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sate h tilts 5 tet Ba i EL le i ah ll 


tie Ht) 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 
on a VIEW or tHe 
His TORY, 
BROLITFLCS, 


Bl EE RATURE, 
For the YEAR 1796. 


THE SECOND EDITION. 


LONDON: 


BRINTED BY B. M°MILLAN, BOW-STREET, COVENT-GARDENj 


for the Proprietors of Dodsley’s Annual Register, 

W. OTRIDGE AND SON ; FAULDER AND SON; CUTHELL AND MARTIN; 
OGILVY AND SON; R, LEA; J. NUNN; J. WALKER; LACKINGTON, 
SLLEN, AND CO, B, JEFFERY ; AND VERNOR, HOOD AND 
SHARPE, 


1807. 


he ee. ele 


7 VEN tn the history of the present war, so novel in both its 
origin and conduct, the year 1796 is particularly interesting 
to every subject of the British empire. ‘The spirit of innovation, 
imported into this country, from France, became strong, rampant, 
and daring. ‘The established orcer of afiairs was loudly threatened. 


‘Outrage, in a quarter that ought to be held the most sacred’ from 


violence, was actually begun: multitudes of men appeared ready 
to precipitate themselves into anarchy and rebellion. 

In such cireustances, the British government deemed it necessary 
to take strong measures of prevention. On the conduct of admi- 
nistration the nation was divided, according as they were, more 
or less, forcibly struck with the dangers to be apprehended from 
popular encroachments on’the one hand, or those of the executive 
government on the other. ‘The apprehensions of both parties were 
abundantly justified by experience. 

It was scarcely possible, that, in.such a shock, the balance of 
our constitution should not, in some degree, be shaken, and bent a 
little, for a time, towards one side or other. The candour and 


indulgence with which we have treated the opposite opinions on 


this important, delicate, and tender subject, we wish to be con- 
sidered, by our readers, as a pledge of that perfect impartiality and 
freedom from all party spirit, by which we wish this work to be 
distinguished. As it extends to many years back, so we hope it 
will be continued, and find acceptation in the world, for many years 
to come. It is not ior any party, or temporary humour, or passion, 
that we select and record the transactions and events of the passing 
years, but for our countrymen, and all men, in all times and cir 
cumstances. 

Though we are rather inclined to be of opinion with those who 
think the measures of administration, to which we have now 
alluded, were compelled by the dangers and exigencies of the times, 


Vou, XXXVI. a2 we 


iv PREFACE. 


we are neither unconcerned, nor unalarmed, at whatever seems to 
impose restraint on civil or political freedom. 

On a due balance between prerogative and liberty has the British 
constitution been supported. When either of these has preponde- 
rated, many evils have been suffered. But there is something in the 
genius, manners, habits, and character of the English nation, dif- 
ferznt from, and paramount to, laws and forms, that, amidst all 
the deviations of the constitution, has constantly brought it back 
to its true spirit. The same principles which have enabled Eng- 
land, by the immensity of its resources, to stand unshaken in the 
midst of the disasters that befel the coalition, and to display greater 
and greater energy, in proportion to increasing difficulties, will, 
we doubt not, save the state from the disastrous consequences 
which too often flow even from precedents founded in temporary 
expediency. 

In tracing the movements of armies, the revolutions of states, 
the political intrigues, dissentions, and contests, which mark the 
year 1796, we have exerted our usual industry, not only in deli- 
neating objects, according to their respective magnitude and im- 
portance, but in reducing them within the wonted limits of our 
Annual History of Europe. 

To the various hints of so many of our readers on this head, they 
will perceive we have not been inattentive. It is not a minute and 
circumstantial detail af transactions and events that we understand 
to be wished for and expected in our historical sketches; but a nar 
rative brief and rapid, yet clear and comprehensive: one that may 
give a just view of what is passing in the world, without too much 
time sor trouble of reading. The curiosity of lich of our readers 
as may have a taste and turn for more particular information, 
respecting various occurrences, will be gratified in the second part 
of the volume. 


THE 


THE 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 
For the YEAR 1796. 


THE 


Ls ED he gad BS og can 


OF 


| hao i 


O P-E 


CHAP. I. 


¢ 


Situation of the French Nation and Government, and Views ofthe Directory. 
— Difficulties to be encountered by France at the Close of 1795.—State of 
Parties in England.—Temper of the British Nation.—Assemblies for the 
Pury ie of a Parliamentary Reform, and Peace with France.—A great 
and dangerous Scarcity of Provisions.—Meeting of Parliament.—Insults 
and Outrages of animmense Mob against the King, on his Way tothe 
House of Lords.—The regret of all Peuple of Sense at this Treatment of 
the King.—Speech from the Throne.—Debates thereon.—In the House of 
Commons.— And in that of the Lords. - 


FTER the death of Robes- 
pierre, the convention were 
more at liberty than they had been 
to declare the voice of the people; 
and the sentiments of nature, with 
an inclination to peace, began to 
appear in the public councils, as 
wellas among the generality of the 
French nation: but it too often, 
nay, most commonly happens, in all 
governments, that the real interests 
of the many are sacrificed to those 
of the few: the dictates of humanity 
Vou. XXXYIII. 


to the views of personal aggrandize~ 
ment and ambition. 

Uniformity and steadiness of go- 
vernment may proceed from differ- 
ent and even opposite causes; the 
predominant habits and passions of 
absolute monarchs on the one hand ; 
and the virtues of nascent and juve- 
nile republics on the other: when 
the external relations of the state 
are neither many nor complicated ; 
when its interests are easily dis« 
cerned and consiantly pursued, the 

[B] integrity 


2] 


integrity and upright intentions of 
the representatives and rulers being 
constantly supported by a general 
simplicity of manners, and a sacred 
regard to the principles-of morality 
and religion, In the newly consti- 
tuted government of France both 
these kinds of steadiness were want- 
ing. It was less democratical indeed 
than that of 1793 ; but still the exe- 
cutive power was consigned into 
five hands instead of one only. It 
Was not stayed, as all other republics 
of any extent and durability have 
hitherto been, by some individual 
power, whether under the name of 
archon, duke, doge, king, stadthol- 
der, or the president of a congress. 
It was, impossible that five directors, 
and these Frenchmen too, should, 
for any length of time, act with har- 
mony. ‘They split into parties hos- 
tile and violent, in proportion to the 
power with which they were invest- 
ed: in order to retain which the 
preponderating party treated their 
rivals in the directory, and their 
opponents in the councils, with the 
most merciless severity, and repeat- 
edly violated the constitution, un- 
der the pretence of preserving it. 
Like their predecessors in the revo- 
lution, in default of simplicity of 
manners, and the other requisites to 
a genuine republic, they had re- 
course to intrigue and violence. Had 
their own manners been more pure 
than they were, without those ad- 
ventitious supports in so great and 
corrupt a commonwealth, and where 
all are so prone to direct, but none 
to be directed, they could not, for 
even ashort time, have held toge- 
ther any semblance of a regular fa- 
bric of government. 

There was one point however, in 
which the directory on their eleva- 
tion to power unanimously agreed. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


The jacobinical party, that had so 
long domineered in the public coun. 
cils, confident,as above related, from 
victory over thesectionsof Paris, and 
treading in the very footsteps of 
Robespierre, had appointed a com- 
mission of five, for the safety of the 
country ; and but for the bold and 
animated efforts of a few men would 
certainly have effected the slavery 
of France in the premanency of the 
convention. ‘I'he directors, cons 
scious of the general odium they, in 
common with the other leaders of 
the convention, had incurred on 
this attempt, and also of their mal- 
versation in precipitating the cone 
sideration of the new constitution, 
and garbling the reports that had 
been made concerning its accept- 
ance, determined to divert the 
minds of the nation from their own 
conduct, and to exhaust the public 
discontents by a prosecution of the 
war. If this should prove successful, 
of which they entertained not any 


‘ doubt, the merit would, .in a very 


great degree, be reflected on them- 
selves, and the enemies of the di- 
rectory would be regarded, by the 
nation at large, as enemies to the 
victories and glory of France. They 
were undoubtedly fortunate in the 
choice of their commanders. The 
successes of their generals occupied 
and dazzled the public mind for a 
time; but wisdom, constancy, and 
purity of design, without which no 
prosperity can be lasting, were 
wanting in the supreme councils. 
The armies were neglected ; the 
tide of success was turned; and 
finally, to shew how little that tem- 
porary success was owing to any 
principles inherent in the constitu- 
tion, the vast and stupendous ge- 
nius of one man, to which chiefly 
the directory were indebted for a 

temporary 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


temporary splendour, ultimately 
wrought their ruin, and introduced 
a new order of affairs into the dis- 
tracted and fluctuating commopn- 
wealth, 

The close of the year 1795 was 
notso favourable to the French as 
that of the preceding ; they had 
projected at its commencement to 
follow up their successes in Holland, 
by carrying their victorious arms in- 
to the heart of Germany ; but a va- 
riety of obstructions had either pre- 
vented or frustrated their designs. 
At home the violence of the many 
factions, open or cencealed, stood 
perpetually in the way of govern. 
ment, and impaired its proposed 
energies. Abroad the remaining 
parts of the coalition against France, 
though foiled in their repeated at- 
tempts, still preserved their spirit, 
and determination to persist at all 
hazards in carrying on the war. 

The principal scene of action had 
been on the banks of the Rhine. 
Here it had been generally ex- 
pected, that, after the subjugation of 
the seven United Provinces, the 
French would bave met with no con- 
siderable opposition; but though 
dispirited, as well as weakened, by 
the severing of so material a Hiab 
from the great body of the confe- 
~ deracy, it still found sufficient re- 
sources to make head against the 
French, in a country where the ge- 
nerality of the inhabitants, though 

- dissatisfied at their rulers, were not 
so imprudent as to prefer a foreign 
to a domestic yoke, and would not 
fail to Bpeapenate in opposing a 
French invasion. To this disposition 
ofan incomparable majority of the 
inhabitants of Germany was, in a 
great measure, due the little pro- 
gress of the French in those pro- 

* vinces of the empire on the right 


[3 


side of the Rhine, into which they 
had, with much difficulty, found 
means to penetrate, and from which 
they had been, after much fruitless 
toil and unsuccessful efforts, come 
pelled to retire with very censider- 
able losses. 

The failure of the French in their 
expedition into Germany ; their ex- 
pulsion from every post they had oc 
cupied on the eastern banks of the 
Rhine; their retreat across that 
river ; the pursuit of their discomfit- 
ed army into the borders of France; 
and the several defeats they expe- 
rienced, were circumstances so little 
hoped for at the commencement of 
this year’s military operations in 
those parts, that they proportionably 
revived the spirit of their enemies, 
and infused a degree of confidence 
into them, to which they had been 
strangers, since the disasters of the 
preceding campaign. 

