called Toquo. On our reliim we discovered large trails of Indians* making their way to- wards this place. We are of the opinion their numbers could not be U0$ than nve hundred We beg leave to recommend, that every Stslioii will be on their guard \^ that also, every good man that can be upundj will voluntarily turn out and repair to this place, with the ut-. moat eipedition^ in order to tarry for a feV days in the neighbourhood and 1^1 the enemy, if possible. We intend waiting at this place some days inth the few men now with us, as we cannot reconcile it to xiur OWB feelings, to leave a people who appear to be in such great distress.
John Sevibr, Jambs Hubbbrt. K. B. It will be necessary for tUbse who will be so grateful as to come to the assistance of this place, to furnish themselves with a few days pro- visions, as the inhabitants of this Fort are greatly distressed with the Indians.
J. S. J,H.
A minute account of Sevier's further services is given
by Haywood, from which we copy or condense :
** The Cherokees still burned with a desire for war. It seemed, iu- deed, as if nothing could ensure peace but their total extinction. The knowledge of their hostile designs was made public by their massa- cie of Kirk's family. In the month of May, 1788, Kirk lived with his family on the south-west side of Little Kiver, twelve miles south of Bjiozviile ; whilst he was absent from home, an Indian by the name of Slim Tom, known to the femily, came to them and requested to be •applied with provisions, which they gave him, and he withdrew ; har- iayaeen who were there, and the situation they were in with regard to
420 SEVIf.R AT THE HEAD OF VOLUNTEERS,
defence, ho soon after returned from the woods with a party of Tndians, and fell upon the fiiinily — niaMacreO tlie wtiole of tbeni, eleven iu nuinlier, and left them dend in thayard. Not long nfter wards. Kirk eomiog liotne, saw his. dend family lying on tlie ground;, he gaie the alarm to the ncighhourhuod, ft&d th« militia assembled under the eotuiuand of Colonel Stvipr, lotho number of Mveral hnndred; thvy met at Hunter^ station, on Nino Mile Creek, which runs inio Holston on ibe soulh side ; thenee they marched under the command of Colonel Sevier to the Hi- wa!«ce River, and early in th^ morning came upon a town vrbith had been burnt in 17T9 ; the Indians Tiho were in i^ fled, and took to the rirer; many were killed in the town ; some were made pii*oners, and many were fired upon and killed in the river ; they burnt the town, and returned to Hunter's etation. On the.next day they went up tlie Tm- n«esec, to the towns on that river, killed neveral lDdinii% burnt the toww, and retnmed to the station, Tallawee, upon the npjicr part of the Ten- newiee, was one of tbeee towns. The Indiana fled from their dit&rent towns into the mountains, were pursued by the troops and many of them killed. Ahrahani, a friendly ludiiin, with his son. who lived on the north ■ide of the Tennesaee, had declared publicly, that if the Indians went to war, he would rtmain at his own house, and never quit it. When ths troops camo to the »juth side, Hubbard sent for Abraham and. his son to come over the river to the troops ; they came accordingly ; he <K- reeled them to rdurn and bring with them tlio Tawel and another In- dian, that he might hold a Talk with them ; they also held tip a Ihgjnvi- ting those Indiana to come to them ; th^y did so, and were put into & house. Sevier was absent for some time on the business (|f hit com- . mand ; in the time of hia absence, those who were left behind, permitted young Kirk, the son of him whose family was killed, lo go wilh n toma- hawk into the house where the Indians were enclosed, Hublmrd being with him; there i<irk stiifk his tnmah.-n^k into llm hrrid of one of them, who fell dead at hi,s feet, the white people on the outside of tbe house looking in upon them. Tbe other Indiass, five or six in number, •eeing this, immediately understood the fate intended for them ; '
man cast bis countenance and eyes to the-^und, and one after thetdlwi received from the hands of Kirk, upon the upper part of the head,,t)M fatal stroke of the tomahawk, and were all killed. Sevier returning, tvf
the tragical elfects of this rash act, and on remonstrating against it, m answered by Kirk, who was supported by some of the troops, that if ha hadeufiered from the murderous hands of the Indians, as he (Kirk) had, that he (Sevier) would have acted in the name way. Sevier, unable to punish him, was obliged to overtook the flagitious deed, and acqniesqcd in the reply. . T '
"It is much to be regretted, that biatoir, in the pursuit of tratk, ]i obliged to record, to tbe shame and confusion of ourselves, a deed at - such superlative atrocity, perfidy, cowardice and inhumanity. Snnly "* ■omelhing is due to wounded feelings, and some allowance is tobemada for tlie conduct of men acting under the smart of great and recent inf* fering. But never should it be forgotten by an American soldier, tbat his honour must be unspotted ; that a noble generosity must be the ngK- lator of his actions ; that invidable fidelity^ in all that is promiaed IB
INVADES AND PUNISHES THE CHEROKEE8. 421
enemy, k a duty of fiacred obligation, and that a beneficent and delicate behaviour to his captive, is the brightest ornament of his character.
•'Suspicion, ever alive toward the conduct of military commanders, at- tributed to Colonel Sevier a voluntary absence, whilst many of those who were present, acquitted him of all presentiment of the horrid act Colonel Sevier never acted with cruelty before or since ; he often com- manded ; he was never accused of inhumanity ; he could not have fiven his consent on this occasion. Considering existing circumstances, e could not maintain as much authority now, as at other times ; he was routed, proscribed and driven from his home ; he took shelter amongst the frontier inhabitants, who now composed his little army ; he lelied upon them for safety ; they consulted only the exasperated feel- ingH of the moment, and had never been instructed in the rules of re- fined warfare.
^ Captain Gillespie, on arriving at the river, had also gone off with hii company in search of the enemy, by order of the commanding officer ; he went up the river on the south side, and crossed where the Indians were on the north ; he pursued them several miles and took some pack- borses ; on his return the Indians were everywhere in motion ; he re- moeaed the river to the south side, at the place where ho had just be- Jbre crossed. As he ascended the bank on the south side, ho saw an Indian named Alexander Mayberry, and hailed him, who stopped and gave up his gun, and surrendered himself a prisoner. Captain Gilles- pie then went towards the army which he had left, and as he proceeded, was met by a company of soldiers who insisted upon killing his prisoner. Captain Gillespie told them that he had taken the Indian a prisoner, and that he should not be killed whilst in his possession; they, still nenisting, and manifesting a determined purpose to put the prisoner to death, Gillospio dismounted from his hor>«e, and placing himself between Ihem and the Indian, cocked his gun, and gave them the most positive assurances that ho would instantly pour the contents of it into the heart ot that man who dared to fire up5n the Indian. The resolute air of his ooantenanco convinced them that he intended what he said ; they de- sisted and went off; he led his prisoner into camp, and delivered him to Colonel Se\'ier, who removed him to Hunter's station, whence he was sent home in safety.
" The massacre of Kirk's family was followed in quick succession by that of many others. A man of tlie name of English, was killed near Bean's station, and James Kirkpatrick between Beanos station and Hol- ■ton ; some were killed in the neighbourhood of Bull Run, and others at places north of Knoxville, and many others on tho roads to West Ten- nessee and Kentucky. The people were compelled to live in forts ; they bailt Houston's station, sixteen miles south of Knoxville, not far from the place where Miiryville now stiinds. General Martin sent a party to TCotcct tho inhabitants of the station, under the command of Major Thomas Stewart, which went to the station and garrisoned it.
**C«ptain John Fayno, with some enlisted men who conjposed apart of the guard under the conmiand of Captain Stewart, and some of the set- tlers who turned out with them, were sent out as scouts to reconnoitre tlie adjacent country ; they crossed the Tennessee River, and entered into
4Sd BtTicx) litraAT,
an apple orcbardf where careleeely i&ey began to gather the froit ;- fie Ltdiane were lying in wait, and nad 8iifR>red them to inarch into the ordiard without molestation. Whilst in the Act of gathering ihhlt^ tlie Indians surrounded Uiem, drove them into the river, kiUed sixte«i of tib whites dead on the ground, took one prisoner, and wonnded fofor^frhOf with diflSculty, efl^ted thair escape. The scene of this tragedy waii at a town called Sitico. Captain Evans raised thirty men, who, with Ite- sel^ lived a considerable distance from the place, and waa at it id fie evening of the third day. That night, being on the north baiiC of the Tennessee, they buried the dead whom they feund on tihat aide of the river, marched back about one mile and encamped on high gnMHd; Uajor Stewart came in also with the enlisted men of the atadon ; 4im were under his command, but th6 volunteer company was eidiwi?^ under that of Captain Evans. Next morning they croeaed the river ii the upper end of Ghota, and thence to Sitico, wh^re the massaen took place ; there they found one white man lying on his bad with hia bdjy ript open ; four men lying on a sand bar with their bdlitt abo ript 1^ and their bowels floating on the water; the head of one mm was eat ofl^ and his heart and bowels were torn out and striswed about bn tts ground; after burying the dead, they returned home. Saeh of ^ company in the orchard as survived the massacre^ had fled towMdi Enozville ; theses the Indians had pursued to irithin five mika of* tkit place, and in the pursuit killed a great part of theih. Ther then deftar* mined to attack liouston*s station, and with that view marched to ]t,M were beaten off by the garrisctn. Colonel Sevier was at this time wkUi twenty-five miles of the mouth of Holston, and was mvchiqg ditimi^ to the defence of Houston^s station, i^hich he had been informed the b- dians intended to reduce, but he bad not yet heard of the attack whidi they bad actually made upon it. He unexpectedly met one hundred cC the retreating Indians, fired upon tbem, compelled them to ^ve wjqr, and continued his march* to the station ; thence he immediately went home, and without delay convened Captain John Craig and his company ^ and one or two otber companies, and at the special request of Colonel Sevier, he was joined also by Captain Evans and his company, who wat^*^ requested to do so by an express sent for the purpose. Captain Evan^^ took post in the rear of the front guard : hs the army passed thronri^^ Sitico, Evans seeing an old Indian slip into a house between dayli«i^^ and sunrise, took with him John Ish, and rode up to the house, in whid^^ he 'saw sitting an old man, and upon dismounting and going intu^^ the house, saw in it two young Indian fellows, both of whom he and Wl^^ killed, and rejoined the ai-my. It marched constantly, and arrived at Chil-— ^ howee ; at this place they found Indians, had a skirmish with them,* kill— **" ing thirteen dead on the ground ; the whites receiving no damage on -^ their side ; they all returned homo in safety^ A few weeks after this, ^ Evans raised a volunteer company, and other Captains also raised com- ^^ panies to make an expedition into the Indian nation ; at their solicitation ^ Colonel Sevier took the command of them ; they crossed the Tennessee ^ River and went through Big Tellico town ; thence crossing the Unaca -^ mountain, they entered the Valley towns ; whilst the army marched on, -^ Captam Hubbard took ten men with him, and following a amaJl path, ^
AND OTHBR IMDIAN BATTLES* 428
tbej came to a house where were Beven or eight Indians, who ran out of the house, when the whites killed five of them, took one small prisoner, and returned to the army. When the army halted at noon, Captain E^ans discovered an Indian coming down the ridge ; he mounted his horse, and taking two or three men with him, rode towards the Indian ; be fired upon Evans and his men, the hall passing through the hunting ihirt of one of them, apd then ran to the foot of the hill, and charging his gun, gave them a second fire ; one of the white men fired at him, and shot off his fore-finger ; the Indian again charged his piece, but wh«n he attempted to prime, the 'blood ran so fast into the pan of the iire-lock that he coufd not effect it ; the whites rode up to him and shot lum down. Marching four miles farther, they encamped in hearing of tbe crowing of a cock, from a towji that was six miles long ; but per- eeivinff that the enemy had left it at the approach of the army, Sevier, with ue army, in the morning took a different route, wliich led them to the upper end of another town, where the corn was in the silk ; tlie whole of this the army cut down before them. The Indians kept up a constant lire, but the distance was too great to do it with any effect. Aher en- ounping here all night, Evans, with ten men, was sent to reconnoitre the confines of the camp ; on the top of a ridge he discovered the signs of Indians ; a large body of them had been there, and had thrown off their old moccasins and put on new ones ; he immediately gave intelligence iof this to the Colonel, and was ordered by him to keep the ridge till the ■uun bo^y should be ready to march. About one hundred Indians had Innied back, and others went on, to form an ambuscade in a narrow pas- wam ; the army followed upon their trail till it came in view of the place where it was thought they lay concealed ; tlie passage which the army hlMl to pass through, w&s one where tlie path was on the bank of the jsver, under a large cliff of rocks, for one quarter of a mile, which did Bot admit of more than one man abreast, followed by the others in In- dian file ; they had placed two hundred men on tlie south side of the river, ready to receive the whites had they attempted to cross ; one hun- dred in the front, one hundred in the rear, and three hundred amongst the rocks and chffs ; of the whites, the number was not more than one hundred and forty. The danger of marching through this passage was
e Viciously considered by Colonel Sevier as too great to be encountered the advantage to be attained, and he marched for the foot qf the jDoantain, where he crossed as he went out The army drove before it 4hree head of neat cattle, and proceeded with so much haste that one of the cattle tired and would go no further. Captain Evans marched in the rear, and having passed the summit of the mountain and proceeded abont two hundred yards down the other side of it, one of his men said that he had left his knife just before he crossed the top of the mountain, and he ran back for it ; when he got to the mountain top, he heard the Indians ascending on the side of the mountain up which the whites had jnst before come. Intelligence of their vicinity was immediately given to the Colonel : it was now between sunset and dark, and the army, before it could encamp safely, was obliged to travel ten miles to Big Tellico, where, on the plains, it encamped. Five hundred Indians fol- lowed until they came in view of the camp, and there, their courage &il-
424 8PENGER IflSUKS A WAERANT AOAllTBT SBVIB&y
ipgpthey retired. The next day the troops cTOBsed Tennessee, and M-
turned home."
\ The order given by Governor Johnston to Judge Camp- bell, to issue a bench warrant against . Sevier, was not obeyed by that officer. His past relations with the 6overn<» of Franklin, and his own agency in several transactions of that government, made him unwilling, if he wa^ not other- wise incapacitated, to execute that duty. But Spencer, one of the principal Judges of North-Carolina, held, by autho^ ity of that state, in conjunction with Campbell, a Superior Court at Jonesboro', and there issued the warrant against Sevier, for the crime of high treason. Ever since his defeat at Tipton's, that brave and patriotic citizen had been in the constant performance of the most brilliant actions, of great utility to his countrymen. He was amongst the frontier peo- ple who adored him. He had, by nature, a talent for acqai- ring popular favour. It was natural for him to travel in the paths which led to it. To him it was no secret, that in a republican government, where the democratic principle is a main ingredient in its composition, the love of the people is substantial power. He had a friendly demeanour, a capti- vating address, and, to crown all, he was a soldier. With such qualities, he could not fail to catch the prepossessions of the people ; to attach them to his interests, and to mould them to the furtherance of his designs. The beloved man of the populace is always distinguished by a nick-name; Nollicliuckij Jack was the one they gave him. Whenever, at future elections, that name was pronounced, it had the effect of electrical power, in prostrating the pretensions of every opposing candidate. Sevier was generous, liberal and hospitable. The people of North-Carolina valued his good qualities, and had no disposition to dwell upon his late errors with any malevolence. As the government of North-Caro- lina was now submitted to universally, they wished not to inflict punishment upon any for the part they had taken in the late troubles. As he easily forgave in others, the offences committed against him, he had not any suspicion that he was not as readily forgiven. He was elevated, by his merits, in the public esteem ; he knew not what it was
WHO IB APPSBHENDIDt 496
to repine at the prosperity of others. JBut he had not learned that he, who was rendered eminopt by his services, is the last to be pardoned for his faults ; and that a repetition of meri- torious actions, like oil thrown upon the fire, so far from ex- tinguishing, actually aggravates the angry passions which are roused against him.*
Sevier, in the meantime, after his return from the frontier, appeared openly in all public places, and was present at Jonesboro, where General Martin held a council of the mi- litia officers. During the d&y, some of the court, and Sevier, had an altercation, which revived past difficulties between some of the officers and the ex-governor. They had separated apd left town. After Sevier started, Caldwell, with whom he had quarrelled, went to Tipton, and in going and returning, eollected eight or tep men, with whom he went in pursuit of Sevier. Arriving at the house where Colonel Love lodged, he went with them to Colonel Robinson's, where General Martin and Major King were. Tipton there had a close search made for Sevier, supposing that, as there was a good understanding between Robinson and him, the latter might be there. The pursuers then went to the widow Brown's, where Sevier was. Tipton and the party with him, rushed forward to the door of common entrance. It was about sun- rise. Mrs. Brown had just risen. Seeing a party with arms at that early hour, well acquainted with Colonel Tipton, probably rightly apprehending the cause of this visit, she aat herself down in the front door, to prevent their getting into the house, which caused a considerable bustle between her and Colonel Tipton. Sevier had slept near one end of the bouse, and on hearing a noise, sprung from his bed, and looking through a hole in the door-side, saw Colonel Love ; upon which, he opened the door and held out his hand, say- ing to Colonel Love, / surrender to you. Colonel Love led him to the place where Tipton and Mrs. Brown were con- tending about a passage into the house. Tipton, upon seeing Sevier, was greatly enraged, and swore that he would hang him. Tipton held a pistol in his hand, sometimes swearing he would shoot him, and Sevier was really afraid that he would pat his threat into execution. Tipton at length be-
•Hajwood.
uviBE TMom A namanm v»
e&me ealm, and ordered Sevier to gM his heme, foci^hat ke wonld earry him to Jone8boro\ Seviitfr pressed Cokviiel Love to go with him to Jonesboro*, which the latter eoBr sented to do. On the way, he requested of Cdlonel Lore to use his inflaence that he might be imprisoned in Jonesbo- ro', and that he might not be sent over the meantaiM into North-Carolina. Colonel Love remonstrated to' him against , an imprisonment in Jonesboro*, forv said he^ Tip- ton will place a strong gaard around ]rou Acre ; yoorfiiendi will attempt a rescue, and bloodshed wiH be the rssult. Se- vier urged that he would persuade ^ his friends to peaoenbis measures» and "expressisd great reluctance at the idea of beiic taken ftom his family and friends. As soon as Atj ai^ rived at Jonesboro*, Tipton ordered iron hand^fih to be put on him, which was accordingly done. He then eaiv ried the Governor by the residence of Colonel Love^ and that of the widow Pugh, whence he went home, leaving Sevier in the cijstody of the deputy sheriff and two other men, wHli orders to carry him to Morganton, and lower down, if -be thought it necessary. Colonel Love travelled with him tDl late in the evening, and was requested by the^Croveraor to send down to his wife, ^and let her know of his situation, with a request to her to send some clothes to him, and some mo- ney. * Next morning, James Love, the brother of the colonel, was dispatched with this message to Mrs. Sevier ; she trans- mitted to her husband the necessaries he wanted. A few days afterwards, James and John Sevier, sons of the Grovernor, to- gether with Mr. Cozby, Major Evans, and some few others, were seen by Colonel LoVe, following the way the guard had gone. Before Colonel Love h.ad left the guard, they had, at his request, taken off the irons of their prisoner. The nest morning he attempted to make his escape, but the guard overtook him, and one of them, George French, shot at him with a pistol as the horses were running, before they stopped him. The friends of Sevier say that French had it in charge to kill him, and intended to execute his commission, and that on the Iron Mountain, on their way to North-Carolina, Gor- ley, another of the guard, informed Sevier of the order and intention of French, upon which he endeavoured to make
Ain> IS PURSUED AND KflSOUKD. 427
m
his escape ; that in his flight, he became entangled in trees and brush, thrown down by a hurricane, and «could proceed no further, when French came up, and fired a pistol at his face, which fortunately did him no harm, except burning him with the powder. The bullet had slipped out of the pistol unknown to French. The guard proceeded with him to Morganton, where they delivered him to William Morrison, the thep high sheriff of Burke county. As the guard passed through the settlement of the McDow- ells, in Burke county, General McDowell and General Jo- seph McDowell, the latter of whom had been in service with him, and fought by his side in several perilous battles, and the former of whom had, a few years since, fled from the tenemy in his own neighbourhood, aiid taken shelter under tiie roof of Sevier, both followed him immediately to Mor- ganton, and there became his securities for a few days, until he could go down and see a brother-in-law, who lived in that county. Agreeable to his promise, he returned punctually. The sheriff then, upon his own reponsibility, let him have a ftw days more to visit his friends and acquaintances. By "this time, his two sons, with Cozby, Evans, and others, came into Morganton, without any knowledge of the people there, who they were, or what their business was. On striking the Wttlements on the east side of the mountains, they had sepa- tated, and had come into town singly. Court was, at that time, sitting in Morganton, and they were with the peo- pie, generally, without suspicion. At night, when the court hroke up and the people dispersed, they, with the Governor, .pushed forward towards the mountains with the greatest ra- pidity, and before morning arrived at them, and were beyond the reach of any who might think proper to pursue them.
To this account of the capture and rescue of Sevier, as copied from Haywood, it may be added, that besides James Sevier, John Sevier, Doctor James Cozby, and Majoi' Evans, tts above mentioned, Jesse Greene and John Gibson made up the party who pursued and re-captured their old com- mander, and effected his restoration to his incensed country- men. Evans had been one of the Governor's favourite mili- tuy officers ; all the rest had been comrades in arms, and
4SB -BoiiAiiTic mfesooa or bwibb.
were warm personal friends. Cozby, in all his oampaigns» bad served with, or ander him ; not onl; as a tried soldier, bat as the bold and skilful sorgeon. Further particnlarain ih6 rescue of Sevier, are derived from one colHrersant with all the. actors :
** In a lucklen hoar, the pnitssnt Governor . of ihe western* wilds, whoss prowew was known and acknowledged, from Wataogpi to ths Chafttsr nooga Mountain, was seized bv an armed posse, and oonveyed iato ihs * seUlement^**on a charge of high treason against the^ St^ dt TSMhr -Carolina. Had the destroying angel passed throngh the Isnd, sid destroyed the first bom in every aecticfti, the feelings of the. hardj ftoa- tiennen wonld-not have been more incensed ; had the du^ and wtr* riors of the whole Cherokee nation fidlen npon, and botchered the d^ fenceless settlers, the feelhig of retaliatwn and revenge would nidi haie been more deeplv awakened in th<dr bosoms. Thqr had snflbred wifli him ; they had longht under him ; with them, be ha4 shsred the dsos*
Sirs and and privations of a frontier life, and a sav«^ warfers; Sfhd ey were not the spirits to remsin inactive, when thev ftmid was in danger. The chivalry of the countiy gatberedi tmether ; a nmnber tf men were^selet^ to fly to the rescue ; armed to the teethe those diinit- less sons of the woods crossed the monntsins, determined to rescue their beloved commander, or leave their bones to bleach upon 'the sand-Ub ef North-Carolina, a proud memento of the childrNl of the West & wss ascertained that the trial was to take place at Morganton, ^atoi fiiitber this daring band bent their eager steps. Their plan was, tocln tain bis release by stratai^cni, and if that failed, the next step was, to fire the town, and in the hurry and confusion, burst the prison doors by ferce, and make their escape. Prolmbly, at no time before, had ths quiet town of Morganton assumed such an air of excitement and inter- est, an the present ; for the fame of the unfortunate prisoner had gone before him, and the novelty of the scene had drawn together a huge crowd.
** The Franks had approached as near to the town as they deemed it prudent, where four of them concealed themselves near the road^ while two of their number, James Cozby and Nathaniel Evans, went forward into the town. They rode to a convenient distance from the court house, tied their horses to a limb of a tree, near to which they hid their rifles, and boldly entered the town, their capacious hunting shirts concealing the side arms they had prepared in case of need. Soon they had mingled with the crowd, and easily passed off for countrymen, at* tracted there by common curiosity. Evans had taken charge of General Sevier^s celebrated race mnre, and led her up in front of the court house door, the bridle carelessly thrown over her head ; he was, appa- rently, an unconcerned spctator of passing events. Cosby entered the house, and there, arraigned at the bar, sat the object of their soliciti!kde ; there he eat, as firm and undaunted as when charging the hosts of Wy- uca on the Lookout Mountain.
Slowly he turned his head, and their eyes met ; Sevier knew the
HE ESCAPES WITHOUT PURSUIT. 429
cue was at hand, but he was restrained from any outward demonstra- tiOD, by a«ignificant shake of Cozby's head ; but it could not ])reventtlie tear of gratitude, for ho knew there were daring spirits near, that would peril their life's blood in his defence. During a ])ause in the trial, Cozby stepped forward in front of the Judge, and in that quick and en- ergetic tone, so peculiar to him, asked the Judge if he wjis done with that man ? The question, manner and tone, caused every jHirsoQ to start, to cast their eyes on tlie speaker, then on the Judge, all in amaze- ment In the meantime, Sevier had cimght a glimjwe of his favourite mare standing at the door ; taking advantage v*f the confusion, he made one spring to Uie door ; the next, he was safely in the saddle, and with the speed of thought, was borne from the wondering crowd. *Yes,' cries a waggish voice, * Til be damned if you ain't done with him.* His comrades were not slow to follow in his wake, and, although imme- diate pursuit was made, a few minutes brought him to the main body, who, with one wild shout of victory, closed in the rear, and bore him on in triumph. That night they rested at the house of a friend, about twenty miles distant ; from whence they made an easy journey to their bomes, content that they had gained a bloodless victory."*
Morganton, the place where this rescue of the late Go- Teroor of Franklin was so gallantly made, was the seat of justice for JBurke county, N. C, and had been selected for the trial of the prisoner, as being the most convenient and accessible court in that state, and beyond the limits of the late Franklin jurisdiction ; the authorities wis^ely concluding, that at home Sevier could not be successfully prosecuted. The cl^ange of venue, however, operated nothing in favour of the prosecution. Burke had been a strong whig County in the revolutionary war, and nowhere were whig princi- ples, whig sacrifices, and whig efforts, held in higher esteem, or more properly appreciated. The McDoweH\s, McGimp- sie's, Alexander's, and all the whigs of that neighbourhood, had witnessed, and still gratefully recollected, the timely mccour and substantial aid rendered to them, a -d to their cause, in the hour of trial, by Sevier and his countrymen. He was now a prisoner in their midst, charged with the highest offence known to the laws ; they knew him to be a patriot, in exile and distress ; they felt for his sufferings, and sympathized in his fallen fortunes. These noble patriots of North-Carolina, while sensible that the majesty of law had been offended, were yet unwilling that its penalty should be
*MaDi»eript of Wmiam Smith.
410 OOMVIVTKMI nans TO VMM
enforced^ or that Sevier slioiild be mads iti victim* Th^' stood around the court yard ia approving rilenoe^ witneanodi and connived at the rescue, and discountenanced pursdil.
The capture and brief expatriation of Sevier, served oalj; . to awaken in his behalf the higher appreoiation of hia mt^ vices, and a deeper conviction of his olaims to. the esteem and consideration of his countrymen. His returti was eveij* where greeted with enthusiasm and joy.
In the meantime^ an amendment, or radical alfeCBaliai «f the existing Articles of Confederation, had beoome obvious^' necessary, and was demanded by the cbndituui of lUngSi tHk aU sections of the countiy. Apavtfcom tlii» geaarai^misMaf . ration of the mined commerce and emb»nrasfed revoauei cf the Confederacy, there were other and more locfd miini8% which convinced Congress, and the Amdrioaa peqphh oC tkM necessity of this reorganization of their form of govenuMpt Of these, none, perhaps, had had greater influeliciB tlum tiw formidable insurrection in Massachusetts^ wEioh, in ItNf; threatened not only the destruction of the goveraAent of thist' state, but of the Union, ^he spirit of insurrection wai not' oodSned to Massachusetts alone, but was maniftsted by pais tial risings in New-Hampshire and Cbbnecticut**
The withdrawal of some of the western counties of North- Carolina, from the jurisdiction of the parent state, had oc- curred previous to these insurrections in New-England. Aris- ing as it did from other and far different causes, and resulting in the formation of a temporary state organization, it scarce- ly deserves to be classed with that of Massachusetts as an insurrection. Occurring, however, at a time when the fo- reign relations of the United States, and the negotiation especially with Spain, had prodaced a general discontent in the West, it served to render more evident the necessity oC* remodeling and enlarging the powers of the General Grovem- ment. A Convention was held for this purpose, consisting^ of delegates appointed by the states, who convened at Phila- ^ delphia, May, 1787. Of this body George Washington was ^ elected, unanimously. President. A new system of govern- ""^ ment was at length formed, which the Convention recom- ''^
THB 001I9TITUTI0N OF UVITBD fTATEf. 481
mended should be submitted for ratification to the respective states.
The new system encountered opposition formidable and
persevering, — North-Carolina withholding her tfssent until
i ^^^^^'^ amendments could be obtained. This rejec-
( tion of the Constitution was made by the Convention
of North-Carolina, assembled at Hillsboro', in which the
western counties were represented.
Another Convention was soon after called, to deliberate i upon the proposed constitution of the United States. ( All now saw the necessity of a radical reform. De<- pQties were elected favourable to the new constitution, and, on the 2l8t of November, 1789, it was adopted and ratified hf the people of North-Carolina, in convention assembled at F&yettevUle.
The Assembly of North-Carolina, which met at Fayette* ville, extended the act of pardon and oblivion to such- of thoie who had taken part in the Franklin revolt, as chose to avail themAlves of its provisions. But, at the same time, it waa distinctly provided, ** that the benefit of this act should not entitle John Sevier to the enjoyment of any office of pro- fit, of honour or trust, in the State of North-Carolina, but that he be expressly debarred therefrom."
An enactment of this kind may have been due to thq aapremacy of law. It was in exact conflict, however, with the wishes and voice and decision of the people. Public sentiment, even in high places^ demanded its inunediate re- peal. Sevier was technically an insurgent. In all respects, he was a lover of his country, and had entitled himself to its highest honours and its richest rewards. His countrymen ooold not spare him from their military service ; they would not refuse him employment in their civil affairs. At the time of the annual election in August, of the next year, after the legislative infliction of these disabilities, the people of Greene county called upon Sevier to represent them in the Senate of North-Carolina. He was elected, it need not be ailded, without difficulty. At the appointed time, November 2, 1789, he attended at Fayetteville, but waited a few days before he took his seat. During this interval, the Assembly
438 4nmBR'« miABiLiTnBi smonoD.
pasied an act, repealing the clause of a fofmer ael* ez- clading him from holding any office of honour, profit or tnut. During the debate on the resolntiony adqoitting Sevier of the alleged treason, and restoring him to the rights of citizen* ship, Mr. Amy, the member from Hawkins ttmDtj, warmly urged the passage of the bill. In doing so, he gave offence to Colonel Tipton, the member from Washington eonnty. ' A ' rencoanter was prevented with difltonlty, and the debate postponed till the following day. The evening was qiient tin reconciling the disputants, and Mr.'Rdddy, another manbsr from Greene, reprimanded Amy for using langoage ob1c»> lated to initate Colonel Tipton, and begged him tkereaftMr to pursue a course which would *^ soothe his Ibeliags.* It was finally concluded, that on the nMt day, OokMlel Rodd^ should conduct the debate, as least liiiely to give ^momy^ • Accordingly, when the debate Was resnmed, C<rionel RodHy began his speech, but had not proceeded far» whenOokiMl' Tipton bcicame infbriated, sprang from hie seial^ aadl eeited' Roddy by the throat. At this moment, Mr. Ai%e«ied onlr'- tb Roddy, ** Sbothe him, c<^nel, soothe liimP The parties were soon separated, but a challenge to mortal eooAat w>ae the consequence. By the interference of mutual friends, the difGculty was honourably accommodated.* The resolation under debate was adopted, and Sevier took his seat, after having taken the usual oath of allegiance to North-Caio- lina. Some days after. General Davie introduced a resola- tion to enquire into the conduct of the senator from Greene. It was well known that the proposition would notbeTavour- ably received, and, to the great -satisfaction of the mover, the motion for enquiry was laid upon the table. h
During this session, Sevier was reinstated in the command he had held before the Franklin revolt, of brigadier-general for all the western counties, and laws were passed confirma- tory of administrations granted by the Franklin courii, and legalizing marriages celebrated under the authority df that government.
The General Assembly, in apportioning the representatives
* Letter of Lnae Lane.
BEVIER ELECTED TO UNITED STATES CONGRESS. 438
from North-Carolina to the Congress of the United States, divided the State into four Congressional Districts — the 178a } westernmost of which, embraced all her territory west ( of the Alleghanies. From this district, John Sevier was elected, and he is thus the first member of Congress from the great Valley of the Mississippi. The election was to be held on the second Monday and Tuesday in March, and certificates of the returning officers were to be brought to the house of James White, in Hawkins county, now Knox- ville, and be there compared by the Clerk of the Superior Coart of Washington District, who was, for the convenience of these remote counties, to attend at that place for that pur- pose. His certificate to the candidate having the greatest number of votes, entitled the member to the commission of theGovemor ; and on this certificate, Ex-Governor Sevier was commissioned as the representative elect from Washington District, then .embracing all the territory of the present State of Tennessee. It is believed that he was elected, without a competitor or rival. Every voter nearly, on Cum- berland and Holston, knew him and voted for him.
••Wednesday, June 16th, 1790, John Sevier, another mem- ber from North-Carolina, appeared and took his seat."*
The government of Franklin had ceased to exist since 17S8 ( March 1st, of this year, and this might appear ( to be the place and point of time in these Annals, to suspend the history of settlements formed under that dynasty. Inasmuch, however, as lands acquired under its treaties and occapied under its laws, never did belong to the jurisdiction of North-Carolina, the incidents connected with their settle- ment, up to the treaty of Holston, may be better detailed here than in any other connection.
It has been heretofore mentioned, that the General Assem- bly of North-Carolina, at its session of 1 783, had designated the boundaries of the Cherokee hunting grounds — making the Holston, the French Broad and Big Pigeon Rivers, a part 4}t these boundaries. The next year, the people of Washing- tioiiy Greene and Sullivan counties, withdrew from their
* Annalt of Congreis, by Jot. Qalet, toI. ii,p. If40. 28
484 CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE SOUTH OF FKCHCE
allegiance to North-Carolina, renounced her jurisdiction orer them, and formed themselves into a separate and distinct government. Under that organization, they proceeded to exercise all the functions of a sovereign state, and amongs others, that of negotiating with the Indian tribe adjoining; and of acquiring, by treaty with them, a larg^e addition to their territory. The lands thus obtained by the treaty of Dumplin, and afterwards enlarged and confirmed by svim- quent stipulations made at Coyatee, were soon taken into possession and settled under the authority of Franklin; which proceeded to organize the territory, thus acquired, into the new county of Sevier, with its courts, its military organi- zation, and a representation in the Legislature, apon the same footing of the older counties. We have traced the rise^ pro- gress and fall of Franklin. At the period of its dissolution we are presented with the strange spectacle ofacoanlj, settled, organized and governed, suddenly dissociated, and M beyond the jurisdiction and protection of any power known to the laws of North-Carolina — forsaken and disowned. Hie land embraced within the limits of Sevier county, of Frask* lin, had not been acquired by treaty or otherwise, nnder tk laws of North-Carolina ; the inhabitants, according* to her law designating the Indian hunting grounds, were there contrary to her laws and to the provisions of her treaty stipulating the Cherokee boundaries. In a political point of view, Sevier county and its inhabitants were known only as part of the State of Franklin. That state no longer existed, and they were now considered as trespassers upon Indian lands; in violation of the laws of North-Carolina, beyond the pale of its government, the influence of its judiciary, or the pro- tection of its military power. In this dilemma, the people gave another instance of their law-abiding character, and of their capacity to govern themselves. Sensible, that in their peculiar situation, they were exposed to the evils re- sulting from anarchy and violence, they determined to guard against and prevent them. Measures were at once adopted to frame a temporary form of government, suited to the exi- gencies of the occasion. It is not now known who were prominent in giving vitality to this new organization, who
BROAD AND WEST OF PIOBOK. 485
was the President of the Board or its Clerk, nor to whom the other principal offices under it were assigned. It is well as- certained, however, that under its provisions, order, law, right and justice, were maintained. Ne well's Station had been the seat of justice for Sevier county, under the Franklin dynasty, and it is believed under the new order of things, be* came the seat of the Committee's authority, as it was the centre of the territory over which its jurisdiction extended.
ARTICLES OP ASSOCIATION.
We. the subscribers, inhabiting south of Holston, French Broad and Big Pigeon Rivers, by means of the division and anarchy that has of late prevailed within the chartered limits of North Carolina, west of th^ Apafaehian Mountains, being at present destitute of regular government and laws, and being fully sensible that the blessings of nature can only be obtained and rights secured by regular society, and North-Carolioji not having exteiiled her government to this quarter, it is rendered ab- solutely necessary, for the preservation of peace and good order, and tlM security of life, hberty and property to individuals, to enter into tbt ftUowinff social compact, as a temporary expedient against greater evilt :
Artick L That the Constitudon and Laws of ^orth-Carolina shall be adopted, and that every person within the bounds above mentioned^ ahall be subject to the penalties inflicted by those laws for the violatiom thereof
Article IL That the officers appointed under the authority of Frank- lin, either dvil or military, and who have taken the oaths of office, ahall continue to exercise the duties of such office, as &r as directed and empowered by these Articles, and no further, and shall be accountable to the people or their deputies for their conduct in office.
Article IlL That militia companies, as now bounded, shall be consid- ered as districts of the above territory, and each district or militia com- pany shall choose two members to represent them in a General Commit- tee, who shall have power to choose their own president and derk, to meet on their own adjournments, and the president shall have power ta convene the Committee at any time when the exigencies of afiairs re- quire their meeting, and shall have power to keep order and to causa rales of decorum to be observed, in as fiill a manner as the president of any other convention whatever. And in all cases of mal-ad ministra- tion, or neglect of duty in any officer, the party grieved shall appeal to the Committee, or a majority of them, who shall be competent to form a board for business. And upon such application, the Committee shall cense the parties to come before them, and after examining carefully into the nature of the offence, shall have power to deprive of office, or publicly reprimand the offender, as the demerit of the crime may da- aerre, or otherwise to acquit the party accused, if found not guilty.
Aiticle IV. Where vacancies happen in the military department, tha shall be filled up by election, as heretofore useo, and the officea
thiN elactsd duU be the reputed offieen of mdi reg^nMot or o t$ tbe case may be, and ahaU be accountable to tba Conumttaa tar tl ' eoodnct aa other offioen.
Artii:!.; V. Tlie civil officers -^ball bnve power to take cogniaance of breaches of tbi: peace or criniioal offences, and where any person is convict!^ of nn offence not capital, the officer before whom such oflender U convicted, Bbnll immediately inflict the punisbment directed by law for ■uch oSence. But where tbe crirne is capital, the officer shall send such criminal, ti^ther with the evidence for or against him or them, to the nigheit joatice of the pe-ace for Norlb-I^arolina, there to be dealt with according to law ; but no civil officer ihall decide upon caaes of debt, •lander, or the right of properl]'.
Article VI. Militia officers shall have power to collect their regiments or respective companies, emergencies making it necessary, and in ease of invasion by the common enemy, shall call out tbcir companies regu- larly by divisions, and each militia man shall give obedience to the ciim- mands of his officer, as is required bv law, or otherwise be subject to tho penalties afGxed by law for such neglect or refusal, at the judgment of a court martial.
Article VII, And, wherea*, it is not improbable that many horM thieves and fugitives from justice may come from different parts, ex- pecting an asylum amongst us, as we are destitute of a regular govern- ment and laws by which tbey may bo punished, each and every of us do oblige ourselves to aid and assist the officers of the different stale or ■tales, or of the United States, or any description of men sent by them, lo apprehend such bor^e thief or fugitive from justice. And if any of the above characters should now be lurking amongst us, or shall hereafter be discovered to have taken refuge in this quarter, we do seve- rally bind ourselves, by the sacred ties of honour, to give infbrroatjoa to that state or government from which they have fled, bo that they may . be apprehended and brought to justice.
Article VIU. United application shall be made to the next sowon of tbe Assembly of North-Carolina to receive us into their protecdoD, and to bestow upon us the blessings of government.
Article IX. The captains of the respective militia companies ahatl each of them procure a copy of these Articles, and after calling the com- pany together for the purpose, shall read them, or cause them to be reoa, distinctly to said company; and each militia man, or houaebolder, after hearing them read, if he approve of Lhem, shall subscribe bis nanM to the articles, aa a proof of his willingneas to subject himself to tbero ; and said Articles shall be tbe temporary form of government until we are received into the protection of North' Carolina, and no longer.
In several of the provisions of these Articles there may be traced a strong resemblance to those cf the Watauga Asso> ciation. They were, probably, copied mainly Irom diem. North-Carolina never took these people onder her protec- tion or jurisdiction, and the Association proved to be a good
YIKDICATION 07 FRAMKLIV. 487
flabstitute for a more formal and perfect system of govern- ment. This regime continued till after the country became the Territory of the United States south of the River OhiOi and was then provided for, as the county of Sevier, in 1794.
VINDICATION OF FR^LNKLIN.
This may be considered as the finale of Franklin, and the ( proper place, therefore, to introduce a closing remark ( upon that anomaly. In speaking of it, terms dave been used requiring qualification, which, without interrupt- ing the current narrative, could not be elsewhere given. Insurrection, revolt, dismemberment, defection, as here used, need to be explained, when applied either to those of the western people, who separated from the parent state, or those of them who afterwards renounced the new govern- ment. In either case, the action of the parties need not be ascribed to fickleness of purpose or bad faith, much less to disloyalty to their proper rulers, or insubordination to regular government and law. In vindication of those who once appeared on the side of Franklin, and now on the side of North-Carolina, it has been well remarked by Haywood : ** That the face of affairs was quite different at the time of the Convention which resolved upon independence, and the Aatumnof 1786. Before this juncture there was no govern- mental head to which the people of the western counties could carry their complaints. In 1784, it is true, the Assem- bly which^assed the Cession act, retained the sovereignty and jurisdiction of North-Carolina in and over the ceded territory, and all the inhabitants thereof, until the United States, in Congress, should have accepted the cession. Yet, in reality, so long as the Cession act continued unrepealed, North-Carolina felt herself as much estranged from the inhabi- tants of the western comities, as she was to any other state or territory in the Union; until induced by the bonds of federalism, and a common interest so far as concerned their external rela- tions with the other nations of the globe, but wholly uncon- nected, so far as regarded their internal regulations and en- gagements. And as any one state was not obliged, by the nature of her Federal duties, to advance monies for the main-
488 INBABITANTS PUB8UB A WAOSriO
tenance of another in the possession of her rights, bat throiq^ the intervention of all in Congress assembled ; so neither did North-Carolina conceive herself bound to exert her strength and resources for the defence of tbe western cooii- ties, unless lA the proportion for which she was liable to other Federal contributions. It was in vain, then, to solicit her interference in behalf of the western counties^ so long as the Cession act subsisted, but when that was repealed, and the precipitancy of the western people obliterated, it cannot be a matter of surprise that well-meaning: and intel* ligent people would, thenceforward, deem it their duty to return to their dependence on North-Carolina."
In behalf of those who sustained the separation from Korth-Carolina until 1788, it may be further added, that ia withdrawing from the parent state and establishing: a separ rate government, the secessionists believed that the coarse adopted by them would least imperfectly preserve quiet ami erder^ under the circumstances in which the Cession act had placed them. Their course was pacific and conservative^ and at first, united and harmonized all. Nothing destructive or revolutionary, much less belligerent, was intended or con- templated. In 1784, the Confederacy had derinonstrated the inadequacy of that organization as a permanent system of General Government. The transfer by North-Carolina of her western counties to Congress, at that time imbecile and powerless, even over the original confederated states, and the novelty of the experiment, had produced alarm, excited ap- prehension and aroused a deep discontent in the new settle- ments. And, perhaps, these could have been quieted and appeased, as eflfectually, in no other way as the temporary assumption and exercise of the power of separate and dis- tinct self government
Again. Heretofore, no instance had presented itself, of the formation of an independent state from the territory em- braced within the boundaries of a political sovereignty. The process of separation, and the mode of accomplishing it, were all new and unattempted, alike by the people, and the State and General Governments. Now, when the creation of these new political organizations has become matter of frequent
AHD CONSBRVATIVB POLIOT. 480
occurrence, and plain and easy by its successful trial and repetition, we can see little or no cause, why the subject should have then been viewed as embarrassed with inhe- rent difficulties. But, let it be remembered, that ** in the Ar- ticles of Confederation, no provision was made for the crea- tion or admission of new states. Canada was to be admitted of right, on her joining in the measures of the United States ; and the other colonies^ at the discretion of nine states. The eventual establishment of new states, seems to have been entirely overlooked by the compilers of that instrument.^^ The inconvenience of this omission in the Articles of Con- federation, was most Apparent, and it may be well ques- tioned whether the Congress of the Confederacy could, without an assumption of power, have given to the peopje of the territory, ceded in 1784, a form of state governiiient, such as was guaranteed to them by the provisions of the constitution of North-Carolina.
¥nder this view of the subject, it is not strange that the Cession Act was followed by dissatisfaction and revolt ia the western counties. Their people had been represented in the state convention of 1776, and it had been probably at the instance of their own delegates in that body, that the jMTOvision was then made, " for the establishment of one or more governments westward of this state, by consent of the legislature.'' Indeed, it may be well questioned, whether, with this provision in the Bill of Rights, precedy^g the Constitu- tion itself, the act of Cession was not unauthorized and in- valid.
Be that as it may, the cession of her western territory by North-Carolina to Congress, as it was, under the Articles of Confederation in 1 784, was obviously inexpedient and impolitic. And it was not till the adoption of the Federal Constitution, of 17S8, that this measure became either wise or practicable. This did not escape the discernment of the malcontent but virtuous and patriotic people of Franklin, when the new state ceased to be ; and they returned to their allegiance to the mother state. This event was not unexpected by its most
* Mr. HadisoD, in the Federaliti.
440 irO TEMDSHOT TO EADI0ALI81I,
Steadfast friends and snpporterSy nor were its effects to be deplored. It resulted from no legislative error or want of executive skill, no fickleness of popular sentiment^ no defect of public virtue.
Every review of the conduct of both parties in the disa^ fee ted counties, from 1784 to 1788, reflects honour upon their patriotism, their moderation, their love of order and their virtue. No other instance is recollected, in which two an- tagonistic governments existed so long over the same peo- ple, with so little anarchy, so little misrule* so little violence. A period of nearly four years was passed, under two politieal systems of gpvernment, each having 'its separate Executive^ State Council, Legislature and Judiciary; each its own county and military organizations, its own partisans and adherents. And amidst all the rivalry, and faction, and mal- content, and conflict, personal and oflicial, which must have arisen from this unexampled condition of things, the annalist has to record .but two deaths, almost no bloodshed, and .little violation of the right of property. Private rigbta were held sacred and inviolable. If, in the collisiont between the oflicers of the two governments, an occasional feat in pugilism occurred, resulting in a trifling mutilation of one or both of the combatants, there followed less of acri- mony, unmanly revenge and pitiful spite, than is produced by the disreputable squabbles of the aspirants and functionaries of the present d|»y — members of the same government, and united under the same constitution and laws. In all that was done in Franklin, we are unable to detect any tendency to radicalism. In their warmest aspirations for self-govern- ment and independence, there cannot be found one feature of modern agrarianism or the prostration of all law, but only a disposition to protect themselves from violence and aggres- sion, and possible danger to their rights.
This is not the judgment of a partial annalist. It can be sustained by the testimony of competent tribunals, east and west of the Alleghanies. Their decisions shall be briefly stated*
The formation of a new state was only a question as to time. In all the letters, manifestos and proclamations of the Governor of the parent state, the separation is spoken of as not only right in itself, but desirable, and, at the proper time.
OR PROSTRATION OF ALL LAW. 441
expedient. Governor Martin, in 1785, speaking of the sepa- ration, says : '* Which, in time, no doubt, would have been granted by consent ;" and again : " when a separation might take place to mutual advantage and satisfaction, on an honourable footing ;" and again : ** until the consent of the legislature be fully and constitutionally had for a separate sovereignty and jurisdiction.'* Governor Caswell, in his let- ter to General Shelby, in 1787, says: ** Whenever unanimity prevails among your people, and their strength and numbers will justify an application for a separation, if it is general, I have no doubt of its taking place upon reciprocal and honourable terms." And again, in his letter to Governor Sevier, of April 24, 1787 : '* You may rely upon it, that my sentiments are clearly in favour of a separation, whenever the people to be separated think themselves of sufficient strength and abilities to support a government.'* And again, in bis proclamation "to the people of the seceding counties, in urging them to union amongst themselves, he reminds them that the "General Assembly have told you, whenever your wealth and numbers so much increase, as to make a sepa- ration necessary, they will be willing the same shall take place upon friendly and reciprocal terms. Is there an indi- Tidaal in your country who does not look forward, in expec- tation of such a day's arriving ? If that is the case, must not every thinking man believe that this separation will be soonest and most effectually obtained by unanimity ?" And adds : ** I have no doubt the same may be obtained upon the prindiples held out by the Assembly. Nay, it is my opinion that it may be obtained at an earlier day than some imagine, if unanimity prevailed amongst you." And again : ** I flat- ter myself that the Assembly will be disposed to do what is just and right, and what sound policy may dictate."
So general was the sentiment, even in North-Carolina, in favour of the separation, and so little inclination there, to prevent it by legislative interference, that the General As- sembly,, though convened by the Proclamation of the Go- vernor and Council, "failed to meet." Such was the decision of the people of North-Carolina, east of the mountain, on the abstract question of a new state west of it. A like
44s axirsRAL PUBLio snTunnrr _
opinion was entertained by Dr. Franklin, and other statet- men abroad. As to the time and the mode of a measur^ of sach magnitude, there could not be expected to be entire unft- nimity — there never is— there never will be. Those adopted, in 1784, at first as has been seen, gave very gweral satii- taction, and harmonized the community most directly inter* ested, as being the best time and manner of providing th^ least objectionable measures to quiet the discontented ao^ aggrieved citizens of the ceded country. Was the revolt <f^ 1784 justifiable — was it wise— was it patriotic — did it ^it9'^ vent greater evils — would a different policy have secure^^ greater good, or produced better results T may be questioDtf^A of difiicult solution. However these may be answered^ verdict of the contemporaries of the revolters has ever in their favour, vindicating their patriotism and asserting integrity of their motives. Those most active, and deter-^""^ mined, and steadfast in the revolt, were, and never ceased be, the greatest favourites of their countrymen, public sentiment is seldom wrong — ^it never condemns th&JP^ innocent — it rarely vindicates the guilty. While it nevei^K^' screens the wilful offebder, it excuses or palliates nninten^-^^^ tional error. It always sustains good intentions and purposes, and rewards the faithful public servant. This emphatically true as to the Franklin leaders. In 1780, i late Governor, Sevier, now a private citizen, and under tri for offences against North-Carolina — ineligible under laws to any office — was triumphantly elected a member oz ^c^of her Senate — his disabilities were removed by a special enact--^^-^^ ment in his favour, and he allowed to take his seat. A uev0^^" '^ Congressional District is formed, embracing Cumberland£3»^^ with the late revolted counties — the same Franklin leader i*i ^ elected the member to the Congress of the United States^^^^*** Her Western Territory is ceded again by North-Carolina tc^^ *® Congress, and the "Territory south-west of the River Ohio^^^^^^^. is organized, and again " Sevier and his captains^^ are promi- nent, as will be hereafter seen, amongst its officers. Territory becomes the State of Tennessee, and the Ex- vernor of Franklin is at once called upon to become its chieft^ magistrate, in which the partiality of his countrymen con^ — -
Me n
8UBTAINBD TBB RBV0LTKR8. 44S
dnaes him for twelve years, when he is transferred by the people of the Knoxvllle District to the United States Con- j^ress. He is then appointed by the President of the United States to establish an Indian boundary in Alabama ; and, du- ring his absence on that service, by the continued confidence 3f his constituents, he is elected the second time, and with- mt his knowledge or consent, to Congress. This testimo- lial of the popularity of the leader of the Franklin revolt, wns the last his grateful countrymen could bestow. He died n the Creek nation, during his absence on the public service, md was buried with the honours of war. What further Uid higher honours awaited him, may be inferred from the tattering vote and manner of his last election.
The associates of Governor Sevier, in the Franklin Govem- nenty received through life similar attestations of public re- tard and confidence. William Cocke, Esq., who belonged o tjbie Legislature and the State Council of Franklin, and WBM its Commissioner to North-Can>lina and to the United i^ates Congress, a general of its militia, and one of its most nlightened advocates throughout its existence, retained, af- :er the overthrow of Franklin, the uninterrupted confidence li the western people. A member of the first Legislature of fennessee, he was by that body elected one of the repre- MQtatives of her sovereignty in the Senate of the United States^ and was aflerwcirds elected the second time to the Htfoe position. At the expiration of his second term, he was T^osferred to a seat in the Judiciary. 'Although quite an dd man, in the war of 1812, he became a volunteer in her mlitia, and was, to the end of his life, considered a public- ipirited citizen and a patriot. James White, the father of lie late Senator White, a member of the Franklin Legisla- nte, and remarkable for the constancy of his devotion to In interests, even when forsaken by its earliest friends, re- laiiied, through a long life, the unwavering esteem of his fel- low citizens. The founder of Knoxville is still recollected vith fondness and respect He was a member of the Terri- itorial House of Representatives — of the Convention which brmed the Constitution of Tennessee, and afterwards Speak- sr of its Senate, and Presiding Justice of Knox County 3oart — a general commanding, at an advanced age, a bri-
444 CX)LOVEL F. A. RAMSBT.
gade of militia in defence of the Independence, which, in his youth, he had assisted to gain. To extreme old age, he re- tained the esteem and affection of his fellow citizens, and never had a stain upon his unsullied good name.
In this enumeration of the Franklin leaders, it would be infidelity to historical truth, and, in this writer, it were a filial impiety, not to mention Colonel Francis Alexander Ramsey, the youthful Secretary of the Franklin Convention. Be- sides other civil and military oflices held by him under that government, he was a member of its Council ; and in that capacity, was entrusted with the delicate duty of negotiating with the parent state, the terms of separation and indepen- dence. As evidences of his trust-worthiness, capacity and patriotism, he had conferred upon him by the Territorial Go- vernment, as well as that of the State of Tennessee, oflices which implied ability, probity, efiiciency and zeal in the pub- lic service, and high personal character. One of the pioneers of Tennessee, in all the varied phases of political organiza- tion through which the state has passed, Colonel Ramsey not only held oflices of honour and trust, but discharged their duties to the entire satisfaction of the people, and the au- thorities of government. Offices were showered upon him, and he proved himself competent and worthy of them.
To the names already mentioned, might well be added those of their associates, Doak, Carter, Reese, Houston, New- ell, Weir, Hamilton. Conway and others ; each distinguished afterwards for piety, public spirit, unobtrusive private Mrorth, and military and political services to the country. Revolters in 1784, they were, nevertheless, the purest patriots and the best men of their day. It is singular and well worthy of re- Ynark, that not one of the master-spirits of Franklin, perhaps not one of its officers, in a long life of .usefulness or distinc- tion afterwards, ever forfeited the esteem, or lost the confi- dence, of his countrymen. They became the officers under the Territorial Government, and, soon after, the leading spirits of the proud State of Tennessee ; a beautiful com- ment upon the purity of their principles, and the loftiness of their patriotism — a fit tribute of respect for their public ser- vices and their private virtue.
CUMBERLAND AND OLD tRASKhlV 00UNTIE8. 445
CHAPTER V.
CUMBERLAND— THE FRANKLIN COUNTIES.
A YOUNG Brave, at the treaty of Watauga, was overheard by the interpreter, to urge, in support of the Transylvania cession, this argument : that the settlement and occupancy of the ceded territory, by the whites, would interpose an im* pregnable barrier between the Northern and Southern Indians, and that the latter would, in future, have quiet and undis- turbed possession of the choice hunting grounds south of the Cumberland. His argument prevailed against the prophetic warning and eloquent remonstrance of Occonostota. That aged chieO;ain, covered over with scars, the evidence of many a hard-fought battle for the Dark and Bloody Ground, signed the treaty reluctantly, and taking Daniel Boon by the hand, said, with most significant earnestness : '* Brother, vre have given you a fine land, but I believe you will have much trouble in settling it ; " words of ominous import, as subsequent events too mournfully proved These events, so far as the pioneers of Tennessee were engaged in then^, will now be narrated. '* Much trouble,^' indeed, was experienced in settling the ceded country, and that adjoining it. Instead of serving as a barrier between the common claimants, the settlers became a central point of attack — a target at which the surrounding tribes all aimed their deadliest sdiot.
We left; the colony of Robertson and others, near the ( French Lick, at the end of a protracted and severe win- l ter. The opening spring enabled the savages to resume hostilities. The whole line of frontier, from Pennsylvania to Georgia, was simultaneously assailed by marauding parties of Indians, distributed along its entire extent. Terror and consternation were only the precursors of havoc and deso- lation. The leading chiefs of the Shawnees tribe, which had once held possession of the Cumberland Valley, were unremitting in their efforts to bring about a general concert
446 OHSBOKEBB AND 0ECBK8 IHTADB OUMBnOJUID.
of action among all the northwestern tribes, for a grand exterminating invasion, daring the next summer. In this they had the approbation and enconragement of British agents and officers, at Detroit and on the Maamee, who assured them of the powerful aid of their great ally, George III.* Similar influences were constantly at work with the southern tribes ; and in addition to these general causes of dissatisfaction and hostility. Fort Jefferson had been boilt^ the previous year, in the territory of the ChJekasaws, without their consent, and the chief, Colbert, prepared to repel die invaders by force. The proximity of this tribe to the Cum- berland settlement, was cause of serious apprehension and alarm. But the first assault upon the Cumberiand aettleiv was made by the southern Indians — the Cherokees and Creeks. They seized the first opportunity after the kard winter was over, to approach the ** improvements ^ aromid the Bluff, and to carry amongst the settlers the work of massacre and devastation. We abridge from Haywood aad ^ The Museum," an account of it :
In the month of April, Keywood and Milliken, two him- i<^8o i ^^^ coming to the fort, stopped on Richland Creel^ ( five or six miles from the Bluff, and as one of them stepped down to the creek to drink, the Indians fired upon and killed Milliken. Keywood, escaping, brought intelli- gence of the affair to the fort. Mr. Rains then moved to the Bluff, where he continued four years before he could ven- ture again to settle in the country. The Indians soon after killed Joseph Hay on the Lick Branch, and a party of them * invested Freeland's Station, and finding an old man, Bernard, making an improvement, at what was then called Denton's Lick, killed him, cut off his head, and carried it away. With the old man were two small boys, Joseph and William Dunham, who escaped unhurt and gave the alarm to the people at Freeland^s. A young man, Milliken, between the fort and Denton's Lick, not having heard the alarm, was surprised by the Indians, killed, and his head, also, was cut off and carried away. The murderers were either Creeks or Cherokees.
^MoDotto.
MANSCO'S STATION BROKEN UP* 447
Soon afterwards, in July or August, a party of Indians, be- lieved to be Delawares, killed Jonathan Jennings, at the point of the first island above Nashville. Higher up the Cumberland River, on the north side, on the bluff where William Williams, Esquire, since lived, Ned Carver was killed ; his wife and two children escaped, and came to Nash- ville. The same party, in a day or two after, killed William Neely, at Neely's Lick, and took his daughter prisoner.
At Eaton's Sitition, they also killed James Mayfield, near the place where, previously. Porter had been shot in the day- time by Indians in the cedars, in view of the station. Iti November or December, they shot Jacob Stump, and at- tempted to kill the old man, Frederic Stump, but he reached the station in safety, after being pursued by the Indians three miles. At Mansco's Lick, Jesse Balestine and John Shockley were killed. In the winter of the same year, Da- vid Goin and Risby Kennedy were killed at the same place, and Mansco's Station was broken up ; some of its inhabi- tants went to Nashville, and others to Kentucky. At Bled« soe's lAckf or on the creek near it, two persons were killed : W. Johnston and Daniel Mungle, hunting together on Bar- ren River, the former was killed, and the latter escaped by flight
Late in this year, a company of Indians tried to intercept Thomas Sharp Spencer, returning to the Bluff with several horses loaded with meat, after a successful hunt. They fired at, but missed him. The horses were daptured, and with their cargo, were taken up the river.
At Station-Camp Creek, the same Indians took other liorses, that had strayed -from a camp of white men near at liand, but which had not been discovered by the enemy.
At Asher's Station, two miles and a half from where Gal- latin now stands, some white men were sleeping in a cabin ; the Indians crept up at break of day, and fired, killing one man, whom they scalped. They also wounded another, Philips, and captured several horses. With these, they went off in the direction of Bledsoe's Lick, when they were unex- pectedly met by Alexander Buchanan, James Manifee, Wil- liam. Ellis, Alexander Thompson, and other hunters, return-
448 B[;CIIAHAN FOLLOWS THE INDIANS TO DUCK RIVER.
iDg to the Bluff. Buchnnan killed one Indian ; another was wounded, and the whole pnrly dispersed, leaving, in their flight, the horses taken froni Spencer and Philips,
In May of this year, Freeland's Station was visited by the Indians; one man, D. Larimnn.vas killed, and his head cut off. The whites pursued Ihe retreating savages to the neigh- bourhood of Duck River, near the place since known as Gordon's Ferry, where they came in hearing of them prepaid ing their camp-fires. The party of while men immediately dismounted, and marched upon the Indian camp, which waa found deserted ; the eneiny escaped. Of the pursuers, who numbered about twenty, the names only of four are known : Alexander Buchanan, John Brock, William Mann, and Capt. James Robertson. This was the first military excursioa in that direction, and reflects great credit upon the adventure and gallantry of those who made it. As it wns bloodlesSi the enemy was not deterred from repeating their inroads and aggressions upon the feeble settlements on the Cumber- land, and, in a short time after, Isaac Lefevre was killed near the fort on the Bluff, at the spot where Nathan Ewing, Esq., since lived. Solomon Philips went out, about the same time, to the place since called Cross's Old Field, and was shot at, and wounded, by the Indians, He survived till he reached the fort, but soon died. Samuel Murray, who was with him in the field, was shot dead. Near th^ oiouDd, Eouth of where Ihe steam-mill since stood, Bartlett Renfroe was killed, and John Maxwell and John Kendrick were ta- ken prisoners.
It has been already mentioned, that some of the emigrant* that had come in boats down the Tennessee, bad stopped ~^^ Red River, with the intention of there forming a settleme^^B^^ Amongst these, were several families of the name of Ra^^*^ froe, and their connexions, Nathan and Solomon TurpS:^ In June or July, their settlement was attacked by a party "^ Choctaws and Chickasaw Indiana ; Nathan Turpia at»-^ another man were killed at the station. The residue wei^' forced to withdraw to the stronger settlement at the Blot ^* The Renfroes took charge of the women and children, aiK^*' conducted them in safely. They afterwards, in compantf^
ROBERTSON HAKES PEACE WITH THE CHICKA8AW8. 440
with others from the BluflT, went to the station on Red River, got quiet possession of some property they had left there, and were upon their return march. At night they encamped about two miles north of Sycamore, at a creek, since called Battle Creek. In the morning, Joseph Renfroe going to the spring, was fired at and instantly killed by the Indians, who lay concealed in the bushes. They then broke in upon the camp, and killed old Mr. Johns and his wife, and all his family. Only one woman, Mrs. Jones, escaped ; Henry Ram- sey, a bold and intrepid man, who had gone from the Bluff, took her off, and brought her in safety to the station. Eleven or twelve others, there at the time of the attack, were all killed ; the Indians, taking possession of the horses and other property, went off towards the south.
The ostensible ground of these hostilities by the Chicka- saws, was the erection, by General George Rogers Clarke, of Fort Jefferson, eighteen miles below the mouth of the Ohio, and on the east side of the Mississippi. All the territory west of the Tennessee, the Chickasaws pretended to hold by an undisputed claim. Offended at darkens intrusion upon their lands, these savages, till then neutral, became the allies of the British nation, and were so at the time this mischief was perpetrated. In 1782, Captain Robertson made peace with them.
In the summer of this year, Philip Catron, riding 17S0 5 ^''^"^ Freeland's Station to the Bluff, was fired on by ( the Indians, at the place since occupied by Ephraim Foster, Esquire. He was wounded in the breast, so that he spit blood, but he recovered. About the same time, as Cap- tain John Caffrey and Dailiel Williams were rising the bank, in going towards the Bluff, they were fired upon and wounded. They reached the station.
In the fall of this year, the Indians depredated further upon the settlers, by stealing horses from the Bluff. Leiper, with fifteen men, pursued and overtook them on the south side of Harper, near where Ellison formerly lived. They were encamped at night, and the evening was wet. Leiper and his men fired upon them, wounded one, regained their horses and all their baggage, and returned. 20
4M DONGI.aON B BOATS ATTACKED.
Nearly at the same time. Col. John Donelson had gons up the Cumberland to the Clover Bottom, wiih two boat^ for the purpose of bringing to the Bluff the corn which he and others had raised there the preceding summer. They had laden the boats with the corn, and had proceeded a small distance down the river, when the Colonel, recollecting that he had forgotten to gather some cotton which had been planted at the lower end of the field, a&ked the men in the other boat to put to bank, for the purpose of picking out a part of it. They urged that it was growing late, and that they ought to go on. He waived the exercise of his au- thority, and had scarcely landed his own boat, when hit companions in the other were suddenly attacked by a party of Indians, who lay in ambush to intercept the boats on their return. The Arc of the Indians was fatal. All were killed except a free negro and one white mtn, who swam to shorCi and wandered many days in the woods before he reached the BlulT. The next morning after the defeat, the people at the Station found the boat floating in the river. It was brought to the shore, and a dead man was in it. In this aQ'air, Abel Gower, Senr., and Abel Gower, Junr., and John Ro- bertson, son of Captain Robertson, were kilted. Some others were wounded and taken prisoners. Col. Donelson escaped to Mansco's Station.
The only one of the settlers who died, the first year, a natural death, was Robert Gilkey.
Michael Stoner, this year, discovered Stoner's Lick and Stoner's Creek.
The woods abounded in game, and the hunters prooared a full supply of meat for the inh&bttants by killing beai^ buffalo and deer. A party of twenty men went up the Cany Fork as high as Flinn's Creek, and returned io o&- Qoea with their meat, during the winter. In their buntiitg excursion they killed one hundred and five bears, seventy- five buffalo, and more than eighty deer. This Bource of supply furnished most of the families at the Bluff with meat A freshet, in J uly, had destroyed most of the corn on the low- lands and islands, and many suffered the want of bread The scarcity of this article, and the multiplied disasten and
MIGHT ATTACK ON F&SELAHD^fl 0TATIOK* 461
dangers which every moment threatened the settlements with destruction, at length disheartened some of the inhabi- tants. A considerable part of them moved to Kentucky and Illinois. The severity of the winter and the want of horseSf put a stop to this emigration, and all the remaining inhabi- tants collected themselves together into two stations — the Bluflf and Freeland's.
Forty or fifty Indians, at the still hour of midnight, January 17S1 \ fifteenth, of this year, made an attack on Freeland*8 ( Station. Captain James Robertson had, the evening before, returned from the Kentucky settlements. Whilst on his journey through the intervening wilderness, he had accus- tomed himself to more vigilance than the residents of the €ort felt it necessary, in their fancied security, to exercise. He was the first to hear the noise which the cautious savages made in opening the gate« He arose and alarmed the men in the station. But the Indians had efiected an entrance. The cry of Indians^ brought Major Lucas out of bed ; he was shot. The alarm having become general, the Indians re- treated through the gate, but fired in the port-holes through the house in which Major Lucas lived. In this house a ne- gro of Captain Robertson was shot. These were the only fatal shots, though not less than five hundred werp fired into that house ; it was the only one in which the port-holes were not filled up with mud. The whites numbered only eleven, but they made good use of the advantage they possessed in the other houses in the fort. Captain Robertson shot an In- dian. The whole body of them soon after retreated. The moon shone bright, otherwise this attack would probably have succeeded, as the fort was once in possession of the Indians. They had found means to loosen the chain on the inside, which confined the gate, and they were also superior in numbers.
After this repulse, the Indians received reinforcements from the Cherokee nation. They burnt up every thing be- fore them, immense quantities of corn and other produce, as well as the houses and fences, and the unoccupied stations of the whites. The alarm became general. All who could get to the Bluff or Eaton's Station, did so, but many never
452 HHS. DUNHAM RESCUES tIEB DAUGHTER.
saw tlieir comrades in those places ; some were killed sleep- ing i some were awakened only lo be apprised that their laat moment was come ; some were killed in the noon-day, when not suspecHng danger ; death seemed ready to em- brace the whole of the adventurers. In the morning, when Hansco's Lick Station was broken up, two men who had slept alittle later than their companions, were shot by twv gnns pointed throngh a port hole by the Indians. These were David Goin and Patrick Quigley. Many of the terrified settlers moved to Kentucky, or went down the river. It is ftrange that all did not go out of the way of impending dan- ger Heroism was then an attribute even with the gentler sex. Mrs. Dunham sent a small girl out of the fort, to bring in ■omething she wanted, aud the Indians being there, took hold of the child and scalped, without kilting her. The mother hearing the cries of the child, advanced towards the place where she was, and was shot hy the Indians and wounded dMigerousIy. She and the daughter lived many years after- wards.
Late in March, of this year, Colonel Samuel Barton, past- ing near the head of the branch which extends from tha stone bridge, was fired upon by Indians in ambash, and wounded in.tbe wrist. He ran with the blood streaming from the wound, followed by a warrior in close pursuit. They were seen from the fort, and Martin, one of the soldiers in it, ran out to meet and assist his comrade. The parsuing Indian retreated.
On the second day of April, in this year, a desperate at- tempt was made by the Indians to take the fort and station at the Bluff. A numerous body of Cherokee warriors came there in the night and lay around in ambush. Next morn- ing three of them came in sight, and fired at the fort on the Bluff and immediately retreated. Nineteen horsemen in the fort, at once mounted their horses and followed them. When they came to the branch, over which the stone bridge has since been built, they discovered Indians in the creek and in the thickets near it. These arose from their places of con- cealment and fired upon the horsemen. The latter dismount- ed to give them battle, and returned their fire with great
BLUFP YIOOBOUSLT ATTACKED AND B&AYELT DEFENDED. 453
alacrity. Another party of the enemy lay concealed in the wild brush and cedars, near the place where Mr. De Mumbrune's hoase stood in 1821, ready to rush into the fort, in rear of the combatants. The horses ran back to the fort — the horsemen being left on foot. To guard against the expected assault from the Indians against those in the fort, its gates were closed, and preparations made for defence. In the meantime, the battle raged without. Pe- ter Gill, Alexander Buchanan, George Kennedy, Zachariah White and Captain Leiper, were killed on the spot. James Manifee and Joseph Moonshaw, and others, were wounded before they could reach the fort. At the place where the stone house of Cross was afterwards built, Isaac Lucas had his thigh broken by a ball. His comrades had gotten within the fort, and the Indians rushed upon him to take his scalp. One of them running towards him, and being at a short dis- tance from the supposed victim of his barbarous revenge, was fired upon and shot through the body by Lucas, who, with his rifle well charged, was lying unable to rise from the ground. The Indian died instantly. The people in the fort, in order to save Lucas, kept up a brisk and warm fire upon those parties of .the assailants who attempted to get to him, and finally succeeded in driving them ofi*. Lucas was taken and brought into the fort by his own people.
Amongst those who escaped towards the fort, was Edward Swanson, who was so closely pursued by an Indian warrior as to be overtaken by him. The Indian punched him with the muzzle of his gun, and pulled trigger, when the gun snapped. Swanson laid hold of the muzzle, and wringing the lock to one side, spilled the priming from the pan. The In- dian looked into the pan, and finding no powder in it, struck bim with the gun barrel, the muzzle foremost ; the stroke not bringing him to the ground, the Indian clubbed his gun, and striking Swanson with it near the lock, knocked him down. At this moment John Buchanan, Sen., father of the late Ma- jor Buchanan, seeing the certain death that impended his comrade, gallantly rushed from the fort to the rescue of Swanson. Coming near enough to fire, he discharged his
454 BUCRANAH BRIffOa OFF SWAMBOIt,
rifle at the Indian, who, gritting his teeth on receiving its contenls, retired to a stump near at hand. Bachanan brought off Swansoii, and they both got into the fort without further injury. From the stump to which the wounded warrior re- tired, was found, after the Indian forces bftd withdrawn, a trail, made by a body dragged along upon the ground, macb marked wilh blood.
When the Indians fired upon the horsemen at the branch, the party of them lying in ambush at DeMambrune's, rose and marched towards the river, forming a line between the combatants and the fort. In the meantime, when the firing between the dismounted horsemen and the enemy had com- menced, the horses tooli fright, and ran in full speed on the Bouth side of the Indian line towards the French Lick, passing by the fort on the Bluff. Seeing this, a number of Indians in the line, eager to get possession of the horses, left their ranks and went in pursuit of them. At this instant the dogs in the fort, seeing the confusion, and hearing the firing, raa towards the branch, and came to that part of the Indian line that remained yet unbroken, and having been trained to hos- tilities against Indians, made a moat furious onset upon them, and disabled them from doing any thing more than defending themselves. Whilst thus engaged, the whites passed near them, through the interval in the Indian line ntsde by those who bad gone from it in pursuit of the horses. Had it not been for these fortunate circumstances, the white men could never have succeeded in reaching the fort through the In- dian line which had taken post between it and them. Sach of the nineteen as survived, would have had to break tfarongfa the line, their own guns being empty, whilst those of the In- dians were well charged.
This attack was well planned by the Indians, and was carried on with some spirit. At length they retired, leaving upon the field the dead Indian killed by Lucas; another was found buried on the east side of the creek, in a hollovt, north of the place since occupied by Mr. Hume. Many of the Indians were seen hopping with tame feet or legs, and other- wise wounded. Their loss could never be ascertained. It
RBMABKABLB RECOTBRT OP DAVID HOOD. 455
mnst have been considerable. They got nineteen horses, saddles, bridles and blankets, and could easily remove their dead and woanded.
On the night of the same day in which this affair took place, another party of Indians, who had not come up in time to be present at the battle, marched to the ground since occupied by Poyzer*s and Condon's houses and lots, and fired some time upon the fort. A swivel, charged with small rocks and pieces of pots, was discharged at them. They immedi- ately withdrew.
^ In the summer of this year, William Hood was killed by a party of Indians, on the outside of the fort, at Freeland's Station. They did not, at that time, attack the station. Between that place and the French Lick, about the same time, they killed old Peter Renfroe, and withdrew. In the fall, Timothy Terril, from North-Carolina, was killed.
As Jacob Freeland was hunting on Stoner's Lick Creek, at the place where John Castleman since lived, he was killed by the Indians. There, also, at another time, they killed Joseph Castleman. Jacob Castleman soon after, going in the woods to hunt, was surprised and killed.
Like atrocities marked the spring of this year. At the - i F'^®^^!^ Lick, three persons were fired upon by a party ( of Indians. John Tucker and Joseph Hendricks were wonnded, and being pursued till in sight of the fort, they were rescued and their pursuers repulsed. The third, David Hood, the Indians shot down, scalped and trampled upon him, and believing him dead, they left him and gave chase to his wounded comrades. Hood, supposing the Indians were gone, wounded and scalped as he was, got up softly, and began to walk towards the fort at the Blufi*. To his mortification and surprise, he saw, standing upon the bank of the creek before him, the same Indians who had wounded him, making sport of his misfortunes and mistake. They then fell on him again, and inflicting other apparently mor- tal wounds, left him. He fell into a brush heap in the snoWf and next morning, search being made by the whites, he was found by his blood, and being taken home, was placed in an
450 FIRST MILLS ERECTED Off CUHBCRLAXD.
out-house as a dead man. To the surprise of all, he revived, and after some time recovered, and lived many years.
The first mill erected was near Eaton's Station, on the farm since occupied by Mr. Talbot. It was the property of James Wells, Esq.; the next, by Colonel George Manscoi the third, by Captain Frederick Stump, on White's Creek; the fourth, by David Ronfifer, on the same creek; and the next, by Major J. Buchanan.
After their unsuccessful attempt against the Bluff, in 1 781, the Indians continued occasional irruptions and depredatioaa throughout the forming settlements on Cumberland. In that year little corn was raised. The scarcity of grain compeUed the settlers to plant more largely, and raise more grain in 1782, and to procure subsistence by bunting. In both these pursuits, many became victims to the stratagem and cruelty of their savage enemy.
A settlement had been begun at Kilgore's Station, on the north side of Cumberland, on lied River. At this place Samuel Martin and Isaac Johnston, returning to the Bluff) were fired upon by the Indians. They took Martin prisoner, and carried him into the Creek nation. He remained there nearly a year, and came home elegantly dressed, with two valuable horses and silver spurs. It was said, afterwards^ that he had concerted with the Indians the timq and place of the attack made by them, and that he was a sharer in the plunder. Isaac Johnston escaped and came home.
Of the other settlers at Kilgore's, were two young men named Mason, Moses Maiding, Ambrose Maiding, Josiah Hoskins, Jesse Simons, and others. The two young men, Mason, had gone to Clay Lick, and had posted themselves in a secret place to watch for deer. Whilst they were thus situated, seven Indians came to the Lick ; the lads took good aim, 6red upon and killed two Indians, and then ran with all speed to the fort, where, being joined by three of the garrison, they returned to the Lick, found and scalped the dead Indians, and returned. That night John and Ephraiin Peyton, on their way to Kentucky, called in and remained all night at the fort. During the night all the horses that
KILGORE*8 STATIOir ABANDOVBD. 457
were there were stolen. In the morning pursuit was made, and tho Indians were overtaken in the evening, at a creek, since called Peyton's Creek. They were fired upon. One was killed and the rest of them fled, leaving the stolen horses to the owners. The pursuers returned that mght, in the direction of the fort, and encamped, and were progressing, next morning, on their way. In the meantime, the Indians, by a circuitous route, had got between them and the station, and when the whites came near enough, fired upon them, killing one of the Mason, and Josiah Hoskins, and taking some spoil. The Indians then retreated. Discouraged by these daring depredations, the people at Kilgore's Station broke up their establishment and joined those at the Bluff.
In this year, also, George Aspie was killed, on Drake's Creek, by the Indians, and Thomas Spencer, wounded. In the fall William McM urray was killed near Winchester's Mill, on Bledsoe's Creek, and General Smith was wounded. Noah Trammel was killed on Goose Creek. Maiden's Sta- tion, on Red River, was broken up and abandoned.
Such were the difficulties and dangers th&t accompanied the infancy of the Cumberland settlements, that, from ne- cessity, it became a custom of the country for one or two persons to stand as watchmen or sentinels, whilst others Isc boured in the field ; and even whilst one went to a spring to drink, another stood on the watch, with his rifle ready to pro- tect him, by shooting a creeping Indian, or one rising from the thickets of canes and brush that covered him from view; and wherever four or five were assembled together at a spring, or other place, where business required them to be, they held their guns in their hands, and with their backs turned to each other, one faced the north, alnother the south, another the west — watching, in all directions, for a lurking or creeping enemy. Whilst the people at the Blufi* were so much harassed and galled by the Indians that they could not plant nor cultivate their corn-fields, a proposition was made, in a council of the inhabitants, to break up the settlements and go ofiT. Captain Robertson pertinaciously resisted this proposition. It was then impossible to reach Kentucky ; the In-
458 RODGRTSON DISSUADES FROM BREAKOIG UP THE BTATIOMfl.
diaos were tn force upon all the roads and passages which led to it ; for the same reason, it was also impossible, and equallj impracticable, to remove to thesettlemeatson Holston. No other means of escape remained, but that of going down the river in boats, and making good their retreat to the Illinois, And even to this plan, great obstacles were opposed ; for how was the wood to be obtained, with which to make the boats ? The Indians were, every day, in the skirts of the BlnlT, lying concealed among the shrubs and cedar trees, ready to inflict death upon whoever should attempt to go to the woods. These difficulties were alt stated by Captain Ro- bertson. He held out the dangers attendant upon the at- tempt, on the one hand ; the fine country they were on the point of possessing, on the other. To these he added, the probability of new acquisitions of numbers from the older settlements, and the certainty of being able, by careful at- tention to circumstances, to defend and support themselves till succour could arrive. At length, the parental advice and authority of Robertson prevailed. He finally succeeded in quieting the Apprehensions of his co-colonists; and they gradually relinquished the design of evacuating the por- tions they occupied, now somewhat hallowed to them by the recollection of past dangers, endnred toils, difficalties oTer- come, and triumphs achieved.
The expectations of Captain Robert^n were, in part, soon realized. The revolutionary war was ended ; an abatement of Indian hostility soon followed ; and additional emigrants from North-Carolina and other states, gave renewed strength and animation and permanence to his ■iettlement.
But, notwithstanding these favourable circumstances^ off«r-
Sing, as they did, some alleviation of the suffering en- dured on Cumberland, stil), in 1763,' the offensive opo- rations of the Indians were occasionally continued. One (rf the guard who came to the Bluff with the Commissionera fVom North-Carolina, Roger Top, was killed at the plaee where Mr. Deaderick has since lived. At the same time and place, Roger Glass was wounded. Within two days after these acts of hostility, a settler, passing the place where
BOBBBtVCnr OBTAINS A OBBilOB TBOU 0BI0KA8AW8. 459
the stone bridge now is, was shot at and wounded by the Indians. He succeeded in reaching the fort, but died soon afterwards.
The Ghickasaws, early in 1788, assembled in the vicinity of Nashville, at Robertson's Station, where a treaty was con- eluded, ceding and relinquishing to North-Carolina a region of country extending nearly forty miles south of Cumber- land River, to the ridge dividing the tributaries of that stream from those of Duck and Elk.*
The policy of Spain, at this time, was, to secure the good fbelings, if not the aid, of the southern Indians. The agents of that Power invited those tribes to meet and hold confer- ences with them, at the Walnut Hills. From these confer- ences they returned, as was believed, with dispositions less amicable to the new settlements on the Cumberland. No large body of them invaded that country, but small parties of Indians were constantly waylaying the paths and surround- ing the corn-fields of the emigrantSi Such of them as were exploring the country, and making locations, were closely watched, and some of them killed. Ireson And Bamett, on a surveying excursion, were shot down and killed. On Rich- land Creek, near what has since been the plantation of Mr. Irwin, William Daniel, Joseph Dunham, Joshua Norrington, and Joel Mills, were all killed ; and in a path leading from Dunham's Fort to Armstrong's, at the head of the same ereek, where Castleman since lived, a soldier was killed as he passed from one fort to the other.