But, notwithstanding their ill 
success on the Rhine; the French 
maintained a decided superiority in 
every other quarter. Europe seemed 
to stand at bay; and to wait with 
anxiety the termination of a quarrel 
that had produced so many stupen= 
dousevents. ‘The dissolution of the 
confederacy, by the secession of 
Prussia and Spain, was far from being 
considered as complete: the princi= 
pal members, Sit Britain and 
Austria, were held fully competent, 
though not to the purpose of sub- 
duing, yet still to that of repressing 
the “French ; and this was now 
viewed as the only object, at 
which they ought, in prudence, in 
the present situation of their affairs, 
to alm. 

During the course of the cam- 
paign, the government in France 
had entertained some ideas tending 
to a general pacification; but the 

{B2] lofti- 


4] 


Joftiness of their pretensions, dic- 
tated by the pride of their nation, was 
so apparent, that Europe was uot 
surprised that they were only men- 
tioned transiently in their occasional 
‘discourses on that subject. ‘I'he in- 
veteracy of the ruling party of Eng- 
land subsisted almost as violently 
as ever. The French beheld, with 
-that rancour which attends an un- 
successful rivalship, the improba- 
bility of their ever attaining to an 
equality with the English at sea. 
It greatly mortified their pride, that 
all the European nations should una- 
nimously ascribe a decided supe- 
riority in naval tactics to the Eng- 
lish, and represent those as no less 
invincible on the ocean, than the 
French had hitherto been at land ; 
with this difference, howevér, to the 
disadvantage of the latter, that it 
would prove a much easier task to 
overcome them at land than the 
others at sea. 

Other causes of dissatisfaction mi- 
litated against the ruling party in 
France. The royalists, however 
depressed, were not dispirited : their 
numbers, though inferior to those 
of the republicans, were immense ; 
they maintained a close correspon- 
dence with each other, and cement- 
ed their reciprocal connections with 
all those acts of friendship and 
kindness that bind men so strongly 
together, when suffering from the 
same causes, and acting from the 
same motives, 

The vigilance of the republican 
government found constant employ- 
ment in obviating the dangers that 
threatened it from the indefatigable 
activity of those irreconcilable an- 
tagonists, who, though surrounded 
with continual observers of all their 
motions, neglected no opportunity 

4 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 179©. 


to further their designs, and boldly 
encountered every risk of being de- 
tected in their prosecution. 
adnraged at these domestic ene- 
mies, the predominant party was 
perpetually occupied in holding out 
every species of menace and terror 
to repress and discourage them ; 
but neither thTeats nor invitations 
availed. Actuated by hatred and 
resentment the royalists considered 
themselves as equally justified, by 
conscience and interest, in their de- 
termination to seize every occasion 
of resisting the established powers, 
holding them as usurpers, with whom 
no measures ought to be kept, and 


whom they were bound to oppose, ~ 


whenever there appeared the least 
likelihood of doing it to any effect. 

Such was the situation of France 
at this period, deeply convulsed at 
home, and though in possession of 
many extensive countries, yet, fear- 
ful that having acquired, and retain- 
ing them only by the right of the 
sword, they might lose them through 
the same means: an event, which, 
considering the vicissitudes of war, 
was not more improbable than the 
astonishing successes that had at- 
tended their arms against all likeli- 
hood and expectation. 

While the people in France were 
distracted with these internal divi- 
sions, those of England were agitated 
little less with incessant differences 
and disputes on the propriety of con- 
tinuing a war, which had occasior.ed 
such losses of men and expence of 
treasure, without producing those 
effects which had so repeatedly been 
represented as infallible. Nothihg 
had been omitted to procure suc- 
cess: every ministerial demand had 
been granted, every measure ac- 
ceded to; but the object proposed 

remained 


HISTORY 


remained unaccomplished, and as 
far out of the reach of all reason-~ 
able expectation, as at the first mo- 
"ment of its being attempted. All 
parties seemed, at this period, to 
‘ unite in the like strain of reasoning. 
-Numbers of those who had warmly 
espoused the cause of the minister, 
thought that a sufficient trial had 
been maie of the various schemes 
he had brought forward, in order 
to compel the French to revert to 
their former situation; and that, 
having failed, prudence enjoined 
him to desist, and to Jeave the re- 
establishment of the French monar- 
chy toa future period, and more 
auspicious opportunities. =~ 

That party, which had opposed 
the war from its very commence. 
ment, were loud in their reproba- 
tion of its continuance, and re- 
proached ministers with a total want 
of foresight, in not seeming to have 
apprehended the difficulties they 
would have to contend with, and, 
with equal inability, to encounter 
them. As the events of the war 
countenanced these reproaches, the 
public joined in them, and the go- 
vernment was thought very repre- 
hensible in persisting against reite- 
rated experience, in a contest that 
threatened to waste the strength of 
the nation ineffectually, and the aim 
of which, were it attained, would 

hot prove an indemnification for its 
cost. 

Ideas of this nature were now 
generally predominant, and became, 
at last, so prevalent, not only among 
the multitude, which had long been 
swayed by them, but amony the 
more reputable classes, that a variety 
of associations were formed, and 
meetings held, for.the avowed pur- 
pose of petitioning the legislature in 
favour of peace. The city of Lon- 


a 


OF EUROPE. [3 
don led the way, and, in a common- 
hall, the votes, for a petition, wee 
four thousand, and only one hun- 
dred against it. 

The terms in which it was con- 
ceived were extremely pointed. 
““ None of the ends proposed by 
the war, (to use the words of the 
petition) had either been, or ap- 
peared likely to be, obtained, al- 
though it had been carried on at an 
unprecedented expence to this coun- 
try, and had already produced an 
alarming increase of the national 
debt, augmented by subsidies, paid 
to allies, who had notoriously vio- 
lated their solemn engagements, and 
rendered no adequate service for 
large sums actually received by 
them, and wrung trom the credu- 
lity of the generous and industrious 
inhabitants of this island.” It con- 
cluded by expressing a firm and de- 
cided conviciion, that the principle 
on which the war appeared to be 
carried on, neither was, nor could 
be, essential to the liberty, the glory, 
or the prosperity, of the British em- 
pire. 

Other addresses, in a similar style, 
were resolved on in several of the 
principal cities in the kingdom. 
The adherents to ministry endea« 
voured, on the other hand, to pro- 
cure counter petitions: but these 
were faint and languid in compari- 
son to the former ; those who framed 
them, did not venture to speak in 
justification of the war; they went 
no farther than to leave to minis- 
ters the choice of their own time for 
pacific negociations. 

A circumstance that had greatly 
indisposed the mercantile and trad- 
ing classes against ministry, was, the 
refusal to permit the Dutch people 
of property to. deposit their money 
and etfects in England, without pay- 

[B3] ing : 


6] 
ing the customary duties. Had this 
permission been granted, upwards 
of twenty millions of specie, and 
other treasure, would, it was said, 
have been brought into this country. 
The reason alleged, for denying 
the request of the Dutch merchants, 
was, that if they were allowed to 
transport their effects into England, 
it would operate as a discourage- 
ment to their countrymen, and pre- 
vent them from acting with vigour 
against the French, who, having sub- 
dued the Austrian Netherlands, 
were then preparing to carry their 
victorious arms into the United 
Provinces: but the reply to this al- 
legation was, that the French party 
was so powerful in Holland, that it 
was easy to foresee that all resis- 
tance would be vain. It would have 
been good policy, therefore, to have 
encouraged the monied-men, in that 
country, to have lodged their pro- 
perty in England ; as most of them 
were manifestly inclined to do, in 
order to preserve it from ithe rapa- 
city of the French, whose wants 
were such as would infallibly induce 
them to supercede all considerations, 
im order to provide for them as soon 
as they should find themselves in 
‘possession of a country, the wealth 
of which was competent to supply 
them with what they needed. 

This refusal, on the part of the 
British administration, was generally 
deemed a Very unseasonable over- 
sight. 
the French an immense quantity of 
money and wealth of every denomi- 
nation, which might evidently have 
centered in England, together with 
its owners. This would, ina very 
considerable measure, have compen- 
sated for the loss of Holland to the 
confederacy, and amply indemni- 
fied Great Britain, by the prodigi- 


Tt threw into the hands of. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ous accession of real property that 
must have been the necessary con- 
sequence of the emigrations of rich 
individuals from the United Pro- 
vinces. 

Another oversight, no less real, 
though less noticed, was an ar- 
ticle in a treaty which had been 
agreed on with the American States, 
by which their trade to the British 
islands in thé West Indies was re- 
stricted to vessels of an inferior size. 
This, instead of diminishing their 
commerce thither, tended rather to 
increase it, by adding to their num- 
ber of seamen : whether 1n large, or 
in small vessels, this commerce was 
so profitable to them, tbat whatever 
obstacles were thrown in their way, 
would quickly be overcome by their 
industry and activity: the profits of 
trade would be more divided, but 
the number of hands employed in it 
would produce the double conse- 
quence, both of gradually extending 
it, and of augmenting the number of 
American seamen. 

These various considerations con- 
tributed materially to displease the. 
generality of people. The burthens 
of the war were so heavy, and such 
multitudes felt their weight, that 
discontents and murmurs abounded 
every where, The different mo- 
tives assigned, at different epochs 
of the war, for its continuance, 
were also highly prejudicial to mi- 
nisters, as they Jed many to think 
that the real motive was purposedly 
kept out of sight, and was of too 
invidious a nature to be frankly ac- 
knowledged. 

Ideas of this nature were now 
universally current among the dis- 
approvers of the war, and were as- 
serted aud circulated: bysthem with 
considerable effect. But that cir- 
cumstance which was the most un- 

fortwnate 


HISTORY OF EUROPE: 


fortunate and alarming, in the midst 
of this general dissatisfaction, was, 
that it had arisen, in many, to such 
a degree of rancour at the authors 
and abettors of the war, that the 
attachment, which men_ naturally 
feel for their country, and its con- 
cerns, had given way to sentiments 
of the most violent hatred and hos- 
tility to government. It was no 

longer a simple disapprobation of 
the war; it wasa fervent desire that 
it might terminate to the disadvan- 
tage of this country, and that the 
French might prevail against the 
English. So extraordinary and un- 
natural an antipathy arose, however, 
from other causes besides the war 
with France: the persuasion that no 
reforms would take place in the go- 
vernment, while it was able to main- 
tain its ground against France, 
prompted the determined advocates 
of these reforms to express, with 
marked anxiety, their wishes for the 
success of this inveterate enemy to 
England. They seemed uncon- 
scious, or heedless, of the conse-~ 
quences that must necessarily fol- 
low, were the French to succeed in 
their designs against this country, to 
that extent which they had projec- 
ted, and which the generality of 
their well-wishers in England ap- 
peared to desire with no less fervour 
than themselves. 

But the animosities, produced by 
internal divisions, had, in truth, taken 
such unhappy possession of most 
men, that those who sought to re- 
concile them to moderation, became 
equally odiovs to both parties : no 
medium was allowed ; whoever de- 
plored the war, as pregnant with ca- 
lamities that might have been avoid- 
ed, was reputed a foe to his coun- 
try; whoever pronounced it just, and 
hecessary, was deemed a conspirator 


[7 


against its liberty, and an abettor 
of arbitrary power. 

In this unfortunate disposition of 
mind the nation continued during 
the whole year 1795. The summer, 
in particular, was marked by a va- 
riety of tumults and riots. These 
were occasioned by the methods 
practised in the enlisting of men for 
the army : what with the general 
averseness of the common people to 
the war; what with the iniquity of 
the practice itself, those who were 
concerned in it became such objects 
of execration to the multitude, that 
their persons and dwellings were 
equally exposed to its resentment 
and fury. Several houses, either 
tenanted, or made use of, by those 
who are vulgarly known by the ap- 
pellation of crimps, were demo-- 
lished, or stripped of their furniture, 
and the owners put in danger of 
their lives. So great was the rage of 
the populace, that it was not with- 
out some difficulty those riots were 
suppressed by the soldiery. Several 
of those who had been active in 
these disturbances were executed ; 
but the public highly disapproved 
the condemnation, to death, of indi- 
viduals, guilty of no other offence 
than giving way to a sudden im- 
pulse of indignation at the violence 
offered to their fellow subjects. 

Such was the temper of the com- 
monalty, previous to the meeting 
of parliament, about the close of 
October, 1795. A fermentation of 
the most alarming kind seemed to 
pervade the whole mass of the peo~ 
ple. The various associations of 
individuals, united for the purpose 
of obtaining a parliamentary reform, 
were, at this period, peculiarly no- 
ticed for their boldness and activity. 
That which was known by the name 
of the corresponding society, dis 


[B44] tinguished 


8] 


tinguished itself, by the resolute 
speeches of its principal members, 
at the several meetings that took 
place in the course of the year. That 
which was held. near Copenhagen- 
house, in the neighbourhood of 
Islington, was the most remarkable. 
The numbers that attended, either 
through zeal in the cause, or through 
curiosity, were computed at about 
fifty thousand. Some very daring 
addresses were made to the multi- 
tude: the conduct of ministers was 
arraigned in the most unqualified 
language, and a remonstrance to the 
king, on the necessity of peace, and 
ofa reform in parliament, was uni- 
versally agreed on. ; 

The proceedings, in these assem- 
blies, were highly offensive to mi- 
nistry. As they consisted of indivi- 
duals void of all hopes of rising by 
jnterest or favour; and who, toa 
many were inimical to the measures 
of government, they condemned 
them witha freedom of speech that 
knew no bounds. Often times too, 
those meetings were attended by 
persons of parts, who seized those 
Opportunities of venting their dis- 
content at the system of the times, 
and of representing administration 
in the foulest colours, and imputing 
to them the most flagitious designs. 
Nor were there wanting, among the 
members of those societies, though 
almost entirely composed of the com- 
monest classes, individuals who, 
though deficient in education, had 
received talents from nature, which 
frequently shone through coarse and 
vulgar language. The avowed aim 
of the divers institutions of this na- 
ture was to oppose government, and 
to bring about the two great ob- 
jects, at this time, in general con- 
templation; a peace with France, 
and areform in parliament. These 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


two objects being incompatible with 
the views of ministry, the point at 
issue between these, and the various 
associations that were increasing in 
every part of the kingdom,was clear- 
ly this, that either the latter would 
overturn administration, or that ad- 
ministration would overturn them. 
Prompted by this consideration. 
the principal heads of government © 
had, it was rumoured, come to a 
determination, to take the first plau~ 
sible opportunity of putting an end 
to the meetings of these societies, 
which they represented as wholly 
made up of the lowest populace, 
ready to imbibe every notion of 
fered to them by evil-designing men, 
and to break out into the most dan- 
gerous excesses of seditfon. Under 
the pretext of instructing them in 
their rights, the disaffected availed 
themselves of their ignorance, to 
misrepresent the conduct of govern- 
ment, and to excite them to hold it 
in hatred and contempt; but a cir- 
cumstance, still more alarming, was, 
that among those who took such 
pains to’ inflame the passions of the 
multitude, there wereemissariesfrom 
France, who, though natives of Great 
Britain, or Ireland, had thrown off 
all attachment to their country, and 
were become its most violent and 
rancorousenemies, The danger ac- 
ci uing from such characters was ob-- 
vious ; the difficulty of detecting in- 
dividuals connected with our foes, 
enabled them to assume the appear- 
ance of patriotism, and to delude, 
with facility, the majority of their 
hearers, into a persuasion that they 
spoke and acted from principle, and 
had no other intention thanto ex- 
pose abuses, and to induce the peos 
ple, at large, to assert their rights. 
Such was the description, given 
by the adherents to government, of 
the 


- 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


the numerous assemblies, and associ- 
ations, that had been instituted in 
opposition to its. measures. It was 
not, on the other hand, denied, that 
the outrages, still adopted in most of 


the popular meetings, was an object. 


that called for suppression. ‘The 
warmest friends to the principles in- 
culcated by them, did not deny the 
impropriety of attacking the ruling 
powers with such acrimony of 
speech, and prognosticated, that, 
through want of moderation in their 
invectives, these meetings exposed 
themselves to certain dissolution, as 
the powerful adversaries they were 
continually provoking, would cer- 
tainly labour to silence them, and 
probably find the means of doing it. 

To the agitation occasioned by 
political disputes, another was, at 
this period, superadded, of a still 
more dangerous consequence. A 
scarcity prevailed throughout the 
kingdom, and was woefully felt by 
the poorer sort, several of whom 
perished for want. The means of 
procuring sustenance were narrowed 
from various causes; but the dis- 
contented attributed this evil to the 
war ; and the sufferers, through de- 
fect. of employment, were ready 
enough to believe those who repre- 
sented all the calamities that afilict- 
ed the nation, as proceeding chiefly, 
ifnot solely, from that cause. This 
prepared them for the commission 
of those excesses, to which men are 
80 prone, when they find themselves 
aggrieved, and imagine they are 
punishing the authors of their griev- 


ances, 


The state of the nation, from these 
Various circumstances, appeared so 
critical, ihat it wasjudged necessary 
to call parliament together at ao 
earlier period than usual. It met, 
accordingly, on the twenty-ninth of 


{9 


October, a day that will be long re- 
membered, on account of the events 
that attended it, and of the conse- 
quences that followed them, and 
of which they were the immediate 
cause. 

A report had been spread, that 
an immense multitude, of discon- 
tented people, had agreed to take 
this opportunity of manifesting their 
sentiments to the king in person. 
This, of course, excited the curiosity 
of the public, and the park was 
crowded in a manner unprecedente 
ed since the king’s accession to the 
throne. In his way to the house of 
lords, which lay through the park, 
his coach was snrrounded, on every 
side, by persons of all descriptions, 
demanding peace, and the dismission 


_of Mr. Pitt. Some voices were even 


heard exclaiming no king,and stones 
were thrown at the state-coach as 
it drew near to the Horse-guards. 
In passing through Palace-yard, one 
of the windows was broken, it was 
said, by a Wullet, discharged from 
an air-gun. ‘These outrages were 
repeated on the king’s return from 
the house, and he narrowly escaped 
the fury of the populace, in his way 
back from St. James’s Palace to 
Buckingham House. 

All reasonable people were deeply 
affected at this treatment of the 
king. They were duly sensible that 
it would produce effects highly dis- 
agreeable to the public, and, instead 
of answering the purposes proposed, 
by those who were so misled as to ap- 
prove of it, that, on the contrary, it 
would tend to strengthen the hands 
of ministers, by enabling them to 
bring forward such restrictive mea- 
sures, as would considerably abridge 
the freedom ot speech and action, 
hitherto enjoyed by the people at 
large. 


The 


10] 


The speech from the throne was, 
in the mean time, allowed to be 
as well appropriated to the cir- 
cumstances of the times, as any that 
had been delivered since the com- 
mencement of the war. It men- 
tioned the disappointment of the 
Fiench in their attempts in Ger- 
many, and the internal difficulties 
under which they continued to la- 
bour. Their present situation af- 
forded a well-founded presumption, 
that they would listen to equitable 
and moderate terms of peace. In 
order to obtain such terms, it would 
be necessary to shew that Great 
Britain was able to maintain the 
contest, till such a peace ensued, as 
accorded with its dignity and in- 
terest. The other particulars of the 
speech referred to the preparations 
for a vigorous continuance of the 
war, the treaties concluded with 
foreign powers, the prosperous state 
of commerce, and the means of pro- 
viding against the present scarcity. 

Lord Dalkeith meved the ad- 
dress, and was seconded by Mr. 
Stuart: the latter gentleman dwelt 
chiefly on the exhausted situation of 
France, and the oppressive methods 
it was reduced to adopt for the 
raising of supplies. The situation 
of this country was the reverse : 
whatever money was demanded was 
instantly found, without oppressing 
the subject; the confidence of mo- 
nied men in government: keeping 
pace with all its exigencies. Much 
had been said of the conquest of 
Holland by the French, but they 
were obviously indebted much more 
to fortunate casualties, than to their 
own prowess, and could place little 
reliance on the attachment of the 
natives, who were now convinced 
of their imprudence, in trusting to 
the friendship of the French. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Mr. Sheridan was extremely se- 
vere inthe reply which he made 
on this occasion. Among other in- 
vectives, he reproached ministers 
for their unskilful management in 
the West Indies, where the force 
employed was totally inadequate to 
the objects proposed, and numbers 
of the men had been lost through 
negligence, and want of medical 
assistance, in that unwholesome Cli» 
mate. He accused ministers of 
designing to restore despotism in 
France. He called upon them to 
act as Spain and Prussia had done, 
by treating with those persons wh6m 
the republican armies looked upon 
as entitled to their obedience. He 
advised ministers to beware of a 
connection with the house of Bour- 
bon. It was through such con- 
nections that the Stuart’s had been 
expelled. The Bourbons had invari- 
ably proved the enemies to Great 
Britain ; and this enmity would re- 
vive, were they to be re-established 
on the throne of France. The rash 
and fruitless attempts,to restore that 
family, ought therefore to be totally 
relinquished, and government should 
declare itself willing to treat with 
the French republic. 

He was replied to by Mr. Jenkin- 
son, with the many arguments, so 
frequently repeated, .in justification 
of ministerial measures, He added, 
that theretention of the United Pro- 
vinces, by the French, rendered all 
treating with them inadmissible. It 
was necessary, therefore, to com- 
pel them to abandon this new con- 
quest, or to make such acquisi- 
tions as might counter-balance it, 
and induce them to give up the 
possession of that country. Had 
the members of the coalition acted 
with fidelity to the cause they had 
espoused, the French would, by this 
times 


‘covering them. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


time, have been forced to abandon 
their lofty pretensions. 

In answer to this, the prospect 
of affairs was represented, by gene- 
ral Tarleton, as very disadvantage- 
ous: The numerous army,. with 
which the French had lately obliged 
the king of Spain to come into their 
own terms, would now be employed 
in the invasion of Italy, while our 
efforts against the French posses- 
sions, in the West Indies, would 
probably be frustrated, as they had 
been onthe coast of France, through 
misconduct on ourside, and the dif- 
ficulty of the very attempt itself. 
It was vain to repeat exertions that 
had been so successively foiled. Mi- 
nisters were no longer deserving of 
confidence; their evident incapacity 
required their immediate dismission, 
and the trial of new men, as well as 
of new measures. 