At Armstrong's Fort, as Patsy, the daughter of Mr. Rains, was riding on horseback, with a young woman, Betsey Wil- liams, behind her, they were fired upon by the Indians, and the latter killed ; the former escaped. A short time aAer- 'wards, near the same place, Joseph Noland was killed ; and daring the same summer, a son of Thomas Noland ; and du- ring the fall, the old man, himself, were also killed near this same place. About the same time, the Indians killed the iatber of Betsey Williams, above mentionefl.
Buchanan's Station was upon Mill Creek, five miles from
•Moiiette,ii.,2«8.
400 CAPTAIN FRUETT rURSUEB THE INDIANS.
the BlufT, not far from the farm at the present time owned by A. R. Crozier, Esq., on the Turnpike leading fron Nashville to Lebanon. There the Indians, in this year, killed Samuel Buchanan, William Mulherrln and three others, who were gaarding the station. Going from the Bluff to Kentucky, Witliara Overall was killed, and Joshua Thomas mortally wounded. The Indians having stolen horses from the Bluff, Captain William Pruett raised twenty men and pur- sued them to Richland Creek of Elk River, overtook them, and recaptured the horses on the waters of Big Creek. They fired upon, but did not kill any of the Indians. As they re- turned, they encamped near a creek on the norlh side of Duck River. As they b'pgan their march next morning, they were fired upon by ibe Indians in their rear, Moses Brown was killed in a cane-brake, and the ground being unfavour- able, the whites retreated a mile and a half to more open ground, and there halted and formed. The Indians came up and'^n engagement ensued. Captain Pruett and Daniel Johnson were shot down, and Morris Shine was wounded. Being overpowered, the survivors of Ibe party made good their escape to the Bluff, with the loss of their recaptured horses.
These repeated aggressions and depredations upon the lives and property of the settlers, were the more pertina- eiously renewed and persisted in, from the fact, that North- Carolina had, in April of this year, appropriated the lands hitherto claimed by the Chickasaws and Gherokees, except those which, by the same act, were allowed to them for t1)eir hunting grounds. This unceremonious intrusion npon their supposd rights, together with the machinations of the agents of Spain, had the effect to exasperate their hostility to the settlements of the whites now beginning to expand and acquire permanence, by the additional strength of other emigrants from a different direction. Turnbull, a trader, came from Natchez with horses and skins procured in the Chickasaw nation. Prom th^ same place, Absalom Hooper, Thomas James, Philip Alston, James Drumgnid, James Cole, James Donelson and others, also arrived. A station was this year established by Samuel Hays on Stone's River.
OALLANTRT OF MASON AND TBAMMSL. 461
Constantly harassed and alarmed by the continued re- 1784 ^ currence of Indian hostility against his colony^ Col. I Robertson could no longer resist the conviction, that his savage neig)ibours on the south were instigated in their un- friendly conduct to the people on Cumberland by some foreign influence, and he suspected that influence might be from the agents of Spain. He entered into correspondence with one of them, Mr. Portell, assuring him of a disposition on the part of his countrymen to maintain with the Spanish colonists the most friendly relations. Mr. Portell, in reply, expressed his gratitude for the amicable behaviour of the Cumbefland people, and promised to maintain the best relations on his side, and expressed a wish to be useful to the Colonel and his countrymen. Still, inpursions for the purpose of murder and plunder, continued to be made by the Indians. Early in this year, Philip Trammel and Philip Mason were killed* As one amongst a thousand instances of the unequalled for- titude and gallantry of the first settlers, a recitation is here given of the conflict in which they ended their existence. These two men had killed a deer at the head of White's Creek, and were skinning it. The Indians stole up to the place and fired upon them. They wounded Mason and carried ofl* the venison. Trammel got assistance from Eaton's Station, and followed the Indians. He came up with them ; they fought, and he killed two of them. The Indians being reinforced, and Mason having received a second and mortal wound, the whites were once more obliged to retreat. Trammel found some other white men in the woods, and induced them to go back with him to the place where the Indians were. They found the latter, and immediately re- newed the fight. They killed three Indians, and fought till both parties were tired. Trammel and Josiah Hoskins, enthusiastically courageous, and determined to make the enemy yield the palm of victory, gallantly precipitated them- selves into the midst' of the retreating Indians, where they fell by the hands of the foe. The rest of the white men main- tained their ground until both parties were exhausted and willing to rest from their martial labours.
Another spirited aflair, scarcely less heroic, deserves also
463 cooKAGKOua DBpeNcs bt asfir and othbhs.
ta be specially mentioned. Aspie, Andrew Lucas, Thomas S. Spencer and Johnston, had left the Bluff on horseback on a hunting toor. They had reached the head waters of Drake's Creek, where their horses had stopped to drink. At this moment a parly of Indians iired upon them. Lucaa was . shot through the neck and through the mouth. He, however, dismounted with the rest, but in attemping to fire, the blood gushed from his mouth and wet his priming ; perceiving this, he crawled into a bunch of briers. A^ie, as he alighted from his horse, received a bullet which broke his thigh ; but he Htitl fought heroically, Johnston and Spencer acquitted themselves with incomparable gallantry, but were obliged to give way, and to leave Aspie to his fate, though be en- treated them earnestly not to forsake him. The lodiaiu killed and scalped Aspi/j, but did not find Lucas, who shortly afterwards returned to his friends. Spencer, in the heat of the engagement, was shot, but the ball split on the bone and his life was spared. The whole Aspie family were super- latively brave. A brother had been previously killed in tho battle at the Bluff. When he first fell, he placed himself in a position to reach a loaded gun, with which he shot an Indlao running up to scalp him.
Id this year also, Cornelius Riddle was shot by the lndiAD% Dear Buchanan's Station. He had killed two turkeys, and hanging them upon a bush, had gpne off into the woods to hunt for more. The Indians hearing the report of his gun, came to the place, and Unding the turkeys, lay in ambusli where they were, and on Riddle's coming to take them away* they Iired upon and killed him.
In the year 1785, Moses Brown was killed, near the place I7M S °" Richland Creek afterwards occupied by Jesse ( Wharton, Esq,, and then known as Brown's Station, Col. Robertson and Col. Weakly had gone, with Edmond Hick- man, aSurveyor, to survey entered lands on Piny River. The Indians came upon them suddenly, and killed Hickman. The same year they killed a man living with William Stuart, on the plantation where Judge Haywood afterwards lived.
Notwithstanding these daring acts of hostility, the number of inhabitants steadily increased. James Harrison, WiUiam
CHICKASAW BOUMDAET. 468
Hall and W. Gibson, settled this year above Bledsoe's Lick, and Charles Morgan established a station on the west side of Bledsoe's Creek, five miles from the Lick. The Indians killed Peter Barnett and David Steele, below Clarkesville, on the waters of Blooming Grove. They also wounded Wil- liam Cratoher and went off, leaving a knife sticking in him ; . he recovered.
On the second day of March, John Peyton, a Surveyor, Ephraim Peyton, Thomas Pugh and John Frazier, had com- menced their survey upon a creek, since called Defeated Creek,^ on the north side of Cumberland, in what is now Smith county, and had made a camp. While they were sleeping around the camp about midnight, a great number of Cherokee Indians surrounded and fired upon them. All but one of them were wounded, but they ran through the Indian line, made their escape and got home, losing their horses, compass, chain, blankets, saddles and bridles. The Indians retreated immediately to their towns, and were not over* taken.
The Commissioners of the United States, Benjamin Haw- 1786 i ^i^^ Andrew Pickens, and Joseph Martin, concluded ( a treaty with the Chickasaw Commissioners, Piomingo, head warrior and first minister, Mingatushka, one of the leading chiefs, and Latopoia, first beloved man of that na- tion, at Hopewell, January lOth, 1786. The boundary of the lands allotted to the Chickasaw nation to live and hunt on,
*<B^aQ on the ridge that divides the waters running into the Cum- biriimd from those running into the Tennessee, at a point in a line to be nm north-east, which shall strike the Tennessee at the mouth of Duck River; thence running westerly along the said ridge till it shall strike the Ohio ; thence down the southern bank thereof to the Mississippi ; llienoe down the same to the Choctaw line of Natchez District ; thence along the said line, or the line of the district, eastwardlj as far as the Chidcasaws claimed, and lived and hunted on, the twenty-ninth of No- fember, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two. Thence the said iKmndary eastwardly shall be the lands allotted to the Choctaws and Cherokees, to live and hunt on, and the lands at present in possession of the Creeks, saving and reserving for the establishment of a trading post, • tract of land, to be laid out at the lower point of the Muscle Shoals, at fhe mouth of Ocochappo.**
Monette says, that the Chickasaws,by this Treaty, ratified
464 PUBflUIT MAM BT CAPTADT M ABTUT.
and confirmed that made in 1788, with Donelson and Martin, Commissioners of North-Carolina. This Treaty encouraged emigration to Camberland.
The settlements were now becoming stronger by annual ar« IW \ rivals of emigrants, bat had not expanded much, except ( in the direction towards Red River. There the new settlers underwent the usual initiation from Indian ontraga and aggression. Hendrick's Station, on Station-Camp Credc, was assaulted in the night; the house, in which were Mr. and Mrs. Price and their children, was broken into, the parents were killed and their children badly wounded. A boy named Baird, was killed in the day time, and several horses were stolen. Near the Locust-land, where General Hall now liyei^ above Bledsoe's Lick, the Indians killed William Hall and his son Richard, and another man. In May« the Indians came to Richland Creek, and in daylight killed Mark Robertsmi, near the place where Robertson's Mill was since erected. He was a brother of Col. Robertson, and was returning from his house.
During the summer, the Indians came to Drake's Creek, where William Montgomery lived, shot down and scalped his son, and wounded John Allen. In the same neighbour- hood they killed Mr. Morgan, Sen., and were pursued by a party of white men under the command of George Winches- ter, who followed on their trail. Another party, commanded by Captain William Martin, also followed them by a nearer route, and not having found their trail, encamped near it. The other party, on the same night, came on the trail, and seeing the camp of Martin, fired into it and killed William Ridley, the son of George Ridley, late of Davidson county.
Considerable delay occurred before Evans's battalion could be recruited, equipped, provided with supplies, and sent for- ward to Cumberland, as provided for by the Assembly of North-Carolina. Impatient of this delay, Colonel Bledsoe asks permission of Governor Caswell to carry an expedition against the Chickamaugas. His letter is dated from Ken- tucky, whither he and Colonel Robertson had gone, to pro- cure additional forces, with which to chastise the enemy.
<.<#i r»
COLS. DLED80B AND ROBERTSON TO GOVERNOR CASWELL. 405
Kentucky, Juno l^t, 1787, Dear Sir: — At this ])lace T received accounts from Cumbi'Hand, that f^ince 1 last did ni}8eif the pleasure of flddi,ebsiiig you, three pen^ona Lave been killed at that phicc, within about sovt-n miles of Nashville; and ther6 ia scarcely a day, that the Indians do not st^'al horses in either Sumner or Davidson counties ; and I am informed, the people are exceed- ingly dispirited, having had accounts t{iat several northern tribes, ia. conjunction with the Creek nation, have determined the destruction of that diffenceless country, this summer ; and their hopes seem blasted, as to Major Evanses assistance. Colonel Robertson has lately been to this country to get some assistance to carry on a campaign against the Chickamauga towns, and got some assurance from the several officers. The time appointed for the rendezvous, was 6xed to the 15th instaot| but, finding the men cannot be drawn out at that season of the year, I liave thought it my duty to ask your advice in the matter : whether, or sot, we shall have leave of government to carry on such a campaign, if yt^ can make ourselves able, with the assistance of our friends, the Vir- gianians, as they promised us, immediately after harvest.
Soon after the date of Colonel Bledsoe's letter, that officer and Colonel Robertson addressed Governor Caswell, jointly^ under date :
CuMBRRLAKD, June 12th, 1787. Dear Sir : — Nothing but the distress of a bleeding country could in- duce us to trouble you on so disagreeable a subject. We enclose you a li»t of the killed in this quarter, since «)ur departure from this country to the Assembly ; this, with the numbers wounded, the vast numbers of Loracs stolen from the inhabitants, has, in a.degree, flagged the spirits of the people. A report is now hero, and has prevailed throughout this country, and we are induced to believe it is true, that the Spaniards are doin<ir all they can to encourage the several savage tribes to war against the Americans. It is certain, the Chickasaws infonn us, that Spanish traders offer a reward for scalps of the Americans. A disorderly set of French and Spanish tradeii^ are continually on the Tennessee, that, we actually fear, are a grc'at means of encouraging the Indians to do us much mischief Wo siiould wish to take some measures to remove these disorderly traders from the Tennessee, and wish your Excellency's advice in the matter.
At length, the Indian atrocities becoming so bold and fre- qaent, it appeared necessary, for the protection and defence of the settlements, that ofTensive operations should be carried on against the Indians in their own towns. One hundred and thirty men, from the different settlements on Cumber-' laody volunteered for that purpose, and assembled at the liou!>e of Colonel Robertson. Of this force he took the com- mand, assisted by Colonel Robert Hays and Colonel James 80
466 BOBimoH'a maioh to TMnnwii bttsb.
Ford, and inarched for the Indian village, Coldwater, with two Chickasaws as pilots. They crossed at the mouth of Sooth Harper; thence they went a direct course f5 the mouth of Turnbuirs Creek, and up that stream to its head ; thence to Lick Creek, of Duck River ; thence down that creek seven or eight miles, leaving the creek to the right hand; thence to an old and very large Lick; thence to Duck River, where the old Chickasaw trace crossed it ; thence, leaving the trace to the right hand, they went to the head ol Swan Creek ; thence to a creek then called Blue Water, running into the Tennessee River, about a mile and -a half above the lower end of the Muscle Shoals. When within ten miles of these rapids, they heard the roaring of the falls. One of the Indian guides, with several of the most ' active soldiers, was ordered to go to the riven These, about mid- night, returned, saying the river was too distant for them to foaoh that night and return to camp. In the morning, they pursued the same course they had done the day befons. At IS 4/elock, they struck the river at the lower end of the Mus- cle Shoals, where it is said the road now crosses, and <Ami- oealed themselves in the woods till night. On the north Bide of the river they discovered, on a blufi^ a plain path leading along the river, which seemed to be much travelled; and on the south side, opposite to them, were seen several Indian cabins or lodges. Several of the soldiers went down secretly, took their station under the bank, and concealed themselves under the cane, to observe what could be seen on the other side. They had not long remained in their place of concealment, when they saw some Indians reconnoitering and evidently looking out for the troops of Col. Robertson. In doing this, they passed into an island near the south bank of the river, where they entered a canoe, and came half way over the stream. Not being able to see any of the inva- ders, the Indians returned to the island where they had started from, and fastened the canoe. When they left the river, Captain Rains was sent with fifteen men up the path, along the north bank, with orders from Col. Robertson to cap- ture an Indian, if possible, alive. He executed the order, but did not see an Indian. He went nearly to the mouth of
AND ATTACK ON COLDWATEB. 467
Bluewater Creek, when about sunset be was recalled, baving made no discoveries. It was determined to cross tbe river ' tbat nigbt, and tbe soldiers, wbo bad watcbed tbe move- ments of tbe Indians, swam over tbe river and went up to tbe cabins, but tbey found not a single living being in tbe village. Tbey tben untied tbe canoe and returned in it to tbe north bank. It was found to be a very large one, but old and having a bole in its bottom. Tbis tbe men contrived to stop with their shirts. Into tbis frail and leaky barque, forty men, with their fire-arms, entered. Tbey started from tbe shore, and tbe canoe sprang aleak and began to sink. Jumping into the water, the men swam back with tbe canoe to tbe northern bank. In these operations, some noise was neces- sarily made, and considerable time consumed, and tbe em- barkation of the troops was delayed till daylight. With a piece of linn bark, tbe hole in tbe canoe was at length cov- eredy and forty or fifty men crossed over in it, and took pos- session of the bank on tbe south side. Tbe remainder of the troops swam over with the horses. Having all crossed the river in safety, attention was paid to drying their clothes and eqaipments. A rain came on and forced the men into the cabins. After tbe clouds cleared away, tbe troops mounted, aod seeing a well beaten path, leading from tbe river out into the barrens, in a western direction, tbey dashed into it and followed it briskly. At tbe distance of five or six miles they came to com fields, and a mile or two further they came to Coldwater Creek. Tbis most of the troops crossed by a path so narrow that a single horse could only pass it up the bank. On the other side of the creek was a number of cabins, built upon the low grounds, which extended to the river about three hundred yards below. Tbe people of the town were surprised by its sudden and unexpected invasion, and fled precipitately to their boats at tbe river, and were oloselv pursued by such of the men as had crossed the creek. Captain Rains had remained on its other side, with Benjamin Castleman, William Loggins, William Steele and Martin Duncan, and seeing the retreat and flight of the enemy, went down tbe east side of tbe creek to intercept them. Tbe retreating Indians, as tbey ran down on the
408 IBDIAm AND FimCH TMAMam KOUTED.
Other side, and had their attention drawn to those who por- sned them on the same side of the creek* crossed over and came to the spot where Captain Rains and his men were, and were fired upon, while looking back at their pursuers, and not perceiving the snare Into which they had Tallen. Three of them dropped down dead. Three French traders and a white woman, who had got. into a boat and would not surrender, but mixed with the Indians and seemed determined to partake of their fate, whatever it might be, were killed by the troops. They wounded and took prisoner the principal tra^ der and owner of the goods, and five or six other Frenchmen, who lived there as traders. These had in the town, stores of taffla, sugar, coffee, cloths, blankets, Indian wares of all sorts, salt, shot, Indian paintS| knives, powder, tomahawfa^ tobacco and other articles, suitable for Indian commeroe. The troops killed many of the Indians after they had got into the boats, and gave them so hot and deadly a filre fh>m the bank of the river, that they were forced to Jomp into the water, and were shot whilst in it, until, as the Chickasaws afterwards informed them, twenty-six of the Creek warriors were killed in the river. The troops immediately afterwards collected all the boats that were upon the river, and brought them up the creek, opposite to the town, and placed a guard over them. Each of the Indian guides was, next morning, presented with a horse, a gun, and as many blankets and clothes as the horses could carry, as their portion of the spoils, and despatched to their homes. The name of one of them was Toka, a chief.
After the departure of the Chickasaw guides, the troops buried the white men and the woman killed in the engage- ment of the day before, set fire to and burned up the town, and destroyed the domestic animals that were found in and around it. The goods of the traders had been removed from the stores, and with the prisoners, were now put into three or four boats, under the charge of Jonathan Denton, Benjamin Drake, and John and Moses Eskridge, to navigate them. They were directed to descend the Tennessee to some con* venient point on its southern shore, where they were to meet; the mounted troops, and assist them in c:ossing. At the time
ABMY BECR08BBD AT COLBERT^R. 469
the boats started down the river, the horsemen began their march by land, but being without pilots, and entirely unac- quainted with the windings of the stream, they took a course that led them further from it than they intended, into the piny woods, where they encamped. The next day they went to the river, where they saw several persons at a dis- tance on the islands, who proved to be their own boatmen^ Neither knew the other till some of the boatmen, nearing the shore, made the agreeable discovery, that the horsemen on the land were their friends. The troops then moved down the river a few miles, and came to a place just above the point of an island, where the descent to the river was easy and convenient for embarkation, and where the bank on the opposite side afforded a safe landing. Uere» with the as- sistance of the boats, they crossed over. The whole com- mand encamped together on the north shore, and found they had not lost a single man, and that not one was wounded. The place at which the crossing was made, is near what has since been known as Colbert's Ferrv.
The horsemen, after leaving camp on the Tennessee, march- ed oearly a north course, till they struck the path leading to the Chickasaw Old Crossing, on Duck River, where they had crossed going out, and pursuing their own trace, returned unmolested to the Bluff.
At the encampment on the Tennessee, the French prisoners Vfere allowed to take all their tmnks and wearing apparel, And an equal division was made of the sugar and coffee amongst the troops and prisoners. To the latter was also l^ven a canoe, in which, after bidding farewell, they ascend- ed the river.
The dry goods were ordered, under the care of the same Iboatmen, to Nashville. Sailing down the river some days, Ihey met other French boats laden with goods, and having on board French trp-ders, who, being great I j' rejoiced at see- ing their countrymen, as they supposed the Cumberland boatmen to be, returning home, saluted them by firing their gans. The latter, descen ling the river with their guns charged, came alongside of the French boats, boarded them and- captured the boats and crews, and conducted them to a
470 CAPTURE OP THE PRENCH TBADBR8.
place a few miles below Nashville. There the captors gave the Frenchmen a canoe, and dismissed them with peraiission to go down the river, which they did.
The spoils taken at Coldwater, were brought to Eaton^s Station and sold, and the proceeds divided amongst the troops. They returned to Col. Robertson's on the nineteenth day after the commencement of the expedition at his house. From this place, Col. Robertson wrote Gov. Caswell under date —
"Nashville, July 2d, 1787. Sir : — I had tho pleasure of receiving your Excellency's letter to Col. Bledsoe and myself, in which you were so obliging as to mentiQii you would render every aid iu your power to our country. Never was there a time in which your Excellency's assistance an4 attention were more necessary than the present The war being exceedingly hot in the spring, I marched some men near the Chickamaugas ; but wishuig to avoid an open war, returned without doing them any mischiei^ leav- ing a' letter containing every offer of peace that could be made on hon- ourable terms ; in consequence of which, they sent a flag to treat, thongh I have every reason to doubt their sincerity, as sevieral persons wer» killed during their stay, and one man at my house, in their sight They impute the mischief we suffer to the Creeks. A few days after their departure, my brother, Mark Robertson, being killed near my house, I, by the advice of the officers, civil and military, raised about one hun- dred and thirty men, and followed their tracks, near the lower end of the Muscle Shoals, where some Indians discovered us^ fired on our back picket, and alarmed a small town of Cherokees. We found, where wo crasscd Tennessee, pictures of two scalps, made a' few days before; which scalps, we were afterwards informed, were carried into said town by seven Cherokees, who were|^here when we attacked them. Though they constantly kept out spies, we had the good fortune to cross Ten- nessee, and go eighteen miles down the river, till in sight of the town, before the Indians discovered us. We made a rapid charge and entirely defeated them. The aUack began at the mouth of a large creek ; we forced them into the creek and river, and what escaped, either got off in boats or swam the river. About twenty were killed, and several wounded. The whole town, as we were afterwards informed by a Frenchman, whom we found there, had been councilling three days, at the instigation of a princij)al Creek chief, and had unanimously agreed to fight us, if we crossed Tennessee. From what passed at this con- sultation, I have every reason to believe the Creeks totally averse to peace, notwithstanding thoy have had no cause of offence. We have been exceedingly particular in giving tliem no reason to complain. Their force consisted of ten Creeks and thirty-five Cherokee warriors, together with nine Frenchmen, chiefly from Detroit, who had joined the Indians against us. Among the dead was the Creek chief before mentioned, a mischievous Cherokee chief, three Frenchmen and &
COLONEL Robertson's official report. 471
Firencbwoman, who was killed by accident, in one of the boats. In this action we lost not a single man ; but a partj of fiftj men, who was sent to the mouth of Duck River, was there attacked by a largo number of Indians, and we had one man killed and eight wounded. "We were piloted by two Chickasaws, in this expedition ; their nation seem, on every occasion, our friends, and if it were possible to supply them with trade, at the Chickasaw Bluff, there is no doubt but they and the Choctaws would find full employment for our enemies.
From the constant incursions of the Indians, I have been obliged to keep the militia very much in service on scouts, guards, <fec., and havo been under the necessity of promising them pay, without which, I am paiBuaded, the army would have totally broken up, as many have already Qone. I hope you will approve the promise I have made to the inhabi- tants. Sumner county seems to be in peace, compared with this, "being more out of the range of the Indians. I have not an opportunity of seeing Col. Bledsoe, or I make no doubt he would join me in informing your Excellency that our situation, at present, is deplorable — deprived of raising subsistence, and constantly harassed with perfonn- ing military duty, our only hope is in the troops promised us by ths General Assembly ; but, as yet, we have no news of them. I earnestly beg your Excellency to forward them with all possible expedition. I liope that yourEsoellency will, by express or otherwise, favour me with an answer.
This spirited invasion of the heart of the Indian country, and the success that had attended the assault against Cold- 'water, were followed by a short respite from savage aggres- sion* Heretofore, there had not been an hour of safety to an J settler on the waters of Cumberland, and offensive mea- sures were adopted and energetically executed. The ven- geance so long delayed, had, at length, fallen with most fatal effect upon those who had so frequently provoked it. At Goldwater, Colonel Robertson discovered the sources from which the Indians were supplied with the materials which enabled them to make inroads upon the new settlements ; the means by which, and the channels through which, they received them ; and the practicable modes of cutting them offy as well as the facility of seizing upon the stores, when deposited in villages near the place of disembarkation. The advantages acquired by his expedition were various and im- portant, and by putting the Indians in danger at home, and making it necessary for them to act on the defensive, near their own villages, had greatly diminished the vigour of their enterprises against the feeble settlements.
472 DUASTJW TO JTHB BOATMfUl OT 4APTAUI OAT.
These advantages, however, vi^ere eomewhat coaatsracled by the unforfcanate issue of another expedition, coaneotsd^ia part, with that so gallantly carried on by Colonel Rpbertiion, and undertaken aboat the same time, with the view of m- oaring its sucoess.
When the troops started on the campaign to Goldwater, David Hay, of Nashville, had the command of a company l|here, and determined to carry them, simultaneously, against like enemy, by water ; not only to assist their coantryoieii w the assault upon the Indian vitlag^s^ but to carry to tfaem provisions and supplies, which, it was apprehended, tbey might need on their arrival at the Tennessee River, and«]M^ ticularly, in case of the detention of the horsemen in that neighbourhood, for a longer time than was anticipated. Captain Hay and his men descended the river in three boal% and passing around into the Tennessee, had proeeeded anoMH lasted op that stream to the mouth of Dock Rivera When ibey had reached that stream, the boat commanded by Moaes Shelby, entered into it a small distance, for the porpose of examining a canoe^ which he observed there, faatelMd to the bank. A party of Indians had concealed themaelves in the cane and behind the trees, not more than ten or twelve feet from the canoe, and from the boat itself, and poured in a most unexpected fire into the boat. John Top and Hugh Roquering were shot through the body ; Edward Hogan, through the arm, the ball fracturing the bone ; Jo- siah Renfroe was shot through the head, and killed on the spot. The survivors made great haste to get the boat offy but, having the prow up the small river, and several of the crew being wholly disabled, and some of them greatly dis- mayed by the sudden fire and destruction which had come upon them, acted in disorder, and with great difficulty got the boat again into the Tennessee, beyond the reach of the Indian guns, before they could reload and fire a second time. Had this movement been executed with less alacrity and despatch, the rash and unadvised act of going to the canoe, would have caused the whole crew to become victims to the strata- gem of the Indians. As it was, their artful plot had too well succeeded, and the expedition, which promised so much, and
Robertson's kxplanation. 473
thus far had been prosecuted without interruption, was abandoned. Captain Hay returned, with his wounded n)en, to Nashville, where,, alone, surgical and medical assistance could be procured.
The affair at Coldwater, and the capture of the French traders and their goods on the Tennessee, had involved Col. Robertson in a difficulty with a nation then at peace with the United States. That officer deemed it necessary, there- fore, to make a written exposition of the causes and motives vrhich led to the campaign which he had conducted, and in which citizens of France had been made to suffer. This communication he addressed to a functionary at the Illinois* He stated in it,
**That for some years past a trade had been carried on by Frenchmen from the Wabash, wilh the Indians on Tennessee. The trade had been fi>nnerly managed by a Mr. Veiz, and while he carried it on the In- dians were peaceable towards us ; but for two or three years past, these Indians had been extremely inimical, at all seasons killin<2: our men, wo- men and children, and stealing our horses. Ue had sufficient evidence of the fact also, that these Indians were excited to war against us by the suffgestions of these traders, who both advised them to war, and
Skve them goods for carrying it on. The Chickasaws had told him at they had been offered goods by those traders if they would go to mst against us. And one John Rogers declared, that he had seen a Creek fellow have on a pair of arm-bands, which he said were given to him by the French traders, for going to wa^ against our people. Their incursions upon us this spring have been more severe than usual, and I determined to distress them. For this purpose, he stated that he had taken a part of the militia of Davidson county, followed th(^ tracks of one of their scalping parties, who had just been doing murder here, and pursuing them to a town on Tennessee, at the mouth of Coldwater, had destroyed the town, and killed, as he supposed, about twenty of the Indians. The scalps of two of our people whom they had lately mur- dered, were found in the town. Some of the French imprudently put themselves in the action, and some of them fell. From that place he sent a party around to the River Cumbeiland by water. On the Ten- nessee they found five Frenchmen, with two boats, havin^: on board goods to trade with those very Indians. The commander of the party ei4)tured the boats with the traders, and brought them round to the Cumberland, and gave them their choice, cither ti> come up to the set- tlement and stand their trial for what they had done, thereby to try lUid regain their goods, or else they might go home at once without their goods ; they chose the latter. The taking of these boaU, said Col. Bobertson, was without my knowled<;e or approbation. I am now en- deavouring to collect the pro|:erty which was in them, and I desire the
474 AHOTHtE CAMPAiov BT oAVTAor eBAmrov.
ownere to be notified, that if Qxey oonld make it appear that Oiey not gnilty of a breach of the laws, and did not intend to finniui oar enemiee with powder, lead and other gooda, for onr destraction, on «^ plying here at Nashville, they can have their property again. He de- clared that if those Indians would be peaceable, we shoold never attempl to deprive them of any trade they oould procure. But whilst they con- tinue at war, said he, any trados who furnish them witili arma and am- mnnition, will render themselves very insecure.''
The fearless irraption of the troops under Robertson, was followed by a temporary relaxation of Indian hostility. Baft soon after their route and discomfiture at Coldwater, Uwy collected in small bodies, crossed the Tennessee, and oom- menced an undistinguishing carnage upon the settlers, of all ages and sexes. One of these was pursued by a small body of white men under Captain Shannon. The Indiana had reached the bank of Tennessee River ; some were in their camp, eating, others making preparations to cross to the op* posite shore. The former were discovered by Shannon^ men, who fired and rushed impetudusly upon them. Caade- man killed one. Another, proving too strong, took Luke An- derson's gun from him, but before he could discharge her, William Pillow, since a coloujel, of Maury county, and the uncle of Gen. Gideon J. Pillow, of the United States Army, shot the Indian and recovered the gun. The remaining In- dians, who were without the camp, were commanded by Big Foot, a leading warrior of determined bravery. Believing, from the report of the guns which had been fired, that the number of the assailants was inconsiderable, these resolved to attack the whites, and did so. A terrible conflict ensued. Victory, for some time wavering, at length declared against the Indians. Their leader and five of his followers were killed, the rest raised the yell and disappeared in the bushes. Late in July, of this year, two hundred Creek warriors, em- ( bodied for the purpose, as they said, of taking satisfac- ( tion for three Indians killed in an afiair eighteen miles below Chota. Mr. Perrault met and delivered, and expounded to them a letter, written by Col. .Robertson, and addressed to their nation. Perrault endeavoured to dissuade them from hostilities and to get them to turn back, but his nnssion was fruitless. They persevered in their march, adding to their
CAPTAIN JOHN RAINS. 475
rejection of the overtures for peace, a threat, that if their territory should be again invaded, or another Creek should be killed after their present incursion, the whites might ex- pect a merciless war.
Of the battalion ordered to be raised for the protection of Davidson county. Major Evans was appointed to take the command. These troops arrived on Cumberland in succes- sive detachments, accompanying parties of emigrants, that were constantly augmenting the resources and defences of the country. Col. Robertson,. to add further to the efficiency of Evans's battalion, was enabled, from the increased strength of the population, to select and detach a certain portion of it to act as patrols or spies. It was their business to go through the woods from the borders of the settlements — in every direction, and to every place where there was an In- dian or a buffalo trace — to the crossing places on rivers and creeks, to look after the Indians, and to notice the trails they had made in their marches. At that time canes and weeds grew up sd luxuriantly, in all parts of the country, that two or three men, even without horses, could not pass through ^without leaving a discernible trace, which might be fol- lowed with no risk of mistake. Amongst the patrols selected for the performance of this service, was Captain John Rains. Col. Robertson was led to this choice by the experience he had had in his prowess and diligence. His orders to him had always been executed punctually, promptly, and with a degree of bravery that was never exceeded. An occasion Mon offered for the exercise of these eminent qualities. The Indians killed Randal Gentry, not far from the Bluff, at Ihe place where Mr. Foster since lived. About the same time, Curtis Williams and Thomas Fletcher, with his son, "Were also killed near the mouth of Harper. Captain Rains 'was ordered to pursue the perpetrators of this mischief. He soon raised sixty men and followed them. Their trace was .^und and pursuit made ; he passed Mill Creek, Big Harper, the Fishing Ford of Duck River, Elk River, at the mouth of Swan Creek, and Flint River. Not being able to overtake the enemy, he left their trace and went westwardly, and struck McCutchin's trace. Before he reached Elk River, he
476 BAINS DisoovEBa aroiAii camp.
diac^vered tracks of Indians going in the direction of Nasb- villa. At the crossing of the river, he came to the camp which they had left the morning before. He went forward six miles and halted, sending forward a few of his men to see that the enemy was not so near as to hear his men forming their encampment These retufned without having seen any of the Indians. Next morning Captain Rains continned the pursuit, and in the afternoon found the place they had encamped the preceding night. The ground had been cleared of leaves and brush, and upon this the war dancti had been celebrated. There were, moreover, evidences of a wary -and deliberate invasion for hostile purposes, and of very can- tious and watchful progress. The troops, after crossing Daek River, at the mouth of Globe and Fountain Creek, encamped at night on its north side. Renewing their march next morn- ing,* they came, at the distance of six miles on the waleia of Rutherford's Creek, near where Solomon Herring has since lived, upon the camp of the Indians. It was fired upon, whioa the Indians immediately fled, leaving one of their nambar dead. Captain Rains, with his company, then returned to Nashville.
The same vigilant officer soon after received the orders of Colonel Robertson to raise another company, and scour the woods southwardly from Nashville, and destroy an}' Indians that might be found, east of the line dividing the Cherokee and Chickasaw nations. Sixty men constituted the com- mand. They took the Chickasaw trace, crossing Duck River and Swan Creek, pursuing the Chickasaw path, which was recognized as the boundary. They then left the path, going south and cast up the Tennessee River. After two days, they came upon an Indian trail, and made pursuit. They overtook them, killed four men, and captured a boy. Seven horses, guns, blankets, skins, and all the Indians had, were taken. The troop then returned to Nashville.
The boy, who had been taken prisoner in this engage- ment, was the son of a Chickasaw woman. His father was a Creek warrior. Mountain Leader, a distinguished chief of her nation, wrote, in behalf of the mother, to Captain Rains, and proposed to exchange, for his prisoner, the son of a Mrs.
THIRD CAMPAIGN OF RAINS. 471
Naine, who had been stolen by the Creeks from her, on White's CriBck, and taken to the interior of their nation. Batterboo, a son of the Mountain Leader, had re captured him from the Creeks. The exchange, as proposed, was agreed to and made.
In September, of this year. Captain Rains, being reinforced by a like number of men, commanded by Captain Shannon, made his third expedition. The troop passed Greene's Lick and Pond Spring, towards the head of Elk, scouring the woods in various directions. They came upon a fresh Indian trail, which they followed, and soon overtook the enemy. Captain Rains, and one of his men, Beverly Ridley, pursued one of them and killed him. John Rains, Jun., and Robert Evans, outran another, and made him prisoner. All the rest escaped by flight. In the camp of this party were found large quantities of skins and other plunder, which, with fif- teen horses, fell into the bands of the whites.
Besides these excursions of Captain Rains, other compa- nies made similar expeditions in every direction throughout the country. Of the troops sent over Cumberland Mountain, to protect the infant settlements, was a company of rangers^ commanded by Captain William Martin. He remained in tfaat frontier nearly two years ; sometimes stationed in a fort, sometimes pursuing marauding parties of Indians, sometimes opening up channels of travel, by which emigrants could more easily reach the forming settlements.* The Indians soon became more wary in their invasions of the settle- ments, as the woods through which they had to pass were constantly traversed by armed bodies of men, endeavouring to find their trails and prevent their inro2»ds. In addition to these companies raised from the settlers, a part of Major Evanses battalion was distributed over the country, and placed at the diflferent stations, in such proportions as emer- gencies required. The command of Captain Hadley re- mained for nearly two years, and added alike to the popu- lation and security of the country. Scouts were sc^t out
* At the Talladega battle, after Colonel Pillow was wounded » bis Lieutenant- Coleiiel WQliam Martin, took oommand, and was conspicuous for his good oon« duet.
i^^lB ' CONTlIfUED INDIAN AGGB.ESSIONS.
fiwn BIflAH>e*s Lick to the Cnny Fork, under the command ,(tf Colonel Winchester. They frequently fell upon Indian ^railB, and met war parties in the woods, with great variety ot fortane, Bometimes disastrous and sometimes successftil.
Bat, notwithstanding all these measures of defence and pMOAntLon, the Indians occasionally succeeded in penetra- ting to the more exposed frontier stations, and murdering the inhabitantB. In thi^ way Samuel Buchanan was killed. The Indiameatne upon him, ploughing in the field, and fired upon him. He ran, and was pursued by twelve Indians, tftklng, in their pursuit, the form of a half-moon. When he iMme to the btutf of the creek, below the field, be jumped down a steep bank into the creek, where he was overtaken, Idllod and scalped. But the frontier, generally, was so vigi- ilutly guarded by brave men, experienced in Indian fighting, jlliat little soeoess followed the incursions of the enemy — ■ow more onfrequent, and conducted with timidity and «aatioD.
I TJia settlements had received considerable addition of .|^ I emignuits. Agricultural pursuits were rewarded by - ( bountiful crops, and the implacable enmity of the lavages was the only interruption to general prosperity. In February, the Indiana came In Bledsoe's Station, in the night time, and wounded George Hamilton, and went off. Near Asher's Station, on the north side of Cambsrland, thej wounded Jesse Maxey ; he fell, and Uiey scalped him and stuck a knife into hia body. Contrary to expectation, he recovered.
The Indians came to the house of William Montgomery, on Drake's Creek, In daylight, and killed, at the spring, not a hundred yards from the house, his three sons. In Mansh, of the same year, a party of Creeks kilted Peyton, the aim of Col. James Robertson, at his plantation on Rioblattd Creek, and captured a lad, John Johnston, and retained him in captivity several years. Robert Jones was kilted, some time afterwards, at Wilson's Station, and Benjamin Willlanu^ near the head of Station-Camp Creek. Mrs. Neely was killed, and Robert Edroondson wounded, in Neety's B*o4 and in October following, Dunham and Astill were' killed.
MISSION OF H066ATT AND EWIKG. 479
These repeated acts of hostility on the part of the Creek nation, were generally ascribed to Spanish influence. That tribe had no real cause of displeasure against the people of Cumberland. They claimed no territory upon which settle- ments had been formed ; no encroachments upon th^ir pos- sessions had been made ; no acts of oflTensive war been perpetrated by Robertson and his colonists, except in defence of themselves and their families. Under these circumstan- ces, it was determined to inquire, in a formal manner, from the Chief of the Creek nation, what were the grounds of their offensive deportment towards the settlers. Colonel Robertson and Colonel Anthony Bledsoe, therefore, addressed a joint letter to the celebrated McGillevray, which was transmitted to him by special messengers, Mr. Hoggatt and Ifr. Ewing. To this communication, the chief replied from Little Tallassee, April 4, 1788. In his reply, he mentioned that, in common with other southern tribes, the Creeks had adhered to the British interest during the late war. That after peace was made, he had accepted proposals for friend- ship between their people, but that while that accommoda- tion was pending, six of his nation were killed in the anair at Coldwater ; and these warriors belonging to different towns, in each of which they had connexions of the first consequence, a violent clamour followed, which had given rise to the expeditions that afterwards took place against Cumberland. The affair at Coldwater, he continued, has since been amply retaliated, and I will now use my best endea- vours to bring about a peace between us. This friendly overture was scarcely received on Cumberland, when, on the twentieth of July, hostilities were again renewed.
Unfortunately for the country, the first victim was an individual prominent for his private virtues and for his pub- lic services, civil and militar}', rendered to the people on the frontier from the first settlement of Holston and Cumber- land. Col. Anthony Bledsoe, having broken up his own fort, on what was known as the Greenfield Grant, had moved into the fort of his brother, Isaac Bledsoe, at Bledsoe's Lick, and occupied one end of his house. About midnight, of July 20th, after the families living in the fort had retired to
480 SOBEETSOH TBIfPOftI23Ba. '
bed, James Clendening announced that the Indians were approaching near the houses. A party of them had formed an ambuscade about forty yards in front of the ptasage separating the houses of the two brothersi and, with the yiew of drawing out the inmatdi, a few of the Indiana rode rapidly through a lane near the fort. Col. Anthoqy Bledsoe^ hearing the alarm, immediately arose, and, with his servant Campbell, went boldly into the passage. The night was clear ^nd the moon shone brightly. The Indians iSredi Campbell was killed, and the colonel received a mortal wound, being shot directly through the body. He died 9t sunrise next morning.
The fire of the Indians aroused William Hall, who was also at Bledsoe's Lick, and he made inunediate prepatalioa to resist a further anticipated attack. With some citlier gunmen, he went to the port-holes, and there remsiiied till daylight The Indiaqjs, seeing the fort was upon its gmM^ made no fhrther assault, and withdrew.
At this period, it will be recollected, that the Unioii waiiA di^^er, and on the point of dissolution from the imbeeilitf of its own structure, and that North-Carolina betrayed both inability and disinclination to furnish her trans-montant counties any assistance. Col. Robertson adopted the policy oftemporizing and amusing, for the time being, both the Creek chieftain and the agents of Spain, and to dissemble the deep resentment their conduct had excited. With this view, he replied to McGillevray on the 3d of August, and though the re- cent death of his friend Col. Bledsoe, must have greatly irritated him, he suppressed every feeling of resentment and asperity. He acknowledged the satisfaction McGillevray^s letter had given to his countrymen, and even seemed to extenuate the recent aggressions of the Creeks upon the settlers. He men- tioned, without comment, the death of Col. Bledsoe, and alb a means of further conciliation, added, that he had caused a deed for a lot in Nashville to be recorded in his name, and begged to know whether he would accept a tract or two of land in our young country. "I would say much to yon,** he continued, *' respecting this fine country, but am fully sensi- ble you are better able to judge what may take place a few
R0B£RT80N*8 SKILFUL NEGOTIATION. 481
years hence, than myself. In all probability, we cannot long remain iu our present state, and if the British or any com- mercial nation, who may possess the mouth of the Missis- sippi River, would furnish us with trade, and receive our produce, there ^annot be a doubt, but that the people west of the Apalachian Mountains will open their eyes to their true interests. I shall be very happy to have your sentiments on these matters." This piece of diplomacy was not, as will be seen hereafter, without its effect upon those for whose use it was specially intended.
Thus skilfully did the young diplomatist at the Bluff*, con- duct the negotiation for its safety. To a further complaint made by McGiilevray, of encroachments by settlers upon Oreek territory, Col. Robertson again replied : " He regretted tfae circumstances, and excused both himself and the people of Cumberland from blame, by remarking, that they were not a part of the state*' whose people made the encroach- ments. The people of Cumberland, he avowed, only claimed the lands which the Cherokces had sold in 1775, to Col. Hen- derson, and for which they were paid. He had not expected to be blamed for his late expedition against the Indians below the Muscle Shoals, who were known to be a lawless banditti, and subject to the regulations of no nation. He had been subjected, recently, to the mortification of seeing one of his own children inhumanly massacred, a shock that almost eonquered the fortitude which he had been endeavouring, firom his earliest youth, to provide as -a shield against the calamitous evils of this life. At the same time a neighbour's child was made prisoner, whom he requested the good offices of McGiilevray to have restored. He had, last fall, stopped an excursion against the Cherokces, on hearing from Doct. White their friendly professions. He importuned McGiilevray to punish the refractory part of his nation, as the only means of preserving peace." Here grief imperceptibly stole upon his mind, ^d poured forth itself in nature's simple strains. *'It is a matter of no reflection," said he, " to a brave man, to see a father, a son, or a brother, fall iu the field of action. But
•Alluding to Franklin. 31
482 DAVIDflON MILITIA GUARD EMIGRAMT8.
it is a serious and melancholy incident to see a helpless wo- man or an innocent child tomahawked in their own houses."
To these strong and pathetic appeals of Col. RobertsoDt McGillevray replied, that he had endeavouredto get the Lit- tle Turkey and Bloody Fellow to refrain future hostilities against the whites, and that he would persist in measares most proper to keep the Creeks from further hostilities against Cumberland.
The people of Tennessee have reason to venerate the memory of James Robertson, alike for his military and civil services, and the earnest and successful manner in which he conducted his negotiations for peace and commerce. His probity and weight of character, secured to his remonstraih ces with Indian and Spanish agents, respectful attention and consideration. His earnest and truthful manner was rarely disregarded by either.
One hundred men, raised in Davidson and Sumner, and ( commanded by Col. Mansco and Major Kirkpatriek» c escorted twenty-two families/ who came this year by the way of the future Knoxville to Cumberland. These guards, to escort emigrant families through the wilderness^ were continued several years, and afforded them almost per- fect security from Indian disturbance. But wherever a house or a station was allowed to remain defenceless, murder and depredation followed. The Indians, after they killed Bled- soe, murdered one Walters, near Winchester's Mill. They attacked the station of Southerland Mayfield, upon the head of the west fork of Mill Creek, four miles above its junction with the east fork. The party consisted of ten or twelve Creek warriors In the evening, they came to a place near the station where Mayfield, his two sons, Col. Jocelyn, and another person, were making a wolf pen. The Indians, un- perCeived, got between them and their guns. They fired upon and killed Mayfield, one of his sons, and another per- son, a guard at that station. They fired upon the gu|ird and the son, as they went in the direction of the guns to bring to the pen something that was there, and jumped over a log, from where they had lain behind it, to scalp them, in the presence of Mayfield and Jocelyn. The latter ran for his
Drli^Aini AYTACK brown's station^ 483
gun and g^^ amongst the Indians, who fired upon him and drove ^jj^i hack> pursuing him in the form of a half moon. At le» jg^ii ^jjgy jrove him to a very large log, over which, if iie c j^jj jjQ^ have jumped, he was completely penned. Be- y^^ id his own expectation, Jocclyn leaped over the log and '^ if upon his back. Despairing of overtaking a man of so '^ avmh activity, the Indians desisted from any further pursuit and lefl; him. By a circuitous route he reached the station, llayfield was wounded* He was not seen or pursued by tAe Indians, but was found next day dead. George Mayfield ^as taken prisoner, and held in captivity many years. Sat- isfied with th^ guns and the prisoner they had taken, the In- dians made no assault upon the station, but made a hasty retreat. The people in the station then removed to Captain R&iEls, near Nashville. A mile below Mayfield^ the In- die.ns attacked Brown's Station, and killed four boys — two &e sons of Stowball, one a son of Joseph Denton, and the other a son of John Brown. Not long after, at the same station, James Haggard and his wife, John Haggard, and a man named Adams, were all killed. The people in this sta- tion then removed to Captain Rains.
On the 20th January, of this year, the Indians killed Capt. . Hunter, and dangerously wounded Hugh F. Bell. A party of white men pursued, and, at the distance of two and a half miles, came upon them ambuscaded. They fired upon their pursuers, killed Major Kirkpatrick, and wounded J. Foster and William Brown. At Dunham's Station, in the spring, they killed Mills ; in May, Dunham ; and, in the sum- mer, Joseph Norrington, and another Dunham, near the place where Joseph Trvin's house has since been built. J. Cock- rill was fired, at and his horse was killed. Besides these al- ready mentioned, there were several others killed, whose Barnes are not recollected. Hostilities continued throughout the summer, and Miss McGaughy, at Hickman's Sta- tion, and Hugh Webb, on the Kentucky trace, near Barren River, were killed by the Indians. Henry Ramsey was shot through the body, near Bledsoe's Creek, between Greenfield . and Morgan's Station, three or four miles from Bledsoe's 'Xick.
\
484 ROBERTBON^a STATION ATTACKED.
In May, Jadge McNairy, with several others, on their way ( from Cumberland to what was then called the settle'
1789 1
( mentSy encamped for the night in the wilderness west of Clinch River. Next morning a large company of Indians fell upon them, killing one white man named Stanley, a Chicka- saw chief called Longhair, and his son. The whites were entirely routed, and escaped only by swimming across the river. They lost all their horses, and the most of their clothing.
In Jp.ne, the Indians made a bold attack on Robertflon's Station. It was made in the day time, while the hands were at work in the field. In their escape to the fort. Gen. Robert- son was wounded. He gave orders to Col. Elijah Robertson to send a force immediately against the Indians who had re- treated. To Captain Sampson Williams was this service assigned, who, with sixty or seventy men, convened at Gen. Robertson's, marched at once, pursuing the enemy along McCutchin's trace, up West Harper, to the ridge of Dock River. Here they discovered that the Indians out-travelled them. Twenty men were ordered to the front, to leave their horses, and to make forced marches upon the trail. Captain Williams and the twenty men, one of whom was Andrew Jackson, pushed forward and soon came in view of the In- dian camp, on the south side of Duck River. They then went up the river a mile and a half, crossed over it in the night, and went down its bank to the place the Indian camp was supposed to be. The cane was so thick that they coald not find the camp, and they lay on their arms all night. In the morning, Captain Williams advancing about fifty yards, descried the Indians repairing their fires, at the distance of one hundred yards from him. He and his men rushed to- wards them, fired at sixty yards distance, killed one, wounded five or six, and drove the whole party across the river to the north side. The Indians carried ofi* their wounded and es- caped, not taking time even to return the fire. In their flight they left to the victors sixteen guns, nineteen shot-pouches, and all their baggage, consisting of blankets, moccasins and leggins. They were not again overtaken.
Near the mouth of the Sulphur Fork of Red River, the In-
AftBIVAL OP COLONEL PILLOW. 465
dians fell upon tbc families of Isaac and John Titswortbi moving to the country. They, their wives and children^ were all killed.
Evan Shelby, Abednego Lewellen, Hugh F. Bell, and Colonel Teiien, were in the woods hunting. The two for- mer were killed ; the two last escaped.
In September, the Indians came to Buchanan's Station. John Blackburn, standing on the bank of the creek near the spring, was fired upon by ten or twelve of them at the same time. He was killed, scalped, and left with a spear ■ticking in his body.
Among other emigrants from North-Carolina to Cumber- landy was the father of Colonel William Pillow. He came through the wilderness with the guard commanded by Captain Elijah Robertson, and settled four miles south of Nashville, at Brown's Station. The son, William Pillow, was in most of the expeditions carried on against the In- dians, from the time of his arrival in the country to the close ■of the Indian war. He was under Captain Rains in the tour to Elk River, already mentioned. He also accompa- nied Captain John Gordon in pursuit of the Indians who had killed a woman near Buchanan's Station. Only one of the savages was killed ; the rest elfected their escape in the oane, and at night He was also one of Captain Murray's company, who gave pursuit to the Indians, who, in Febru- ary, killed John Helin at Jonathan Robertson's Station, six or seven miles below Nashville, and had also stolen several horses in that neighbourhood. Murray's company crossed Dock River, five miles below the place where Columbia now •tandsy and continued a rapid march, day and night. The ■moke from the enemy's camp was discovered, and four or fiye spies were sent forward. Captain Murray charged obliquely to the right of the camp, which was on the bank of Tennessee River. His left charged obliquely to the left, and struck the river above the Indian camp. The spies fired and killed one ; the other Indians ran down the river into Capt. Mnrray's line, when, finding their fiight intercepted in that direction, they jumped into the river, and were shot. Mr. ICaclin shot one before he got into the water. William Pil-
486 SIGNAL VALOUBy IimEPIDmr AHD flUrrERIKGB
low, hearing a gun fire at a place which he had just passed, pushed his horse up the steep second river bank, and dia^ covered Davis running towards him, pursued by four Indians. Pillow dashed forward, and the Indians, discontmuini^ the pursuit of Davis, ran off in the opposite direction. Pillow, pressing the pursuit too eagerly, fell from his horse ; but re* covered, sprang to his feet, gained upon the Indian, and dis- charged the contents of his musket into his body. At that moment, Captain Murray, Thomas Cox, Robert Evans, Lake Anderson and William Ewing rode up, and Pillow pointed out to them the direction one of the Indians had gone. Thqf immediately gave pursuit, and saw the Indian attempting to mount Pillow's horse, which he succeeded in doing. Cox ran up and shot him through the shoulder. The Indian, nevertheless, held on to PillcfS^'s horse, and kept him in a gallop till the whole company came up with him. He now slipped off the horse, and, as he ca^e to the ground, scared Anderson's mule, which run under a low tree, whose limbs caught his gun and jerked it out of his hand. The brave Indian caught it up, snapped it three or four times at them, before Evans shot him down. Pursuit was then made by Andrew Castleman and others, after the two other Indians whom Pillow had driven from Davis. They were found hid in the water, under a bluff of rocks ; both were killed. Others were found concealing themselves under the bank, and suffered the same fate. Eleven warriors were killed ; the whole party, as was ascertained from the squaws who were taken prisoners.*
Such were the accumulated difficulties from savage hos- tility, undergone by the Cumberland settlements, in the first nine years after the arrival of Robertson at the Bluff. The prophecy of the sagacious Cherokee chief had been already fulfilled to the letter, and, still later, received further and stronger realization. "Much trouble" attended each step in the growth of the gallant community, of which the French Lick was the nucleus. And it may be safely said, that as the co-pioneers and compatriots of Robertson under-
*Manuscript NarratiTed.
OF THB CUMBBRLAMD PBOPLB. 487
went trials, hardships, dangers, invasion, assault, massacre and death from Indian warfare, unsurpassed, in degree and duration, in the history of anypeople ; so they were endured with a fortitude, borne with a ' perseverance, encountered with a determination, resisted with a courage, and signal- ized with a valour, unequalled and unrecorded. The Bluffy the stations in its environs, the forts in the adjoining neigh- bourhoods, each hunting excusion, the settlement of each farm around the flourishing metropolis of Tennessee, fur^ Bishes its tale of desperate adventure and romantic heroism, ' upon which this writer dare not here linger. A volume would be insufficient for that desirable and necessary pur- pose ; and leaving that duty to some admiring and grateful ettizen of Nashville, he hastens, for the present, from the account of the military, to the civil affairs of Cumberland. The General Assembly of North-Carolina, in May of this \ y®*^' engaged by a public act, in the form of a reso- ( lution, to give to the officers and soldiers, in its line of tiie Continental establishment, a bounty in lands in propor- tion to their respective grades. These lands were to be laid off in what is known as Middle Tennessee. To all such as were then in the military service, and should continue to the end of the war, or such as, from wounds or bodily infirmity, have been, or shall be, rendered unfit for service ; and to the heirs of such as shall have fallen, or shall fall, in defence of the country. There never was a bounty more richly de- served, or more ungrudgingly promised. It furnished to the war-worn soldier, or to his children, a home in the new and fertile lands of the West, where a competency, at least, per- haps wealth or even affluence, might follow, after the storm ef war was past; and where the serene evening of life might be spent in the contemplation of the eventful scenes of his earlier years, devoted to the service of his country, and to the cause of freedom and independence. In search of this bounty, thus provided by North-Carolina for her whig sol- diery, a vast emigration from that state came soon after to what is now Tennessee; and, owing to this cause, it was at one time estimated, that nine-tenths of the Tennessee pop u-
488 CIVIL OOVBENMKHT AT TBH BUUTF^
lation came from the mother state. It is still, essentially, North-Carolinian.
As on Watauga at its first settlement, so, also now, on Cumberland, the colonists bf Robertson ^vere ivitbout any regularly organized government The country was within the boundaries of Washington county, which extended to the Mississippi River, perhaps the largest extent of territory ever embraced in a single county. But, even here, in the wilds of Cumberland, removed more than six hundred miles from their seat of government, the people demonstrated again their adequacy to self-government. Soon after their arrival at the Bluff, the settlers appointed trustees, and signed a covenant, obliging themselves to conform to the judgments and decisions of these ofBccrs, in whom they had vested the powers of government. Those who signed the covenant had considerable advantages over those who did not ; they were respectively allowed a tract of land, the quiet posses- sion of which was guaranteed by the colony. Those who did not sign the covenant, were considered as having no right to their lands, and could be dispossessed by a signer with- out any recourse. To the trustees were allowed, in these times of primitive honesty and old-fashioned public spirit, neither fees nor salaries. But, to the cierk appointed by the trustees, were given small perquisites, as compensation for the expense of paper and stationery. The trustees were the Executive of the colony, and had the whole government in their own hands ; acting as the judiciary, their decisions gave general satisfaction. To them were also committed the functions of the sacerdotal ofiice, in the celebration of the rites of matrimony. The founder of the colony. Captain James Robertson, as might have been expected, was one of the trustees, and was the first who married a couple. These were Captain Leiper and his wife. Mr. James Shaw was also a trustee, aud married Edward Swanson to Mrs. Car- vin, James Freeland to Mrs. Maxwell, Cornelius Riddle to Miss Jane Mulherrin, and John Tucker to Jenny Herod, all in one day. The first child born in the country, was John Saunders, since the sherifi* of Montgomery county, and after-
FIRST OHILD BORN IV VABBVILLB. 480
wards killed on White River by the Indians. The second born in the country, was Anna Wells. The first child bora in Nashville, was the son ofCaptain Robertson — the present venerable relict of another a^e — Doctor Felix Robertson. •
Under this patriarchal form of government, by trustees se- lected, on account of their experience, probity and firmness, the colony was planted, defended, governed and provided for, several years ; and the administration of justice, and the pro- tection of rights, though simple and a little irregular, it is believed, were as perfect and satisfactory as at any subse- quent period in its history.
The right to the lands on the Lower Cumberland, at the time the Revolutionary War commenced, lay in the Chicka* saws, rather than in the Cherokees. The former, prior to that time, lived north of the Tennessee River, and at least fifty miles lower down that stream, than the lowest Cherokee towns. The greatest contiguity to hunting grounds, and the prior use of them, seems to be the best claim Indians can establish to them. The Chickasaws claimed, and ceded, the Cumberland lands, at the treaty held by Donelson and Martin in 1782 or 1788.* It was, probably, never reported to Con- Where this treaty was held, its exact date, the boun- agreed upon, &c., &c., this writer has not been able to ascertain. It is referred to, as above, in a letter from Governor William Blount to the Secretary of War, dated Knoxville, January I4th, 1708.
But North-Carolina owned the territory, and began to ex- ercise further guardianship over her distant possessions. In April of seventeen hundred and eighty-two, her legislature, by an act passed for that purpose, allowed to the settlers on the Cumberland rights of pre-emption. Six hundred and forty acres were allowed to each family or head of a family. A similar provision was made for each single man, of the age of twenty-one years and upward, who had settled the lands before the flrst of June, 1780. Such tracts were to in- clude the improvement each settler had made. No right of pre-emption, however, was extended, so as to include any
^American State Papen^ vol. v., pp. 482 and 826.
400 LAHDB OB AMTID TO mLDIflM.
flalt lick or salt spring ; these were reserved by the same act as public property, together with six hundred and forty acnes of adjoining lands ; the rest of the country was all de- clared to be subject to partition.
The act for the relief of the officers and soldiers in her Conti- nental line, made good all depreciation of pay and subsist- ence and clothing, of each officer and soldier, and provided for the widow and heirs of such as were killed in the public service. It made a princely allowance in lands ** as an ef- fectual and permanent reward for their signal bravery and persevering zeal," to the officers and soldiers of the Conti- nental line; to a Brigadier-General, twelve thousand acres; and to all intermediate ranks, in that proportion. To Greneral Nathaniel Greene, twenty-five thousand acres were given, ^ as a mark of the high sense this state entertains of the ex- traordinary services of that brave and gallant officer.**
Absalom Tatom, Isaac Shelby and Anthony Bledsoe* were appointed Commissioners to lay off the lands thus allotted. The Commissioners were to be accompanied by a gaard of one hundred men.
Courts of Equity were, at the same session of the legisla* ture, established in all the districts of the state. What is now Tennessee, was embraced in the District of Morgan.
The war of the Revolution was coming to an end, and ( from this event, as had been anticipated by Captain ( Kobertson, an abatement of Indian hostility followed. The prospect of peace and security to emigrants and their property, induced the removal of great numbers from the Atlantic sections, which gave new strength and increased animation to the Cumberland settlements.
At the commencement of this year, Commissioners who ( had been appointed to lay off the bounty lands to the ( officers and soldiers in the North-Carolina line, came to Cumberland. They were accompanied by a numerous guard, for whose services, compensation was provided, in lands, afterwards known as guard rights. Many sought to be enlisted in the service, and the guard soon became for- midable for its numbers. The Indians offered them no mo- lestation, while they were executing the duties of their ap-
OOBOmfllOH TO LAY OFF BOUlTTr IiAIIDS. 491
pointment. The settlers were much encouraged by their presence, and, as such an accession of armed men gave great additional strength to the defence of the country, all idea of leaving it was, at once, abandoned, and the settlements be- gan to wear the aspect of permanence and stability, and a flood of new emigrants soon followed.
The Commissioners, accompanied by the guard and a few of the inhabitants, went to the place since known as Lati- tude Hill, on Elk River, to ascertain the thirty-fifth degree of north latitude. Here they made their observation. They then proceeded to lay off, for General Greene, the twenty- five thousand acres of land presented by North-Carolina to him. The present had been richly deserved, and, on the part of the state, was munificent. It embraced some of the best lands on Dock River — perhaps the best in Tennessee.
The Commissioners then, fifly-five miles from the south- em boundary and parallel thereto, ran the Continental line. But the Assembly, at the request of the officers, during their session of this year, directed it to be laid off from the north- em boundary, fifly-five miles to the south : '' beginning on the Virginia line, where Cumberland River intersects the same ; thence south, fiflj'-five miles ; thence west, to the Ten- nessee River ; thence down the Tennessee to the Virginia line ; thence with the said Virginia line, east, to the begin- ning.'*
A further duty of the Commissioners was to examine into .the claims of those persons who considered themselves enti- tled to the pre-emption rights granted to those who settled on Cumberland previous to June Ist, 1780. This was done by the Commission sitting at the Bluff, and the necessary cer- tificates for the pre-emption rights were issued.
Its duties performed, the Commission was dissolved, and Isaac Shelby ceased to be a citizen of what is now Tennes- see, and removed to Kentucky. These annals have testified to the energy, fidelity and success of his services in the mili- tary, civil and political affairs of the country, from the com- mencement of its settlement to the present time. Of his subsequent history, Tennessee may well be proud. His no- vitiate in the public service was passed, and his character
498 ^HAKACTBR OF IBAAC SHBLBT AlTD
formed within her borders and amongst her pioneers. There he laid, with his own sword, the basis of his reputation, and there he acquired the materials out of which to erect the column of renown which has since adorned his name. A fellow-soldier and co-patriot of Sevier, these youthful vol- unteers fired the first guns on the Kenhawa — conquered to- gether at King's Mountain, and together captured the British post at Wapetaw. With their joint assistance, the founda^ tion of society in the West was laid by Robertson. These three are the real artificers of Western character, and their oo-operation moulded into form the elements which consti- tute its beauty and its strength. The Volunteer State is much indebted to Isaac Shelby. But the details of his fu- ture life cannot be here given. It is proper, however, to add that he became the first Governor of the State of his adop- tion, and that, in the war of eighten hundred and twelve, having again been elected Governor of Kentucky, he marched, at the head of four thousand Kentucky troops, across the State of Ohio, to General Harrison's head-quarters, and there exhibited the same cool and determined courage that had signalized his youth. The last public service he performed for Tennessee was, as one of the Commissioners at the treaty with the Chickasaw Indians, at which that tribe re- linquished all their lands north of the southern boundary of the state, and between the Tennessee and Mississippi Rivers. His death occurred suddenly, July 18, 1826, in the 76th year of his age. The memory of this brave ofiicer and patriotic man, is perpetuated by the state, in the name of her south- western county, where he negotiated with the Chickasaws, and in the name of the beautiful county seat, Shclbyville, in Bedford county.
Amongst the enactments by the Assembly of this year, { was one laying off the county of Davidson, and ap- ( pointing for it civil and military officers as in other counties, and establishing a court of pleas and quarter ses- sions.
Davidson county, like the other three already established west of the Apalachian chain, received its name from an officer of the army of the Revolution, General William
OF OEMlteAL DAVID80X. 403
Davidson, of Mecklenburg county, North-Carolina. A na- tive of that part of the state which had early exhibited an enthusiastic devotion to independence and freedom, he sought and obtained a command, though of inferior grade, in the Continental army. In that service he was considered a gallant officer, and acquired reputation. When the enemy overran South-Carolina, he left the regular service, and was immediately appointed General in the North-Carolina mili- tia. In his new sphere of duty, he manifested great zeal and public spirit. It was he whom Col. McDowell sought, to invite him to take the chief command of the troops at King's Mountain. He was constantly on the alert to dis- perse the tories and annoy Lord Cornwallis, while his headr ■ quarters were at Charlotte. After the battle of the Cow- pens, Morgan, in removing the prisoners, for safe keeping, to Virginia, was pursued by the British army. General Davidson, having under his command some active militia^ men, hastily collected in his neighbourhood, endeavoured to retard the pursuers, and at every river and creek caused them some delay, and thus contributed, essentiall}^ to the escape of the American army and the prisoners which encumbered its march. In this service General Davidson lost his life. On the first of February, 1781, the British army, accompanied by loyalists, who knew .the roads and crossing places, came to the Catawba River, at Cowan's Ford, and began to cross at that place. Davidson rode to the river, to reconnoitre the enemy on the other side, with the hope of devising some plan to keep them back awhile* A tory, who knew him, and who was in advance, piloting the enemy, had nearly crossed the river, and, unperceived by the General, was near the bank on which he rode, and shot him. Knowing that the wou id was mortal, he rode briskly back to a place where he had left part of his troops, gave them some necessary directions what to do, and soon after expired. " Never was there a more intrepid soldier ; never a greater patriot ; never did any man love his country with a more ardent affection. His name should be ever dear to the people of North-Carolina and Tennessee." *
'Hajrwood.
404 NASHVILUB BBTABUSHSD.
His grave is pointed ont« and may be seen, not far from v^here he fell, in Hopewell Church-yard. Congress voted him a monument, but his grave is yet without an inscription. The metropolitan county of Tennessee perpetuates his name. His virtue, patriotism and valour, can never 4)6 for- gotten.
The Legislature also established a town at the Bluff. It was ( named Nashville, in honour of Col. Francis Nash. He ( was an early advocate for resistance against arbitrary power — being a captain in the Regulation war in 1771, and appointed as early as the 24th August, 1 775, by the Congress of North-Carolina, as one of a Committee to prepare a plan for the regulation, internal peace, order and safety of the province. To this important Committee was entrusted the* duty of proposing a sj'stem of government, which would supply the want of an executive officer, arising from the ab- sence of Governor Martin, who had fled from his palace^ and of submitting other subordinate plans of government^ such as the institation of Committees of Safety, the qualifi- cations of electors, '* and every other civil power necessary to be formed, in order to relieve the province in the present unhappy state to which the administration had reduced it."*
September 1st, 1775, the North-Carolina Congress ap- pointed Mr. Nash, Lieutenant-Colonel of the first regiment in the Continental service. At the battle of Germantown he commanded as Brigadier-General, and at the head of his brigade, fell bravely fighting for the Independence of his country. Davidson and Nash were from the same state — bore the same rank in her armies — both fell in engagemer that were unsuccessful to the American arms, but their no '^ will be gratefully remembered, while the metropolitan ^^^
ty, and the metropolis itself of Tennessee, shall conti* coun-
The curious may wish to see the initiative proce ^u®- the first Court held in Davidson county. >edings of
1783 — Oct. 6 — County Court of DAYrosoN ins* Whereas, ao act was made at llillsborough, tbe * nruTED.
past, etc., appointing and commissioning the follow' ^^ prW session last Anthony Bledsoe, Daniel Smith, Jas. Kobertso* *ng T entlemen, via :—
^,ls^: X5* Bledsoe, Samuel
DAVIDSON COUKTY COUftT. • 495
BmIoq, Thos Molloy, Francis Prince, and Isaac Lindsay, Esqs., mem- bers of said G)urt ; Isaac Bledsoe, Samuel Barton, Francis Prince, and Isaac Lindsay, met and were qualified in the following manner : — the next junior to the senior member present, montioneil in the Commission, administered the oaths of office prescribed for the qualifications of pub- lic officers,,to the senior member present, and then he to the others pre- sent
* (Signed,) Isaac Bledsob.
Test — Andrbv Ewino, C D. C.
The Court then proceeded to elect a Clerk, and made choice of Mat- thew Talbot, Jun., Esq.
Daniel Williams, elected Sheri£
Oct 7 — Talbot not being able to give security give up, the place was declared vacant, and the Court proceeded to elect Andrew Ewing, Clerk.
Samuel Barton, elected Entry-taker.
Francis Prince, Register.
The Court then nominated constables in the several stations, viz : — (Samnel ^ason, at Maulding^s ; James McCain, at Mansco's ; Stephen Bay, at Heatonsburg, John McAdams, at Nashborough ; and Edward Bwanson, at Freeland's Station.
The Court then proceeded to fix on a place for the building of a court-house and prison, and agreed that in the present situation of the settlement that it be at Nashborough — size of court-house to be eigh- teen feet square, with a shade of twelve feet on the one side of the length of the house ; said house to bo furnished with the necessary * benches, bar, table, etc, fit for the reception of the Court; also, a pri- son, fourteen feet square, of hewed logs, of a foot square ; both walls, loft and floor, except the same, shall be built upon a rock. To be done on the best and most reasonable terms, and that the same be vendued si Uxe lowest price that can be had.
First Mill
The Court give leave to Headon Wells, to build a water grist mill on nomas Creek, about a quarter and half a quarter up said creek from the mouth. .
First Road laid offk
Ordered that the road leading from Nashville to Mansco's Station, as laid off heretofore by an prder of Committee, be cleared out
Appointed grand jurors, and adjourned to first Monday in January.
1784— January 5 — Court met Members present — the Worshipful Isaao Bledsoe, Samuel Barton, and Isaac Lindsay, Esqs.
January 6 — On motion made to the Court concerning allegations Mpunst John Montgomery, as an aider and abettor in the treasonable piratical proceeding, carried on in the Mississippi, against the Spaniards, it is the opinion of the Court that the said M. be bolden in security in tte sum of 160 pounds, for his appearance at our next Court, on which Elijah Robertson and Stephen Ray became securiUes for his appear- SDoe.
Wm. Cocke and John Sevier, were offered as securities on the bond of Matthew Talbot, elected as Clerk. It is the opinion of the Court
» •
486 toniiDiL gavH vtamMmbk
QuAAe k not entitled tben^to. The J^wiAg jBulitnj oOom ipm tvom: — ^AnthoDj Bfedsoei iBt CSoloneli Wm Bltdioe, Itt Hanor.; Samuet Bftrton, 2d Mqbr ; Jaftpei^ ltai80O| Ist Captain; Oeorgai Frea- laad^ Sid; John Baduuian, 3d; Jas. Ford, 4tli4 Wm. Ramaejr, Jona* ilian Drake, Ambme lianMinft, and PeUv Sidaa, LiMtaiante; WiDin Gollina and Bimoro Doi^laaa, Bnsigo^ .,
Daniel Smith, appointed Sorveybr.
1784 — ^April 5-rCoQrt met at the hoosewh^ Jonathan DndLo latelf lired — adjonroa to meet immediate!/ In the honie iHrNaahboiig^ witaie lurael Haman lately fifed.
July 8, l784--Beoorda call it Naahnlie.
.The Asaembly of Uiis year lagialated iiirther for th« Gdn^ ( berlaod settloiaeata* The meioilbera vere reeeind ( and treated with great conaidoration aa^ recaid. <ike* latiops of a new character began to apring op between North*' Carolina and her nltra^montane eitisens. Many^ iohabitipllito ^ the mother state needed the gooA ^fficea and- aaaiftaaicgBi of her pioneer citiiena in the WeM». in ipoatiBg totha.lMl advantage, and attending Uh their land wttrantib: The loetf- ^rminlet'eUt as it waa jtsalled, was b^ieOnMiS Vf ^^ tol legislation and apppinUnents to office,^ that the ropraaonti^ tiTsa from the foitr w^atemqiost oonnt&eiB^ whio^ from Ihe ide^ tity of their local interests, always acted as a unit in 4he h^ * gislature, were much courted and caressed. They dexte- rously used the advantages these considerations placed in their power for the benefit of their suffering constituencies. Every thing not involving the expenditure of money by the Treasury of North-Carolina, was cheerfully granted to them. An inspection of tobacco in Davidson county was estab- lished. Davidson Academy was incorporated and endowed with lands, which were exempted from taxation for ninety- nine years.
A Superior Court of Law and Equity, was also established at Nashville, the first session of which was to commence on the first Monday of May, 1786. The act creating this Court, provided that no person in Davidson county should be sub- ject to any action in the Courts east of the Apalachian Moon- tains, and that no person on that side of the mountain should be subjected to any action in Davidson county. The salary allowed to the Judge was fifty pounds for each Court he held, and it was expressly enacted that that should be paid
ADVENTUROUS SPIRIT OF THE PIONEERS. 497
from the Treasury of Davidson county, so careful were the Legislature of the parent state that her western possessions should cost North-Carolina nothing. *
Commissioners, in the meantime, had been appointed by Congress, to treat with the Cherokees and other southern Indians. Col. William Blount attended, also, as the Agent of North-Carolina, and'protested against some of the provisions of the treaty, which '* infringe upon and violate the legisla- tive rights" of the state he represented. The Commissioners, in their report to the President of Congress, Richard Henry Lee, remark :
''That there are some few people settled on the Indian lands whom we are to remove, and those in the fork of French Broad and Holstoi^ bdng numerous, tbe Indians agreed to refer their particular situation to Congress, and abide Vieir decision. We told them there were too many fbrus to engage positively to order off, although they had settled ex- pressly against the treaty entered into by Virginia and North-Carolina, with the Cherokees, in 1777."
By an estimate furnished by the same report, the Indians then residing south of Tennessee, and in reach of her infant aottlements, are computed to be —
''Gunmen of the Cherokees, .... 2,000
" " Creeks, - . , . 5^400
" " Chickasaws, ... - 800
« " ChoctawB, .... 0,000
Warriors, . - - . 14,200 There are, also, some remains of tribes settled among these, as Shaw- neese, Euchees, etc"
Fifteen thousand southern Indian warriors, and, perhaps, double that number from the northern tribes, for more than ten years, retarded the growth and prevented the enlarge- ment of the early settlements of Tennessee. That they were not able wholly to exterminate the pioneers, as they successively arrived in the West, ceases now to be a subject of wonder. A like spirit of daring enterprise and chival- rous adventure, continues to be a characteristic of Tennes- see. Wherever danger is to be encountered, a difficulty to be overcome, or an achievement to be wrought, her young men are there to brave, encounter and achieve. The same enter- prising spirit is yet sending out her young men from home in 82
Bearoh of advenlure iicross the Sierra Madre, the Sierra Ne- vada, and to the coast of the Pacific. That spirit has sub- dued the wilderness, and made it, teeming with life and fer- tility, the abode of civilized man. That spirit will not be quelled while there is a new country to be gained, qv an in- ferior race iQ be conquered, Anglo- American enterprise and Anglo-American valour, are destined to subdue and oc- cupy all North America.*
* At the moiDCDl this pulog; , well deserved — uol OTerwcooeht — nor dicstnl by pulialilT. IB being wtiltcD, a parcDl's heart is piero^d widi an iimocdicalile wound, and stdl btoeil* from ibn recent intelligence, tliat he is liimeclf a piiucipal vicdm al ike fesrlen ealerptiae and haidihood, whlcb die proviace of id annalisl has bo af- len requitrd him la mcDliou. He rnif not hera portray Ihe biUeroece of a pi^vata grief. Thia is not the place to inflict upon mhcn ihe poignancy of a beaTy domes, lid bereiienieol. Many of bis leaders, perhaps nioal of Uioee in the WceI, fcaow loa well the high expectation, the flalleriag promise and Ae elided hope, held out to ibeir fond view, by kindred and friends, going in volimlory eiilo to ibe far, iha retnotesl Weal. Taleols. virioe, genius, adialiled probity, envied efficiency, IeaD)> iog, pntiiDliam. courage, promise for a momeat, nieccEB, dislicctiai], ucefulnen ind glory. The sbafi of death reaches iha generous adveoturer, and ii^ a land of stron- geta bo finds a grave. Bbghttd promiae, blasted eipectalian and ruined hope — iheoB, these belong, these baling to ibo Burviv ore— only lo llie sarvivora ; to whom, in their ■ITectionale grief, aaoiher's sympathy and condolence bive said kindly, and with iho ioothing VDicti of comfon— •' Fricojg ipf ilie sl«pi?i '. llie gcniie brceae ia sigh- ing a soft iveel dirge over the low resting place of yoar loved and lost tOD, Wil-
berforce — the slars look aightly down upon bia grave in the wilds of Califotnia
dw gT«eD turf la wel with iha dews of the night, aa if lendeting their sytnpa- tbies 10 Ihe bereaved."
" Reat here in peace I in the dark hour of daog^r No nght of the loved oaea lo thy dim eye arose.
Yet Bweet be Ihy sleep, tho' the land of ihe atranger Doih cradle Iby form >n itadreamloaa repoee.
Green plaina are around, and the blue akies are free. Where Ihe earlh-wearied spirit ia chainlesaand bleat.
Then sleep '■ till a voice from above shall reatore thee
To thine own kjedred friends Id Ibe maniJODB of reat"
" No GEiVES 1B£ TBEEE —
Father ! we thank thee that there ia a clime.
Guarded aiike from dealh, and grief, and care.
Untouched by time.
We praise [by name. That from the darkness of (he tomb
We can look up in faith, and humbly claim '
Our future home.
Hasten Ihe day, Wbea paaaing death's dark vale uithoul a leu; We, U we reach that bosveuly home, may a«j
TREATY STIPULATIONS. 499
By the boundaries, as stipulated in the treaty of Hope- { well, much of the lands that had been entered in the ( offices opened by the Act of 1783, for receiving en- tries of vacant lands, was made to be within the Indian ter- ritory. . The intruders were to be punished by the Indians as they might think proper. An exception was made in favour of the inhabitants south of French Broad and Holston, who, as well as the Cherokees, were to abide by the decision of Congress on their case. The subject of boundaries gave great offence — not to the settlers only, but to all the South- ern States. It was considered, that too much had been given up for the purpose of conciliating the Cherokees. The boun- daries of the settlements were greatly contracted, and a large extent of country surrendered, which had heretofore been included in the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and in the pur- chase of Transylvania by Henderson and Company. The treaty encountered opposition for other reasons. William Blount, who, as has been shewed, entered his protest on the treaty-ground, as agent of the State of North-Carolina, was at that time a member of Congress, and determined to carry his opposition to the treaty into the Federal Legislature. He contended against it, as violative of the sovereignty of his state, as he considered it beyond the legitimate power of Congress, to make a treaty in cohtravention of the Laws and Constitution of North-Carolina, concerning lands and boun- daries within her ancient and acknowledged limits. The Articles of Confederation, as he contended, had not given such power to Congress. The occupants of the lands thus retroceded, paid no regard to the boundaries thus circum- scribed. But the appearance of a treaty concession may have appeased Cherokee hostility in some degree. Aggres- sions from that tribe, during the succeeding year, were less frequent and less aggravated, especially on the east of the Cumberland Mountains. West of them some mischief was done to the white settlements, but principally under the in- stigation of the Creeks, who for five or six years had been waging a cruel war against the Georgians. Their most nprthern towns were in close proximity with the Cherokee villages, on the Tennessee River, and they occasionallv se-^
M0 ROAD LAID OFF TO CUMBERLAND
duced the disaffected of the latter tribe, to join their ma- rauding parlies against the Cumberland settlements.
The General Assembly of North-Carolina, at its NovenT- ber session of this year, taking notice of the exposed condi- tion of the inhabitants of Davidson county, adopted mea- sures for their protection and defence. At the instance of Captain Robertson, then a representative of the county, it was enncted that three hnndred men should be embodied for the protection of the Cumberland settlements. That when assembled at the lower end of Clinch Mountain, the troops should cut and clear a road from that point by the most eli- gible route to Nashville, making the eame at least ten feet wide, and fit for the passage of wagons and curls. The troops were to be marched from lime to time to the Cumber- land frontier, and were to be stationed at such places, and disposed of and proportioned in such numbers, as the field officers of Davidson county might direct, or consider most conducive to the intimidation of the Indians, and the pre- vention of their hostile incursions. The commanding officer of these troops was, moreover, invested with the power, when the emergency rendered it necessary, to make such other dis- position of them as the safety of the inhabitants might de- mand.
The same act also provided that four hundred acres of land should be laid off for each private, in full satisfaction of the half of his first year's pay, and in the same proportion for bis further service. To the officers of this troop, a propor- tionate allowance in land was also made, for the pay to which they were entitled. Such lands to be located west of Cumberland Mountain.