He was followed by Mr. Fox, 
who inveighed, with great anima- 
tion, against the assertions made by 
ministry, as fallacious and delusive. 
Instead of the flattering description 
they had given of the situation of 
this country, the fact was, that one 
hundred millions had been added 
to the national debt, and four mil- 
lions a year to the standing taxes. 
In lieu of reducing the enemy within 
his former bounds, he was master of 
all the Austrian territories on the 
west of the Rhine; nor was there 
any well-grounded hope of our re- 
: fe was pfeparing 
to invade Italy with a great and 
victorious army. The scarcity that 
afflicted the kingdom had been fore- 
told; but ministers disdained to listen 
to the warning, though enforced 
from the most respectable quarter. 
The propriety of persisting in the 
war was argued from the distress 
to which France was reduced by 


[1 


the depreciation of its paper cure 
rency: but was this an argument 
proper to be adduced by men ac. 
quainted with the transactions of the 
American war, and who must be con- 
scidus of the futility of pecuniary 
calculations, when people were de- 
termined to suffer every hardship 
that human nature could bear, and 
to try every expedient that neces- 
sity could suggest, rather than admit 
the idea of submission? It was time 
to abandon so hopeless a cause. as 
that of the royal family of France. 
The opinions of so mighty a nation 
were not to be subdued by force 
of arms. When pressed to listen to 
pacific language, ministers alleged 
the incapacity of the French govern- 
ment to maintain the usual rela- 
tions of harmony between different 
states: but had such objections held 
good in the cause of Spain, Prussia, 
and even the king of Great Britain 
himself, in the quality of elector of 
Hanover? Had not this far-fetched 
and absurd obstacle vanished before 
the reasonableness of putting an end 
to the calamities of war? It was 
ridiculous toinsist upon danger from 
treating with the French, because 
they had subverted their former, aid 
adopted a new constitution: the 
permanence of a treaty depending 
onits equitableness, and correspon- 
dence with the reciprocal interests 
of the contracting parties. It was 
become nugatory to talk of our al- 
lies: we bad, indeed, mercenaries 
in our pay, whom we could only 
retain by excessive bribes, and 
who were, every moment, hesitat- 
ing, whether to accept of them, or 
of the terms profiered by our ene. 
mies,todetach them from this coun- 
try. Adverting to the scarcity so 
heavily complained of, Mr. Fox ob- 
served, that war, and its fatal cone 

comitants, 


12] 


comitants, tended, undeniably, to 
impede cultivation, and to desolate 
the countries where it was waged: 
the most fertile parts of Europe hav- 
ing lately been the continual scenes 
of this destructive war, the produc- 
tions of the earth had been neces- 
sarily diminished, and it was un- 
reasonable to deny thatthe war was, 
in a very considerable degree, the 
cause of a deficiency inthe necessa~ 
ries of life. He concluded by mov- 

g, that such conditions of peace 
should be offered to the French, as 
would consist with the safety and 
dignity of Great Britain. 

The ideas of peace and security 
were, in answer to Mr. Fox, repre- 
sented by Mr. Pitt, as incompatible 
with the situation of this country 
respecting France. Every motive 
militated for a perseverance in the 
contest. ‘The enemy felt his in- 
creasing debility, and, notwithstand- 
ing his successes inthe field, betray- 
ed a consciousness that his strength 
was materially diminished. Hence 
it was that he had latterly shewn a 
disposition to peace. But the in- 
terest of this country required a deli- 
berate consideration of the state of 
France, in order to judge of the ex- 
pediency of entering into negociati- 
ons at the present moment. Such 
was the fall of the French paper in 
circulation, that it was now sunk to 
one and a half for every hundred of 
nominal value. Seven hundred and 
twenty millions sterling had been fa- 
bricated and made current, and this 
enormous quantity was sull on the 
increase. Was it credible that a na- 
tion, reduced to such straits, would 
be able to make head against the 
formidable enemies that were pre- 
paring to assail it with redoubled vi- 
gour, and whose situation was so 
much more advantageous in point 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


of pecuniary resources? However 
successful on their frontiers, through 
military efforts, and the chances of 
war, the system of the French was 
so radically heinous, that it could 
not last. Were the European pow- 
ers to reunile against them, they 
could no longer stand their ground. 

The interior parts of that large king- 
dom were in a state of the utmost 
wretchedness. Trade and commerce 
were annihilated, and industry found 
no occupation. Hence proceeded 
the facility with which the French 
recruited their armies, and the des 


‘ perate spirit, that animated men, 


who could procure no sustenance 
but at the point of their swords, 
But energies of this kind were not 
in their nature durable, and would 
certainly terminate in a short lapse 
of time. So great was the difficulty 
of procuring specie for the most 
urgent demands, that necessary ar- 
ticles, in kind, were given in pay- 
ment, and people were glad to ac- 
cept of any thing that bore the 
semblance of pay. ‘Would it not, 
therefore, be the height of imprue 
dence, after reducing them to such 
a situation, to pass by so favourable ~ 
an opportunity of reducing them 
still lower, and of securing, to our 
selves, the advantages resulting from 
their evident and undeniable depres- 
sion; After‘adducing farther argu- 
ments, in vindication of his conduct, 
a division took place, when two hun- 
dred and forty voted for the address, 
aud fifty-nine for the amendment, 
moved by Mr, Fox. 

On the next day, wii was the 
thirtieth of October, the address was 
moved, in the bouse of lords, by lord 
Mountedgecomb, who supported it 
with’ much the same reasonings that 
had been used in the house of com- 
mons. He was seconded by lord 

Walsingham, 


< 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. [13 


Walsingham, who dwelt particular- lay these grievances before the so- 
ly on the dangerous consequences vereign, and to supplicate him to 
of a precipitate peace, which would relieve the sufferings of the nation, 
be throwing away the advantages by consenting toa negociation for 
we had gained by our perseverance peace, which was the only effectual 
in this arduous contest, and yielding. remedy for the many calamities 
to despondence, at a time when we under which the people laboured, 
ought to make the most of the dif- in consequence of this unfortunate 
ficulties ourenemies had to contend war. 

with, and were not likely to sur- The observations of the duke of 
mount, if we continued to act with Bedford were warmly controyerted 
the resolution that had hitherto by lord Grenville, who insisted 


characterised our measures. 

In reply to these assertions, it 
was observed by the duke of Bed- 
ford, that it was more consistent 
with the dignity ofa British par- 
liament, to frame an address of its 


own, than to copy the speech of 


the minister, though delivered from 
the throne. His sentiments differed 
materially from the ministerial lan- 
guage he had heard. It represented 
the French as on the verge of ruin; 
but the truth of facts, opposed to 
the illusion of words, was that they 
were hitherto superior in the con- 
test, notwithstanding the constant 
predictions of the minister and his 


that the situation of this country 
was evidently superior to that of 
France in every point of view. Our 
successes at sea were far more con- 
ducive to the internal prosperity of 
the kingdom, than. the dear-bought 
victories of the French had, or could 
ever prove to the people of France. 
The depreciation of the paper cur- 
rency inthat country, was, in his opi- 
nion,acircumstance to its detriment, 
and inour favour, that fully deserved 
the reiterated notice that had been 
taken of it. The most judicious of 
the French financiers were deeply 
sensible of the effects it would ulti- 
mately produce, and strongly de- 


partisans, during the three preced- precated the farther issue of any 
ing years, that they had not suffi- notes, and the withdrawing of no 
cient resources to prolong it another less than ten parts out of thirteen 
campaign. The duke adverted from circulation. With such glaring 
with great severity to the reiterated proofs of the pecuniary distresses of 
allegation, that the French go- the enemy, was it prudent or rea- 
vernment was incapable of fulfilling sonable to advise pacific measures, 
the customary duties and relations when, with a moderate degree of: 
of amity and good understanding patience on our side, he would pro- 
with other states. He reprobated bably be soon compelled to listen to 


with equal asperity the fruitless de- 
struction of menin the West Indies, 
and the ill-fated expedition to the 
coast of France. These, and the 
other evils of the war, particularly 
the scarcity that afflicted the na- 
tion, he imputed to the misconduct 
and incapacity of ministers. [twas 
therefore the duty of parliamcnt to 


more reasonable terms of peace, 
than the pride resulting from his 
late successes would now permit 
him to accept. He concluded, by 
representing the failure of the exe 
pedition to the coast of France as 
occasioned by the treachery of those 
French. corps, that had been too 
confidently relied upon. 

He 


144] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


He was replied to by the marqui 
of Lansdowne, who pointedly ani- 
madverted on the prosperous situa- 
tion wherein ministers asserted the 
country stood at the present mo- 
ment. What he had foretold was 
come to pass; our allies had desert- 
ed us, and our enemics were every 
where victorious. The trite argu- 
ment of their ruined finances was 
still revived ; butin what state were 
our own ? were they inexhaustible ? 
were they equalto the support of 
ourselves, together with the weight 
of those pretended friends who had 
taken our money, and converted it 
to purposes entirely foreign to those 
for which it was granted, and who 
were waiting with their accustomed 
avidity for fresh grants. ‘Taxes 
could only be carried to a cer- 


tain length: beyond which they 


would in this country, as in all 
others, become intolerable. But 
money alone was no security for 
success ; sagacity was of far greater 
consequence. .The ministerial pro- 
jects and enterprizes displayed little 
of this essential requisite; fatlures 
and disappointments continually at- 
tending them. This however was 
not surprising, as their attempts a- 
gainst the foe were glaringly marked 
with imprudence. The expedition 
to $1. Domingo, for instance, was an 
unpardonable act of temerity ;- here 
the French were insurmountable : 
it was the capital seat of their 
strength in the West Indies; of this 
the great lord Chatham was so well 
convinced that he wisely forbore, 
even in the midst of his succ{sses, to 
make it an object of attack.,; The 
French, it was true, were straitened 
for money, but they bad that which 
was better; they had good soldiers 
and “excellent commanders; on 
those they chiefly depended, and 


fortune had favoured them. Cou- 
rage was inexhaustible, but wealth 
had its limits: and the example of 
France ought to. warn us of the 
danger of stretching the pecuniary 
resources of the nation beyond their 
natural bearings. The war had 
triedthem to such an extent, that 
it was time to cease the experiment 
how far they would go, and to make 
negociation take place of hostili- 
ties. ; 

The earls of Mansfield and Darn- 
ley spoke in favour of the address, 
and the duke of Grafton and the 
earl of Lauderdale against it. The 
latter inveighed bitterly against mi- 
nisters for the assurances they had 
given to the public in the former 
sessions, that such was the superior 
might of the confederacy, that 
France would be utterly unable 
to resist it; but how different the 
reality from the fair appearances 
they had held out! defeat and de- 
sertion had characterised those allies 
in whose name such lofty promises 
had been made; and to complete 
the picture of the national calami- 
ties, we were now visited by a 
scarcity, undeniably owing to the 
improvident conduct of those at the 
helm 5; yet ministers boldly asserted 
that our condition was improved, 
and thatof the enemy worse than 
ever. But did not facts give the 
strongest denial to those shameful 
asseverations ? was not the enemy 
in possession of all we had conquer- 
ed, and preparing for new con- 
quests ? was not the coalition broken 
and dissolved, and some of its prin- 
cipal members in. treaties of peace 
and amity with the French ? could 
any man of sense and integrity in- 
terpret such things as improvements 
in the situation of this country ? did 
they entitle us. to expect that the 

French 


_ HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


French should be the first to sue for 
peace, as ministers presumptuously 
asserted ? 

The amendment brought forward 
by the duke of Bedford was strongly 
oppose by earl Spencer, who con- 
tended that in so extensive a war, 
waged in almost every part of the 
globe, it could not be expected that 
the mercantile shipping of this coun- 
try would always escape the vigilance 
of an enemy, whose only and per- 
petual object at sea was depreda- 
tion. It was indeed more surpri- 
sing that his captures were so few, 
when it was considered that we 
carried on nearly the whole trade of 
Europe. He gave asatisfactory ac- 
count of the naval transactions du- 
ring the precedingseason, and made 
it appear that the mischances which 
had befallen the commercial fleets 
were owing to unavoidable accidents 
and not to misconduct. He justi- 
fied the employment of Mr. Puis- 
Saye, as @ person through whose 
means the principal communica- 
tion was kept up with France, where 
he headed a considerable party of 
royalists. 

The duke of Norfolk spoke for 


[13 


the amendment, and the lord chan- 
cellorin opposition to it. The duke 
of Bedford in resuming the subject, 
recurred to the expressions used by 
lord Grenville, which were, that 
‘*in case the constitution now of- 
fered to the people of France, 
should be found likely to establish 
itself in such a form as to secure a 
government that might preserve the 
relations of peace and amity, his 
objections to treat with them would 
be entirely removed.” 

The substance of what had been 
spoken by lord Grenville, was con- 
formable to the words taken down 
by the duke of Bedford; but the 
former declared himself of opinion, 
that it was not parliamentary to 
make the words of a peer, uttered 
in the course of the debate, a formal 
ground of proposing or of recalling 
a motion. Hereon the duke cone 
sented to withdraw his amendment ; 
refusing however his approbation 
to that part of the address which 
asserted an improvement in the 
situation of public affairs. The ad- 
dress was then finally moved, and 
carried in the affirmative. 


CHAP. 


16] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796, 


CHAP. II. 


A Proclamation offering alarge pecuniary Reward for the Discovery of any 
Persons guilty of the recent Outrages against the Person of the King:— 
Conference between the Lords and Commons on this Subject.—a Bill for 
the Safety and Preservation of the King’s Person and Govenment.— 
Debates thereon wm both Houses of Parliament.—A Bill for the Prevention 
of Seditious Meetings.—Debates thereon.—The two Bills under Discus- 
ston in Parliamént occasion a general Alarm, and much Opposition with- 
out Doors.—JIn this Opposition the lead was taken by the Whig-Club.— 
Which was followed by the Corresponding Societies and other Associations. 
—-As well us diferent Bodies legally incorpurated.—The Ministry still per- 
severe in their Measures.—Debates on the numerous Petitions against the 
two Bills now pending in Parliament.—Gencral Indignation against the 


Principles and Objects of these. —The two Bills passed into Laws. 


PE the mean time the indignities 
offered to the king were a sub- 
ject of universal discourse, and high- 
ly reprobated by the prudent and 
moderate, as precursory of far grea- 
ter evils than had hitherto been ex- 
perienced’ by those who vented 
their discontent in this outrageous 
manner. On the last day of Octo- 
ber, a proclamation was issued, of- 
fering a thousand pounds for the 
discovery of any person guilty of 
those outrages. On the fourth of 
November it was followed by ano- 
ther, wherein it was said, that pre- 
viously to the opening of parlia- 
ment, multitudes had been called 
together by hand-bills and adver- 
tisements, who met in the vicinity 
of the metropolis, where inflamma- 
tory speeches were made, and di- 
vers means used to sow discontent 
and excite seditious proceedings, 
These meetings and discourses were 
followed three days after by the 
most daring insults to the king, by 


which his person had been imminent- 
ly endangered. Rumours had also 
been spread, that assemblies were to 
be held by disaffected people for 
illegal purposes. In consequence 
of those proceedings, it was enjoin- 
ed by the proclamation to all magis- 
trates, and well affected subjects, 
to exert themselves in preventing 
and suppressing all unlawful meet- 
ings, and the dissemination of sedi- 
tious writings. 

So great had been the alarm and 
indignation, created by the treat- 
ment of the king, that as soon as he 
had gone through the reading of 
his speech, and had left the house, 
it was immediately ordered to be 
cleared of all strangers, and a con- 
sultation held by the lords, in what © 
manner to proceed upon so extra- 

rdinary’an occasion. An address 
to the king was resolved upon, and 
a conference with the house of 
commons to request their concur- 
rence therein. ‘The majority agreed 
mm 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


in this measure ; but the marquis of 
Lansdowne accused the ministers 
of intending to seize this opportu- 
nity to work upon the passions and 
fears of the people, and to lead 
their representatives into conces- 
sions derogatory to the public hi- 
berty, and debasing to their cha- 
racter, in order to confirm their 
Own power at the expence of the 
constitution. 

' A-conference with the commons 
was held accordingly in the course 
of the day, and witnesses were ex- 
amined in relation to the outrages 
committed. Their evidence was 
communicated to the commons, and 
both houses unanimously concurred 
in the addresses proposed. 

On the sixth of November, lord 
Grenville brought forward a bill, 
for better securing the king’s person 
and government. The motive he 
alleged, was the necessity of pre- 
venting abuses similar to those that 
had taken place on the opening of 
the session. He explicitly attributed 
them to the licentious language and 

_ maxims held forth in the audacious 

meetings, which had been so long 
suffered, without due notice on the 
part of the legislature, but which 

_ were now arrived to such a degree 
of insolence, that they required im- 
mediate restriction. He would re- 
cur, On this occasion, he said, to 
precedents framed in approved 
times, the reign of Elizabeth, and 
the commencement of the reign of 
Charles If. He entertained no 
doubt that the house coincided with 
his opinion, that a remedy ought in- 
‘Stantly to be applied to the danger 
that threatened monarchy, in the 
attack so daringly made on the 
king’s person. In order more ef- 
fectually to obviate so great an evil, 
be would move the passing of a bill, 


Vor. XXXVIII. 


[17 


which he produced, and which was 
entitled ‘* an act for the safety and 
preservation of his majesty’s person 
and government against treasonable 
and seditious practices and al- 
tempts.” 

The bill introduced by lord Gren- 
ville was represented, by the earl of 
Lauderdale, as creating new crimes 
and treasons, in addition to those 
already contained in the criminal 
code of this country. It tended 
materially to eularge the laws ree 
specting treason, and would effect 
an alarming alteraion in the very 
nature and spirit of the constitu- 
tion. There was no evidence that 
the insults offered to the king ori- 
ginated in the meetings of the peo- 
ple in the fields near Islington, or 
in any other places. These meet- 
ings had been remarkably peace- 
able, and those who harangued the 
crowds, that resorted to them from 
all quarters of the metropolis, were 
parucularly careful to warn them 
against all riotous proceedings, lest 
ministers should avail themselves of 


that pretext, to put an end to all 


assemblies of the people. So harsh 
a measure as, that proposed had not 
therefore the least foundation in the 
unruly behaviour of those meetings, 


_and were it to pass intoa law, the 


liberty of conferring together, so 
long enjoyed by the English, and 
which they justly considered as their 
indubitable right, would be radi- 
cally destroyed, and with it the 
firmest support of public freedom. 
The intent of ministers, in adopting 
so unprecedented a measure, was 
clearly to silence the complaints of 
the nation against a war that had 
involved it in so many calamities, 
and which they were determined 


.to carry on in defiance to the ge- 


The 
vast 


neral inclination 


[Cc] 


to peace, 


18} 


vast acquisition of power, that 
would aécrue to ministers from such 
a law, would enable them to strain 
the words and actions of individuals 
into treasonable meanings, when- 
ever they were inclined to exercise 
vengeance on those who were ob- 
noxious to them. Foy these rea- 
sons, whoever valued the constitu. 
tion of this country, must consider 
this bill ‘‘ as one of the severest and 
most dangerous to the rights and li- 
berties of the people that had ever 
been introduced.” 

It was asserted, in reply, by lord 
Grenville, that it was owing to the 
firmness of parliament, that the se- 
ditious principles imported from 
France, and industriously propogated 
ir England, had been successfully 
resisted, and the constitution protec- 
ted against the malevolent designs of 
its domestic enemies. When the 
provisions of the intended bill came 
into examination, the necessity of 
adopting it would be rendered ma- 
hifest; nor would it prevent the 
people from holding legal meetings. 
None but evil-disposed persons 
could suffer by the enacting of such 
2 law. 

In answer to these allegations, 
the duke of Bedford, after declaring 
his disapprobation of the bill, ex- 
pressed in strong terms his persua- 
sion, that while it still remained in 
their power to meet together, the 
people would every where assemble 
to testify their averseness to so glar- 
ing an infringement on their free- 
dom, i in so explicit and resolute a 
manner, that he could not think the 
house would consent to a bill so 
visibly repugnant to the feelings of 
Englishmen. 

It was observed on this occasion, 
by lord Radnor, that if in the old 
Statutes of the reign of Edward III. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


relating to treason, certain offences 
had been omitted that ought to be 
considered and punished as such, 
they ought in such case to be de- 
clared and enacted to come within 
that meaning, in order to put men 
on their guard, and prevent them 
from committing what they would 
then know to be criminal. The ques- 
tion was then put, and carried for 
the printing of the bill. 
* On the tenth of November, the 
second reading of the bill was 
moved by lord Grenville, who ob- 
served, that the seditious speeches 
and treasonable libels, circulated in 
the meeting that had been held 
near Copenhagen-house, three days 
only before the opening of the pre=. 
sent session, had, in the opinion of 
all reflecting people, prompted that 
audacious spirit which insulted the 
person of the sovereign, and bid de- 
fiance to the legislature. The pur- 
pose of the hill, he said, was to pro= 
tect the king frote similar outrages, 
andto punish treasonous proceed- 
ings. No punishments would be 
enacted by the bill for crimes not 
already acknowledged deserving of 
them ; its sole intent was to include 
treasonable publications and dis- 
courses among them, as being no 
less criminal in their consequences. 
It was high treason to devise the 
king’s death; to conspire against 
his person and government, as sper 
cified in the bill, amounted there= 
fore to a degree of criminality that 
evidently merited the severest chas- 
tisement, whether such conspiracy 
consisted in levying civil waragainst 
him, or in encouraging foreign 
enemies, by publications, writings, 
or speeches. The provisions of the 
bill were conformable to the prin- 
ciples admitted in the acts of Bli- 
zabeth and Charles II. and were as 
similar 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


similar as circumstances would per- 
mit. Difficulties having arisen in 
the construction of the laws relating 
to treason already in force, the in- 
tentof this bill was to explain and 
fix the meaning of those laws. It 
would not prohibit any act or meet- 
ing, allowed to be legal, but only 
provide a more suitable punishment 
according to the degree of crimi- 
nality, than that ordained by the 
laws in force, as in various cases, 
notwithstanding criminality was evi- 
dently proved, an apposite punish- 
ment had not been enacted. On 
these grounds he moved the second 
reading of the bill. 