In strict accordance with the policy invariably pursaed, when disbursements were to be made by North-Carolina for the benefit of her western possessions, this indispenaabk clause was inserted, " thai the monies arising from the tax of lands west of the Apalaehian Mountains, should be ap- propriated to the purpose of discharging the expense of raw- ing, clothing, arming and supporting the troops to be em- bodied in pursuance of this act." And, as a clear intimation of the future policy of the Legislature upon all similarsab-
BT CRAB-ORCHARD AND FLAT ^OCK. 501
jectey the General Assembly further enacted, ''that in all re- tarns of taxable property, made by receivers of lists and clerks of courts, these officers should particularly specify the lands situated west of the Cumberland Mountain, that the nett produce of the revenue arising therefrom may be as- certained." Thus leaving the frontier people to infer, that beyond that amount, the treasury of the parent state should not be held liable, for the satisfaction of debts incurred in maintaining and defending her remote settlements.
During this year, the road, as directed in the act, was opened, from Clinch River to Nashville. Emigrants had heretofore reached Cumberland, by the original route through the wilderness of Kentucky. Hereafter the route was more direct — for not only horsemen, but wagons, and immense numbers of the more wealthy people of the Atlantic sections, sought the Cumberland through the new Toad, which ran nearly over the same track still pursued as the stage road, by the way of the Crab-Orchard, the Flat Rock, &c. The top of the mountain is described as being then, a vast upland prairie, covered with a most luxuriant growth of native grasses, pastured over as far as the eye could see, with numerous herds of deer, elk and buflalo, gamboling in playful security over these secluded plains, scarcely disturbed in their desert wilds at the approach of iDan9 and exhibiting little alarm at the explosion of his rifle or fright at the victim falling before' its deadly aim. The frowning clifls and precipices, that every where surroun- ded the mountain, and the dark laurel thickets, that ob- structed the entrances and ascent to its summit level, had hitherto, excluded even the hunter and Indian from an easy access to it in pursuit of game ; and the boundless natural meadow, with its lofty enclosures of granite, erected by Om- nipotent masonry, presented to the first intruders, the aspect of primeval solitude, quiet and security. This aspect it wore no longer. The mural escarpment and the mountain water- fall, yielded to the energy of the troop and the guard. Na- ture doffed her power, her beauty, and her dominion, and Buccumbed to the reign of art and civilizatioti.
At the same session of the North- Carolina Legislature,
MB SljMNEa COUNTV LAID OPC.
Dfivifi son county was divided, and a new county establisfaed. As further evidence of the martin.! spirit of ibe time, and in testimony of the respect and gratitude of his countrymen, the name Sumner WHB given to the new county, in hononr of the military services of General Jelhro Sumner, of the North- Carolina line. 4>uring the whole of the Revolutionary war, he had continued in the service of the country ; acted a dis- tinguished part in the greater number of the hottest actions which had taken place in that struggle, and was ns eminent for personal valour, as for equanimity and suavity of manners. His name is precious in the estimation of bis countrymen ; it is engraven on their hearts in characters of imperishable duration.*
Beoordb of SrMSBRCoDKT — April Term, 1787.
Agreeable to an act of Auembly, for the establishment of Sumner OoDnty Court, at the house of Joliu IlaniiltOD, on the second Monday in April, 1787, Daniel Smith, Isaac Liiidsey, Dnvid Wilson, ]aka Harden, Joseph Keyhandall, William Hale anJ George Winchester, Esqr^., who each of them took the oath for their qnaliS cation ofuffiM. and also the oath of office of Justices of tlie Pcaoe, for said county, and proceeded to business.
David Shelby, is .ippointed Cleric of the Court of said county. John Harden, Jua, is appointed Sheriff. Isaac Lindsey, is appointed Ran- ger.
The General Assembly of North-Carolina met, this year, '787 ( '^* Tarborough. The members of that body from Da- ( vidson cQunty, were James Robertson and D&vid Hays. The delegation from the two counties made a solemn statement, in writing, of the sufferings of their constituents. In its preparation, they received the assistance of Col. Wil- . liam Blount, who became, afterwards, more closely Identffled with the people and fortunes of Tennessee. In tbe paper thus prepared and silbmitted to the Assembly, it was repre- sented :
" That the inhabitants of the western country were greatly distresaed by a constant war that was carried on against them, by parties of tbe Creeks and Cherokees, and some of tbe western Indians ; that some dt their horses were daily carried off secretly or by force, and that tb«r own livee were in danger whenever they lost sight of a station or stock- ade ; that in the course of the present year, thutj-three of their fellow
• Haywood.
PETITION TO ASSEMBLY. 503
dtizeiis had been killed by those Indians, a list of whose names thej annexed, and as many more had been wounded ; that by original letters or Talks, from the Chickasaw nation, which they submitted to the in- spection of the Assembly, it appeared that they were jealous or uneasy, lest encroachments should be made on their hunting grounds ; and that unless some assurances were given them, that their lands should not be located, there was reason to apprehend, that they shortly would be as hostile as the Creeks and Cherokees ; that these^counties have been settled at great expense and personal danger to the memorialists and their constituents, and that, by such settlements, the adjacent lands had greatly increased in value, by which means the public has been enabled to sink a considerable part of the domestic debt. They and their constituents, they say, have cheerfully endured the almost unconquerable difficulties in settlmg the western country, in full confidence that they should be enabled to send their produce to market through the rivers which water the country ; but they now have the mortification, not onlv to be exclu- ded from that channel of commerce by a foreign nation, buttne Indians are rendered more hostile through the influence of that very nation, probably with a view to drive them from the country, as they claim the whole of th« soil. They call upon the humanity and justice of the state, to prevent any farther massacres and depredations of themselves and their constituents, and claim from the Legislature, that protection of life and property, which Is due to every citizen ; and they recommend, as the most safe and oon- Tenient means of relief, the adoption of the resolves of Congress, of ths 26th of October last* This relief, they trust, will not be refused, espe- cially as the United States are pleased to interest themselves on this oo- cssion, and are willing to bear the .expense."
At the same session of the Assembly, at the representation of the members from Davidson and Sumner, the militia offi- cers of these counties were authorized to appoint two or more persons to examine, survey and mark out the best and most convenient way from the lower end of Clinch Mountain^ to the settlements of Cumberland, and to order out the mili- tia of these counties to cut and clear the road so marked. The regiments of these counties were ordered to be divided into classes and parts of classes, beginning with the firsty and so on, in rotation, till the road should be cut. A tax was also to be assessed upon these counties, to defray the expense of opening the road. The military duties of guarding the settlements, as imposed by a prior act, upon the troop of three hundred men as heretofore provided for, had been too incessant and burthensome to allow them to
* That body had reoommended the ceaaion of their western lands by statet iriiieh owned them, to the United States.
504 camREVCT of Cumberland.
make a road sufficient for the purposes of the vast emigra- tion which was now pouring into the country beyond the wilderness. One wider and more level was demanded by the exigencies of the times. Under the provisions of this act^ a road was soon afterwards cut from Bledsoe's Lick into the Nashville road leading to Clinch River ; and the last men* tioned road was also widened and cleared.
It was further provided, that no person be permitted to go through Davidson or Sumner county to any Indian town; without a pass from some officer duly authorized under the United States, the Executive of North-Carolina or the field officers of one of said counties. The field officers were far- ther directed to raise militia guafds^ not exceeding fifty men each, when it should be made known to such officers that a number of families were at Cumberland Mountain, waiting fox an escort to conduct them to the Cumberland settlements ; the expense to be paid by a poll tax, which the county courts were authorized to levy upon those counties respec- tively.
The currency of Franklin was, at this time, peltries, flax linen, &c. — something that could be worn — that of Cum- berland was different — something that could be eaten.
ItSt. — October Term — Davidson County Becgrds. " Resolved, That for the better furnishing of the troops now coming into the country under connmand of Major Evans, with provisions, dec, that one-fourth of the tax of this county bo paid in corn, twa fourths ia beef, pork, bear meat and venison ; one-eighth in salt, and one-eighth in money, to defray the expenses of removing the provisions from the place of collection to the troops ; and that the following places be appointed in each captain's company for the inhabitants to deliver in, each, his proportion of the above tax, viz : [Here follow the several stations.] And Daniel Rowan is hereby appointed to superintend the collecting and removing the provisions aforesaid, and that he be allowed twenty dollars per month (or his services, and he is hereby directed to hire hands and horses at as low a rate as possible, for the purpose of removing the specifics, as aforesaid ; and it is hereby resolved, that the following species of provisions be received at the undermentioned prices, viz : Corn, at four shillings per bushel ; beef, at five dollars per hun- dred ; pork, at eight dollars per hundred ; good bear meat, without bones, eight dollars per hundred wt.; and venison at ten shillings per hundred wt.;.and salt at sixteen dollars per bushel. And the Superin- tendent is hereby directed to call for such proportions of the aforesaid tax, as the commanding ofiScer of the troops shall direct, and on anj person failing to deliver his or their quotas, at the time and place di-
MANUFACTURE OP SALT ENCOURAGED. 505
rected, to give notice thereof to the sheriflfl yfho is hereby directed to diBtrain immediatelj,
1788 — April Term. The Court appointed Robert Hay9, Anthonj Hart and John Hunter, to inspect the currency now in circulation in this county, and such of the bills as they shall believe to be counterfeit to deface, so as to- prevent its further circulation."
By the improvements of the roads through Mfhich the new country was reached, and the security and protection thus given to the lives and property of the emigrants, great ac- cessions to the strength of the Cumberland community were constantly made thoughout the next succeeding years. Large numbers of families would concentrate on the banks of the Clinch — encamp there a few days, waiting the arri- val of the guard — accompanied by them, they would pass through the wilderness with little apprehension of Indian aggression. The emigrants being well armed, would, with the guard of fifty practiced woodsmen and Indian-fighters, constitute a formidable corps. With a population thus con- stantly enlarged ; their agricultural labour amply remunera- ted by bountiful crops, from a most prolific soil ; with an abatement of the envenomed hostility from the nearest Indian tribes ; with increased cpnfidence in themselves, and with the. sure prospect of augmented numbers and means of defence, the settlers bad a foretaste of a final triumph, over the discouragements and disasters that had so long depressed and enfeebled them. They became still more vigorous and elastic, and better prepared to repel future savage aggres- sion, and, in a short time after, to carry on offensive war- fare against their enemies. The legislature passed an act for the encouragement of the making of salt in Davidson eonnty.
Such was the rapid increase of the population of David- son county, that for the convenience of the inhabitants resi- ding most remote from Nashville, its seat of justice, it was found necessary again to divide it, and form a new county, called Tennessee.
Col. Robertson gave notice, of this date, by a publi-
i cation in the State Gazette of North-Carolina, Nov. 28th, that "the new road from Campbell's Sta- tion to Nashville^ was opened on the 25th September, and
J50C ADAim*ji noYfmon moouL
the guard had attended at that time, to eBoort sndi penon as were ready to proceed to Nashville ; that about iix^ families had gone on, amongst whom were the widow aad family of the late General Davidsoiit and John MeNaiij, Judge of the Superior CJonrt, and that cm the first day of October next, the guard would attend at the same place fiv the same purpose*"
The General Assembly of this year made farther eiiact> 1789 \ ^^^^ of & lo<^<^ character, for her "western ooantici ( They established a provision store on the frontier of Hawkins county, at the house of John Adair, for the reeep* tion of corn, flour, pork and beef, for the use of the Cumber land guard, when called on to escort and conduct emigratiBg fiBunUies through the wilderness to the Cumberland settle- ments. John Adair was appointed a Commissioner for tk purchase of these provisions. In payment of these, it wai made his duty to give certificates, which should be received by the difierent sheriffs in the District of Washington, k part payment of the public taxes in the counties of that district, and from them by the State Treasurer, A tohaceo inspection was also established at Clarkesville, npon the Cumberland River, below Nashville.
Provision was also made for such persons as had been wounded in the formation and defenpe pf the Camberland settlements. The county courts were authorized, when pe^ sons thus wounded, were unable to pay the expenses of their treatment and cure, to pass the accounts of the physician, surgeon and nurse ; and the accounts so passed, Mrere to be received in payment of any of the public taxes. In a like manner, accounts were passed for provisions furnished to the Indians, by any of the inhabitants on Cumberland. The courts were also authorized to sell ^he several licks in the country, at which salt could be manufactured ; and all deemed unfit for that purpose, they were to declare vacant and liable to location and entry. Two of the licks of the first description, with the adjoining land, were to be retained for the use of Davidson Academy. Thus early, was provi- sion made for the the endowment of a Literary Institution npon the remote frontier. The Assembly also enlarged the
MBRO DISTRICT ESTABLIflHBD. 507
powers and increased the salary of the Judge of the Superior Court of the district. This district had been laid off the previous year, and embraced the three Cumberland counties^ Davidson, Sumner and Tennessee. It was named in the act» Mero District, in honour of Don Estephan Mero, Colonel in the service of Spain and Governor of New-Orleans. The Legislature had, in this case, departed from the usage that' had hitherto governed, in giving names to the civil subdi- visions of her western possessions. This innovation was made at the instance of the members from the Cumberland counties, and no doubt, was in consonance with the feelings of their constituents, who ragarded Gov. Mero as their friend and benefactor. He had extended, on several occasiond, to the western traders, commercial facilities, and maintained towards the western people, generally, a mild and concilia- tory official intercourse with them, — thus reconciling them to the Spanish authorities, and securing to himself their affectionate regard.
An act was passed, empowering the commanding officers ( of Washington, Sullivan, Greene and Hawkins coun- ( ties, to erect a station on the north side <^ Tennessee RtTer, to be garrisoned for one year, with a guard consisting of a captain, lieutenant and ensign, and thirty-three non-com- missioned officers and privates; the men to be raised by a voluntary enlistment, or an indiscriminate draft from these counties. The pay and rations of the said guard to be '* pay- able out of the funds arising from the taxes of the said four eonnties, and out of no other fund whatever, provided the l^rice of the ration shall not exceed one shilling per day.^ The right of disbanding the guard, is reserved to the Go*> vemor, whenever he and his Council should think proper. 'This act was repealed at the next session.
To promote the growth and encourage the settlements upon Cumberland, and facilitate and protect emigration to Ity the legislature authorized a contract to be made for ex- ploring the route, and making a wagon road through the vrilderness waste lying between those settlements and the Holston counties. After this was done, the legislature pro- vided a guard, whose duty it wsus to escort emigrants, and
£06 ReMARKABLC
protect them from Indian attacks, wliile in the wilderness. A public provision store was also continued at the house of John Adair, then residing a few miles north of Knoxville. .
As a further protection for the Cumberland settlemenls. a battalion of soldiers was authorized to be raised and marched for the purpose of repelling the marauding parties of Indians, which were constantly making inroads upon that frontier. A further duty of these troops, was to complete a road suitable for wagons, on the nearest route from the end of Clinch Mountain, through the wilderness, to Nashville.
Further attempts were made to reach Cumberland. This year was signalized by an adventure of Col. James Brown, a Revolutionary officer in the North-Carolina line, who was now emigrating to Cumberland, to enter into possession of the lands allotted to him for military services. Taking with him to the distant wilderness, his family, consisting of his wife, five sons, two of whom were grown, and three younger, four small daughters, together with several negroes, he was unwilling to expose them to the dangers of the route throngh Cumberland Gap, or the more direct, but no less unsafe pas- sage, over the mountain ; and, therefore, delermiued to de- scend the Tennessee River, and reach Nashville, by ascend- ing the Ohio and Cumberland, to that place. The boat was built on Holston, a short distance below Long Island. He took the precaution to fortify it, by placing oak plank, two inches thick, all around above its gunwales. These were perforated with port-holes, at suitable distances. To these measures of defence was added a swivel, placed in theBtem. Besides his two grown sons, James and John, Colonel Brown had five other young men, viz : J. Bays, John Flood, John Gentry, Wm. Gentry and John Grif&n. These were all good marksmen. The emigrants, adventurers rather, embarked on the fourth of May. On the ninth, tbe boat passed the Chickamauga towns, about daybreak, and the Tuskigagee Island Town, a little after sunrise. The head man, Cutley Otoy, and three other warriors, came on board there, and were kindly treated. They then returned to their town, from which they immediately dispatched runners across the moDn- tain to Ranning Water Town and Nickckjack, to raise all the
AND DISASTER OF COLONEL BROWN. 509*
warriors they could get, to ascend the river and meet the boat. The narrative of the capture of the boat, the massa- cre of most of the passengers, and the captivity of such as survived, will be given in the words of the narrator — the youngest son — the late Colonel Joseph Brown, of Murray county, Tennessee.* It contains such a horrid recital of In- dian cruelty and barbarism by the savage banditti, that so long lay concealed in the fastnesses of Nickajack and Run- ning Water Towns — is withal, so truthful and minute in its details of the captivity and sufferings of one of the prison- ers, who himself piloted the expedition in 1794, which pene- trated these mountain recesses, and extirpated the miscreant land pirates and murderers that infested them — and is, besides^ now for the first time published, that no apology is needed for giving it entire without condensation or abridgment :
^ Only four canoes came, meeting us in the current of the river, which «t the time was very bigh. Seven or eight came up through the hot- toms, in some ponds, and after the Indians in the four first got on board, the other canoes came out through the cane, and the Indians in then\ mko came aboard. The first four came two and two, side by side, hold- ing up white flags, but had their guns and tomahawks covered in the bottom of their canoes. But as there were forty men in the four ca- noes, my &ther ordered them not to come nigh, as there were too many of them. We then wheeled our boat, levelled our swivel, and had our match ready to sink their canoes, when they claimed protection under the treaty, and said, by a nmn named John Vann, whom they had got to come and talk for them, that it was a peaceable time, and they only -wished to see where we were going to, and to trade with us, if we had iiaything to trade on. My father ordered the young men not to fire, as he was coming to an Indian country, and did not wish to break any
" After they came to us, they appeared friendly, until the other canoes oame around ; and then they began to gather our property, and put it into their canoes. My father begged Vann not to let them behave so, and he replied, that the head man of the town was gone from home, but that he would be at home that night, and would make them give up everything. He also promised that one of them should go with us over the Muscle Shoals, and pilot us, as the passage was dangerous for boats.
"Before they had finished robbing the boats, however, a dirty black- looking Indian, with a sword in his hand, caught me by the arm, and was about to kill me, when my father, seeing what ho was attempting, took hold of him, and said, that I was one of his little bojs, and that he must not interrupt me. The Indian then let ifle go, but as soon as
*For this narrative, I am indebted to the kindness and politeness of General |^)Uio9ffer, of Nashville.
mj btber's bock was turned, Htruck him nith the sword, and cat hh Lead nearly hiiif off, Auolher Indian then caught him, and Uirew him overboard. 1 saw biin go oterboard, but did not know tlial be n» struck with the sword ; it, tlierefore, ostonished me to sea him gink down, as I knew liim to be a good swimmor. As this took place in lh» «tern, and mj brolbew aud the ollior young raen were with Vann in tiu bow, I went to them, and told them that 'an Indian had thrown our fcther overboard, and hu was drowDed.'
" Our boat was landed at the upper eiad of the town of Nccojack, but before it reached ahore, an Indian wanted mo to go out of ibe boat into . cAiioe, which I refused, not dreaming that I waa a prisoner. As soon ai we landed, the eame Indian brought an old white man and his wib to me, who said to me, ' My boy, I wsmt you to go home with me.' 1 enquired where he lived, and he said bis house was about a mile out of (own. I told him that I supposed 1 could go home witb him that&ighl, but that wo would continue our journey in the morning. On hi& say- ing thai be was ready to start, and wished me to go with him, I men- tioned to one of my brothers the old man's wish that I should go *itt biro, and told him that I would return early in tho morning, to wliicb hi replied, ' Very well.'
" Before I went, however, the Indians were telling my brotbers and ibe olberyoung men of a ccrUiin bouse, in whidi they could stay till morning ; after I bad left tbem, they were told that there was a betUt *bouse down toward the lower end of the town, and that ayoung man would pilot tbera that far. Now the town of Necojock was on a higbtr bank than copimon, and had only been eettlcd about three years ; tbin tbo banks were still full of cane. When the boat whs aliout to drop down to the lower end of the town, the Indians placed themselves behind stumps and iu Uio cane, and as she floated down, they picked off the ■men with their rifles. Three of tbem fdl, the others ran, but were all butchered, some with knives and some with tomahawks and gutu.
" I bad not got half way to the old man's house, before I beard tbe report of the guns which were killing my brothers and the other young men ; but thought it was the noise of our guns, probably taken out 3 the boat to see bow they would shoot. I had been at the old man's only fifteen or twenty minutes, when a very large corpulent old woman came in, the sweat falling in big drops from her face, who iqipeared very angry, and told the old white people that they had done veir wrong in taking rae away, that I ought to he killed, that I would sea everything, and that I would soon be grown and would guide aa annj there and have them all cut off ; in short, that I must t^ killed. Tin was said in Indian, so that I did not understand it, nor what tbe went on to say, viz *. that al! the rest were killed, and that ber sod would be there directly and would kill me, she knew.
"The old Irishman, however, informed me that my people wera all slain, but added that I should not be hurt, though the squaw bad jut told bim that ber son would kill me immediately. He tbea directed me to sit on the side of the bed, and getting up stood in the door wilb. bis face outward, talking all the time to his wife and the old squaw in In- dian, which of courw 1 did not understand. In about lea or fiften
AND PILLAGE OF THE BOAT0, 51 1
miQutes, the old squaw's son nrrived, sure enougb, but had not come up the road, so that the old man did not s^ him till he reached the corner of the house. He asked at once if there was a white man within. The old man answered * No,' that there was a ' bit' of a white boy in there ; to which the Indian replied, that he knew how big I was, and that I must be killed. The old white man plead for my life, sajring it was a pity to kill w^omen and children ; but the Indian used the same argu- ment that his mother had employed, i. e. that I would get away, when I grew up, and pilot an army there and have them all killed, and that I must be killed. This old fellow was a British deserter, who had come to America before the Revolutionary war, and had deserted several times, and had at length got into the Cherokee nation, having been there about eighteen years. His name was Thomas Tunbridgc ; he had lived with his wife about sixteen years. She was a French woman, who had been taken by the Indians when a small girl, and grew up and had children to them, before she had an opportunity of returning to her people. Her name, she said, was Polly Mallett. She had no children by Tunbridge^ bat it was an Indian son of hers that took me prisoner ; he gave me to his mother, telling her that I was large enough to help her hoe corn. He had also said that they would kill the rest directly, and that I was so large that when they got in a frolic killing the others, some of them would knock me over. When, therefore, Cutleotoy insisted on killing me, old Tunbridge told him that I was his son's prisoner, and he was still in town, and that I must not be killed. No greater insult could be ofib'red him, for he was a great man and did as he pleased usually ; while Tunbridge's son was only twenty-two years old, and a perfect boy in Cutleotoy 's estimation. Incensed at this insult, he came to Tun- bridge, with his knife drawn and tomahawk raised, and asked him if he was going to be the Vir^nian's friend ; in fact, he would have killed him instantly, had he admitted it, but Tunbridge said * no,' and step ping back from the door-sill into the house, spoke for the 6rst time in English : * Take him along.' Cutleotoy, who was a very large strong Indian^ followed in a rage, and came to me with his knife and tomahawk both drawn ; but the old woman b^ged him not to kill me in her hoose, to which he agreed, and catching me by the hand, jerked me up and out of the house. Outside were ten of his men surrounding the house door, and one had in his hand the scalp of one of my brothers, and another that of the other men, on a stick. Some had their guns eocked, and others their knives and tomahawks drawn, ready to put me to death. I requested Tunbridge to beg them to let me have one half hour to pray, to which he replied that it was not worth while ; but they concluded to strip my clothes off. so as not to bloody them, and while they were doing so, the old French woman begged them not to kill me there, nor in the road that she carried water along, for the road passed W her spring. They answered that they would take me to Running Water Town, as there were no white people there, and would have a ftolic knocking me over. All this was said in Indian, however, and I knew nothing of what they discussed ; and as soon as my clothes were o^ I fell on my knees, and cried, like the dying Stephen, * Lord Jesus, into thy hand I commend my spirit^' expecting every moment to be
i
f U cAiTiViTr or brown'b family.
my last But I had not been on my knees more than one minate, ween Tuobridge said. 'My boy, you must get up and go willi them ; they will not kill you berc,' but told me nothing of nhat they eiud of having a frolic at Running Water Town.
" We had not gone more tlian seventy or eigh^ yards, when Cut- leotoy stopped his men, and said to tliem, that he could not, and they must not kill me, as they were bii men, and it would be ait bad for him, SB though he himself had done it ; fur that I was tbe prisoner of poor Job, (tbe French woman's son,) who was a man of war.
" 'Now,' said he, ' I liave taken a negro woman out of the boat, and tent her by water to vhere I live, and if we kill this fellow, poor Job will go and kill ray negro, iind I don't want to lose her ; nor could all the Indians in the nation keep him from putting her to death.' Well might be fenr poor Job, for, although he was only twenty-two yens old, and it bad been a time of peace since be was a small boy, he had taken tbe lives of six white men. The Hopewell and HoUton treatiw bound them to peace, but tlieir young men were away with the Creefa and Shawnees at war ; the Chickasaws and Choctaws were eiceptioni to the rule, however.
" Now, when Cutleotoy spoke thus, the thought of my beitig am day a man, and leading an army there, and having Ibcm killed, had given way to avarice, for the old woman, as well aa her son, wanted the aervice of the negro. As 1 knew nothing of what they were aaytng, 1 w»s on my knees, trying to give my soul to Ood, tlirougb the merila of the Saviour, and expecting tbe tomahawk to sink into my skull every moment. At length, tbe favour given lo Stephen in his dying mo- ments, came to my mind ; how he saw the heavens opened, and the blessed Saviour sitUng at the right hand of God. I opened my eye&, and looking up, saw one of the Indians, lis they stood .ill round mc, •mile ; then, glancing my eyes round on them, saw that all their coun- tenances were changed from vengeanM and anger, to mildneea.
" This gave me tbe Gnl gleam of hope. Cutleotoy tlien csUed to old Tunhridge to come after me, that he loved me, and would not kill me then, btit that he would not make peace with me then ; bat if I lived three weeks, he would be back again to make peace with nie. TIm other Indiana, however, explained the reason of this sudden love forme; that it was the negro ho loved so much. Tbe old squaw said, sbe wonid have some of my hair any bow, and coming behind me, loosed my hair, {it was customary for young people, then, to wear their hair iotie,^ and gathering a lock from the crown of my head, with an old dull knifc, cut off a parcel, and kicked me in the side, and called me a poor Vir- ginian. That day the old head-man of the town bad gonetoa beloved ' town sixteen miles off, called Stecoyee, south-east from Nicojack Town. I understood that he was much displeased with their conduct, for he was a man of 6ne mind, and boasted that be bad never atained hit knife in tbe blood of a white man ; but be had killed a Sbawoee, when that nation waa at war with the Cherokees ; bis name was tbe Breath ; be sent for me the second day«fter I was taken, and warned me tliat Bome of \bem would kill me, if I was not put into a fomily, with my liair trimmed like an iDdian'a, and my &ce paiuted. He ateo aaid thit
BROWN IS DENUDED ^HIS EARS BOREDy BTO. 513
his was one of the strongest families in the nation, he would receive me into it, directing me to call him uncle, and poor Job, brother. On the same day, the 11th of May, 1788, he bored holes in my ears, cut off my hair, oniy leaving a scalp-lock on the top of my head, and ta- king off my pantaloons, gave me a flap and short shirt, pulling open the collar and putting a small broach in my bosom. On the 12th, which was next day, I was turned out to hoe corn, in the broiling sun ; by noon, all my forehead and ears, and the back of my head, and my neck and thighs, were all blistered with the heat; but the Lord was good, and when I was sick with sun-burns, sent a good thundercloud, and drove us all out of the field. The next day it rained all day, and the third day I was able to go to the field again ; afler that there came a skin on me that stood everything. A grand-son of the French woman went eyerj where with me, to let me kno^ who were Creeks, for they said that if the Creeks caught me out by myself, they might kill me ; I was also cautioned not to look at a CheroKce, because it made an Indian angry to look at him. I had never seen any Indians before, so that every movement they made was strange to me. About three weeks after I was taken, I was going to the spring for water, and saw several Indiana Bitting about there. The little boy seemed alarmed, and I knew that it was on my account, for he said they were Creeks ; but after looking affain he pronounced them Cherokees, saying he knew some of them. My fears being removed, I went on, and wa being a small tin bucket, I dipped it full first, and handed it up the bank to him, and, never look- ing at the Indians, dipped up my bucket fulL Just as I climbed up the bank, two of them jumped on their horses and came galloping acrooa the branch which ran from the spring. As they came along, I stole a glance at one of them ; he had one side of his head painted red and the other black, and a scalp on his breast Jumping off his hone, he struck me with the butt-end of a white-oak stick, about an inch in diameter and four feet long, on the side of the liead. He was 0o near me that he did not hurt me much, but the second time, he was fiirther ofi^ and that staggered me very much. He and his party con- siftting of five others, had been away with the Shawnees and northern Lidians, at war, and they had heard that war had broken out at home, and as they were coming home they determined to come by the Hol- eton settlements and steal some horses ; they found two little boys, one morning, feeding some cows, and having killed the little fellows, were pmsaed by the whites, who killed three of them, while they were cross- wg the Tennessee River. The ai^er excited by this occurrence, caused Um, on seeing me, to strike me, thinking, as he said, that he would knock me down and beat me as long as he thought he could without kUliDg me. I do not suppose he would have cared if I had died.
''During that whole summer there was war, with frequent alarms of white people coming, and at one time a Col. Martin got to Chattanooga, within twenty miles of where I hved ; but the Indians killed three of Iw captains, and he only killed one Shawnee and one negro. No Che- lokees were killed, but they raised an army of three thousand men, bor- rowed one thousand Creeks, to go with fifteen hundred Cherokees on
33
514 , moTiKo or BRowir WITH n» CApmrs
foot, and fire hundred monnted CberokMa, many of whom wmt kl* breeds, and dreeeed like white men ; they kept tbem ahead of Uieavf, and white men who met them thought them a aooatin^ V*ty ciitm, and were by this scheme readily taken prisonen, when tkej would h kept until it was eonyenient to kill them witliout gMug alarm. Semi men were taken in this way the day they got to Gillespie's Fort Tlicir object in raisingthe army was to drive all the whites iinom the soilk side of French Broad, on the pretext that the Indtaiis who soM hodci the south side of that river, were not authorised to do so by the aalMa; but finding only one man in the fort, Captain William GillesfRe, ikf plundered it, and got so much booty from it Bad the sarrtmndii^ frm^ as suflSced, together with ^eir twenty-eeven prisoDetBy taken witkit the loss of a single man, to induce them to return homOy and that itt great triumph.
'^Most of us at Necojack Town, now moved off for the winter; oU Tunbridge went down to Crow Town, thirty miles below Neeqjack Tovi; and one of the prisoners, Major Qlass's wife, was pnrcfaaeed ftom te Lidians who owned her, by Moses Price, who Kvea about half a mik from us, opposite the head of Crow Island, at an old croesin^ pbee tf the Creeks, where the river could be forded nearly across.
^ Price went to Pensaoola for goods, and left fcdiard Findelsloa aid two negro men with Mrs. Qlass, to take care of his stock. One day, wkib Findelston was away from home, a large Creek Indian came by aid seiied Mrs. Glass's suckine child ; the n^^io dared not interfere^ for tib» Indian would have killed him instantly. He ran to onr hoviae to giw the alarm, and said that he had left them at the door. Old TuobiS^ went at once, but only in a walk, and when he got. there, they wen about eighty yards from the house, on the Creek path, the Indian hold- ing the child, and its mother still hanging to it The old man made him releaHe the child, and brought it and its mother home with him, and kept them there some time. It was but a few weeks, however, that we got information that Gov. Sevier had taken a town on the waters of the Cooea River, and there would be an exchange of prisoners shortly. In a few weeks more, sure enough, there was a runner sent after us to come to Running Water Town ; and when we reached Necojack Town, I found there the Indian who had my little sister, having just returned from his winter*s hunt, bringing his wife and my little sister. The old squaw seemed to think as much of her as though she had been her own child. The little girl was stripped of all her finery, it is true, but she was only ^ve years old, and when I told her I was going to take her to her (xwn mother, she ran to the old Indian woman and caught her round the neck, so that I had to take her by force and carry her twenty or thirty yards ; then telling her she should go to see her own mother, I set her down and led her by the hand. My eldest sister was at another place, a child of ten years old.
" We got to Running Water about three o'clock, and found that tbe Head-man from the Upper Towns had come after us. The old Head- man of Necojack grumbled at giving us up, as we, who were taken oat ^f the boat, had come from North-Carolina, and did not belong to Hol- ston settlement The old Indian who had come for ua, said that was
THET ARE EXCHANGED AND RESTORED. 515
all true, but that Little John (their name for Gov. Sevier) was so mean and ugly that he could do nothing with him. This word ugly is their hardest term of abuse. He went on to say that "Little John^* declared he would not let one of their people free, unless he got all the whites "wbo were in the nation, naming those taken from the boat particularly. The next morning they spoke of starting, but I told them I could not go without my sister ; a young roan was immediately started after her. She was thirty miles off, and the third day the messenger returned about ten o'clock in the morning without her, and announced that the man who had her, would not let her come without pay. There was an old warrior sitting by, his sword hanging on the wall, and his horse standing at a tree in the yard. He rose, and putting on his sword, made this short speech : *I will go and bring her, or his head.' Sure enough, the next morning, here he came with her ; when asked what the Indian said, he replied, ^nothing.' The next morning we started, and in a few days were at Coosawatee, where an exchange of prisoners was made instead of at Swannanoa, as at first proposed. This was about the 20th of April, 1789. At this tinie my weight was only eighty pounds, though I was in my seventeenth year.'' '
Afler the capture and plunder of the boat and the mas- ( sacre of the men, the Creek banditti started to their ( towns, having two of the daughters of the unfortu- nate Colonel Brown — ^Jane, aged ten, and Polly, five— ^pri- soners. These were pursued by the Cherokee braves, re- captured, and brought back to Nickajack. The trader's wife had the humanity to allow their brother Joseph to go there and see his sisters. From these, he learned that the Creek confederates had gone with his mother, his brother George, a lad ten years old, and his three small sisters, and much of the booty taken in the boat, in the direction of their (Jistant homes on the Tallapoosa River, and that two of the children .had been recaptured by the Cherokees, as already mentioned. The negroes were despatched by water to the Upper Chero- kee towns. The children remained in thf town where they ■were captured, and being adopted into several Indran fami- lies, were generally well treated. The usual menial offices of savage life were imposed upon them, during their captivity of nearly twelve, months. They had the melancholy plea- sure of seeing one another. Occasionally they were threa- tened, and often had to listen to accounts brought by war- riors, returning from their hostile excursions, of horrid bar- barities and cruel murders inflicted upon the distant frontier
These atrocities, at length, invited further invasion and
516 NOBLE COXDUCT OF M GILLEVBAT.
retaliation, by the aggrieved frontier men ; war was brought to the immediate vicinity of the banditti Indians themselves, which resulted in a Peace Talk from General Sevier, and a proposal of an exchange of prisoners followed, and the young prisoners were restored.
Mrs. Brown, when hurried off by her captors, heard the savage yells, that she but too well knew, announced the hard fate of Iier sons and their comrades. To increase the poignancy of her bereavement, two of her daughters were snatched from her side, and carried back to the scene of the calamity which had overwhelmed her family. A single source of consolation was left to her — her two children — the son, aged nine, and the daughter, seven. These were after- wards separated from her, and sent to two neighbouring vil- lages, whilst she continued the prisoner and slave of a Creek warrior, and remained for some time in the condition of hope- less bondage and exile. By the influence and assistance of the wife of Durant, a French trader, Mrs. Brown contrived to escape to-the residence of McGillevray, the Head-man of the Creek nation, who generously ransomed her from her savage owner. The daughter was, some time after, also ransomed, and with Mrs. Brown, was taken by Col. McGillev- ray, in November, 1789, to Rock Landing, in Georgia, and restored to her surviving friends. McGillevray was offered compensation for the kind ofEces he had performed in ransom- ing and restoring the captives. This was nobly declined, with the further assurance, that he would endeavour to re- cover the son, still in captivity in his nation. This waa at length effected. We will see more of Joseph Brown hereafter, when, in 1794, the prophecy was fulfilled of one of his cap- tors, who said, " he' will soon be grown, and will pilot an army here, and have us all cut off."
Few families suffered greater losses and misfortunes, than the family of Mr. Brown. The father, two sons, three sons- in-law, were killed by the Indians — one other shot in his right hand and cut above his wrist — another son, Joseph, and his two sisters, prisoners and in captivity nearly a year — the mother and another daughter, prisoners, seventeen months— the former driven on foot by the Creeks two hundred miles;
GENERAL MARTIN's CAMPAIGN. 517
and not permitted to stop long enough to take the gravel from her shoes, and her feet blistered and suppurating — a younger son, a prisoner five years.
During the summer after this remarkable disaster to Brown and his family, Sevier invaded and chastised the Ch'erokees, as has been already narrated.
The Indians continued their attacks on the stations. In rapid 1788 ( succession, expresses were sent from the frontier to I General Martin and Col. Kennedy, representing their exposed condition, and soliciting succour. An army was raised from the upper counties, which' rendezvoused at White's Fort, where Knoxville now stands. Their number was about four hundred and fifty men.
Col. Robert Love commanded the regiment from Wash- ington county. Col. Kennedy from Greene, and Col. Doherty from below. The army crossed Hiwassee near the present Calhoun, and reached the point where the Tennessee River breaks through the Cumberland Mountain, and encamped in an old Indian field. It was supposed the Indians had taketi off their property to a town six miles below. After dark. Col. Doherty, at the head of fifty men, started with the view of surprising it. As soon as this party reached the spur of the mountain, they were fired upon, and retreated to camp. The troops remained all night with their bridles in their hands. Next morning the spies, who had gone forward to reconnoitre, were fired upon, and William Cunningham, late of Knox county, was wounded. The troops were immedi- ately paraded, and riding to the foot of the mountain, tied their horses, and engaged with -the Indians at a point be- tween the blufi* and the river. Captains Hardin, Fuller and Gibson, were killed. These were buried in a large town house, standing near where the path entered the mountain. After burying their dead with all the precaution possible, they set fire to the town house and burned it down over them. One of Col. Love's captains, Vincent, was badly -wounded, but was put upon a horse litter and brought home, and recovered.
General Martin then proposed to pursue the Indians, but his men rebelled an^ refused to follow him, except about
619 CII.LESPIES STATION TAKEN.
sixty. These, he thought, wore inadequate to the undertak- ing, and the troops started home.
General Mfirtin's troops had scarcely reached home, when a party of Cherokees and Creeks, two or three hundred strong, came to Gilleepie's Station on Little River, within eight or ten miles from Knoxville. They captured several prisoners, and retreafed. General Sevier made a vigorous pursuit, overtook and re-captured the prisoners. Some In- dians, also, were taken, who were afterwards exchanged for such white captives as had been carried into the nation.
" On the 2 Ist of September, a large body of the enemy, not leas than two hundred, attacked Sherrell's Station, late in the evening. Serier that day, with forty horsemen, was out ranging, and came on the In- dians' trail, making towards the inhabitants ; he immediately advanced after them, and opportunely arrived before the fort, when the Indiana were carrying on a furious attack. On coming in view of the place, he drew up his troop in close order, made kuonn his intcntiou in ashort speech, that ho would relieve the garrison, or fall in the attempt ; and asked who was willing to follow him. All gave an nnanimoua consent, and, at a given signal, made acharge on the enemy, as they wer« bnsily «mp1oyed in setUng fire to a bam and other out-buildings. The Indians gave way, and immediately retired from the place, and the gallant little band of heroes reached the fort, to the great joy of the besieged. This exploit was performed under cover of the night, and, conformably to tha Governor of Franklaad's usual good fortune, not a man of his par^ was hurt.
"On the nth of October, Gillespie's Fort, (below the mouth of Little River,) on Holston, a little after sunrise, was attacked by about three hundred Indians, underthe command of John Watts. The few men in tile fort made a gallant resistance; but, being overpowered by Dumben, and their ammunition being expended, the Indians rushed over the walk, or ratherrthe roofe of the cabins which made a part of the forL Great was the horror of the scene that then ensued. The beat acconnts say our loss is twenty-eight persons, mostly women and children, as several of the men belonging to the fort, were abroad at the time.
" I am just now informed, that one thousand Indians hare crossed the Tennessee in two divisions, and that one of them had attacked Major Houston's Fort, and the other was near Captain White's, on the nortb side of Holflton. The whole of our militia are under marching orden, and Colonel Kennedy has already set out with tboae that were Sat ready,"*
At the attack on Gillespie's Station, October I5th, a letter of that date was left, signed by the Indian chiefs, aDd adr dressed to
•S. C. state GMutte.
HAWKINS COUNTY RBOORDS. 519 .
Mr, John Sevier^ and Joseph Martin, and to you, the Inhabitants €f the New State :
We would wish to inform jou of the accident that happened at Gil- lespie^s Fort, concerning the women and children that were killed in the battle. The Bloody Fellow^s talk is, that he is here now upon his own ground. He is not like you are, for you kill women and children, and he does not. He had orders to do it, and to order them off the land, and he came and ordered them to surrender and that they should not be hurt, and tfiey would not, and he stormed it and took it. For you be- guiled the head-man* that was your friend, and wanted to keep peace, bat you began it, and this is what you get for it When you move off the land, then we will make peace, and give up the women and chil- dren ; and you must nfarch off in thirty days. Five thousand men is •our number.
Bloodt Fellow.
Cateoiskst.
John Watts.
Glass.
In Sullivan county, there appears to be an interregnum from 1784 to March, 1787. The records were, probably, mislaid or lost during the Franklin revolt. At that last date, a Commission, appointing justices of the peace, was present- ed. The magistrates, thereby appointed, met at the house of Joseph Cole. They resolved, "that it is the opinion and Judgment of the Court, that John Rhea, formerly Clerk of the Court, has not forfeited his office by his absence, and therefore has a right to continue Clerk. In 1788, John Vance -was Clerk."
Among the last legislative acts of North-Carolina, for
1789 i ^^^ western counties, was one establishing a town in
I the county of Hawkins. Rogersville is the last town
in Tennessee established under the dynasty of the mother
state.
After the fall of the Franklin Government, early in 1788, the people gradually gave in their adhesion to that of the parent state. On the part of some, it may have been done ' reluctantly. The transition, however, from a separate and independent state, to their former position of a colonial ap- pendage to North-Carolina, was so gradual as to be almost imperceptible. It certainly produced no convulsion, and was followed by no commotion. It was accompanied by no
* The Old Tassel.
520 INilABETANTa RETURN TO THEIR ALLEGIANCE.
triumphs, and atleuded with scarcely a single regret, Nft one on the frontier has to eat the bitter bread of political or official dependence. Office, under either the one regime or the other, brought with it Httie distinction, and conferred al- most no emolument. Its possesiiion was seldom sought after. Its loss produced neither disappointment nor mortification. Under both systems of government the people recognized the same constitution, and were ruled almost by the same laws. The change of officers was hardly known. In mili- tary alfairs it was essentially so. Upon Ihe frontier the vo- lunteering system had always obtained. If an enemy was to be repelled, or a campaign to be carried on, the volunteen exercised the right of selecting their leader. Did he hold a commission ? If he had the confidence of his troops, he com- manded. Without this he entered the ranks cheerfully, and yielded the command to a subaltern, preferred over him and chosen by the men. Many who, after the first of March, . 1788, became functi officiis, were soon after that date, rein- vested with authority by the people themselves, and often by the aid of the strongest zealots for North-Carolina. In one section of Franklin — that south of French Broad and ■west of Big Pigeon — the functionaries of that government continued in power, under no other regulation than the popu- lar will, which was sovereign, supreme, omnipotent. Else- where, in all her western counties, the jurisdiction of North- Carolina was acknowledged and her authority obeyed. Un- der her laws, elections of members to her Legislature vrere held.
The Assembly met at Fayetteville in November. Amongst the laws passed at this session, was one for paying the mili- tia officers and soldiers for their services in the campaign, carried on, as has been heretofore narrated, by Gen. Martin against the Chickamaugas, in the preceding year. By the provisions of this law, the pay rolls of the expedition were to be exhibited under oath to the Comptroller, with the names of the officers. These were to be examined by the Comptroller, who was then to issue his certificate to each officer and soldier. The certificate was tnade receivable in payment of the public tax due in the District of Waihinglonr^
DISCONTENTS OF THE PEOPLE REVIVED* 521
and no other, until all such certificates were paid. A like provision was made to liquidate the accounts of the Commis- sary on this expedition, making certificates issued to him re- ceivable in payment of public dues. The frugality of the parent state was further exhibited at the same session, by repealing the law for erecting a garrison on the north side of the Tennessee River. These several enactments served to revive the complaints and discontents of the western peo- ple, and especially of those of them in the late Franklin counties.
^ They found themselves suddenly re-attached to a country in which a considerable portion of them could perceive no affection for them- Belves, nor any disposition to give them protection, nor otherwise actua- ted, as many believed, but by a desire to get from the sale of their lands more certificates of public debt ; and the opinion was entertained that North-Carolina could expose them to the tomahawk and scalping knife, iriihout feeling in the least for their snfiferings, and without having tho least inclination to prevent them. Past experience, in their judgment, had fully demonstrated the advantages which were to be expected from the renewal of their connexions with North-Carolina ; they were to fight for themselves, protect their own possessions and pay taxes ; which, if not sufScient for the expenses incurred in defending themselves, were to be applied as far as they would go, and the surplus of expenses was to be left unsatisfied. On the other hand, the members of the Atlantic oonnties bad the near prospect, as they supposed, of becoming subject to a still greater aggravation of burthen, and this anticipation never fiuled to recall a desire for separation ; indeed, it seemed as if, at this moment, there was a presentation to the Assembly of more western claims than had ever before come forward at one time. The Atlantic members laboured t^ find ways and means; and, still more, to avoid making contributions from the counties east of the Alleghanies. They had, in the late revolt^ been furnished with the hint, that for very small provocations as they deemed them, the western counties would set up lor independence, which it was not in their power to control* Ope- rated upon by these and other motives, the Atlantic counties, came to the conclusion to let them separate, stipulating for themselves, as the price of emancipation, such terms as were necessary and convenient for their own people.'*
It soon became evident that her western counties were an inconvenient, and expensive, and troublesome appendage to Korth-Carolina, and many on both sides of the Alleghanies^ ■who had more recently opposed the Franklin separation, or any dismemberment of the distant and disjoined sections of the parent state^ were the first now to make the frank avowal
523 IIEK WESTERN TEBBITORV CEDED BY NOETH -CAROLINA.
thai it was the policy of each, and the interest of both, that the two coranmaities should no longer remain united, but sboukl at once become separate and distinct political organi- zations. The Assembly proceeded to mature a plan to sever them forever asunder, and passed an "Act for the purposp of ceding to the United States of America, certain western lands therein described."
In conformity with one of the provisions of the Act of Cession, Samuel Johnston and Benjamin Hawkins, Senators in Congress from North-Carolina, executed, on the 25th of February, 1790, a Deed to the United States, in the words of the Cession Act.
On the second of April, of the same year, the United States, in Congress assembled, by an act made for that special pur- pose, accepted the Deed, and what is now Tennessee, ceased to be a part of North-Carolina. The separation, though once resisted as unfilial, disobedient and revolutionary, was now in accordance with the judgment and wishes of all- — peacea- ble, dutiful, aflectionatc. The Old North Stale is yet held in grateful remembrance by every emigrant she has sent to Tennessee. And there and elsewhere, to the farthest West, in all their wanderings and migrations, the succeeding gene- ration still cherish, with ancestral pride, the name, and cha- racter, and worth of North-Carolina, their mother state.
NEGOTIATION WITH SPAIN. * 523
CHAPTER VI.
NEGOTIATION WITH SPAIN.
As EARLY as 1780, Spain had indicated a determination to claim the country west of the following boundary : ** A right line should be drawn from the eastern angle of the Gulf of Mexico to Fort Toulouse, situated in the country of the Alibamas ; from thence the River Louishatchi should be ascended, from the mouth of which a right line should be drawn to the fort or factory of Quesnassie ; from this last place, the course of the River Euphasee* is to be followed till it joins the Cherokee ;t the course of this last river is to be pursued to the place where it receives the Pelissippi ;J this last to be followed to its source ; from whence a right line is to be drawn to Cumberland River, whose course is to be followed untill it falls into the Ohio.**
And, on other questions then arising between her and the United States, Spain declared : ** The savages to the west of the line described should be free and under the protection of Spain ; those to the eastward should be free and under the protection of the United States." — ** The trade should be free to both parties/' — "As to the course and navigation of the Mississippi, they follow with the property, and they will belong, therefore, to the nation to which the two banks belong.^ — " Spain alone will be the proprietor of the course of the Mississippi, from the thirty-first degree of latitude to the mouth of this river.*'
This line, designated by Rayneval, in his negotiation with Mr. Jay, left, not only the lands north of the Ohio without the limits of the United States, but a part of the country now constituting the State of Kentucky, all of Tennessee "^est of Hiwassee, Tennessee and Clinch Rivers, as above delineated, and nearly the whole of Alabama and Missis-
* Hiwassee. f Tennessee. X Clinch.
524 FROPOSAL TO FOBBEAR THE USE OF THE MIBSISSIPFI,
sippl. To tliis extraordinary territorial pretension, on the part of Spain, was added that of the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi River.
Soon after the ratification of the definitive Treaty of ( Peace, in 1783, Congress turned their attention to ( commercial intercourse with foreign nations, and in- structed the American Ministers particularly, in any nego- tiation with Spain, not to relinquish or cede, in any event whatever, the right of freely navigating the River Missis- sippi, from its source to the ocean." Spain, still persisting in her extensive claims east of that river and to its exclusive navigation, appointed, in 178i>, Don Diego Gardoqui her Minister, to adjust the interfering claims of the two nations. Mr. Jay, then Secretary of Foreign Affaire, was appointed to treat with him on the part of the United States. The Spanish Minister declared that the king, his master, would not permit any nation to navigate any part of the Missis- sippi between the banks claimed by him. The American Minister, on the other hand, insisted on the right of the United States to its free navigation. On a previous occa- sion, while representing his country in Europe, Mr. Jay had strenuously contended for that right, and urged the impor- tance of retaining it. Now, the negotiation being renewed at home, he reminded the Spanish Minister "that the a^jar cent country was filling fast with people, and that the time must soon come when they would not submit to seeing a fine river flow before their doors, without using it as a highway to the sea, for the transportation of their productions," and pointed out the wisdom of such a treaty being now formed, as would not contain in its Btipulations the seeds of future discord. These appeals were resisted by the Don, and he still insisted that the Mississippi must be shut against the commerce of the western people and of the United States. At a later period in the negotiation, Mr. Jay, in a commn- ( nication to Congress, adds : "Circumstanced as we, ( are, I think it would be expedient to agree that the treaty should be limited to twenty-five or thirty years, and that one of its articles should stipulate that the United States 'Pitkin.
EXCITES INDIGNATION IN THE WE8T. 525
-would forbear to use the navigation of that river below their territories to the ocean."
In support of this concession, Mr. Jay stated : '' That the navigation of the Mississippi was not at that time very important, and would not probably become so in less than twenty-five or thirty years, and that a forbearance to use it, while it was not wanted, was no great sacrifice ; that Spain then excluded the people of the United States from that navigation, and that it could only be acquired by war, for VKjiich we were not then prepared ; and that in case of war, France would no doubt join Spain." A resolution was sub- mitted to Congress, repealing Mr. Jay's instructions of Au- gust 25, 1785, and directing him to consent to an article, stipulating a forbearance, on the part of the United States, to use the Mississippi River for twenty years. In support of these resolutions, the members from New Hampshire, Mas- sachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New- York, New Jer- sey and Pennsylvania, voted unanimously ; while those from Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia, with equal unanimity, voted against them. .
These proceedings of Congress, though with closed doors, soon became partially known, and excited great indignation and alarm in Virginia, and in all the. western settlements. In November, 1786, in consequence of a memorial from the western inhabitants, the Virginia Assembly declared unani- mously ** that the common right of navigating the Mississippi, was considered as the bountiful gift; of nature to the United States ; that the Confederacy, having been formed on the broad basis of equal rights in every part thereof, and confided to the protection and guardianship of the whole, a sacrifice of the lights of any one part, would be a flagrant violation of jus- tice, and a direct contravention of the end for which the Federal Government was instituted, and an alarming inno- vation on the system of the Union." They, therefore, in- structed their delegates *' to oppose any attempt that may be made in Congress to barter or surrender to any nation what- ever, the right of the United States to the free and common use of the Mississippi ; and to protest against the same as a dishonourable departure from the comprehensive and bene-
SH THE NEGOTIATION CONTINUEO.
volent feeling, which constitutes the vital principle of rte Confederation ; as provoking the just resentment nnd re- proaches of oiir western brethren, whose essential rights and interests would be thereby sacriUced and sold ; and as tend- ing to undermine our repose, our prosperity, and our Union itself."
After the instructions of Mr. Jay, as already mentioned, were rescinded by the seven Northern States, negotiations were renewed, but without effect. The Spanish Minister still refused to admit the United States to any share in the navigation of the river, below the boundaries claimed by his monarch, on any terms and conditions whatever.
All further negotiation with Spain wasreferred to the new Federal Government.
By the eighth article of the treaty between Great Britain and the United States, it was provided, that the navigation of the River Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the subjects and citizens of the two powers, respectively. The boundaries of Spanish Louisiana, after the dismemberment, comprised all the region west ofthe Mississippi. It included, also, the island of New- Orleans, on the east side of that river, and south of the Ba- you Iberville ; thus including, necessarily, the mouth attd the river itself, with the eastern bank above the Iberville, and both banks from the Iberville to the Balize. With France. Spain had .also become involved in the war in fa- vour of the American Colonies, and against Great Britain. By the treaty of September, 1783, on the part of all the beU ligerents. Great Britain confirmed to Spain, the whole ofthe ploridas, south of the thirty-first degree of latitude. The Provinces of Louisiana and Florida returned to a state of peace and prosperity, under the wise administration of Go- vernor Mero. The river trade with Upper Louisiana and the settlements upon the Ohio and its tributaries, had become active, and the Spanish dominion upon the Mississippi ap- peared to be increasing continually, in importance and power.
In the meantime, the serious attention of the Spanish aa< thorities was directed to the growing influence of the west-
WESTBRIf PEOPLE^ PROJECT AN INVASION OF LOUISIANA. 527
em settlements of the United States, which were coming in collision with their own. Georgia claimed much of the ter- ritory from Loftus' Heights, northwardly, several hundred miles. But this whole region was in the possession of Spain, with a population of nearly ten thousand souls. An active trade from the people on Holston, Cumberland, and other branches of the Ohio, had forced Itself down the Mississippi, and they claimed the natural right of the use of this stream, throughout the Province of Louisiana, and to the ocean. On the other hand, it had become a matter of great interest to the Spanish authorities to derive a large revenue from this trade, by the imposition of transit and port duties. For this purpose, a revenue office, with a suitable guard, and a mili- tary post, was established at New-Madrid and other points, at which all boats were required to land, and comply with the revenue laws. These were enforced with great rigour, even to seizure and confiscation of the cargo. It requires but little knowledge of the chaj^acter of the western people to know what effect these exactions and restrictions upon their trade would produce. They believed they had a right to navigate the river, free from all these impositions ; that the duties were exorbitant, oppressive and unjust. Under these impressions, it is not strange, that many of them should resist the laws, and disregard the attempts of the revenue officers to enforce them. In this manner, it/requently happened, that the west-' em traders were seized, fined and imprisoned, their cargoes confiscated as contraband or forfeited, and the owners or supercargoes discharged, penniless, to find their way home.* Occurrences of this kind had greatly incensed the wesjiem people, and disseminated a general discontent and opposi- tion. To such an extent had this vindictive feeling been car- ried in Kentucky, and upon the Cumberland, that a milita- ry invasion of Louisiana was devised, for redressing the 'Wrongs of the western people, and seizing the port of New- Orleans, should the Federal Government, then negotiating on the subject, fail to obtain from Spain the free navigation of the Mississippi. So general had become this excitement,
*Martin, aa quoted by Monette.
538 annuLAL wilkimbom*b mibbioit to nw-oBUUira. *
that the Spanish Governor became exceedingly apprdiensive of an invasion, to be carried against Louisiana, in defiance •o{ the Federal authority. And the western people themselvefl» indignant at the failure of Congress to secure them the free use of their only outlet to market, were strongly tempted to sepa- rate from the Atlantic States, and to form for themselves an independent form of government^ which would enable them to obtain from Spain, under one form or another, those com- mercial advantages which they were determined to possess.*
Under this condition of things, Col. Wilkinson made an arrangement with the Spanish authorities, by which he secured. permission for himself and a few others to trade with the city of New-Orleans, and to introduce, free of du- ties, many articles of western production. Some concession was made in favour of western commerce, and a slight relaxation of the rigour of the revenue laws followed.
During CoL Wilkinson's stay at New-Orleans^ he was requested, by Governor Mere, to give his sentiments, freely, in writing, upon the political interests of Spain and the western people. This he did in a document of great length, which the Governor considered to be of such importance that it was transmitted to Madrid to be laid before the King of Spain. In this document, as copied from Butler, he urges ^* the natural right of the western people, to follow the cur- rent of rivers flowing through their country, to the sea. He states the extent of the country ; the richness of the soil — abounding in and producing everything suited to foreign markets, to which they have no means of conveyance, should the Mississippi be shut against them. He sets forth, also, the advantages which Spain might derive from allowing them the free use of the river. He mentioned the rapid increase of population in the West, and the eagerness with which every individual looked forward to the navigation of that river, and described the general abhorrence with w^hich the intelligence had been received, that Congress was about to sacrifice their dearest interests, by ceding to Spain, for twenty years, the navigation of the Mississippi ; and
*MoDette.
MR. JAT's advice TO CONGRESS. 529
represents it as a fact, that they were then on the point of separating, on that account, from the Union. He addressed himself to the fears of the Goviernor, by an ominous dis- play of their strength ; and argues the impolicy of Spain iA being so blind to her own interest as to refuse them an ami- cable participation in the navigation of the river, and there- by forcing them into violent measures. He assures the Spanish Governor that, in case of such an alternative, Great Britain stands ready, with expanded arms, to receive them and to assist their efforts to accomplish that object, and quotes a conversation of a member of the British Parlia- ment to that effect. He states the facility with which the province of Louisiana might be invaded by the united forces of the English and Americans — ^the former advancing from Canada, by the way of the Illinois, and the latter from the Ohio; and, also, the practicability of proceeding from Liouisi- ana to Mexico, in a march of twenty days, and that, in case of such an invasion. Great Britain will aim at the possession of Louisiana and New-Orleans, and leave the navigation of the river free to the Americans ; and urged, forcibly, the danger to the Spanish interests in North America, with Great Britain in possession of the Mississippi, as she was already in possession of the St. Lawrence and the great lakes."
Mr. Jay, on being called upon by Congress, to communi- cate his views on the subject, said that his own opinion of the justice and importance of the claims advanced by the United States, had undergone no change^ but that, under present circumstances, he thought it would be expedient to conclude a treaty with Spaio^ limited to twenty or thirty years, and for the United States to stipulate that during the term of the treaty, they would forbear to navigate the Mis- sissippi below their southern boundary. Sagacious as were, generally, the views of Mr. Jay, they have been outstripped, in this instance, by the growth of the Western country, beyond the anticipation of our wisest statesmen. Our pro- gress has been a race scarcely checked by an accident on the course.* Had the commercial limitation taken place
<» Butler. 34
5W Baaocuncm or covcHtvw. . <
but for a few 3f«an> as than proposed by UiBt a flanji 'WMid have been kiadled, that urast have coBsamed the iiMb]«( ttps that boabd the eastern to the western oonntrj. As U wii% tha ijkre rumonr of what had been proposed^ aad the exaggavalsd stateinents of the oontemplated sorreflNler of a nwirigatioii eC: Booh vital importance to the West, nataraHy araased l||S sensibilities ^f its citixens. Meetings were heU at ^HSneal places. One of these represented ^a coBMneroialr treoly with Spain to be cniel» oppressive and uiqast/' ^ Tba hibition of the navigation of the Misrissippi, has- the whole western conntry. To selt i», and to niake na sals to the merciless Spaniards^ is a grievanoe not- V^hm- borne.'' A copy of these, and of simttar phweediDgs^ w«s< laid before Com^gress, and in September of ITSiB^'^ai Ifoif: contradicted the mmonr, and resolved: ^Tha|-;tha^ikai navigation of the Mississippi, is «a obar ad an nssnntisi rightof the United States, and that die same* cngkt 4a ht conridercid and snpportedas soiBk'* ' v , _.^ .-
To quiet the apprehenrions of hef westaminhahltawi^3ss» upon the point tk <oarrying into eflbot the dismaBberflMMital: the parent state, and the formation of the State of FkanUie^ the delegates from North-Carolina, in September of 1788^ submitted to Congress a resolution, declaring that,
^ Whereas, many citizens of the United States, who poMees lands on the western waters, have expressed mvteh nneasiiiesB mm a report that Congress are disposed to treat with Spain for the surrender of usir claim to the navigation of the Mississippi River : In order, therefore, to quiet the minds of our fellow-citizens, bj removing such ill-founded ap- prehensions,
** Beiolved, That the United States have a clear, absolute and nnaKen- able claim to the free navigation of the Mississippi ; which daim is not only supported by the express stipulations of treaties, but by the great law of nature.*^
Virginia, too, had adopted similar resolutions. These de- cided measures tranquillized, for a time, the growing diseon- tents of the western settlements, and prevented that aliena* tion of feeling which, at one time, led them to repudiate their, dependence upon their Atlantic countrymen, and to look for- ward to a connexion of some kind with their Spanish neigh- bours.
MERO'b POUCt PABTLT BUCCISSFUL. 581
Colonel Wilkinson, in his statement to the Spaniali Go* vernor, had artfully interwoven appeals, both to the interests and the fears of Spain. His diplomacy and address had succeeded ih convincing Governor M ero of the policy of con- ciliating the western people, and of attaching them to the Spanish Government. FoF this purpose, he invited, by libe- ral grants of land, the citizens of Kentucky and Cumberland^ to emigrate to West Florida. To such as did not wish to emi- grate, he relaxed the exactions required by the revenue laws. While these conciliatory measures were exerting a salutary influence, he adopted others, intended to promote a polit- ical union between the western people and Upper Lou- isiana* A large American settlement was projected, west of the Mississippi, and between the mouth of the Ohio and the St Francis River. To General Morgan, who was to settle this colony, a large grant fpt land was made. Here, soon .after his arrival, was laid off the plan of a magnificent city, which, in honour of the Spanish capital, was called New- Madrid. This policy of gaining over the western people to an adherence to the Spanish interests, was not wholly unsuc- cessfhl. Many of them had been highly dissatisfied with the Federal Gk)vernment, which had failed to secure them their right of free navigation ; and some were even favourably impressed with a future union with Liouisiana. But this feel- ing was of short duration. The repeated infractions of his revenue laws, were followed by an order from Gk>vernor Mero to the Intendant, for a more rigorous enforcement 'of them. Seizures, confiscations, delays and imprisonments, be- came frequent and embarrassing to the traders upon the river, and Louisiana was again threatened with invasion from the Ohio. Hundreds of fiery spirits, in Kentucky and on the Cumberland, were anxious to embark in the enterprise.* The western people had long known, that notwithstanding her alliance with the United States in the war against Great Britain, Spain desired to weaken that Power by separatifog her American Colonies from her, more than to assist the new states in their struggle for independence. So soon as
*MoDette.
sn iHKLOHAOT AHD nmuoa or irASff
that #bject had been obtained^ the Spanish GovitaMMati alarmed at the approach of the westerti settlementa, .aiid*tiie conseqaent dissemination of republican pritacipIoB among the colonists npdn their border, adopted measores to vestraiB thei)r expansion, and ooanteract their growth and inftneneei to check their commerce, to prevAt the nearer apprdaeh tf a population that had already manifested, bolh a mairltii spirit, and a capacity to gavem themselTcs.
In the meantime, the Anglo- American settlemeMtii had eat* tended far within the line claimed by Spain ; the vmi^raifls on Holston, Camberlan^ and Kentucky, wwre already finrar ing themselves into organized communities^ and the jnrisdiai^ tion 'of the United States was, by the ordinance of 178?; tended over the Morth-westem Territory. It was elaarly that a|i Spain had not hitherto been able to previent the pancy ^ the extensive possessiouft she clahned In.tiie Wes^ so no means within her dbntrol^ conld secure the mottopoi^ of navigating the Mississippi River. What ecmld not be done' by legitimate means^ waA hereafter to beeflBsetasd'tf' intrigue. Tromi the year 1788^ -we may date the- eiittM policy of Spain, through her diplomatic and colonial aitthoe- ities, to endeavour, by diplomacy and intrigue, to acquire the western portion of the United States. The King approved the judicious policy of Governor Mero, relative to the indul- gences extended to the western people. The Court of Madrid was warned of the danger to be apprehended from the increasing power of the United States. Navarro por- trayed, in strong colours, the ambition of the Federal Go- vernment on the subject of western territory, and the thirst for conquest, which, he asserted, would be gratified only by the extension of their dominion to the Pacific Ocean. And as the only true policy for Spain to pursue, he recommended the necessity of dismembering the Federal Union^ by pro- curing the separation of the western country from the At* lantic States. This accomplished, the danger to the Spanish provinces, from the encroachments of the Federal powei^ would immediately cease, and Spain would be at liberty to enter into negotiations, mutually advantageous to Louisiana and the western people, who were already impatient of the
AMD HBR COLONIAL AUTH0RITIE8. 6SS
failures and delays of the Federal Government, to piomote their interests.
These suggestions of Navarro were well received at Court, and formed the basis of the subsequent policy of Spain and Louisiana towards the Federal Government and the western people respectively, and were the commencement of that series of intrigues and vexatious court delays, which after- wards characterized the political relations of that Power towards the United States.*
The policy of Spain invited emigrants into her provinces, ,1790 i ^"^ restored an amicable and mutually advantageous ' ( trade between New-Orleans and the western settle-
ments. Still, jealousy of the Federal Power was not allayed, and, indeed, it was much increased, by other occurrences which, about this time, took place, and greatly disquieted the Spanish authorities. The difficulties between North-Caro- lina and the State of Franklin had been adjusted, the parent state had ceded her western lands to Congress, and after her -relinquishment of sovereignty over them, the extension of Federal jurisdiction over the "South-western Territory" took place. In further support of the claim to the boundaries stipulated for in the treaty of 1783, Commissioners on the part of the United States, had concluded a treaty of peace and limits with the chiefs of the Creek nation, which had been fully ratified by them in New- York. With the view of counteracting the effects of this treaty, especially as to boun- daries stipulated in it, another negotiation was made between the same nation and the Spanish authorities, prohibiting the opening of the boundary as agreed upon and ratified in New- York. For more than a. year, the Creeks refused to ran the line, and under the influence of Spanish emissaries, many of them were induced to assume a hostile attitude to the southern and south-western settlements.
Another intrigue to increase the disaffection of the west- em people, and alienate them from the Atlantic portion of the Union, manifested itself in this year. The inexecution by England, of the treaty of 1783, left in the possession of
* Monette.
thai JPow»r the potts of Detroit^ Manmoo Md #tlMr;foii|i flOQth of the lakes, and thns gave to her the vhtiial aesrtrsl ef the North-western Territory. Theee forts iipd Mih^ea gtvea up, aooordiog to the sUpulatioiis of the inaigrt wd .!vertf stiH held, probably with the vaia hope- of ^noliBK herself of a fotnre eontingeDoy, to inflict spaieflerioM- insary upon her late eneiny^ the United Stales, fiaigagad iDt^hli tune in a war wi&Spain, E^igland o6nt0mplaled.wi iManisn of Loaisiaoay through the Ohio River. DoetOr €oBriI|^ an Mnissary of the Earl of Dorchester, was despatohod to^ As •West, to soond the leading men of the c<»Hitry,.ttiid «inia^ diociied to give assoraneet of aid from Oaa^a^ in oaee!^ aa invasion of the Spanish possessiens fay Am Wmttm peqple. A mnfi»r was oarefhUy eironlalec^ ^ that ftwr ikmh ■and British troc^ were in readiness to mareb . frqiB ^G^ aada at a momentfs warning.'* These diaelesgrBi WMdmnsii ' ewpicion that Conolly was a British spy, and tie/wsa mi^ (Myed, with the utmost seorecy, ont of die oonntry.' Skip ireasmiable oonspimoy had a ftw advocatesin thifc Weish hit with the people generally it found nolSsvoar.
Jtfaron de Carondelet, who eueoeaded Mere^ this fser, 1792 \ ^ Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, contlnned
( the commercial privileges extended by his predeces- sor to the western people. New-Orleans, ^and indeed the whole Province, derived such advantage from this policy, that a partial infraction of the revenue la¥r8 was not only tolerated by the Minister of Finance, but was even justified by the King. To this propitiatory course, Spain was in- duced, not less by the suggestions of an enlarged and pro- found diplomatic policy, than the considerations of pecuniary lt98 i ^°d local interest. *' France and Spain were now
( at war ; and French emissaries sought, through the prejudice that had been roused against the St>aniards rela* tive to the navigation of the Mississippi, to instigate an in- vasion of Louisiana and Florida by the people of the United States, and if practicable, even a separation of the Western States, and an alliance with Louisiana under the dominion and protection of France."* To carry into effect these pur*
•Hooette.
M. GENET ISSUES COMMISfllONB. 685
poses, M. Genet, the Minister of Republican France to the United States, issued commissions to several individuals, as officers in the French armies, with authority to raise troops in the western country, for the contemplated invasion and revolution of Lousiana. The settlements upon the Cumber- land and Ohio, were the theatre of their principal operations. Here, it cannot be concealed, existed elements favourable to the machinations of the indiscreet and impulsive Minis- ter. Apart from the occlusion of the mouth of the Missis- sippi, and the restrictions imposed upon their commerce by the policy of Spain, there was a spirit of undisguised dissatis- faction with the delay and failure of the Federal Govern- ment to secure, by negotiation, thone rights, which now the West was able to extort by force. Besides — a fraternal sym- pathy united them to the people of France, and the recol- lection of the past, enlisted their co-operation with the French Republic. It is known that many of the best patriots on the frontier, contiguous to the possessions claimed by Spain, yielded for a time to the seductive influence of these feelings and prejudices, and it required all the vigilance and decision of Washington to arrest the expedition, and restrain the impulsive western soldiery from an invasion of Louisiana, an alliance with France and a possible separation from and dis- memberment of the Union.
Apprehensive of the success of Genet and his emissaries upon the Cumberland and Ohio, the Baron de Carondelet adopted every measure to defend his province from the ^threatened danger. His forts, as high up the river as New- Madrid, were reinforced. As another method of precaa- ( tion, a treaty was concluded with the Ghickasaws, ( securing the alliance of that nation, and permission for the establishment of a military post within the present bonndaries of Tennessee, near the mouth of Margot (Wolf) River. For this purpose, the Ghickasaws ceded the fourth Bluff, with the view of erecting thereon a fort, which^was to be kept in good repair, for the purpose of protecting Louisi- ana from any invasion from the United States. The fort 'Was called '* Fort San Ferdinando de Barancas," and stood
4
5M OA1CNV01UT .jLunwi TU .mjtmmam
apon the peninsula formed by the. jimcttop of
and the Mississippi.* . • . <',......
So suecessful had been the intrigue of VLGmMftgimfK^ ilw \ ^^^^^S—T^^^f i^ nnveiling-r^ spintof aeiioMd^ •< affection on the pArt of the people oCthe WAA.-^KnA the Federal Administration^ that Govdmor rnipnitolol ttfk- measores to secore the favour of- the Western paopAa tosi^ alliance with Louisiana under the Spanish^moiiaiich j, . - Bi went so far as to authorisEe his emissary, Ppwwv^to: every thing desired by the peq)le» andtogiTe thMi^ of the readiness of the colamal gavertmmU.i» /vrAuA^rv^, mmnunitUm and money^ 0 sustain them in ikeMtemfi teilMp qfthe authoritff of the Federal Owerna^en^ , . v ^.
At a period somewhat later, promise was made.of (ihIi of laodt to such as would submit to the Spmis)i.4on||i£Mi- while intimations were secretly cUsseminatedianiMiF tisikW^' suspecting people^ that Spain would extend to i3l«Mii^.etf2ii^ eonunnnity, every commercial advantage and |siirikg6 MMir could be desired, provided they lirnrn riinnniinnnf ad iflroin liij[ Federal Grovemment. The Spanish Miiueter,«esiilettt iiHW United States, had declared unequivocally; to his ^Qg^^emlitt correspondents, that unless the Western people would dedasl themselves independent of the Federal Power, and establish for themselves an independent form of government, Spain never would allow them the free navigation of the Missis- sippi ; '' but upon these terms, he was authorized and would engage to open the navigation of t?ie Ht;«r,*' ^^.f
The first settlers of Tennessee and Kentucky received^ through the courtesy of the Spanish authorities, many eoBh mercial privileges, but they were unwilling to submit to the species of vassalage^ implied by the manner in which the river commerce was enjoyed. They could not receive si special favours^ what they claimed as common and indefemsi^ ble rights.
At length, Spain, embarrassed in European wars^ and still
* Monette. This fort was also called Echore Maigoti and waa defended Mf eight pieces of eig^t pounder cannon. f Butler^as qooted by Monette.
• TO SEPABATfi TBE WEST FROM THE ATLANTIC. 587
apprehensive of invasion of her American possessions by the pioneers of the West — whom all her intrigues had been unable to seduce from their allegiance to the Union — inti- mated her willingness to negotiate on the points in contro- versy. Mr. Pinckney was appointed as Minister Plenipo- tentiary to the Court of Madrid, and a treaty was con- cluded and signed, on the 20th of October, 17U5, covering the whole ground of controversy which, for more than ten years, had engaged the attention of both countries.
In accordance with the provisions of that treaty, Mr. Elli- 1797 i ^^^^* ^^^ United States Commissioner, was in this year ( on the Mississippi, in order to run the boundary line and to receive the posts east of it Here, most unex- pectedly, the territorial authorities of Spain interposed ob- jections. During the delay consequent upon these, another, and the last Spanish intrigue, was detected, the object of which was to continue, to Spain, the possession of the very territories she had bound herself to relinquish to the United States. A former emissary, Mr. Power, was despatched by the Baron de Carondelet, with proposals to the people of Kentucky and the inhabitants of the Western country gene- rally, to withdraw and separate themselves from the Fede- ral Union, and to form an independent government, wholly unconnected with the Atlantic States. The danger of per- mitting the Federal troops to take possession of the posts on the Mississippi River, was pointed out, and an offer of pecu- niary assistance, from the royal treasury at New-Orleans, to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars, was made by the Baron, for the purpose of organizing the new govern- ment ; and the same amount was to be furnished by his Catholic Majesty, for the purpose of raising and maintaining the troops which, immediately after the declaration of inde- pendence, were to take possession of Fort Massac. Twenty ^ield pieces, ammunition and small arms, and every neces- sary appendage to an efficient army, were also to be placed vithin the fort. His Catholic Majesty engaged, also, to assist the new government in subduing the Indian nations eoath of the Ohio, and agreed to be bound, by future treaty, to defend and support it, in preserving its independence, and
to grant tbem a deoidad prdBrroaiM^ m. qemawMroMil aahiMti, over his Atlantio connekioiuk* • ., Someindividoals^ttOaiadbwlaBdAadiaKaii^^ aived at the ezpeditioii, at prapoied fay jGSeMC^ agaiaet LoHh iaiMiai but the Western people^ haviag «e(ir. oblaided Ikk aavigatien df the MississipiA Ri^er, all-'tMv <wi8hiai>^ gratified^ aad Mr. Power reeeivedT ifiom thein ttUlo agemenl^ and no. promise of eo-opemtioel. '^ ^.v '
The bo«lDdary was sfMm after rsEn» and -^heifceML^eawh dered^as provided for in the trieaty» airf.iW aftgiy ooBteO" yorsy which had, for tea yBai% eonvoIsedvlbA Wefrikn country, was at an end* • • ^.Z -^^
During that whole period of paHtical eaeileiBeBt^ U-k wordiijr of remark, and highly creditable to iAm ficicd «CUM and patriotism of the people of Tennessee^ 4hat^ thiy wssl in no ease, aeduced into an abandeameal of thm'r righrsaai dhity, nor of allegiaaee to iheir own eonatry^ and. lUMsj^ Iheir republicaa pnndples. Tho' mswes of 4tlwwn. w^mmkmA trae and ineorruptible. bodaled iastaneas^tf judivid—l it \ fection, did oocnr. Prominent and ambitioas men wiasa Ibuil m different 'sections, sustained it nay be, by hero and llMrib a partisan, not unwilling to elevate themselves at the immi* nent hazard of the welfare and permanent interest of the country. Among these there was little unanimity, and no well-digested concert of action. They gave rise, howevtri for the time being, to the following parties, ^ enumerated by Monette :
. I. In favour of forming a separate and independent re- public, under no special obligation of union» except as mi|^ be most advantageous.
II. In favour of entering into commercial arrangementi with Spain, and of annexing themselves to Louisiana^ witt all the advantages offered.
III. Opposed to any Spanish connexion, and in favour of forcing the free navigation of the Mississippi by the arms of the United States, with the invasion of Louisiana and West Florida.
IV. In favour of soliciting Republican France to claim a
•Manfaiai.
INTBOBriT OF WB8TSRM BBTTLEEfl. 689
retrocessioii, or make a reconquest of Louisiana, and to ex- tend her protection to the western settlements.
V. The strongest party, however, was in favour of new independent state organizations in the West, leaving it with the Federal Government to regulate the Mississippi and boundary questions with Spain.
To estimate properly the virtue, the patriotism, the loyalty and the republicanism of the western people, when, with a noble disinterestedness and self-sacrificing devT>tion to the Union, they resisted these artful and powerful appeals to their sectional and local interests, let it be remembered, that the several communities to whom these 'appeals were made, had penetrated through a vast wilderness of desert and mountain — that their own courage had expelled a savage enemy — their own rifles had achieved their conquest — their own enterprise had planted and defended their settlements — their own efibrts had made their fortunes, provided them a home, and the benefit of a simple, but stable government — that with little assistance from the old states, almost none ftom the General Government, the wilderness, under their/ / own industry and culture, " blossomed as the rose ;" and that the fertile banks of the navigable streams in the distant ▼allies, in whose bosoms they dwelt, were rewarding with a luxuriant harvest of rich fruits, their own labour, upon their own fields ; that the intervention of hundreds of miles and great mountain ranges, insulated them from the commerce of their Atlantic countrymen, and that for the products of the whole West, there was but one great outlet to the ocean and to the markets of the world — the Mississippi Rivec ; and that the right of freely navigating that stream, though gua- lanteed to them as a result of that Revolution which they had assisted to effect, and of those victories achieved in part by their valour, was still withheld from them, under the vexatious delay of Federal negotiation. Under such cir- cumstances of admitted neglect, disappointed expectation, deferred hope and accumulated wrong, to remain constant, and faithful, and loyal to the Union, is alike a rare instance, and evidence, of all that is heroic in forbearance, lofty in patriotism, and majestic in national virtue. Western purity
.Vn WMT KWAnnED UIUUUNJMK'
mnained muiediiced by the ooqaetry of mcnmrriitoaliiitrigw^ and the stem virtae and primitive integrity of die aliApl»> hearted pioneer and hunter, resisted die art and baffled the designs of the diplomatist and the emissary. • .
The negotiation on the subject of boiwdaiiei^-.aiid of tki right of navigating the Mississippi, extendiiigy .as 4ft di^ thronghten years, has been thus presmtc^Jn one geiieMi view. It wiU serve to explain axid illostrate oome ettidlir •incidents, fletaiied on odmr pa^, as thiiy took:]rilftee^ 'es» neeted with theoarly settlements- of TefmesjwsOb
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TERRITORY OF UNITED STATES SOUTH OF OHIO RIVER. . 541
CHAPTER Vn
TERRITORY OF THE UNITED STATES SOUTH OF OHIO RIVER.
Having accepted the deed of cession from North-Carolina,
i Co^Sr^ss soon after passed a law for the government
( of the " territory south-west of the River Ohio." The
ordinance itself, and the act of Congress amendatory of it,
passed August 7, 1789.
Provision being thus made for the government of the ter- ritory, it remained for the President to nominate suitable ofBcers to carry the Territorial Government into operation. Several gentlemen, of acknowledged capacity and worth, were presented to President Washington, for the appoint- ment of Governor. Patrick Henry recommended to him Mr. Mason of Virginia. But there was an obvious propriety in selecting, for this station, a citizen of the state which had ceded the territory, and who was presumed, on fhat account, to be familiar with the circumstances and interests con- nected with and involved in the cession. WjUiam Blount, of North-Carolina, received the appointment of Governor. He bas been heretofore mentioned in these pages, as the vigilant agent of his state, and the faithful guardian of the interests of North-Carolina, at the treaty of Hopewell. He was of an ancient English family, of wealth and rank, which, at an early day, emigrated to Carolina. The name is often mentioned in the annals of that state during the Revolution. Charles, James and Benjamin Blount, were all civil or military officers during that period. William Blount was one of the deputies from North-Carolina to the Conven- tion which formed the Constitution of the United States. It was on this occasion, probably, that General Washington, the President of the Convention, first became acquainted with him, and, appreciating his qualifications for the public service, his discernnient selected hirn for the important posi- tion of Governor oMhe new Territory. He was remarkable
542 OOVERKOR BLOUNT ASBf VHS IN THE TBKKITOSTy
for great address, courtly manners, benignant feelings, and a most commanding presence. His urbanity — his personal in- fluence over men of all conditions and ages — ^his hospitality, unostentatiously, but yet elegantly and gracefully extended to all, won upon the affections and regard of the populacei and made him a universal favourite. He was at once the social companion, the well-bred gentleman and the capable ofiicer. He received his commission as Governor of the Territory, August 7, 1790. On the 10th of October, he reached the theatre of his new and important public duty on the frontier, amidst a people unacquainted as yet with the forms and usages of old and refined society, but unsurpaawd any where in all the strong traits of character which form the man, the patriot and the citizen. At first, he made his residence at the house of William Cobb, in the fork of Hd- ston and Watauga Rivers, not far from the Watauga Old Fields, where was planted, twenty years before, the germ of the future Tennessee.* Mr. Cobb was a wealthy farmer, an emigrant from North-Carolina, no stranger to comfort and taste, nor unaccustomed to what, in that day, was called style. Like the old Carolina and Virginia gentlemen, he entertained elegantly, with profusion rather than with plenty, without ceremony and without grudging. Like theirs, his house was plain, convenient, without pretension or show. His equipage was simple and unpretending. He kept his horses, his dogs, his rifles, even his traps, for the use, comfort and entertainment of his guests. His servants, his rooms, his grounds, were all at their bidding. They felt themselves at home, and never said adieu to him or his family, without the parting regret and the tenderness of an old friendship.