It was acknowledged, by the duke 
of Bedford, that every man ought, 
in duty, to abhor the treatment 
offered to the king, and earnestly 
desire the punishment of the guilty ; 
but the bill before the “house did 
not tend to procure more safety to 
the person of the sovereign, than 
the laws already existing. There 
was no sufficient proof that the out- 
Tages committed were connected 
with the meetings to which they 
were attributed; and though mi. 
nisters declared themselves con- 
vinced of this connection, that was 
not sufficient to induce the house 
implicitly to coincide with their con- 
viction. When the habeas-corpus- 
act was suspended, a select com- 


_ Mittee was appointed to investigate 


the necessity of such a measure, and 
the proceedings on that occasion 
gave them at least an appearance of 


deliberation; but the present mea- 


Sure required certainly much more 
consideration, It was not the tem- 
porary suspension ofanact. Itwas 
the enacting of a law entirely new 
to the spirit of the con titution, 
and which was undeniably an 
abridgment of the liberty of the 


[19 


Subject. Before so dangerous an 
innovation should be suffered to 
pass, parliament ought seriously to 
weight its certain consequences 
against the mere allegations of its 
necessity. The ptetence of the bill 
was thesecurity of the king’s per 
son; but, were the laws in being 
any ways deficient in that respect ? 
The duke then adverted to the times 
from which the ministry had bor- 
rowed their present proceedings, the 
reigns of Elizabeth and Charles IT. 
but was it not an insult to the un- 
derstandings of Englishmen, to speak 
of such times as models fit to be 
copied ; but even the precedents al- 
luded to in those times would not 
authorise ministers to follow them. 
Those enacted in queen Elizabeth’s 
reign were directed against the bulls 
issued ‘by the Pope, and those 
that were alopted under Charles 
Il. passed immediately after the 
restoration, when it was thought 
indispensible to protect bim by 
the strongest fences against the 
fanatic rage of those who had ops 
posed it. 

The duke of Bedford was warmly 
seconded by the earl of Lauderdale, 
who represented the actual suffer- 
ings of the people as the causes of 
the outrage offered to the king. It 
was not astonishing, he said, that, 
among a handred thousand indivi« 
duals casually assembled, forty or 
fitty of them should be prompted, 
by the feelings of distress, to ex- 
press them in that outrageous man 
ner. Oppressive and cruel laws were 
contrary to the disposition of the 
people of this country, and tended 
to render them averse to the go- 
vernment that framed them. The 
statutes of Edward III. were made 
at a time when the power of the 
crown was very great; yet the de. 

fc2j finition 


a0] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


finition of what was to be accounted 
treason, was much clearer and pre- 


cise than in the words of the pre- 


sent bill, which contained words 
and phrases, tbe meaning of which 
might be so construed as to create 
new crimes at the option of mi- 
nisters. There were times, he said, 
when resistance on the part of the 
people was justifiable, and even 
considered as a duty, by great and 
well-known authorities. The heads 
of the law should not therefore be 
entrusted with a discretionary power 
of extending, or interpreting the 
laws, as thereby the freedom of in- 
dividuals could never be secure ; 
and as the sense of such a state 
of insecurity might justly rouse 
them to such exertions, for the re- 
covery of their rights, as might 
throw the realm into the most fatal 
disorders. 

The statute of Edward III. was 
represented by lord Mansfield, in 
reply, as too Jax and imperfect ; it 
was not explanatory in various cases 
Similar to that which wes now un- 
der-consideration 5 it was not suf- 
ficient therefore to prevent or to 
punish adequately delinquences of 
this nature. The statute against 
treason in the reign of Elizabeth 
served asa precedent to that under 
queen Anne, and ought not to have 
been spoken of as unfit to be imita- 
ted. Thelaws enacted to the same 
purpose under Charles IJ. were point- 
edat the republican party at that 
day, which, like the same party at 
the present, consisted of sworn ene- 
mies to monarchy, and of conse- 
quence to the sovereign that wore 
the crown: if it was deemed neces- 
sary then to protect him from their 
fury, it was no less indispensible now, 
that principles of the most rebelli- 
ous nature were openly circulated in 


defiance of all law and government. 
He justified the wording of the bill 
as sufficiently clear and intelligible, 
and was of opinion that seven years 
transportation was not too severe for 
the offence on which the bill in- 
flicted it. 

The duke of Norfolk took this 
occasion to assert, that to the prin- 
ciple of resistance the family of 
Brunswick owed its exaltation to 
the British throne; this principle 
ought therefore never to be for- 
gotten by the friends of liberty. 
Though they should be careful not 
to misapply it, yet occasions might 
arise, as they had formerly arisen, 
when the application of it would 
become as necessary as at the pe- 
tiods to which he alluded» From 
the evidence relating to the insult 
offered to the crown, he was per- 
suaded that measures might easily 
be adopted to prevent such out- 
rages in future; but he thought 
himself bound to reject the bill pro- 
duced by ministers in its present 
furm, as invading the liberty of the 
subject in a variety of respects, and 
placing it too much at their dis« 
posal. 

After other peers had delivered 
their opinions on the subject, the 
duke of Bedford cencluded it, by 
saying, that the reasonings against 
the bill had met with no adequate — 
answers ; they stood upon constitu- 
tional ground, and though they 
might be out voted, they could not 
be refuted. The bill added nothing 
to the personal safety of the king, 
but increased the power of the 
crown in a most uncoustitutional 
degree ; he would therefore oppose 
it, as adirect attack on the liberty 
of Englishmen. Should it unhappily 
pass into a law, it would prove so 
fatal an infringement on the consti- 

tution, © 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


tution, that the public would soon 
be sensible of the change effected in 
its condition, and lament, when too 
Jate, the spiritless acquiescence of 
those who, forgetting their own dig- 
nity and interest, as well as that of 
the nation, had sacrificed it to un- 
justifiable motives, or personal views. 
On putting the question, it was car- 
ried in favour of ministry by seventy- 
nine votes against eight. 

On the same day, Mr. Pitt moved, 
in the house of commons, that the 
royal proclamations, in consequence 
of the fate riot, should be taken into 
consideration. He grounded’ bis 
motion on the necessity of prevent- 
ing such insults being offered to the 
sovereign, as he had experienced on 
the opening of the session. He pre- 
sumed every loyal subject would 
unite with him on this occasion, and 
that methods would be taken to ob- 
Viate those causes from whence the 
outrages proceeded, which were the 
factivus meetings of disaffected peo- 
ple, wherein seditious discourses 
were constantly held, and principles 
maintained utterly subversive of 
good order and obedience to go- 
vernment. The pretence of these 
Meetings was to petition the legis- 
lature for rights withheld from the 
people; but the real motive was, 
to promulgate opinions inimical to 
government, and calculated to bring 
it into contempt. If the executive 
power were not invested with suf. 
ficient authority to control these 
Meetings, they would finally en- 
‘danger the existence of the state. 
Tt was, he acknowledged, the in- 
dubitable right of the people to pass 
their judgment upon ministers and 
their measures, and freely to express 
their sentiments on all political sub- 
jects, as also to petition the different 
branches of the legislature; but 


[21 


these rights ought to be kept within 
their intended limits, and it was the | 
duty of parliament to prevent their 
becoming instrumental in the sub- 
version of the established govern- 
ment. The rights of the people 
doubtless ought to be respected, but 
it was equally indispensible to ob- 
viate their abuse. The question 
before the house was, to use Mr. 
Pitt’s own words, ‘* Whether the 
pressure of the moment did not re- 
quire an instant remedy ?” A pre- 
cise and acknowledged power was 
wanting in the magistrate to disperse 
such meetings. as, threatened dis- 
orders. Ths power indeed ought 
hot to extend to meetings held for 
lawful purposes, but only to au- 
thorise him to watch over the pro- 
ceedings of any large assembly, 
whatever might be the object of 
those who assembled. ‘Lo this in- 
tent, notice should be given to the 
Magistrate previously to the intend~ 
ed meeting; he should be em- 
powered to be present, and if it 
appezred of a seditious tendency, to 
seize the guilty on the spot; to ob- 
struct him should be made felony ; 
and if the meeting did not disperse 
at his command, the penalties pro- 
vided in the riot-act should. be in- 
flicted on the refractory. There 
was, added Mr. Pitt, another species 
of meeting, consisting of persons 
who attended public. lectures on 
political subjects ; the lecturers were 
men notoriously disaffected to go- 
vernment, and the doctrines they 
delivered were calculated to instil 
the rankest principles of resistance 
and rebellion to the established 
powers. _ In order to obviate this 
effectually, the act against disorderly 
houses should be applied to meetings 
of this kind, whenever ‘ they ex- 
ceeded, by a number to be stated 


[C 3} in 


92) 


in the act, the real family of the 
house.” So alarming a restriction 
occasioned an immediate cry of 
hear him, on the opposite side, but 
Mr. Pitt persisted in his determi- 
nation, and moved for leave to in- 
troducea bill for the prevention of 
seditious meetings. 

The motion being read, Mr. 
Fox began a long and animated 
speech, by declaring his abhorrence 
of the treatment offered to the 
king, but professed himself no less 
offended at the discourse he had 
just heard. An attempt had been 
made to found the necessity of 
framing the bill proposed on the 
proceedings of the assemblies so 
highly reprobated by ministers, 
who contended that they struck at 
the existence of parhament itself; 
but if such were the real case, 
were not those who brvached these 
rebellious tenets amenable to the 
law, and liable, on conviction, to 
condign punishment ? There was no 
evidence that the late outrages, 
though justiy complained of, o:i- 
ginated in the meetings alluded to. 
Proclamations were no evidence 5 
they were the fabrication of mi- 
nisters, frequently to serve the 
worst purposes. Public discussions, 
on national subjects, were not only 
legal, but the very life of the Ene 
glish constitution ;, without these no 
liberty could subsist. The bill, it 
was said, would not prevent, but 
only regulate them. ‘* But attend, 
said Mr. Fox; to the regulation ; I 
thought, he continued, that I knew 
the rights of men, and the rights of 
Englishmen.” A great cry arising 
of hear him: ‘ What, said he, do 
you suppose ita slip, and that the 
rights of manis a sentence without 
a meaning? have men no natural 
rights? if so, Englishmen’s aights 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


can have no existence. The rights 
of man, I say, are clear: man has 
natural rights, and he who denies 
it is ignorant of the basis of a free 
government: he is ignorant of the 
first principles of ours, for these 
rights are connected with the best 
parts of the history of our country.” 
‘The people, Mr. Fox continued, 
had sn inalienable right to delibe- 
rate on their grievances, and to de- 
mand redress from the legislature, 
but were forbidden by this bill to 
exercise these rights without the 
attendance of a magistrate, and pre- 
vious notice to him of their inten- 
tion. _ He was empowered to arrest 
any one present, whose words he 
might think proper to call seditious, 
andevento dissolve the meeting at 
his own pleasure. ‘‘ Say then at 
once, Mr. Fox exclaimed, that a free 
constitution is no longer suitable to 
us. Conduct yourselves at once as 
the senators of Denmark did: lay 
down your freedom, ‘and acknowe 
ledge and accept of despotism, but 
do not mock the understandings and 
the feelings of mankind, by telling 
the world that you are free. Cana 


_ meeting, under such resirictions as 


the bill requires, be called a meet- 
ing of free people? is it possible to 
make the people of this country be- 
heve thatthe plan is any thing bat 
a total annihilation of their liberty?” 
After seme strictures on the number 
of persons to whom the bill limited 
henceforth all meetings ; ‘* behold, 
pursued Mr. Fox, the state of a free 
Englishman; before he can discuss 
any topic which involves his liberty, 
or bis rights, he is to send to a ma- 
gistrate, who is ¢o attend the dis- 
cussion ; that magistrate cannot pre- 
vent the meeting, but he can pre> 
vent their speakiug, because he can 
allege that what is said basa ten- 
dency 


- 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


dency to disturb the peace of the 
kingdom.” Mr. Fox hoped that 
the people would perceive the dan- 
ger that threatened their freedom, 
and meet together, while it still 
remained lawful, to consult in 
what manner to preserve it from the 
infringement designed in the bill 
proposed, and to express their de- 
testation of it- He had seen and 
heard of revolutions, but experi- 
ence had shewn they were not ow- 
ing to the freedom of popular meet» 
ings, but to the tyransy exerted 
to enslave men. The French revo- 
lution arose from ministerial op- 
pressions, and the arbitrary pro- 
ceedings of a despotic government 
that held the people in continual 
dread, and silenced their very fears 
by the terror of those punishments 
suspended over thase who dared to 
utter their sentiments. If the peos 
ple’s complaints were groundless, 
the less they were noticed, the 
sooner they would cease, as false 
surmises would very soon be disco- 
vered and lose their effect ; but, if 
well-founded, the efforts made to 
repress them must terminate, either 
jn a base-minded submission of the 
people, or in a resistance fatal to 
their rulers as well as to themselves. 
Were the introduction of such a 
bill insisted on, he thought himself 
bound, previously to-any farther 
discussion, to move for a call of the 
house. 

Mr. Fox was supported by Mr. 
Stanley, who explicitly affirmed, 
that if the bill should pass, he 
should consider this country as on 
the eve of a revolution. He re- 
minded ministers of the well-known 
assertion of Montesquieu, that a 
humerous increase of penal laws 
as a sure prognostication of a state’s 
verging to its decline. This alone 


(as 
appeared to him a sufficient motive 
for opposing so oppressive a bill, 
There existed laws adequate to the 
suppression of unlawful meetings ; 
but the bill was, in fact, the sever- 
est libel on the good sense and at- 
tachment of Englishmen to their 
constitution ; it represented them 
as insensible of its worth, incapa- 
ble of enjoying liberty, and deserv~ 
ing, for that reason, to bé deprived 
of it. 

In answer to these arguments, sir 
William Pulteney admonished the 
opposers of the bill to consider it 
impartially, before they described 
it in such odious colours. It by ng 
means prevented free discussion, 
that of the press particularly, which 
he viewed as fully adequate to the 
support of that public spirit, and 
those popular maxims on which the 
constitution rested. The press was 
the strongest pillar of liberty, by 
the latitude with which every polis 
tical subject was allowed to be 
treated: while this remained une 
touched, the public was in no dan- 
ger of ever seeing the constitution 
subverted, and it was a privilege 
which he would never consent to 
part with ; but it could not exist in 
a democracy any more than under 
an arbitrary government, nor, in 
truth, any government but a limit- 
ed monarchy like our own. The 
great danger of popular meetings — 
was, that they heard only one side 
of the question: Uninformed mul- 
titudes were easily deluded by the 
specious and inflammatory speeches 
of designing persons, who well 
knew; that in such meetings they 
would have little, or rather no con 
tradiction, to encounter, and find 
their audience ready prepared to 
acquiesce in whatever they might 
think proper to welen Times 

{C 4} end 


24] 


and circumstantes called for regula- 
tions apposite to the dispositions of 
men at different periods. The pre- 
sent temper of men was marked by 
precipitation and temerity, and 
ought to be repressed accordingly. 
Proceedings that bordered on sedi- 
tion ought certainly to be opposed 
with firmness and diligence. Were 
magistrates, in such cases, to ex- 
ceed their powers, they would cer- 
tainly be called to a severe account, 
in a country where juries had shewn 
themselves so tenacious of the liber- 
ties of their fellow-subjects, and 
where the spirit of liberty animated, 
so manifestly, the Isgislature itself, 
as to induce it to declare those very 
juries competent judges whether a 
publication should be deemed a 
libel. 

Mr. Halhed acknowledged the 
propriety of the first proclamation, 
offering an ample reward for the 
discovery of those who had insulted 
the king, but totally disapproved of 
that proclamation, in coincidence 
with which the bill had been 
brought into the house. ‘The mis- 
behaviour of the populace, he af- 
firmed, proceeded from the sense 
of their feelings, and ought not, in 
equity, to be attributed to that 
meeting of the people, three days 
before, which had not exhibited 
the least sign of a riotous disposition, 
and had parted as peaceably as it 
had met. The miserable situation 
of the rioters, though not a justifi- 
cation, ought to weigh with those 
who reflected to what irregularities 
men might be driven, when they 
wanted bread. But the inveteracy 


of ministers to men who had oppos- 


ed their measures, with such constan- 
cy and determination, was the real 
motive that prompted them in the 
formation of this bill. They pro- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


posed by it to infuse such terror into 
the societies so long obnoxious to 
them, as would deter them, at once, 
from ever daring to resume the pro- 
secution of their designs, and thus 
to crush, at one blow, all attempts 
and ideas to affect any reform in 
parliament, or to remedy any of 
the abuses and prievances so long 
complained of by the nation at 
large. 

The bill was opposed by Mr. 


Maurice Robinson, as separating: 


the interests of the king from those 
of the people, and setting them, 
as it were, in opposition to each 
other. The king, as father of his 
people, was in justice bound to 
treat them with paternal care, and 
not to permit ministers, on the pres 
text of consulting his personal dig- 
nity, to render their condition worse 
than ever it had been, by punishing 
the many for the offences of a few, 
burried into the commission of their 
delinquencies. by the pressures of 
hunger and want. No evidence 
had been produced to countenance 
the ministerial assertion, that the 
riots were caused by the popular 
assemblies, held in the vicinity of 
the metropolis. ‘The clear and 
well-known purpose of these meet- 
ings was to petition for peace and 
reform, the endeavours to obtain 
which could not, by any legal con- 
struction, be deeméd acts of sedi- 
tion. 

The bill was supported by Mr. 
alderman Lushington, as a measure 
without which the person of the 
sovereign would be continually ex- 
posed to the insults of the vilest po- 
pulace, who would become the 
more daring and outrageous when 
they saw that parliament passedby 
unnoticed the criminal insolence of 
which they had been guilty. apis 

the 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


the bill to be rejected, the conse- 
quences would quickly prove how 
necessary it was for the preservation 
not only of the king but of every 
well-affected subject, as well as of 
the good order and peace of the 
community. 

) The attempt of ministry to enact 
such a law as that purported by 
the bill, was represented by Mr. 
Curwen as the most flagitious inno- 
vation. Its direet and visible aim 
was to strip the subject of his most 
valuable privilege, that of speak- 
ing his mind on every matter relat- 
ing to the public. Herein consist- 
ed, in fact, the very essence, not 
only of English, but of all real 
liberty. The movers of the bill 
had reason to wish themselves au- 
thorized to impose silence on the 
people, who had so much reason 
to be displeased at their conduct. 
The voice of that people had occa- 
sionally prevented them from pro- 
secuting their imprudent schemes, 
and constrained them to listen to 
disagreeable admonitiens. So re- 
solutely was he determined to pre- 
fer this voice to that of ministers, 
that he did not scruple to avow 
himself ready to support it at the 
risk of his property and his life. 
It appeared to him immaterial 
whether the constitution fell by 
insurrection or by despotism. The 
bill proposed would effect it as cer- 
tainly as any of the tumultuous 


proceedings of an enrayed people. 


But this fatal bill was obviously dic- 
tated by ministerial resentment at 
the opposition it had met with, 
both in and out of parliament. He 
did not, however, imagine, that, 
when the inimical intentions it dis- 
played against public liberty were 


duly perceived, the people of Eng- 


Jand would remain so heartless and 


[a5 


supine as not to resist it with the 
vigour and spirit of their ances- 
tors. 

The principle of the bill was 
decidedly approved by Mr. Wile 
berforce, as tending to check the 
licentious disposition, among the 
common people, introduced by 
the doctrines imported from France. 
The ideas of that people, on reli- 
gious as well as political matters, 
had lately made an alarming pro- 
gress in this country, and it was 
the duty of the legislature to dis- 
courage them by all prudent and 
legal methods. He did not consi- 
der the bill as an invasion of public 
liberty, which, he was persuaded, 
would rather be strengthened, when 
popular discussions upon national 
affairs, and meetings called for 
that purpose, were duly regulated. 
He concluded, however, by ac- 
knowledging, that he sincerely 
wished there had been no occasion 
for such a bill,, to which his assent 
was extorted by the necessity of 
choosing, among a variety of diffi. 
culties, that which appeared the 
least productive of evil. The 
meetings of individuals, to debate 
upon national affairs, had certainly 
been attended’ with such improper 
freedoms, that they well deserved 
to be restrained. The only assem- 
bly, to which the people could re- 
sort with well-grounded confidence 
of meeting with friends to listen to 
their grievances and to redress them, 
was the house of commons; it was 
the shield of public liberty, it was 
truly a popular meeting, wherein 
the nation would always find able 
and resolute defenders of its consti- 
tutional rights; it was a tribunal, 
before which its cause would be 
pleaded with efficacy; and where 
its complaints, when justly founded, 

would 


26] 


would never be refused an attentive 
hearing. 