It was here, and under such circumstances, that Governor Blount opened and held his court in the ancient woods of old Sullivan. The President had associated with him, in the administration of the Territorial Government, as Judges, David Campbell and Joseph Anderson. The former had held a like position under the State of Franklin, and subse- quently, under the authority of North-Carolina. The latter
* Mm. farniahed bj General Beerj, then opBlooDtsyille.
AND ASSUMES ITS GOVESNMBKT. 543
had been an officer in the Continental service during the war of the Revolution.
Governor Blount proceeded to appoint and commission the officers, civil and military, for the counties forming the District of Washington. Those holding office under North- Carolina, generally continued to serve in the same capacity under the Territorial Government ; a new commission and a new oath of office were required. The oath was admin- istered by Judge Campbell, in the presence of the Governor. The names of some of those commissioned by him are here given.
Wabhinoton County, Nov. Term, 1790. — Charles Robertson, John Campbell, Edmond Williams, John Chisholm, Magistrates. James Sevier, was appointed Clerk — a position ho occupied under the Franklin organization, under the authority of North-Carolina, during the Territorial Grovernment, and under the State of Tennessee up to the time of hisncleath in 1842.
SoLuvAM CouKTT. — The first Court was held December, 1700, when the magistrates commissioned by the Governor were sworn into office by Judge Campbell.
GttBKNi CouNTT, Fkbruary Sessiof, 1791. — Prcscnt^ Joseph Har- diii| John Newman, William Wilson, John McNabb and David Ran- lun. Daniel Kennedy was appointed Clerk — an office he had also held under each of the preceding governments, and which he retained many years afterwards. At this session, David Allison and Wm. Cocke were admitted Attorneys.
Hawkins CouNTT, Dso. Term, 1700.— ^Richard Mitchell received the appointment of Clerk from Governor Blount.
The same gentleman also became, for a time, the Private Secretary of the Governor. He yet (1852) survives, in a green old age, an intelligent chronicle of past events. To him is this writer indebted for some of the incidents detailed in these pages.
Having commissioned the necessary officers in Washing- ton District, Governor Blount, on the 27th of November, set oot for the District of Mero, then composed of Davidson, Samner and Tennessee counties, to make similar appoint- ments there.
The Governor had, in all the counties, appointed military officers below the gtade of brigadier-generals. These he coald not appoint, but recommended to the President, CoL John Sevier, as the brigadier for Washington, and Col.
544 MAJOR KINO VISITd CHEROKEB8.
James Robertson, for Mero District. These appointments were afterwards confirmed accordingly.
In his tour, passing through the Territory from one extreme settlement to the other, Governor Blount endeavoured to make himself familiar with its condition and wants, so as to enable him the better to discharge his official duties, to the satisfaction of the Government, and with benefit to the people His instructions from the Executive, were to restore and maintain peaceful relations with the Indians. To effect this, he had sent Major King to the Cherokee nation, with an in- vitation to meet and hold a treaty with the whites the suc- ceeding May. This proposition was now more likely uf be accepted, as the Creeks had entered into terms o\' peace in August of the last year, at New- York. Major King found the Cherokees divided into two parties, of which Hanging Maw was the leader of the northern, as the Little Turkey was of the southern party. At the time of his mission. Ma- jor King found each of them disposed to negotiate.
The settlements formed in the Territory, at the time Go- vernor Blount assumed the government of it, extended from the Virginia line on the east, in a peninsular shape, southwest to the waters of Little Tennessee, a distance of about one hundred and fifty miles in length, by a width no where more than fifty, and in some places less than twenty-five miles. This narrow strip of inhabited country, was bounded on the south by a constant succession of mountains, claimed, if not occupied, by the Indians. On the west, by the Indian territory then in their occupancy: and on the north and northwest, by the Clinch and Cumberland Mountains. In- deed, the settled country was confined to the valleys of the Holston, the Nollichuck}^ and the French Broad and Little Rivers below the mountains. All the rest of what is now East Tennessee, was either covered over with Cherokee villfiges, or frequented by the Indians in their hunting and predatory excursions. The white population thus insulated, was quite small. It was estimated that W?ishington District contained less than thirt}^ thousand inhabitants. Besides these, there were, along the Cumberland Valley and its lower tributaries, settlements still more feeble and more ex-
BLOUNt's familiarity with INDIAN AFFAIBS. 545
posed to Indian assault and aggression — entirely insulated by desert wilds, and dissociated from all contact with civil- ized neighbours. Mero District contained about seven thousand inhabitants ; while the four southern Indian tribes numbered above twenty thousand warriors alone.
Between those two remote sections of the Territory, there 1790 i ^^^^ ^^ direct communication, either by land or water. ( The rapids and shoals in the Tennessee, and the ascent of the Ohio and Cumberland, was an obstacle to the latter ; and the intervention of a wildernessjand a mountain^ made the other difficult, if not impracticable, to any but In- dian marches.
At the commencement of Governor Blount's administra- tion, the Gherokees resided upon, and many of them within, the boundaries of the Territory, upon lands which they claimed, but much of which had been granted by North-Ca- rolina to her citizens, and a whole section of which had been occupied and settled under the laws and treaties of Franklin. The Chickasaws claimed also, but did not reside upon, the country between the Tennessee and Mississippi. Much of their claim was covered by grants from North-Carolina, but none of it was settled. It furnished a hidden retreat, and a thoroughfare, inaccessible to the whites, through which con- stant intercommunication was had, between the southern and northern tribes, and foreign emissaries, who sought to incite them against the intervening American settlements. The Choctaws and Creeks had no valid claim to any part of the Territory, but each of them had settled, and permitted Span- iards to reside in, their towns, near the Great Bend of Ten- nessee.
With the local condition of these tribes, Governor Blount
had been long familiar, as well as with all the circumstances
by which they were surrounded, and would continue to be
affected. He had been often a member of the Legislature of
his native state, North-Carolina, and was well acquainted
with the exposed condition of the West, and had been active,
afl a member, in meliorating that condition. Having been a
member of the old Congress, of the Convention that formed
the Constitution of the United States, and likewise of the 35
546 BLOUNT APPOINTED BUPgKINTKITPKirT
State Convention that ratified and adopted it, on the part of North-Carolina, and also a member of its legislature in 1781^, when the Cession was made, and of which he "was a zealous advocate, his appointment gave general satisfaction.
Mr. Blount also received the appointment of Saperinten- dent of Indian Affairs. To his selection for the joint duties thus assigned him, President Washington was led by the m^ gent solicitation, and at the unanimous recommendation of the members of the legislature of 1780, who were present as representatives from the western counties. It is believed that no one was better qualified than he, to reconcile the con- flicting elements that had estranged, to some extent, the western citizens, after the dissolution of the Franklin Go- vernment ; none, with more ability and fidelity, to regulate Indian affairs between the Government of the United States^ thepeople of the Territory, the Indian tribes, and the frontier population generally.
The superintendency of Indian aflairs embraced the four southern tribes — the Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws and Chick* asaws. Some judgment ma^ be formed of the difficult, re- sponsible and delicate duties these two offices devolved on the Governor, by a brief reference to the posture of afiairs when he received his appointments. The Territory over which Governor Blount was called to preside, bordered upon the frontiers of Virginia, North and South-Carolina, Georgia and Kentucky, within the boundaries of which, as well as his own Territory, all the southern tribes either resided or claimed hunting grounds. The interests and pursuits of this entire frontier, constantly produced collision, if not hostility, between the whites and the several Indian tribes. All com- plaints on whatsoever subject, between these parties, were cognizable by, and made to Mr. Blount, for redress or palli- ation. This duty was arduous in the extreme, and delicate. There were in all of the tribes, several distinct parties, swayed by opposite influences, some adhering to the United States, some to the Spanish authorities south and west of them, who held a number of trading and military posts, not only in Florida, but within the limits of the United States, east of the Mississippi. The British still held possession of
OF 80UTBBRN INDIAN APFAIM. B4li
a namber of posts of like character on the lakes, and in the northwest, within the boundaries of the treaty of 1783, and from these emanated counsels unfriendly to the peace and extension of the territorial settlements. On account of ex« isting foreign negotiation, Governor Blount was restricted by his instructions from the Federal Government, to defensive measures only ; offensive measures against the southern tribes , being forbidden by the delicate and unsettled posture of af- fairs between the United States and England, and the United States and Spain. Foreign intrigue had been suo- oessful in fomenting quarrels in portions of each tribe, and in stimulating invasions and strifes between some of the seve- ral Indian nations within the superintendency. To reconcile all these animosities between' savages, and to protect his Ter* ritory from their injurious effects, required frequent confer- ences and correspondence, imposing a Herculean labour upon Mr. Blount. His correspondence with the Governors of ad- joining States, with the Secretary of War, and with the au- thorities of Spain, is extensive and minute. Being well pre- served in the printed archives of state, at Washington, bat a small portion of them need be transferred to these pages. To keep the Indian tribes quiet — to conciliate their friend- ship to the United States — ^to save the Territory from inva- sion, and to neutralize and prevent foreign influence, and, at the same time, not to jeopardize negotiations then pending required a high degree of administrative capacity and diplo- matic talent. In the discharge of these arduous duties, Go- vernor Blount was aided by his two private secretaries, his brother, the late Governor Willie Blount, and the late Hon. Hugh Lawson White, whose lives, as will be hereafter seen in the prosecution of these Annals, were spent in the service, and identified with the interest, and character, and honour of Tennessee.
Along the frontiers of the four eastern counties, were seve- ral forts and stations, rudely constructed by the inhabitants in times of imminent danger, bnt famishing no adequate pro- tection. These were manned, generally, by the militia of the neighbourhood, under no permanent organization.
About one thousand men, capable of bearing armfi>t«&\r
548 DUTIES OF GOVEBNOR BLOUITT
ded west of the Cumberland Mountains — confined, princi- pally, to a circle embraced by a radius of less than forty miles, of which Nashville was the centre. Beyond that circle was an unsettled wilderness of almost indefinite ex- tent, used only as Indian hunting grounds. Whilst, on the other hand, the Indian population of the tribes surrounding, furnished not less than from thirty to fifty thousand* fight- ing men, in alliance with more distant tribes in the north- west, and in friendly intercourse with military posts occupied by British and Spanish garrisons, the commanders of which were in the habit of issuing trading licenses, alike to native and foreign companies, who resided among the Indians. Such were the posts of Mobile, Pensacola, St. Marks, St Augustine, Baton Rouge, New-Madrid, Cape Gerardean, St. Genevie and St. Louis, where supplies were kept, and am- munition and arms furnished, to the Indians, to excite them to commit murder and depredation upon the citizens of the Territory, then, except on its eastern extremity, an exposed and defenceless frontier — extending, with the meanders of the several treaty lines, nearly a thousand miles. A border, thus extensive and thus exposed, invited attack. Several invasions, as will be hereafter more specially detailed, were carried on by the Indians, in large bodies, not only against the border settlements, but extending to the interior and better settled neighbourhoods. Instructed, as he was, to refrain from ofiensive war, and to act purely on the defen- sive, Governor Blount was, of course, oflen and severely censured, for afibrding so inefficient protection to the people of the Territory. The aggressions upon them were frequent, nu- merous, and of several years continuance. They gave rise to many complaints, not only by his own people, but by those of other states contiguous to his superintendency. The people complained that ofiensive measures were not vigorously adopt- ed— the Indians, that they were adopted — and the Executive and Congress of the United States, that the expenses of pro- tecting the frontier were so great, and accumulated so rapidly. These complaints the Governor bore with equa- nimity. The people, at length, ascertaining that the fault
*BlonDt Papers.
WERB LABORIOUS, DELICATB AND RB0PON8IBLB. 549
was not with him, withheld their censures, and generally sustained his authority.
Some of the duties assigned to the Governor were com- plex, delicate and difficult. Much of the land in Greene and Hawkins counties, entered and held by the inhabitants, according to the provisions of the laws of North-Carolina, were south and west of the line described as the line of allotment in the fourth Article of the Treaty of Hopewell. Some settlers had crossed Clinch River in violation of the same treaty ; and the entire population south of French Broad and Holston, were upon lands reserved to the Chero- kees, as hunting grounds, by the legislation of the mother state, but yet relinquished by the Indians at the treaties held under the authority of Franklin — an authority denied by North-Carolina, and not recognized by the United States. These were only a part of the embarrassments which Go- vernor Blount had to encounter. The provisions of the treaty of Hopewell, for the delivery of property stolen by the Indians, during the Revolution, were not only disregarded by them, but additional thefts were constantly practiced, both by Cherokees and Creeks, upon the citizens of the Ter- ritory. This disregard of treaty stipulations by one party, led to a like disregard and violation of treaties by all. A proclamation from the Federal Executive, warning intruders upon Indian territory to withdraw within the treaty limits, and others to observe and comply with treaty stipulations, were issued, but, as the Indians broke the treaty, the whites refused to perform its requirements on their part, and the proclamation was disregarded.
Another serious difficulty presented itself. By an act of the State of Georgia, disposing of certain vacant lands, three million and a half acres of land, lying south of Ten- nessee River, were conveyed to the Tennessee Company, con- sisting of Zachariah Cox, Thomas Gilbert and John Strother, Eisquires, and their associates. The proprietors took mea- sures, soon after, to effect a settlement of their purchase. 2«achariah Cox and Thomas Carr, as agents of the Company, repaired to the Territory, and there, Sept. 2d, 1790, issued
550 oox*8 EXPBDinoir desckitdb
an advertisement that it would embark a large armed foroe at the mouth of French Broad. The fleet was to start Jan. 10, 1791, carrying, in the boats, such emigrants as desired to settle near the Muscle Shoals. A bounty of five hundred acres was ofTered to each family, and half of that quantity to each single man. A land office was opened for the dis- position of these lands, which was to be kept at the conflu- ence of Holston and French Broad till the company embarked, and was then to be opened at the Great Bend. Undoubted fee simple titles were promised to the adventurers.
Against this projected settlement, and two others, known as the South-Carolina Yazoo Company, and the Virginia Yazoo Company, the Secretary of War earnestly remonstra- ted, and the President issued a proclamation, forbidding the intended settlement, and declaring that those who made them would be considered, to all intents and purposes, entirely without the protection of the United States.
A copy of this proclamation the Governor communicated to such agents and employees of the Company, as were then in the Territory and preparing to embark on the pro- jected expedition ; with the declaration, that if the expedition should go forward to the Muscle Shoals, he would at once acquaint the Indians of its movements, who should be at liberty to act towards the Company as they might think right without offence to the United States. /
Not deterred by the Federal prohibitions. Col. Hubbardt, ( Peter Bryant, and fifteen others, embarked at the ( mouth of Dumplin, and went with Zachariah Cox to take possession of the Tennessee Grant, near the Muscle Shoals. In a small boat and two canoes, and with so few men, the enterprise was hazardous in the extreme. The ** Narrows" were still in the occupancy of the same sa- vage hordes, who, in 1788, had butchered and captured Colonel Brown's company. His sad fate was a warning, which Hubbardt and his comrades could not disregard. They proceeded with the utmost caution and circumspection. ' Be- low the Suck, at the Indian Old Fields, a small party of In- dians came out in; their canoes and hailed them. The same
TKE BIVBR TO MU8CL£ BDOALB. 551
number of white men were sent out to meet them, advancing firmly with their rifles in their hands, but with orders not to fire till the last extremitv. Their canoe floated down to- wards the Indians, who observing their preparation for at- tack, withdrew and disappeared. A little further down, night overtook the voyagers, and when, from the dangers of the navigation at night, it was proposed to steer to the shore, they saw upon the bank a row of flres, extending along the bottoms as far as they could see, and standing around them armed Indian warriors. They silenced their oars by pouring water upon the oar pins — spake not a word, but glided by as silently as possible. The dogs barked from the bank. The Indians rekindled their fires and appeared to listen. The boat escaped. Several times next day the Indians tried, by various artifices, to decoy them to land. On one occasion
■
three of them insisted, in English, to come and trade with them. After they refused and had passed by^ three hundred warriors rose out of ambush. They were then beyond the reach of their guns, and escaped. For three days and nights they did not land, but doubled on their oars — beating to the south side at night, and in the middle of the river through the day.
Cox and his party built a block-house, and erected other works of defence, on an island, at the Muscle Shoals. The Glass, with about sixty Indians, appeared shortly afterwards, and informed them, if they did not peaceably withdraw, he -would put them to death. After some further conference, the works were abandoned. The Indians immediately re- duced the works to ashes.
A bill of indictment was twice sent to the Grand Jury Against Cox and his associates, at the next term of the Su- perior Court of Washington District, but the indictment was not sustained as a true bill.
Another source of embarrassment to Governor Blount* was the immature negotiation with Spaiii concerning bounda- ries, the navigation of the Missis.sippi, and the treaties of that Power with the Indians. The delicate posture of that negotiation required caution and forbearance on the part of the western people, and subjected the Government and its
552 REPULSE AT HOUSTON'S STATION.
m
agents, at that time, and for years after, to very serious com- plaints, censure and opposition. A fort, about ten miles from M ary ville, had in it several i femilies, but only seven gunmen. It consisted of a ( rudely constructed cabin, one story high, provided, though, with the usual defences, port-holes, etc. A large party of two or three hundred Indians approached it, with ' the evident design to attack and destroy it. This they could have undoubtedly . effected with suitable resolution, but were deterred by the method adopted for its defence. The besieged, of whom James Houston, the narrator, was one, reserved their fire till the assailants were near enough for very decisive and certain aim. The discharge at that mo- ment, of the seven rifles, was calculated to impress the enemy with the belief that a more formidable force was lodged within. The firing was repeated with great vigour. The savages picked up their dead and wounded, and retired. The fort did not lose a man.
Indian aggression had become so frequent and general, 1791 \ ^^ every part of the extensive frontiers of the United ( States, that Congress passed an act for their defence, authorizing the President to call mounted militia into the field, and to increase the defences of the country by new le- vies. These were ordered to rendezvous at Fort Washing- ton, to be placed under the command of General St. Clair, to be employed in an expedition meditated against the Indian villages on the Miamis. A requisition for that purpose was made upon the forces of the Territory.
The President required three hundred and thirty-two men from the District of Washington, to be enrolled at the ear- liest moment, and ready to march to the head-quarters of Gen. St. Clair, at Fort Washington. For once, the militia of the country did not turn out with their usual alacrity. The term.of service was longer than they had been accustomed to, and they were required to take an oath to obey command of officers whom they did not know, and in whose selection their voice was not heard. A draft was had, and many hired substitutes.
LEVIB8 BEHT TO GENERAL ST. CLAIR. 658
Most of the civil, and nearly all of the military, appoint- ments made for the Territory by Governor Blonnt, were conferred upon the former officers of the State of Franklin. Considerable dissatisfaction was excited, and a petition was got up, remonstrating against the acts of the Governor.
The opposition thus raised against the administration of Governor Blount, was occasioned! principally by his efforts, and those of General Sevier, to raise the United States levies, then wanted for the reinforcement of the north- western army. The terms, especially as to the period of the enlistment for the quotas to be sent from the Territory, were rery formal, Jtnd different from the volunteering system which had so long obtained with the western militia. The period of ser- Tiee with them had always been short, and they never parted with the right of choosing their own officers.
A further reason for the hesitancy of the Territorial mili- tia to join St. Clair, was the inadequacy of the defensive measures nearer home. Still, there was no relaxation, on the part of the Governor, to send forward the levies from the Territory. He was himself engrossed with pressing duties^ growing out of his superintendency, and found it neeASsary to devolve on General Sevier the task of organi- sing the battalion. Writing to him, under date May 24, 1791, Governor Blount says : *' The necessity I am under to meet the Cherokees, in treaty, on the last day of this month, will not permit me, after Thursday next, to pay but very little attention to these troops.''
Major Rhea was appointed to the command — the battalion was organized and ordered to march, and, before July 15, had started with two hundred men to Fort Washington. Bach of the troops as reached the scene of action did their doty, and fully sustained the character of their countrymen for conduct and courage.
Among the troops sent to the army of St. Clair, raised' in the South-western Territory, was the company commanded by Captain Jacob Tipton. About to leave on that distant knd perilous service, he had taken his farewell of his family, and had mounted his horse. He hallooed back to his wife, requesting her, that if he should be killed, to alter the name
654 Bwmomm op tbb nnxMifl*
of their son William, and call him, for himself, Jacobu The presentiment which suggested the request^ ivas anhappilj realized. At the battle of the fourth November, 1791, tki brave captain was killed. His last injanction to bis vib was complied with. William became Jacob Tipton, laic General Jacob Tipton, of Tipton county, Tennessee, whiek was thus named, in 1821, by the Tennessee Lfegislator^ ii honour of the patriotic captain.*
In the meantime. Governor Blount was directing attentiM to the great subject of procuring a lasting peace between the Cherok^es and the people of the United States. He ha4 during the last year, sent, through Major King and others invitations to their chiefs, to meet him for that purpose it treaty. Some mischievous men on the frontier and in tk nation, had circulated a report that it was the intention ef the Governor to draw them to the treaty ground, and there have them all cut off. To counteract such reports, which were keeping back some of the more influential leaders, in the more interior towns, General Robertson, who always bad their entire confidence as an honest and frank man, went to their nation early in June. He succeeded in quiet- ing their apprehensions and removing the unfavourable impressions they entertained towards the United States, and in disposing them to treat. At first, they proposed to meet at the confluence of Holston and French Broad, and to this General Robertson assented. But they were at length in- duced to yield to the preferences of (Jovernor Blount, who designated a point four miles below, on the north bank of Holston River, as the most convenient and suitable place for holding the treaty. There, was a denser settlement, of which
* Another Tcniicsscan, of the some name and family, was distinguiahed after- wards at Tippecanoe. lie left his native state with au axe aod a rifle for hti patrimony. He subsequently became Senator in Congress, and one of the most prominent men in Indiana. Of htm the anecdote is narrated, which we have seea in the public joumalf, where Gkneral Harrison is represented as riding up in the heat of the battle, inquiring of the young Tipton — " Where is your capiaio T •* Dead ! sir." " Your lieutenant ?" ** Dead 1 air/* " Your second lieutenant T " Dead I sir." " Your ensign T " He stands before you !" where Tiptoo then •tood, holding and defending the flag, but so covered with dirt and so with blood, that Qeneral Harriaon icaroely knew him.
INDIAN TB9AT7 AT KNOXVILLE. 555
White's Fort was the centre, and where, indeed, there was already the nucleus of the future Knoxviile and the seat of the Territorial Government.
It would be desirable to present here, a full and minute account of this negotiation with the Cherokee chiefs and the Superintendent of the Southern District. This, together with the treaty itself, were laid before the Senate, in October fol- lowing, by President Washington, for its advice and ratifi- cation. The proceedings are not on record or on file in the War Department, and cannot be procured elsewhere. Tra- dition says that Governor Blount received and entertained the chieftains and head warriors with signal attentions and marked ceremonials. The treaty ground was at the foot of Water-street, where the Governor appeared in full dress. He wore a sword and military hat, and acted throughout the occasion the polite and accomplished gentleman, the dig- nified officer and courteous negotiator. He remained seated near his marquee, under and surrounded by the tall trees which then shaded the banks of the Holston. His officers, civil and military, stood near him, uncovered and respectful. On this occasion, James Armstrong was arbiter eleganiia- rum** Behind the officials, in clusters and disorderly groups, stood strangers, attracted by the occasion, and the citizens of the immediate neighbourhood. The soldiery were not present.
One of the interpreters, in Indian costume, introduced each chief to Armstrong, and he presented him to the Governor, announcing him by his aboriginal name. The delegation was large ; forty-one of them being thus presented, in order according to their age, and not their rank. Twelve hundred other Indians were upon the ground, among whom were some women and children. The Braves were decorated with eagle feathers on their heads, and other insignia of their
* Jtmes ArmatroDg, alias Trooper Armstrong, the aDcestor of General Robert Annatrong, the hero of Emuckfaw and other battles in the Creek war, and at Iffeaeot the editor of the Washington Union. The father had seen service in Europe, and was familiar with foreign etiquette and manners, and acquitted him- wM oA this occasion much to the natisfaciion, both of the Governor and the In> • the Itttter are always pleased with ceremony and forma.
566 CHBftOKBE BODlTDAmiSS*
rank, but were unarmed. The older chiefs and wise mea, wore only the common Indian dress.
After the presentation was over, Groveraor Blount, speak- ing through the interpreter, opened the conference. During its continuance, the chiefs observed strictly the Indian Con- cil House tactics — the speaker alone standing, while Ui colleagues sat upon the ground, in a circle around hiDi,ii respectful silence and with fixed attention. Squollecottak, Kunoskeskie, Auquotague and Nenetooyah, are said to hare been the principal speakers. Chuquilatag^ue seemed soUei, and, it is believed, signed the treaty reluctantly.
On the second of July, the conference was ended, andtk treaty agreed to and signed.
By its provisions, perpetual peace and friendship were r> stored and established between all the citizens of the Unilel States, and the whole Cherokee nation of Indians, who ae> knowledged themselves to be under the protection of the United States, and of no other sovereign whatsoever. Thej agreed to deliver to Governor Blount all prisoners then in their nation, the boundaries of which were declared to
** Beginning at the top of the Currahee Mountain, where the Greek line passes it ; thence in a direct line to Tugelo River ; thence northevk to the OcuDDa Mount^n, and over the same along the Soath-Caroliai Indian boundary to the North-Carolina boundary; thence north toe point from which a line is to be extended to the River Clinch, that shaO pass the Holston at the ridge which divides the waters rimning into lit- tle River from those running into the Tennessee; thence up the Brns Clinch to CampbelPs line, and along the same to the top of Cumberliad Mountain ; thence a direct line to the Cumberland River where the Kentucky road crosses it ; thence down the Cumberland River to a pomt from which a southwest line will strike the ridge which divides the wi- ters of Cumberland from those of Duck River, forty miles above N«k- ville ; thence down the said ridge to a point from whence a southweit line will strike the mouth of Duck River.
For the country thus ceded, the United States were to pay and deliver to the Cherokees certain valuable goods, besides an annuity of one thousand dollars. It was farther stipula- ted, that the citizens of the United States should have the free and unmolested use of a road, from Washington to Meio District, and the navigation of the Tennessee River. The right of regulating their trade, was also reserved to the
FIRST PRINTING PRESS IN TENNESSEE. 557
United States. Other provisions were made for the preser- vation of friendly relations between the contracting parties.
This treaty was ratified in November following, when the President issued his proclamation commanding its observ- ance.
During the inception and progress, and even after the 1191 \ signing and execution of the Treaty of Holston, In- ( dian hostility continued. In May, John Farris was wounded, and Mr. Miller and five of his family killed, and his house robbed, on the Rolling Fork of Cumberland. In Russell county, Virginia, near Moccasin Gap, Mrs. Mc- Dowell and Frances Pendleton were killed and scalped.
A few days afler the signing of the treatj", a party of Creeks were seen on the Lookout Mountain, with fresh scalps, which they acknowledged had been taken on Cum- berland. It was generally conjectured, that most of the mis- chief mentioned here, was perpetrated by the Creeks and the banditti at the five Lower Towns. Whether by the Creeks or Cherokees, murders continued with little abate- ment. James Patrick was killed in the Poor Valley, seven- teen miles from Rogersville, early in September. The peo- ple began to complain of the inefHciency of treaty stipula- tions in preserving peace, and Governor Blount felt it ne- cessary to urge upon General Robertson the necessity of preventing an infraction of the treaty on the part of the whites, and to maintain, if possible, friendly relations with the Indians.
THie fiflh of November, 1791, is signalized in the annals of Tennessee, as the day on which the first newspaper was iflBued within the borders of that state. The pioneer printer, pablisher and editor, in Tennessee, was George Roulstone. He established his press first at Rogersville, in Hawkins cennty, which thus claims the credit and distinction of the nativity of the newspaper press, which sent forth, through a doinestic medium, the first ray of light for the information and improvement of the new community, in whose limits it was founded.
Though at first published at Rogersville, Mr. Roulstone's paper was called ** The Knoxville Gazette,** as it was intend
558 KHOXVILLB BSTABUmED.
ed to be issued at Knoxville, where Governor Bloanthad determined to fix the seat of his government. In Febraaiy, of the next year, Knoxville was laid off by Col White, and the Gazette removed to it soon after. It ivas issued from & cabin, erected on .the lot lately owned by Mr. Samuel Bell, on Gay-street.
The columns of the Gazette will, hereafter, famish some of the matter of these Annals. It was a small sheet, bat *" re- garded as the pioneer newspaper in the country, the Gazette engages an interest, to which its intrinsic merits would not entitle it. Solitary and alone, in the midst of an extensie Territory, its adventitious importance was necessarily con- siderably. The publisher was a man of rather more tbaa ordinary capacity, but seldom ventured opinions, confiniig himself to the more easy and ordinary duty of chronicling passing events."*
In this year, Mr. White's neighbourhood bad become laif* erf and invited, by its position and strength, the location near it of the seat of the Territorial Government. Governor Blount so determined, and the proprietor, James White, laid off a town, consisting of the necessary streets and sixty-foor lots. In honour of Major-General Henry Knox, the then Sec* retary of War, under President Washington, the new town was called Knoxville. Some of the lots were sold, in 1791, but no considerable improvement was commenced till Feb- ruary, of 1702, when several small buildings were erected.
Being still Hawkins county, no county buildings were at first erected, but in June that county was circunuscribed and ^bdivided, by an Ordinance of Governor Blount, and Knox county established. Lots had been, however, designated for county purposes, by the proprietor, and temporary buildings for a court house and jail, were, soon after the establishment of the county, put up. The first court house was on the Igt adjoiningand westof the residence ofS. R. Rogers, Esq. The jail was made of squared logs, let down close together, and the floor and loft of like materials. It was enclosed with long palisades, deeply entrenched and sharpened at the upper
* Semi-centiiimiAl addreai of Rer. T. W. Hxunm,
FIR0T IWHABITANTS OF KKOZVILLB. 559
end. It was a small building, not more than fourteen feet square, and stood near the spot now occupied as the vault of the Bank of East Tennessee, corner of Main and Gay- streets. The lot for the barrack, extended from Gay to Prince streets, embracing the entire front of that square on Main street. The barrack was an entensive, but not costly struc- ture. It stood upon the ground now the L of the Mansion House, but extended more than twice its length, towards the liver ; the building was made of logs notched closely to- gether. It was thus secure against attacks with small arms. The second story projected twd feet on every side beyond the walls of the first, so as thus to prevent the application 'of fire to them in case of a siege. In both stories and in the floor of the oeeond, port-holes were left, at suitable distances. The entire area around it, as far as a rifle would reach, was cleared — even a stump large enough to protect the body of an as- sailant, was eradicated. The site was well selected, and well adapted to its purposes. The structure itself was designed with military skill.
With pious regard and consideration for the church and religion of his fathers, the proprietor of Knoxville designated a lot for the erection of a place of public worship. The barrack, and the court house, and the grove, above the mouth ofWhite's Creek, on the river bank, were at first substituted for this purpose, and it was not till 1810 that a church edi- fice was erected on the church lot. An adjoining square vras, afterwards, designated to a purpose scarcely less im- portant— the instruction and education of youth. The entire square between Gay and Church-streets, and State and Boundary-streets, was appropriated to Blount College.
Amongst the first settlers of Knoxville, were James White^ James King, Mr. McLemee, Governor Blount, Hugh Dunlap, Samuel and Nathaniel Cowan, Joseph Greer, John Chisolm, Mr. Stone, Captain John Crozier, and Major Arthur Crozier.
The first white child born in Knoxville, was the late Gen. Riehard G. Dunlap.
The first lots improved were those nearest the river, and in the south-east quarter of the town. It was not till 1794, that the trees were cut from the lots since owned by Captain
560 FIRST flOUSJBS IN KNOXVILLB.
Grozier, south of Gay and north of Cumberland. When he built bis jSrst store-house, at what is still called Crozier's Corner, it was shaded by the trees of the ancient forest, and considered out of town.
The cabin of the Governor was on the knoll, between the University and the river. Afterwards, a more suitable resi- dence was erected by him on the lot now owned by Judge Boyd. The mansion stood near the centre of the lot — ^was finished with some taste, and the grounds were better im- proved than any in town. His office was inunediately be- tween his house and Chisolm's Tavern, south of it. It ii still standing. Chisolm's was the pioneer tavern in Knox* ville. Col. M cClung's clerk's office was on the corner, now known as Craighead's. Nathaniel Cowan's house was on the corner of Water and River-streets. Stone's Tavern was on the property known as Park's Corner. Joseph Greer re- sided upon the lot now owned by S. R. Rogers, Esq. The approach to Knoxville, on the east, was at first along the deep hollow or ravine, which extends from a little below Kennedy's saw-mill, and reaches Cumberland-street before its junction with Main, in front of the residence of Msyor Swan.
The annuity of one thousand dollars to the Cherokees, as provided by the Treaty of Holston, was considered by some of the chiefs as insufficient. A deputation, consisting of Nenetooyah or Bloody Fellow, Chutloh or King Fisher, Non- tuaka or the Northward, Teesteke or the Disturber, Kutha- gusta or the Prince, Suaka or George Miller, and James Cary, Interpreter, arrived at Philadelphia, Dec. 28th, 1791. A long conference ensued and continued to the 11th. In this conference, Nenetooyah gave a minute and interesting ac- count of all that had transpired at the Treaty of Holston, and, with the rest of the delegation, made a full expose of the affairs of his nation.
On the 18th, the President proposed an addition of five hundred dollars to the Cherokee annuity, to which the Se- nate gave its advice and consent.
On the 3 1 St, the Secretary of War wrote to Governor Blount, directing him not to call out the militia of the Terri
SCALP DANCE IN CHEROKEE TOWNS. 661
■
tory, excepting in cases of real danger, and pointing out the importance of having the boundary line run.
In February, of this year, Col. E. Robertson informed Go- vernor Blount of aggressions by the Indians, and that on the 27th, in the evening, they killed Mr. Thompson in his own yard, and jumped into his house and killed all the women and children except two. The Governor also received infor- mation from Captain Craigt whom he had despatched on a mission to the Lookout Towns, that some prisoners and scalps had been brought in by the Turtle-at-Home, and that at night a scalp dance was there held, at which Richard Jus- tice and the Glass took the scalps, and tore them with their hands and teeth with great ferocity, as did also the warriors generally, with all the forms, gestures, exultation and decla- ration of a war dance ; and that the warriors from Running Water coming in afterwards, renewed the war dance, and gave other indications of hostile intentions ; that the Shaw- nees, in their invitation to the Cherokees to join them against the United States, after St. Clair's defeat, had added the de- claration, that they would consider all Indians as enemies who did not assist them, and that General McGillevray wished to form a general confederacy of all the Indian tribes against the Americans, and that eighty Creek warriors had crossed the Tennessee, on their way to attack Cumberland, and were expectingjreinforcements to make a formidable in- vasion of that country. Captain Craig felt a deep convic- tion that both the Creeks and the Cherokees of the five Lower Towns would join the IShawnees.
Gov. Blount was also Superintendent of Indian Affairs for - the Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws and Chickasaws. In each tribe he had a deputy resident, and also interpreters. To these he gave instructions, and from them received reports of the condition, disposition and views of the Indians where they resided.
The instructions of the Government restricted Governor Blount to the adoption of defensive measures only, by which to give protectiofl and safety to the Territory. Thus re- stricted, he stationed detachments of militia at the more
662 iifTREPiDrrT of hub. oavpaux*
exposed points, with orders to patrol from one station to another.
April 21. — General Pickens, of Soath-Carolina, was re- quested, by the Secretary of War, to attend at Nashville, where Governor Blount would hold a conference, in June, with the Chickasaws and Choctaws, to which sonne of the Cherokee chiefs would be invited. At that time and place, a proposition would bo made to these tribes to join the United States army, and it was proposed, by the President, if they accepted, that General Pickens should conunand th^n combinedly, on the contemplated expedition north-west d the Ohio.
One of the guards came express to Campbeirs Station, with the news that the Indians had just killed two boys at Mr. Wells's, in Hind*s Valley. On this occasion it was, that the Indians came to Col. Campbell's and fired at himsdf and another man, ploughing by his side. The report of their guns being heard by Mrs. Campbell, she, very coolly, barri- caded the door of the house, took the rifles from the rack, and waited, at the port-holes, for the approach of the Indians. In that position she was found by the men escaping from the field. She handed out the rifles — the Indians were pursued, but were not overtaken.
Governor Blount had been invited, by the Chiefs, to meet them, in conference, at Coyatee. As. he approached that place, the standard of the United States was erected. Two thousand Indians were marshalled into two lines, between which the Governor and his honourary escort passed. A firing, in the manner of a feu de joi^ was commenced and kept up, handsomely, for some time. The object of the meeting, was the distribution of the goods, and the payment of the annuity, according to the treaty, and to bring to the attention of the Chiefs the repeated infractions, by their warriors, of the provisions stipulated for in treaty. To hb remarks on that subject, the Breath, of Nickiyack, the Hanging-Maw and John Watts, renewed their declarations that their people w^re for peace.
After the conference at Coyatee, Governor Blount, attend- ed by a sufficient guard, crossed the mountain, and, at Nash-
zbiglbb's station attaoked. 568
ville, held a conference with the Chickasaws and Choc- taws. In conjunction with General Pickens, he met there a large delegation of their chiefs, distributed the ^oods, and renewed assurances of peace witl^ them.^ Returned to Knoxville, he writes to the Secretary of War, under date —
Knokville, August 31, 1792.
On the 10th instant, the conference with the Chickasaws and Choc- taws ended ; there was a very full representation of the former, but not of the latter, owing, there is reason to believe, to the Spanish influence.
During the conference. General Pickens and myself received the itrongest assurances of peace and friendship for the United States, from both nations, and I believe they were made with great sincerity.
June 26. — Zeigler's Station, about two miles from Bled- soe's Lick, was attacked by a large party of Creek Indians — first in the afternoon, and then at night. This station was picketed and was defended by thirteen men, including the •on of Mr. Joseph Wilson, a lad not fully grown. Four were killed, four wounded, who escaped, three escaped anhurt, and eighteen were made prisoners. Of the prison- ers, nine were regained by purchase, made by their parents and friends. One, Miss Wilson, and four negroes, were oarried into captivity.
July 15. — Isaac Pennington and Milligen were killed, and McFarland was wounded, on the Kentucky Road.
July 31. — At Greenfield's, near Bledsoe^s Lick, John Berk- ley, Jun., was killed and scalped, and John Berkley, Sen., was wounded. He killed the Indian while scalping the son.
Mr. Cochrane lived on the farm afterwards occupied by Doctor M'Gee. His son, returning from Pistol Creek, was met by a white man, a stranger, who detained him a minute in conversation ; Indians lying in ambush, fired on him, their bullets passing through his hat and clothes without inflicting a wound. He, with his father's family, escaped down the creek, and alarmed the neighbourhood, who began to build a fort, A few days after, Gillespie and two boys went home .after some corn. The Indians killed Gillespie and the eldest boy, but the youngest they took prisoner. A white man
* The full proceedinga of this ooDferexice, are m American State Papers, pp.
in the eompanr of . th« JodioiH, exonied tbe. miirder o(.^ oldMt brother, by itatiDg U«t they had find at ^d^BUX^ * p&le-faoe, (Coohiaae,) and killed hii brother .fiv jhuIk^IjP^ob for their lost powder. -.-.-.•
The forts in what la now Blonnt oonn^, ware reintbreei and guarded by men^firom Knox coBo^. Coptun John Crawford took trttopa from Tnokahoe, and other plaee*, «i4 left eome ot them at Henry*!, Grai^ and IA'e Stalionff, Ukd afterwardfl at Tellieo Blodt-hoose. Thi$ wal fi strong ^vork, of ooDBiderable b\w», with a. prqjeetion on each square, Air- nished with port-holes, and ealsalated to stand n siege by an enemy provided with small arms only. Colonel James Soott commanded the troops of this frontier to the absence of Sevier.
(lOTemor Btoont, by express, fnlbrmed the Secretary of War, that the five Lower Cherokee' toWtts on the Tennessee, headed by John Watts, had formally deOlared war against thA United States, and that the warliori bad set out on some expedition agunat the fronttenL probably against the Cam- beriand settlements. Their noinber was variously estima- ted at from three to six hundred, inolading one hundred ban- ditti Creeks. The Governor ordered out one regiment of the militia of Washington District, and sent orders to General Robertson of Mero District, to put his brigade in the best possible state of defence. The military strength of the oonn- try was immediately called out. The colonel of Knox eobnty at once issued orders to his captains, bearing date —
Enoxvillx, September 11, 1Y93. Sir : — Yon are hereby oommanded to repair mtii yoor oonipany to Enoirille, equipped, to protect tlie fnmtiets ; there is Imniiiiflat oangv. Bring with you two day e proviuoQ, if poBsible ; bat yon are not to da- lay an hour on tLat head.
I am, UT, yooiB,
Jiiffls Wam. Gaptiun ThomM Gillespie.
The militia paraded at the points designated, and wert distributed to the most exposed stations on the frontiers. R was, in the meantime, ascertained that the expedition of the hostile confederates was directed against the settlements.on the other side of the mountain, and Governor Blount dis-
INADBaUATB FORCE IN THE 8TATIOK8. 565
banded most of the troops. One of the captains, with his
company, Was retained in service.
The execution of this order by Captain Gillespie, restrained
further annoyance for some time on the frontier. This was
most inadequately protected, as appears from a list of the
stations and strength of the frontiers of Knox county, Dec.
22, 1792:
OambeVs Station. — William Reagan, Lieutenant ; men, thirteen ; on ftirlougb, ^ye ; at station, on dvity, eight
Black*8 Station. — Joel Wallice, Ensign ; men, four. Henrifs Station. — George HuflSicre, Corporal ; men, six. Wells's Station. — Richard Dearmond, Corporal ; men, six. Ish^s Station. — ^Matthew Karr, Sergeant ; men, eight. OampbelVs Station, — None. Lowers Station. — None.
Jfani/ee^s Station. — Capt Sampels ; men, fourteen. Baceoon Valley Station. — Sergeant Finley and one man. Total at stations, forty-seven.
For the protection of Cumberland against the threatened
invasion. Governor Blount issued this order to Major Sharpe :
" M^or Sharpe, of Sumner county, who commands all the troops in service, for the protection of th^ frontiers, is to be considered as subject to the orders -of no superior militia officer, not in actual service. But in case of any militia bemg turned out from either of the counties, by the commanding officer, to chastise Indians for recent depredations, he will •cordially co-operate with such part of his command as may be in that pwlacuJar county. No pursuit to be continued beyond the ridge di- viding the waters of Cumberland and Duck Rivers. Patrols and recon- noitring parties to be kept out from the stations, in search of, and to prevent Mkj further depredations by the Indians ; and in case any Indians should be found skulking or lurking about to the northward of the ridge afore- -seidy in the woods, off any path, or fleeing, to b# considered and treated as enemies, save only, Chickasaws and Choctaws, women and dbjldren.
^ Annexed are the names of the stations, and the number of men at each ; but in case Major Sharpe should conceive it essential for the bet- ter protection of the frontiers, he will increase the number at any or either, and lessen them at any other, either the cavalry or infantry, or both, but erect no new ones, until his command shall receive an augmen- tation of troops ; and on that event, he will either augment the numbers at the present statioas, or erect new ones, so as best to effect the object of protection. Such men of Tennessee county on duty, as are draughts, to be discharged on the arrival of the men under the command of Captain Lusk, and their places to be supplied by a part of bis men. Major Sharpe will call militia officers, not in actual service, into court martial for the trial of offenders, in cases where he cannot collect a sufficient number who are in actual service.
566 bloumt's bbpobt of attack on
Statiom and Numbers <m Cumberland.
No. 1. Cavalry— a Sergeant and 13 - - 14 ) Taylor's Spriagp
Infantry — an Englgn and 15, • - 16 foear Bledsoe's.
2. Cavalry— Sergeant and 13, - 14 i Spencer's Infantry — Lieutenant, En»ign, and 15, 17 I Lick.
3. Cavalry — Lieutenant and 18, - - 14 i S^ooei's In&ntry — Sergeant and 15, - - 16 {* Uck,
4. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive, 15 Brown's Spring.
5. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive^ 31 Kilpatrick's.
6. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive, 13 Gower's Cabin.
7. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive, 30 £dmondsoQ*s.
8. Infantry, officers inclusive, - 18 Near the — ofSycansre.
9. Infantry, officers inclusive, - 13 Cave ' Spring, near ths
— mouth of Red River. Toul, 190
*' On the 30th September, about midnight^ John Buchanan's Stitioii, four miles south of Nashville, (at which sundry fiunilies had oolieeted, and fifteen gun-men,) was attacked by a party of Creeks and Loirer Gherokces, supposed to consist of three or four hundred. Their ap- proach was suspected by the running of cattle, that had taken fngnt at them, and, upon examination, they were found rapidly advandng within ten yards of the gate ; from this place and distance Uiej receired tbe first fire from the man who discovered them (John McBcMy). Thej immediately returned the fire, and continued a very heavy imd constant filing upon the station, (block-houses, surrounded with a stockade,) far an hour, and were repulsed with considerable loss, without iojnring man, woman, or child, in the station.
^ During the whole time of attack, the Indians were not more distant than ten yards from the block-house, and often in large numbon round tbe lower walls, attempting to put fire to it. One ascended the roof with a torch, where he was shot, and, falling to the ground, renewed his attempts to fire the bottom logs, and was killed. The Indians fired thirty balls through a port-hole of the overjutting, which lodged in the roof in the circumference of a hat, and those sticking in the walls, on the outside, were yory numerous.
" Upon viewing the ground next morning, it appeared that the fellow who was shot froii the roof, was a Cherokee half-breed ot the Running Water, known by the whites by the name of Tom Tunbridge^s step-son, the son of a French woman by an Indian, and there was much blood, and signs that many dead had been dragged off, and litters having been made to carry their wounded to their horses, which they had loft a mile from the station. Near the block-house were found several swords, hatchets, pipes, kettles, and budgets of different Indian articles ; one of the swords was a fine Spanish blade, and richly mounted in tlie Spanish fiEushion. In tbe morning previous to the attack, Jonathan Gee and
■ Clayton were sent out as spies, and on the ground, among
other articles left by the Indians, were found a handkerchief and a moo- casin, known one to belong to Gee, and the other to Clajton, hence it is supposed they are killed."*
The repulse of so large a body of warriors by the small
* Blount's Correipoodence.
bdouanan's station. 567
party of fifteen gun-men at Buchanan's, is a feat of bravery \ which has scarcely been surpassed in all the annals of ( border warfare. The number of the assailants, Creeks, Cherokees and Shawnees, was afterwards ascertained to be above seven hundred, some of them well mounted, and all well armed, and led by distinguished Braves of their several tribes. According to the Indian version of the affair, the as- sault was led by Kiachatalee, a daring half-breed warrior of Running Water Town. When it was found impracticable to carry the fort by other means, he " attempted to fire the block- house, and was actually blowing it into a flame, when he was mortally wounded. He continued, after receiving his mortal wound, to blow the fire and to cheer his followers to the assault, calling upon them to fight like brave men, and never give up till they had taken the fort."* Amongst the numerous wounded, was the Cherokee chief, John Watts.
Communicating with the Secretary of War, Governor Blount says :
** That you may perfectly nndentand the situation of Mero District, I will give you a description of it
^ The settlements of Mero District extend up and down the Cumber- land River, from east to west, about eighty-five miles, and the extreme width, from north to south, does not exceed twenty-five miles, and its general width does not exceed half that distance, and, not only the country surrounding the extreme frontier, hut the interior part (which is to be round only by comparison with the more exposed part^ is covered
Enerally with thick and high cane, and a heavy growth of^ large tim- r, and where there happens to be no cane, with thick underwood| which afford the Indians an opportunity of laying days and weeks in my ^ and every part of the district, in wait near the houses, and of domg injuries to the inhabitants, when they themselves are so hid or seonred that thoy have no apprehensions of injuries being done in re- turn, and they escape from pursuit^ even though it is immediate. This district has an extreme frontier of at least two hundred miles.**
By the Governor of the Territory, an ordinance was passed, at Knoxville, the 11th of June, circumscribing the counties of Greene and Hawkins, and laying off two new counties, Knox and Jefferson.
Courts of Pleas and Quarter Sessions, were ordained to be held in the two counties thus laid off ; — for the county of
> M. A. H., in Whig Review, of Mardi, 1862.
58ft EXtattKmftrr maao]
K1UIZ9 at Knoxville, and for the eoonty of Jeflefwn, at tbo house 9f Jtfreuuali Matthe^TB. v
Knox CoTOTt CoUBT,
1703, Jim 16.— Junei Whit^ John bswyevB, Hdgh Boiicl, Jdb Adaiiv Oeofg^'MeKutt^ Jeramiah Jack, John KMm,' Jiunei (Mto, JoIb ByiDi^ Stmnal NtweU^ Willijun WaNioa, Thonwi IfaCUM^, :Willi^ HMDiltflKn, Dvvid CSraig and WilHaim, Lowvy, pnwnted a finnifnkil6|| from Gorernqr Bloonli appomtiDgfbm Jiistioesoftba'Paaee^ ooUatT, and an'^Bired Mfbrathe Hoacmrriito I>«^ OaaqbeD, K^ who, m the pveaaaoeof GovmRMr Bkmnt» adntmktttod to eaoh of AM an <^ to anj^ort the Oomtitation of. the United lltatei^ and alieMi oathdToESce.
C%arlee Mednstt abo piodnoed a Oonnninion froin the QoffanSr, appointing hfan CMk of Knot eoOnijr, and heme in Eke maadiie qualified* ' ■ . < < ^
l>oma8 Ohapmen, aho^ as Bigiateii . - ' . .
Jnne 25. — Bobert HonstoD, in like manner, wae oommiitfDBedl and muilified M ShsriC
It WM tvdend bj the Cout^ (hat the Sheriff mahf pioAaiia&|iW the openioff of aOonntT^ Goart^ ei the honaeof John Stope^ in the mm afEnozyilk,and thatCharies HcGlnng be admitted C^rk.^ neord iheaame.
Wherenpon, the said Bobttt Hboston, hvring wcSmaif vtctidaml for that purpofiOi it isorderedi that the siid Oimrt be oameNid epen* fo the purpose of ditpatdiittgpabliohiwneii, and be ordered of rsooid aooordingly.
The first Court held, was on the 16ih of July, 1792. Present — Janus White, Samuel Newell, David Craig and Jeremiah Jack. James Wiiits was appointed chairman.
June 16. — ^Luke Bowyer, Alexander Outlaw, Joseph Hamilton, Ar* chibald Roane, Hopkins Lacy, John Rhea and James Reese, Esquirei^ were qualified and admitted to practice law in this Court
Wm. Henry obtained leave to build a mill on Rosebury's Creek.
Ordered, that Alexander Cunningham have leave to keep a pubEs ferry at his landing opposite Ejioxville.
Roads were also ordered to be laid out, from Enoxville to CoL Alex- ander Kelley's Mill, and to David Craig's, on Nine Mile Creek.
June 17. — John Rhea was commissioned by the Governor, Solicited for Knox county.
A public road was ordered to be laid off from Enoxville to the Ford on Clinch, and from Knoxville to Campbell's Station.
Oct 23. — A public road was ordered to be laid out from Knoxville to the mouth oi^ French Broad.
The< Sheriff appeared and protested against the Jail of Knox counly.
1793, January 26. — Commissioners were appointed to contract for the building of a Jail. Its dimensions were, sixteen feet square ; the logs to be one foot square, the lower floor to be laid of logs of that use, to be laid double and crosswise ; the loft to be laid also with logs, and
BCOUTS ON FRENCH BROAD. 560
eovered crosswise with oak plank, one and a half inches thick, and well spiked down.
The same Commissioners were also authorized to contract for build- ing a Court House.
1793, May 6. — John Sevier produced a license from Governor Blount to practice law, and was admitted.
By the Governor and Judges of the Territory, an act was passed, authorizing the courts of the several counties to levy a tax for repairing and building court houses, prisons and stocks, to pay jurors of the Superior Courts, and defray the contingent charges of the counties. This act provided, that the poll tax, for any one year, should not exceed fifty cents, nor the tax on land more than seventeen cents on each hundred acres.
On the 30th November, Sevier informed Gov. Blount that the Block-house, at South- West Point, near the present Kingston, was finished, and advises the erection of a post between that place and Carapbeirs Station, and that a strong detachment should be sent forward, to a point near which Captain Handley was defeated — assigning, as reasons for this policy, that a large body of Indians were in that vicinity, and that the greater part of all the Lower Cherokee families is on the north side of Tennessee River, about and near the Camberland Mountains.
Gov. Blount, having received authentic information of the hostile disposition of the Creeks and Lower Cherokees, issued orders to the colonels of the several counties of Washington District, to raise two regiments of troops to operate against them, on the defensive. On the 27th of September, he ordered General Sevier to repair to Knoxville to take the command of the brigade. The colonels were Carter and Christian ; lieutenant-colonels, Blair and McNabb ; majors. Sawyers. McFarland, Conway and Rutledge.
Indians were seen at the Warm Springs, and at the plan- tation of Charles Robertson, on Meadow Creek, probably watching the motions of the guards who were stationed for the protection of the frontier on French Broad. These guards were stationed in four block-houses — at Hough's, at the Burnt Cane-brake, at the Painted Rock and at the Warm Springs, and scouted, regularly, between these block-houses,
570 blount's letters to wae defabtment.
and up to Big Laurel, where they met the Buncombe scout. Six was the number usually stationed at one post.
The official letters of Go%'. Blount to the War Department, and letters addressed to him by his subordinates, contain the best, and certainly the most authentic, account of the trims- actions in the Territory. They are voluminous, and being well preserved in the archives at Washington, need not be transferred to these pages. A few extracts, however, are considered essential to these Annals, and are here given.
The Governor, writing to the Secretary of War, Nov. 8, says :
^' The Creeks haviqg never had the colour of claim to land <m tbe north side of TenDessec, it is not necessary to say anything to show that their conduct must have been occasioned by other motives than a claim relating to boundaries. And if the Cherokees ever had a claim, it has been extinguished by two public treaties — that of Hopewell and Holston; at the last of which, a valuable consideration was paid inhandt and since, the first annual payment has been made, and principally re- ceived by the inhabitants of the ^ve Lower towns, who have declared war against the United States. Thus, if the Cherokees ever had a claim, it has been twice extinguished, and by two public treaties. But, by the best information I can collect, the claim of the Cherokees to the lands lying on Cumberland, is a recent thing ; there are many veiy respectable people now living who were present at the time. Kichard Henderson and Company purchased from them ilieir claim to the lands lying on Cumberland, as well as nearly all those included witliin what is now the limits of Kentucky.
" General Sevier, with the troops mentioned in my letter of the 27th September, as ordered into service, is in the field, advanced about thirty- five miles southwest of Knoxville, that is, at the mouth of Clinch, with his main force ; tlie other parts of bis brigade are detached to different parts of the frontiers of Washington District, for the protection thereof, with my orders to act on the defensive, under the limitations mentioned in your letter of the 9th of October.
"The advantages of the troops at the mouth of Clinch are, they will cut off all communication, by water, between the Upper and Lower Cherokees ; they will deter, in a greater degree, and can more easily intercept, incursive parties from it, than in any other situation ; ihey will impress the Lower towns with apprehensions of sudden attacks by wa- ter, as well as by horsemen. The distance by water can be passed in from forty to forty-eight hours.
" On Monday night last, five Creeks, headed by young Lashley, the son of a Scotchman in the Creek nation, the same that headed the party that killed and captured Gillespie's son, on the 13th September, came in upon the waters of Little River, about tw^enty miles from this place, and stole and carried off eight horses ; they were traced towards Chil-
CAPTAIN HANDLBy'b DEFEAT. 571
howee, the nearest Cherokee town. This gave reason to suspect the Ohilhowee Indians of the theft, whereupon, as many as fifly-two of the neighbouring people, including the sufferers, assembled together in anna, and determined to go and destroy Ohilhowee and Tallassee too, a little adjacent town, and actually did march ; but General Sevier re- ceived information of their intentions, and despatched orders to them to diaperae and return home, which they obeyed, and thus the matter hapjnly ended."
Captain Handley, when marching with his company of forty-two men, ^wo hundred miles, for the protection of the stations on Cumberland, was attacked near the Crab-Orchard by a party of Indians, fifty-six in number, commanded by the Middle Striker. The party consisted of Cherokees^ Creeks and Shawnees. When the attack was made upon his com- pany, a panic seized most of them, and they fell back. Handley laboured in vain to rally them. He believed that if this could have been done, the Indians would have been rofeated. He saw one of his men, named Leiper, in a most liazardous position, at a little distance from the Indians, and unhorsed. Handley conceived the design of rescuing him instantly, by seizing the horse's bridle and running him to the place where he was, to give the soldier an opportunity to re-mount. In doing this, he ran too near the enemy, and his own horse fell under him, pierccfl with wounds. Handley was immediately surrounded by Indians, furiously brandish- ing their uplifted tomahawks, the signal of death or submis- sioQ. He jumped behind a tree, aitd was met by a warrior, who held over him a tomahawk, in the act of striking. He arrested the stroke, by seizing the weapon, with the cry •* Canawlla" — friendship. '* CanawUa" was responded by the Indian, who instantly began to seek his rescue. This he at length effected, by hurrying the captain around, till he brought him to the principal chief, where, for a short time, he was free from danger. While the Indian was thus draw- ing him off, Handley received numerous licks from other Indians, some of which seemed to be inoffensive, being made with the flat side of the hatchet. One was made by his own sword, from which he narrowly escaped. In another in- stance, a gun was fired at him, the muzzle not ten feet distant, which was only escaped, by some other Indians
573 HAMDLET*8 CAWIVITT AT WILLS TOWN,
Striking the gun upwards at the moment of its discbarge. The efforts of Handley to rally his men, and in labouring for the escape of Leiper, seem to have drawn off the atten- tion of the enemy from his men, and to have concentrated it nearly on himself. Only three of them were killed. The rest all escaped. Poor Leiper was seen by Handley lying scalped and lacerated with wounds. He exclaimed, " dear captain," to one who could no longer command nor protect, who was hurried away by his Indian captor, and never saw him more. Captain McClelland was, at this time, at South- West Point, and, with his company of light horse, was de- spatched to the scene of the discomfiture, to bury the dead, and to rescue the survivors, if possible, from their captivity, and cut off the enemies' retreat. The first report was, that Captain Handley was killed, as the last time he was seen by his men, he was fighting hand to hand, surrounded by a crowd of warriors. But the light horse, in pursuing the Indian trail, found that wherever they had encamped, there were left the fixtures used by the Indians in securing a pri- soner. Along the trail, too, at different places, they found slips of torn paper, which, on being put together, were found to be parts of Handley's muster-roll, which he had considerately torn and dropped along the path, hoping there- by to furnish those who might attempt his rescue the means of ascertaining the route his captors had taken. The pur- suit was, however, unsuccessful, and the light horse returned to South-West Point. Captain Handley was taken to Wills Town. On his way, he was confined carefully at night, and watched closely by his captors through the day. Arriving at the end of their journey, the Indians debated three days whether he should be killed or permitted to live. At length, he was adopted into the Wolf Tribe of the Cherokees, and treated like one of them, from November till March. Before his adoption into the tribe, he received repeated insults and injuries. He was made to run the gauntlet. Another mode of torture, was that of tying his hands and feet fast, and then hurling him over their heads, at the imminent hazard of dashing his nose and face against the ground. During his captivity, the Cherokees became tired of war, and requested
AND HIS RESTORATION. 673
their prisoner to write a letter for them to Governor Blount, at Kuoxville, proposing conditions or preliminaries of peace. He obtained liberty, at the same time, to write a letter in his own behalf, to his brother-in-law. Colonel James Scott, which is preserved and is here given :
Wills Town, Dec. 10, 1792.
Dear Sir : — I am a captive in this town, in great distress, and the bearer hereof is a runner from the Upper Towns, from the Hanging Maw, and is now going up with a Talk from Col. John Watts, with the Oovemor, on terms of peace. These people are much for peace, and if Governor Blount sends a good answer back to the Talk they hare sent up by the runner, I am confident their Talk is true and sincere ; and, upon the whole, we are not ripe for war with these people, for they are properly fixed for war ; but Watts is entirely for peace, at this time, mnd wishes for a good answer to their Talks. Dear Sir, I have been much abused, and am in great distress. I beg .that you and John Cowan, and every good friend, would go to the Grovemor, and try all you can to get him to send a good answer, so that I can get away — for if an army comes before, I am sure to die. Send word to my wife, and send me m horse down by the Hanging Maw's runner, for I am not able to come without. Dear friends, do what you can, for I am in a distressed way. TSo more, but —
Samubl Hakdlet.
N. B. — John Watts sends to the Hanging Maw to send Calaka, the Hanging Maw's nephew, and another young fellow, down with the Qo- vemor's Talk and the horse for me, for he is a safe fellow, and if they eome I am sure to get home, but if not, I expect never to get home ; and I once more beg you tcr do your possibles for me, and do them soon as you can.
To James Scott, Nme Mile, Henry's Station. These.
The letter was favourably received by Gov. Blount, and though the Cherokees did not come to an adjustment till af- ter another bloody struggle and ruinous defeat at Etowah, they commissioned eight of their Braves to escort Captain Handley in safety to his friends, in Blount county, with no other ransom than a keg of whiskey given them as a pre- sent.
Capt. H. resided some time after near Tellico Block-house, where the Indians frequently came for the purpose of traffic. When any of his Indian acquaintances from Wills Town came there, they crossed over to see him, share his hospi- tality, and repose upon his premises, as with a genuine brother of their own order. He afterwards moved to Win- chester, Tenn., where he died.
574 THE PBOl^LB 12fCllf8SD.
The Cherokees were understood to be embodied in sach ^i^^3 ( force as to threaten an attack upon South- West Point, ( and other places upon the frontier, where the several corps under the command of Sevier had been stationed But acting under the orders of the Secretary of War, Gov. Blount gave orders, Nov. 20th, that all the troops of Sevier's brigade, except two companies, should be marched to Knox- ville, and mustered out of service. This was accordingly done early in January of 1793.
On Tuesday, the 22d of January, the Indians killed and scalped John Pates, on Crooked Creek, about sixteen miles from Knoxville.
On the 29th, the Cherokees stole three of William David- son's horses from Gamble's Station, on Little River ; and, on the 26th of February, they stole ten horses from Cozby's Creek. These aggressions prompted the spontaneous assem- blage of the militia at Gamble's Station, for the purpose of marching to the nearest Indjan towns, and retaliating upon them the injuries they were suffering.
The Governor immediately ordered Col. Kelly to go to the dissatisfied and incensed citizens on the frontier, and en- deavour to restrain them from going with arms across the Tennessee River, or entering any of the Indian towns. The Governor found it necessary also to issue his proclamation, requiring the citizens to desist from an invasion of the In- dian territory, which was now contemplated by a party of eighty men, who had assembled at Gamble's for that pur- pose. He attended there himself in person, to aid, by his per- sonal and official influence, in the preservation of peace. In this he was assisted by Col. White and others. To contri- bute still more in allaying the impending storm of retalia- tion, a company of cavalry was ordered to range from Hol- ston to Little River. Quiet was restored, and the people were tranquillized.
While these measures were being adopted to restrain the just indignation of the settlers, new causes of offence were of constant occurrence.
On the 9th of March, a party of Indians, led by Towakka, formed an ambuscade near the house of Mr. Nelson, living
IHDIAirfl CONTINUE H0BTIUTIE8. 575
on Little Pigeon, twenly-five miles from Knoxville.* Two of his sons, James and Thomas, were killed and scalped.
On the 16th, fourteen horses were stolen from Flat Creek, within sixteen miles from Knoxville.
In March, Joseph Brown, whose capture, in 1788, has al- ready been mentioned, accompanied Thomas Ross, the mail carrier, and Col. Caleb Friley, from the Holston settlements, by the way of Kentucky, to Cumberland. They were fired upon the third evening after they started, on the east side of Little Laurel, but sustained no damage. They went in full speed, crossed the river, and in about a quarter of a mile ran into a large body of Indians ; Ross was killed, Brown and Friley escaped, severely woqpded.
On the 18th of March, two young men, named Clements, were killed and scalped sixteen miles below Knoxville.
On the 20th of March, a party of Indians killed and scalped William Massey and Adam Greene, at the gap of Powell's Mountain, on Clinch, about twenty miles from Rogersville. A party of Creeks, led by young Lashley, burned, on the 8th of April, the house of Mr. Gallaher, on the south side of Holston, and within twenty miles of Knoxville. A detach- ment of mounted infantry pursued, but did not overtake them. The same party hovered about the settlements till die 15th, when a party of Lieutenant Tedford's rangers fired npon and killed one of the Indians, who proved to be a Che- rokee— Noon-Day of Toquo.
A report was received from James Carey, one the inter- preters of the United States in the Cherokee nation, in which he confirms the intelligence Governor Blount had received of Indian hostilities — " of large parties of Creeks and Chero- kees, meditating invasion of Mero and Washington Districts, and of the impression generally prevalent with the Indians, that the reason why the Americans did not retaliate, but patiently bore the iiyuries they had received from them, was the posture of their negotiation with foreign Powers, and their fear of offending them. And that if it was not for this, the Americans, certainly, would not be offering and begging peace in return for murders, robberies and bloodshed, daily oommitted on their citizens." Other intelligence of the
I
ttrwnma oaenrt ^kuom*.
•ane parport was receWi-tl. tliraagb Ur. GilliUnd^ wbo had just rrluroed Oom the tmtion.
April 12.— Tbe people on tUe frontier seoerally collected in ■taliona. At Cr&ie*>, there were two boodred and eigfatj men, women aod childreo, living id great dbcooilort iniuaall buu.
At this moment, Governor Blount was informed, that Gen- oral Logan wtix raising a party of Kentucky' Volunteers, for the purpose of making war upon Ibe Lower Cberokee towns.
On the 13th of April, Gov. Blount wrote to Gov. Shelby, iugffcsting to him the propriety of restraining Logan from the expttdition ho contemplMtbil against the enemy.
The Governor ordained that Knox and Jefferson coooUea should conHtitutfi a J ucliciul District, to be known by the name of the Difiirlct of Hamilton, in which two Superior Courts ■huuld bo held, at Knoxville, in April and October of each year. Of this court. Col. F. A. Ramsey waa, by the Go- vernor, appointed clerk.
March ^t. — It wiis ordained by the Governor, that oonrts should b(i in future held for Jefferson county, on tbo north side of French Broad, on the lands of Francis Dean, near the Rev. Mr. Henderson's Lower Meeting House.
J^LT 23. — jKmuoK.Cotrsrr Oomn nasr bxlb, — ^It mt at'ttb house of Jeremiah Hsthewa, (now Beuben ZirUo's,-&vr and Aiwif milea irest of Dandridge, near the river.) The magistnteB had bten oommiaiioDed and qualified.
June 11. — The followiog gentlemen appeared and took fltttrMiti, via: Alexander Outlaw, Oetu^ Doberty, Jaibes Boddys, Jobs Bl«k- bvm, James Lea, Josiui Wilson, Josi^ jBckaoQ,.AadnF SmdotspB, Amos Baich and Wm. Cox.
Joseidi Hamilton was commiauoDed Clerk.
Robert MeFailaiid,Sberi£ James Roddye, Registwi "
Luke Bowyer, Wm. Cocke, John Rhea, Aluaadev .Oatlns J^MW Reese, Arohibald Roaos and Hopkins Lacy, wen admitted w, .tBaiMyc
John Morris, a Chickasaw wurior, Jteiag »t .KaoKyUa, and a guest of the Governor, was shot and killed by- nne aae unknown. To soothe the feelings of the Indiana, lioimwae buried with the military honours due . to a wanior at a ^flriendly nation. In the prooessioa, to the aanal hma\ (round of the white people. Governor Blount aadtka ti»lhwr
beard's attack on hanoino maw. 577
of the murdered Indian, walked together as ehief mourn* ers.
May 25. — Thomas Gillam and bis son James, were killed and scalped by the Indians, in the Raccoon Valley, eighteen miles from Knoxvillcr Captain Beard, with fifty mounted infantry, made immediate pursuit.
June 13. — General Sevier was at this time at JonesboroV and Captain Chisholm, by letter of this date, forwarded by ex- press from Knoxville, informs him, ''That on yesterday morning, Capt. John Beard, with a party of forty men, at- tacked the Indians at the Hanging Maw's, and killed twelve or fifteen on the spot, among whom were a number of the principal chiefs, called there by the express order of the President. Major Robert King, Daniel Carmichael, Josepb Sevier and James Ore, were acting for the United States. This will bring on inevitable war ; the Indians are making vigorous preparation for an assault on us. The frontier is in a most lamentable situation. Pray, sir, let us have your immediate presence, for our all depends upon your exertion.
** The Hanging Maw is wounded, his wife is killed, also Scantee, a Chickasaw chief, that was at the Maw's, Kitti- geskie's daughter and other principal Indians. Two hundred Indians were in arms in thirty minutes. Beard and his party have fled, leaving the frontier unprotected. My dear sir, much depends on you — ^for your presence . itself will be a balm to the suffering frontier." "
Governor Blount, was at this moment absent, and the sec- retary, General Smith, on whom that duty now devolved, wrote immediately to the Hanging Maw and other chiefs, in explanation of the atrocious conduct of Beard's party, and begged them not to retaliate the outrage. ** Be not rash and inconsiderate," said he ; ** hear what your and our Great Father, the President, will say. Go and see him as he has requested. I assure you, I believe he will give you satisfaction, if you forbear to take it yourselves."
The Secretary, communicating the state of things to the War Department, adds, ** to my great pain, I find, to punish Beard by law, just now, is out of the question."
The affair was deemed of such consequence, as to demand
npt
Vf$ ANDREW CBGfiWeu/s STATION.
the arrest and trial of thul officer. The court martial, however, before which lie waa arraigned, iiiliicted nopunish- tnent.
The forbearance, as hoped for, from the Chcrokees, bj General Smith, did not continue long. At daylight, August 29, a large party of Indians attacked Henry's Station. Lieu- tenant Tedford was taken prisoner, and horribly butchered.
Andrew Creswell was living in the neighbourhood of Mc- Gaughey's Station ; two other men constituted the force in bis house. William Cunningham, passing near, was way- laid by the Indians and shot. He escaped to CresweU'B house. One of tbn men proposed to Creswell, to break up and go to the station. The latter replied that, from his knowledge of the Indian character, he believed they would not strike a second blow in the same place. Mr. Creswell then enquired from his wife, whether she would rather go to the station than to stay at home 1 She replied, it seemed like death at either place, and she would rather risk her life there, than any place else. " That's my sort," said Creswell ; "I will keep this house till the Indians take me out of it." The house was a new log cabin, with a sin- gle door, fiistened by a shutter of hewed puncheons, too thick to be penetrated by a bullet. His stable was so placed, immediately iu rear of his house, that Mr. Creswell himself could not open the door of it, without first entering his dwel- ling-house, and going to the head of bis bed, and raising a large bolt, with a long lever. Near this lever, was a port- hole, through which he defended his stable ; and on each side of his house, were others through which he defended his family. Indians came in sight, but never attacked him. Mr. Cunningham recovered ; he died afewyears, since in Monroe county.
August 80, — This day, two Indians came to the house of Philip Hutter, in Washington county, about eleven o*clocl^ and tomahawked and scalped his wife, and left her for dead ; cut the head off his daughter, and carried it away with them, and plundered the house.
Colonel Doherty and Colonel McFarland, in direct disregard of the orders of the Territorial authorities, raised one hundred nd eighty mounted riflemen,, with whom they invaded the
DOHBKTT INVADBB THE CHEBOKKES. 679
Indian country. Crossing the Tennessee, they penetrated the mountains at a place called the Unaca Pass. It was af- terwards ascertained, that three hundr^Indians lay here in ambuscade, awaiting their return. Fortunately, they de- flected eastwardly, south of Tennessee and Pigeon Rivers. In this march, they destroyed six Indian towns, and killed fifteen Indians, whom they scalped. They also took sixteen women and children prisoners. Two or three times, our men were attacked by night. On such occasions, they would re- tire a few paces from the lights of their camp-fires, into the nearest thicket, and stand with their rifles at a present, ready to flre at the flash of the enemies' guns. By the sudden ces- iiation of the Indian arms, it was believed that the aim of the whites, although in the dark, was eflectual. In these night attacks, four of the riflemen were wounded, one of whom died soon after their return. They were out on this campaign four weeks, and reached the white settlements, twelve miles above the War Ford on French Broad, now New-Port.
Captain Nathaniel Evans, from Boyd's Creek, took forward a large detachment of troops for the protection of Cumberland. One hundred and eighty men rendezvoused at Knoxville. Be- ing mounted, they carried their own provisions — passed South-west Point, Post Oak Springs and the Crab-Orchard, James Capshaw, Samuel Martin and George Telford, acted as spies through the wilderness. On Obey's River the signs of Indians multiplied. They, however, came upon none — pass- ing the Rolling Fork and the head of Stone's River, they reached Nashville without molestation from the enemy. Here they remained fifteen days, and returned nearly the same route. It was in their absence, that the Indians in- vaded the country, and took Cavet's Station.
Captain Michael Harrison, with his company of eighty { light-horse from Washington county, was in service ( early in September, and visited the several stations on Pigeon, before coming to Sevier's head-quarters at Ish's Station, south of Uoiston. From this point, scouts were sent out to guard the approaches to Knoxville, which it was apprehended would be the object of Indian attack, on ac
fiSO ONB THOUSAND i;ilEBOKEEB MABCH AOAINBT
count of the public stores that were known to be there. On the 24th September, Captain Harrison's light-horse had scoured the country in every direction, but made no dis- covery of the enemy. But the same evening, a body of a thousand warriors, under the lead of John Watts and Double Head, crossed the Tennessee River, below the mouth of Hol- fiton, and marched all night in the direction of Knoxville. Of this large force, seven hundred were Creeks — the rest were Cherokees. Of the former, were one hundred well mounted horsemen. The Indians had expecled to reach Knoxville before day, on the morning of the t\^enty-fifth, but some detention at the river had prevented. The horse- men had out-marched the main body, and some altercation between the leaders occurred, and produced confusion. Knoxville being the principal object of attack and plunder, (wders were given by some of the Creeks to press forward at once, and not delay their march, by stopping to disturb and plunder the smaller settlements. Double Head advised a different policy, and insisted on taking every cabin as they passed. A further cause of delay was the rivalry between this chief and Van. each of whom aspired to the leadership qf the expedition. Upon the question, "shall we massacre all the inhabitants of Knoxville, or the men only ?" these .aarage warriors differed in opinion; Van advising lenity to the women and children. Before the plan of procedure was Adjusted, the night was so far spent as not to allow the invaders time to reach Knoxville before daylight. That town was, however, in the opinion of all, the primary object of attack, and, with that purpose in view, Campbell's Sta- ttoit— one of the chief forts of the country, and in which, at this time, twenty families were there stationed for mutual protection — was carefully passed, undisturbed. At daylight ibej had reached the bead of Sinking Greek, in the Grassy Valley, and were in a rapid march for Knoxville. The United States troops at that place, as usual, fired off a can- non at .Aanrise, which the Indians heard, and understood to be an evidence that their attack was expected. This dis- ■concerted their plans, and led to the abandonment of their meditated assault The Indian force was halted immedi-
KHOZyi1«LS» AMD TAKB OAYBT^S BTATIOM. 581
ately. In sight of them, was the house or station of Alex- ander Cavet, in which were only three gun-men and his family, thirteen in number. This house stood on the plan- tation now owned by Mr. Walker, about eight miles west of Knoxville, and about six hundred yards north of the present stage-road, where its foundation can yet be seen.
Disappointed in their hopes of plunder, and too cowardly to run the risk of obtaining it by attacking Knoxville, the Indians determined to wreak their vengeance upon a de- fenceless family, and marched at once to and invested Cavet's house. It was put in the best state of defence which three men could do against a thousand savage assailants. The fire from the house killed one Creek, one Cherokee, and wounded three more. This' held back the Indians for a time, and they sent in Bob Benge, a half Creek, who spoke En- glish, proposing that if the station were surrendered, the lives of the besieged should be spared, and that they should be exchanged for a like number of Indian prisoners. These terms were accepted, and the house surrendered. Its unfor- nate inmates had scarcely left the door, when Double Head and his party fell upon the prisoners and put them to death, mutilating and abusing the bodies of the women and chil- -dren especially, in the most barbarous and indelicate man- ner possible. Cavet himself was found in the garden bar- barously murdered, and having seven bullets in his mouth, put there by himself, for the greater convenience of speedily loading his rifle. John Watts interposed, and saved the life of Alexander Cavet, Jun., a lad. Benge also interceded for the prisoners, who had capitulated with him, but Double Head was inexorable, and all efforts were unavailing to «ave the poor victims. The house and stables were plun- dered and burnt, and the Indians went off, carrying with them into captivity the only survivor of a large family. He was afterwards killed in the Indian towns.
The firing at Cavet^s Station was heard, and notice of the invasion of the country was communicated, at once, to Gen. Sevier, then lying, with some troops, across the river, at Ish^s, and to the people at Knoxville.
682 COLONBL WHITE rAKVS MEAStREfl OF DEPEKCE.
"This intelligence gave to the minds of its citjzen« that impulse which is only to be looked for on great occasionB, when the dignitj of a simple heroic conception is enough to consecrate danger and death. ITio number of fighting men in Knoxvillt was forly. But it wa, thotrgbt preferable to comhine ihia force, and to risk every life in a well C(»cert«d efibrt to strike a dtradly and terrific blow on the advancing enemy, at the outskirts of Ihe town, rather than stand to be hewed down, in its centre, by the Indian tomahawk,
"Col. James White was then advanced a little beyond the prime of manhood, of a muscular body, a vigorous conHlJtutian, and of that cool and dctermioHte courage which ariacB from a principle of original bra- Terj, confirmed and ennobled by the faith of the Bible. He was ibe projector nnd leader of the enterprise, Eobert Houston, Esq., from whose verbal statement the substance of mnch of this narrative is copied, was of the age of twenty-eight, and was a personal actor in the Bcene.
" It was viewed to bo manifest, by ttiose who lirero acquainted with Indian movements, that the par^ would come up the back way, near tile present planti\tiona of Mrs. Lultrell and Henry Lonas, rather than the straight«r way, now travelled by the singe. The company from Knoxvillo accordingly repaired to a ridge on that road, which now may be inspected, about a mila nnd a quarter fiom Knoxville.
" On the side of this ridge next to Knoxville, our eorapony was sta- tioned, at the distance of twenty steps from each other, with orders to- reserre their fire till the most forward of the Indian parly was advanced &r enough to present a mark for the most eastern man of out own party. Ho was then to fire. Thi.i fire was to be the signal for every man of our own to t,ike aim with precision. This would be favoured bj the halt thus occasioned in the ranks of the Indians. And these utter, it was hoped, astonished at the sudden and fotal discharge of rifles, extended over so long a line, would apprehend a most formiaabia ambuscade, would quit all thoughts of further aggression, and betake themselves to the readiest and safest retreat.
"But to provide for the worst, it was settled beforehand, that each nan, on dischai^ng his piece, without stopping to watch the flight of the Indians, should make the best of his way to Knoxville, lodge him- Belf in the block-house, where three hundred muskets had been depo- nted by the United States, and where the two oldest citjzens of the forty, John McFarlaud and Kobert Williams, were left behind to run bullets and load.
" Here it was proposed to make a last and desperate stru^le ; that, by possessing every port-hole in the building, and hy dealing lead and powder through it to the best advantage, they might extort from an enemy of nearly forty times their number, a high price for the hazard ■ of all they had on earth that was dear and precious. There were then two stores in Knoxville, Nathaniel Cowan's and James Miller's. Though the practical heroism of the we 1 1 -concerted, and thus far, ably conducted Btratagem, in consequence of the sudden retreat of the enemy, wiks not put to the test of actual esperiroent, yet an incident fraught with so
VOLUNTEERS CONCENTRATE AT ISh's. 583
much magnanimity in the earlj fortunes of Enoxville, should not be blotted from the records of her fame. It is an incident on which the memory of her sons will linger without tiring, when the din of party shall be hushed and it? strife forgotten. These men of a former day, were 'made of sterner stuff' than to shrink from danger at the call of duty. And it will be left to the pen of a future historian to do justice to that little band of thirty-eight citizens, who flinched not from the deliberate exposure of their persons in the open field, within the calcu- lated gunshot of fifteen hundred of the fleetest running and boldest tavages.'' — Foster'a Essay before E. T. Historical and Antiquarian Society,
At Ish's, preparations were made for an immediate pur* suit, and an invasion of the Indian country. The troops in the less remote settlements were ordered into service. Not knowing the number of the invaders, the extent of the mis- chief they had done, nor the point of the next artack, Gen- eral Sevier detached Captain Harrison, to cross the Holston and make discoveries ; and, if necessary, give pursuit. That officer, with his company of light-horse, set out for the trail of the Indians, and, from the smoking ruins of the station, he traced it to a place where they had stopped to feed, in the direction of Clinch River. Finding that the enemy had abandoned the attack on Knoxville, the light-horse returned to Sevier's oamp, and expresses were dispatched to Washington District for reinforcements, to intercept and pursue the enemy. Another company of light-horse, commanded by Captain James Richardson, joined the camp at Ish's ; and, in a short time, Sevier's command was augmented by the arrival of troops under Colonel Kelly and others, in numbers sufficient to authorize him to invade the enemy's country.
The daring inroad of almost the entire available force of the Creeks and Cherokees under John Watts, one of the most resolute and enterprising of their - chiefs, though abortive, and, in its main object, entirely unsuccessful, went far to cdn- vince the authorities of the Territory, and the Executive of the Federal Government, that it was no longer wise or safe to insist upon and continue their past policy of limiting the action of the country to defensive warfare only, against the Indians. Of this, the people on the frontier had, long since, been fully satisfied ; and against it, had frequently uttered their earnest remonstrance. A sudden and destructive blow
584 AMIT MABCHU UMDEE (WVIBB,
against the heart of the Indiaa nation, was loudly called Ck^ and was immediately authorized by Secretary Smith* diat acting as Giovernor, in the absence of Bloant The army already at Ish's» under General Sevier, was reinforced by a^ ditional troops from Washington District, commaaded bj Colonel John Blair, and from Hamilton District, under GoL Christian. Miyor Elholm acted as A^jatant on this cam- paign. Thus reinforced, the army under Sevier amounted to six or seven hundred mounted men. They crossed Littk Tennessee River at a ford above Lowry^s Ferry, and con- tinued a rapid march across Hiwassee and Amoyah, till they reached Estinaula, an Indian village. Here they found abundant supplies of grain and meat, and remained there two or three days* Having burned the town, which they found deserted, their encampment was formed in its imme- diate vicinity, and upon the banks of Estinaula River, in two parallel lines— Christian's regiment nearest to the river, and Blair's a little south of it, with sentries around it in aU directions. The flower of the enemies' warriors were around the camp, and would, doubtless, make a night attacL Noises were heard at the approach of evening, from the 8U^ rounding woods, which indicated that mischief was meditsp ted. The horses were tethered at a point where they were least likely to be stolen ; sentinels were doubled, and the whole army laid upon their arms Late at night, the Indians were heard by the sentries, some hundred yards distant, ap- proaching in a stealthy, slow, uniform movement, creeping abreast over the high sedge grass. They were allow^ to come so near, that the sentries heard the Indians cock their guns. At that instant, their own guns were fired, and they then retired, in a sidewise direction, to the camp. The In- dians discharged their guns, and, at once, set up the war- whoop and yells of defiance. The sidewise movement of the retiring sentries saved most of them from the aim of the Indians. Gaut, by pursuing a straight course, was danger- ously, but not mortally, wounded.
The Indian fire produced some confusion in the camp, du- ring which, some captive squaws and children escaped. But Uie warriors kept at such a distance, that the fire from the
AND BNOOUNTERa THE INDIANS AT ETOWAH. 585
camp could not reach them ; and the darkness prevented an outward movement against them. The Indians, soon after, withdrew — having iniSicted not a single wound, with the ex- ception of that received by Gaut.
The next night, the camp-fires were kept burning at the same place, but the army decamped to the west The In- dians, during the night, made another attack,; but, firing only at the vacated camp and finding their mistake, suddenly withdrew^
Finding no Indians to attack at Estinaula, Sevier took up the line of march in the direction of Etowah, with the Coosa on the right Near the confluence of these streams, and immediately below, was the Indian town, Etowah. The river of the same name had to be crossed before the town could be attacked. Firing was heard in the direction of the town, and apprehending a general attack, Sevier judiciously ordered a halt, and sent forward a detachment from the main body against the town. By mistake of Carey and Findleston, the guides, the party was led to a ferry half a mile below the fording place, and immediately opposite the town. A few of the foremost plunged into the stream and were soon in swimming water, and pushing their way to the opposite bank. The main body, however, discovering the mistake, wheeled to the left and rode rapidly up the river to the ford, wl^ere they crossed with the design of riding down to the town, and attacking3it without delay.
The Indians, having previously obtained information of Sevier's approach, had made excavations in the bank of the river nearest their town, each of them large enough for one man to lie with his gun poised, and with a leisurely aim to shoot our men as soon as they came in sight. In these, the warriors were safely entrenched. But perceiving the move- ment of horsemen down the river, and suspecting some other project was devised against their town, they quitted, precipi- tatelys their places of ambush, crossed the river, and hurried down on its other side to defend it. «
A fortunate mistake of the pilots, thus drew this formidable party out of its entrenchments, exposed it in the open field, and left to the invaders a safe passage through that bank of
666 D10I81VB BATTLB AT BOBIE.
the river so recently lined with armed men. But for thk mistake, the horsemen could not have escaped a most deadly fire, and, in all probability, a saramary jdefeat. Bat the method offighting was now entirely changed. The crossing by the horsemen was too quickly done, to allow the Indians to regain their hiding places ; their ranks were scattered, and the main body of them, hemmed in between the assail- ants and the river. This done, the men dismounted, betook themselves to trees, and poured in a*deadly fire upon the enemy. They resisted bravely, under the lead of the Ring Fisher, one of their most distinguished Braves. He made a daring sally^ within a few yards of where one of the party, Hugh L. White, was standing, and the action was becoming sharp and spirited, when White and a few comrades near him, levelling their rifles, this formidable champion fell, and his warriors immediately fled. Three brave men lost their lives in this etigagoment. Pruett and Weir died on the spot- Wallace, the next day.
The town was set on fire late in the evening, and the troops encamped near it. During the night they were attacked by the Indians. Benjamin McNutt, Esq., and William Gaot, were standing as sentinels in an exposed point of the en- campment. The Indians approached stealthily upon them, and each of them fired. Gaut was shot through the body, was carried several days' march on a litter, but ultimately recovered.
The beautiful town of Rome, in Georgia, is near the place where the battle of Etowah was fought.
After the engagement, the Indians made good their escape into the secret passes of the adjoining country. The army, after the town was burned, rescued from the places in which they were obliged to conceal themselves, Col. Kelly and the five horsemen, who had swam their horses at the lower crossing.
Sevier having accomplished thus much of the object of the expedition, desired to extend his conquests to Indian towns still lower down the country. The guides informed him that there was but one accessible path by which the army could reach these distant villages, and that it could be passed only
SBVIBR^S OfFIOIAL HBPORT. 587
«
under disadvantageous circumstances.* Little hope remained of meeting the enemy in such numbers as to inflict upon the perpetrators of the mischief at Cavet's, suitable punishment for their atrocities. They had been expelled from the fron- tier— the heart of their country had been penetrated — their warriors defeated and baffled, and their towns and crops burned up and destroyed. Orders for the return march were given, and the army soon after reached their homes in safety.* Sevier took comrftand again at Ish's, from which place he made to Gov. Blount his official report :
Isn's Mill, 26th October, 1Y93. Sir: — In obedience to an order from Secretary Smith, I marched in
Srsuit of the large body of Indians, who, on the 25th of last month, 1 the mischief in Knox county, near the Grassy Valley. For the safety and security of our army, I crossed at one of the upper fords, on the Tennessee River, below the mountains. We then bent our course for Hiwassee, with expectations of striking the trail, and before we reached thitt river, we discovered four large ones, making directly into the mountains. We proceeded across the Hiwassee, and directed our march for Estanaula, on the Coosa River, at which place we arrived on the •14th instant, discovering on our way further trails leading to the afore- said place. We there made some Cherokee prisoners, who informed hb that John Watts headed the army lately out on our frontiers ; that the same was composed of Indians, more or less, from every town in ftiB Cherokee nation ; that from the Turkey's town, Sallyqucxfth, Coosa- waytah, and several other principal ones, almost to a man was out^ joined by a large number of the Upper Creeks, who had passed that place on their return, only a few days since, and had made for a town at the mouth of Hightower River. We, after refreshing the troops, marched for that place, taking the path that leads to that town, along which the Creeks had marched, in ^ve large trails. On the 17th insL, in the afternoon, we arrived at the forks of Coosa and Hightower Rivers. Colonel Kelly was ordered, with a part of the Knox regiment, to endea- vour to cross the Hightower. The Creeks, and a number of Cherokees, had entrenched themselves to obstruct the passage. Colonel Kelly and bis party passed down the river, half a mile below the ford, and began to cross at a private place, where there was no ford. Himself and a few others swam over the river; the Indians discovering this movement, immediately left their entrenchments, and ran down the river to oppose their passage, expecting, as I suppose, the whole intended crossing at the lower place. Capt Evans, immediately, with his company of mounted
* Narratives of the late James Rogers aad of Benjamia M*Nutt, Esq., of Kooz eooDty, each of whom was on this expedition, and participated largely in military and civil services during the infancy of the country. Squire McNutt still survives, and has fomiahed other details of early times in Tennessee.
infaotry, strained tbeir hofies back to tLe upper ford, &nd began to cron the river. Very few bad got to the south bank, before the lodiana, who had discovered tlieir mistake, returned and received them furioualy at the rising of the bank. An engagement instantly took place, and be- came very warm, and, notwithstanding the enemy were at least four to one in Dumt>ers, besides the advantage of situation, Captain Evana, with his heroic company, put them in a short time entirely to flight. TbCT left several dead on the ground, and were seen to carry olhere off boti on foot and borse. Bark and trails of blood from the wounded, were to be seen in every quarter. Tbeir encampment full into our hands, with annmberof their guna, many of which were of the Spanish sort, with their budgets, blankets and match coats, together with some horae*. We lost three men in this engagement, which is all that have fell during the time of our route, altiiough this last attack was the fourth the enemy had made upon us, but in the others, repulsed without loss. After the last engagement, we crossed the main Coosa, where they bad thrown np some works and evacuated; tliey suffei'ed ua to pass unmolested. W« then proceeded on our nay down tlio main river, near the Turnip Moun- tain, destroying, in our way, several t'reek and Cherokee towns, which they had settled together on each side of the river, and from which they have all tied, with apparent precipitation, leaving almost every thing 'be- hind them. Neither did they, after the last engagement, attempt to annoy or interrupt us on our march, in any manner whatever. I ban great reason to believer their ardour and spirit were well checked. The party flogged at Hightower, were those which hod been out with Watts. There are three of our men slightly wounded, and two or three horaes killed ; but the Indians did not, as I have heard of, get a single bone from us the time we wereout. We took and destroyed near three hao- dred beeves, many of which were of the best and largest kind. Of couTfe, their losing so mocb provision must distreaa them very mn^ Many women and children might have been taken ; but, from inativa of humanity, I did Dot encourage it to be done, and several taken Mtn Bufiered to make their escape. Your Excellency knows the dispoaitioa of many that were out on this expedition, and can readily accoont At this conduct
The Etowah campaign wan the last military service ren- dered by Sevier, and the only one for which he ever received compensation from the Government. For nearly twenty years he had been constantly engaged in incessant atid un- remitted service. He was in thirty-five battleii, soma of them hardly contested and decisive. He was never wounded, and in all his campaigns and battles, was successfnl and the victor. He was careful of the lives of his soldiery, and, although he always led them to the victory, he lost, in all his engagements with the enemy, but fifty-six men. The secret of his invariable success, was the impetuosity and
THB MILITARY LIFB OF «EVIBR. 589
Tigoar of his charge. Himself an accomplished horseman, a graceful rider, passionately fond of a spirited charger, always well mounted at the head of his dragoons, he was at once in the midst of the fight. His rapid movement, always unexpected and sudden, disconcerted the enemy, and at the firstonset decided the victory. He was the first to introduce the Indian war-whoop in his battles with the savages, the tories, or the British. More harmless than the leaden missile, it was not less efficient, and was always the precursor and attendant of victory. The prisoners at King^s Mountain said, '' We could stand your fighting, but your cursed hal- looing confused us ; we thoug*ht the mountains had regiments instead of companies.^' Sevier's enthusiasm was contagious ; he imparted it to his men. He was the idol of the soldiery, and his orders were obeyed cheerfully and executed with precision. In a military service of twenty years, one in- stance is not known of insubordination on the part of the soldier or of discipline by the commander.
Sevier's troops were generally his neighbours, and the . members of his own family. Oflen no public provision was made for their pay, equipments or subsistence. These were ftirnished by himself, being at once Commander, Commis- Mriat and Paymaster. The soldiery rendezvoused at his hoase, which often became a cantonment — ^his fields, ripe or Unripe, were given up to his horsemen ; powder and lead, provisions, clothing, even all he had, belonged to his men.
The Etowah campaign terminated the military services of General Sevier. Hereafler, we will have to record his not less important agency in the civil a&airs of Tennessee.
The notice of the Paymaster, as published in the Gazette, (of the payment of the troops in the service of the ( Territory, furnishes the only list that can now be pro- cnred, of the captains who served in 1702 and 1793. They are here given : Captains Hugh Beard, Lusk, Brown, Rains, Doherty, Briant, Henley, Tate, Christian, Gillespie, Samples, Crawford, Cooper, Grier, Milliken, Childers, White, Gregg, AUispn, King, Marshall, Bunch, Chisum, Richardson, Evans, Copeland, Cantrell, Murray, Shannon, Corder)% Nash, Parker, Edmonson, Frazier, Wm. Blackmore, Johnston, Hoggat, G.
690 KUNERAL fRocBseioN attacked.
D. BlacUmore, Walker; Lieutenant G. L. Davidson; Cornet Miliig^n. For services in 1793, Captain Cox, Lieutenants Birds, Hubbard and Henderson, Sergeant McClellan.
While Sevier was absent with so many men, on the Eto- wah campaign, the Indians canio in suddenly and killed, on the south of the river, above Dandridgc, a lad and a woman. They were found, stuck in the throat like hogs, the skin ta- ken entirely 00" their heads, and the bodies left naked. A party of friends accompanied their remains to a burying- ground three miles olT. Two of these, Cunningham and Ja- cob Jenkins, incautiously went on some distance before the test. A body of fifty Indians fired upon them. The former was killed, scalped, and bruised with war-clubs. He was found, directly after, by the company, carried to the burial place, and interred with the other two in the same grave- Jenkins received several bullets shot through his clothes, and a blow ft'om a war-club ; but his horae being struck with a ball, dashed down a precipice, and brought oS the rider in safety.
Hearing of this massacre o( his friends, W. H. Cunning-, bam went from his home on Boyd's Creek, for the purpose of advising them to remove to the stronger station at Me- Gaugbey's ; and to bring home with him his son Jesse, (then a. little boy,) who was staying at the Buffalo Lick. He car ried his little son before him, the distance of tbiKy miles; leaving the main road, and pursuing by-paths, he escaped the attack of the Indians till he got within about half a mile of the fort, when he passed through a party of them, thirty in number. It was now night, and he escaped unhurt.* The Indians pvowled around the station, but finding it too well defended to justify an assault, they broke open the stable doors, stole the horses of the besieged, and withdrew. The condition of the country did not allow of pursuit.
Two weeks after, Mr. Cunningham was going out from the fort alone. At the distance of two hundred yards from the fort gate, be was fired upon by a party of ten Indians, lying
'The «on, whom ha sl^ocirriad in uUet; through this iminui«at txpatiii*,k the RcT. JciM ConoingbaiD, of Monroe countj', Teunessoe.
SPSNCER KILLED AT SPENOEr's HILL. 591
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io ambush fifteen steps from him. He escaped every ball, but the Indians having intercepted his return to the gate, chased him in the opposite direction. The fire from one of their guns proved efiectual, and wounded him. lie turned the corner of a fence, and would have been soon overtaken, but that the men in the fort sallied out and made pursuit of the Indians ; upon discovering which, the Indians withdrew to their retreats in the mountains.
Information reached Knoxville that, since the expedition i carried on against the Gherokees by General Sevier, ( and which terminated with the battle of Etowah, the Indians had, in a great measure, ceased their hostilities against the Cumberland settlements ; and some of the peo- ple there solicited, through Col. Ford, one of the members of the Territorial Legislature, that General Sevier would undertake a future campaign in the &ame direction, as the most effectual means of procuring a permanent peace.
From the same source the information was communicated, that ** a campaign was going against the Spanish posses- sions by French troops, now at the mouth of Cumberland, and garrisoned at that place. Gen. George Rogers Clarke has the command of this expedition, and they are to embark at the mouth of Cumberland."
It may be here remarked, that the disposition to engage in the projected campaign never became general in the Terri- tory, and, meeting with little sympathy from the masses, was soon after abandoned.
1794, April 1. — A party of Indians, thirty or forty in num- ber, ambuscaded a path near Calvin's Block-house, on Crooked Creek, and fired upon Samuel Wear, his two sons and William McM urray. They escaped unhurt.
A more tragical issue attended an attack made the same day by a party of forty Indians, near the Crab-Orchard, upon a companv of travellers. Thomas Sharp Spencer was killed, and James Walker was wounded. The rest of the party escaped to the Point Block-house. The hill down \^hich the whites were descending, and on which Spencer was killed, U still known as Spencer's Hill.
April 2» — Twenty-five Indians secreted themselves at
593 DREADFUL MASSACRE OP MR. OASTEEL.
I
night, near the Block-house, at the mouth of Town Greek, and, next morning, fired upon and killed William Green. * Attempting to storm the block-house, the Indians were re- pulsed, and several of their warriors wounded.
On the 15th, the Indians stole ten horses from Mr. Gibbe. More than fifty horses had been stolen in that neighbour- hood within a few days.
Amongst other acts of Indian hostility perpetrated in Knox county, was one which occurred on the 22d A|mi1, 1704. William Casteel lived south of French Broad, about nine miles above Knoxville, and two miles from the then residence of Doctor Cozby. The latter had been an old In- dian fighter, from the first settlement of the country, and was, of course, held in deadly hatred by the Indians, and had often been selected as the victim of their vengeance. He had his house always well prepared for defence, and never allowed himself to be taken by surprise. At evening, of the 22d, his domestic animals gave the usual tokens of the presence of Indians, when, observing from his house, he could discern, obscurely, the stealthy march, in Indian file, of twenty warriors passing across the end of a short lane, and concealing themselves in the fence corners and the adjoining woods. The door was at once barricaded, the fire extinguished, two guns primed afresh, and with these he prepared to defend his castle and his family, consisting of his wife and several children, one of whom only could shoot. A space of more than one hundred yards had been cleared around his building, and there was light enough to see the approach of an assailant within that distance. From the port-holes, in eaoh angle of the house, a constant watch was kept, and orders were given by Cozby, in a loud voice, to the members of his family, as if commanding a platoon of soldiers. The stratagem succeeded. An hour before day the Indians withdrew, and went off in the direction of Casteel's cabin. Early next morning Anthony Kagan came to Casteel's, and found him dead, from a lick received on his head from a war club ; he was scalped, and lying near the fire, dressed, and with leggins on, having arose early for the purpose, as was supposed, of accompanying Reagan to a
WASBAORB OF A WHOLE FAMILY. 693
hant, which had been agreed on the preceding day. Mrs. Casteel was found on the floor, scalped in two places — a proof that it required two warriors to conquer her — her night- cap with several holes cut through it,> a butcher knife stuck into her side^ one arm broken, and a part of the hand of the other arm cut oS*. She seemed to have made resistance with an axe, found near her, stained with blood. One of the daughters received a stab, which, piercing through the body, went into the bed-clothes. She and two brothers were scalped. The youngest child, two years old, having the cranium entirely denuded of the scalp, was thrown into the chimney corner. Elizabeth, the oldest daughter, ten years old, now Mrs. Dunlap, still living near the scene of the hor- rid massacre of her father's whole family, was found welter- ing in her blood, flowing from six wounds inflicted with a tomahawk. Besides these, she was also scalped. Reagan gave the alarm to the settlement ; urgent pursuit was im- mediately made, but the savages escaped. While prepa- rations were made for the interment of the massacred fami- ly, Elizabeth showed signs of life, moaning when an attempt was made, by Col. Ramsey, who was present, to close one of the gashes upon her head. She was taken to Mr. Slfook's, who then owned Major Swan's mills, where Doptor Cozby dressed her wounds. She did not recover (q\ two years. The rest of the family, six in number, were- buried in one grave, under a black-oak tree, still standing. Mr. Casteel was a soldier of the Revolution, from Green Brier county, Va., and had never received any thing for his services. Of the heroic wife and mother, nothing more is known. An effort has been made to procure a pension for the surviving daughter. Thus far it has been fruitless.
Governor Blount found it almosit impossible to restrain the inhabitants south of French Broad, where this massacre took place, from an immediate invasion of the Indian terri- tory. His efllbrts in this would not have succeeded, but for the timely assistance and advice of the civil officers of Knox county, south of the river. These met in committee, June 20, at the house of James Beard : Present — James White,
Samuel Newell, William Wallace, William Hambleton, 36
594 bcott's boat captured and his crbw killbd.
William Lowry, David Craig and Thomas McCuUoch. An address to their fellow citizens was agreed upon, printed and circulated. It is an ably written document, and had great influence in tranquillizing the people and pursuadingthemto acquiesce in the design of the Government, to obtain peace by negotiation, rather than by arms.
May 8. — Post-ofl[ices were not, at this date, extended so far in the interior as Knoxville. It was expected by Mr. Muh- lenberg, Postmaster General, that against October, this facil- ity would be afl!brded to the people of the Territory.
We copy or condense from Haywood :
" 111 June, Scott's boat left KDOxville for Natchez, on board of whidi were William Scott, John Pettegrew, William Pettegrew, Mr. Tate, Mr. Young, John Harkins, three women, four children, and twenty negroei As this boat passed down the Tennessee, it was fired upon by the Lower Chcrokees of the Running Water, and at the Long Island village, with- out receiving any injury. On the otlier band, the fire was returned, and two Indians were wounded. A largo party of a hundred and ihj Indians then collected, headed by Unacala, the same who was wounded at the attack upon Buchanan's Station, in September, 1702, and they pursued the boat to the Muscle Shoals, where they overtook it. Thej killed all the white people who were in it, made prisoners of the ne- groes, and plundered the boat of its lading. The white people, in making resistance, killed tliree Indians and wounded a fourth.
'*0n the 24th of July, a party of Indians killed John Ish at his plough, in his field, within one hundred and eighty yards of his own block-house, and scalped him. Ish lived eighteen miles below Knox- ville. He left a wife and eleven children, the eldest not more than eleven years of age. Major King and Lieutenant Cunningham, with John Boggs and ton other Cherokees, sent by the Hanging Maw in pursuit of the offenders, returned a few days afterwards with a Creek fellow, whom the Hanging Maw wished to scalp, but was dissuaded from his j)urpo.so, and took only the war-lock, with which they danced the scalp dance all night. But the Cherokees apprehended for this act the rosentmeut of tlio Crock nation. Major King, in the pursuit, came upon the trail of the murderers, leading into the path that was travelled from Coyateo to Iliwassee, which he koj>t to a iM)int within two miles of Iliwassee. Ho there rcc-ivod inform/!tion that those he was in pursuit of, pas!<ed with a fresh scalp about the middle of the afternoon, and would, it was supposed, tarry all night at Wococee, eight miles ahead. The pursuers went to Wococee, and, finding the murderers still ahead, tlioy continued the ]>ursuit till they were overtiiken by a runner from Hiwassee, with information that one of Ish's murderers was behind, stopped at a little village two miles from Hiwa^see. Despairing to over- take the main body, they turned back and found the Creek, as the run- ner had reported, in the house of a Cherokee. Aft^r some consaltation
M CLBLLAMD 0 RBPUL8E OF THB ORKEKe. 696
whether the Cherokees or white people should kill or take him, the Maw's son, Willioe, with three others, seized and tied him. Having tied him, four warriors took him in charge, who were particularly care- - fill that he should not escape until he was delivered, confined in cords, to the agent of the United States, Mr. McKee, at the Tellico Block- house, on the evening of the 28th of July. The Governor issued a commission of Oyer and Terminer for the trial of this Indian, pursuant to the stipulations contained in the treaty of New- York. A court was held by Judge Anderson, and an indictment was found by the grand juiy against Obongpohego,* of Toocaucaugee, on Oakfuskee. When chaiged, he confessed the fact But the court permitted him to with- draw his plea and to plead not guilty ; which being done, the trial pro- oeeded, and the petit jury found him guilty of the murder of John Ish, as charged in the bill of indictment
^ On the Idth, Lieutenant McClelland, who had with him thirty-seven of Captain £vans's company, was attacked on the Cumberland path, near the Crab-Orchard, eighteen miles from South- West Point, by a body of Creeks, consisting of upwards of one hundred warriors ; he made a brave and soldierly defence, twice repelling the Creeks, but was finally compelled to retreat, with the loss of four men killed, one ironnded, four missing, thirty-one horses, thirty-eight saddles and bridles, blankets, great-coats and provisions. On the side of the Creeks the lo6B was not ascertained, but from the obstinacy and bravery of the defence, and the report of Lieutenant McClelland and others, there was reason to beUeve they lost from twelve to sixteen ; the Creek commander was conspicuously bold, and was numbered amongst the slain. The white men who were killed, were Paul Cunningham, Daniel Hitchcock, William Flennegan, Stephen Renfroe ; Abraham Byrd was wounded ; the four men who were missing from the detachment aiter the action, afterwards reached South- West Point William Lea, one of that num- ber, arrived on the 18th, and reported that he had been made prisoner by the Indians, and had escaped from them.
"On the 20th of December, a party of Indians, about two hours after dark, secreted themselves within twenty feet of the door of Thomas Cowan, and fired upon his wife and son as they stepped into the yard, and pierced the clothes of the latter with eight balls, but he escaped, under cover of the night, into the woods, and Mrs. Cowan returned into the house unhurt The firing alarmed the neighbourhood, and Captain Baird was at Cowan's with twenty men, within an hpur and a half, and patroled the woods the whole night in search of the Indians, hoping they would strike up a fire by which he could discover them ; on the next day, by order of Governor Blount, he went in pursuit of them."
Hanging Maw declared that his nation would no longer listen to Spanish emissaries and agents, and that the Upper and Lower Towns were now disposed for peace. His over- tares had scarcely reached the Governor, when a party of
* Anglice — '* Donee upon nothinii;.'' - Hit name was thus eignificant of his fate* He was hiug.
606 mURDER OF VALBNTINB 8EVIBR*8 80N8.
Indians — principally Creeks — nearly one thousand strongi marched through the country towards the white settlements. Governor Blount ordered out Colonel White, with half of the military force of Knox county, to oppose them. The Chero- kee women and children were brought to the north side of the Tennessee, and placed under the protection of the block- houses, and the warriors of the Upper Towns agreed to co- operate with Colonel White in resisting the advancing Creek army. That formidable party advanced no further than Wills Town, and there dispersed in various directions. In- telligence of the victories of Wayne over the North- Western Indians had reached the Cherokces, who, apprehensive that the arms of the conquerors of their northern allies would be turned against themselves, sued for peace through Tuca- latague or Double Head, a principal chief. Governor Blount assented to a conference, to be held at Tellico, and there accepted the proposed friendship with the Cherokees, and arranged a general exchange of prisoners and of all the property taken during the war.
We have already mentioned, as given in Governor Blount's official report to the War Department, the names of some who fell victims to Indian massacre. To these are here added others, as detailed by Haywood, or furnished from other sources.
1791, June 2. — "The Indians killed John Thompson in his own com field, within five miles of Nashville ; on the 14th of June they killed John Gibson and wounded McMoon, in Gibson's field, within eight miles of Nashville ; they killed lienjamin Kirkendall in his own house, within two miles of Colonel Winchester's, in Sumner county, and plun- dered his house of everything the Indians could use. In June, three travellers from Natchez to Nashville, were found dead on the trace near the mouth of Duck River ; there were eight in company and only two come in ; on the 3d of July, Thomas Fletcher and two other men, were killed on the north side of Cumberland, near the mouth of Red River — their heads were entirely skinned ; and in the same month, a man was killed within a hundred and fifty yards of Major Wilson's, on the pub- lic road, as he was riding up to the house; on the 12th, Thomas White was killed on the Cumberland Mountain and on the Cumberland trace.
" On Monday, the 19th of January, IV 92, the Indians killed Robert Sevier and William Sevier, sons of Valentine Sevier, who lived at the mouth of Red River, near the present site of Clarkesville ; they had gone to the relief of the distressed families on the Cumberland River, who had sent an express for assistance ; the officers of Tennessee countr
QKMBRAL ROBERTSON WOUNDXD. 607
I
•
toold give D0D6. A part of the crew was on shore getting provisions to be carried in boats to the sufferers ; the boats were ahead oi them when these yoang men discovered the enemy, whom they mistook for their own party, the Indians having been seen late in tlie evening at A considerable distance from that place. Robert Sevier hailed them, who answered they were friends, with which answer being satisfied, he saiied on, and the Indians carelessly began to chop with their hatchetSy till the young men in the boats got very near them. Robert said to the man who was with him in the boats, ^ these are not our friends, •teer off.' The Indians then fired upon them ; the man leaped out of the boat, and leil them in it about three rods distant from the shore. .Before the 25th, William was found and buried, but Robert met a party of twelve white men, pursued, but did not overtake the Indians. On the 16th of the same month, Valentine, a third son of this unfortunate parent, abo fell by the hands of the savages ; he was in a boat ascend- ing the river, and was fired upon and kil.ed dead in it ; two others were wounded, one of them, John Rice, died, and both he and Valen- tine were buried about sixty miles below the mouth of Red River. Until Valentine fell, he and two others kept up so brisk a fire, that they intimidated the Indians and saved the crew. Deprived of all his sons who had come with him to Cumberland in so short a time, the afflicted parent wrote to his brother. General Sevier, to send to him his son John to come and see him ; as, said he, in the moving language of suffering innocence, I have no other sons but small ones. On the 28th of Janu- ary, 1792, Oliver Williams and Jason Thompson, nt night encamped on the road leading from Bledsoe's Station to the ford on Cumberland Biver, on the north side of the river, where they were fired upon by In- dians and both wounded, and their horses and other articles were taken from them. About the beginning of March, 1702, the Indians attacked the house of Mr. Thompson, within seven miles of Nashville, killed and scalped the old man, his wife, his son and a daughter, and made pri- soners Mrs. Cafilrey, her son, a small boy, and Miss Thompson. On the 5th of March, 1702, twenty-five Indians attacked Brown's Station, eight miles from Nashville, and killed four boys ; on the Gth they burnt Dnnham's Station ; on the 12th they killed McMurray on his own plantation, at the mouth of Stone's River ; on the 5th of April, they killed Mrs. Radcliff and three children ; on the 8th they killed Benja- min Williams and party, consisting of eight men, in the heart of the Cumberland settlements ; on Station-Camp Creek a boy was wounded in three places ; at the same place two boys, sons of Robert Desha, were killed in the field in the oaytime, near their father's house, and also Kirkendall, on the 16th of May, 1702, and a man on the 17th. On the 24th of May, 1702, General Ilobcrtson and his son Jonathan Rob- ertson, were at or near Robertson's Lick, half a mile from his statioUi where they were fired upon by a party of Indians ; the General was wounded in the arm, and thrown by his horse amongst the Indians; his son was wounded through the hip, but seeing the dangerous situation in which his father was, he dismounted, though so badly wounded, and fired on them as they rushed towards his father ; this checked them for
598 INDIAN HOSTILITIEB RBNBWBD.
a moment, and gave time to the General to get off, and both got 9Mj into the station. On the 25th, a boy was wounded near the General'i, and died of his wounds on the 6tn of June ; on Sunday, the 18th of May, a man and two girls wore fired on by the Indians within four milei of Nashville ; the roan and one girl escaped, the other was tomahawked by the Indians. On the 26th of June, 1702, Zigler's Station, withm two miles of Bledsoe's Lick, was attacked by a party of Indians, first m the afternoon and again by night ; they killed live persons, burnt one in the station and wounded four others ; three escaped unhurt
^'On the 31st of August, an attack was made on John Birkley and his son, in his peach orchard near Bledsoe's Lick ; the former was wounded, but bravely returned the fire and killed an Indian in the act of scalping his son. Oti the night of the 27th of August, a party of fifteen Creeks put fire to Captain Morgan's house near the same place; the fire was extinguished and the party repulsed by the ud of Captain Lusk's company, stationed for the protection of the frontiers. On the preceding night, the same party opened the stables of James Douglass, and took his horses ; the next day Samuel Wilson fell in with toem, wounded one, put the party to flight and regmned the horses, a gnu • and a bloody blanket. Shortly before the 11th of August, 1792, tht Indians killed a boy and wounded a man near Bledsoe's Lick.
^ On Monday, the 8th of October, William Stuart was killed about six miles from Nashville, on the nortii side of Cumberland. On the night of the same day, the Indian's burnt Stump's distillery, on White's Creek, on the north side of Cumberland; On the 0th of October, a party of Indians went to Sycamore Creek, eighteen miles from Nash- ville, and burnt the house of James Frazicr, Mr. Riley and of Major Coffield, a large quantity of corn, and shot down a number of hogs. They tlien proceeded to Bushy Creek of Ked River, where they burnt the house of Obadiali Roberts, and took off a number of horses : they were followed by a party of whites, who killed one of the Indians and regained the horses.
" On the 7th of December, 1792, a party of cavalry, in service for the protection of the District of Mero, about eight miles from Nashville, was fired upon by about twenty Indians, who put them to flight, killed John Ilankins, who was scalped and his body much mangled. The Indians stole horses in this district without intennission, through all the month of December, 1792.
" On the 29th of December, John Haggard was killed and scalped, about six miles from Nashville ; twelve balls were shot into him. Hii wife was killed by the Indians in the summer, and he left five small children in poverty and wretchedness."
Through James A. Robertson and Anthony Foster, Go-
{ vernor Blount procured the attendance, at Nashville,
1792 j . ,
t of the principal chiefs and warriors of the Choctaw and Chickasaw tribes. Thp conference with them began on the 7th, and continued to the 10th of August. By Governor Blount and General Pickens, valuable goods were presented
OONFJB&BNOB AT MA8HVILLB WITH INDIAMB. 509
to the ladians, as evidences of the friendship of the United States. To each of the chie s, a rifle was also given, and the thanks of the Government were tendered to such of them as had assisted Wayne's operations against the northern In- dians. It was also promised, that a trading post should be established, for the benefit of the Indians, at the mouth of Bear Creek.
A few Cherokees were present during the conference at Nashville, and, it was afterwards believed, were secretly try- ing to discover the strength and situation of the country# with a view to the expedition they were then plotting against Cumberland.
" General Robertson immediately raised the militia, leaving a few to keep up the different stations ; he collected five hundred men and placed them under the command of Gol. Elijah Robertson, Col. Mansco and Col. Winchester, and Captain John Rains, two miles from Nashville. A troop of horse, commanded by Colonel Hays, was ordered to discover, if possible, at what point the Indians intended to make the meditated attack.
" Abraham Castleman, one of the militia soldiers, had withdrawn him* self from the army for some days, and at length returned and stated, that he had been as far as the Black Fox's camp, where he had seen the signs of a numerous army of Indians, and that they might shortly be expected in the neighbourhood of Nashville. The General sent off Captain Rains to ascertain the reality of the facts detailed by Castle- man ; Rains took with him a young man, Abraham Kennedy, and -went to the place where Murfreesborough now stands, and halted in th« woods, and remainingon the ground all night, he next day made a cir- ouit around the spring where the Black Fox's camp was. The Black Fox was an Indian chief, who formerly hunted and encamped at the spring not far from the spot where now is the site of Murfreesborough. In this circuit, he examined all the paths which led to the camp from the direction of the Cherokee country ; finding no traces of Indians, he ventured to the spring ; he then returned home by way of Buchanan's Station, and informed the people that the traces of an Indian army were nowhere to be scon. Soon after the return of Captain Rains, the troops were marched back to Nashville.
"Two other men, however, were sent off to reconnoitre the country through which the Indians were necessarily to pass in coming to Kash- ville. These were Jonathan Gee and Seward Clayton, who went on the Indian trace leading through the place where Murfreesborough now stands, to Nashville, eight or ten miles from Buchanan's Station ; as they travelled along the path talking loudly, they saw meeting them the advance of the Indian army, who called to tliem in English to know who they were, to which question, without disguise, they answered. Up- on being asked in return, who they were, they said they were spies from
000 DBTAIL8 OF THB BRAVB DBFEMGB AT BDCHAVAm's,
General Robertson's Station, and were returning Lome ; both parties advanced till they cnine witLin a few steps of each other, when the In- dians fired and killed Gee dead in the road. They broke the arm of the other, who ran into the woods, but being pursued by a great number of them, they overtook and killed him also. Thence they inarched rank and file, in three lines abreast, with quick step till they arrived at Buchanan's Station, where the People were wholly unapprised of their coming, and did not expect it This was on Sunday next afler the dis- charge of the troops, being the 30th of September."
In addition to the account, as given in Governor Blount's letter to the Secretary of War, of the attack on Buchanan's Station, we extract further details of that invasion, and of the remarkable and successful defence by the brave men within the fort.
'' McRory rose and looked towards the place whence they ran, and saw sixty Indians not more than a few feet from the gate of the fort ; be instantly fired through the port-hole, and killed the chief leader of the In- dians, who on receiving the wound, immediately expired. He was a Shaw- nee, and had quarrelled with WatU, who insisted upon deferring the attack uutil day, and until after the garrison had dispersed to their various avoca- tions. The whole garrison, consisting of nineteen men, few to arms, and fired upon the Indians through the port-boles ; the Indians, in turn, fired upon the fort Captain Rains was sent for ; he and ^ve other men went off in full gallop to Buchanan's Station, and arrived just in time to see the Indians leaving the plantation at the fort ; they had lost some of their men ; some were found on the ground near the outside wall of the fort; others were carried oft' and buried in difleront places, an4 were after- wards found by the white people. Of the wounded, were John Watts, with a ball through one thigh, which lodged in the other, supposed to be dangerou"* ; the White Man Killer, the Dragging Canoe's brother, the OwTs son, a young man i.f the Lookout Mountain, a Creek war^ rior, who died, and a young warrior of the. Running Water, who died.
" There were also sundry young Cherokee warriors with Watts, besides those who lived in the five Lower Towns, i)articularly John Walker and George Fields, two young half-breeds who had been raised amongst the white people, and in whom, every one who knew them, had the utmost confidence. The former was quite a stripling, and, apparently, the most good-natured youth the Governor ever saw ; for so he thought him. They acted as the advanced s])ies of W^atts's party, and decoyed and killed Gee and Clayton. The Cherokees said that many of the Creeks kept at such a distance from the station, that they could hardly shoot a bullet to it. With WatU», there were sixteen Cherokees from Iliwas- see ; one from Keuka ; five from Connasauga, and one from Strington's.
** When the Indians retired, General Robertson hastily collected what troops he could, and j)ursued them to Hart's big spring, near Stewart's Creek. It was discovered that they marched out as well as in, in three columns. The general's force, not being more than a hundred and
AND HIEOIO RBFUL8B AT O&UITFIELD. 001
eighty men, and that of the enemy being greatly superior, and they having got fiir ahead, he deemed it moet advisable to return home, which he did.'*
Indian aggressions were repeated almost daily, and evi- ^ { denced that a numerous body of Indians was in the ( neighbourhood, as a small party would not have been so daring as to continue their repeated attacks, and still remain near the scenes of their atrocious cruelties, ready to renew and extend them. An opportunity was soon found by the Indians to attack the station near Greenfield. This was a position of some strength, and guarded by a few men. A number of negroes had left the station early in the morning of April 27, to work in the adjoining fields. As was the general custom, a sentinel, John Jarvis, accompanied them. About two hundred and sixty Indians had, the previous night, formed an ambuscade, not (ar from the field, and when the horses were attached to the ploughs by the negroes, and their attention was directed to their work, they were sud- denly fired upon by the Indians, who formed a line between them and the fort across a field, so as to cut off their retreat, and intercept them, should they attempt it in the direction of the station. As soon as the firing and the war whoop reach- ed the men in the fort, four of them — William Ilall, William Neely, William Wilson and another — snatched up their guns mod ran to the gate of the station, from which point they conld see over the entire field, where the enemy was pur- suing the sentinel and the negroes. It was evident that without a bold and iqomediate rescue, their comrades would all be killed. Hall and the other soldiers dashed impetuous- ly forward, and met the advancing Indian column at a cross fence in the field, received their fire, took the fence from themi killing three or four of the warriors, and keeping the whole of them in check, until all but one of the unarmed negroes reached the fort. This one was shot on his retreat, and afler he had got fifty yards within the fence, from which the whites were firing. Poor Jarvis was unfortunately killed. It is remarkable, that though nearly a hundred guns were fired at the gallant men who were bravely repulsing the Indians, distant not more than thirty yards, not one of them
602 OBHBRAL HALl'b OALLAHTBT.
•
was seriously hurt. Mr. Hall was without his hat — a ball passed through his hair, cutting it off close to the skio, and abrading it about three or four inches long, but doing slight damage. The little party gained the fort, under a heavy fire from the Indians. This they kept up for a considerable time, but at such a distance that the guns from the station could not reach the enemy. During their firing, the Indiana caught all the horses and took them off, carrying upon them a number of their dead and wounded, raising the war whoop as they marched off.
This repulse, at Greenfield, of two hundred and sixty war* riors, well armed and flushed with late successes, made by four men, exposed to the constant fire of the Indians during the whole attack, is almost without a parallel. One of the brave men who participated in it. General William Hall, of Sum- ner county, still survives, venerated and esteemed by hit countrymen for his gallantry, his patriotism and private worth. He has since occupied the highest stations in the civil and military service of his state, and presents a proud specimen of the heroic age and of the early times of Ten- nessee. The three comrades of Hall exhibited also signal bravery, which, in the case of Neely and Hall, was stimu- lated by the spirit of revenge each of them felt for the loss, by the savages, of a father and two brothers, on previous occasions. Such intrepidity awed the assailants from fur- ther attempts upon the station, and they withdrew from that place. But, upon the next day, Francis Ransom was killed on the Kentucky Trace, near the Dripping Spring.
In the spring of this year, more than six hundred Creek { warriors crossed the Tennessee, at the Lower Chero- ( kee Towns, on a war excursion against the Cumber- land settlements. Small detachments of this body scattered themselves in every direction, and perpetrated mischief where- ever it could be effected with safety, or wherever the stations were defenceless. The people were incensed that the Gov- ernment left them thus without protection, and was so tardy in making provision for their defence. Their complaints, on account of this neglect, induced Governor Blount to do some- thing for their relief. On the 29th of April, he sent one
MAJOR beard's route. 603
kandred and twenty men from South- West Point, under the command of Major Hugh Beard, to assist the people of Mero District against the Greek invasion. In going to and return- ing from Nashville, on this expedition, that officer passed by the head of the southern confluents of the Cumberland, and altogether south of the settlements formed on that stream. In that route, he would pass through the midst of the main Greek camps, from which their small parties so repeatedly issued in their murderous excursions against the frontiers. He hoped thus to intercept or to intimidate them. He found many of their camps abandoned, and was able to ' meet only three small parties ; of these, he killed only a few and wounded several. His troops escaped unhurt, except in an attack on Smith's River, where Mr. Alexander received a slight flesh wound. Beard returned to Knoxville in June. The enemy had escaped him. The main body of them having eluded his search, had re-crossed the Tennessee, on their return from Cumberland and Kentucky, with numerous scalps and horses, the trophies of their ^ccessful invasion. One good result, it was believed, would follow Beard's cam- paign. The new practice of searching for the Indians in the thickejts and at their camping places, would, when it becafne known to them, inspire no small apprehension of danger in crossing the Tennessee, or making an invasion so distant from their homes.
Notwithstanding this expedition of Major Beard, and the« vigilance of the people on Cumberland, the Indians suc- ceeded occasionally in their attacks. At Johnson's Station, near Nashville, a party of them, on the 0th of Ma}'-, flred upon and wounded three boys, one of whom they scalped. A fourth they caught by the jacket, but he stripped it off", and escaped unhurt.
Early in May, Nathaniel Teal, the carrier of the mail, had arrived in Nashville from Natchez. After delivering the mail, he went out in the evening and spent the night with General Robertson, five miles from town. Next morning? within a mile of the General's house, the Indians flred upon and killed him. Two companies of horsemen were instantly paraded — one, commanded by old Captain John Rains ; the
604 CAPTAINS GORDON AND RAIN0
Other, by Captain John Gordon, the same who ailerwards, in 1813, commanded the spy company in the Creek war. To the latter, Joseph Brown attached himself. He was stiU Buffering from the wound he had received in the ambuscade on Laurel River, in March, but he had made the heroic re- solve, to obtain redress for the injuries inflicted on his family, and was among the first to volunteer on this occasion. The force of the two companies united, was one hundred. They were instructed by General Robertson, to scour the woods, and paths and crossing places, of creeks and rivers, and to discover the trails of the enemy coming against Cumberland. They set out on the 12th of May. Teal was killed by a party of Indians who had made a hunt on Cathey's Creek, about twenty miles west of where Columbia now stands. Needing horses to carry the results of their hunt home, they had come into the settlements and stole a number, and killed Teal. The horsemen soon found their trail, and on the fifth day overtook them, on the second creek that runs into Ten- nessee, below the mouth of Elk. The Indians had stopped to noon, and twenty men were sent forward to fire upon them. The hills were open woods, but the creek bottom was a close cane-brake. Rains' men advanced on the right of the Indians, while Gordon's went to their left. When the ad- vance of twenty fired, the two companies dashed forward with all speed. Gordon's company came to a high bluflf . of the creek, which horses could not descend, when the Cap- tain and Joseph Brown dismounted, and took down the pre- cipice, and each of them killed an Indian. The horsemen had to ride around the bluff, and the most of the Indians es- caped into the cane-brake before they were seen. Six of them were killed and a boy captured. The companies then returned home.
But the Indians continued to prowl around and infest the settlements, and, as early as the 20th of May, killed John Hacker, on Drake's Creek, and on the 4th of June, Adam Fleener, Richard Robertson and William Bartlett, were also killed, and Abraham Young and John Mayfield were wound- ed. On the 20th, James Steele and his daughter were killed and his son wounded. July 1st, the Indians attacked Hay's
OVBBTAKfi AND DEFEAT THE INDIANS. 005
Station and killed Jacob and Joseph Castleman, and wound- ed Hans Gastleman. On the 18th, William Campbell was wounded, near Nashville. On the 15th» Mr. Joslin was wounded at his own house, and on the 19th, Mr. Smith was killed at Johnson's Lick.
Under these repeated sufferings, it is not strange that the people cried aloud for revenge, and demanded permission to retaliate, upon the savages, the injuries and cruel treatment they had received from them. But the cautious policy of Government still inculcated lessons of resignation and for- bearance. The state of the negotiation with Spain was plead as an excuse ior repressing, for the time being, the pent-up indignation of the Western people under the wan- ton provocations and murders they daily endured. But law- abiding as they were, and loyal to the authority of Congress as they afterwards proved themselves to be, the spirit to avenge their wrongs and redress themselves could no longer be suppressed.
^^bont the first of Angust, 1703, Abraham Gastleman raised a eompanj of volunteers to a^ist him in retaliating upon the Indians a great number of injuries which he had received from them, particularly those of killing several of bis near relations. On arriving near the Tennessee, ten of bis company turned back, because General Robertson's Ofders prohibited all scouting parties from crossing that river. But Gastleman, whom the Indians called the Fool Warrior, with Zachariah UacUn, John Camp, Eli Hammond, Ezekiel Oaruthers and Frederick Stull, all dressed like Indians, and painted in the same manner, so as Dot to be distinu;uished, crossed the river, as is generally believed, below Nickaiack, and took the trace towards the Indian nation, which led, as they supposed, to Wills Jown. After travelling about ten miles on tho south siae of the river, Uiey came in view of a camp of forty or fifty Creeks, who were on their way to kill and plunder tho whites in the Cumberland settlements. They were eating two and two, and betrayed lk> alarm at the approach of their supposed friends, but continued eat- ing until the smalt squad of white men came within a few paces of them, and suddenly raised their guns and fired on them ; Gastleman kilted two Indians, and each of the others one. Tho shock being so sudden and unexpected, dismayed and confounded tho Indians, and before they could recover from it and resume the possession of them- selves, the whites had retreated so far as to render pursuit unavailing ; this happened on the 15th of August, 1793. On the 21st they all got back safe to Nash\-ille.
** About the 5th of August, Captains Rains and Gordon pursued a p«rty of Indians who had killed one Samuel Miller, near Joslin's Sta-
606 ROBERTSON CONCEIVES TRB DESIGN OF
tion ; after crossing Dnck River their signs were very fresh ; on punn- ing them seven miles further, they were overtaken ; the pursners killed some of them on the ground, ana took prisoner a boj of twelve yean of age. One of them called out that he was a Chickasaw, and by that fine$^e made his escape. On examining the prisoner, they proved to be all of them Creeks from the Upper Uphalie towns.
" Some short time before the 9th of November, 1793, some horses having been stolen, and Indians seen near Croft's mill, in Sumner coun- ty, Colonel James Winchester ordered out Lieutenant Snoddy with thirty men, to scour the woods about the Cany Fork, and, if posBibk, to discover the main encampment On the 4th of November he met two Indians, who fled, and he pursued them to a large camp near the Rock Island ford of the Cany Fork, where he took much spoils. Eve- ning coming on, he withdrew from the camp, about a mile, to an emi- nence, where he halted his men, and they lay on their arms all night About the dawn of day they appeared advancing with trailed araiB, and at the distance of about thirty yards a firing commenced and was kept up from three to four rounds, when the Indians retreated, leaving one fellow on the ground, and were seen to bear off several wounde£ Lieutenant Snoddy had two men killed and three wounded. He de- served and received much commendation for his gallantry.
" In this year, 1793, the Indians fired on Thomas Sharpe Spenoer, near where Major David Wilson since lived, in Sumner county ; Ifra. A. Bledsoe, in company, was thrown from her horse, but Spenoer bravely rescued her from the hands of the Indians, and conducted her to a place of safety. About this time several persons were killed in the county of Sumner, whose names are not recollected. In this year James Mcdune was killed, by the Indians, at Hays's Station, on Stone's River; one of the Castleman's was also killed and another wounded. About the 1st of December, 1793, James Randal Robertson, son of General Robertson, and John Grimes, were killed by the Cherokees of the Low- er towns, on the waters of the Cany Fork, where they had gone to trap for beavers.
" At this time, many of our people were in slavery with the Creek Indians, and were treated by them, in all respects, as slaves. In the Cayelegies, Mrs. "Williams and child, Ahce Thompson, of Nashville, Mi's. CafiVey and child, of Nashville. In the Hog villages, Mr. Brown, of the District of Mero. In the Clewatly town, Miss Scarlet In tlie AVhite Grounds, Miss "Wilson, of the District of Mero, and a boy and girl. In the Cohimniies, a boy five years of ago. At the Big Tallas- see, a boy, eight or ten yeai-s of age, and a girl, seven or eight years of age. In the Pocontala-hassee, a boy, twelve or thirteen years of age. In the Oakfuskee, a lad fifteen years of age. In the Red Ground, a man called John. In Casaudcrs, a boy whose age and name were not known.
** As early as the 13th of November, 1793, General Robertson had conceived, and secretly harboure<l, the design of destroying the ^ve Lower town3 of the Cherokees ; he expressed a decided disap])robation of all negotiation with them, as it would but lull the people of the Territory into security, and make them the surer victims of Cherokee
INVADING THft LOWER TOWNS. 607
perfidy. He, by way of introducing the subject to notice, asked, of General Sevier, in a familiar way, when the Lower towns would get their deserts ? It was hinted by the Governor, said he, that it will be in the spring ; I suspect before that time. But it may be immaterial to us, eonsidering our exposed situation and the little protection we have. He pressed General Sevier to carry an expedition of fifteen hundred men into the Cherokee country before the ensuing spring. We shall see that the former idea, with whomsoever it may have originated, came to ma- tarity in the following year ; though at this time, no one, for fear of the displeasure of Government, would either be the author, advocate, pro- moter or even connive at the design.
'^On the 20th of February, 1794, numerous small divisions of In- diana appeared in all parts of the frontiers of Mero District, marking «Tery path and plantation with the fatal signs of their visitation. They stole nearly all the horses that belonged to the district, and butchered a number of the citizens. In many instances they left the divided limbs of the slain scattered over the ground. Jonathan Robertson, from whom upon all occasions the Indians had received as good as they sent, was, about this time, with three lads of the name of Cowan, fired upon by five Indians ; one of the lads was slightly wounded, and a ball passed through Robertson's hat ; he and the lads returned the fire and drove off the Indians, having wounded two of them mortally, as was supposed. On the death of Helen, Captain Murray followed the Indians, and at the distance of one hundred and twenty miles came up with them on th« banks of the Tennessee, and destroyed the whole party to the num- ber of eleven ; two women of the party were captured and treated with bumanity.
''On the 20th of March, 1794, James Bryan was fired upon by the Indians from an ambuscade near a path, within four miles of Nashville ; snd, on the same day, Charles Bratton was killed and scalped near the bouse of Major White, in Sumner county.
** On the 2l8t of April, 1794, Anthony Bledsoe, son of Colonel An- thony Bledsoe, and Anthony Bledsoe, son of Colonel Isaac Bledsoe, were killed and scalped by Indians near a stone quarry, near the house of Searcy Smith, in Sumner county ; at the same time, two horses and a negro fellow were taken ftom Mr. Smith's wagon.
''On the 29th of May, 1794, in the absence of General Robertson, Colonel Winchester was ordered to keep up the allowed number of iioops on the frontiers. On the 11th of June, they killed Mrs. Gear within four miles of Nashville. Captain Gordon followed the Indians on their retreat upwards of ninety miles, killed one of them and lost one of his party, R#bert McRory. He overtook them at the foot of Cumberland Mountain, near the place where Caldwell's bridge now is. Ci4)tain Gordon was a brave and active officer, distinguished through lifo for a never failing presence of mind, as well as for the purest integ- rity and independence of principle ; he had much energy both of mind ud body, and was in all, or nearly all the expeditions from Tennessee, which were carried on against the Indians or other enemies of the coun- try, and in all of them was conspicuous for these qualities. He now
608 KOUTE TO MIOKAJACK DIBOOVBRBO.
sleeps with the men of oUier tiine&, but his repose is guarded by the affectionate recollections of all who knew him.
^'On the 6th of July, 1794, Isaac Mayfield was killed by Indians within five miles of Nashville. He was standing sentinel for his son-in- law while he hoed his corn, and got the first fire at the Indians ; but there being from twelve to fifteen of them, and very near to him, ho oould not escape. Eight balls penetrated his body ; he was scalped, a n^w English bayonet was thrust through his face, and two bloody toma- hawks left near his mangled body. He was the sixth person of his name who had been killed or captured by the Creeks and Cherokees. Major Oeorge Winchester was killed and scalped by the Indians, near Major Wilson^ in the District of Mero, on the public road leading from his own house to Sumner Court House ; he was a Justice of the reaoe, and was on his way to Court; ho was a valuable citizen, and a good dvil and military officer.**
Joseph Brown, during the summer of this year, accompa- 1794 \ ^^^^ ^ detachment that went on a scout to the head I of Elk. While there. Col. Roberts expressed a wish to cross the mountain, to ascertain whether a road could be found by which to reach the Tennessee at Nickajack. Brown believed it possible ; and he, Joshua Thomas, and Big Elisha Green, volunteered to go with Roberts on the hazardous en- terprise. They found no difficulty in crossing the mountain, and went on down Battle Creek to the river bottom, and up by Lowry's Island, and nearly opposite to Nickajack, and re- turned ; after walking nearly all night, they were ascending the mountain by sunrise next morning, and crossed it that evening on their homeward march.*
This discovery of a practicable route to Nickajack for horsemen, had its influence, a short time afterwards, when the romantic expedition to that place was undertaken.
By the renewed attacks from the banditti Indians, in the five Lower Towns on the Tennessee, upon both extremes of the Territory, the minds of the people became ulcerated in the highest deforce against the Government. They com- plained to Governor Blount, who, althougl4 sympathizing in their suiferings, felt himself restricted by the orders of the Secretary of War, from authorizing an invasion of the In- dian villages from which the mischief proceeded. One of these orders, considered as prohibitory of any oflensive mca-
* Brown's Letters.
YOLUNTBlBfi BBMDSZVOUS NEAR NABQVILLB. 609
sures, was in these words : — "With respect to destroying the Lower Towns, however vigorous such a measure might be, or whatever good consequences might result from it, I am instructed specially, by the President, to say that he does not consider himself authorized to direct any such measure, moiPe especially as the whole subject was before the last session of Congress, who did not think proper to authorize or direct offensive operations." This order, dated the 29th of July, 1794, reached the Governor, and its contents were commu- nicated to the people in the midst of the frequent attacks made upon their lives and property in August. Patience, under such provocations, had ceased to be a virtue, and long- er forbearance was considered only as a license for re- newed outrage and cruelty. The people determined to pro- tect themselves, and to adopt the only measures which would render their protection permanent and effectual. They re- solved to invade the towns, and retaliate upon their savage inhabitants the injuries they had so long suffered from them.
Some concert was necesrsary to bring to the proposed expe^ dition a sufficient force to make it at once short and success- ful* An appeal was, therefore, made to the martial spirit of Kentucky, to aid the people of the Territory in punishing an enemy, from whom, they too, had been common sufferers. Colonel Whitley, of that state, was prevailed upon, through Sampson Williams, to enter into the scheme. He agreed to bring to the Cumberland settlements, against a day designa- ted, such troops as he could raise. Colonel -Ford levied troops in that part of the country between Nashville and Glarkesville. These constituted a company, which was commanded by Captain Miles, and marched to the ap- pointed rendezvous at the block-house, two miles east of Buchanan's. Colonel John Montgomery brought a compa- ny from Clarkesville to the place of meeting, and General Robertson, who had long before advised the expedition, raised volunteers for it from Nashville and its neighbourhood.
In the meantime^ Major Ore, of Hamilton District, had been detached, by Governor Blount, with a command of men for the protection of the frontiers of Mero District, and op- portunely came with them to Nsishville, at the moment the 39
610 omiBRAL Monaenox^B order to major ore.
other troops were coneentrating there. Learning the object of the meditated expedition, he entered heartily into the pro- ject^ and marched his command to the rendezvous. His troops, alone, had been levied by public authority, and to give pretext for the expedition, and a colonr of a claim fbr .pay of the men, and the outfit and equipments furnished from the public stores of the General Government, Migor Ore as* somed the command, and it was generally called ** Ore's Ex- pedition.'' Colonel Whitley, soon after, arrived ait the ren- desvous, when it was agre^ that he should have the chief command of the whole. Colonel Montgomery was elected commander of the troops raised in the Territory. The order for the march was, however, given to Mi^or Ore, as com- mander of the expedition, to whom Greneral Robertsdn gave
the following :
Nabhtilli, September Gtli, If 04.
Mb^ Ore : — The olgect of your oommsnd is, to defend the Distriet of ICero agaimt the Creeks and Cherokees of the lowit Towns, whidi I have received information, is about to invade it, as ako to ponidi souk Indians as have committed recent depredations.
For these objects, you will march, with the men under your command, fipom Brown's Block-honse, on the eighth instant, and proceed along Tsf- lot's Race, towards the Tennessee ; and if you do not meet this party be- fore you arrive at the Tennessee, you will pass it, and destroy the Lower Cherokee Towns, which must serve as a check to the expected invaders ; taking care to spare women and children, and to treat all prisoners who may utU into your hands, with humanity, and thereby teach those sava- ges to spare the citizens of the United States, under similar drcum* stances.
Should you, in your march, discover the trails of Indians return- ing from the commission of recent depredations on the frontiers, which can generally be distinguished by the horses stolen being shod, you are to give pursuit to such parties, even to the towns from whence they come, and punish them for their agressions in an exemplary manner, to the terror of others from the commission of similar offences, provided this can be consistent with the main object of your command, as above expressed, the defence of the District of A^ro against the ex- pected party of Creeks and Cherokees.
I have the utmost confidence in your patriotism and bravery, and with my warmest wishes for your success, I am, sir, your obedient servant,
James Robertson, 6. G.
On the next day, Sunday, the 7th, the army marched to the
Black Fox's camp, and there remained that night ; they then
crossed the Barren Fork of Duck River, near the Stone Fort
where Irwin's Store stood in 1823; thence to FenniBon^s
ASMT 0B088BS THB TEHMBABSB. 611
Spring; thence, crossing Elk, at Caldwell's Bridge and Cumberland Mountain, they reached the Tennessee, about three miles below the mouth of Sequachee. It was night when the troops arrived ht the river, and most of them re- mained upon its bank till daylight ; though, in their eager^ ness for retaliation, a few went across before it was light. The river there is nearly three-quarters of a mile wide. The horses were left, with a part of the men, on the north side. Some troops formed rafts of dry cane and other light mate- rial, at hand, and went over dry, while others crossed over without any such assistance. Of these, were Joseph Brown and William Trousdale, since Governor of Tennessee, and a United States General in the Mexican War. The former was then a grown man, and had fulfilled, to the letter, the prediction of the old Indian woman, who had, five years be- fore, warned the confederates, ^Hhat if he was not killed then, he would soon be grown, and would get away and pilot an army there, and have them all cut ofi*." He had been the pilot, and with Fendlestone, did conduct the troops along the route, unknown to any of them, and though disa- bled, from a wound through his shoulder, which was still dis- charging pieces of exfoliated bone, he, with one hand, swam across the river, and was among the first to reach its south- ern bank.
As soon as the troops had crossed, and were collected to- gether, they marched up the mountain, between the point of which and the river, stood the town of Nickajack. A mile higher up the river, after passing through a very narrow strait formed by the river on one side, and the mountain jutting into and projecting over it on the other, they came to a spacious plain of low lands, on which stood another town called Running Water. They penetrated into the heart of Nickajack before they were discovered, and first alarmed the Indians by the report of their guns.
Nickajack was a small town, inhabited by two or three hundred men and their families. The army killed in their town a considerable number of warriors. Some of the In- dians endeavoured to make their escape in canoes, to the other side of the river, but were fired upon, and men, women and children perished in the deathful havoc. Some were
61S' maiBwqmumBn nuw wmam^^mMim.
Ulkd in the cancel, eome jumped into the water and at* tempted to swim off ; but before they eoold get to a eecore diitance, were killed by the firing of the troopsi who fol- lowed aifter them so closely, as to be at the river nearly as soon as the Indians themselves. Eighteen were taken prisoners — two boys, fiikeen girls and one woman. A grea;fc number of the enemy were killed, amongst. whom wens fifty-five warriors* Both towns were reduced to ariies.
When the Indians in the other town, called Running Wup ter, heard the firing below, they repaired instantly to the {dace of action, and met their terrified brethren retreating to their town. From the place of meeting they began to reCam, but made a stand at the narrow pass before deaeribed, placing Aemselves behind the rocks, and open the mdes of the mountain ; here they kept np a: .running fire, when the Ootttberland troope came up.
; ^Tfae troops were landed a Uttle belbte day. At daylight dMy fell into ranksi and were counted by Captain Joha Go^- don, and the exact number who had crossed over waa aaeer- tained to be two hundred and sixty^five.'' At the back of Nickajaok field, the men were formed into line of battle among the cane. Col. Whitley was on the right, and struck above the mouth of the creek that rose in the field. Col. Montgomery was on the right of the troops from the Ter- ritory. Orders were given for the two wings to march, so as to strike the river above and below the towns. On the march, two houses were found, standing out in the field, and about two hundred and fifty yards from the town. Expecting that from these houses their approach would be discovered by the In- dians, the troops were here directed to push with all speed to the ^wn. The com was growing close up to and around the houses. Near the house on the left the firing com- menced, and was returned by the Indians, one of whom was here killed. From one of the houses already mentioned, a plain path was seen, leading to the town. William Pillow got into it, and ran rapidly along it till he reached the com- mons. Perceiving that he had got in advance of such of the troops as had come through the corn field. Pillow halted till others had come up. The march or run was then continued
THB RKftOnm OP HIOKAIAOK. 619
by the doors of the houses, which were all open. The In- dians, at the report of the first gan, had run off to the bank of the river. The troops pursued the leading way to the landing. Here they saw five or six large canoes^ stored with goods and Indians, and twenty-five or thirty warriors stand- ing on the shore, near the edge of the water. At these Pil- low fired, and soon after him a whole platoon sent a volley of rifie balls, from the effect of which scarce a single In- dian escaped alive. A few by diving, and others by cover- ing themselves over in the canoes with goods, escaped and got out of reach of the rifies.
About the same time the havoc took place at the landing below. Col. Whitley attacked the Indians above the mouth of the Creek. They were not more than a gun-shot apart
Fifteen men had been directed to stop near the two houses, in the corn field, and way-lay them until the firing had taken place in the town. When the report of the rifles was heard, this detachment attacked the houses. A squaw had re- mained outside to listen. A fellow came to the door and was shot down. Those vrithin drew him inside and closed the door, leaiHng the squaw on the outside. She attempted to escape by flight, but after a hard chase, she was taken prisoner. The warriors within, made holes through the wall, and made a desperate defence. The squaw taken prisoner was carried up to the town, and placed among the other prisoners in canoes. As they were taking them down the river, to the crossing place, the squaw loosed her clothes, sprang head foremost into the river, disengaging herself artfully from her clothes and leaving them floating upon the water. She swam with great agility, and was rapidly ma- king her escape. Some hallooed shoot her — shoot her. But others, admiring her energy^ her activity, and her boldness, replied, ** she is too smart to kill," and allowed the heroine to to escape.
After the troops got on the mountain, on the other side of the town, Joseph Brown was sent back with twenty men to head and intercept the Indians, at the mouth of the creek below the town, when the main body of the assailants should have driven the enemy to that point. This he effected sue-
aessfaUy, though his return was resisted the whole way dowOf about a quarter of a mile, by the constant fire of the In- dians. Brown and his men guarded the month of the ereek, - while the troops above were killing and capturing thoee be- • tween.the two parties. When Brown met the main body, he inquired if they had taken any. prisoners^ and was immpdi- ately conducted to a house in which a number of them had been fastened up. When he came to its door he was ,at once recognized by the captives, who appeared to be honor ■ stricken — remembering, no doubty that they had murdend his people in the same town, five years before. At lengdi, . one of them ventured te speak to him, reminding Brown that his life had been spared by them, and importuning him now to plead in their behalf. He quieted her apprehension, by remarking that these were white people, who did n^t kill women and children. Her answer was, ^O see skinney CSo- lanooney I** ** Oh, that is good news for the wretched P
These land pirates had supposed their town^ to be inac- oessible, and were reposing af their ease, in conscious seen- . vity, up to the moment when, under the guidance of Brown, ' the riflemen burst in upon them and dispelled the illusion. ^ Where did you come from ?" said one of the astonished pri- soners to Brown ; '* did you come from the clouds ? or did you sprout out of the ground 7" '^ We have not come from the clouds,*' answered Brown, ** but we can go any where we please. We did not wish to kill the Indians, but you have forced that sad necessity upon us.''
The number of the killed was greater than that given by Haywood, from which this account is principally copied. Many of the Indians who escaped to the river, would dive and swim under the water, but when they would rise again above it, the unerring aim of the rifles from the shore would reach their head, neck and shoulders, and thus they were destroyed, though they were not taken into the estimate of the slain at the battle. Brown conversed with a chief af- terwards at Tellico Block-house, who informed him, their loss on that occasion was seventy.
Andrew Jackson, then a private, was one of Ore's men, who then shewed his love of country and his fitness for com-
OOL. WHITLBy's MBW M0D£ OF WAEFAAB. 615
mand. His judgment in planning the attack on Nicksgacky and his good conduct generally on the campaign^ impressed those who witnessed it favourably.*
CoL Whitley adopted a new mode of warfare. *' He mounted a swivel upon his own riding horse, so that he could wheel and fire in what direction he pleased. The balls pro- vided were wrought iron.f Some of the men crossed the river on faflst made of dry cane, which had been found and gathered by torch light. William and Gideon Pillow, being excellent swimmers, were selected to carry the raft of their mess across the river« The former held a rope attached to the raft in his teeth, and swam and pulled his craft, and its cargo of guns, shot*bags and clothes, after him, while Gideon and another comrade swam behind and pushed it."
Jasper Pillow, the ancestor of the family, emigrated from England and settled in the colony of Virginia, about 1740. He had three sons, John, Jasper and William, all of whom were soldiers in the Revolutionary war, and continued in the service to its glorious termination, at Yorktpwn.
John Pillow emigrated to Cumberland in 1784. His wife was Miss Johnston, whose five brothers were soldiers of 1776. John Pillow settled near Nashville, where, with his two sons, William and Gideon, he encountered all the hard- ships, and perils, and privations of frontier life, and of con- stant conflict with the various Indian tribes, which, to the close of his life, infested and devastated the country.
Gideon Pillow, the father of Gen. Gideon J. Pillow, late of the United States Army, in Mexico, was an active soldier in the expedition against Nickajack, and swam the Tennessee River in the celebrated capture of that Indian fortress.
In the further Annals of Tennessee, Col. William Pillow will be frequently mentioned as a gallant oflicer under Gen. Jackson, at Taladega, and as a quiet, unobtrusive citizen, as amiable in private life as he was vigilant in camp and cou- rageous in battle.
Nickajack and Running Water Towns, were the principal crossing places for the Creeks in their war excursions over
• Willie Bloiint*f Ptpera. t Manhall's Kentucky.
' HAiOft OU^t OVflOUL BSNtfr W MS
Ifae Tennessee, and in whioh theyy with the wsrrioni of Leek- out Moantain and Will's Town, had heartily <taMoperated for yean past ; boasting of their perfect seoarity, not less from their situation, protected as it was by moantainB- on Aree sides and the river on the north, than from the notnber and desperate oharacter of their warriors.
'- This battle was fought on the thirteenth of September. On the evening of the same day, the vietorions troops !»> orossed the Tennessee, and joined such of their cdmrades as liad remained with the horses on the northern bank. Nest aoming th^ took up the line of march homewardt and camped that night on the mountain, the next tiight at tiHi erossing of Elk, near the place where Caldwell's Bridge now is. The next day they came by Fennison's Spring, and to a place since known asPnrdie's Garrison. The next day to Hart's Spring, on the north side of Steele's Greek, and the next day to Nashville, where the volunteers werq dis* banded. M%)or Ore returned immediately to Knoxville, and made to the Gouemor the following report e
Ehoxvxlui, September 24tli, 1794.
Sir : — On the Beventh instant, by order of General RobertBon, of Heio- District, I marched from Nashville, with five hundred and fifty mounted in&ntry under my command, and pursued the trace of the Indians who had committed the latest murders in the District of Mero, and of the party that captured Peter Tumey's negro woman, to the Tennessee. I crossed it on the night of the twelfth, about four miles below Nickajack, and, in the morning of the thirteenth, destroyed Nickajack and the Run- xung Water, towns of the Gherokees. The first being entirely sur- Tounded, and attacked by surprise, the slaughter was /rreat, but cannot be accurately reported, as many were killed in the Tennessee. Nine* teen women ana children were made prisoners at this town. The Run- ning Water town being only four mQes above Nickajack, the news of the attack upon the latter reached the former before the troops nnder my conamand, and resistance was made to save it at a place called the Narrows ; but, after the exchange of a few rounds, the Indians posted at that place gave way, and the town was burnt vrithout further oppo- sition, with all the effects found therein, and the troops under my com- mand recrossed the Tennessee the same day. From the best judg- ment that could be formed, the number of Indians killed at the two towns must have been upwards of fifty, and the loss sustained by the troops under my command, was one lieutenant and two privates wounded.
The Running Water was counted the largest, and among the most
MIOKAJACK BZPSDITIOM. 017
hostile towns of the Cherokees. Nickajaek was not less hostile, but in- ferior in point of numberB. At Nickajack were found two fresh scalps, which had lately been taken at Cumberland, and several that were old were hanging in the houses of the warriors, as trophies of war ; a quan- tity of ammunition, powder and lead, lately arrived there from the Span- ish Government, and a commission for the Breath, the head- man of the town, who was killed, and sundry horses, and other articles of pro- perty, were found, both at Nickajack and the Running Water, which were known by one or other of the militia to have belonged to dif- ferent people, killed by Indians, in the course of the last twelve months.
The prisoners taken, among whom was the wife and child of Richard Finnelson, my pilot, informed me, that, on the fourth instant, sixty Creeks and Lower Cherokees passed the Tennessee, for war against the frontiers. They also informed, that two nights before the destruction of Running Water, a scalp dance had been held in it, over the scalps lately taken from Cumberland, at which were present, John Watts, the Bloody Fellow, and the other chiefs of the Lower Towns, and at which they determined to continue the war, in conjunction with the Creeks, with more activity than heretofore, against the frontiers of the United States, and to erect block-houses at each of the Lower Towns, for their defence, as advised by the Spanish Government
The prisoners also informed, that a scalp dance was to be held in two nights, at Red-headed Will's town, a new town, abont thirty miles lower down the Tennessee.
The troops under my command, generally, behaved well
I have the honour to be, your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, Jamss Orb.
Governor Blount
The iDvasion and destruction of the Lower Town^, was not only not authorized by the Federal authorities, but, as has been seen, was prohibited by the instructions of the Secre- tary of War to Gov. Blount. The latter felt it, therefore, liis duty to enquire of General Robertson, the reasons for "which he had issued the order under which Major Ore acted. General Robertson, soon after, explained to Gov. Blount the reasons which had induced him to order Ore to pursue the Indians. He writes under date— >
Nashville, October 8th, 1794. Sir : — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of the second instant. Enclosed you have a copy of my order to Major Ore, of the sixth of September ; my reasons for giving it, were, that I bad receieved two expresses from the Chickasaws, one by Thomas Brown, a man of as much veracity as any in the nation, the other by a common runner, giving information, that a large body of Creeks, with the Che- rokees of the Lower Towns, were embodying, with a determination to invade the District of Mero ; and not doubting my information, I con-
VIHDlCATliS TOE JtlVAHIOX.
ouved,ifMajorOre did not moet this Invading army of Creeka and CbeMkeea, as I expected, that it could not be considtred otherwise this defensive to alrike the first blow on the Lower Towns, and thereby cbedt them in their luiviUice ; nor could I suppose that the pursuing of parties of Indians, who had recently committed mnrders and thefts, to tba lowus from whence they came, and there striking them, could be con- aidered as an offensive meAsuro, unauthorized b^ the usage of nations in such cases. It cannot be necessary to add aa a justification, the long r*-
giated, and, I might aay, almost daily sufferings of the people of the iatrict of Mero, by the hands of the Creeks and Cherokees of the Lower Towns. The destruction of the towns by Major Ore, was on tbe thir- teenth of September. On tbetwelflb, in Tennessee county, Miss Roberta iras killed on Red Hiver, forty miles below Nashville ; and on tbe (onr- teenth, Thomas Reasons and wife were killed, and their house plun- dered, near the eame pl4ce, by the Indians. On tbe sixteenth, in Da- vidson county, twelve miles above Nashville, another party killnd
Chambere, wounded John Bosley and Joseph Davis, burned John
Donnelaon'e Station, and carried oft' sundry horses ; and in Sumner tKtanty, on the eamo day, a tbird party of Indians killed a woman on Bed River, near Major Sharp's, about forty milea northeast of Nashville, and curried off several horses. This proves that three separate and di»- tinct parties of Indians were out for war against the District of Meto, b«R>re the march of Major Ore from Nashville.
If I have erred, I ehall ever regret it; to be a good dtijMn, obedient to the law, is my greatest pride ; and to execute the duties of the commisaion vith which the President baa been pleased to honour me, in such a manner as to meet his approbation, and that of my superiors in rank, has ever been tny most f.'fveiit wish. Previous Ui the march of Major Ore from Nashville, CoL Whitley, with about one hundred men, anived tiiere, from EenUieky, sning they had followed a party of iDdiau who had committed depredations on tbe aoutbem frontier of that country ; that, in the pursuit, they had had a man killed by the Indiana, and seve- ral horses taken, and that they were determined to pursue to tlie Lower ' Town. They were attached to Major Ore's command, which augmented tbe number to upwards of five hundred and tifty men. Encloaod it a «op^ of a letter to John Watta ; and, from my experience in In^an afiaira, I have my hopee, that, from the scourging Majw Ore htm given the Lower Cherokees, we shall receive leas injury from t}mm than here- tofore.
Conscious that he had pursued the best policy, in hiTsding the hostile villages on the Tennessee, General Robertson, soon after their destruction, wrote to John Watts, Chief of the Cherokees, and intimated pretty plainly that another expedition might soon become necessary, if prisoners among the Cherokees were not surrendered and assurances of peace given.
Intelligence reached KnoxviUe of the intention of anotker
OBIGIirAL LSTTER OF YALKITINB BBVIBR. 619
volanteer expedition going through and from the Territory, against the Indians on its southern border. Governor Blount Communicated that information to the Secretary of War, and also an account of the measures he deemed it necessary to adopt on that subject.
" On the 24th of October, 1Y94, a party of Indians fired upon John Leiper and another man, near the house of the former, on the east fork of Red River, in Tennessee county. On the 6th of November, 1794, a party of fifty Indians, on the waters of Red River, in Tennessee county, fell ' upon the families of Colonel Isaac Titsworth and of his brother, John Titsworth, and killed and scalped seven white persons, wounded a negro woman, and took prisoners a white man, three children and a negro fallow, and also a daughter of Colonel Titsworth. Pursuit was given by the neighbouring militia, and the Indians, discovering their approach, tomahawked the three children and scalped them, taking off the whole skins of their heads. The white man and the negro fellow they either killed or carried off, together with the daughter. These murders were imputed to the Creeks.''^
Colonel Valentine Sevier had removed west of Cumber- land Mountain, and built a station near Clarkesville. This the Indians attacked. An account of the assault is copied from bis letter to his brother,' General Sevier, dated —
Clarkbsyille, Dec. 18, 1?94.
Dwar Brother : — The news from this place is desperate with me. On Tnesday, 11th of November last, about twelve o'clock, my station was attacked by about forty Indians. On so sudden a surprise, they were in Ernest every house before they were discovered. All the men belong- ing to the station were out, only Mr. Snider and myself. Mr. Snider, Betsy his wife, his son John and my son Joseph, were killed in Snider^s house. I saved Snider, so the Indians did not get his scalp, but shot and tomahawked him in a barbarous manner. They also killed Ann . Sang and her son James, and scalped my daughter Rebecca. I hope ahe will still recover. The Indians have killed whole families about here this fall. You may hear the cries of some persons for their friends dttly.
^ The engagement, commenced by the Indians at my house, conti- nued about an hour, as the neighbours say. Such a scene no man ever witnessed before. Nothing but screams and roaring of guns, and no man to assist me for some time. The Indians have robbed all the goods out of every house, and have destroyed all my stock. You will write our ancient father this horrid news ; also my son Johnny. My health is much impaired. The remains of my family are in good health. I am so distressed in my mind, that I can scarcely write. Your affection- ate brother, till death.
Valentine Sbvisb.
* Haywood.
830 RESULTS QP TBM BTOWAH AHD NICKAJACK CAMPAIGNS.
^^On the 27th of November, 1704, a partf of Indians killed and scalped Colonel John Montgomery, and wounded Julius Saunders with four balls, and Charles Beatty through the arm, on the north-western frontier of Tennessee county. And on the 20th, another party of In- dians, on the northern frontiers of Sumner county, killed and scalped John Lawrence, William Hains, and Michael Hampton, and wounded a fourth, whose name was not reported. On the 20tn of December, were killed and scalped by Indians, on Harpeth River, Hugh Tetpin, of Sum- ner county, then late colonel of Orange county in North-Carolina, and John Brown and William Grimes.
*^ On the 5th of January, 1705, Elijali Walker, one of the mounted in&ntry on duty for the defence of Mero District, acting as a spy on the firontiers, was kiUed by Indians, twelve miles south of Naahvilie. On the 5th of March, a party of Indians, supposed to be Creeks, at Joslin^ Station, seven miles from Nashville, fired upon Thomas Fletcher, En- kiel Balding, and his brother, a lad, wlio were at work in their field; wounded the two first with balls through their bodies, knocked down the third with a war club, broke his skull bone, and skinned the whole of his head. On the 14th, a man was killed by the Indians, within fit6 miles of Nashville. On the 5th of June, old Mr. Peyton was killed, and a negro, belonging to Mr. Parker, wounded dangerously in a field of Mrs. Bledsoe, near Bledsoe*s Lick, by Indians."*
The exceedingly long catalogue of Indian outrages and aggressions upon the frontier of Mero and Hamilton Dis- tricts, and the account of the spirited manner in which the inhabitants so successfully repelled them, could have been indefinitely extended. A volume could be filled with these already detailed, and those which have been necessarily omitted. For fourteen years, constant warfare existed on Cumberland, without even a temporary abatement. On the other side of the mountain, the condition of the inhabitants was little better, for the same period. In each section of the country there were unremitted oflfences on the part of the Indians, and persevering vigilance, enterprise and intre- pidity by the frontier people. No part of the West — no part of the world — suffered more, or resisted nr.ore bravely or more successfully, than the frontiers of Tennessee.
The Etowah campaign, penetrating, as it did, to the most southern towns of the Cherokees, and the splendid victory of the Cumberland troops at Nickajack and Running Water Town, broke the spirit of the Indians and disposed them to peace.
* Haywood.
TERRITORIAL LBOIBLATUXB MBBTS. 621
Little mischief was afterwards done till the approaching war with England, in 1812, again stimulated into life their passion for war, and revived their almost extinguished hope of even yet resisting the wave of civilization which threat- ened their expulsion from the land of their fathers or the extinction of their tribes.
While these events were taking place, the number of in-
S habitants in the Territory had so far augmented as to entitle them to a Territorial Assembly and Legis- lative Council, as provided for in the Ordinance of 1787. Satisfactory evidence had been presented to Governor Blount, that more than five thousand free males resided in his Territory, and he, therefore, authorized an election to be held for representatives of the people on the third Friday and Saturday of December, 17d3.
** Two from each of the counties of Washington, Hawkins, Jefferson and Knox ; and one from each of the counties of Sullivan, Greene, Ten- nessee, Davidson and Sumner ; the elections to be conducted under the regulations prescribed by the election laws of North-Carolina ; and the letaming officers were directed to certify the names of the elected to the Secretary's office, at KnoxviUe, as soon as migbt*be. On the 22d and 23d of December, elections were held accordingly in all the coun- tles of the Territory, and the people elected Alexander Kelly and John Baird, for the oounl^ of Knox ; George Doherty and Samuel Weir, for Jefferson ; Joseph Hardin, for Greene ; Leeroy Taylor and John Tipton for Washin^n ; George Rutledge, for Sullivan, and William Cocke and Joseph McMinn, for Hawkins ; James White, for Davidson ; David Wilson for Sumner, and James Ford for Tennessee.
*^ No sooner were the elections over, than, by a proclamation, issued on the 1st of January, 1704, the Governor appointed the Assembly to meet at Knoxville, on the 4th Monday of Feb. 1794. The Assembly, on the day appointed, convened at KnoxviUe, and appointed David Wilson, Esq., their Speaker, and Hopkins Lacy, Esq., then* Clerk. And it is to be con- sidered as an auspicious omen of the future prosperity of their young empire, that they laid its foundations in piety to God. On the next day the members, preceded by the Governor and the Speaker, went in pro- cession to the place of worship, where the Reverend Mr. Carrick, alter offering up an appropriate prayer, preached to them from these wordA in the epistle of Paul to Titus : * In hope of eternal life, which God that cannot lie, promised before the worid began : but hath in due time mani- fested his word through preaching ; which is committed unto me accord- ing to the commandment of God our Saviour.'
" They elected ten persons, out of whom five were to be chosen by Congress, as the Legislative Council ; they appointed a committee to draft an address to the Governor, which was drawn accordingly and approved o^ in which they strongly recommend some offensive mea-
682 MUfOUAL TO oovai
Bum, oould they be retorted to, otherwiee thai defearive onee nug^ at least be adopted, lAid bloek-bonaea erected on the frootien at all proper ^aoesymany of which they named; and they stated, that^imtil the SroDtier people should be better protected, it would be impbeiiUe tan them to nuse their crops, and that they would be finreedto evacuate Adr ^antations, and to leave otheis in the same desolate rirmmntsnOT They recommend^ a guard for the proteotioB of the Camberind members on their retam, adverting to the recent fiwt of an ^aganm haying been severely wonnded i^ the wilderness, as he camefiom llaih- ville to Knozville.
^ The committee also, who were apMHoted for the pnipoae, Mr. Idiit^ Mr. Ckxske, Mr. Kelly, Mr. Weir and Mr. Taylor, drew an addnis to Gonmss, which was approved of bv the House, and was signed by the Speuer. In it they demand a decianition of war unmiBt the Crab and Cherokees; and stated tha^ sboe the treaty 6t fiohton, th^ kd killed, in a most barbarous and inhuman manner^ upwards of two han- dled dtiiens of the United States, reudents in th» Teiritoij, wHhoot ngud to age or sex, and carried otheis into captivity and ahveiT; bd robbed the dtizens of their slaves, stoloi, at leas^ two thonsaad jmkbsb, which, at a moderate calculation, were worth one hundred thooMsd doUars.
''Besides the just causes of war daily given by thoM twp finthlasi nations, we ecmcdve it essential to call to your recoUecCioa their tiA: powerful invasions of this countiy ;. the fint in Septamber, lf9^ eoft^ .sbting of one thousand Creeks and Cheiokees,who,Ott the 80Ui of that month, attacked Buchanan's Station, within five miles of Nashville, aai were repulsed. The second, in September, 1703, consisting of nine hundred, who, on the 25th of that month, attacked Cavet's Station, within eight miles of Kdox ville, and, in a manner too shocking to re- late, murdered Cavet and his family, thirteen in number.
*^ Scarcely, they said, is there a man of this body, but can recount a dear wife or child, an aged parent or near relation, massacred by the hands of these blood-thirsty nations, in their houses or fields ; nor are our neighbours and friends less miserable. They, too, can enumerate the Bufiering of equal calamities. Such have been, they say, the suf- ferings of your fellow citizens resident in this Territory, more than ought to be imposed on men, who, by their joint exertions with the citizens of the United States at large, have acquired freedom and independence.
^^ They rejoiced in the vigorous measures which Congress were about to take against the rapacious and eoslaviog Algerines, and concluded with reminding Congress that the citizens who live in poverty on the extreme frontiers, were as much entitled to be protected in their lives, their families and little property, as those who were in luxury, ease and affluence in the great and opulent Atlantic dties. The Governor then prorogued the Assembly to the fourth Monday in August"*
This memorial from the representatives of the people was referred to a committee of the United States Congress, which, through their chairman, Mr. Carnes, reported : ^ That
* Haywood.
LBOISLATIVB COUNCIL. 028
from the representations made to them, the condition of the Territory called for the most energetic measures, and they recommended that the President should be authorized to call out an adequate military force to carry on oiSensive opera- tions against any hostile tribe, and to establish such posts and defences as would be necessary for the permanent secu- rity of the frontier settlers."
Hitherto, the Governor and Judges had exercised not only
S executive and judicial, but legislative powers. The Ordinance, by the United States in Congress assem- bled, for the government of the Territory south of the Ohio, provided that the Governor and Judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and publish in the District, such laws of the original states, criminal and civil, as may be necessary and best suited to the circumstances of the district, *^ and report them to Congress from time to time, which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of the Gene- ral Assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Congress ; bat afterwards, the Legislature shall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit." The Ordinance further de- clared that the Legislature should consist of the Governor, Legislative Council, and a House of Representatives, and specified how thb latter bodies should be selected. This having been done, on Monday, the twenty-fifth day of Au« gust, 1794, the General Assembly of the Territory of the United States of America, south of the Ohio, met at Knox- ville.
LsoiSLAuvE Council. — The members nominated by the Represen- tatives of the people, and commissioned by the President of the United States as Legislative Councillors for said Territory, appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats, to- wit :
The Honourable GrifSth Rutherford, " " John Sevier,
" " James Winchester,
" " Stockley Donelson,
** " Parmenas Taylor.
Adjourned till to-morrow, 10 o'clock.
Honourable Griffith Rutherford was unanimously elected President^ and conducted to the Chair.
George Roulstone was, by ballot, elected Clerk, and qualified accord- ingly.
Christopher Shoat was chosen Door-keeper. f
A message from* the House of Representatives :
69t4 . PAmuAiisiiTAmT 9uua»
Mr. Premdent and Gentlemen of the OmneH :—Tbm Hboae h smt formed and ready to proceed on the. public buainoM, and wiah to koov if you are met and pjiepared to receive communicationa from the Hoon c^ Repreaentatives.
Ob motion of Mr. Wincheeter, Mr. Sevier waa appointed to confei with Buch member or memberi of the Houae of BepraaentaliTaa aathef may join, and report what rules are neceesary to be obeeiTed in doof buBinees, between the Council and House of Representativea.
Honaa of Rbpbbsbntatives. — Monday, the twen^-fifth daj of Ai- gUBt| 1704, being the day appointed for m meeting of the Bepraaenta- tives of the people <tf this Territorv, the followingmemben appeared and took their seala, via : David Wilson, Jtoies Whitei Jamea Fmd, William Cocke, Joseph McBfinn, Oeoige RuUedga, Joiseph HsidiB, George Doherty, Samuel Wear, Alexander Kelly am John Baiid.
The session commenced by a suitable ajid weU-adaptedpnijir, by iim Bev. Mr. Carrick.
On motion of Mr. Hardin, seconded by Mr^ Doherty,
Ordered^ That the following message be sent to hk Bioellaney, Wit Ham Blount, Esq. :
Sir : — ^Tfae House of Representatives aie now met agreeably to yoiVi prorogation, and ready to proceed to business.
(Mered^ That Messrs. Hardin and Wear wait on bis Bi^oeileney wi& the above message.
At its next meeting, on the following day, the Hooae
adopted ^ rules of decorum," to he observed by its members.
The curious in such matters may wish to know what these
rules were, in the infancy of legislation in the country, and
for their gratification, some of them are here given :
Ist When the Speaker is in the Chair, every member may sit in his place with his head covered.
2d. That every member shall come into the house uncovered, and shall continue so at all times, but when he sits in his place.
3d. No member, in coming into the house, or removing fix)m his place, shall pass between the Speaker and a member speaking, nor shall any member go across the house, or from one part thereof to the other, whilst another is speaking.
4th. When any member stands to speak, he shall stand in his place uncovered, and address himself to the Speaker ; but shall not proceed to speak until ^rmitted so to do by the Speaker, which permission shall be signified by naming the member.
6th. When any member is speaking, no other shall stand or inter- rupt him ; but when he is done speaking, and taken his seat, any other member may rise, observing the mles.
6th. When the Speaker desires to address himself to the houae, he shall rise, and be heard without interruption, and the member then speak- ing, shall take his seat
7th. When any motion shall bo before the house, and not perfectly undeistood, the Speaker may explain, but shall not attempt to away the house by arguments or debate.
BILLS SUBMITTED TO LEOIBLATOBS^ 926^
I
8th. He that digresseth from the subject, to fail on the person of anj member, shall be suppressed by the Speaker.
10th. Exceptions taken to onensive words, to be taken the same day they shall be spoken, and before the member who spoke them shall go out of the house.
16th. If there shall be an equality of votes for, and against any ques- tioUy the Speaker shall declare whether he be a yea or nay ; but shall, in no other case, give his vote.
18th. Upon adjournment, no member shall presume to move, until the Speaker arises and goes before.''
The Hoase of Representatives having thus adopted rules ( for the government of its own members, proceeded, at ( once, on motion of Mr. Cocke, to appoint a committee ^ to consider and report as soon as possible, what bills of a pub- lic and general nature are necessary to be passed into laws, the present Assembly." Mr. White, Mr. Cocke, Mr. Hardin, Mr. Wear and Mr. Doherty, were the committee. Mr. Sevier had been appointed on the part of Council, '' to act with such member or members of the House, as a committee, to report the rules necessary to be observed in doing business " be- tween that body and the House. Mr. White and Mr. Rut- ledge were appointed to confer with him. This joint com- mittee afterwards made the following report :
^ That it is proper for this House to send any message by a member of this House, to the Council or the Clerk, to be deli- vered to the President of the Council or the Chairman. That when a bill is to be sent to the Council, it shall be taken by two of the Representatives, to be delivered in the same man- ner. That no bill shall be debated or rejected on its first reading. That no bill being once rejected, shall be again ta- ken up the same session."
Rules regulating the intercourse of 'the two Houses being thus provided, Mr. Sevier and Mr. Winchester were ap- pointed on the part of the Council, to join the House Com- mittee, to prepare business for the Assembly. It was at once in medias res^ and on the 28th, through its Chairman, Mr Hardin reported, '' An act to regulate the militia of this Ter- ritory ; an act to establish the judicial courts, and to regu- late the proceedings thereof; an act making provision for the poor ; an act to enable executors and administrators to make rights for lands due upon bonds of persons deceased ;
40
626 MSMBSBS FROM KMOX COUNTT AABBNT,
an act declaring what property is to be taxable, and the mode of collecting the tax thereon ; an act to levy a tax lor the support of Government for the year 1794 ; and an act to provide for the relief of such of the militia as have beeo wounded by the Indians in the late invasions. **
This brief catalogue of enactments necessary for the peo- ple of the Territory, presented to the consideration 9f its Legislature, and, perhaps, in the exact order and degree of the importance of each, the several subjects that were deemed of primary moment, and demanded prompt and im- mediate action.
The instincts, the sagacity and discernment of the consti- tuents, had not been at fault in the selection of their public servants. Perhaps no other deliberative body, vras ever more distinguished for identity and familiarity with the interests, the wishes and the wants of those for whom they acted, and none could have surpassed them in honesty, promptness and zeal.
Committees were at once raised in each House, to whom was referred one of the subjects already enumerated. They seem to have been constituted with a wise and patriotic reference to the qualifications, experience and past pursuits of the members. On the bill to regulate the militia of the Territory, the House appointed, on the fourth day of the ses- sion. Wear, Taylor and Doherty, each of whom had been actively engaged as officers in the service of the country, and with them the Council associated Colonel Winchester. On the Committee on the Judiciary, Mr. White and Mr. Cocke. To make provision for the poor, Mr. Hardin and Mr. Tipton To levy a tax for 1794, Mr. Rutledge and Mr. Mc- Minn. To declare what property is taxable, Mr. Hardin and Mr. Ford ; and to provide relief for wounded militia, Mr. Doherty and Mr. Wear.
In justice to the members of Knox county, whose names do not appear upon any of these committees, it ought to be mentioned that, on Wednesday, the third day of the session, ** on motion of Mr. Kelly, seconded by Mr. Hardin, ordered, that Mr. Kelly and Mr. Beard have leave of absence, to go on a scout against the Indians.'^ These gentlemen held commis- sions in the militia of Knox county, and, on account of their
OH A (BOOUT AGAIN8T THE INDIANS. 627
:gallantry and public spirit, had been honoured with seats in the House of Representatives. A threatened incursion of hostile Cherokees, made it necessary for them to lay down their legislative and resume their military functions. And, upon the motion of one of them, Mr. Kelly, his colleague and himself had leave of absence. In a week from that timQ, *' Mr. Kelly returned and took his seat." Mr. Beard had returned the day before.
To General Sevier, of the Council, is due the paternity of a bill, ** for the relief of such persons as have been disabled by wounds, or rendered incapable of procuring, for them- selves and families, subsistence, in the militia of this Terri- tory ; and providing for the widows and orphans of such as have died." He had been, as we have already narrated, actively employed in the military service, and knew well the sacrifice of treasure and of blood which the martial spirit of his countrymen had occasioned, and the havoc which, by the gallantry of his fellow-soldiers, had been made upon the com- fort, and property, and lives, of those he represented.
To an enlightened Representative from Davidson county, is due the immortal honour of having made the first legisla- tive effort, in the Territorial Assembly, in behalf of Learning. On the 29th of August, *' Mr. White moved for leave, and presented a bill to establish a University in Greene county ; read for the first time, passed, and sent to the Council." Four days after, the bill became a law, creating a Literary Institution, though under a less imposing name, Greeneville College. The preamble to the act of incorporation follows ;
^ Whereas^ in all well-regulated governments, it is the incumbent daty of the Legislature to consult the happiness of the rising geneA- tioD, and endeavour to fit them for an honourable discharge of the social duties of life, by paying the strictest attention to their education, Be it enacted by the Governor," <fec
The act appoints the Rev. Hezekiah Balch, President of the College, and locates it upon his farm. The Trustees are — *' Hezekiah Balch, Samuel Doak, James Balch, Samuel Garrick, Robert Henderson, Gideon Blackburn, Archibald Roane, Joseph Hamilton, William Cocke, Daniel Kennedy, Landon Carter, Joseph Hardin, Sen., John Rhea and John Sevier." The law invests these Trustees with the usual
AM DOOTOI Wni» VLaOVfeD Tni nUnCNUAt SBtHATB.
poWen of saeh corporations, and anthorizei them to mako snefa laws for its government, as^to them may appear neeessary for the promotion of learning and virtue ; pro- vided the same be not contrary to the unalienable rights of human nature, or the' laws of the Territory.**
On the same day, Mr.. Doherty presented a petition from the inhabitants south of French Broad'River, setting forth their right of occupancy to their lands, and praying that their case may be laid before Congress.^ This subject after- wards became a fruitful source of complaint and tedioos legislation, the details of which will be elsewhere given.
On Saturday, the 80th, the House a^umed to Mondi^, •even o'clock. A working Legislature, truly 1
In the Ordinance for the government of the Territory, it was provided ^That as soon as m Legislature shall be Ibrmed in the District, the Council and House, assembled ia one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to decC a Delegate to Gongress.** The details of that transaction aid here extracted from the Journals.
B$9oiv$d, That the bsUoting for the Delegate to Oongrm takeplsee to morrow, at ten o'dock, and that the foUowing meiuge be sent to the Council:
Mr, President and Oentlemen of the Council : — We propose to bil- lot to-morrow, at ten o'clock, at the Court House, for a Delegate to Congress, and on our part appoint Mesers. Taylor and Doherty to su- perintend the balloting. The Council concurring, Mr. Taylor waa ap- pointed to conduct the balloting on their part. On the Sd, ULt, James White, of Davidson county, was elected by a majority of both Houses, Delegate to Congress.
On the petition of the inhabitants south of French Broad, your Com- mittee report that the said inhabitants ought to have all the assistance m the power of this House to give towards securing them in their im- povements. That as the disposal of the soil rests in Congress, it will DC proper for this Assembly to draw up a memorial to that body, stating the facts as may induce them to secure the said inhabitants in a nght of preemption, and pray that an Act of Congress may be passed for that purpose.
Both Houses adjourned to-day, to meet to-morrow at 7 o'clock.
Sept. 4. — Mr. c3ocke moved for leave, and presented a Bill for the establishment of College in the vicinity of Knoxville.
The blank was afterwards filled with Blount, and on the tenth of September, the bill establishing Blount College be- came a law. Next to Mr. White, the friends of learning are indebted to one of the representatives from Hawkina, Mr
MMfBEBS WIVED ONK SHILLING FOB. AB8BMCK. 029
Cocke, for his early care and prudent foresight in laying broad and deep a foundation for the intellectual improve- ment of the young men of the Territory. Blount College has since become the University of East Tennessee, and the laudable curiosity to see the incipient efforts of the first pa- trons of literature and science in the West, shall be gratified with, some extracts from
An Act /or ike establishment of Blount College^ in the vicinity of KnoxvilU :
Whereas^ the Legislature of this Territory are disposed to promote the happiness of the people at large, and especiaUy of the rising genera- ^on, by instituting seminaries of education, where youth may be habi- tuated to an amiable, moral and virtuous conduct, and accurately in- atruct^ in the various branches of useful science, and in the principles of the ancient and modern languages.
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Governor, Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the Territory of the United States of Ame- rica, south of the River Ohio, That the Reverend Samuel Carrick, Preu- dent^ and his Excellency William Blount, the Honourable Daniel Smithy Secretary of the Territory, the Honourable David Campbell, the Hon- ourable Joseph Anderson, General John Sevier, Col. James White, CoL Alexand^fr Kelly, CoL William Cocke, Willie Blount, Joseph Hamil- ton, Archibald Roane, Francis A. Ramsey, Charles McClung, G^rge Boubtone, George McNutt^ John Adair and Robert Houston, Esquires shall be, and they are hereby declared to be a body politic and corporate,, by the name of the President and Trustees of Blount College, in the Ticinity of Knozville.
On account, probably, of some unknown infraction of par- liamentary law, the House, on the 8th,
Resolvedj That whenever this House shall render a list of absent members to the door keeper, to wara them to attend, that each member 80 mentioned and warned, shall pay one shilling to the door-keeper for his trouble.
This fine would appear inadequate for either of the pui^ poses intended by it, if we fail to consider the difference between the per diem of members and door-keeper in the Assembly of 1794, and their pay in 1850.
As further evidence of the diligence and application of members to their legislative duties, it may be mentioned that on the 5th, 8th, 9th, 10th and 11 th, the House adjourned to meet the succeeding days at 7 o'clock, A. M., and the Coun- cil regularly at 9 o'clock.
On the 5th, the House concurred with the Council in ^ their
630
PmiMITIVB TIMES IN KKOZVIIXB.
proposition in the two Houses meeting, and to tnke iot
their consideration whether the laws of North-Carolina ar now in force and use in this Territory/' and proposed thi the conference be at the Court House at four o'clock.** Am ther proof of the fidelity with which these servants of tl people despatched their public duties. The Court Hous where this conference was proposed, and Mrhere the tn Houses had met together for the election of a Delegate 1 Congress, was a small one-story building, about thirty fe< long and twenty-four broad. The Council met in the ba rack. The house in which the Assembly held its sessioi was sometimes in another room of the barrack, and occi sionally the large room of Carmichael's Tavern, on Cunibei land-street, and now owned by Major Swan. Neither t the buildings was sufficiently spacious to alloi^' a joint ba lot or joint conference of the two bodies, and on these occi sions each left its own chamber and repaired to the Com House. These were primitive times in Knoxville. Lei than fifty families lived there then. Mr. Stone kept taver on what is now known as Park's Corner, and his Mras th very northern boundary of the town. Nathaniel Cowai lived at the corner of Water-street, not far from what is no\ Churchwell's Mill, and most of the buildings were in tha part of the place near the river. Many members boarde< in the country, and walked morning and night to and fron their quarters. A carriage was unknown in that day upoi the frontier, and would have attracted more attention, am occasioned more remark, than a steam-car would in 185( upon the top of Chilhowee.
In the Council, ** Mr. Donelson, from the Committee ap pointed to make an estimate of the expenses for the yeai 1794, reported that the probable expenditures for said 3'ear will amount to two thousand three hundred and ninety dol- lars." This financial estimate was for the whole Territory and fifty-six years afterwards, the estimate would be consid* ered small for a single county in Tennessee. So true is it, with regard to communities as with individuals — the n'ltural wants of man are few and easily supplied, while those that are artificial, are at once numberless and insatiable.
H. L. WHITE, PRITATE BECRETART OF BLOUNT. QSl
Sept 10, 1V04. — Received from his Excellency, the Qoveraor, the ibllowing message :
Knoxville, Sept. 1, 1704. Mr, President and Oentlemen of the Legislative Couneilj and Mr, Speaker and Oentlemen of the House of Representatives : Herewith, bj the hands of Mr. Hugh White, my Private Secretary, you will receive an act entitled an act, &c, &c, to which I have given my as- Bent Mv Private Secretary being now officially made known to you, I •hall, in future, cause the acts to which I give my assent, to be delivered by him to you, without any written message, and having obtained your ugnatures, to deliver the same to the Secretary of the Territory.
Wm, Blount.
Sept. 12. — Mr. White, from the Committee appointed to draw up a memorial to Congress in favour of the people south of French Broad, presented the following memorial :
To the Honourable, the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States, in Congress:
The memorial and petition of the inhabitants living south of French Broad River, sheweth, That your memorialists have settled on va- cant lands, lying on the south side of French Broad River, and which was granted to the people of this country, by the Indians, at different times.
First At the treaty of Dumplin Creek, held with John Sevier, Esq., at which time, the Indians received a compensation in clothing and other articles, for said land ; and in the year following, the same Indians did, in a fresh treaty, held with them at Coyatee, confirm the grant afore- mentioned. That, in consequence of these treaties, made under a then existing authori^, your petitioners were induced to settle on the land 80 granted, whicn they cultivated with great labour and expense, and es- tablished within the bounds thereof, large and improved possessions. This memorial further sheweth. That the country aforesaid has been ceded to the United States, partly, at the treaty of Senaca, and finally, at the succeeding treaty of Holston, Your memorialists, therefore, peti- tion Congress to make them secure in their labour and improvements, whenever Congress may think it expedient to open a Land-office, by granting them a right of pre-emption to their hard-earned improve- ments and possessions.
And whbrbas, numbers of these petitioners have been induced to be- lieve, that Congress would confirm such warrants or grants as had issued from the State of North-Carolintf, and, therefore, have purchased the same, and laid them on their lands ; they pray that Congress may per- mit them to hold their lands by such warrants, but that the justice and goodness of your honourable body will provide, that no stranger may, by such warrants, take from the holder and improver of the land, his pos- sessions, the right of which ought to be derived through Congress.
The Assembly adopted and sent forward to Congress, a long memorial on the subject of the existing Indian war. To this memorial was appended ** a list of the names of
WMM orinai»iEK» or lmmlmom^ - •
• persons killed, wotinded and eaptnred, nd iioftw simian, since the 26th day of' February, 1794.** The list compriBOBt killed, 67 ; wottnded, 10 ; prisoners, 26 : and horses. . atoko, 376, estimated at #18,700.
On the 18th, lOtb, 20th, 86th and 27tb, the H^iisi ad- journed to meet at seven o'clock the snoc^mg moniSrig; Such an economical devotion of its time to putiUc basines^ and such indefatigable attention to legislative duty* woqU seem to require some corresponding pecuniary eompemaliaa. As their session approached its termination, it was
Re9olv§i^ Thst die wages of the membets, derks sad door-fcagpiWBof both houieB, be estimated as foHows :
For each membOT per day, . . • $6 50
"* eachderk "^ *" - - - 2M
" each dork for ataticmeiyi - - ^ - 25 00
** doo^keep6r per day, - - " "- 1 75 '
Bach member, dark and door-keeper to be allowed
fer feniagea* Every twenty-five miles, riding to and fipom the Aa-
Sept 28.— ifr. Sevier moved for leave, and presented a bfll te eatablishiDg Knozville, on the north bank of the Hdkton, wbidi was read the mst time, paaaed and sent to Uie Honee <tf Bepreeentati^
As the adjournment of the Territorial Legislature ap- proached, its members were unwilling to separate, without making another effort to awaken the attention of the Fede- ral Government to the necessity and importance of more am* pie and effective means of defence and protection for their suffering and bleeding constituents. Since the last meeting of the Assembly, many of them had lost members of their own families — killed by savage ferocity or stratagem — ^many of their neighbours had been wounded or taken prisoners ; much valuable property had been stolen or destroyed ; and during the present sitting of the Legislature, two members of it from the Metropolitan county, had been compelled, from the threatened aggressions of the enemy, to leave the halls of legislation and resume the sword, to prevent an at- tack upon the seat of Government. Under this condition of things, on the twenty-fourth of September, the House
jResohed, That James White, Esq., the Representative of this Terri- tory in Congress, be instructed to take an early opportunity of ezhilnt-
FIB8T PUBLIO PRINTBB APPOmTBD. 633
•
ing to the PresideDt of CongresB, ihe additional list of one hundred and five of our fellow-citizens, vbo hare suffered by the Creeks and Chero- kees, since our memorial to Congress in the spring, in addition to the former innumerable and cruel acts of hostility with which this Territory has been insulted by those Indians ; and to assure hi^ Excellency Uiat if the people of this Territory have borne with outrages which stretch hu- man patience to its utmost, it has been through our veneration for the head of the Federal Government, and through the hopes we entertain that his influence will finally extend, to procure for this injured part of the Union, that justice, which nothing but retaliating on an unrelenting enemy, can afford.
The patience of the people was well-nigh exhaasted, and it required all the authority and weight of character of Go- vernor Blount to restrain the impetuous temper of the sol- diery of the Territory, which everywhere manifested itself — exacerbations of feeling and resentment, which, indeed, in every instance, kis authority was unable to repress.
Sept 25. — In the Council, ** Mr. Sevier moved for leave, and presented a bill appointing a public printer.'' Another era in the early legislation and improvement of an infant community, second only to the founding of institutions of learning and the creation of tribunals of justice.
At the request of the members from M ero District, Go- vernor Blount ordered a sufficient guard of soldiers to ac- company them on their return home.
Great difficulty arose in arranging the details of the Tax Bill, and the last days of the session, amendments were con- stantly proposed to the bill of the one House and as uni- formly rejected by the other. Several days were consumed in modeling and adjusting the Tax Bill.
A Sabbath intervened, but on Monday the House con- tiaued inflexible ; other messages were interchanged with a like result. The Council at length agreed to make the tax on a hundred acres of land, eighteen cents. To which the House again objected, and insisted upon *' a tax of twenty-five cents per hundred, as it stood in the bill when it went from this House." .
The Council yielded, at length, to the more immediate representatives of the people, and sent them the following message —
*^ The Council aooede to your proposition in taxing land at twenty-
634 DIFFICULTY IN ADJUBTOIG TAXHU
five cents per hundred acres ; you vill, tberefore, send two of your members to see the amendments made aocordingiy."
At this length of time since these transactions took place, it is difficult to account for the discordant views entertained by the two Houses of the Territorial Assembly upon the land tax. A tariff is always a subject of troublesome adjust- ment, and then, as now, the proper arrangment of its details, was the most perplexing duty of the Legislature. It has been conjectured, that the conflict of sentiment between the Council and the House, may be legitimately traced to the organism-^tho mode by which each body was created. The five members of the Council were not elected by the people, but appointed by the Congress, and commissioned by the President of the United States, from ten citizens of the Ter- ritory at large, selected and nominated for 4;hat purpose by the House. Their term of office was for five years. The members of the House, on the other hand, were really the representatives of the people, were elected directly by them, and holding their office for but two years, were dependant upon popular suffrage for a renewal of their trust.
The constituent body — the people — were generally small landholders, while most of the appropriated lands of the Territory, was held by large grantees, and they — many of them — non-residents. The toil of subduing the wilderness, the danger of reclaiming it from its savage occupants, the sacrifice of ease, of property and of life, in opening and de- fending it, the responsibility of founding its government and maintaining its rights, had all been undergone by actual settlers. Their adventure had planted the infant settle- ments, their valour had defended them, and to their services, were non-resident landholders indebted for the present and prospective enhancement of the value of their property. The tenacity, therefore, with which the immediate representa- tive body adhered to its policy of raising the revenue prin- cipally by a tax upon real estate, cannot be considered either strange or unwise.
Sept. 30. — The morning of the last day of its session, the House exhibited a further instance of its restraint upon the action of the Council, by refusing its assent to a bill excusing
RESOLUTIOir PRBPABATOBT TO A STATE OBGANIZATION. 685
workmen employed' at iron foandries, from military du- ties.
Before their adjournment, the two Houses did concur in resolutions, requesting '' the Governor to direct, that when the census is taken next June, the sense of the people may at that time be enquired into, how far it may be their wish, for admission into the Union as a State," — also directing, ^ that John Stone be allowed ten dollars, for the use of the house now occupied by the Legislative Council.'* — ** That James White be allowed five dollars for the use of the court house during the session of the Assembly." — "That George Roulstone & Co. be allowed the sum often dollars, if in ten days they print fifty copies of the act, " respecting the levy- ing and collecting the taxes. " That John Chisholm be al- lowed the sum 6( two dollars, for his monies expended for the public service of this Territory, during the recess of the Assembly," and, " that the thanks of this General Assembly be presented to Governor Blount, for the application of his labilities and attention, in forwarding their business as rep- resentatives ; more especially, in compiling and arranging the system of court law ; and that as there appears to be no more business before this Assembly, his Excellency be requested to prorogue the same to the first Monday in Octo- ber, 1795."
To the last resolution, the Governor sent in reply, the fol- lowing message —
'* Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives; — ^While ▼our vote of ' thanks, of this day, affords a proof of your liberality, It offers me the highest reward for such attention as I have had in my power to pay to me court and other laws. I should feel myself want- ing to the Council and House of Representatives, were I not to ac- knowledge, that the laws which have been offered for my assent, have been such as are essential to the promotion of the public happiness, and that no law of importance at tins time is omitted. Herewith you will rtoeive the prorogation to the day as by you requested.
"KnoxviUe, September 30, 1794.
Wm . Blouht."
prorogation. ^William Blount, Governor in and over the Territory of the United States of America, south of the River Ohio :
03& pRnitnoATioN of ti-.rritohial AsaEMDi.Ta- f.-j.
" To the President and Gontlemen of the LcgUIative Counci), mid tha Bijeaker and Oectlemen of tbe House of HepreseRtAtives : — The session of ihe General Assembly is prorogued, until the first Monday in the month of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, then to commence at this place.
** Given under my hand at EuoxvilU, Septemhei SO, 1794.
Wm. Blount.
" By the Governor — Daniel Smith."
The per diem of the members of House of Represeotalives, and of tbe Clerk and Door-keeper, for the February session, and other incidental expenses, amounted to «473,59|.
That of the Legislative Council, for the August ami Sep- tember sessioD, amounted to $070,7 1§.
-And that of the House of Representatives, for the same session, 1.700,16$.
These proceedings of the Territorial Legislature will ac- l quaint the reader with the mode of transacting its ( business, and, to some extent, with the amount and importance of its labours. It may be safely asserted that, in so short a session, the same number of law makers, under like difficulties and embarrassments, never had achieved more. Their session was one of only thirty-seven day». The number of members was small — in the Council, five — Id the House— thirteen, and some of these, for various rea- sons, allowed leave of absence, at different periods of the session. Most of them too, though men of strong intellect and great good sense, were entirely inexperienced In legisla- tion, and uninformed upon some of the subjects the emer- gency of the times brought up for their action and decision. Bat all of them were identified with the interests of the people, and had been honoured with theit confidence on account of their patriotism and public virtue. They were assiduous in the discharge of their new duties, an4 th^ were faitlirul to the trust confided to them. Of tbeir competency, the work executed by them is an andying me- Rwrial. They bad become suddenly, and, with many of them, unexpectedly, the guardians of weighty interests in an im- mense Territory, The foundations of society were to be laid in different isolated communities, extending from the Alleghanies to the westammost settlement. lavaaioD from
SEVIER OOUNTT. 987
hostile Indian tribes had to be repelled ; an exposed frontier had to be guarded ; aggression had to be resisted ; stations protected ; forts defended ; emigrants encouraged ; and roads had to be opened through a trackless wilderness ; towns and counties were to be laid out ; a police to be established^ and public buildings to be erected. A system of jurisprudence had to be, if not enacted de novo^ amended, enlarged and remodeled, in adaptation 'to the circumstances and wants of a new community. These — these all were to be done. Nay, more — ^the fostering care of a new government had to be directed to the improvement and refinement of the ** rising generation,'^ and, to its other labours, the Legislature added the crowning honour of founding, at its first session, two Institutions of Learning.
'^ An act was passed to divide Jefferson county into two distinct counties.'' Joseph Wilson, Robert Polk, Samuel Magahee, Samuel Newell and Thomas Buckingham, are made Commissioners to locate the court house in the new county, which is called Sevier ; courts to be holden, for the first time, at the house of Isaac Thomas.
Sevier county was attached to Hamilton District. The house of Isaac Thomas, where the first court for Sevier eounty was holden, stood on the west bank of Pigeon, nearly opposite the confluence of its east and west branches, be- tween which, and near their junction, was, October, 1795, laid out, and afterwards erected, the present Sevierville. It is a beautiful spot — surrounded by, and embosomed among, lofly and almost inaccessible heights, through which the confluents glide in placid quiet or rush with boisterous vio- lence through their narrow and tortuous channels. The bottoms below Sevierville are remarkable for their fertility. The county has been the land of hunters, soldiers and patri- ots. It has its stations, forts and battle grounds. It was one of the counties of Franklin. Dumplin Treaty was held on its soil.
The magistrates who held the first court, Nov. 8, 1794, were — ** The Worshipful Samuel Newell, Joseph Wilson, Joshua Gist, Peter Dryant, Josejlh Vance and Andrew Ev- ans." Besides these^ there were magistrates not present —
MS * KcnirsiVB JUMUuoTioM 4>ff 4KViaK oounr.
BL Lewia and Robert Ppllook. The comity officen were— ^Samuel Newell, first chairman; Jeehoa Gist, 2d ; and Jo- seph Wilson, ^ ; " Samael Wear, olerk; John Lowry, ooan- ty solicitor; Ambrose Arthur, depoty sheriff; Jesse Byrd, Register ; Thomas Backingham, collector ; Mordecai Lewis, coroner ; Alexander Montgomery, ranger." • In the early minutes of the County Court of Sevier, notay be seen something of the summary proceedings ^hich char- acterized the courts of JPranklin or the Temporaiy form of GrOTcmment which, south of French Broad, followed the dissolution of that State. At Ajpril Term, 1795^ it waa—
«" Ordered— TbBX a bill of sale from J. R, to -: — ^ bcai^
ing date December 17, 1794, shall wt be admitted to record, and that the word Fraudulent be wrote^ by the islerk, qq. the face of said bill of sale.''
The jurisdiction of the court was exercised, beneficently, not only within the • limits of Sevier county and of the Ter-' litory, but embraced, in its benevolent plenitude of power, the contiguous State of Virginia also. October nnfiions, 1795, it was — ^^ Ordered that an idiot, produced by John <7raig, to this court, is to be delivered to a constable of this county, to be conveyed to the next constable, and so from officer to officer, until she is conveyed to the proper owner, in the State of Virginia, which is, by information, M, M. in Powell's Valley.'*
The legislature exhibited no indifference to the pleasant charities of life. Ample provision was made by law, for persons disabled by wounds, and for the widows and or- phans of such as had died in the military service of the country.
Among other acts of a local character, was one for estab- lishing Knoxville. It was, at that time, the seat of the Ter- ritorial Government, and so continued to be, during the exist- ence of that organization. It became the seat of Govern- ment of the State of Tennessee, and so continued to be for many years after. Kingston, Murfreesborough and Nashville, were its successors for several years, when, in 1817, Knox- ville again became the seat of Government, but for the last
KHOZVlLLEy FIRST CAPITAL OF TENNESSEE. 630
time. The strong Ao6d of emigration to the West, had car- ried with it the centre of population beyond the Cumberland Mountains, and with it, the seat of Government. The scep- tre has departed from her ; but time, and change, and progress, cannot deprive her of her ancient honours, nor make her less venerable 'for the proud associations that cluster around her early history. Here Squollecuttah, Kunoskeskie, Nem- tooyah, Chuquilatague, Enolchi, Talohtuski, and other chief- tains of the Cherokee nation, met Governor Blount in Coun- cil, smoked the pipe of peace, and formed the Treaty ^f Hol- ston ; — ^herethe pious White pitched his tent in the wilderness, lived his life in patriarchal simplicity and unostentatious usefulness ; — here died the founder of Knoxville, and his memory is here embalmed in the affectionate remembrance of a succeeding generation. Here the infant Government of the Territory was cradled, and nurtured in its youth by the paternal care of Blount, of Anderson and Campbell. Here, too, the sages and patriots of 1794, met and deliberated, and made laws. Here, too, was born the infant Hercules — since become a giant — Tennessee. Tennessee looks back to Knox- ville, and recognizes her as the home of her youth, and the fond centre of her hallowed recollections.
Speaking of the question of State or no State, which, at this time, began to be agitated by the people of the Territory, Governor Blount writes to General Sevier, December 4th : " I frankly say to you, I am for the Territory becoming a State as early as possible ; and I think this change can be effected so as to have a Constitution formed, and a represen- tation in the next Congress. I have already written to my friends in Congress, requesting them to have an act passed, authorizing this Territory to become a State, whenever the people shall express their wishes to this effect."
** On the night of the twenty-fifth of May, Mr. George Mann,
! living twelve miles above Knoxville, hearing a noise at his stable, and leaving his house to discover the cause, his return was intercepted by Indians, who fired upon and dangerously wounded him. He fled for concealment to a cave at a short distance, but was followed by the savages, dragged from his hiding place and slain. The wife had
640 > BKBOUM or MBS. lunu
heard die retreating footsteps of the faidiaas as they pmsoed her husband^ and having looked the door, sat in silent expecta- tion, with her sleeping children around her. Soon she hears the tramp of approaching feet. Perhaps it is the neighbomsy alarmed at the firing, and coming to the resenet She is about to rush oat and meet them, bat she hears their Yoiees in a strange tongue. The horrible conviction seises her, that the savages are returning to the slaughter. The rifle is in- stantly in her hands ; that morning she had leaned the use of its IHggers, and levelling it carefully at the crevice of the door, near the look, she awaits the result Stealthy slips are moving along the walls ; the door is pressed •against'— it yields — is partly open — a savage is|oa his hands and knees at the entrance ; another behind, and still another ; her fin- ger is upon the trigger ; she thinks of her children, and fires! The first Indian falls heavily to the ground — the feeoond screams with pain — the others gather up the woonded aadfiyl
That lone Woman, by her courage and presence of. mind, had repulsed twenty*^ve savage warriors. Had a word es- caped her lips after the explosion of the rifie, the lives of herself and children would have been lost. The perfect si- lence impressed the Indians, and believing armed men to be in the house, they fled.*
The Indians set fire to the barns and out-buildings, but did not venture to approach the house, from which a defence so heroic and successful had been made. Mann, himself, was found next morning, cruelly scalped and mutilated. Pursuit was made after the body of Indians, but they could not be overtaken.
Dr. White regrets, in a letter to General Sevier, the unwiU lingness of Congress to pay the men of his brigade, and its ungrateful neglect to pay the Chickasaws, and adds, ** the Spaniards will not neglect the opportunity to detach those Indians from us. The Government of Louisiana is already fortifying at the Chickasaw Blufis."
The Spanish authorities still retained possession of the
*ReY. T. W. Hume's Semi-ceDtenoial Addreiw.
OOVBRHOR BLOUirr's MBflBAOb 641
fort at the Chickasaw Bluff, and it was not surrendered till a special demand was made for its surrender under the instruc- tions of the Federal Government to Governor Blount. An- ticipating that still further obstacles would be thrown in the way of surrendering Louisiana, Mr. Jefferson called for a regiment of volunteers from Tennessee, to be present at the surrender.*
As has been elsewhere shewn, the Territorial Assembly had been prorogued by Gov. Blount until the first Monday of October, 1795. For reasons mentioned in his Message, he had called them together by proclamation, at an earlier pe- riod, June 29, 1795. Upon that day, the Legislative Council and the House of Representatives again assembled at Knox- ville, and there held the second session.
In the Message of the Governor, he said :
'* The principal object for which I have called you together, at an earlier period than that to which the (General Assembly stood pro- rogued, is to afford an opportunity to inquire whether it is, as I have been taught to believe, the wish of the majority of the people, that this Territory should become a State, when by taking the enumeration there flhoold prove to be sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, or at such earlier period as Congress shall pass an act for its admission ; and if it is, to take such measures as may be proper to effect the desired change of the form of government as early as practicable.
** Upon the head of Indian Affairs, I have the pleasure to inform you, that the prospect of peace between the United States and all the In- .-dian tribes or nations, are more pleasing than in any other period since the commencement of the war between Great Britain and the United States. I would not, however, in thus expressing myself, be understood that it is my opinion, that no more murders and thefts will be commit- ted by Indians upon the frontier citizens ; on the contrary, I believe, that while there is a tribe of Indians remaining on this side of the Mis- sissippi,! uncircumscribed by the citizens of the United States, that a description of them by the chie&, denominated bad young men, will continue, more or less, frequently to commit murders and thefts upon the frontier inhabitants ; but against that description of Indians, as well as all others, should an alteration of disposition take place, Congress, at the last session, by the augmentation of the militiry establishment^ have enabled the President to ^vo more effectual protection to the fron-> tier GiUzens than they have hitherto experienced."
* Blount Papers.
t This is believed to be the first intimatioD of the wie« policj, long afterwards rteommeoded by General Jackson, and adopted by the Goveromeai, of removing the Indian tribee to the west of the Miasi&iippi.
41
rLATTBBIIfG STATE OF TUG FISAKCBS.
" Mr. Sevier moved lor leave and presented a bill to estab- lish a College at Salem, in Washington county."
The bill establishing " Washington College, in honour of the illuslriyus President of th« United StalPH," was parsed and ordered lo be engrossed.
•' An Act, etc. "Wberens, tlie irfgiRlatura of North -Carolina ««Ub- liahed an academy in Washinglon couuly, by the name of Mtutio Aca- demy, which bascoodnued for ten or twelve yearn Daut, under the pre- sidency of the Rev. Sninuel Douk, and has l»een oi considerable uiilitT to the public, find affords a prospect of future UMf^ilnees, if invested witir ponera wid privilege* up pertaining to Collegea,"
The corporators were the Rev, Samuel Doak, Pre.sideDl. the Kev. Charles Cummins, Edward Cniwlbnl, John Coson, James Batch, Robert Henderson and Gideon Blackbam; Judge Joseph Anderson; General John Swvier; Colonels Landon Carter and Daniel Kennedy; Majors Leeroy Taylor and John Sevier; John Tipton. William Cocke, Archibald Roane, Joseph Hamilton, John Rhea, Samuel Mitchell, Jesse Payne, James Aiken and William Charles Cole Claibornet Esquires; Drs. William Holt and William Chester ; Messrs. David Deaderick. John Waddle, Jun., Alexander Matthews, John Nelson and John McAllister.
July 7. — In Council, Mr. Hevicr, from the Joint Commit- tee appointed for that purpose, offered the following addran to the Governor :
■< Sir : — ^The memberB of the Legitlative Council, and of the flooH • of It«preaentatives, b«g leave to eipren to your Excellency their uwo- bation of the object for whi<^ they were prindpally called tpgetMr; and feeling convinced that the great body of our constituents ar« aemi- Ue of the many defects of our present mode of government, and of lln grestand permanent advantages to be derived from a change and speedr Rpresentation in Congress, the Genera' AeAembly of this Territory wai, during the present session, endeavour to devise such means m mtij h$M a tendency to effect that desirable object ; and, in doing so, ve saall^bs happy in mseting with yonr Excellency's concurrence."
The Joint Committee, to whom was referred the report i^
itfae Treasorer of Washington and Hamilton DiBtriota,. give, in the conclnsion of their report, a flattering view of the condition of tht. finances :
" Yonr Committee beg leave to observe, that the monies, ariung fan tbe tax levied by the last Geneml Assembly, Terr much exceeds tbeii most saDguiDO expectationB ; and that sucb nill be the state cT the Treasury iJepartment, that the next Ux to be levied may be very nneh
BLOUNT COUNTY ESTABLISHED. 648
lenened, and then be fiillj commeiuurate and adequate to defray ereiy expenditure and necessary contingency of our government.''
The condition of the Treasury, thas favourably indicated through official sources, doubtless had its influence, in deter- mining public sentiment in the Territory to aspire to and assume the higher position of an independent State. The great increase of population, the preference of the inhabi- tants for a state form of government, and the importance of having an immediate representation of this large section of country in Congress, induced the Assembly to have a census of the people made, so as to ascertain whether the Territory contained sixty thousand people. Upon that question, there was little conflict of opinion. Non progredi est regredi^ is the Western maxim, and it was apparent that the Territo- rial Grovernment was approaching its end — a single dissen- tient was found in the Assembly.
The general sentiment, however, was otherwise, and the Legislature, reflecting the opinion of the people at large, passed an act for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the Territory, in which it was provided, that ^ if it shall appear that there are sixty thousand inhabitants therein, the Gov- ernor be authorized and requested to recommend to the peo- ple of the respective counties, to elect five persons of each county to represent them in Convention, to meet at Knoxville at such time as he shall judge proper, for the purpose of forming a constitution or form of government, for the per- manent government for the people who are or shall become residents upon the lands by the State of North-Carolina ceded to the United States." The act provides also, *' That each member of Convention shall be entitled to receive the same wages as a member of this present session of As- sembly.''
By an act passed by the Governor, Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the Territory, Knox county was divided and Blount county established. William Wal- lace, Joseph Black, Samuel Glass, David Craig, John Trim- ble, Alexander Kelly and Samuel Henry, were appointed Commissioners, to select the place for the county seat and erect county buildings. The act names the seat of jus-
044 COV. VAMDEKUOBeT SUGGESTS KUAO PBOH 80. CABOLUtA.
tice, Maryville. Tbis was out of respect to Mrs. Maiy Blount, the wife of the (Governor. The county was thus named for Governor Blount. The first Court was held at the house of Abraham Weaver. Blount county was attached to Hamilton District.
In September, of this year, Biouot county Court first met at the house of Abraham Weaver. William Wallace, Wii- Uara Lowry, Oliver Alexander, James Scott, David Craig and George Ewing, produced eommissions from Governor Blount, appointing them magistrates for the county. Wil- liam Wallace was elected Chairman : John McKee, Clerk ; Littlepage Simms, Sheriff; William Wallace, Register; Robert Rhea, Coroner.
July 8. — Up to this period, emigrants from North and South- Carolina had continued to reach the Territory, by the then usual channels of travel over the Yellow and Stone Moun- tains, and sometimes by the Good Spur route through Western Virginia nnd the valley of the Holston. On the 8lh of July, Governor Blount submitted to the Council " several papers, respecting the opening of a wagon road from Buncombe Court-House, in North-Carolina, to this Territory," and ifr- commended this important measure to their consideration. Tlie Council appointed a epecial committee, Menra. Ssviet;- aDd Taylor, with whom the House ajssociated Messrs. Wear, Cocke, Doherty and Taylin-, to whom that sub^t was re» fetred. They report:
"Tour Committee, to whom vbb refarred the retolnlios of tli« A^ Mmbly of South-Carolina, together with Governor Vanderhont't «i)d. Blotut'a letters, on the subject of cutting and opening a road tluoiigh., tiie eastern mountaias, report the following resolution :
SMohed, That his Excellencjr, Governor Blount, be authoriwd wai directed to appotat three ComtauBionen, to meet the three Caiaii6msm* era appointed by the State of South- Carolina, to deliberate and conanl^ op measnres, for the purpose of cutting and opening a road throng)i the eastern monnta&u, and report unto our next Genei'al Aasembty (he remit of their oonference ; alao, the practicabili^ and probable flxpanae- of outtiag and opening tlra aaid read the neaieat aad beet roxta thnii^> the mountuDs."
The Governor was alflo authorized to draw *' a sum oat o{ the Treasury, not exceeding one bundred dollar^" to d^wje tbe expense -of the CjDDunisuoBen. .-..,.
TERRITORIAL OOVBRNrnKT TSRMIKATIfl. 645
The consideration of other subjects before the Legisla- ture, was postponed. The conviction had become general, that the Territorial would soon be superseded by a State Government, and to its counsels and authority, the pre- sent Assembly chose to confide whatever was defective or immature in their own legislation. The session was a short one — ^but of thirteen days continuance.
The Council informed the House by message, ** The bu- siness being about to be brought to a close, this evening, we propose that a message be sent to the Governor, informing him of the same, and request to be prorogued,'' — which being concurred in by the House, the Governor sent the fol- lowing message —
"William Blouft, Governor in and over the Territory of the United States of America, south of the River Ohio.
" To the President and Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and the Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : — The business of this session being completed, the General Assembly is pro- rogued, sine die.
" Given under my hand and seal, at Enoxville, July 11, 1795.
Wm. Blount.
By the Gov. — ^Thomas H. Wiluams, Pro /Sw'y."
Governor Blount, in the reception of a liberal salary from the United States Treasury, and from the resources of an ample private fortune, had been able to indulge his disposi- tion to entertain freely and even elegantly. The style of his receptions was, necessarily, below that of Philadelphia and Wilmington, but it was from the condition of things, scarcely less expensive to the liberal host, who, in the infancy of society around and in Knoxvillc, left no means unemployed to manifest a hospitality at once worthy of the chief magis- trate, and creditable to the gentleman. The older citizens still refer to the last years of the Territorial Government, as furnishing models of refinement and etiquette, of gentility and polish, seldom seen in a new community. Not the up- start consequence, and assumed superiority of suddenly ac- quired wealth and unexpected promotion ; but the genuine politeness, ease, grace and cordiality, the result and accom- paniment of innate good feelings, sterling worth, and ad- mitted respectability. The court of Governor Blount was
tiuo^spi by stnat^n aadt gentkoitaw. •'oitiik^ tlia aelil of GoTernmeBt flrom, ^ pavte. of Uie Uiii<m' oiat^liwiMH^.ar ftr onriomty A^d pleaauie* . J^jp^b and.^tiMtairtiiwifti l)eeMn> fteqnent mid cmwdad. TlierjS was wwtfaigrof tMiinBi ^tifed Pajrisian saloon, the aervaiitB ia Uvery» aiid4|U..oCllM flstuior dT a i^aoeI|r niapifioenft ratortainmoBti . Bat jtheqi^ timpo wai what is far betfer--4ha. ooidiali^ a»d the aboq^ oCoaraii iiumy,-aiid tha wivrm-Hieaned iud biothmly gtaetisg^ wittiiMit which, aU l(ho attraction of oonviYiality. ate jmiptj wd ▼aloalBSS. . ...
At B^<^. asfombla^^esy each guestiblt.liimselC. tfaiB G<fr- ▼emdr's &T0Qritc. Ocnscipos private .worth and af^a^oMgi^i and fidelity in the public service, were assored x^. his rqpud aod his civility, though dad in the plaln^ V^ orpresgnted
tlMi Hnnfiiig shirt or paeii in a Xeam imposiiiig estericr* :1!Wa
■ *- I ■■ ■■ ■
•r •• -
THE STATB OF TENMSSSH. 647
CHAPTER Vm.
THE STATE OF TENNESSEE.
More than a quarter of a century had now passed, since VlW \ ^^^ germ of civilization had been planted by the pio- ( neers of Tennessee upon the banks of the Watauga. Their progress westward has been given in the preced- ing pages, with such account of their civil and military annals, and their social advancement, as the limited supply of material within the writer's command, has enabled him to furnish. Under the simplest form of government, the patri- archal system of Robertson and Carter, and their associates on Watauga, we have seen the infancy of Tennessee — au- guring bright hope and brilliant expectation for its future. That hope and expectation we have seen gloriously realized in the active participation of the western volunteers in the American Revolution. With the establishment of their Na- tional Independence, we have noticed the origin and growth of empire in the West — the wish to govern themselves under a sovereignty purely western. We have traced the rise, progress and fall of the ancient Commonwealth of Franklin. We have given the history of the Territory of the United States south of the River Ohio. In all these varied periods of her growth, we have seen much to admire, little to cen- sure or condemn, in the Annals of our proud State. Here and there a youthful indiscretion or a wrong-doing, which time, reflection and experience, have promptly corrected. Now and then, an act of disobedience, or a feeling of insub- ordination, soon after atoned for, by dutiful afiection and filial regard ; always a manly assertion of the rights and privile- ges of grown-up sons, without a perverse and stubborn dis- position to cast off or rebel against rightful authority. An impatience, sometimes, to set up for and govern themselves, rather than wilful disobedience, filial impiety or unfraternal feeling. Her infancy, youth, boyhood, had been well passed,
and TeBiMasM lud now attsiaed the growth, ftpd Ttgou; ttBd ■trength, and itately proportioni of a ftill |p«VB ownhaod. jSlsreafier die will, hsfliDtlaedi as VAtoto, five, Independent Wd lOTereigii, and amember of the Atnerieaa Union. ■ la aeoordanoe witli the provlnona of the aet of Ae Terrt* ' torial Govenunefi^^ Jaly 11, 1796, anVMimera^on t^liw Inhabitants of the Territory wal made. The fteolt* of that •Bamer^ea; AM ftwd in the Mhm^ng' tduMk, ««4n^ Btihedbjr Gonnwr Bhaat, and afterwards tagiuMvAkf Uk U Qeorge Waihtnctoo, tnaUaut of theUnttfld'Stata*.
TCKBITOKT OF THE U. SlATKS OP AmSRICA IHOI7TB OV TUB RiVBK ObIO.
Sekedule of the aggregaU amount of taeh deieription of ptrsont, U^ettt ogretaMy to " An act providing for the enumeration of the inhili- tanta of the Territory of the United Stales of America south of ilu Rivtr Ohio ;" paaatd July 11, 1795.
^ -b>b
!£
I, William Blodht, Qovenior id and over the Territoiy of tLe United Ststes of America soutli of the lUver Ohio, do certify that this schedule k made in conformitf with the schednlee of the aheriffi of the reepee- tiTC couDlies in the said Territory, and that the Echedulea of tlie nid aherifia are lodged in mjr offioe.
Qiven under m^' hand, at EnoiviUe, SToTember 28, l^OS.
WiLLiAH Blouht.
From this ennmeratioD it appears, that more than one- third of the voters in the Territory, were opposed to the formation of the State Government. This opposition was strongest in the Cumberland counties : only ninety-six in Davidson, and fiAy-eight in Tennessee county, voting in its favour ; while east of Cumberland Mountain, the majority for the new State was large, approaching, in Blount and
oovEENOR bloukt's froclam ation. 040
Sevier, almost to ananimity, occasioned probably by the peculiar situation of their land titles. Governor Blount and the officers of his government, were understood to be decidedly in favour of the State organization, and General Sevier and his adherents zealously so. '' Sevier and his Cap- tains" were still omnipotent.
The Territory was found to contain more than the num- ber of inhabitants, requisite by the Ordinance creating it, to authorize the formation of a State Government, and Go- vernor Blount issued his proclamation.
"William Blount, Governor in and over the Territory of the United States of America south of the River Ohio, to the people thereof;
Whereas, by an act passed on the 1 1th day of July last, entitled ^ An act providing for the enumeration*of the inhabitants of the Terri- tory of the United States of America south of the River Ohio,*' it is enacted, " that if upon taking the enumeration of the people in the stud Territory as by that directed, it shall appear that there are sixty thou- sand inhabitants therein, counting the whole of the free persons, inclu- ding those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, and adding three-fifths of all other persons, the Governor be authorized and requested to recommend to the people of the re- spective counties to elect five persons for each county, to represent them in convention, to meet at Knoxville, at such time as he shall judge proper, for the purpose of forming a constitution or permanent form of government.'^
And whereas, upon taking the enumeration of the inhabitants of the ■aid Territory, as by the act directed, it does appear that there are sixty ihousand free inhabitants therein, and more, besides other persons: Now I, the said William Blount, Governor, &c., do recommend to the people of the respective counties to elect five persons for each county, on the 18th and 19th days of December next, to represent them in a convention to meet at Knoxville, on the 1 1th day of January next, for the purpose of forming a constitution or permanent form of govern- ment
And to the end that a perfect uniformity in the election of the mem- bers of convention may take place in the respective counties, I, the said "William Blount, Governor, <!^c, do further recommend to the sherifi^ or their deputies, respectively, to open and hold polls of election for mem- bers of convention, on the 18th and 19th days of December, as afore- said, in the same manner as polls of election have heretofore been held lor members of the General Assembly ; and that all free males, twenty- one years of age and upwards, be considered entitled to vote by ballot for ^ve persons for members of convention ; and that the sherifis or their deputies, holding such polls of election, give certificates to the five persons in each county, having the greatest number of votes, of their Deing duly elected members of convention.
650 COMVBMTIOM OF TEXMIMBB
And I, the said William Blount, Governor, d^c^ think proper here to declare, that this recommendation is not intended to have, nor ought to have, any effect whatever upon the present temporary form of government ; and that the present temporary form will continue to he exercised in the same manner as if it had never been issued, until the convention shall have formed and published a constitution or peimanent form of government.
Done at Knoxvilie, November twenty-eight, one thousand seven hun- dred and ninety-five.
Wm. Blouxt. By the Gov. — Willie Blouutt, Fro Secretary,
In accordance with this proclamation, elections were held for five members of Convention, from each of the eleven counties in the Territory. These assembled on the day ap- pointed, Jan. 11, at Knoxvilie.
Besides the members, there was an immense gathering of the more enlightened, patriotic and influential citizens, from all parts of the Territory, and some from other states. Knoxvilie had never before contained more intelligence and weight of character. The occasion demanded wisdom and moderation, public spirit and public virtue — and these were there.
PROCEEDiNGS OF THE CONVENTION OF 1795.
The following members appeared at Knoxvilie, produced their credentials, and took their seats, to wit :
From the County of Blount — David Craig, James Greena- way, Joseph Black, Samuel Glass, James Houston.
From the County of Davidson — John McNairy, Andrew Jackson, James Robertson, Thomas Hardeman, Joel Lewis.
From the County of Greene — Samuel Frazier, Stephen Brooks, William Rankin, John Galbreath, Elisha Baker.
From the County of Hawkins — James Berry, Thomas Henderson, Joseph McMinn, William Cocke, Richard Mitch- ell.*
Fj'om the County of Jefferson — Alexander Outlaw, Joseph Anderson, George Doherty, William Roddye, Archibald Roane.
* Mr. Mitchell atill sanriyesi and is believed to be the only living member of the ConvcDtioQ of 1796.
MBSn AT KVOXVILLM. 651
From the County of Knox — William Blount, James White, Charles McClung, John Adair, John Crawford.
From the County of Sullivan — George Rutledge, William C» C. Claiborne, John Shelby, Jun., John Rhea, Richard Gammon.
Frcm the County of Sevier — Peter Bryan, Samuel Wear, Spencer Clack, John Clack, Thomas Buckenham.
From the County of Tennessee — Thomas Johnston, James Ford, William Port, Robert Prince, William Prince.
From the County qf Washington — Landon Carter, John Tipton, Leeroy Taylor, James Stuart, Samuel Handley.
From the County of Sumner — D. Shelby, Isaac Walton, W. Douglass, Edward Douglass, Daniel Smith.
The Convention proceeded to the choice of a President, when William Blount was unanimously elected and conduct- ed to the chair. William Maclin was chosen secretary, and John Sevier, Jun., reading and engrossing clerk. John Rhea was appointed door-keeper.
On motion of Mr. White, seconded by Mr. Roddye, — Or- dered— ^That the session commence to-morrow with prayer, and a sermon to be delivered by Rev. Mr. Carrick.
The rules for the government of the Convention were, with slight modifications, the same that had been adopted by the House of Representatives of the Territorial Assem- bly, Aug. 6, 1794.
The per diem of the members of the Convention had been fixed by the Territorial Legislature, at two dollars and a half; no provision, however, had been made for the pay of its secretary f printer, and other officers.
The Convention, on the second day of its session, exhib- ited a singular instance of disinterestedness and economy.
**0n motion of Mr. Claiborne, seconded by Mr. Rut- ledge :
JSesolvedy That economy is an amiable trait in any government, and that in fixing the salaries of the officers thereof, the situation and re- aonrces of the country should be attended to.
Besolved^ That ten shillings and sixpence, Virginia currency, per day to every member, is a sufficient compensaUon for his services in the Convention, and one dollar for every thirty miles they travel in coming to and returning from the Convention ; and that the members pledge
652 CONBnTUTK>V OF TBirVBfltIB ADOPTID.
themselves, each one to the other, that they will not draw a greater Bum out of the public treasury."
The second resolution was amended by substitating one dollar and fifty cents for ten shillings and sixpence, Virginia currency, and, thus amended, was unanimously adopted. On motion of Mr. Robertson, seconded by Mr. Ford, ** Resolved^ That the House proceed to appoint two mem- bers from each county, to draft a constitution, and that each county name their members." Messrs. Craig and Black were nominated for Blount.
*' McNairy and Jackson " Davidson.
** Frazier and Rankin " Greene.
" Cocke and Henderson *' Hawkins.
" Anderson and Roddye *• Jefferson.
•' Blount and McClung " Knox.
*' Claiborne and Rhea '* Sullivan.
** Shelby and Smith •' Sumner.
" Wear and John Clack, ** Sevier.
" Johnston and Fort " Tennessee.
" Tipton and Stuart " Washington.
** On motion of Mr. McMinn, the opinion of the House was taken, whether a Bill of Rights be prefixed to the Con- stitution ; and having decided that in the affirmative, the House directed the Committee to present as early as possi- ble a Declaration or Bill of Rights, to be prefixed to the Con- stitution."
Mr. Smith, Chairman, presented to the Convention a draft of the Bill of Rights. It was considered in Committee of the Whole, Mr. Robertson in the chair. In like manner, a draft of the Constitution was, on the 27th of January, " de- livered in at the Secretary's table and read." The next day it was taken up, referred to the Committee of the Whofe, and considered and amended until the Gth of February, when *' the engrossed copy of the Constitution was read and passed unanimously."
The debates of the Convention are not given in the Jour- nal. They are not to be found elsewhere. A single mem- ber of that patriotic body survives. Accounts, therefore, of its more minute transactions are meagre, and the details of
DBBATEB OF THE OONVBNTION. 658
the views of members, and their position upon subjects about which a conflict of sentiment liad arisen, can be gathered only from the ayes and noes — as occasionally called for du- ring the session — and from the recollections of the few sur- viving contemporaries of these sages of 1706.
The session of the Convention was short, extending to only twenty-seven days. Its deliberations are said to have been marked by great moderation and unusual harmony, ftnd to have been conducted throughout with singular cour- tesy, good feeling and liberality. The speeches of members were, therefore, probably few and short. They had met more with the purpose of deliberating for the public good, than f6r the exhibition of talents and eloquence. ' Early in the session, Mr. Outlaw presented a grave ques- tion to the Convention, viz : '' whether the Legislature con- sist of two Houses." In Committee of the Whole, it was decided in the affirmative. On motion of Mr. McNairy, seconded by Mr. Cocke, a question of equal gravity was next considered, viz : '^ whether the two branches in the Legisla- ture shall consist of equal numbers and of equal powers, and if the whole number elected should be odd, then by bal- lot to determine to which House the odd member belongs.^' In Committee of the Whole, it was determined ** that the legislative power be vested in two Houses, of equal num- bers and of equal powers ;" and so reported to the Conven- tion. This report was, however, re-considered the next day, on motion of Mr. McNairy, and seconded by Mr. Rhea, and ** amended so as to read as follows : in lieu of the words, two Houses, insert one House of Representatives, and that no bill or resolution shall be passed, unless by two-thirds of the whole number of members present." This amendment was concurred in by the Convention, but the next morning a re-consideration was again ordered, on motion of Mr. Rod- dye, seconded by Mr. Fort, and " two branches, a Senate and House of Representatives,'^ again inserted. This amend- ment, too, was adopted by the Committee, on motion of Mr. Cocke, seconded by Mr. Jackson. " Mr. Anderson moved that the report of the Committee be amended, by striking oat the word Senate^ which passed in the negative.^'
** It was then moved by Mr. Claiborne, and seconded by .
654 DBCIBION OH BETBRAL aUBVnOHB.
Mr. Carter, that the report be amended as follows: thattlie Senate have only a qualified negative, and that a bill, not- withstanding their dissent, shall become a law, provided two-thirds of the House of Representatives concur in its passage, which passed in the negative."
Later in the session, ** it was moved by Mr. Outlaw, and seconded by Mr. Anderson, whether it is the sense of this House, that if we should not be admitted by Congress as a member State of the General Government, that we shonld continue to exist as an independent State." ** Mr. Cocke moved the postponement of the question, which was objected to ; the question was then put, and carried in the affirmative."
An ineifectual attempt was made by Mr. Hendersoo, to extend the right of suffrage to '' all persons who have done duty in the militia ;^ and by Mr. Outlaw, ** to all persons liable by law to do militia duty ;*' and by Mr. Anderson, to change the system of voting by ballot to the viva voce plan.
The original draft of the Constitution* provided, in
'* Article VIII, Sec. 1. — Whereas^ the ministers of the Gospel are, bf their professions, dedicated to God and tbe care of aoula, and oiurht noik to bo' diverted from the great duties of their functions ; thererore, no minister of the Gospel, or priest of any denomination whatever, shall, un- der any pretence or description, be eligible to or capable of holding anj civil or military ofBco, or place of trust, within this state." On motion of Mr. Carter, seconded by Mr. Jackson, this was amended, so as to read after the word ** eligible, to a seat in either branch of the Legislature."
It was through the efforts of William Blount, that the Convention adopted the 29th section of the Bill of Rights— ** That an equal participation of the free navigation of the Mississippi, is one of the inherent rights of the citizens of this State ; it cannot, therefore, be conceded to any prince, potentate, power, person or persons whatever.*
In section 31st of the Bill of Rights, adopted with the Constitution, it is provided — " That the people residing south of French Broad and Holston, between the Rivers Tennessee and Big Pigeon, are entitled to the right of pre-emption and occupancy in that tract." This right was secured to them by the fraincrs of the Constitution, in consideration of the value to the country of these settlements. These brave pioneers had extended themselves as a barrier between the
* Blount Paptr*.
1A0K80N BVQQBBTM THE NAMB TENHBBSBB. 655
older settlements and the Indians — maintaining their ground, without titles to their lands, from 1783 to 1790 ; living there, part of this interim, without the benefit of law, en- during trouble, encountering danger, and exposed to pillage, massacre and death. The privilege of pre-emption was richly deserved.
A further privilege was granted to these inhabitants. ** Until a Land Office shiall be opened, so as to enable the citizens south of French Broad and Holston, between the Rivers Tennessee and Big Pigeon, to obtain titles upon their claims of occupancy and pre-emption, those who hold land, by virtue of such claims, shall be eligible to serve in all capacities where a freehold is, by this Constitution, made a . requisite qualification.''
. It is tradition, that the beautiful name given to our State, in the Convention, was suggested by General Jackson. The members from the cou.ity of Tennessee consented to the loss of that name, if it should be transferred to the whole State. Its principal river still retained its aboriginal name, and the Convention adopted it, in preference to others that were spoken of. In euphony and smoothness, it compares well with those of her sister coterminous states, Alabama, Missis- sippi, Arkansas, Missouri and Kentucky ; and, at the same time, is more American, less European, than her venerable mother, Carolina, or Virginia and Georgia.
The Convention had approached nearly to the end of its labours, Saturday, February 6, 1796.
** Mr. McCIung, Chairman of the Committee'appointed to draw up an estimate of the expenses of the Conyention, reported the following esti- mate of the wages of the Convention, clerks and door-keeper, began and held at Enoxville on the 11th day of January, and ending the 6th day of February, 1796, allowing one dollar and fifty cents per day for each member, and one dollar for every thirty miles' travelling to and returning from the same, agreeably to a unanimous resolution of the Convention of the 12th January; two dollars and fifty cents per day to the clerks, and two dollars to the door-keeper.*'
In addition to the per diem of the members and officers of the Convention, an estimate was made
For seats for the Convention. - - - $10 00
Three and a half yards of oil cloth, - - - 2 62
656 ooNiTiTVTioy of tennbssbb forwabobd
So small was the expenditure of a primitive people for the furniture of the Convention Chamber, and the covering of the President's and Secretary's tables. They were in ex- act correspondence with the room in which the session was held. It was the office of David Henley, Esq., Agent of the Department of War, a small building then in the outer part of Knoxville, and still surrounded by standing trees of the ancient forest. It was afterwards used as a school house. The older citizens can point out to the curious where the old Convention-house stood, but no vestige of it has been pre- served. The vandalism of modern times has razed its foun- dation, and consigned it to oblivion.
The Convention had generously relinquished a large pro- portion of the daily pay of its own members, and they re- commended the application of that amount to the following purposes :
^ Resolved^ That it is the unanimous wish of the members of this Convention, that the monies appropriated to their use by law, and not by them received, may be appropiated by the General Assembly to the payment of the secretary, clerk, printer and door-keeper, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay them for their services ; and that the printer be directed to print fifty copies of the Constitution, and ten copies of the Journal for each county, to be delivered to the members of this Convention, and by them to be distributed for the information and bene- fit of the citizens."*
The President of the Convention was instructed *' to take the Constitution into his safe keeping, until a Secretary shall be appointed and qualified to office under it, and then to de- liver it to him," and also to " forward, as early as practica- ble, by an express, a copy to the Secretary of State for the United States." The President was further " authorized and directed to issue writs of election to Sheriffs of the several counties, for holding the first election of members of the General Assembly, and a Governor, under the authority of the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, to bear test of this date."
* This small edition was, of course, soon exhausted, and at the time of this wri- ting, a copy can scarcely be found. The writer is indebted, for the copy now befors him, to ihe politeness and research of the Hon. Chancellor Reeso, President oi tb« East Tennessee Historical and Antiquarian Society.
\
' TO BSCRBTAST OF BTATE. 657
. Agreeably to these instructions of the Convention, the President promptly forwarded, on the 9lh of February, a copy of the Constitution to Mr. Pickering, as Secretary of State. It was sent by one of the members from Hawkins county, Joseph McMiHn, Esq., who was instructed to remain long enough at the seat of the Federal Government, to ascertain whether the members of Congress from Tennessee would be allowed to take their seats in the National Legislature. Mr. White, the Territorial delegate in that body, was urged by Mr. McMihn, to apply for the admission of the State of Tennessee into the Union.
The Constitution of the State of Tennessee, as formed by the Convention of 1796, need not be here given, as it is to be found at large in several political compilations. It is ad- mitted to be one of the very best — Mr. Jefferson said, " the least imperfect and most republican" — of the systems of go- vernment adopted by any of the American States. For about forty years it was considered so unobjectionable, and 80 satisfactory to the people of Tennessee, that all efforts to amend it failed to receive their sanction till 1835, when it was changed, and the present Constitution substituted in its stead.
FIRST LEGISLATURE OF TENNESSEE.
Writs of election, bearing date the 6th of February, were issued by the President of the Convention to the Sheriffs of the several counties, requiring them to hold the first election of members of the General Assembly, and Governor of the State of Tennessee, and designating the 28th of March, as the day on which the new Legislature of the new State should assemble. The election was held accordingly, and the members elect were furnished by the returning officers of their respective counties with the necessary credentials. Upon the day appointed, the Legislature met at Knoxville. The following members constituted the
Senate.
James Ford, from the county of Tennessee.
James Winchester, " Sumner.
42
6W m0T umsLAToms w tmm
|
James White, |
from the eoanty of Knox. |
|
|
George Doherty, |
a |
Jefferson. |
|
Samuel Frasier, |
cs |
Greene.'^ |
|
• John Tipton, |
M |
Washington. |
|
George Ratledge» |
M |
Sallivan. |
|
John Claek, |
i4 |
Sevier. |
|
Alexander Kelly, |
U |
Bloant. |
|
Joel Lewiflv |
U |
Davidson. |
|
Joseph MoMlnn, |
M |
Hawkins. |
Mr. White proposed for Speaker, James Winehester, IBm^ who was unanimously chosen and condueted to the diair. *
March 20. — ^Francis A. Ramsey was appointed Clerk; Nathaniel Boekingham, Assistant Clerk ; Thomas Bem^ Door-keeper.
Tm Houss or Rbpsbsshtativbs.
James Houston and Joseph Blacky ^ from' the county of Bfennt.
Robert Weakley and Seth Lewis^ from tfie county .<rf Dsp vidson.
Joseph Conway and John Gass, from the county of Greene.
John Cocke and Thomas Henderson, from the county of Hawkins.
Alexander Outlaw and Adam Peck, from the county of Jefferson.
John M enefee and John Crawford, from the county of Knox.
John Rhea and David Looney, from the county of Sullivan.
Spencer Clack and Samuel Newell, from the county of Sevier.
Stephen Cantrell and William Montgomery, from the county of Sumner.
Thomas Johnston and William Ford, from the county of Tennessee.
John Blair and James Stuart, from the county of Wash- ington.
James Stuart was unanimously chosen Speaker ; Thomas H. Williams, Clerk ; John Sevier, Jun., Assistant Clerk ; John Rhea, Door-keeper.
The organization of the two Houses being thus com*
I
JOHN SCTIES IN A0GT7RATED GOVERHOX. W9
pleted, cotnmanicatiotis were exchanged between them, that each was ready to proceed to business.
The two Houses met in the Representative Chamber, for the purpose of opening and publishing the returns of the elections in the severaff counties for Governor. From these, ** it appears that citizen John Sevier is duly and constitu- tionally elected Governor of this State, which was accord- ingly announced by the Speaker of the Senate, in presence ef both Houses of the General Assembly.**
The same day, a Joint Committee, viz : Lewis, Ford and Kelly, of the Senate, and Outlaw, Blair, Cocke, Johnston, Newell and Fort, of the House, was raised, ** to wait on his Excellency John Sevier, and request his attendance in the House of Representatives, to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, to be qoalifled agreeably to the Constitution of the State of Ten- nessee.'*
Another Joint Committee was directed also to wait upon Governor Blount, to inform him of the time and place ap» pointed for the qualification of his successor in office, and to request his attendance there. By another Committee an oath of office was prescribed, to be administered to the Go- Temor elect. Some conflict of opinion existed between the two Houses, respecting the qualification of the Governor by the Judges, the Senate insisting that that duty devolved upon their Clerk. Upon a reconsideration, however, the Senate concurred in appointing a Committee ** to wait upon the Judges, and request their attendance to qualify the Governor.'*
March dOth. — *^ Both Houses having convened in the Re- presentative Chamber, the several oaths prescribed were duly administered by the Honourable Joseph Anderson.**
After his inauguration, Grovernor Sevier presented the fol- lowing address :
^Gentienun of the Senate and Jffauee of Bepresentativee : — ^The high and honourable appointment conferred upon roe by the free Buftage of my oouDtrymen, tills my breast with gratitude, which, I trust, my future life will manifest I take this early opportunity to express, through yoo, my thanks in the strongest terms of acknowledgment I shall laboui to discharge with fidelity the trust reposed in me ; and if such ray exer- tioDB shomd prove satisfactory, the first wish of my heart will be grati- fied.
660 ELBOTION OF 8SNATORS FROM TENNK88UB.
" (Gentlemen — accept of my beet wishes for jour it^diyidual and pubtio happiness ; and, relying upon your wisdom and patriotism, I have no doubt but the result of your deliberations will give permanency and ^success to our new system of government, so wisely calculated to secure the liberty, and advance the happiness and prosperity of our fellow citi- zens. John Sevisb.'*
The machinery of the new State was not yet fully in mo- tion. Its Legislature was organized and in session — its Go- vernor had just been inaugurated according to the forms prescribed by the Constitution — ^but its sovereignty was not represented in the councils of the Union. The duty remained unperformed, of electing Senators for the State of Tennessee to the Congress of the United States. The mode adopted, in 1706, was somewhat different from that which obtains in the present day.
^ Mr, Speaker and Gentlemen of the Senate : — ^This House propose to proceed to the election of the two Senators to represent this State in the Congress of the United States, and that the Senate and House of Representatives do convene in the House of Representatives for that
Jurpose to-morrow, at 10 o'clock, and do propose Mr. William Blount, [r. William Cocke and Mr. Joseph Anderson, as candidates for the Se- nate.''
The Senate replied:
" Mr, Speaker and Gentlemen : — W^ concur with your message as to the time and place of the election by you proposed, and propose Dr. James White* to be added to the nomination, as a candidate for the Senate.
" The Senate and House of Representatives having convened in the Representative Chamber, William Blount and William Cocke were duly and constitutionally elected."
A Joint Committee was then appointed *' to prepare an address to Messrs. William Blount and William Cocke, in- forming them of their being elected to represent this State in the Congress of the United States." Mr. White, Chair- man of that Committee, reported the following address :
Citizen William Blount, late Governor of the Territory of the United
States of America, south of the River Ohio:
Sir: — Impressed with the grateful remembrance of your conduct du- ring the time you was Governor of the Territory south of the River Ohio, now the State of Tennessee, the General Assembly of the said
* Judge Anderson and Dr. White were subsequently withdrawn by mesiages duly interchanged between the two Houses.
ADDRB88 OF TAB LEGIST^ATURE TO THR 8KNATUR8. 661
State, in the name of the people thereof, over whom you formerly pre- sided, embrace the earliest moment to testify to you their entire appro- bation of your conduct and attention to promote their happiness during your continuance in that office, the exercise of which was rendered more difficult and arduous, by the frequent inroads of the neighbouring na* tions of Indians. We recollect, with pleasure, that under your admin- istration, we, as a people, have experienced growing energy and in- creasing power. That your exertions, in subordination to the Federal Government, have been the cause of the present peace, which for some time past, has existed between us and the adjoining Indian tribes, and which, we hope, will long exist, on the principles you have established.
The Territorial GU)vernment now being ended, we will only say, in respect thereof, that if the exercise, alone, of a Government, constituted on the principles it was, could render a people happy under it, we should have been so. We rejoice that while, the Territorial Government has dosed with honour to you, it has left us in a state of prosperity and peace.
You are now, sir, called by the unanimous voice of a free people, to represent them in the Senate of the United States of America — the highest proof in their power to offer, <^ their confidence in your integ- rity and ability to serve them.
Jamks White, Chairman.
To the other Senator elect, the committee presented the following address :
Citizen \ William Cocke : — ^Your fellow-citizens have called you to represent them in the Senate of the United States of America. Im- pressed with recollections of your past conduct, from an early period of the settlement of our common country, they have given you this testi- mony of the confidence they repose in your integrity and abilities to serve them.
James White, Chairman.
To these addresses, citizen Blount and citizen Cocke re- plied. Mr. Blount says :
Mr, Speaker and Gentlemen of the Senate^ and Mr, Speaker and Gen- tlemen of the House of Representatives :
The entire approbation of the people, of my conduct in office, by you teatified, is the highest reward I could receive. Accept, gentlemen, mcf thanks for the prompt and warm manner in which you have been pleased to convey it to me.
With you I hope that the peace which exists between the citizens of the United States and the Indian tribes will long continue ; as in peace con- nmts the happiness and prosperity of both parties ; and thus impreased, it shall be my duty, in whatever situation I may be placed, tu use mj efforts to its preservation.
I feel, as I ought, the unanimous call of my fellow-citizens, to repre- sent them in the Senate of the United States, and shall devote mysdf
WJHmoa OF JVDQIS AXI> OTSBK QfVIGVMi
to the promotioii of their inierettii as &r ask oownrtont with thai oCtho wholo Dody politic^^ wkwh they aio a part Aeoepti gentlemen, my beat wMhea Amt your iii£nd«al hiq[>raeea*
Mr. Cocke's reply : ;.
• 0m(&m«ft: — ^I aooept of the appdntment oonfeiTed iipon me hy die General AeeemUy. It will be my fint| my greatest wnh, to mrooiofee the intereate of oar oommon oonntey. The hwonrof aerring afteeaad eafiebtened people, tb truly flattering, and my hiriieit sewanL will aoir jMt in my oondnot continuing to meet their apprmftion.
AcMpt, gentlemen, my reapeebk
. WxuujftGooia. , ' Jamm WnroHinrKR, S. 8., : Jambs SruABT, S. H. B.
William Maclin was eleoted Secretory of State ; Jeia McNairy, Willie Blount* and Archibald Roane were eleoted Judges of the Superior Courts of Law and Equity.
Landon Carter was eleoted Treasurer of die Diatriota of Washington and Hamilton, and William Black, iVeasatwr of the District of Mere.
. ■ The condition of the eitisens of Tennessee inhabiting the section of the State south of French Broad and Holston, was peculiar. It had been settled partly under treaties witk the Indians, held under the authority of the State of Franklin. The inhabitants were yet without perfect titles to their lands, and holding them only by the right of occupancy, were ap- prehensive of future disturbance. Governor Sevier early brought the subject before the Legislature by the following message :
Mr, Speaker and Gentlemen of the Legislature :
Permit me to remark to your honourable body, that, as our Senators are about to proceed to the Federal Legislature, it may not be inexpe- dient to remind them of the necessity of taking under consideration, the embarrassed situation, claimants of land are under, to those sonth of the line concluded on in the treaty of Holston, and now within the In- dian boundary.
In my humble opinion, it is a matter of great public importance, and particularly interesting to the State and to individuids, to either have the
'John McNairy decliDed this appointment, and Howell Tatnm, Esq^ of Bafid- ■00, was oommiBsioned in hia place, May l2tli, 1*707. Willie Bloant also decUned* and his place was filled by W. C. C. Claiborae, of Sallivan county, oommiosioDed -September 28th, 1796. April 9Ui, 1796 — John C. Hamilton, Esq., was appoint- ed Attorney for the State, vice Howell Tatum, appointed Judge.
INSTRUCTION TO 8KNAT0KS. 663
Indian cUims extinguished, or the adventurers compenBated for thor lands.
I have no doubt but you will take the premises under due delibera- tion, and give your Senators such instructions as you, in your wisdom, nay deem necessary and advisable.
John Ssvibiu
The subject was at once referred to a Select Committee, who reported the following resolation —
Resolved^ That it be an instruction to the Senators and Bepresenta- tives of this State in the Congress of the United States, to state to that body, that it is essential to the preservation of peace, between the In* dian Tribes and the United States, that measures be by them takeJr to relieve and quiet the grantees of lands under the State of North-Caro- lina, the possession of which is guaranteed to the Indians by treaty, which claim we wish extinguished, and the claimants put in peaoeabto possession of their lands.
Thomas Johnson, Ch.
The bill to preclude persons of a certain description, from bdng admit- ted as witnesses, Ice, was then taken up, to which Mr. Gass proposed tibe following amendment : Be it enacted, by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee — That from and after the passing of this Act, if any person in this State shall publicly deny the being of a God, and a future state of rewards and punishments, or shall publicly deny the divine authonty of the Old and New Testaments, on being convicted thereof by the testimony of two witnesses, shall forfeit and pay the sum of dollars for every such offence, etc
The foregoing amendment being received, the question was taken on the passage of the amended bill, which was carried. Whereupon the yeas and nays were called for —
Teas. — Blair, Black, Conway, Clack, Crawford, Gass, Houston, Johnson, Looney, Montgomery, Newell, Outlaw, Peck and Weakley. Nays, — Cantrell, Co<^e, Fort, Henderson, Lewis, Menefee and Rhea. Mr. Lewis entered the following protest —
To this question we enter our dissent, as we conceived the law to be an inferior species of persecution, which is always a violation of the law of nature ; and also that it is a violation of our constitution.
Seth Lewis, John Cooke, William Fort, John Rhea, Stephen Cantrell, John Menefee, Thomas Henderson. The bill, with the amendment, was, upon its first reading in the Senate, rcgected.
Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, were elected by joint ballot of the two Houses, and
664 ROBSRTBOV AND MONTGOmUtY LAID OFF
not by the people, as now provided for in Tennessee and most of the other States. Joseph Greer, Daniel Smith, Hugh Neilson and Joseph Anderson, were elected.
Upon the same day, Hopkins Lacy wa^ elected Attorney- General for Washington District ; John Lowry for Hamil- ton, and Howell Tatum, for Mero District.
The day preceding the adjournment of the Legislature, Go- Yernor Sevier, by message, brought to the attention of the Legislature, the condition of the frontier, and recommended friendship with the Indians, as the principal mode of security and defence. He notices the large emigration to the State, and that the soldiers of the late campaigns were still un- paid for their services ; he proposes, with the leave of the Leg- islature, to attend in person at the next session of Congress, to urge upon that body the payment to the troops for their hazardous and toilsome services."
To which a Joint Committee, appointed for that purpose, replied — ^That while they were sensible of the necessity of preserving the existing peace, and were most solicitous that Congress should not only provide for the defence of the fron- tier, but also make full compensation for the payment of the troops heretofore employed in that service, yet they did not advise the visit of the Governor to Congress, and suggested that the duty he proposed to assume in that behalf, should be devolved on the members of Congress from Tennessee.
At this session, Tennessee county was divided, and the counties of Robertson and Montgomery established out of its territory. The former was so named in honour of Gen- eral James Robertson, the patriarch of Watauga and the founder of the Cumberland settlements. He was a native of North-Carolina, and emigrated to Watauga in 1769. These Annals have abounded with incidents of his life, per- formed in the civil, political and military service of his coun- try, in every period of difficulty, embarrassment and danger. His efforts, in a more private capacity, to benefit his fellow- citizens were disinterested, great and unremitted. "He treated the Indians, when known enemies, as the enemies of his country ; when known friends of peace, as its friends. His fellow men he treated as such, according to known
//
Otrr OP TENNE8RBE COUNTY. 665
merit — for the errors of the misguided, he exercised charity to a proper extent — those hardened in vice^he let the law punish. He practised virtue, and encouraged it in others ; vice he discountenanced, by precept and by example. His house, and all he had, were opened freely to the distressed of every condition. He loved his friends, and he held his enemies at defiance. To his wife he was indebted for a knowledge of the alphabet, and for instruction how to read and write. To his Creator he was indebted for rich mental endowments — to himself, for mental improvement. To his God was he indebted for that firmness and indomitable courage, which the circumstances that surrounded him, called so constantly into exercise,"* Besides the civil and politi- cal positions which General Robertson occupied, as already mentioned, in the Watauga Association, in the Legislature and Convention of North-Carolina, the Territory, and the State of Tennessee, he was Deputy Superintendent on the part f the United States, for the Chickasaw and Choctaw Tribes ; and was several times appointed to treat with the southern Indians, for a relinquishment of their claims to land in the South-west. Previous to and at the time of his death. Gen. Robertson was the United States Agent to the Chickasaw nation. A detail of his acts in behalf of his country, and an enumeration of his suflTerings, by personal exposure, in the wilderness, in the field<i«f battle, in the besieged fort and the assaulted station, in losses of relatives and of private pro perty, would fill a volume. He was faithful to his God, his country and his fellow men. The memory of no one is held in greater esteem and veneration, than that of James Robert- son. #
William Johnston, Sen., James Norflet, John Young, John Donelson and Samuel Crocket, were Commisioners to lay off the county seat for Robertson County. The first court was held at the house of Jacob McCarty. The county was attached to Mero District. On the 20th of April, Springfield was established as the seat of justice for Robertson county.
Montgomery embraced the remainder of Tennessee county,
* Bkrant't Papen.
666 GAETKB COUHTY LAID OFf •
and was oalled after Col. John Montgomery, a native of Virginia. He emigrated early to the West, and became a member of the North-Carolina Legislature, and also of the Convention of that State, which ratified the Constitution of the United States. Besides the civil appointments which he filled, he was colonel of the militia of his county, and led more than two hundred of his fellow soldiers in the Nicka- jack campaign. He was a patriot and a hero, and lost his life in giving protection to the frontier. Clarkesville, the county seat, was so called in honour of Gen. George Rogers Clarke. George Neville, Sen.t Francis Prince, Heyden Wells, Robert Edmonson and Robert Dunning, were appointed by the Legislature, to erect public buildings in Clarkesville.
April 9. — The Legislature divided, again, the mother county, Washington, and established Carter county. Lan- don Carter, Reuben Thornton, Andrew Greer, Sen., Zachar riah Campbell and David M cNabb, were Commissioners to se- lect the site for the court-house, and to erect county buildings. The first court was held at the house of Samuel Tipton. Carter county was attached to Washington District. Carter county was thus named, in honour of General Landon Carter ; be was a native of Virginia, emigrated at an early day, with his father, Col. John Carter, to the wilds of Watauga. He was educated at Liberty Hall, Mecklenburg county, North- Carolina, and became qualified for the wide range of duties afterwards assigned him by his countrymen. He was brave, prompt and useful, in repelling Indian invasion and attack. He was a member of the Franklin Convention and Leg- islature, its Secretary of State, and Treasurer of Washington District under the Territorial Government He was a member of the Convention of 1796, and afterwards Treasurer of Washington District for the State of Tennessee.
The seat of justice for Carter county, was named Eliza- bethton, in honour of Elizabeth, the wife of General Car- ter.
April 23. — Additional Commissioners, for the regulation and management of the town of Jonesboro', were appointed, viz : David Deaderick, Sen., John Sevier, Jun., Christopher Taylor, John Tipton, Adam Reader, John Blair, John Adams,
aAAINGEB OOUtfTY LAID OTT. 667
William Chester, Allen Gillespie, Thomas Embree and Ro- bert Allison.
Grainger county was laid off April 22, 1796. David Hay- ley, Major Lea, Benjamin McCarty, Hartley Marshall and James Blair, Jun., were appointed Commissioners, to lay off a town and erect county buildings. First court was held at the house of Benjamin McCarty. John Cocke and William* Payne were appointed to run the boundary line. October 28, 1797, the county seat was established, ai^d called Rut- ledge, in honour of George Rutledge, Esq., of Sullivan county.
Grainger county, was so called, for Mary Grainger, the wife of Governor William Blount. She was a native of North-Carolina, and arrived on Watauga at the commence- ment of the Territorial Government. After Knoxville be- oame the residence of the Governor, many of the friendly chiefs paid frequent visits to the new capital ; and Mrs. Blount became much interested in them, and used her ad- dress and persuasion, to induce them to restrain their young warriors from further aggression upon the frontier people. With these she was a deserved favourite. Fort Grainger, at the mouth of Tennessee, was also called for Mrs. Blount. She was an accomplished lady, and she did much to soften and refine the manners of the first inhabitants of Knoxville. Under her administration, a grace and a charm was given to the society of the place — the more remarkable and attrac- tive from the external circumstances under which they were, from the necessity of the case, exhibited in the new town upon a distant frontier.
George Rulledge was elected Brigadier-General, in place of General Sevier, jfnd James Winchester, Brigadier-Gene- ral, in place of General Robertson ; and George Conway, Miyor-General. He was succeeded by Andrew Jackson.
The Committee of Finance reported the following state- ment of the public funds :
Amount received by the Treasurer of Wasbiugton ) ^^ ^g^ ^^
and Hamilton Districta, . • - . j* ^ * Amount disbursed, 5,838 08
Leaving balance in the Treasury of - - - 642 60
F TENNE98EK.
Amount brought forward, . . . > . g42 flo
Amount received by the Treasurer of ) », „-,- -^
Mero DisLrict, ... j '
DisbursemeoU, - ■ - 2,S97 33
Leafing in tbe Treasury of Mero District, - - 2,003 04
Unespended and on hand, ?3,146 6i
Subjoined will be found the captions of aoine of the Acts, passed at this first session of the Tennessee Legislature.
I. An Act, ascertaining the number of Judges of the Superior Courts of Law and EVjuily, fixing tlieir Balaries, &c.
4. Anmnding an Act for the proinotioQ of Leaning in DavtdsOD County,
6, Estahllshing a Treasury Department.
10. Directing the mode of electing membere to Congrees. TliiBAet divides the State into two divisions, to be called the Holrton and th« Cumberland divisions ; each of which is entitled to one Kepresentatire to Congress,
II. Providing for the appointment, by the Legislature, of Electors o( President and Vice-President of the I'niled States,
17. Providing for the psymeut of the Governor, (gives bim, annually, Bcvcn hundred and fifty dollars,) and directing the place of his residence.
18, Uaking compensation of one dollar and seventy-live cents, for each day, to every member of the Legislature, and a like sum for evay twenty-five miles travel, ill going and returning; and to the clerks and otber officers, « corresponding amount
29. Amendatory of an Act for the establishment of Kashville. 1^ ninth section of this act authorizes the Trustees of ssid town to execute a deed to a religious society, for a site for a meeting-house, "with tha express limitations following, viz : said meeting-houae shall be and n- main to the use of the said society, so &r only as to give a right to th«ir ^ ministers to preach therein ; but shall not ext«nd to authorize them ta debar or deny to any other denomination of Christians the liberty of preaching therein, unless when immediately occupied by the said, ■ociety."
Governor Sevier, afler the establishment of the State Government, proceeded to issue commissions to all the civil and military officers in all the counties of the State. The names of the magistrates, in Washington county, at the first court after the State Constitution was formed, are James Stuart, John Tipton, John Weir, John Adams, John Strain, Henry Nelson, Joseph Young, Jdseph Crouch, William Kelson, Robert Blair, Jesse Payne, Isaac Depreve, CfaarleB
ACTION OF CONOBBSfl REI<ATiyE TO TBHNBBSEB. 669
•
McCray, Samuel Wood, Jacob Brown, John Alexander, Joseph Brittain, John Norwood and John Hammer.
The first court held for Sevier county, under the Constitu- tion of the State of Tennessee, was begun and held at the Court House in Sevierville, July 4.
1796. — ^Tbe Justices were Samuel Newell, Joshua Gist, Joseph Wil- •on, Joseph Vanoe, Robert Pollock, Peter Bryant, Mordecai Lewis, John Qack, Robert Calvert, Andrew Cowao, Adam Wilson, James Kiggin, Alexander Montgomery, Jesse Griffin and Isam Green. Samuel Wear was appointed Clerk ; Thomas Buckingham Sheriff ; James McMahon, Register ; James D. Puckett, Coroner ; Alexander Montgomery, Ranger.
Tavern Rates. — Rom per half pint, 25 cents ; Wine do. ; French Brandy and Gin, do. ; Peach Brandy, 12^; Whiskey, 8^ ; Beer per quart, 8^ ; Cider, 12^ ; Metheglin, 12^.
Diets. — Breakfisist, 16|- ; dinner, 21 ; supper, 16} ; lodging, 5 ; horse per night, fodder or hay, 12^ ; oats or corn, per gallon, 8^ ; pasturage, twenty-four hours, 8^.
May, 1796. — Governor Sevier commissioned Justices in Jefferson ooonty, viz : George Doherty, James Roddye, Josiah Jackson, Thos. Snoddy, Garret Fitzgerald^ Parmenas Taylor, John Blackburn, A. Hen- derson, Abednego Inman, John McNabb, Abraham McCay, Adam Peck, Wnu Con, James Wilson, Wol Lillard, David Stuart, Ebenezer Litb, Joseph McCoUah, Samuel Jacks, Adam Meek, George Evans, James Lea, Alexander OuUaw, John Gore. Jos. Hamilton, Clerk ; Robert McFarland, Sheriff ; Samuel Lyle, Register.
Second Monday, May, 1796. — Court of Greene county met Daniel Kennedy was elected Clerk; George Conway, Sheriff; and James Donwoody, Register.
Aonov OF THE Fedsbal Government on the admission of the State of Tennessee, as one of the United States.
Soon after the rise of the Convention of 1796, its Presi* dent, Governor Blount, communicated a copy of the Consti- tution, to the Secretary of State, Mr. Pickering. His letter 18 dated
Enoxvillb, Fehruary 9th, 1796.
Sir: — Aa Governor, it is my duty, and as President of the Conven- tion, I am instructed, hy a resolution of that hody, to forward to you, ex- press, a copy of the constitution formed for the permanent government of the State of Tennessee, which you will herewith receive hy the hands of Major Joseph McMinn, of Hawkins county, who was himself a mem- ber of the Convention.
The sixth section of the first article will inform you that the first Gen- eral Assembly to be held under this constitution is to commerce on the last Monday in March next. The object of the Convention, in deter- mining on this early day, is a representation in the Congress of the Uni-
•70
ted States belbrt the tennhuUion of th» pnMBt iei^^ AndaeOiid lection of the schedule will inform yon how long it is coiitaii|ilAtedy the temporary form of Government shall continue. I have the honour to be, rery respeetAiliy,
Yonr most obedfienti huaUe senrsnt^
WiLUAX Bloust. TiMOTHT PiouRnro, Bm|^ SicnUuy (^ StaU^ PkUadelpkia.
On the eighth of April, the Preeideiit comaiimioaled thii letter, with its endoeares, to Congreee— ^eoomponying tfaem with the following message : '
UirmD Smns, Apifl 6th, ITM. tfmikmenef tk$ SenaUmid of A$ Mourn cf JSipnmmimHnm:
By an Act (^ Ckmgress passed on the 26th of Mayi it90, kiiw de* ebured that the inhabitants of the Territory of the United fifcatea aoeih of the River Ohio^ should enjoy all the privileges^ benefits and advantages set forth in the ordinance cw Cbngress for tbs govenment of the Tsni- tory of the United States northwest of the River Ohio^ and tkA theClo- Tsmment of the said Territonr sooth of theOhio^ should be aim3ar to tiiat which was then ezenased in the Territory northwest of the Ofaio^ eaeept so for as was otherwise provided in the conditions exprsseed iaaii JU* of Ooomss, pnMed Um ild of April, 17M, luititied "^ An. Act to ae^ n osHion cfthe daim of the State <rf Korth^OaroUna to n csttaindii^ trict of Western Territorr.**
Among the privileges, benefita and advantages thus seouied to the in- habitants of the Territory south of the River Ohio, appear to be the right of forming a permanent Constitution and State Gh>vemment, and of ad- mission, as a State, by its ^delegates, in the Congress of the United States, on an equal footing with the original States, in ail respects what- ever, when it should have therein sixty thousand free inhabitants : provi- ded, the Constitution and Government so to be formed, should be repub- lican, and in conformity to the principles contained in the articles of the said ordinance.
As proofs of the several requisites to entitle the Territory south of the River Obio, to be admitted, as a State, into the Union, Governor Blount has transmitted a return of the enumeration of its inhabitants, and a printed copy of the Constitution and form of Government, on which they have agreed, which, with his letters accompanying the same, are here- with laid before Congress.
Geo. Washinotow.
The subject was referred to appropriate Committees. On the 12th of April, the House Committee, through its Chair- man, Mr. Dearborn, reported the following :
Resolved^ That by the authenticated documents accompanying the message from the President of the United States to this House, on the 8th day of the present month, and by the ordinance of Congress, bear- ing date the ISth of July, 1787, and by a law of the United States, passed on the 26th of May, 1790, it appears that the citizens of that
Aim RBPOBTS OF OONOSBMIONAL COMHITTnbl. 671
part of the United States, which has hoen called the Teititoiy of the United States, south of the River Ohio, and which is now formed into a State under a republican form of Government, by the name of Tennes- see, are entitled to all the rights and privileges to which the citizens of the other States in the Union are entitled under the Constitution of the United States ; and that the State of Tennessee is hereby declared to be one of the sixteen United States of America.
Mr. King, from the Senate Committee, to whom the same subject had been referred, made a long report against the admission of the State of Tennessee into the Union, but re- commending ** that leave be given to bring in a bill laying out the whole of said Territory, ceded by North-Carolina, Into one State." The report results in this conclusion — " That Congress must have, previously, enacted that the -whole of the Territory ceded by North-Carolina, and which is only a part of the Territory of the United States, south of the Ohio, should be laid out into one State^ before the inhabitants thereof, (admitting them to amount to sixty thousand free persons,) could claim to be admitted as a new State into the Union.'* The Senate report objects that the enumeration of the inhabitants of the Territory had not been .made by the authority of Congress, and that the guards against error had been omitted by the Territorial law ; and that, *' instead of confining the enumeration to the fVee inhabitants of the Ter- ritory, that law authorizes and requires the enumeration of a// the people within the said Territory, etc.***
Notwithstanding this unfavourable report of the Senate Committee, the Congress of the United States passed an Act in June, admitting Tennessee into the Union.
In the meantime, the Senators elect from the State of Ten- nessee, had repaired to the seat of the General Government; but having been elected before Tennessee was admitted into the Union, they did not take their seats in the Senate. The Act X, laying off two Congressional Districts in the State, when but one member of Congress was allowed for Tennes- see ; and Act XI, providing for the election of four Electors of President and Vice-President, when the State was enti- tled to but three Electors, created unforeseen difficulties, which
• SUte Papers, Vol. XX, page 160.
672 GOVB&NOE SBVIER CONVENES THE LBGI0LATUEE.
could be obviated only by repealing these acts, electing the Senators anew, and remodeling the legislation that had ta^ ken place, so far as the Federal relations of Tennessee were concerned.
Such was the political condition of the State of Tennessee in the summer of 1796. Governor Sevier acted piromptly, and adopted at once the only measure that could extricate the new State from the embarrassments by which her Fede- ral relations had become unavoidably involved.
On the 4th of July, he issued from the seat of Government, at Knoxville, his proclamation :
^ Wkerea8y I have lately received authentic information, that an Act of the Congress of the United States, passed at their last session, in- Yolved several Acts of this State in diflBculty, and renders the same in- complete ; to answer the purposes and salutary uses and effects intended to be obtained therefrom, by the Honourable the Legislature of this State :
'* I have thought it necessary and highly expedient, to summon the members of the General Assembly, to convene on the last Saturday in the present month : And do strictly request and enjoin them, and eadi of them, to be punctual and particular in giving their attendance ac- cordingly, iu order to take under their due deliberation such matters as may be laid before them.
" Given under my hand and seal, at Bjioxville, this fourth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and in the twenty-first year of American Independence.
Signed, John Skvtkr."
Accordingly, on the day appointed, the General Assembly met and the Governor sent in the following Message :
" Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representativet : — The short time in which I conceived it was necessary to convene the Legislature, compelled me to call you together on so short a notice. In the firet instance, it was necessary to give all the time the emergency of the occasion would admit of; and, in the second, from a circumstance that the election to be held for Representatives was approaching so near at hand, made it necessary, as I conceived, for the Assembly to have it in their power, by a timely meeting, (should they in their wisdom deem it proper) to make an alteration in the Act, directing the mode of electing Representatives to represent this State in the Congress of the United States, before the day of election should arrive, as directed in the afore- said Act, otherwise it might be attended with disputes and contentions of a disagreeable nature ; for, by a late Act of Congress, the intended number of our Representatives is diminished, of course it proportionably lessens our number of Electors for President and Vice-President of the United States.
REPLY OF THB AS8EMBLT. 679
*^ Thus sQch a derangement will necessarily require an alteration idf our Acts ]>as8ed for sucb purposes*
" Our Senators not being recognized in the Senate of the United States, is another matter for your consideration and attention; and for your more ample information, the several Acts and communications ao^ company ing this address, will elucidate unto you the propriety of my calling the Assembly together at this time.
*^ I hope I may be permitted to observe, that it is of importance, and conducive to public happiness, to arrange your Acts comformably with those of Congress, so far as they shall respect this State.
^ The foregoing are the reasons why I liave thought proper to con- vene the Assembly, in session on the present day ; and I make no doubt you will, through your paternal care, wbdom and patriotic deUberations, adoyit such measures as will tend to promote the public interest and general utility of the State.
**' I have the pleasure of announcing to you, gentlemen, the admissioa of the State of Tennessee into the Federal Union, a circumstance preg- nant with every prospect of peace, happiness and opulence to our in- fant State.
** The period has at length arrived, when the people of the South- Western Territory may enjoy all the blessings and liberties of a free and independent republic
'^ Permit me to wish you public, domestic atid individnal happinei8| while I have the honour to be, very respectfully, ^ Your devoted and obedient servant,
JOHV SsviSR.^
The usage at that day required a reply from the General Assembly, to every communication made to it by the 60- yemor ; and on the 8th, Mr. Rhea, as the organ of the two Houses, reported the following address :
Sir: — We are fully sensible, that the important objects by you laid befi>re this General Assembly, made it necessary for you to convene the Legislature at this time.
«We rejuice with you, in the event'ofthis State beinff formally admitted into the Federal Union ; and our minds are filled with the most pleasing sensations, when we reflect on the prosperity and political happiness to which we view it, as a certain prelude. Be assured, sir, it will be our first and greatest care, to adopt such measures as will promote the true inter- ests of this State, as connected with the American Union.
With respect to our representation, in the Senate of the United States, in particular, we flatter ourselves, such steps have been taken, that no reason now remains, sufficient to justify that body in refusing any longer to recognize our Senators.
The measures here alluded to, as having been adopted by the Legislature, were, the election, again,Cof the Senators ffom Tennessee to the United States Congress — the repeal of 48
874 ACT rROVIDINQ FOR TIIR BLECTION OF ELBCTOBS
the act of its last seesion, providing for the election of two Representatives, and the enactment of a law for the election of a single member from the State — and lastly, the aonul- ment of the legislative election, April 21, of four Electors of President and Vice-President, and provision for the elec- tion of three.
Williitm Blount and William Cocke were again elected Senatoi^. To the address of the Legislature, informing Mr. Cocke that be was again elected to represent the State of Tennessee in the United States Senate, and re-assuring him, en behalf of the citizens of the State, of the entire confi- dence reposed in his fidelity and integrity, that Senator re- plied in terms, and with a spirit, that probably reflected truly, the feelings and temper of the people. He said:
C«i(femen:— Nothing can be a higher reward for faithful Bervicea, tkan the approbation of a free people — I call my country free, becaioa by their Conslitntion, ihey are so.
I cannot help mentioning to you, I feel the deepest concera to »ee our dearest rights invaded by the eupreme legislature of the nation. Wo are by tbein made subject to the payment of tases, nhile we have been nnjuatiy deprived of representation.
Wo have been deprived of the use of our property for public conve- nience, without any compensation being made ; anil acts in the style of laws liave passed, declaring it highly penal to enjoy the free use thereof; mch mde attacks on our cotutitataooal rights ahonld be remonatntod maitist with freedom and finnneM.
I hope our opponents in the Senate of tlie United States, will be imi- Ue to 6nd another quibble whereby to deprive us of an eqnal sbue of the representation that shall ma^e the lam by which we aie to be go- TMtiea. i am, with great respect, your obedient Bervant,
WlLUAU OOCKX.
. August 3. — An act was passed providing for the eleetioD of one Representative to Congress, and repealing the act irf 98th March, anthortzing the election of two.
Aug. 8th. — An act was passed, providing for the election of tbise Electors of! President and Vice-President At the previ- etu wssion, four electors had been elected by joint ballot of the two Houses. The mode of electing, in this instanee, Is still more anoroalona. The State is divided into three — Washing- ton, Hamilton and Mero Districts ; and in the words of the aot, "that the said electors maybe elected with as' fittle ^ tli»rtkt>o the oMt(l)»«a |KMirible--4« U eoMted.mrJt^i
OF PklBSIDENT ANB VICB-PRBSIDIMT. 675
Carter, John Adams and John McAllister, of Washington, John Scott, Richard Gammon and James Gains, of Sullivan coanty/' and three others for each of the remaining counties of Washington District, and, in like manner, three others, for each of the counties in Hamilton and Mero Districts, ^ are appointed electors to elect an elector for their respective Districts.'* The electors named in the act were to meet at Jonesboro', Knoxville and Nashville, and elect an elector for each District. The three electors thus elected, were to convene on the first Wednesday of December, at Knoxvillet and ** proceed to elect a President and Vice-President of the United States, pursuant to an act of Congress."
August 9. — Mr. White, from the Committee appointed to draw up a remonstrance to Congress, presented, for the con- sideration of the Assembly, an address and remonstrance to the Congress of the United States. In this document, which is of great length, the remonstrants recapitulate : That Tennessee is admitted into the Federal Union, on an equal footing with any of the original States ; that the United States, at the beginning of the Revolution, guaranteed to each State its sovereignty, according to its chartered limits, and that that sovereignty was acknowledged by Great Bri- tain, by the treaty of Paris ; that, acting on these principles, North-Carolina had opened land offices, for the sale of land within her chartered limits; and in agreement with her laws, entries had been made, warrants issued, and grants had been made for lands in her territory ; that North-Caro- lina had ceded her western territory to Congress, under cer- tain express conditions — one of which, as provided for in her Deed of Cession, was, that the Governor of North-Carolina, for the time being, shall be, and is required, to perfect land titles in such manner as if the Cession had not been made ; that, as the Constitution of the United States confirms all engagements made by Congress, previous to its adoption, the enterers and grantees of lands thus ceded, expected that they were secure, as to their right in fee, and of possession of the land by them purchased and paid for; that, at the treaty of Hopewell, William Blount, as Agent of North- Carolina, had protested against one of its articles, respecting the boundary of the Cherokees ; that, by an act of the last
670 AMDRBVr lACKSON SLSOTSD TO COffOEBSfly
Congress, fines, forfeitares and imprisonment are enacted against claimants and grantees of lands lying beyond said boondary ; by "which, th^y are much injured — being prohi- bited from any act of ownership of lands, long since bona fide contracted and paid for, and > for which, in part, grants have already issued by North-Carolina, under the good faith of the United States ; and that
*^ This Legislature, ever Tvilling to support the Constitution and Laws of the United States, made pursuant thereto, being impressed with a lense of the injury and grievances sustained by the citizens in conse- quence of the line of the treaty of Holston, and the act before men- tioned, do earnestly request, that the prohibitions preventing them to possess the lands before alluded to, may be removed ; that provision, by law, be made, for extinguishing the Indian claim to said lands ; that the owners and grantees of said lands may enter upon, occupy and possess the same in a full and ample manner, and have every riffht, privilege and advantage, which they are entitied to by constitutional laws ; which justice being done to the citizens of this State, the oflBcers of €rovem- taent will be enabled to execute the constitutional laws <^ the United States with ease and convenience."
It was afterwards further resolved, by both Houses, ** that it shall be a duty of the Senators and Representatives of this State, in the Congress of the United States, to lay the remonstrance of the Legislature before Congress, and endea- vour that the object thereof be ob«*iined."
At the election held under the; \ct of this called session, Andrew Jackson, of Davidson ct mty, was elected Repre- sentative from the State of Tennt see in the Congress of the United States. That body assembled December 5th, 179G, at Philadelphia, when Mr. Jackson was qualified and took his seat.
In accordance with the law passed for that purpose, Gov. Sevier wrote, April 25, to the Tennessee Senators, request- ing them to have a suitable seal of the State made by " inge- nious mechanics in Philadelphia — such an one as will be ele- gant, comprehensive, and sufficiently expressive of the pur- poses and uses intended. Under their direction, the present Great Seal of the Slate of Tennessee was engraven. It has upon it : the cotton plant, the sheaf of wheat, and, as *' com- prehensive," the plough, to represent agriculture ; and a sail- vessel, there then being no steamboats in the West, nor
AlTD lUFrOKTB THS CLAIMS OF- TBI VOLVHTaSBCU 677
elsewhere, to represent commerce. The XVI at the head of the seal, designated Tennessee as, numerically, the six* teenth at the date of its admission into the Union.
The Senators and Representatives in Congress from Ten* nessee, brought to the attention of the Secretary of War, the claims of the militia of that State for their servicec against the Indians, on the Etowah campaign. The Secre* tary made an unfavourable report to the House. General Cooke, in a letter to the Gazette, says : *^ Your representa- tive, Mr. Jackson, has distinguished himself by the spirited manner in which he opposed the report. Notwithstanding the misrepresentation of the Secretary, I hope the claim will be allowed ; if it is, a principle will be established for the payment of all services done by the militia of the Ter- ritory."
In support of the resolution to pay for the military servi* ces against the Indians, Mr. Jackson said —
^ The rations found for the troops on this expedition had been paid fbT%Y the Secretary of War, and he could see do objection to the pa/r menl of the whole expense. As the troops were called out by a supe* nor officer, they had no rieht to doubt his authority. Were a contrary doctrine admitted, it would strike at the very root of subordination. It would be saying to soldiers — ' Before you obey the command of your superior officer, you have a i ght to inquire into the legality of the ser- vice upon which you are abo t to be employed, and until you are satis-' fied, you may refuse to take le field.' This, he believed, was a prind* pie which could not be act \ on. General Sevier, said Mr. Jackson, was bound to obey the ordet he received to undertake the expedition. The officers under him were bound to obey him. They went with foil confidence that the United States would pay them, beueving they had appointed such, officers as would not call them into the field without proper authority. If, even^the expedition had been unconstitutional| (which he was far from believing,) it ought not to affect the soldier, since he had no choice in the business, being obliged to obey his superior* Indeed, as the provision had been p^d for, and as the ration and pay* rolls were always considered as checks upon each other, he hoped no objection would be made to the resolution which he moved."
The winter of 179S-7 is chronicled as the coldest ever experienced by the oldest inhabitant. On the evening of the ^d December, the river was entirely free from ice* On the morning of the 23d, the ice was moving down the river in great quantities ; on the 24th, the river was frozen over, and
078 DttAR BARBIfCUED UFOH TMB FROZEN SIVVK.
was crossed by horsemen upoa the ice. On Ihe 25thf a ■ Christmas dinner was given upon the ice, by the Federal officers, at Tellico Block-house, to a large company of gen- tlemen and ladies. "Contiguous lo the place of entertain- ment, two quarters of a bear were barbecued, where the ice was found to be, in thickness, sufficient to bare fire enough to have roasted an ox, without being materially weakened by the heat."*
Early in this year, disturbances of a seriotis nature pre- vailed among the Upper Cherokees. Edward Mitchell and William Livingston went to the camp of some Indian hunt- ers, where they were informed, by Lame Will, that Red Bird had gone to the camp of some white people. On his return he was met by Mitchell and Livingston, who fired upon and killed him. They then returned to the Indian camp, when Mitchell fired at, but missed. Lame Will, who, with a knif« in one hand and a crutch in the other, made towards Mitch- ell, who ran off. Livingston then coming up, encountered Will, and, after several unsuccessful attempts to shoot him, drew his tomahawk and killed him.f
Jan. 31. — An Act was passed by Congress giving effect ( to the laws of the United States within the State of ( Tennessee. By the second section of this Act, the State was made to embrace, one District, to be denominated the Tennessee District. A District Court was established, foar sessions of which should be holden alternately at Knoxville ■md Nashville. By the fourth section of this Act, the State was made one Collector's District, whose office should be held at Palmyra, which was the only port of entry, or de- livery of any goods, wares or merchandize, not the growth or manufacture of the United States. The salary of the col- lector at Palmyra was one hundred dollars.
* Enoxrilla Oaiette, Jaouarj 9, 179T.
tFor nuny of tb« inradeDts occurring in Blonnt coanty, I ain indebted to SuDDel Bogle, Esq. one of its worthieit pioneers, now neirl j one hundred jtan <M, b«t BtiU rigorona and clear-taiDded. He waa, Mmael^ an active participalar ii Kmt of the difficulties -wilh the Indians. Mr. Bogle i^ in everj respect, an ai- cellcut specuneii of the A-ontier citiieu and roldier, and is one of the le-w sarri- Tiog pioneere of Tennessee, liring, in paUiarcbal timpUdty and rnnl quiet, en B^ab, near tbe (^ Indiaii War l^e.
FEDERAL TBOOPS AT KVOXVILLS. 670
Two companies of United States troops, commanded by Captain Richard Sparks' and Captain John Wade, were sta- tioned at Knoxville. The object of the Secretary of War, in placing them there, was to enforce an ** Act of Congress to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian Tribes, and to preserve peace on the Frontier." South of Holston, some settlements had been formed on lands ceded by the Chero* kees, under the Dumplin and Coyatee Treaties ; but across the Indian boundary, as fixed by the Treaty of Holston, and in Powell's Valley, settlers were opening their farms under grants from North-Carolina, but upon lands to which the Cherokee title was not yet extinguished. To these set- tlers Captains Sparks and Wade issued their manifesto, in- forming the intruders of their powers, and of the extent of the provisions of the Act of Congress which it was made their duty to enforce.
*^ It is Dot our wish, said ihey, to enter rashly npon the duty assiffned OS, nor do we conceive there willJbe a necessity for it ; and, in order, there- fore, to give you fall time to prepare your minds for the event, we hava deemed it proper to notiiy you that on or about the 20th instant, we Aall meet you at Tocum's Station, where we hope your numbers will be full and respectable, and your tempers calmly disposed to argue on a subject which involves in itself consequences of material magnitude to the Union at large, and to you in particular. We are assured that the reflection of a moment will evince to you how much better it is to ob- serve a strict obedience to the laws, than by 4i refractory disposition to involve your fellow-dtizens in the tumults of anarchy, and probably in the horrors of war, and create in your own minds a self-reproach which will be forever felt
^ Fellow-Citizens : — At our meeting we will not scruple to read to you the instructions we have received, and by which we are to be go- verned ; and after your hearing them, we cannot admit of a doubt, but that in a given time you will remove to that side of the line to which we have a just chum, and save the necessity of any unnecessary alterca- tion."
The influence of the authorities of Tennessee assisted in promoting x)bedience to the law of Congress. The Gazette^ already an organ of admitted potency in the new State, also contributed its weight, in support of the Federal enactment. Commenting upon the circular addressed by the two United States captains to the intruders, and published in its co- lumns, the Gazette says : — '* It is so replete with mildness and
■BD vinuiCATiON of statv. siohts
moderiLtion, that the most obstinate disposition cannot but concur wiili ihvm in npinion, that it is better to meet the wiohes of these gentlemen, than by a perverse conduct com- pel tbcm to mcAsurea which may terminate in unkappy coo- •equcnces," etc.
A communication to the sumo purport from " Mant/," dated Jetlerson county, also appeared in the Gazelle. In ibis the writer earnestly dissundos the intruders trom rushing, "with- out consideration, into the horrors of civit confusion, and thereby involve the innocent with the guilty."
But there were not wanting, on thisoocasion, writers, who, while they did not advise resiBtance to, or disobedience of the Federal authority, stated emphatically the argument on be- half of the settlers. One of these, in a reply toCapts. Sparks and Wade, remarks :
" It was not from refractory or disorderly dispositions we were infln- «noed to take posseasioQ of the lands ne now oceupy. We bad f^ard to the laws of nature, of nations, tha statutes of North-Carolina, and to our own civil code. The Constitution of the State of Tennessea, in the 81st Article of the Bill of Rights, guiirantces to the people residing fouth of French Broad and Holston, between llie Rivers Tennefsee aod Big I^geoa, the right of pre-emption and occupancy in that tract. Con- gress recognized that Constitution in all its pnrts by recciTing the State into the Federal Union. Miiny of us bold grants for our lands, legally obtained from North-Carolina whilst under her jurisdiction. Under theae plausible claims wo settled ourselves on Uie lands from which you oommand us to remove." . . . . " LegislatorB of the great American Republic I is it nothing to you to see our wives and children, who by their industry have hitherto lived in affluence on their own farms, be^ gared by your unconstitutional laws) We say your laws are uneontti- tntional, because they deprive us of propwty, for which we had a l^al li^ht before the Truty of Holston, Do you feel no reniorM at onr impendii^ rum ) Are you callous to our sufferings! Accustomed to wallow in luxury, you cannot feel for the distreeses of the poor." .... " We have now, gentlemen, delineated to you the outlines of our claima We have also stated in miniature, the wrongs we are about to sustain fiom the operations of the General Government, A volume would not contvn the reasonings we could advance on the justice »f our daiina. The earth vrae created for the use of man. We could plead purchaso, occupancy, conquest and relinquishment by the Abongitaes ; but aJI these reasonings, we suppose, would be in viuo. Power ia in ibe hands of the General Government, and we are disposed to obey her will fir tlu presmt."
Another comnranicatioii, signed " TV frontier Pecple of
BT A COKTftlBUTOa TO ^TBB OAZBtT^. 681
Tenne»see^*^ appeared soon after. In this the writer pre* mises that redress for the grievances inflicted on them by the act of Congress, concerning the intruders upon Indian territory, should be sought only in the mode which the Con- stitution and the genius of the Government point out Speak- ing of the act of May, 1796, the writer sayj
" We conceive that law to be an invasion of our natural rights ; we claim it as a power inherent in us, and derived from the author of our existence, to cultivate and to convert to our use, any unappropriated part of the hal^itable globe, and to make it bring forth the fruits of the earth. This general position we assert to be of divine right, and ac- knowledged from age to age, by all the nations of the christian world, and recognized by the laws, customs and usages of the people of Ame- rica, from its* discovery to the present day." .... "We submit the justice of our claims to the laws and constitution of our country — we ask from whence does the Federal Government derive the power, to exerdse legal jurisdiction over the land on which we are settled f We claim the right to settle these lands under the laws of North-Carolina, made previous to ceding this country to the United States, and the laws made subsequent thereto." . . . . " If we are not now permitted to take possession of these lands, the consideration paid for them is vio- lated ; and it is a distinction new and incomprehensible to us, that a grant from a sovereign and independent State, can convey a right with- out the power to enjoy it. We then assert, that our claims are founded on the act of that very body, whose successors, at the expiration of less than five years, have thought proper to deprive us of those rights pro* perly vested in us." . . . . ^' Why has a law been made to oblige us to the observance of this bargain, Tthe treaty of Holston,) which has been cancelled with the blood of our lellow-citizens ? We acknowledge to feel the force in all its various powers, which binds the members of a community to respect its laws, and pay to them a necessary submis- sion; but we hope, that we or our posterity, to the latest generation, will never lose sight of the point to which these obligations ought to go, 'and beyond which it is our province, as men, to restrain their progress. It is, therefore, with pain we contemplate the infractions of our unaliena- ble rights, made by the law of 1796 — a law which we protest against, as unconstitutional, because it invades the rights of our property." . • " Is this the tribunal before which we are to argue ? and can a law be binding which places the scales of justfce in the hands of a troop of sol- diers ? However virtuous that soldiery may be, the original principles of our national compact forbid it. Let it not be said we wish to fan the coals of sedition in our country. As menj we are bound to assert our rights ; as citizens of a free and enlightened State, we claim attenUon to our grievances. Instead of meeting at our doors the soldier, who is ordered to sound the din of war in our ears, we would call on the guar- dians of our country to defend us in the possession of our rights^ We lely on the justice of Congress, and we assure our fellow-ciUzens of the
I
UnioQ, that general order and universal acquJesenca, uodar the jurt Wa ofguvernuitiut, are the fir&t wishes of our bearU."
Another writer, overthe signature of "Cam/>AcW," addresses " Tbe citizens of Tennessee, who are about to be alienated and dismembered by the acts and proceedings of the Federal Government." In this address be examines the question, whether Congress bas a right to alienate any part of tbe State of Tennessee, and what are the rigbts of those wbo nay be dismembered from it. Establiishing the principle that North-Carolina bad tbe right to open a land otHce vrithio her chartered limits, be argues that the State of Tennessee, in consequence of that right, may guarantee to her cilizens, the settlement and occupancy of the lands on which it is al- leged tbey are intruders. Tbat the parent State, previous to tbe act of Cession, possessing then, as she did, sovereign power over them, bad granted these lands, and tbat Ten- nessee and Congress itself, by accepting its constitation, had recognized tbe validity of the grants; and that, of course^ the occupants cannot be considered to be in a stale of re- bellion against their own, or intruders on any other nation. He advises deliberation, deprecates hasty action, and urges the intruders to depend upon tbe legaiiiy of their claims. " They are founded on facts, principles and laws which eannot be controverted. That as tbe lands in dispute are held by legal titlesi Congress has no right to declare war or re- sort to force for the purpose of expelling the occupants. Tbe civil law ought to decide the contest in the District or Fe- deral Courts." Knlarging upon these and similar topics, "Campbell" closes his second number with these patriotic and wise remarks : " Let us piu^ue order and acquiesce in the laws, QDtil we can make a constitutional appeal to Congress. Let us act as if we were only one entire harmonious family, and let the spirit of concord be kept up in tbe State of Ten- nessee forever. Friendly, true and pathetic applications to Congress, through our representatives, will have greater weight with them, than hostile threats and preparations."
In his third number, addressed to the United States Commis- ■Loners, Hawkins, Pickens and Winchester, about to hold fur- ther negotiations with the Chirokeesi " CampbtlT" aayn: "het
WHICH IS OOVTIVUKD BT AMOTHKR WRITEB. 688
US hope then, that you will not, by a strained construction of the words of the treaty, in favour of the Indian claim, force those citizens who have the right of property and the right of possession, to engage in a litigious controversy with the military who may be ordered to dispossess them. Justifiable opposition to the illegal orders of tl^e Executive, might ex- tend its influence to that which would not be legal, and those whose claims are not fully sanctioned by law, follow the example — an evil which we deprecate or pray may not hap- pen. But we should think it treason against the govern- ment we live under, and which we admire — treason against ourselves, and high treason against posterity — were we to suflfer ourselves to be tamely deprived of our lawful pro- perty, by military force or diplomatic authority.**
Col. Arthur Campbell is thought to be the writer of these pieces. These extracts from them are meagre, and do not present, in their full force, the weight of his argument and the legitimacy of his reasoning. The subject, soon after, re- ceived attention in every part of the Union, and " CampbelP* may be considered as a pioneer writer in the backwoods of Tennessee, investigating ft subject that, soon after, was em- braced in the ^ Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,*' of 17d8 and 1799.
Another correspondent, ** Andrew RigJus/* continues the same subject :
" We are here, settled on our own lands, granted to us by our mother State, North-Carolina ; the rights are, in fee simple, ratified by a solemn
act of Congress The Executive of the United States
has paid little attention to our rights, by the manner in which it has communicated its will to us, or otherwise it has adopted the method of reasoning made use of by Louis ' XIV., of France, who inscribed on the muzzles of bis cannon — ^^ Thit U the logic of Kings ;" and with the same propriety may say — ^^ This is the logic of the United States,^
Then, referring to ** Many^ published in the Gazette —
'^I would have him to know that we not only call on the State of Tennessee, but upon every State in the Union, to assist us in obtaining our rights and privileges as secured to us by law, and doubt not of their assistance, if necessary ; and I would refer him to this clause in the Constitution, that government being instituted for the common benefit^ the doctrine of non-resistance to arbitrary power and oppression is ab- surd, slavish, and destructive to the good and happinets of mankind.
684 ACTIOH OP 00NGBI88 OK THB
" One of tbe usual methods of arbitrary govemmenta, is to indada forfeiture of estate, under the preteDoe of a punishment of some erioM. Our Constitution has wisely guarded against such, that even for treason, it has forbidden corruption of blood or confiscation of property, and yet, in sec five of this law, ^ That if any citizen shall make a settlement on any lands granted, by treaty, to any Indian tribe, such offender shall forfeit all his right, title and claim, if any he hath, of whatsoever nature or kind the same shall be, to the lands aforesaid whereupon he shall make settlement or otherwise.' Sudi a law is cruel, tyrannical and oppressive. The punishments inflicted by it do not stop here. ' He shall also forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding one thousand doUam, and suffer imprisonment not exceeding twelve months.' . . . The Constitution of Tennessee is admitted into the Union, by Congress, and it prohibits the courts here from inflicting a fine exceeding fifty dollan,
except by a jury, and leaves the same to the courts. I
address the members of Congress fix>m this State to use their industiy to have this act repealed. Such an act might look tolerably well in a proclamation from Britain, but I beg you to erase it out of the records and existing laws of a republican government. Let it be wiped away, and never one more of tbe sort be seen — an enemy to liberty, nature, good policy and humanity."
Mr. Blount and Mr. Cocke, Senators, and General Jack- son, the Representative, of Tennessee, were, in the meantime, active in relation to the affairs of the State they represented, and with whose interests they were so familiar. On the third day of March, this resolution was introduced in the Senate :
" liesolved, Tbat the President of the United States bo requested to cause a treaty or treatie^s to bo beld, as speedily as may be, with such of the Indian tribes as may liave claims to certain western lands, ceded by North-Carolina to the United States, for the purpose of obtaining an extinguishment of their claim to so much thereof as lie to the north and east of the River Tennessee, within the Stato of Tennessee."
The resolution was rejected, only eight Senators voting in the affirmative.
Previous to the introduction of this resolution, to wit, on the 1st of March, jt had been, in the same body,
" Resolved^ That provision ought, by law, to be made for opening a land office for the sale of lands lying within the limits of the State of Tennessee, belonging to the United States, to which the Indian title has been extinguished, providing that the occupants shall have a priority in the location of such of the said lands as are now in their actual possession and improvement, upon such reasonable terras as may bo fixed by law."
This had been introduced into the Senate by Mr. Hill-
IjAHD 0LAIM8 Of TElfMI88B& 686
house, chairman of a committee to whom the whole subject had been referred, and to whom the Tennessee Senators had fully explained the situation of the people to be affected by it. The session of Congress terminated on the third, and there was not time to act upon it. It was, therefore, laid over till the next session.
On the same day, Mr. Hillhouse, from the committee to whom was referred the letter and enclosures from the Go- vernor of North-Carolina, relative to the extinguishment of the Indian title to lands granted to T. Glasgow & Co., by the State of North-Carolina — the address of the Legislature of the State of Tennessee on the same subject, and also the petition of J. Glasgow and others, relative to the land en- tered in the office of John Armstrong, and since ceded to the United States, made an elaborate report, and recommended the following resolution :
'' Resolved^ That as soon as the title to the said lands shall be eztin- guisbed, under the anthoritj of the UDited States, by purchase, or oth- erwise, provision ought, by law, to be made, to secure to such of said cbumants, as by conforming to the laws of North-Carolina, have secured to themselves a title to the right of pre-emption under such laws, the oc- cupancy and possession of such lands.'^
It is worthy of remark, that in a contest of this kind, in- volving, as it did. State pride. State sovereignty — the right of property — in which, many of the citizens of Tennessee felt a direct personal interest, not a single appeal is made to the passions of (he occupants, nor one exhortation made to insubordination or resistance. Most of the writers advise a contrary course. In his last number, ^*€ttmpbelJ^ examines the question involved, at great length. He closes thus : '' I have not hesitated to speak the truth, even when it compelled me to charge the Executive of the United States with a viola- tion of the rights of the individual States, and of the people. You have heard my reasonings as a citizen ; hear my ad- vice as a friend. Acquiesce m the operations of Govern- ment ; submit to the legal transactions of her ministers ; pe- tition Congress for .negotiations, to be set on foot with the Indians, to secure your settlements ; countenance no irregu- larities ; commit no outrages. *I have announced you to the
686 Loun PHiLiprs in khoxvili^
world as regular and orderly citizens. Let year condnot prove, to the latest ages of posterity, that I have pronoanced the truth. Let us attribute our misfortunes to the true sources whence they originated ; to the misunderstanding of the words of the treaty, and to the narrow and contracted policy of the General Qovernment."
No outbreak followed — no conflict between the military and the citizens. A rash and imprudent procedure on the part of the United States troops, like a spark in a powder maga- zine, would have ended in their annihilation. But the con- ciliatory tone of the circular — ^the good temper and wise dis- cretion of the officers — ^the force of general public sentiment and the disposition of the State authorities, prevented a colli- sion. Legislative action and negotiations followed, and the difficulty was settled without violence.
Feb. 27. — Commerce, by means of the river, began to reach Knoxville. On that day, the Gazette notices the arri- val of two boats, carrying five tons each, from the South Fork of Holston, in Virginia — the distance estimated to be, by water, above three hundred miles. The pioneers in this navigation were Messrs. Russell and Barry, the owners. The cargo consisted of flour, salt and whiskey.
March 4. — Thomas Shields was killed by the Indians in Sevier county. They cut his bead nearly off, ripped open his body, took out his bowels, and otherwise shockingly cut and mangled him.
Louis Philippe and his brothers in Knoxville.
April 30 — ''Arrived in Knoxville, three sons of the Duke of Orleans ; and on the next day, set out on their journey to the westward, by Tellico, Fort Grainger, Nashville, &c. At the age of fourteen, the eldest of those gentlemen commanded one of the wings of Dumourier's array at the famous battle of Jenappe ; and the two younger were imprisoned forty- three months, by the French Government, at Marseilles."*
Mail facilities were necessarily small and exceedingly in- adequate, at this time, in Tennessee. .There was a post- office at Knoxville, of which George Roulstone was the
f
*Gaf»tte» Maj 1, 1191.
MAIL FAGTLITX18 IK TBNNB88SB. 687
Postmaster. To this office, letters were sent, for much of the country east, and for' all the country west of it. In the list of letters published, as remaining on hand, January 1, 1797, are letters sent to Noliichucky, to Sumner county, to Buncombe, to Jonesboro\ to Blount, to Davidson, to Jeffer- son, to North Fork, to Bledsoe's Lick, to Nashville, to Hays- boro', to Powell's Valley, to Palmyra and to Dixon's Creek. The mail to Knoxville was at first bi-monthly. To remedy this infrequency and consequent inadequacy of mail facili- ties, different expedients were adopted. The publisher of the Gazette, wishing to extend the circulation of that jour- nal, engaged Mr. Munford Smith to ride post for him. Mr. Roulstone advertised in the Gazette —
^ His route will be as follows, provided a sufficient number of sub* Bcribers can be obtained. He will set out every other Monday, and go by Mary ville to Sevierville ; from thence, by Dandridge, to Hugh Neil- son's, Esq., on Lick Creek ; fix>m thence to Hawkins' Court-House ; and from thence, by Haine's Iron Works, crossing at McBee's Ferry, to Knoxville. The route will be extended, as subscribers may enable him ; and as soon as a. sufficient number of subscribers are obtained, he will start the post once a week. Each subscriber is to pay one cent a paper, in addition to the subscription, which is three dollars per annum."
Besides this private post of Mr. Roulstone, every emigrant and traveller, who came to the country, was a self-consti- tuted letter-carrier. Every horseman had, in his saddle-bags or portmanteau, a small wallet, in which he carried letters from citizens of the old States to the settlers in the new. This was carefully opened and examined at the several sta- tions or places where he lodged ; the letters were then deli- vered, distributed or re'tnailed, as the case required. The inhabitants conscientiously and cheerfully performed, gratui- tously, the duty of forwarding, sometimes to distant points, letters thus brought into their care and possession. OfiBcial despatches were sometimes received and forwarded in the same way. An endorsement, ** on the public service,** se- cured the transmission of a letter by a volunteer express, if not with the celerity and despatch of the present United States mail, certainly with as much certainty and fidelity.
According to the provisions ^of the Constitution, elections were held in August, of this year. John Sevier was again
' nS LE0I8I.ATIIRE MEETS AT KXOi:VUJ.E.
c3eote(l Governor, and William Charles Cole Claiborne, Re- presentative to CongreiiE.
"On Monday, September IS, tLo Oeoeral Assembly coDveaed at Knoxvilk. The 8«Dators Vfere, from —
■Washington — John Tipton.
Qrbbne — Samuel Fradcr.
Sullivan — George Rutledge.
HAwerfs and G it aisokk— Joseph McMJon.
Kkox — James White. '
JarFERaoN — Jamea Roddy.
Blol'nt — Alexander Kelly.
Skvibr — John Clack.
Da VI Da OK — Thomas Hardemikii.
SnuKEtt — Edward Douglass.
RoDERTBON AND MoNTGOHEBT — Jftmcs Ford.
James White was elected Speaker ; George RouUtone, Principal Clerk ; and N. Buckingham, Assistant Clerk.
The Representatives were, from —
Wabhikotok — James Stuart «id Leeroy Taylor.
Qkbbne — Joseph Conway and John Gasa.
BcLLivAN — John Rhea and John Scott.
Hawkins — John Cocke and James Ore,
Knox — John Manifee and John Sawyers.
jBirFERsoN— Adam Peck and William LilJard.
Sevibr— Spencer Clack and Peter Brj'an.
Blount — James Scott and James Greenway.
Daviubos- — liubert Weakly and I^aac Roberta,
SuMHBR— Slephen Cantrell and William Hall.
Tbmnbbbib — William Fort Mid James Noideet.
Jamee Stuart was elected Speaker; Thomas H. WilUama, Ist dak; Jesse WhaitoD, 2d Clerk ; and John Rhea, Door-keeper."
September 23. — la his message to the Legislature, 6tfr- emor Sevier begged the members to express to the people, in the liveliest terms of sensibility, bis gratitnde for the faonour they had again conferred upon him. He noticed the rapid increase of the population of Tennessee and the pros- perous condition of its agricultnre. " But this bright pros- pect of afTaire," he continues, " is considerably darkened by
the extension of the Indian boundary." " A large tr&ct of
settled and well improved land is said to be within the botm- dary guaranteed to the Cherokees by treaty i" uid '* that if the people are compelled to abandon their possessioiis, great il^ury must result to individuals and to the public." He in- Tites the early attention of the Legislatare to thja asGiJaot,
OOCKJK COUNTT S8TABLI8BJBD. 689
and suggests the necessity of memorializing Congress, ^from whose authority adequate relief can only be obtained/' He congratulates the country on the continued peace with the Indians. Referring to the threatening aspect of European affairs, he urges early '' provision for holding in readiness the quota of troops ajssigned to this State,'' and recommends further improvement in its militia laws.
William Maclin was elected Secretary of State.
Hon. Joseph Anderson was commissioned Senator from State of Tennessee, for remainder of the term for which the late Senator, William Blount, had drawn* '
Oct. 28. — Howell Tatum, Esq., was commissioned Judge of the Superior Court of Law and Equity.
At this session, Jefferson county was divided and the county of Cocke laid off. Henry Ragan, William Job, John Caffee, Peter Fine, John Keeney, Reps. Jones and John M c- Glocklen, were appointed to select a place for the court-house and erect the county buildings. The first court was held at the house of Daniel Adams.
Cocke county was named for Gen. William Cocke, a native of Virginia, and an emigrant to Holston. He has been re- peatedly mentioned as having participated in the military, civil, legislative and judiciary services of Virginia, North- Carolina, Franklin and Tennessee, where he was known as an efficient and zealous officer, from his debut at Long Island, to his seat in the United States Senate, which he held for twelve years. He will be seen, thereafter, as one of the Circuit Judges for Tennessee. A member of her Legislature at the commencement of the Creek war in September, 1813, after assisting to pass an act to authorize an augmentation of the forces to march against the Creeks, and to protect the defenceless settlers in the most exposed part of the Mis- sissippi Territory, and repel invasion, he, at the rise of the Legislature, though above sixty years of age, and before visit- ing his home in East Tennessee, volunteered his services as a private in that war, and acted therein most bravely and usefully. He was afterwards appointed United States Agent to the Chickasaws. He afterwards settled in Mississippii 44
690 COXB^S EXPEDITIOX TO MUSCLE SHOALBy
and represented his county in its legislatare. In private life, he was most hospitable and benevolent.
To encourage commerce, promote industry, and advance the agriculture of the country, the legislature established a public inspection of tobacco in Waynesboro', Davidson county.
Coxe still entertained the design of occupying the Muscle Shoals purchase. The boat to transport the troops, guns and provision necessary to carry into effect the settlement at the Muscle Shoals, was built at the mouth of Chucky. It was of immense dimensions, and was, at that day, from its size and structure, called a ship — having, on all sides, such barricades as would make it impregnable to small arms. It was well provided with howitzers and small ordnance, and constituted a good floating battery.
To prevent the descent of this boat down the river. Col. Thomas Butler, of the United States Army, issued orders to the troops under his command at South- West Point and Bell Canton, to exercise the utmost vigilance, and to fire upon and sink it. It was believed that the most suitable plan for de- feating the expedition, was to allow it to pass unmolested, as far as Bell Canton.*- There the Ilolston was narrow, and the position otherwise favour«iblc. Standing orders were is- sued on the 2nd November, 1797, to the officer in charge of the battery, to '* have his ordnance in perfect order, and the implements judiciously arranged, to prevent confusion, when it may be necessary to man the works." A look-out boat was to be detached nt proper intervals, to make discovery of the approach of Coxe's party, and signals were arranged, to pre- pare for the attack. Sliould any boat belonging to the expe- dition, approach within one mile of the battery, the com- mander was directed to fire one shot wide of it. Should this notice be disregarded, he was directed to fire on it, and, "if possible, sink nil boats that may dare to pass your works.''
At the time of its date, Governor Sevier found it necessary to address to Zachariah Coxe the following letter:
•Tins fort wns above the former residence of the late Major Lon i*, and it» ruins are yet to be Fecn on the farm heretofore occupied by Colonel R. A. Ram- ecy,now of Georgia.
■f*
PRSYEIITBO BT COLONEL BDTLBB. dOi
ENoxviLLSf 20th August, 1797.
Since your arrival in this State, various reports are in circulation, re- specting an intended expedition you are about to make.
It appears to be a matter of importance to this Government, to be in- formed of your intentions and place of destination. I flatter myself you will have no objections to communicate, and lay before the Execa* tive of this State, the plan of your intended operations and movements ; at what place you intend making a stand or settlement ; and by what authority you conceive yourselves at liberty to prosecute the same.
No answer to this communication has been preserved in the Execative Journal. By a special message, September 2dd, 1797, the Governor's letter and Coxe^s reply vrere com- municated to the legislature, and referred to a committee, who, on the 10th of October, reported, that from **the papers they have had before them, it appears that no expe* dition of a hostile nature, or plan inimical to the Govern* ment, is intended or contemplated.'*
The execution of the Act of Congress of 1706, heretofore mentioned, had produced uneasiness among the people. The legislature sympathizing in that feeling, adopted the follow* ing preamble and resolution :
Whereas, official information has been laid before the General Aa* aembly of this State, contained in an order from Colonel Butler, ad- dressed to the people who are within the Indian boundary, and, foras- much, as it is conceived, great and irremediable injury would arise^ should the inhabitants be reduced to the necessity of a compliance with that mandate, at a season when their crops are not fit for transportatioo, or storing up; also, putting it entirely out of their power to secure their forage. These evils will be rendered doubly distressing, by the gloomy horrors of famine, which threaten to pervade a great part of the country, . Seeing, then, the favours of heaven have, in some degree, been with* held, humanity and justice cry aloud for the legi2»lative interposition, in behalf of those of our fellow-citizens, with the executive power.
It is there/ore Resolved, That the Governor of the State of Tennes- see be requested to. lay before the President of the United States, by the earliest opportunity, the true state and condition of those citizens resi* dent within the Indian boundary, agreeable to the line lately run, set- ting forth, that their request for the present is, that the execution of the order to Colonel Butler, for their removal, be suspended until the next session of Congress.
A copy of these was sent to the Governor, accompanied by a communication to him, urging his official application to the President, to obtain a suspension of the order for the moval of the intruders.
692 UMITSD STATEfl OOMMUMIOHUUI
Governor Sevier fonnd it necessary, to appease popular
( clamour on the frontier, to give, through the press,
( the prospect of further negotiations, by the Federal
Government, virith the Cherokees. On this subject he says,
in a circular :
Knoxville, 2dd April, 1708. *******
Oeorge WaltoD, Alfred Moore, and John Steele, Esqs., are appointed GommisBionere to hold a treaty with the Indians. Walton is from Georgia, Moore from North-Carolina, and Steele from Virginia ; gentle- men of high respectability, and from their known patriotism and abili- ties, I have every reason to believe that the interest of tho western country will be dehberately and duly considered.
The Federal Legislature has appropriated twenty-five thousand eij^t hundred and eighty dollars for the purpose of the negotiation — a sum, I hope, that will be fully commensurate and adequate to the object, and evince to our fellow-citizens the good disposition of the Federal Execa- tive and Legislature towards the interest and welfare of this State, and particularly in the relief of our unhappy fellow-citizens, who have been compelled to remove from their homes and plantations. It is expected the treaty will commence about the middle of next month ; the Com- missioners have not, as yet, arrived, but are expected in a few days. With resi)ect to the intended treaty, I presume it will be readily con- ceded that the State of Tennessee is very much interested in the event, and, perhaps, more so than may happen in any future period. On this important occasion, it will be particularly useful and beneficial to tho Executive, to have the aid and instructions of the legislature ; but as that body cannot, with conveniency, be convened, and it is at all times attended with considerable expense, and, at tho present, would be em- barrassing to the local circumstances of many of the members, and also our public funds, the Executive will, therefore, bo under tho necessity of resorting to such measures as to him may appear most likely to pro- mote the public interest, assuring his countrymen that nothing shall be lacking that may tend and lead to their present and future advantages, so far as ho may be enabled under existing circumstances.
The boundary between the Cherokees and the whites had not been run and marked ; some of the settlers had crossed what has been known as the experimental line, and to pre- vent further difficulties, the Federal Government ordered a removal of these trespassers, and proposed a further treaty of limits, &c. The Commissioners appointed for that pur- pose, were George Walton, Alfred Moore and John Steele. The Agent of the United States, Silas Dinsmore, was direct- ed to convene the Indians at the shortest notice, and the commandant of the Federal troops in Tennessee was directed
HOLD A TABAT¥ AT TILUOa- ' 60S
to hold in readiness a detachment to cover and protect the parties. Soon after their arrival in Tennessee, the Commissioners
issued the following :
BsLL Camton, 2l8t May, 1798.
Sir : — BeiD^ arrived at this placp, with powers to bold a treaty with the Cherokee Indians, on bebalf of the United States, and being in- lomied, by divers persons, since our arrival in the State of Tennessee, that the persons who were removed from the settlements on the Indian lands, do frequently cross the line, and cultivate the soil, in violation •f the law and the orders to Colonel Butler, and much against the will and consent of the Indians — we, therefore, have thought it our indis- pensable duty to interfere, and admonish the persons so trespassing, of the bad effects a perseverance in such conduct may produce ; assuriog the people so concerned, that we very sensibly feel lor their condition, and that we will do everything in our power for their most speedy re- lief; but, at the same time, we warn them that they, by persisting in the conduct so complained of, may put such relief entirely out of onr power.
We wish you to make this communication as extensively known as possible, and that you will impress the importance of our advice upon the minds of the people as much as possible.
We are, sir, your ob'd't serv'ts.
' June 21. — Preparatory to the treaty, the Agent of the United States, Mr. Dinsmore, was instructed to request the Indians to convene at such place as he might think most convenient for them to assemble, and which, at the same time, would most facilitate the obtaining the necessary sap- piies of provisions. With these objects in view, be was desired, by the Commissioners, to remonstrate against meet- ing the Indians at Oostinahli, on the 14th, as they had pro- fK)sed, and to invite them to assemble at their beloved town, Chota, or any other place on the banks of the Tennessee con- venient for them. They abandoned the idea of meeting at Oostinahli, and determined to assemble at Tuskeegee, on the 25th. The place of meeting was afterwards changed to Tellico, where they met the Commissioners.
June 20. — Governor Sevier having named General Robert- son, James Stuart and Lachlan Mcintosh, as Agents to represent the interest of Tennessee, at the treaty about to be held at Tellico, proceeded to give them minute instruc- tions on some points of special importance to the State. These were —
1st, — To obtaiD as wide an exlin^uisbmont of the Che- rokeo claim, north of the Tcnnessep, as was attainable.
2d. — All unimpeded cammunicalion of Uolaton and Clinch Rivers with ihe Tennessee, and the surrender of the west bank of the Clinch, opposite South-West Point.
3d. — To secure from future molestation, the settlemeota &s far as they have progressed on the northern and western borders of the Stair, and the coivjcollon of Hamilton and Mero Districis. then separated by a space of unextinguished hunting ground, eighty miles wide.
4th. — To examine into the nature and validity of the claim recently set up by the Cherokecs, lo lands north of the Ten- nessee River. Does it rest upon original right 7 Is it de- rived from Ireatics ! Is it founded only upon a temporary ose or occupancy ?
He further advises that, acting as they were with Com- missioners of Ihe United States, they might yield, for the sake of harmony, everything but the interest and dignity of Ten- nessee.
The gentlemen thus appointed and instructed, met July Sd, at Knoxville, and having appointed John Smith, Esq., their Secretary, and Joseph Sevier, Interpreter, rcpaire'I to 'the treaty ground, nearTellico Block-house. On the scTenth, '^y made known to the United States Comminioners the ^ot^ect of their appointment, and theirdesire of forwarding bj ■dl the means in their power, the object of the mission, and ^DCcasionaDy to state the ground on which Tennessee rests Jwr expectation of such efieotual interference on the part of An Union, as shall consolidate her detached settlements, and afford to her inhabitaots the nninterrupted Qse of streams destined by nature for their aocommodation." '• Col. Butler, the commandant of the post, treated the Agents with marked attention^ and offered to convey them,' from time to time, during their negotiation, in his bargc^ from their place of encampment to the Cooncil House. The Commissionera informed them, " that a seat in the Council would be provided for tbeir accommodation, but any pro- posals you may have to make or information to give, will be
WHO ATTBIIO AT TBB TBSATT. 80S
^ reoeived by us, at such time as may be convenient, at this
) place.**
I •• The Council opened. The Bloody Fellow having pro-
I faced the subject, delivered a paper which he stated to con- tain their final resolutions, which were a peremptory refusal to sell, and an absolute denial to permit the inhabitants to re- turn to their homes."
Monday, July 0. — ^The State Agents feeling considerable doabt of the favourable result of pending negotiations, in the manner they had been and were likely to continue to be conducted, transmitted to the Commissioners a communica- tion in writing, prepared with great care and exhibiting much research and familiarity with all the principles in- volved in the matter of their agency. It covers eight closely written pages of the Journal of the Agents now before this writer. It is worthy of a careful reading, and should be preserved, but its great length forbids its insertion on these pages.
To this elaborate communication, the Commissioners re- plied verbally, that though an able paper, much of its con- tents was irrelevant to the subject of present negotiations and that it would be their duty to forward it to the Govern- ment.
The chiefs manifesting the same determined opposition to a relinquishment of territory, the Agents of Tennessee made an effort to secure from them and the Commissioners, leave to the inhabitants who were beyond the experimental boundary, to harvest and remove the crops of small grain, then ripe and liable to injury and loss. The Commissioners considered this application to be ** wholly without the objects of their mission."
Further negotiation was postponed until the Ensuing fall. James Stuart, Esq., having resigned, his place was filled hy Gen. James White, of Knoxville, and the negotia^ tions were resumed at Tellico, on the 20th of September. The commission to Gen White, is thus expressed on the Exe- cutive Journal —
Jambs WnrrB, Brigadier-General of the District of Hamilton, com- misaioiied as Agent on the part of the State of Tenneaaee, with full
406 OHVROKBB BOUXDAIT* .
power to atUnd tbe treaty which the President of the United States has authorized to be held with the Cherokees, and there to state the obli-
etions of the United States to extinguish the Cherokee claim to such ids as have been granted to individuals by the State of North-Caro- lina, and in all things to represent the interests of the State of Ten- nessee.^
The United States Commissioners were Col. Thomas Butler
■
and George Walton, Esq.
During the progress of the treaty, it was found impracticable to eiTeet the primary objects had in view, in the appointment of the State agents. Gen. Robertson failed to attend, and Mr. Mcintosh resigned. It became necessary for the Governor^ himself, to attend. He did so. The Commissioners suc- ceededy at length, in effecting a treaty. It was signed by Thomas Butler, George Walton, and a long list of Cherokee chiefs.
Ry this treaty, the boundary was stipulated to be : Begin- ( ning at a point on the Tennessee River, below Tellico ( Block-house, called Wildcat Rock, in a direct line to the Militia Spring, near the Mary ville road ; from the said spring^ to the Chilhowee Mountain, by a line so to be run, as will leave all the farms on Nine Mile Creek to the northward and eastward of it ; and to be continued along Chilhowee Moun- tain, until it strikes Hawkins's line ; thence along the said line, to the great Iron Mountain ; and from the top of which, a line to be continued, in a south easterly course, to where the most southwardly branch of Little River crosses the divi- sional line to Tugalo River. From the place of beginning, the Wildcat Rock, down the north-east margin river, (not including islands,) to a point or place, one mile above the junction of that river with the Clinch ; and from thence, by a line to be drawn in a right angle, until it intersects Haw- kins's line, leading from Clinch ; thence down the said line to the River Clinch ; thence up the said river to its junction with Emmery's River ; thence up Emmery's River to the foot of Cumberland Mountain ; from thence a line to be drawn north-eastwardly along the foot of the mountain^ until it intersects with Campbell's line.*
* State Papers, yol. v., page 638.
ORIOIKAL 1<STm* WUOM 089BBAL WAtHINGTOV. tHfit
The treaty provides for the niniimg and marking of the boundary, and the payment to the Cherokees, for this cession of territory, of five thousand dollars, and an annuity of one thousand dollars.
The people of Greene county participated in the sentiment of the nation, in reference to the difficulties with France. The following proceedings were had :
At a meeting of the citizens of Greene county, held at Greeneville, Tenn., Colonel Daniel Kennedy was called to the chair, and George Duffield appointed secretary. A com- mittee was appointed to *' draw up and transmit to General Washington an address, expressive of the grateful sensibili- ties of the people, at his acceptance of the appointment of Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Ameri- can Armies at the present eventful crisis." The committee discharged the duty assigned, and received from General Washington this reply :
To TBS INHABrrANTS OF GrKBNB 00UNT7, IN THE StATB OV TeNNESBES :
Gentlemen : — Having once more engaged in the arduous duties of public life, (after I had retired therefrom, with the most ardent wishes and pleasing hopes, that no circumstances would occur to call me from my peaceful abode, during the few remaining years of my life,) I cannot be msensible to the approbation of my feliow-citizens ; and while I thank yon, gentlemen, for your warm and friendly address, permit me to ob- senre, that I can take no merit to myself for my personal sacrifices I may xnake , in accepting the important trust with which I have been
hcmoured ; for when the property of our citizens has been spoiled, oar sovereignty encroached upon, our constituted authorities threatened, can that man be deserving the appellation of an American dtizen, who would suflfer any motives of personal consideration, to withhold his exer- tions at such an eventful crisis f It certainly appears, gentlemen, as von observe, that the mild and pacific policy of America has been misiaken for cowardice and a base desertion of oor rights. But I trust that the injured spirit of our country will now be roused, and that wo shall show to the world, that we can and will support our rights and the govern- ment of our choice, against all aggressions, and that we will yield oor independence only with our lives. To do this, requires a spirit of unani- mity, which, I presume, will shortly prevail in every part of the United States, and that every virtuous citizen will see the necessity of his exer- tions, to preserve the invaluable blessings which we have yet in our power.
QxoRGB Washingtoit.
Mount Vernon, Sept Sth, If 98«
»
-ti^graadUy totha pfpelMMittetL .of Gpiagaor^ 4g0mr» the «a|l 1 i^coBd MMion of the fl6eo«d06ii(NiU.AiMUDbl7 of fhe v<r i State of Tctonawce begm at KiiOK¥iilo» Deewnbor l»
ims.
I^T, Thomas Hardeman, Seaator flmn Doindsen, liad resigDed, jmd. Jaovei BpbertMm was ejected 'ia hie. plao^ ./WiUiam Bloaat wae elected Seaatw 'fvom Kaos, m plaea of Jaaaie ,^Fhite, reeigaed, Groveraor Bloont Was: ^It^ted Speaker ci JSk^ Senate t Georgn Rooletone^ Clerks ■ and N* B. Bnekiag* ^|am« Aeeistant Clerk. . ,, ^
)e:£dward Scott wta elected Principal Oerk, aod SteplMa ^iird» Aflcictant Clerk, of the HoQse of Repreeeatative^ ^ * T la the mecsage to the Legblatore^ traastnltted by Govemer JA^yier, hft mggests an amendment of the militia law^^tf Jftis moment, when the United States are menaced ivilk ipfeign aggression ;*^ and also "f an appropdation to pMreat deQcieney Iif arms and ammunition.'* . He calls attontioa la the ** recent proceeding of Nortli-CarpUna, milltatiiig witfi -ffi*e. Act of Oesidon and dosing her offieei^ by which that otate prevento the inhabitants of Tennessee from perfecting AfBlr land titles.** He directs legiriative attention to Ae lands recently acquired from the Cberokees, and congratii- lates the country on the return to their homes, of such of the citizens as had been excluded temporarily from their quiet possession.
SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES IN THE CONGRESS OF THB UNITED STATES FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE.
Fourth Crongress — Second Session — ^Began 5th December, 1796, ended
dd March, 1797. Senators — Wiluam Cocks,
WiLUAM Blount. Representative — Andrew Jackson. Special Session of the Senate for one day, being 4th March, 1797.
Senator present — William Blount. Rfkih Congress — ^First Session — Began 15th May, 1797, ended lOtk
July, 1797. Senators — William Cockb,
Wm. Blount, attended 16 May, 1797. > Expelled,8 July,l797. J (K does not appear that any Representative from Tennessee attended at 'm session.)
Iir OONGBISB FROM TJIXIIB8SKB. 699
nfth CongroBft— -Sooond SeMion— Began 13th Nov., lldl^ ended 16th
July, 1798. Senators — Andrew Jackson, Joseph Andbkson. Representative — William Chab. Golb Claibourni. Special Session ci the Senate, began 17th July, and endiDg 19th July,
1798. Senator — Joseph Anderson — (one seat vacant.) Fifth Congress — ^Third Session — Began 3d Dec., 1798, ended 3d March^
1799. . Senators — Daniel Smith,
Joseph Anderson. Representative — William C. C. Claibournr. Sixih CiHigress — First Session — Began 2d December, 1799, ended 14ih
May, 1800. Senators— Joseph Anderson,
WiLUAM COUKE.
Representative — William C. C. Claiboornb.
July 8th. — William Blount, Senator from Tennessee, was, on this day, expelled from his seat in the Senate of the United States. Three davs before that time, he wrote the following letter :
Philadelphia, July 5th, '97. In a few days, you will see published by order of Congress, a letter ■aid to have been written by me to James Carey. It makes quite a fuss here. I hope, however, the people upon the Western waters, will seo nothing but good in it, for so I intended it, especially for Tennessee.
The letter to Carey became the platform of proceedings against Senator Blount. The Sergeant-at-arms of the Uni- ted States Senate, James Matthers, soon after repaired to Knoxvillct with the purpose of arresting the ex-senator, and of taking him in custody, to the seat of Government. After the service of process upon Blount, the Scrgeant-at-arms found it impossible to execute that part of his official duty, which required him to take the accused to Philadelphia. He refused to go. Matthers wa» treated by the citizens of Knox- ville with marked attention and civility. He became, for several days, the guest of Governor Blount, and was hospita- bly entertained by the State authorities. After some dayR, wishing to return with his prisoner to Philadelphia, he sum- moned n posse to his assistance. But not a man could be found willing to accompany him. Whatever foundation there ^may have been for the impeachment of William Blount, and whatever truth there may have been in the
-900 ^ BLOuHT^s iifPBAo&inanr,
charge preferred against him, there was no one in Tennessee who viewed his conduct as priminal, unpatriotic, or un- friendly to the true interests of the State, or the West ; and all refused to sanction the proceedings against him. The in- 'fluence of the Marshal of the District was either withheld, or was impotent amongst the countrymen of Blount. The Sergeant^at-arms, convinced of the fruitlessness of farther attempt, to execute one part of his mission, started home- ward. Some of the citizens accompanied him a few miles .from town, where, assuring him that William Blount could not be taken from Tennessee as a prisoner, bade him a po- lite adieu.
Next to Sevier, Blount was the most popular man in Ten- nessee. He had been identified with her people from the earliest settlement of the country, and his public services had been particularly advantageous to their interests^ and had secured their approbation, and were rewarded by their esteem and their gratitude. Whatever may have been pub- lic sentiment elsewhere, at home he never lost the confidence, nor forfeited the good opinion of his countrymen. An op- •portunity occurred, soon after the impeachment of Mr, Blount, in which the people of Knox county and the Senate of Tennessee demonstrated their appreciation of his fidelity to their interest, and of his capacity to serve them. General James White, the Senator from Knox county, sympathizing in the general feeling, resigned his seat in the Senate of Tennessee. With this resignation, the Speaker's chair, to which he had been elected, became also vacant. The voters of Knox county seized the opportunity, nnd elected William Blount their Senator ; and upon its meeting at the called session of Dec. 3, 1797, the Senate unanimously elected him its Speaker. And it is a circumstance somewhat re- markable, that while that body was acting as a Court of Im- peachment, of which Speaker Blount was the President, the United States Senate was, at the same time, engaged in try- ing the impeachment against him.
In the meantime, the trial of Mr. Blount progressed.
"Monday, Dec. 17, 1798. •* The process issued on the first day of March last, against William BlouDty together with the return made thereon, were read.*^
AND UI8 ACaUITTAL. 701
The Articles of Impeachment, in substance, charged that William Blount did conspire to set on foot a military hos- tile expedition against the territory of his Catholic Majesty in the Floridas and Louisiana, for the purpose of wresting them from his Catholic Majesty, and of conquering the same for the King of Great Britain. ** William Blount did not appear." Tuesday, Dec. 18, 1798. — Jated IngersoU and A. J. Dallas asked and obtained leave to appear as Counsel for Wil- liam Blount, and on the 24th, filed their plea, objecting to the jurisdiction of the Court, as William Blount was not now a Senator of the United States, and because, by the eighth ar- ticle of the Constitution, it is'declared and provided " that in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State or District wherein the crime shall have been committed,'* &c., &c.
January 3, 1799. — Mr. Bayardi in behalf of themanagersi filed a replication. To this Mr. IngersoU filed a rejoinder.
January 10. — Court proceeded in the debate qn the mo- tion, "That William Blount was a civil ofiicer of the United States within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, and, therefore, liable to be impeached by the House of Representatives, and that as the Articles of Impeach- ment charge him with high crimes and misdemeanours, sup- posed to have been committed while a Senator of the United States, his plea ought to be overruled." It was determined in the negative. Yeas, 1 1 ; Nays, 14.
January 14, 1799. — ^Judgment was pronounced by the Vice i President, that **The Court is of opinion that the ( matter alleged in the plea of the defendant, is suffi- cient, in law, to show that this Court ought not to hold jurisdiction of the said impeachment, and that the said im- peachment be dismissed."
The failure to sustain the prosecution against Mr. Blount, and his elevation by his fellow-citizens and the Senate of Tennessee to the dignified position assigned him after his impeachment, testify sufficiently, that in their judgment, he had perpetrated no wrong — inflicted no injury, and purposed
702 VIKDICATION OF BLOUMT
no evil — especially against his own State. Had he lived longer, that State would still have confided in and rewarded him further. His services and his abilities were never more highly appreciated than at the time of his death, which occurred soon afterwards, at Knoxville, March 21, 1800, in the 53d year of his age. The several offices he had held, have been enumeratell elsewhere in these Annals, and need not be here repeated. In all of them he had acquitted him- self with signal ability, zeal and faithfulness. *' De mortuis nil nisi bonumJ*^ If he erred in the whole course of a pa- triotic life, let the error be ascribed to an overwrought devo- tion to North-Carolina and to Tennessee. To the special interests of the mother and the daughter he devoted his life, his energies and his character. In the latter, especially, his memory is still revered, and the name of Blount is gratefully remembered, even at the present day. Here, he was never censured for the conduct which was made the occasion of the Senate's proceedings against him ; and his friends, con- scious of :his good intentions, never found it necessary to make a public vindication of his conduct. There is, how- ever, in the hands of this Annalist, a vindication of William Blount, made in 1835, by Willie Blount, his younger brother, who was associated with him in most of the transactions of his public and private life, and who succeeded him in the administration of the duties of Governor of Tennessee for many years. His character for candour, truth and impar- tiality, will be nowhere questioned, and the position of no one could have been more favourable for the ascertainment of all the facts he mentions, or the purposes to which he alludes, in the vindication of William Blount. It is addressed to Richard B. Blount, and the other orphan children and the relatives of the deceased. This document covers several closely written sheets, and, on account of its length, cannot be here given.
This vindication was never necessary for the good name of the subject of it in Tennessee. Had he lived longer, other positions would have been assigned him in the public service ; but he was cut off in the prime of life. A plain marble slab covers his remains, and points out his grave.
DE0BA8B OF GOVEftNOB BLOUNT. 703
near the entrance of the hurying-ground of the First Pres- byterian Church in Knoxville, upon which there is only the simple inscription : ''William Blount, died March 21, 1800, aged 63 years."*
During an early period of Governor Sevier*s administra^ tion, hewas mainly instrumental in procuring the passageof an Act by Congress compromising the land interest, or Ten- nessee claim to her soil, by securing the appropriation of two hundred thousand acres north and east of the Congressional reservation line, for the use of two colleges ; and also, fur- ther appropriations for county academies and common
schools, t
His administration was also sigqalized by efforts to con- nect Tennessee with her sister States, viz : through the Che- rokee nation, from Tellico Block-house to Georgia; also, from Winchester to Georgia, by Lowry's Ferry '^ and still another, leading from Nashville 'to Natchez, through the Chickasaw and Choctaw country.
On the last day of the ealled session of 1798, viz : January 5th, 1799, the presiding officers of the two Houses thus ad- dressed the Governor :
To John Sevibr, Governor of the State of Tennessee : •
The communication you have thought proper to make to both Houses of the General Assembly, at the commencement, and dunng the present session, afford additional proofe of the care which hath always marked your official character, since the 6rst appointment to your present station. In the course of the present session, the Legiftlature have taken into consideration, the object of your several commuuications, and acted upon the same consistent with the exigency.
The General Assembly, having finished the business before them, pro- pose to adjourn this evening, without day.
Jambs Stuart, S. H. R. Wii. Blodnt, S. S.
*For some of these details, the writer acknowledges himself indebted to the last ■oryivor of the pioneers of Knoxville* James Pari:, Esq., of that city, who, at to advanced age of a life of piety, usefulneas and public spirit, has kindly contribu- ted, from the rich stores of a well-informed mind and tenacious memory, his recol* lections of the past.
He is, also, in like manner indebted for letters from Hugh Dunlap, Esq., de* eeased, late of Paris, Tenn., who assisted in laying the foundation of KnuzvilU^ and of civilization in Tennessee, from its eastern to its western section He waf the ancestor of the fiunily of that name, already distinguished in their native State, and in Mississippi and Texas, f Bloont Papers.
7M MEETUfO OF TUB TBinrBflSEB LSaiflLATUBB.
Elections were held agreeably to law, and resulted again in the eloctioii of John Sevier as Governor of Tennessee, and W- C. C. Claibourne, Representative to Congress.
Sept. 16. — The first session of the third General Assembly, met at Knoxville on Monday, the sixteenth day of Septem- ber, 1799, when Alexander Outlaw was elected Speaker of the Senate, and John Kennedy, principal Clerk.
William Dickson was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Edward Scott, Clerk.
MsBfBERS OF THK SXNATB.
Blount and Sbvier counties — Samuel Olass.
CocKB AND Jefferson. — Alexander Outlaw.
Carter and Washington, — David Deaderick;
Davidson. — Joel Lewis and Robert Weakly.
Grainger. — John Cocke.
Greene. — Samuel Frazier.
Hawkins. — George Maxwell.
Knox. — John Crawford.
UoNTGoifBRT AND RoBBRTsoN. — James Noifleet
Sullivan. — George Rutledge.
Sumner. — Sampeon Williams.
Members of House of RxpBssBNTATms.
Blount. — James Scott
Carteri — Samuel Williams.
Cooke. — William Lillard.
Davidson. — Wra. Dickson, Geo. Deadcrick and Wm. Nealj".
Grainger. — Major Lea and Elijah Chishum.
Greene. — John Gass.
Hawkins. — William Ilord.
Jefferson. — George Doherty.
Knox. — John Menifee and John Sawyers.
Montgomery. — William Bell.
Robertson. — John Young.
Sumner. — Wm. Uail, Isaac Walker and Wm. Montgomery.
Seviek. — Spencer Clack.
Sullivan. — John Scott and Richard Gammon.
Washington. — Leeroy Taylor and John Sevier, Jun.
GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.
Mr, Speaker^ and Gentlemen of the Senate^ and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives :
It is with peculiar satisfaction I have the honour, this day, of meeting your august body in this Qouse, where I have the pleasure of informiDg Tou the State is blessed with peace and quietude — the fields of the liusbandman abundantly supplied with the fruits of the earth — our
GOVBRNOB SEVIBB^S MESSAGE TO LE6I8LATUBB. 705
harvests bave yielded to the labourer ample satisfaction for his toils, and the other crops of grain are equally proportionate.
The laws and regular decorum, so far as come within my knowledge, I have reason to believe, are duly observed and supported throughout the
government. Emigration and population are daily increasing, and I ave no doubt, under the propitious band of Providence, your patron- age, the wise and wholesome laws you, in your wisdom, may think pro- per to enact, that our State will become more and more respectable and. conspicuous, and the citizens enjoy all that happiness and comfort this human life, in an ordinary course, will afford them. The poor and dis- tressed claim the first share of your deliberations, and I have not the smallest doubt your attention will be duly directed to that, and every other object worthy of legislative consideration. Among other things, gentlemen, permit me again to remind you, that the landed es- tates of your constituents, in general, appear to be verging on to a very precarious and doubtful situation, and should a timely interference be neglected, it may become a subject of very great regret I, therefbrei beg leave to recommend, so far as may be consistent with the cession act, public and good &ith, that you provide, in the most ample maa- ner, for the security and peaceful enjoyment of all such property as may appear to be in jeopardy.
Oentlemen of the Senate, and Oentlemen of the House of Bepr^ sentatives :
I now proceed to enjoin on you the great necessity of promoting and encouraging manufactories, the establishing ware- bouses and inspections of various kinds. It will give a spring to industry and enable the agri- cultural part of the community to export and dispose of all the surplus part of their bulky and heavy articles. Providence has blessed this btate with a soil peculiarly calculated for the production of wheat, hemp, flax, cotton, tobacco and mdigo ; it abounds with ores and minerals, and has navigable rivers, amply sufficient to enable us to export to the best of markets. This being the case, gentlemen, you may readily conceive how essentially necessary it will be for the encouraging and promoting of all the advantages enumerated, for you to lend your early leffislA- tive aid and patronage. With respect to the affiurs of Europe, I am not able to give you much satisfactory information. The public prints seem to furnish contradictory accounts, but so far as I am capable of judging, our affairs with France assume a less threatening aspect than hereto&re, and I have the fullest confidence that the Executive of the General Government will use the greatest and wisest exertions to pro- mote and secure the peace, safety and dignity of the United States.
Oentlemen of the Senate, and Oentlemen of the House of Repn" sentatives :
I am deeply and sensibly impressed with the honour conferred on me by my fellow citizens, in being elected a third time, to preside as the C%ief Magistrate of the State. I earnestly wish I possessed greater abiliUes and talents to enable me to discharge the important dutiei^ trust and confidence they have reposed; but rest assured, so far as I am
45
706 SMITH COUNTT LAID OPF.
enabled) Dothing ynW be lacking or neglected in me, that will tend to- wards the interest, welfare and safety of the State. Before I dose tin address, 1 cannot forbear requesting a harmony of measures in your councils, and that you unite in endeavouring to promote our dearest rights and interests, and I have the fullest hope that, by your wisdom and policy, you may secure to our country the advantages and respect to which it IS entitled and has a right to enjoy.
(Signed) John Sevob. September 19th, 1799..
As was the custom of the day, the Speakers of the two Houses* made a suitable response to the Governor's message. It is here inserted :
To hk Excellency, John Skyiir, Governor of the State of TenDcnee.
Sir : — It is with peculiar satisfaction the Senate and House of Ro- preeentatives received your communication announcing to them thsi our State is crowned with the blessings of peace and quietude ; that tk tcnls of the husbandman are amply rewarded with abundant crops ; ihd the laws, throughout the State, are well and duly executed ; tnat emi- gration and population are daily increasing ; and we beg leave now to assure you that, under the directing hand of the All-seeing Provideiwe, nothing, on our part, shall be wanting to increase the respectabOity of our rising State, and promote the weuare and happiness of our oonstitn- ents.
Receive, sir, our assurances that the matters and thinss oontamed in your communications, and recommended to us as objects of legisli- tive attention, shall meet with that due investigation and delibenticn that the importance of the different subjects requires.
We beg leave, now, sir, to express our gratification of being the irit- nesses of your being once more called, by the unanimous suffi^sge of the freemen of Tennessee, to the seat of the Chief Magistrate of the State, and expressing our public confidence that you will continue to execute those duties, which appertain to your office, vrith that firmness, judgment and impartiality which have heretofore characterized the Chief Magistrate of Tennessee.
A. E. Outlaw, S. S.
Wii. Dickson, Jun., 8. H. R
Oct. 26. — ^The county of Sumner was reduced to its con- stitutional limits, and a new county, by the name of Smith, established. Its first Court was held at the house of Major Tilman Dixon. Smith county was called for General Da- niel Smith, who who was a native of Virginia, and was appointed, by Governor Jefferson, a Commissioner to run the dividing line between that State and North-Carolina. In the execution of this duty, he saw the beautiful country in the West, and soon afterwards removed to what is now
WILSON AND WILLIAMSON COUNTIES LAID OFF. 707
Samner county, whose people he represented in the North- Carolina Legislature, and in the Convention which ratified the Constitution of the United States. He became Secretary of the Territory and a member of the Convention of 1796. He was afterwards elected one of the Senators from Ten- nessee. General Smith was a practical surveyor of lands, whose works never needed correction. For intelligence, well-cultivated talents, for integrity and usefulness, in sound- ness of judgment, in the practice of virtue and in shunning vice, he was equalled by few ; and in purity of motive, ex- celled by none.*
Another new county was, at the same time, established. It was called Wilson, after Major David Wilson, a native of Pennsylvania, who emigrated to Sumner county, then North- Carolina. Here he was chosen a member of the Territorial Assembly, and, subsequently, Speaker of the House of Re- presentatives. He was an active and valuable officer in the Revolutionary war, and, for his services, the State of North- Carolina, by a special act ei her Legislature, presented him with a tract of valuable land within the limits of the State of Tennessee. He was an honest and highly meritorious citizen.
The first Court of Wilson county was held at the house of Captain John Harpole. First magistrates were — Charles Cavenaugh, John Allcom, John Lancaster, Elmore Douglass, John Doak, Matthew Figuns, Henry Ross, Wm. Gray, An- drew Donelson and Wm. McLain.f
Robert Foster was elected clerk ; Charles Cavenaugh, chairman ; Charles Rosborough, sherifi"; Wm. Gray, ranger s John Allcom, Register ; B. Seawell, Esquire, was appointed county solicitor.
Oct. 26. — The southern part of Davidson county was formed into a new county.
The new county was named Williai^on. John Johnson, Sen., Daniel Perkins, James Buford, William Edmonson and Captain James Scurlock, were the Commissioners to lay off
* Blount Papers.
\ Afterwards elected Clerk, which office he held fisr miDy jetm, His som J. S. McLain, afterwards was elected, and still continues Clerk of WHsod oonotj— 1852.
■one OF TranauBB u or
and erect pablic buildings in the Court was held at Franklin. Wil clared to be part of Mero District.
Caption of the principal Acts pas; Tennessee, at its session conunencin
1, An set increaaiog the jnrisdictioa of J
8. To suppress excessive gaming.
9. To prevent the nilful or malicious kil
10. Making provision for openinK ■ ro District acrow Cumberlnnd Mountain, thn kee lodi&ns, as stipulated by the Treaty of
26. ^tAblishing Kingston, near Soutb-^ under the direction of David Miller, Ale Praton, John Smith, Wm. L. Lovely, Mer N. Clark.
33. Establishing the town of Prtnklin. thral Jos«ph Porter, Wm. Boyd imd Da Commissioners,
34. Authorising John McKoiry, Jose; Joseph Philips and David UcQavock, to Court House in Nashville.
86. Establishing Haysborough, in ^arid 36. Entablishing Dandridge, inJefletton 4S. Making provision for electing Elec President of uio Dnited SUtes.
" That the said Electors may be trouble to the citizens as possible, selected three citizens in each of tl Districts of Washington, Hamilton i was to meet at Jonesboro', Knoxvill tively, and elect one Elector for eac Electors were then to meet at Knoxi dent and Vice-President of the Unite
Besides the distinguished sons of ' these pages, and others still surviving, mentioned many others who have go elsewhere fame and <fharacter — as be Clung, and Clay and Parsons of All Anderson, Lea and Dunlap of Mif Gaines of Louisiana ; Houston, C Texas ; Sevier of Arkansas ; Burne: Gallaber and King of Missouri ; 1
GOVEBNOB SBVIER'b OOUBT. 709
Reynolds of Illinois. The list could be much enlarged, but the limits of this volume will not allow the writer to in- dulge himself in that grateful duty.
Sevier's Court.
The laws of Tennessee required the Governor of the State to reside in Knoxville. In conipliance with this requirement. Governor Sevier kept the Executive office at that place, but had his domicil in the country, a few miles from the capital. To this he was driven, not less by necessity than his own taste, for rural quiet and the unrestrained habits, which use had imposed upon him in his intercourse with men.
After the organization of the State Government, the aspect of affairs at the capital underwent a change. There was no longer the source of power and patronage. These were no longer lodged in one individual, but were thrown broad-cast over the whole State, and were confided to the people themselves. The same court was, of course, not paid to Governor Sevier, that had been usually offered to his pre- decessor. There was discernible, too, less of courtly usage^ and less deference to magisterial dignity and patronage. Se- vier was, however, equally cordial, hospitable and generous. His private fortune was small. Like Clarke, Boon, and other pioneers, his public services had not been requited with pecuniary compensation. He was, indeed, a poor man. The inadequacy of his salary, forced him to adopt the most frugal and inexpensive habits. His attire was plain, but neat — his household limited, and his dwelling most simple, primitive and unpretending ; but even when thus restricted by the iron hand of poverty, his heart was generous and his feelings liberal. With less of the display of hospitality, with perhaps a smaller appreciation of some of its manifestations than Gov. Blount had shewn, the Governor of the State of Tennessee strove hard, for a time, to maintain the conse- quence of the Executive oflice, and at least not to allow it to fall beneath that of the Territorial administration. The effort was unavailing. His ofiicial duties he discharged, according to law, in town ; those of the citizen and gen- tleman, were transferred to his home in the country. The civilities due to all from the Governor, were dispensed at
710 AEVIER's COUNTKV RESIDEKCE.
his plain residence, south of tho river, on a plantation still known as the " Governor 's Old Place," and now occupied by Mr. George Kirby.
Upon the great road leading from Knoxville, the first Capital of Tennessee, and still the metropolis of the Eastern section of that State, and connecting it with Sevierville, Newell's and McGaughey's Stations, may be seen, at the dis- tance of five miles from the former place, the ruins of an old station, now in a deserted and worn-out field. In early times it had given protection to several fan:iilies adjacent to it. Before Knoxville was laid off, this station was a frontier post, which was reached by emigrants passing the trace from the mouth of French Broad to the lower settlements on Nine Mile and Pistol Creek. Near that trace, and after it crossed Bay's Mountain, at the foot of one of its rugged spurs, gushed forth a beautiful spring, surrounded by a hilly and rocky country. In this secluded spot stood the cabin of Governor Sevier, He enlarged the building, and made it, if not commodious and elegant, convenient and comfortable.
Here he received his guests in the olden style of primitive hospitality and backwoods etiquette. His bouse was always open, and not unfrequently crowded with his old soldiers and comrades in arms. A wandering pilgrim from Natchez or the Missouri, or his countrymen from Cumberland or else- vhere, passing anywhere through the. country, would find oat the aliode of their old captain, and was sure there to re- ceive an old-fashioned welcome. Amongst bis visitors were some of the Cherokee chiefs, with whom he recoanted past success to one, and defeat and disaster to the other. Id his neighbourhood were his compatriots, White, Gillespie, Jack, Cozby and Ramsey, all ofthem once ofBcers of Franklin, members and officers now of a well-regulated government, and of their mother church.
It is not true, as has been sometimes asserted, that Gov- Sevier was an Elder in the Presbyterian Church. It was far otherwise. He was a member of no church. With his fa- mily, he attended publi^ worship at Lebanon, four and a half miles east of Knoxville, then under the pastoral care of Rev. Samuel Carrick, where he was a constant and respectful
CHARACTEB OF 8EVIKB. 711
■
hearer. On these occasions, he doffed the soldier and comr mander — his hunting shirt and his sword — wearing only his three-corned cocked hat, with citizen^s clothes. He greeted his old friends with his accustomed cordiality. In the churchy his demeanour was grave and reverential.'^ He always oc- cupied the p^w of his well-tried and trusty friend. Doctor Cozby. This pew, in all its antique model and proportions^ is still preserved, and can be seen on the left of the principal aisle, near the front entrance of the present old stone build- ing. While at church, Sevier exhibited the well-bred Wil- liamsburg gentleman, rather than the pioneer citizen. But his demeanour, though characterized by the greatest propri- ety and gravity, was never understood to imply any personal interest in religious truth. Sevier's '' ethics did not run in that line." G^llio-like, *' he cared for none of these things.** He was too conscientious to appear to be what he was not. This was not only the purest day of the republic, but the soundest period of the church. The conscience of the indi- vidual would have been outraged by, and revolted at, a faWe profession, and public sentiment, far from tolerating, admin- istered its severest rebuke of unworthy membership in any ^communion.
John Sevier.
The Annals of Tennessee, after the period to which this volume extends, will abound with further incidents in the public service of Governor Sevier. But it may not be deemed out of place to say here, that it was his destiny to wear out his life in that service. After his first series of six years as Governor had rendered him ineligible, he remained in private life two years. Becoming again eligible, he was biennially elected to the Gubernatorial Chair for another se- ries of six years. He was then (1811) elected to the Con- gress of the United States from the Knoxville District, and re-elected to the same place in the succeeding Congress (1813). This period embraced the twelfth and the thirteenth Congress, in which the war of 1812 was declared and car- ried on. During this time, though usually a silent member, Governor Sevier was active and efficient. He was placed
712 DBOBAn OF SKTnUt AMD BOBBBTBOV.
upon the Conimittee of Military Affairs, where» fVom his long experience, he was able to render e^ntial and important Bervices on subjects referred to his committee. Mr. Monroe^ in 1815, appointed him a Commissioner to run the bonndary of territory ceded by the Greeks to the United States, in that year. He left his home near Knoxville, in Jmie, npon that dnty — was taken sipk of a fever in September, and died in a tent,, on the 24th of that month. He was baried with the honoars of war, by the troops under command of Captain Walker, U* S. A., on the east bank of the Tallapoosa River^ at an Indian village called Tuckabatchee, near Fort Decatu> in Alabama4 He was in his seventy-first year.
During his absence from home, at the August election of that year, Governor Sevier was re-elected to Congress with- out opposition — an evidence of his undiminished popularity to the end pf life. The Legislature of Tennessee noti<$ed his decease, and attested the appreciation by the State of his great services and high character, by the customary reso- lution to wear crape as a badge of mourning and respeet toft his memory. For more than forty years, Sevier had been eonstantly, and actively, and successfully occupied in the public service — civil, military and political : and the intelli- gence of his death diffused a general sorrow throughout the State and the West, where his memory is still respected, and his great services highly appreciated.
More will appear in the further Annals of Tennessee, rela- i ^^^® ^^ General James Robertson. Here it is proper to ( state, that this father of Tennessee — this founder of the settlements on Watauga and Cumberland ; this most successful negotiator between bis countrymen and their Indian neigh- bours ; this citizen, who so well united the character oFthe pa- triot and the patriarch ; continued to the close of his useful life, an active friend of bis country, and possessed, in an eminent degree, the confidence, esteem and veneration of all his co- temporaries ; and his memory and services to the Western settlements, in peace and in war, are recollected with grate- ful regard by the present generation. He died a little ear- lier than his compatriot and colleague, Sevier. This event took place at the Chickasaw Agency, September 1, 1814.
THCT DESERVE A CENOTAPH. 713
'«
Robertson and Sevier both were pioneers on Watauga ; what the one was to East, the other was to West Tennessee. Each, after a long life of activity and usefalness in civil and military affairs, died in the public service, and within Indian territory. A duty remains to be performed, in further honour of her two great founders — Robertson and Sevier — by the people of Tennessee. Their place of entombment is beyond its boundaries, and it is, perhaps, proper that their remains should not be removed from the field of their labours, their conquest and their glory, where they now repose. But Ten- nessee gratitude and public spirit should resolve, that near the proud Capitol at Nashville, a cenotaph should be erected, princely and magnificent, in memory of the founder at once of the State and of its flourishing Metropolis.
Not less imperative is the further duty, of adorning and dignifying the ancient capital of Tennessee with a similar structure, in memory of Sevier. Let one of the historic places within old Knoxville, or in its environs, be chosen, on which a cenotaph shall be erected, commemorative of the achievements, military and civil, of the pioneer on Watauga, the hero of King's Mountain, the Grovemor of Franklin and of Tennessee. May the writer suggest respectfully, though earnestly, to the able and enlightened press of his State, to appeal — as he does himself here appeal — to the public spirit and liberality of his countrymen, thus to perpetuate the fame of these worthies in the places already consecrated by their noble and patriotic services.
For 'the present, these Annals will stop here. Before closing the volume, however, it may be proper to add some general remarks, which could not be so well introduced elsewhere, upon Frontier Life, Frontier Manners, Frontier Society and Frontier Education.
Besides the enterprise, fearlessness and courage, already mentioned, as characteristic of the first settlers of Tennessee, we may mention other features in the character of these pioneers. In all the relations of life, their position being new and peculiar, their manners and customs, their costume^ amusements, pursuits, &c., are worthy of brief remark.
The settlement of Tennessee was unlike that of the pre-
714 pumnyi Tima w Tum
Bent new coantry of the United States. Emigrants finom As Atlantic cities, and from most points in the Western interioi^ now embark npon steamboats or other craft, and, carryinf with them all the conveniences and comforts of civilind life — ^indeed, many of its Inxories — are, in ^a few day% witb^ out toil, danger or exposure, transported to their new abods% and, in a few months^ are sorroonded with the appendagss of home, of civilization,, and the blessings of law and of society. The wilds of Minnesota and Nebraska, by ths agency of steam, or the stalwart arms of Western boatmen, are at once transformed into the settlements of a coouns^ cial and civilized people. Independence and St. Ppil's, rii months after they are laid off, have their storea and their workshops, their artizans ahd their mechanics. The mnitfaa maker and the tailor arrive in the same boat with the eer^ penter and mason. The professional man and the pcintv quickly follow. In the socceeding year, the piano, ths drawing-room, the restaurant, the billiard table^ the ohorsh bell, the village and the city in miniature, are all foiui4 while the neighbouring interior ia yet a wilderness and a desert. The town and comfort, taste and urbanity, are first ; the clearing, the farm-house, the wagon road and the im- proved country, second. It was far different on the frontier in Tennessee. At first, a single Indian trail was the only entrance to the eastern border of it, and for many yean admitted only of the hunter and the pack-horse. It was not till the year 1776, that a wagon was seen in Tennessee. In consequence of the want of roads — as well as of the great distance from sources of supply — the first inhabitants were without tools, and, of course, without mechanics — much more, without the conveniences of living and the comforts of house-keeping. Luxuries were absolutely unknown. Salt was brought on pack-horses from Augusta and Richmond, and readily commanded ten dollars a bushel. The salt gourd, in every cabin, was considered as a treasure. The sugar-maple furnished the only article of luxury on the fron- tier ; coffee and tea being unknown, or beyond the reach of the settlers, sugar was seldom made, and was only used for the sick, or in the preparation of a sweetened dram at a
THB P&ONTISE DWBLUN6 HOUSES. 715
wedding, or the arrival of a new-comer. The appendages of the kitchen, the cupboard and the table, were scanty and simple.
Iron was brought, at great expense, from the forges east of the mountain, on pack-horses, and was sold at an enormous price. Its use was, for this reason, confined to the construe* tion and repair of ploughs and other farming utensils^ Hinges, nails and fastenings of that material, were seldom seen.
The costume of the first settlers corresponded well with the style of their buildings and the quality of their furniture. The hunting shirit of the militiaman and the hunter ^as in general use. The rest of their apparel was in keeping with it — plain, substantial, and well adapted for comfort, use and economy. The apparel of the pioneers' family was all home- made ; and, in a whole neighbourhood, there would not be seen, at the first settlement of the country, a single article of dress of foreign growth or manufacture. Half the year, in many families, shoes were not worn. Boots, a fur hat, and % coat with buttons on each side, attracted the gaze of the beholder, and sometimes received censure and rebuke. A stranger, from the old States, chose to dofi* his ruffles, his broadcloth and his queue, rather than endure the scofi* and ridicule of the backwoodsmen.
The dwelling-house, on every frontier in Tennessee, was the log-cabin. A carpenter and a mason were not needed to build them — much less the painter, the glazier or the up- holsterer. Every settler had, besides his rifle, no other in- strument but an axe, a hatchet and a butcher knife. A saw, an augur, a free and a broad-axe, would supply a whole set- tlement, and were used as common property in the erection of the log-cabin. The floor of the cabin was sometimes the earth. No saw-mill was yet erected, and, if the peans or leisure of the occupant authorized it, he split out puncheons for the floor and for the shutter of the entrance to his cabin. The door was hung with wooden hinges and fastened by a wooden latch.
Such was the habitation of the pioneer Tennessean. Scarcely can one of these structures, venerable for their
71G BOMBS OP THB PIONEB&B*
years and the associations which cluster around them, be now seen in Tennessee. Time and improTement have dis^ placed them. Here and there, in the older counties, may yet be seen the old log house, which sixty years ago sheltered the first emigrant, or gave, for the time, protection to a neigh- bourhood, assembled within its strong and bullet-proof walls. Such an one is the east end of Mr. Martin's house, at Camp- beirs Station, and the centre part of the mansion of this wri- ter, at Mecklenburg, once Gilliam's Stati6n, changed seom* what, it is true, in some of its aspects, but preserving even yet, in the height of the story and in its old-fashioned and ca- pacioQS fire-place, some of the features of primitive archi- tecture on the frontier. Such, too, is the present dwelling house of Mr. Tipton, on Ellejoy, in Blount county, and that of Mr. Glasgow Snoddy, in Sevier county. But these old buildings are becoming exceedingly rare, and soon not one of them can be seen. Their unsightly proportions and rude architecture, will not much longer offend modem taste, nor provoke the idle and irreverent sneer of thet fastidious and the fashionable. When the last one of these pioneer hoos^ shall have fallen into decay and ruins, the memory of their first occupants will still be immortal and indestructible.
The interior of the cabin was no less unpretending and sim- ple. The whole furniture, of the one apartment, answering in these primitive times, the purposes of the kitchen, the din- ing room, the nursery and the dormitory, were a plain home- made bedstead or two, some split bottomed chairs and stools; a large puncheon, supported on four legs, used, as occasion required, for a bench or a table, a water shelf and a bucket ; a spinning wheel, and sometimes a loom, finished the cata- logue. The wardrobe of the family was equally plain and simple. The walls of the house were hung round with the dresses of the females, the hunting shirts, clothes, and the arms and shot-pouches of the men.
The labour and employment of a pioneer family were dis- tributed, in accordance with surrounding circumstances. To the men, was assigned the duty of procuring subsistence and materials for clothing, erecting the cabin and the station, opening and cultivating the farm, hunting the wild beasts,
PU&8UIT8 OP THB FIRST SETTLBB8. 717
and repelling and pursuing the Indians. The women spun the flax, the cotton and wool, wove the cloth, made them up> milked, churned, and prepared the food, and did their full share of the duties of house-keeping. Another thus describes them : — There we behold woman in her true glory ; not a doll to carry silks and jewels ; not a puppet to be dandled by fops, an idol of profane adoration, reverenced today, dis- carded to-morrow ; admired, but not respected ; desired, but not esteemed; ruling by passion, not affection ; imparting her weakness, not her constancy, to the sex she should exalt ; the source and mirror of vanity. We see her as a wife, parta- king of the cares, and guiding the labours of her husband, and by her domestic diligence spreading cheerfulness all around ; for his sake, sharing the decent refinements of the world, without being fond of them ; placing all her joy, all her happiness, in the merited approbation of the man she loves. As a mother, we find her the affectionate, the ardent instructress of the children she has reared from infancy, and trained them up to thought and virtue, to meditation and be- nevolence ; addressing them as rational beings, and preparing them to become men and women in their turn.
**' Could there be happiness or comfort in such dwellings and such a state of society 7 To those who are accustomed to modern refinements, the truth appears like fable. The early occupants of log-cabins were among the most happy of man- kind. Exercise and excitement gave them health ; they were practically equal ; common danger made them mutually dependent ; brilliant hopes of future wealth and distinction led them on ; and as there was ample room for all, and as each new-comer increased individual and general security, there was little room for that envy, jealousy and hatred, which constitute a large portion of human misery in older societies. Never were the story, the joke, the song and the laugh, better enjoyed than upon the hewed blocks, or punch- eon stools, around the roaring log fire of the early Western settler. The lyre of Apollo was not hailed with more delight in primitive Greece, than the advent of the first fiddler among the dwellers of the wilderness ; and the polished daughters of the East never enjoyed themselves half so well, moving to
tM
GREAT ADAPTATIOM 07 THE B
the mnsic of a full band, upon the elastic floor of their or- namented bnll-room, as did the daughters of the emigrants, keeping time to a self-taught fiddler, on the bare earth or puncheon floor of the primitive log cabin. The smile of the polished beauty. Is the wave of the lake, where the wave plays gently over it. and her movement, is the gentle stream which drains it ; but the laugh of the log cabin, is the gush of na- ture's fountain, and its movement, its leaping waters. *"•
On the frontier the diet was necessarily plain and homely, but exceedingly abundant and nutritive. The Goshen of Ame- ricat furnished the richest mi!k, the finest hotter, and the most savoury and delicious meats. In their rude cabins, with their scanty and inartificial furniture, no people ever en- joyed in wholesome food a greater variety, or a superior quality of the necessaries of life. For bread, the Indian com was exclusively used. It was not till 1790, that the settlers on the rich bottoms of Cumberland and Nollichucky, disco- vered the remarkable adaptation of the soil and climate of Tennessee to the production of this grain. Emigrants from James River, the Catawba and the Santee, were surprised at the amount and quality of the corn crops, surpassing greatly the best results of agricultural labour and care in the Atlan- tic States. This superiority still exists, and Tennessee, by the census of 1840, was the com State, Of all the farina- cea. corn is best adapted to the condition of a pioneer peo- ple ; and if idolatry is at all justifiable, Ceres, or certainly the Goddess of Indian corn, should have bad a temple and a worshipper among the pioneers of Tennessee, Witbont that grain, the frontier settlements could nothave been formed and maintained. It is the most certain crop — requires the least preparation of the ground — is most congenial to a virgin soil — needs not only the least amount of labour in its culture, but comes to maturity in the shortest time. The pith of the matured stalk of the corn is esculent and nutri- tious, and the stalk itself compressed between rollers, flir- nishes what is known as corn-stalk molasses.
This grain requires, also, the least care and trouble in preserving it. It may safely stand all winter, upon the stalk, • Kendall. t Batler.
to THB PRODUCTION OP CORN. 719
without injury from the weather or apprehension of damage by disease, or the accidents to which other grains are subject. Neither smut nor rust, nor weavil nor snow storm, will hurt it. After its maturity, it is also prepared for use or the granar}% with little labour. The husking is a short process, and is even advantageously delayed till the moment arrives for using the corn. The machinery for converting it into food is also exceedingly simple and cheap. As soon as the ear is fully formed, it may be roasted or boiled, and forms, thus, an excellent and nourishing diet. At a later period it may be grated, and furnishes, in this form, the sweetest bread. The grains boiled in a variety of modes, either whole or broken in a mortar, or roasted in the ashes, or popped in an ov€n, are well relished. If the grain is to be converted into meal, a simple tub-^mill answers the purpose best, as the meal least perfectly ground is always preferred. A bolting cloth is not needed, as it diminishes the sweetness and value of the flour. The catalogue of the advantages of this meal might be extended further. Boiled in water, it forms the frontier dish called mush^ which was eaten with milk, with honey, molasses, butter or gravy. Mixed with cold water, it is, at once, ready for the cook— covered with hot ashes, the preparation is called the ash-cake ; placed upon a piece of clapboard, and set near the coals, it forms the jour- ney-cake ; or managed in the same way, upon a helveless hoe, it forms the hoe-cake ; put in an oven, and covered over with a heated lid, it is called, if in a large mass, a pone or loaf, if in smaller quantities, dodgers. It has the further advan- tage, over all other flour, that it requires in its preparation few culinary utensils, and neither sugar, yeast, eggs, spices, soda, pot-ash or other et ceteras to qualify or perfect the bread. To all this, it may be added, that it is not only cheap and well tasted but it is, unquestionably the most wholesome and nutritive food. The largest and healthiest people in the world, have lived upon it exclusively. It formed the principal bread of that robust race of men — giants in minia- ture— which, half a century since, was seen on the frontier The dignity of history is not lowered by this enumeration of the pre-eminent qualities of Indian com. The rifle and the
7S0 aroKTB of thb VAOirnBE movtM.
axe have had their inflaeace in subdaiDg the wildemen to the purposes of civilixation, and they deserve their enlogisls and tmropeters. Let psans be sang ail orer the migh^ West, to Indian cornr-withont it, the West woald have still been a wilderness. Was the frontier suddenly invaded t Withoat cominissary or quartermaster, or other sources of supply, each soldier parched a peck of com ; a portioii of U was put into his pockets, the remainder in his wallet^ and, throwing it upon his saddle, with his rifle on his shoulder, he was ready, in half an hour, for the campaig.i. Did a flood of emigration inundate the frontier, with an amount of consumers disproportioned to the supply of grain? The £scility of raising the Indian com, and its early maturifj, gave promise and guaranty that the scarcity would be tem- porary and tolerable. Did the safety of the frontier deoiand the services of every adult militiaman t The boya and wo* men could, themselves, raise corn and furnish ample supplies ' of bread. The crop could be gathered next year. Did an autumnal intermittent confine the whole family or the entin population, to the sick bed T This certain concomitant of the clearing, and cultivating the new soil, mercifully with- holds its paroxysms, till the crop of corn is made. It re- quires no further labour or care afterwards. Paeans, say we, and a temple and worshippers, to the Creator of Indian corn. The frontier man could gratefully say : '' He maketh me to lie down in green pastures. He leadeth me beside the still waters. Thou preparest a table before me in pre- sence of mine enemies,**
The sports of the frontier -men were manly, athletic or warlike — the chase, the bear hunt, the deer drive, shooting at the target, throwing the tomahawk, jumping, boxing and wrestling, foot and horse racing. Playing marbles and pitch- ing dollars — cards and backgammon — were little known, and were considered base or effeminate. The bugle, the violin, the fife and drum, furnished all the musical entertainments. These were much used and passionately admired. Weddings^ military trainings, house-raisings, chopping frolics, were often followed with the fiddle, and dancing, and rural sports.
Another custom prevailed extensively on the frontier. An
A FBONTIJSa CUSTOM. 721
account of it furnished many years since to " The Knoxville Argus," is here copied. Its style is scarcely in consonance with the gravity of history, but descriptive as itis of a usage not yet wholly unknown, and once general in Tennessee, it is deemed not unworthy of an insertion here. It was written late in December.
Mr. Editor — Christmas is just upon us again, and its re- turn will awaken in the recollection of many an old settler a melancholy reminiscence, of the way it was kept in auld lang syne. What would you give, Mr. Editor, to see a real old-fashioned backwoods Christmas frolic 7 or a Christmas country dance 7 or a Christmas quilting 7 or best of all, a genuine Christmas wedding 7 I mistake you much, if, with all your known appreciation of modern improvement, the bare mention of it has not excited your enthusiasm : and he must have little veneration, indeed, who can think of it without emotion. Why, your town parties, and balls, and soirees^ and all that, are nothing in comparison. There is no heart about them — there is still less of nature. But the contrast makes me sad, and I leave it. Who, in these times of modern degeneracy, ever hears of school-boys barring out the master 7 That in my early days, on the frontier, was one of the regular observances of the Christmas holiday. Perhaps you don't understand even this custom of early times in Tennessee, and need to have it described. Well, then if either you or your readers have so far wandered from the old paths trodden by our venerated fathers, as to require it to be explained, let me do so by first saying, that in the nomenclature of early times out here, school-boy was synony- mous with your present pupil, scholar, student, academian^ or collegian. The different grades of freshman, sophomore, junior, senior, graduate and under graduate, bachelor and master of arts, were as little known as the secrets of as- trology or the Metamorphoses of Ovid. A country school had but two classes in it, viz : the big boys and the little boys, and sometimes a third — the girls. Again, in the back- woods vocabulary, master was a synonyme with your present teacher, preceptor, tutor, professor, principal, superintendent,
rector or president. Academy, Institute, College and Uni- 46
I
versity, were words not aiiapled to these paratlelB of lBti> tude at all : ami if you had spoken of a matriculation ticket, the employont and employees, pnranls, master and boys, vvoold all have been astounded. They expressed the same idea by a simpler form; "John Smith ims signed the school article, and Jim will be here to-morrow." The school-house was, in that day, a genuine bona fide log cabin, built of unhewn logs, cut from the forest in which it stood, near a spring, and was erected by the joint assistance of the "neighbours." Tht building was sexangular, the extreme points of the longest diameter, subserving the double purpose of ends to the bouse and convenient appendages for commodious fire-places, at chimneys were most significantly and appropriately called in thosedays of simple convenience and comfort in archttec- tupe. What did it matter if appertures at each end, as large as a barn door, did allow a rather free ingress to Boreas and the snows of winter? A neighbouring wood furnished sup- plies of fuel without stint. Oh 1 who can forget tbe Inxury of one of those old-fashioned school-house fires 1 1 shiver this cold night to think I shall not again sit by and enjoy them.
But barring out the master was effected thus : A school is a larger commonity in miBiatDre, and a soheolnniater a me- oarch upon a small scale. Boys somstimei claim the right of self- government as inherent and divine, and, Hke older politicians, deolu« themselves, and, especially, about Christ- mas, to be free and equal ; and if that declaration is not sano- tioned by others, they claim the right of maintaining it even by revolution. The master, on the other hand, is as teoa- cktufl of his short-lived authority, as the Aatocrat of Rnseia, or any European legitimist; and resists, at its inception, the first invasion of his prerogative. A short time before the tienal outbreak, a spirit fd insubordination and greater fo- miliarity is manifested in the sohool. To repress Uiis in the bud, the master assumes a sterner demeanour, becomefi cap- tious, arbitrary and tyrannical. His subjects become, of course, less patient of restraint, and call a conventioo. Some one " born to command," proposes the bold measare (rf rebellion, and the dethronement of the despot. The propo- sitioD meets the general concarrenoe of tbe. school, uid Pri-
BARRED OUT OP THE 8CHOOL-HOU8E. 723
day morning preceding Christmas, is appointed as the time for carrying the purpose into execution. The plan is com- municated to some congenial spirits in the neighbourhood, who, sympathizing with the feelings of the youthful confede- rates, become their allies. At an early hour, they tajke pos- session of the school-house, kindle large fires in the chim- neys, barricade the door ; and wait, with shouts of defiance, for the approach of the master. He arrives, and is denied en- trance. He commands submission, asserts his authority, at- tempts to enter by force, but is repulsed. Sometimes he calls others to assist in re-establishing his authority ; but the be- sieged refuse to surrender, unless upon terms of honourable capitulation — a treat and a week of holidays. Conferrees of both parties are appointed, to negotiate the treaty ; the terms are arranged, and the belligerents are at peace. If the terms are not assented to by the master, negotiation is at an end, and the uUima ratio regum decides the contest. The benches are removed from the barricaded door ; the besieged party sallies forth, and captures the unaccommoda- ting master. A prisoner in their hands, if he still continues obstinate, a gentle kind of violence is threatened. His cap- tors, though unacquainted with the laws of nations, feel that inter arma silent leges, take their prisoner to the nearest wa- ter, and plunge him under it. The argument of the cold bath in December succeeds ; he yields to their demands ; a messenger is started off for apples and cider, and, sometimes^ for refreshments of a more stimulating kind. A general merriment and exhilaration follow, in which the victors and the vanquished unite in reciting with cordial glee, both the tra- gic and comic of the siege. The holidays are spent in rural sports and manly amusements. The good wishes of the season obliterate all recollection of past differences between master and boys ; and when, on the next Monday, "books" is called, each one quietly and cheerfully resumes his proper position in the school-house. The master's authority is re- cognized as legitimate — his instructions duly valued ; the boys, late successful insurgents, have voluntarily returned to their allegiance, and after a pleasant relaxation from their studies, are again prosecuting them with profit and diligence.
724 OTHER CHAEACTERISTIC8
They continue studious and obedient until the approach of the next Christmas."
The new-comer, on his arrival in the settlements, was everywhere, and at all times, greeted with a cordial wel- come. Was he without a family ? he was at once taken in as a cropper or a farming hand, and found a home in the kind family of some settler. Had he a wife and children ? they were all asked, in backwoods phrase, " to camp with us till the neighbours can put up a cabin for you." The invitation accepted, the family where he stops is duplicated, but this inconvenience is of short duration. The host goes around the neighbourhood, mentions the arrival of the stran- gers, appoints a day, close at hand, for the neighbours to meet and provide them a home.
Aftpr the cabin is raised, and the new-comers are in it, every family, near at hand, bring in something to give them a start. A pair of pigs, a cow and calf, a pair of all the domestic fowls — any supplies of the necessaries of life which they have — all are brought and presented to the beginners. If they have come into the settlement in the spring, the neigh- bours make another frolic, and clear and fence a field for them.
All these acts of kindness and beneficence are not only gratuitous, but are performed without ostentation, and cor- dially. The strangers so appreciate them, and the first oc- casion that presents, they are ready, with a like spirit, to extend similar kind offices to emigrants who come next. The performance of them thus becomes a usage and a char- acteristic of the frontier stage of society.
Of other stamina in the character of the Tennessee pio- neer, a stern independence in thought, feeling and action, attracts the notice and secures the respect of all who are pleased with simplicity, truth and nature. To these may be added frankness, candour, sincerity, cordiality, and the invi- olability of a private friendship. He that could be false or faithless to a friend, was frowned out of backwoods society, and could never again enter it. No perfidy was considered so base, so belittling, and was so seldom excused or forgiven, as the desertion of a friend or ingratitude to a benefactor.
"In^ratum me si dixeris omnia dixeria."
OF FRONTIER flOCIBTT. 735
To say of an individual that he was not true, carried with it a stigma which, on the frontier, could never be wiped out. On the contrary, to say his heart was in its right place, se- cured to him fraternal regard and public confidence.
Being in the simplest stage of society, wealth, station, office, family, were, of course, not essential to distinction 6t esteem. His own personal merits, in which the physique had its weight — ^his good feelings, his capacity to amuse and instruct, and his innate civility, gave the possessor a pass- port to the consideration and regard of the frontier man and his family. Indeed, without them, an emigrant was friend- less and a stranger. To have it said of one : He cares for nobody, was, itself, to exclude and drive him off.*
To say of one — he has no neighbours, was sufficient, in those times of mutual wants and mutual benefactions, to make the churl infamous and execrable. A failure to ask a neighbour to a raising, a clearing, a chopping frolic, or his fa- mily to a quilting, was considered a high indignity; such an one, too, as required to be explained or atoned for at the next muster or county court. Each settler was not only willing, but desirous to contribute his share to the general comfort and public improvement, and felt aggrieved an(\ insulted if the opportunity to do so were withheld. *• It is a poor dog that is not worth whistling for," replied the indignant neigh- bour who was allowed to remain at home, at his own work, while a house raising was going on in the neighbourhood. •**What injury have I done that I am slighted so?"
This beneficent and unselfish feeling is the charm of a new community, and has not yet forsaken the more rural districts of Tennessee. Long may it be retained and vene- rated amongst the descendants of the pioneers !
At the termination of the Territorial Government, the tocsin of war had ceased, and on the long line of the Ten- nessee frontier a general peace prevailed — " the sword was beaten into a ploughshare and the spear into a pruning hook." The soldier rested from his martial toils, and no longer thought of the campaign, the rendezvous, the march, the bivouac, the night assault, the desperate charge, the
• Butier,
726 DKAJITH OF TUB lf£All8 OP
deadly conflict in arms, the deathfal carnage, the fierce Im^ suit, nor the triumphs of victory. The conquest achieved, the enemy driven out, the country settled, after a struggle of twenty years the soldier reposed upon his laurels, doffied the warrior, and in the quiet repose of domestic life, devoted himself to the calmer pursuits of the citizen and the patriot at home. Order and law had taken . the place of disconleot and turbulence. Civil government was firmly established, and each citizen became still prouder of his country, and more interested in its prosperity and improvement.
From the existing peace, sprang up new and important du- ties. The war which had occupied the pioneers of Tennes- see so long and so constantly, had forced upon them the un- welcome necessity of neglecting, in some de^ee, the intel- lectual and moral training of the young. While physical education had absorbed fully the attention of the first set- tlers, surrounding circumstances had not permittcul them to give suitable culture to the minds and hearts of their child- ren. In some of the forts and stations, some one in them best qualified for the duty, was selected to teach the children to read and write. Books were scarce on the frontier, and those suited to the age and capacity of the young, were not to be had. Paper, ink, slates and pencils, were of difficnlt procurement. An important letter, or despatch, was often written with ink, made of gunpowder, upon the blank leaf of a Bible, or other book — was sealed with rosin and for- warded by a runner to another post. School-houses on the border settlements were unknown — teacher and pupils would alike have there become victims of Indian cruelty and re- venge. In the older neighbourhoods the children were bet- ter instructed.
Moral culture was, for like reasons, seldom afibrded to the first inhabitants. Here and there was forted, with the rest of the settlers, the minister of truth, who conducted public worship, and expounded the word, and administered the sa- craments. In the absence of such a functionary, a part of these services was performed by some pious layman, who in the older country had known the Sabbath and appreciated its sacredness — had hallowed the sanctuary and valued its
MOBAL AMD INTSLLECTUAL EDUCATION. 727
privileges — ^had bowed in prayer and felt its power — ^had heard the preached word and was impressed with its influ- ences— ^bad listened to the songs of the people of Grod, and had his heart melted by the inspirations of sacred mt^sio. Such an one, with no license but the consent of his hearers^ no authority but the law of necessity, no order but the com- mand of conscience and duty, became the leader of public worship in a fort, perhaps an exhorter and a minister. It cannot be doubted that this assumption of the sacerdotal of- fice was, for the time being, productive of great good, and exerted a happy moral influence in restraining vice and pro- moting virtue upon the frontier.
Now, however, when peace was restored, the fort disman- tled, and every inhabitant could set under his own vine and fig tree, ** with none to molest or make him afraid," school- houses and churches became the first care of the inhabitants. A minister and a school-master was sought for in every neighbourhood. Many of the inhabitants had themselves e]\joyed in the Fatherland the advantages of learning and of religious training. Yielding to the promptings of a spirit of enterprise and adventure, they forsook the altar and the fire- side, where parental care and vigilance had furnished the means of moral and intellectual culture. Thrown suddenly upon a distant frontier, surrounded by thoughtless, if not pro- fligate and vicious associates, they may at first have ceased to be shocked at the habitual desecration of the Sabbath, or the use of profane language. ** Evil communications" may have corrupted their purity, and led them to deride the in- junctions impressed upon the youthful conscience by mater- nal solicitude. Engaged in business, they become identified with all the interests of the society of which they now form a part, the heads of a family and the principal citizens of their neighbourhood. Their children are growing up, it may be, in carelessness and ignorance, untutored and vicious. It is now that the lessons of their youth, in all their force and freshness, come home to their heart and conscience, reminding them that their Father's house was a house of prayer. They recollect the sacred quiet of the day of rest, the catechism and the school-house. They think of their old minister and
I
I
the school. master. A teacher arrives in the neighboorhood, or a pioneer hernld of the cross passes through ihe country. They are sought after. The one is invited to preach, a nu- cleus of a christian congregation is formed, and the regular ordinances of a christian church are established. The other is employed to teach ; the school-houss iserected ; instruction, cheap, solid and useful, is imparted to the young. The whole face of society undergoes a perceptible amelioration. Good morals, tbrirt, taste, progress and improvement succeed.
Besides these sources of improvement, there were others worthy of notice. Roads and other channels of communi- cation were now opened up to the several parts of the fron- tier, which admitted to them emigrants from older comma. nities, who brought with them wealth, comfort, books, fash- Ion and refinement. Commt.rce began to exert its wonted inHuence in modifying and refining society. Philadelphia and Baltimore merchants furnished capable young men of the West with a small stock of goods ; and though subjected to the delay and expense of a long and tedious land trans- portation of seven or eight hundred miles, over bad roads, from these cities to Holston and Cumberland, the traffic became mutually advantageous to buyer and seller. Heavy articles of export reached the foreign markets by the fiat- bottomed boats of the country, down the MiBsissippi. A few goods and groceries, from the West Indies, were reoeired in keel boats, by the same channel. Money became more abundant. More attention was given by the inhabitants to the style and convenience of their buildings, the oeiUness and taste of their costume, and the embellishment and im- provement of their farms and villages. Knoxville bad begnn to wear the aspect of a town, and Nashville gave, even dien, certain indications of her future importance, wealth and commerce. The streets were extended ; stores were malti- plied and workshops were established. The future proud Metropolis of Tennessee — now adorned with the most mag- nificent Capitol in thie Union — began to be visited by stran- gers in search of a theatre for the exercise of commercial enterprise and skill. No city has been more fortunate ia having, as the artificers of its fortunes, skilfid, enligbteiwd,
OF IMPROVEMENT TO THE GOUIITRY. 729
liberal and public spirited merchants. Nashville may well be proud of the soldiers who have gone out from her midst, and the Commanders she has furnished, in every period of her history, when the condition of the State or the Union made a call upon her chivalry, her patriotism, or her devotion to liberty. She may be proud of the fame of her civilians and statesmen, whose remains repose in her precincts, or of those who, in after times, adorned, dignified and still serve her at home or in the national councils. She may boast of her science, her arts and her learning ; but, earlier in her his- tory, it was the spirit of the Nashville merchants, that made her what she is destined to be — and, indeed, already is — the great focus of wealth, of commerce and manufactures. At the end of the last century, radiating from that centre, went forth, to the surrounding settlements, industry, thrift, improve- ment and taste. Here and there, at irregular intervals, ap- peared the well-cultivated farm, in the woods of Cumber- land, and the stately mansion in the place of the frontier cabin.
In those purer days of the republic, patriotism was not an echo merely. With the pioneers of Tennessee, it was a principle, deep, strong, active, full of vitality and vigour. ** Their glowing love of country, their lofty independence, their devoted courage, their high religious trust, their zeal for education, as the consequence of their deep regard for the welfare of their descendants, all challenge our applause ; all demand our emulation. In those days, professions of esteem, pro bono publico, were sealed with active efforts, not suffered to evaporate in air."*
The principles held by the men of that day were their convictions, the convictions of a deliberate judgment and of a pure and unselfish patriotism. In these, they were persis- tent and conscientious. An ebullition of disappointment, a factious paroxysm, an unhealthy ambition, a newspaper paragraph, were powerless in degrading a faithful public officer, or in elevating an incompetent or an unworthy aspi- rant. The tactics of the partizan and the factionist were
* Mr. Humect Addreas.
780 OEBAT EBVIVAL OF REUfOIOV.
unknown, and the manufactories of public sentiment, were confined to the good common sense of the people themselvei rather than their passions, their interests and their preju- dices. In the selection of public officers, the inquiry wai not — does the office suit the candidate 7 but, is he qaalifiec for the office ? Identity of interest with the constituency, t public service, and an honest, if not enlightened love a country, secured the confidence, and ivith it the patroDa|< and suffrages of the masses.
This account of the progress and improveuient attainec by Tennessee, would be incomplete, without a notice of tb Great Religious Revival, which occurred about the end o ^ the last century. Their frequent conflict vrith the Indiam the war of the Revolution, and the exciting scenes throagi which the pioneers of Tennessee had passed, during the for mation at several periods of their civil Government, had beei accompanied with a necessary relaxation of morals. Re ligious instruction and worship, were necessarily neglected and the forms even of religion were most imperfectl}' main tained. The march of armies, and the excitement of a sol dier's life, are little favourable to the culture of the mora sense. Vice and immorality follow in their train. Tht same may be said of the clamour and tumult attending upoi political antagonism and faction. They have little tendenc] to make men better. The standard of morality is lowered, anc the sacred fire of conscience burns less purely, both in the congregation and the family. Scenes of bloodshed and par- tizan animosity, steel the heart against the commands of God.
But now, war and its influences bad ceased, and the quiet oi a stable government had given repose to the excited masses. This condition was favourable to the needed reformation, and happily the instruments by whom it was to be efiected were at hand. ** Men of burning zeal, inspired by the lofty theme, and imbued with the power of a boisterous but natural eloquence, came amongst the people, and declared their mission. To most of them it was novel, and, therefore, at- tractive. Large audiences of sensitive and enthusiastic hearers, were assembled, the fame of the preachers is ex-
HBBT GA1IP-MIUSTIKG0. 781
tended to distant neighbourhoods, other appointments are made, at which thousands will have congregated, some of them having come more than fifty miles."* This created the necessity of what has since been known as '^ a Camp- meeting."
'* The first important Camp-meeting on record, was held at Cane Ridge, in Tennessee, in the summer of 1700. The re- vivals and protracted meetings, which had preceded it, caused the attendance of a vast concourse of people, en- camped in the dense forest, where the religious exercises were continued day and night This novel mode of worship- ping God, excited great attention, and people flocked to it from a distance of fifty or sixty miles ; many came from Lexington, Kentucky, a distance of one hundred and eighty miles. At night the grove was illuminated with lighted candles, lamps and torches. The stillness of the night, the serenity of the heavens, the vast concourse of attentive wor- shippers, wrapped in the deep solemnity which covered every countenance, the pointed and earnest manner in which the preachers, in different portions of the vast concourse, ex- horted the people to repentance, faith and prayer, denounc- ing the terrors of the law upon the impenitent, produced the most awfully solemn sensations in the minds of all. Twenty thousand persons were estimated to be presentf
The next important Camp-meeting was on Desha's Creek, near Cumberland River. It was also attended by many thousands of people, and the same scenes were witnesisied in a still more remarkable manner. ;{; In other parts of Ten- nessee and Kentucky, these assemblages of the people were also general, and were accompanied with similar infiuences.
The Ministers, who led the way in these exciting revivals, were William and John McGhee, Rev. James McGready, Hoge and Rankin, of the Presbyterian church ; and William McKendree, William Burke, John Sale and Benjamin Lakin, of the Methodist church. §
* Monette. f Bang. X Mooette. i Ibid.
t
I
FRONTIER EDOCATIOM, - The means of both moral and intellectual culture are n**! CGssarily meagre and inadequate, in all new and frontier settlements. It was so in eariy limes in Tennessee. For many years there were few clergymen, and few competent ,4eachers. There were no libraries and few books, Occa- ' tonally a mtni-:ter of the gospel, well educated and capable of imparting instruction, would open a classical school, and furnish thus tothe young men of the country, the facilities of acquiring useful and solid learning; but such a school was at first rare. The common schools of the country were, in like manner, scarcejand infrequent, and where they were had, the teachers were olten incompetent.
In this dearth of ihe opportunities of moral and mental training, it might be supposed that the inhabitants would become necessarily vicious and ignorant. To some consid- erable extent, it was so. But he is greatly mistaken, who mpposes that an illiterate is necessarily an ignorant popu- lation. Far otherwise. Fortunately for the new commu- nities, upon a remote frontier, olher instrumentalities than the pulpit and school-house — invaluable and inappreciable as they are admitted to he — are found for the improvement of the mind and heart.
Education, in its broadest sense, regards the body, the mind and the heart. When thus subdivided, it is physical, inte)iectual and moral. Physical education is no where more perfectly attained, than upon the frontier, in a salubrious climate. The first emigrants to the solitudes of the West were remarkable for their enterprise, hardihood, vigonr, powers of endurance, health and manhood. These were not only generally inherited by their children, bnt increased and augmented by the circumstances around diem. Their pursuits cultivated and enlarged them. Their mode and style of living had the same tendency. There was no Inxn* ry to enervate, no excess of labour to depress, no idleness to enfeeble them. Every one was employed ; there was no idler — no voluptuary — no drone in society. Each one felt bim- Mit stimulated by his position, in a career of active or use-
GENERAL INTELLIGENCE ON THE FBONTIER. 738
ful employment. The chase, the campaign, the building of cabins and forts, the felling the forest, the subduing the wil- derness, all demanded active and manly exertion, and, ii^ spiring hope and promise for the future, assisted 'in develop* ing in the highest degree the physical man. Nowhere else has the race attained a fuller development or a higher perfec- tion, than upon the Tennessee frontier.
Intellectual education, if it did not advance e^tio j9ed!e, was still not without its own peculiar adjuvants and stimulants. The frontier mind had its culture, though the sources of it, and its channels, were not the same as in older communities. It has been already stated that there were few professional instructors, and few books, and no libraries. This deficit, however to be deplored, was not accompanied with ignorance, as would now, by many, be supposed. A frontier peoplct though generally illiterate, is usually remarkable for great good sense and general intelligence. Of these there are, fortunately, other sources than libraries and institutions of learning. Nowhere, more than upon the frontier, are these brought into requisition. The ambition of superiority is nowhere more active and all-pervading. There, above all others, the race for distinction is open to all ; the start is even ; each one enters with an honourable competition to come out foremost. General intelligence, useful information, good common sense — these, and not scholastic attainment, be- come the standard, the object, purpose and aim of the fron- tier citizen. With these in his view, he is stimulated to teach himself. He has the intellect and the ambition to learn ; he has the leisure to inquire, to think and to investi- gate for himself. Oral communication becomes thus, upon the frontier, the great source of instruction. Information thus acquired, though less minute and extensive, is not less solid or profound, nor less accurate and reliable, than that obtained bv the infant mind from books. Hence, there is less fanaticism, fewer errorists, fewer ultraists, in an unlet- tered population on the frontier, than in an older community with greater literary advantages — every moment of its time absorbed by and devoted to business, with no leisure, and less inclination, to think for themselves. The thoughts j^f
I
and-DflioitrtthMil toad oMster ilh^^iriilte Ckir other coitt* prehtad a' wider rattge^ and obvw *a greatiBr 'tfea* The ftei^er*iBlnd jprMpe the pvUlb gMd, the inlStiitioiilr e^ ttie eoaiilry, geverttAebti ImWi,- (htodoByi poStidi^ medl* eiiie^ efviry thingw Thb may wAitCh^ iwBMtiiiies did oreate» aa onamiable telfHRiflMeiiet^ *'^ trait of'dttnuS* tMr matt cdmuabte, howtTer, thaa a Wiid iDbMrriennf *^to the dogmas of the adioels or a fluhhmAhHi jmbUe ophitoii: No one to the Magaw ApeUo to the'frn^i^aiatL Heli the Magna* Ap(4k> to htmsdf. N^Uhi»^4MklhmjvtN^ wrfte mrngkiri^ to hto motto.' Free inTiMigfltttoia, imd Biide^ IMadenC thinUoib ^6k yremfaiwit Aataotar irttes of the hor^ der eetdeaientt hi TeiiaeaMe. Theito Wwe luen *ht Ae €oh^ Toaiiou and 4egi8lrititte» of FraakHii» of di« Tsrritoifid GoTammeat; aad of Ttmms^ yAito omU dM read f aM yttt mMy if hot aUbf them^ were mea of stSiDBg' mental pew^ m^ greittlgood^ eeaie, eactearive, if Mit pHifii^ edge^'aad jrcmaAable fbr thdr ahHiwdite^ (Mgaoity. bitelleots aot dMipahnid by books, roattatt^ lustraetiami dajt seholastie roles ; bat trained by the least imperfbet teacher^ a constant intercourse with man, and an examination into the relations arising from the condition of society. Go- vernor Blount, whose position and attainments gave him the most ample opportunity to form accurate opinions on this subject, felt no unwillingness to consult the least learned of the Territorial Assembly, as to the policy of his adminis- tration. ** That old man," said he, ^ is strong-minded, wise, and well-informed, if he^ can not read." Another has said, speaking of the frontier man : ^' He is silent in manner, em- barrassingly so at first, extremely accurate in his observa- tion of human nature, and any man that cannot bear to be scrutinized had better not come here. He judges much by the eye, and has a most enviable power of estimation ; your temperament, looks, speech and acts, ape all taken in by him ; and if you can get a tablet of his judgment, you will find a remarkable daguerreotype of your exact worth writ- ten. They are phrenologists and physiognomists, not merely ihilosophers, but as practical appliers of those inductive
aM9J
BT FRONTIER PEOPLE. 735
sciences ; and beneath a show of positive laziness or langaor, there is an amount of energy and action, mental and physi- cal, perfectly surprising."
Oral instruction, as alluded to above, we do not confine to one only, of its manifestations. Besides that, in the family or in the neighbourhood, was the Debating Club, the Forum, the Tribune, the Legislative Hall, and the Hustings. As all had the leisure, so no one lacked the disposition to avail himself of each of these agencies, to acquire information. Returning from them to his quiet cabin, the theme was there introduced, and the argument resumed by the frontier man and his sons. A searching anal}'sis was there made of every position taken, and every argument offered ; and with unlettered logic, and with an original ratiocination, a judgment was attained upon the subject examined. Men educated in the schools, were then, as they still are, surprised at the amount of infor- mation, and the reasoning powers exhibited, in the humble dwellings of the obscurest neighbourhoods, upon subjects supposed to be beyond their reach.
Moral education upon the frontier was conducted with lit- tle of the advantages which result from the institutions of religion and piety. The pulpit and the congregational orga- nizations which accompanied it, were wanting. This great deficit was, upon that account, supplied the more earnestly, by other instrumentalities. It created the necessity, more especially for the conscientious parent, to exercise. the great moral power of the parental office, of the family and the family altar, the home and home influence ; these were all brought to bear upon infancy and childhood, in their plastic forming state. As has been well remarked by another, ** there is not a more gigantic moral* power committed to creatures upon earth, perhaps not in the Universe, than the power of the parent over the child, because it lies back of all other sources of influence. To the parents are committed the fresh materials, untouched by any human hand, out of which the whole physical, moral and intellectual character of the nation, is to be manufactured for good or for evil. Every parent, every home, is an educator for the country.
* Rer. L. J. HaImj^. ^
I
736 , MORAL TRAINIHC AT THE FIRESIDE.
Through his child, the parent has a. channel of influeDce,a open door of communication with the world and with pos- terity, through which he is forming the character and shaping the destiny of his country." This great duty became doubly imperative in the new settlements. The pulpit, the school- house, the press, were not there to divide with the parent, the fearful responsibility of the moral training of the^'oung. He was the priest of his own household. The duty could not be transferred to another. The great lessons of truth, honour, probity, virtue, honesty, public spirit and self-reliance, were taught and inculcated at the fireside, with all the freshness of a personal interest, and with all the sanction, authority and alTection of the parental relation. None could have as- sumed this duty with a higher propriety. They could be discharged by no others with greater fidelity or success.
The enumeration of the traits of character which belonged to frontier life might be much enlarged. We should like to dwell here a little upon the enthusiasm, vivacity, shrewd- ness and self-respect of the Tennessee frontier man, but we can only mention two others. An unostentatious hospitality characterizes the backwoodsmen. It begins in the wilderness where alellow huntsman has lost a butcher knife. His less unfortunate comrade breaks his own in two, and gives the one half to the other. Has one lost his ammunition? the other cuts his bar of lead, and divides it and his remaining powder, with his companion, before they separate. Emi- grant families, on their way through the wilderness, intro- duced and practised this considerate regard for the coDve- nienoe of others. The*Iast duty, at breaking up camp, when setting oat on a day's jonrney, was carefully to cover over the coals and chumps of burning wood, remaining of their camp fire, that those sucbeeding them the following eve- ning, at the same spring or water c6urse, might have the facility of starting a fire, without delay, on their arrival at It. Tn inclement weather, this was a kindness which none but emigrants can duly appreciate. Does the settler de- scry from his cabin door a stranger riding near it? He goes to meet him, asks him to come in and spend a night The family makes him welcome, attends to all his wants, an-
CHARACTER AND STATE PRIDE OF THE TENNE8SEAN. 737
ticipates what may add to his comfort, and never allows him to depart without exacting a promise that he will come again and stay a week on his return. Does a neighbour casually approach his door? He is not allowed to go further till he alights, partakes of some refreshments, and becomes ac- quainted with the inmates of the humble househofd. Is a neighbour sick — are his fields in consequence unworked, and likely to furnish no crop ? A day is set, the neighbours as- semble, distribute the work amongst themselves, plough and hoe the corn, gather his harvest, haul his wood, send a mes- senger for the physician, and day and night administer to his necessities, and soothe his sufferings and watch around his sick couch. Oh, such sympathy and kindness is itself cura- tive and remedial., and makes us think better of ourselves and of unsophisticated and artless human nature ! It is an Oasis in the desert, a green spot in the contemplation of early times in Tennessee, which it is delightful to witness and re- member. Growth, and progress, and art, have, in some places, obliterated these beautiful and amiable features of our earlier society ; enough still remains, to excite a regret that they are less general, and less appreciated than in the infancy of the country.
Another trait, and the last we can mention in the charac- ter of the frontier man« is his lofly State pride. This is not a sentiment only ; with him it became a passion. The Ten- nessee pioneer can be exceeded by none in fondness for and admiration of his own countr}% His valour acquired — his enterprise subdued it. It has become the idol of his heart, the home of plenty, of quiet and security. Its greatness excites his admiration, its beauty his pride, its character his enthusiasm ; its unstained escutcheon is the theme of his boast and glory. If he leaves the hills and plains, the moun- tains and valleys, and rivers of his own country, like the Swiss, he remembers them with affection and a melancholy pleasure. In all his wanderings, in success and in triumph alike, as in solitude and disaster, his thoughts are turned constantly upon Tennessee and his early home-^he invokes a blessing upon the Fatherland, and heaves the sigh of re- gret that he left it» and cannot be interred beneath its soil. 47
APPENDIX.
ITameB and date of erection of the Counties in the State of Tenneetee^ and by iohat authority erected^ and reinafke.
|
MAMIS. |
DATB. |
BT WHAT AUTHOKITT. |
BXMAEK8. |
|
|
WaahingtOD, |
Nov., |
1777. |
North-Carolina. |
Taken off Wilkes and Burke counties, N. C. |
|
SallivaD, |
OctobeTj |
, 1779. |
«r M |
Off Washington. |
|
Greene, |
April, |
1783. |
M « |
Off Washington. |
|
DftTidsoa, |
April, |
1783. |
M M |
Off Greene ; or, rather, off part of Greene. Off East end of Davidson— |
|
Siumier, |
Not., |
1786. |
M M |
|
|
• |
that is E. of Stone's river. |
|||
|
Hawkins, |
Not., |
1786. |
« ft |
Off Sullivan. |
|
Tanneaiee, |
Not., |
1788. |
M •! |
Off Davidson: this county, when the Sute of Tennes- see was named, gave up its name. These seves counties were erected prior to the cession, in 1789, by N. Carolina, of her westen territory. |
|
Jeflenon, |
Jane 11^ |
,179a. |
By Ordinance of > |
Off Greene and Hawkins. |
|
Edoz, |
June 11, |
,1792. |
the Governor. |
Off Greene and Hawkins. |
|
Knoz, extended. |
1798. |
By Tenn. Aaeembly. |
||
|
Sevier, |
Sept 27, 1794. |
Territorial AsMmbly. |
Taken off Jefferson. |
|
|
Bloont, |
July, |
1795. |
M W |
Off Knox— these were the only two counties erected by the Territorial Assem- bly, the several other coun- |
|
> |
||||
|
ties of the State were |
||||
|
• |
erected by the Legislatnre of Tennessee. |
|||
|
Carter, |
April, |
1796. |
TenneaKe Anembly. |
Taken off Washington. |
|
Orainser, |
April, |
1796. |
<« <• |
Off Hawkins and Knox. |
|
Montgomery, |
April, |
1796. |
i( tt |
Formed out of part of Ten* nessee county. |
|
Robertson, |
April, |
1796. |
« M |
It t€ ti |
|
Coeke^ |
October^ |
,1797. |
Taken off Jefferson. |
|
|
Smith, |
October, |
1799. |
Ii M |
Off Sumner. |
|
WilBon, |
October, 1799. |
« it |
Off Sumner. |
|
|
WilliamaoD, |
October, 1799. |
ii tl |
Off Davidson. |
'^ i
• ■'< *
'A* 740 AvnorDa.
BOUNDABIES OF OOUHTIES.
WathinfUm Chunty was hud off 9^^ 17Y7, with the feUowug boandariat: Beffmninff at tlie norA-matwardly point of the Comntf of Wilkea, in the vifgida Hn9; JtbKMsa^ wttfr the fine of Wilkes Coutfi to a point twentY-siz mihs sonth ct tlw Vii^^pflia line; thenee, doe west to the ridge of the Great Iron fountain, whieh, heretoCote* divided the hanting-gronnds of the Overly Cherokees, from thoie of the ICddh Settlements and YaliiaB; thenee» running a soothwaidlj xxmne along the said ridge, to the UneoJt Honntain, wheve the tnidlng«*path mtobssi the same, nom the Valley to the Orerhills; ihenee, sonta, with the fine of this State a^oining the State of SonthOarolina; thenoe, doe weatvto the gieatAver Sfississippi; thwe^.iy.ihevStiMi.riiigr^^^ point due west from the b«ginning. ■ ^
Sullivan Comntf is made to hiwin on the BCMip Bbek; thenoe, alow the dividing ridge that separates &e waten of the Great Kedahawa and iPmiMtfM^ to the head of IhcBan Greek; ib6no% idon^f the iflgiNhal ^iridet the waters of Hobton and Watange; ttoiee, aoiredt Sne to the highest part of the C!himney-Top Mountain, A the Lidiaa boOndsrr. Sulifan Oonotf is that part of WashingtoBitwhioh lately waajMm of this line. • *
The fine difi£ng Washington from Gfeeiw,'bMpa:at WiUiam'Wfr fiamsVi, in the brk of Hme Creek, at the fbot oTthe Ixon Moontam^ thenoe, 4 direct eowse to George Gillespie's house, at or near the mouth of Big limestone ; thence, a north ooanse to the fine wUsh divides the Counties of WashiDgton and Sullivan; thenoe, with die said line to the Chimney-Top Mountain ; thence, a direct course to the mouth of Cloud's Creek, on Holston River. That part of Washington which lay to the west of this line, was, thenceforward, to he the County of Greene.
Davidson County. — ^The boundaries of Davidson county were as fol- low: Beginning on the top of Cumberland Mountain, where the Virginia line crosses it ; extending westwardly along said line to the Tennessee River; thence, up said river to the mouth of Duck River; thence, up Duck River, to where the line of marked trees run by the Commissioners for laying off the land granted to the Continental line of Korth-Carolina intersects said river, which said line is supposed to be in thirty-five degrees, fifty minutes, north latitude ; thence, east, along said line to the top of Cumberland Mountiun ; thence, northwardly, along said line to the beginning.
Sumner County. — The line of division began where the county line crosses the west fork of Stone's River ; thence, a direct line to the mouth of Drake's Lick Creek ; thence, down Cumberland River to the month of Kasper's Creek ; thence, up said creek to the head of the War Trace Fork : thence, a northwardly course to the Virginia line, at a point that will leave Red River Old Station one mile to the east That part of Davidson County that lay east of this line, was to belong to Sum« ner County.
V-
APPEHOIX. 741
Hawkins County was formed bj dividing SalHvan. The diTiBfoiuiI' line began where the boundary line between Virginia and North-Caro* lina crosses the North Fork of Holston ; thence, down said fork to ita junction with the main Holston ; thence, across said river, due south, to the top of Bay's Mountain; thence, along the top of said mountain to the top of the dividing ridge between the waters of the Holston and French Broad, to its junction with Holston River ; thence, down the said River Holston to its junction with the Tennessee ; thenoe, down the same to the Suck, where said river runs through the Cumberland Mountain ; thence, along the top of said mountain to the aforesaid boundary line, and thence along said line to the beginning. All that part of the territory lying west of the north fork of Holston, was erected into the county of Hawkins.
Tennessee County. — Beginning on the Virginia line ; thence, south, along Sumner County to the dividing ridge between Cumberland River and Ked River ; thenoe, westwardly, along said ridge to the head of the main south branch of Sycamore Creek ; thence, down the said branch to the mouth thereof; thence, due south across Cumberland River to Davidson County line. All that part of Davidson County, west of this line, was erected into a county cialled Tennessee.
Jefferson County. — ^The line follows. Beginning on Nollichucky River at the place where the ridge, which divides the waters of Bent and Lick Creek, strikes it ; thenoe, with that ridge to BulPs Gap of Bay's Mountain ; thence, a direct line to the place where the road that leads from Dodson's Ford to Perkin's Iron Works, crosses the watery fork of Bent Creek ; thence, down that road to the head of Panther Creek ; down the meanders of that creek to the River Hol- ston : thence, a north-west course to the River Clinch. Again : from Nollichucky River, where the ridge that divides the waters of Bent and Lick Creek strikes it, a direct course to Peter Fine's Ferry, on French Broad ; thence, south, to the ridge that divides the waters of French Broad and Big Pigeon, and, with said ridge, to the eastern boundary of the territory. Southward and westward of the line thus described, two new counties were to be established. The one, Jefferson County, to be butted and bounded by the above line, from the eastern boundary of the territory, to the River Holston, and down that stream to the mouth of Creswell's Mill Creek ; thence, a direct line to the mouth of Dumplin Creek, on French Broad ; thence, up the meanders of French Broad, to the mouth of Boyd^s Creek ; thence, south, twenty-five de- grees east, to the ridge which divides the waters of Little Pigeon and Boyd's Creek ; and, with the said ridge, to the Indian boundary, or th« eastern bounding of the territory, as the case may be, and by the east- em boundary.
Knox County, — ^Tlie other county, Knox, to be butted and bound- ed by the lines of Jefferson county, from the mouth of CreswelPs Mill Creek, to the eastern boundary of the territory, or the Indian boun- dary, as the case may be. Again : from the mouth of the naid Creek, up the meanders of the River Holston, to the mouth of Panther Creek ; thence, north-west, to the River Clinch ; thence, by the River Clinch to the place where the line that shall cross Holston at the ndge that
4ivid«itlM waters of little Biyiriuid Tennaiieei aeoovding to the Umij ef SolMoi^ sludl ttrike ifti aod br AM K^^
JBtUmthmif JUmiU ^ Mtm Obiiiiiyi—ljieoateqoeaee of Uieooi- ^ of (SieiolDM Itodb at tke Tellioo 'DPMljf the Snos «oimty line wm eaieaded fiom die eiiA of diuoh Movnrtein ^« poith-weit ooQraet»: GBadi Bi?er ; down that river^ oppodite« the end of Ae Croei Mowi- tafai ; theaoe^ wiUtiirid Hioaii^iiv.to the. ZndiaB Vonndaiy at Oomber^ l^Hid Momitaiiii and vith Che Cooiberiaod Moimtam, i^greeabie^ te the TMbj of TelKeo, to Emery*» Biver ; thenee. down ita WMndem to th« Bfer CRoch, and down theeame 4o the peint where the line ef the aaid treaty atrikiea it» and with that Use to the TesneMee ; thenee^ up l|ie meanders of the same to. the point fbmned hj the Janetaon of the Hdston therewith; thenceyVp the sieaadera..of,the fiolafoiiy^m the Mtiith ride, to the month of Little Biver.*
jSi!9«ir Cl9iiiity«-^-BeffinnBiff on the eastm bonndaiy of this terri*. tmy; {nxit . tbenoey • weotune to the ridse that dindee the wHteia 4r JUttle from the waters of Big Fifson; thenoe» along the eame to the head of Hnddr Creek; thenoe, a direet line to Iki lower end of an island in Frendi oroad Biv^, formerij known by the name of Hub: bertVi Island; thenoe, a ^ireet line to the idoath of Orsswell'a IfiU Onek ; thenee^ with the Kdbx Conbty line to the top of B«rV Honii- tl^} tbenoe^ along thi^said monntain* to where the IVenbhoroadrwm ^longh the same; th^nee^ along the said movntain, and with the ez- fesme hmg^t thereel^ to the place where the ridge finding the walom clrPreoeh JSrotMl.ftiom those of Littie Biver, intersects the sanie ; thenes^ Hiih said ridge to the J^geon Monotain ; thence, aloi^ sud monntain to the Indian boundary, and with the same to the eastern bonpdaiy of the territory ; thence, to the beginning.
Blount tfounty."— The line bagan on the south side of the River Holston, at the mouth of Little River; thence, up its meanders, on the south side, to the mouth of Stock Creek ; thence, up its meanders, on the south side, to the head of Nicholas Bartlett's mill-pond, at high water ; thence, a direct line to the top of Bay's Mountain, leaving the house of James Willis to the right, within forty rods of the same line ; thence, along Bay's Mountain, to the line of Sevier County ; thence, with that line, to the eastern boundary of the territory ; thence, southwardly, to the line of the Indian boundary, according to the Treaty of Holston, and with that line, to the River Holston, and up its meanders, on the south side, to the beginning.
Carter County. — Beginning on the North-Carolina line, at a point from which a line, to be drawn due north, will strike the house of (George Haines ; thence, the nearest direction to the top of Buffido Mountain ; thence, along the heights of the said mountain, to the high knob on the same, near the north end thereof; thence, a direct line to the house where Jonathan Tipton, Jr., now lives, leaving said house in Washington County ; thence, a direct line, to the south bank of Wa- tauga River, at Jeremiah Dugan's Ford ; thence, due north, to the Sulli- van line. All the territory, east of this boundary, was established as Carter County.
Orainger County, — Beginning on the Main Road, leading from Bull's
APPENDIX. 743
Gap to HaJDe's iron works, on Mossy Creek, at the honse of Felps Read ; running a direct cour»e to the Kentucky road, on the north side of Holston River: thence, north, fifty degrees west, to the Virginia line ; thence, west, with said line, to a point north-west of the end of Clinch Mountain ; thence, a direct course, to the end of Clinch Moun- tain ; thence, with the ridge that divides the waters of Richland and Flat Creek, to Holston River, at the upper end of the first hluff above Boyle's old plaoe ; thence, up the meanders of the river to the mouth of Panther Creek ; thence, up said creek to the head spring thereof near the house of John Evans ; thenoe, along the main wagon road, to the beginning.
Montgomery and Bobertson Counties were formed out of Tennessee County, by a line beginning at the upper end of the first blu£^ above James McFarlin's, on Red River, near Allen's cabins ; running from thence, a direct course to the Sulphur Fork, a quarter of a mile below Elias's Forts ; thence, up the creek, as it meanders to the mouth of Brush Creek ; thence, up the same, as it meanders to the head : thence, a direct course to the Davidson County line, at the mouth of Sycamore Creek ; thence, with the Davidson Hne, up said creek, to the Sumner County line; thence, with the extreme height of the dividing ridge, eastwardly, to the Kentucky road, leading from Nashville ; thence, northwardly, with said road, to the Kentucky State line ; thence, west, with said line, to such place as a south-east course, leaving Joseph French in the lower county, will strike the beginning. Within this boundary was established the new County of Robertson. The remain- ing part of Tennessee County was to become a separate county, by the name of Montgomery.
Cocke County, — ^Beginning on the North-Carolina boundary, on the south side of French Broad River, one mile from said river \ thence, down the river, one mile, to where it intersects the line, of Greene County ; thence, with that line, to Nollichucky River, a small distance below Captain William White's house; thence, down the said river, to French Broad, leaving all the islands to Jefferson County ; thence, down French Broad, in the same manner, to the bent of said river, opposite Colonel Parmenas Taylor's ; and, from thence, a direct line, to the top of English's Mountain, within one mile of Sevier County line ; thence, parallel with that line, to the uppermost house on Cozby's Creek ; and, from thence, an easterly line, to a point on the boundary line of North- Carolina, as to leave six hundred and twenty-five square miles in Jeffer- son County ; and, from, thence, with the North-Carolina line, to the beginning.
Smith County. — Beginning upon the south bank of Cumberland River, at the south end of the eastern boundary of Sumner County ; thence, north, with the said eastern boundary, to the northern boun- dary of the State ; and, with the said boundary, east, to where it is intersected by the Cherokee boundary ; thenci , with that boundary, to the Cany Fork of Cumberland River ; thence, with said fork, according to its meanders, to the mouth thereof; thence, down the south bank of Cumberland River, according to its meanders, to the beginning.
WiUon County. — Beginning upon the south bank of the River
"TM APPENDIX.
Cumberlfind, nt low water mark, at ihc mouth of Drake's Lick Branch, Ibe north -MA l^rii corner of David&on Coauly ; thence, trilh the line of Davidson County, Ui the Cherokee boutidary, and, niLi) said boundary, to the Cany Fork ; and. down the Cany Fork, according to iU metm- ien, to the mouth thereof; thenc«, down the meanders of Cuml>erland Biver, by the »oulb bank, to the beginning.
WUUanuon County. — Begiuning at a point forty poles due north of the' dwelling-house of Thomas McCrory, on tho waters of Little Har- peth ; running, thence, cast, two miles and one hundred and four poles; tfaence, Bouth, seventy degrees, east, sixteen milts and two bundr^ aad •eveoty poles ; tbotice, duo ex^l sixteen miles and two hundred and ■evenly poles ; thence, due south to the Indian boundary ; tbecice, with ■aid line, weatnnrdly, to the Robertson County line ; thence, with that line, north, to a point due we^t from tho mouth of Little Harpeth; thenoc, a direct line to a point on South Harpetb, aouth-west from the nouth of »aid Little Qarpeth; thence, norlh-enat, to the mouth of s^d £ttle Harpelh ; thence, a direct line to the beginning.
{.*«(»■ -J- ij^-W"**! «■!' iHl .\rf
JUL 5 13T7
Stanford Unlferslty Llliniry
Stanford, California
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