Mr. Sheridan severely animad- 
verted on the motives assigned by 
Mr. Wilberforce for supporting the 
bill. Instead of strengthening pub- 
lic liberty, it went directly to destroy 
it, by silencing every voice that 
might have been heard inits defence. 
Ministers had boldly asserted, that 


one of the fortunate consequences. 


of the war, was the eradication of 
French principles; but the false- 
hood of this assertion was evident, 
from their gradual increase through- 
out the multitude. The discussions 
of the people would now, he ob- 
served, be wholly at the disposal of 
ministerial dependants and agents, 
either to permit, or to forbid, as 
they thought proper, or, more proba- 
bly, as they were directed. Thus, 
in fact, that liberty of speech, Spon 
which Englishmen were wont to 
value themselves, they would here- 
after hold barely upon sufferance. 
Were the bill to pass, he should 
eonsider the house of commons as 
no longer able to express the real 
sentiments of their constituents, 
-who, when restrained by terror from 
the manifestation of their thoughts, 
would not have it in their power to 
lay them before their representa- 
tives, between whom, and them- 
selves, that free communication of 
ideas, on the national business, must 
cease, which constituted the prin- 
cipal basis of English liberty. 

The bill was opposed also by Mr. 
Martin, who explicitly charged the 
minister with having seized the op- 
portunity of the late riots, to raise 
an alarm throughout the nation, 
that might be converted to the sup- 
port of the ruinous measuresin which 
he was still resolved to persist. War, 
alone, was now become'the object 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of ministers. They studied to pros 
pogate the like infatuation in every 
part of the country, which now ex~ 
hibited endless scenes of military pa- 
rade. The bill tended, as other 
ministerial measures, to introduce 
an arbitrary system of government. 
This was evidently the project which 
ne must have formed, by accompa- 
nying it with so many restrictions 
on the personal freedom of indivie 
duals. There was a time, when the 
people of this land would not have 
borne such an audacious attempt on 
their liberties, nor any minister have 
dared to try the experiment. 

Mr. Windham sharply contended 
in favour of the bill. He observed, 
that loud asseverations, of the loss of 
liberty, were heard from the oppo- 
sition in the house, and the popular 
meetings: a marked unanimity of 
sentiments subsisted between them. 
But it was time to suppress these 
sentiments, wherever they took occa- 
sion to manifest themselves, by pu- 
nishing, with merited severity, their 
propagators and abettors. It was 
absurd to affect an ignorance of the 
designs in agitation at the meetings, 
of the commonalty, and of the so- 
cieties, that pretended to have no 
other object in view, than peace and 
reform. Their object was te cons 
cert the methods that were most 
likely to embarrass and subvert the 
present government, and to substie. 
tute another, more consistent with 
their own notions, which were, in 
fact, those adopted in France. This 
was the country of their predilec- 
tion, and to the arms and councils 
of which they notoriously wished 


_ every possible success against thema- 


chinations of so dangerous a party; 
existin g in the bosom, as it. were, 
of the nation, and striving, with inde- 
fatigable efforts, to infuse ito it the 
3 "poison 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


gison of their detestable opinion . 
Was it not the duty , as well as the 
interest, of the legislature, to arm 
itself with every precaution? Every 
man that valued his country, and 
its constitution, would, on this occa» 
sion, come forward, and join, with 
heart and hand, in its preservation 
frem the calamities that must be- 
fall it, were the French, and their 
English adherents, to succeed in 
their designs against this country, 
It was against those united enemies 
the present bill entirely militated ? 
it- was inimical to no Englishman 
that loved his country. Inthe actual 
circumstances of affairs, it was the 
only remedy applicable to the mis- 
chiefs meditated by our foes abroad 
and at home, who, if not impeded 
in their plans, by the measures so 
judiciously proposed, would con- 
tinue to carry them on, tillil might 
become highly difficult to frustrate 
them. These plans were, undeni- 
ably to overturn every political insti- 
tution differing from that established 
in France, which they boastingly as- 
serted was the only just and lawful 
one in Europe. He would ask every 
man of spirit and patriotism in that 
house, and in the whole nation, 
whether such presumption were sup- 
portable? Could it be deemed uns 
just to take up arms against so as- 
suming and arrogant a people, or to 
iframe acts for the counter-acting of 
those among ourselves, who were 
either so weak, or so wicked, as to 
abet them? The bill he allowed 
to be of a nature hitherto unknown, 
and new to the ideas of the peo- 
ple of this country ; but extraor- 
dinary cases required extraordinary 
treatment. Enormities, uncommonly 
atrocious, must be encountered by 
laws adéquately severe. Such was 
the rage that actuated the enemies 


(27 


to government, that they had cim 
culated opinions and sentiments 
tending, unequivocally, to affect the 
king’s life. Could the legislature, 
consistently with its professed attach- 
ment to the sovereign, and, with ils 
own reputation and dignity, pass by, 
unpunished, so execrable a violation 
of all principles on which the con- 
stitution of the land, and.the peace 
of the public was founded? Did 
ever any government suffer indivi- 
duals, of this character, openly to 
meet and consult together in the 
face of day? They had too long 
been tolerated, and it were a dis 
grace to parliament, and would 
argue pusillanimity, to allow them 
to meet any more. No such meet- 
ings were permitted by the new con- 
stitution lately adopted in France, 
however the rulers in that country 
might be ready to avail themselves 
of our imprudence, in having so 
long,and so unpardonably connived 
at them. 

In reply to these allegations, it 
was observed, by Mr, Gray, that 
ministry, after exulting in the ex 
tinction of democratic principles, 
operated by their vigilance, now 
came forward with a bill, which 
they founded on the necessity of ob« 
viating the alarming progress they 
had made, and were daily making, 
throughout the nation: to whick 
of these assertions were we to give 
credit? If those principles were 
not extirguisheds ministry had been 
deceived, or had endeavoured to 
deceive the public. If they were, 
inreality, extinguished, the bill they 
proposed to pass against them origi- 
nated from other motives ; and those 
could be no other, than to silence 
the complaints of the people, en- 
raged at their misconduct, and, 
chiefly, at their persisting in it, not- 

wighstanding 


28] 


withstanding the admonition of con- 
stant experience, daily proving, in 
the face of Europe, that they had 
undertaken what was impracticable, 
or, at least, what they had not abi- 
lities to execute. The connection 
between the meetings, and the in- 
sult offered to the king, instead of 
being supported by the least evi- 
dence, was totally disproved by 

every circumstance. But ministens 
wanted a pretence for depriving the 
people of that privilege which they 
most dreaded, that of exposing their 
incapacity, their imprudence, or 
their evil designs. Which of those 
impulations lay heaviest on ministry 
it was hard to decide; but the pub- 
lic, at large, loudly charged them 
with every one of them. The stand- 
ing laws were of sufficient energy to 
reach and to punish conspiracy and 
sedition. To what end were addi- 
tional ones to be enacted, unless to 
arm ministry with powers unknown 
to the constitution ; and which, from 
their incompatibility with its na- 
ture, must unavoidably affect its 
destruction. 
cumbent upon every friend to the 
constitution to oppose the bill with 
the firmest perseverance, aS ihe pas- 
sing of it would prove the surest 
step towards that uncontrollable 
situation, wherein ministers had so 
long, and so visibly, made every 
effort to place themselves, After a 
few other remarks, on each side of 
the question, the motion for bring~ 
ing in the bill was carried by two 
hundred and fourteen against forty - 
two. 

The propriety of a call of the 
house, previously to the decision of 
so weighty a matter, being insisted 
on by Mr. Fox, he was told, by 
Mr. Dundas, that-he. had so litile 
objection to tis demand, that, urless 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


It was, therefore, in-~ 


1796. 


it could be made spparent, that e 
plurality of the people sided with 
ministry on this occasion, the bill 
ought certainly not to pass, but he 
was fully satisfied of rts being gene~ 
rally approved. He had, he said, 
‘* been besieged in his office, for 
months past, with applications for 
such a bill.” It was in concurrence 
with the desire of a great number of 
persons of weight with ministers, 
that they had “been persuaded to 
bring it into parliament. 

The speech of Mr. Dundas gave 
occasion to Mr. Sheridan of making 
some pointed observations. Minis- 
ters, he said, had, in the first in- 
stance, grounded the necessity of 
the bill upon the outrageous beha- 
viour of the populace; but the force 
of truth had now*compelled them 
to acknowledge, however imadver- 
tently, that this bill had long before 
been resolved upon: thus the pro- 
fessions of ministers were unwerthy 
of credit, and their arguments stood 
upon no justifiable grounds; they 
made the first in defiance of truth, 
and they used the second with un~ 
deniable consciousness of their im- 
propriety. Mr. Sheridan concluded 
by intimating that ministerial re- 
sentment, at their disappointment 
in the trial of Hardy, and the other 
members of the corresponding so- 
ciety, had, ever since, been brood 

Ing over the means of obtaining re- 
venge. 

Mr. Maurice Robinson, and Mr, 
Grey, seconded the motion of Mr. 
Fox for a call of the house, before 
a final decision took place in a bu- 
siness of such universal concern to 
the nation: the motion was ayreed 
to accordingly, and the call ap- 
pointed for that day fortnight. 

Jn a committee of the whole house 
of peers, on the eleventh of No- 

vember, 


a I et 


ee ee 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


vember, the bill for the safety of 
the King’s person and government 
was formally read, and produced 
long and spirited debates on its va- 
rious clauses. ‘The duke of Leeds 
moved, that, instead of the word 
government, in the Second clause, 
the words, consisting.of king, lords, 
andcommons,should be substituted, 
as defining, more specifically, the 
constitution thanthe word govern- 
ment. ! 

The lord chancellor and lord 
Grenville were of a different opi- 
nion; but lord Thurlow asserted the 
difficulty of defining, with exactness, 
the terms government and consti- 
tution ; the penalties enacted by the 
second clause appeared to him un- 
duly severe. Was it equitable to 
criminate a man for saying it was 
an abuse, that twenty acres of land, 
near Old Sarum, should send two 
members to parliament? The laws 
in existence were, in his judgment, 
amply sufficient to punish ever 
crime and iisdemeanour therein 
alluded to; without needing its 
assistance. He reprobated the 
system of adding new laws and pe- 
nalties to those already enacted, and 
condemned the whuie of this clause, 
together with the following one, by 
which ministers were empowered 
to prosecute discretionelly. 

Much surprise was expressed by 
the lord chancellor, at the opinion 
delivered by lord Thurlow. The 
enormity of the offences, at which 
this clause was pointed, must, he 
said, be acknowledged by all who 
read the publications of the day: 
they were, in every , sense, directed 
against the existence of the govern- 
ment and the constitution: they ex- 
plicitly told the people, that they 
were in no wise bound to submit 
to their rulers: that monarchy was 


[29 


an usurpation of national rights,and 
aristocracy an oppressive institution: 
they boldly gave the public to un- 
derstand, that beth these branches 
of the constitution ought to be lop-, 
ped away, and democracy alone to 
remain ; threatening, at the same 
time, to lose no opportunity of car- 
rying those purposes into execution. 
Were such flagitious designs, said 
the lord chancellor, permitted to be 
avowed, in the undisguised, insult- 
ing manner they had so long been,, 
to the astonishment and indignation 
of the sensible part of the public, 
what must become of the authority 
‘of the state, and of the safety of all 
its component members ? Wasit not 
evident, that all the evils which had 
afflicted this nation, in the last cen- 
tury, and all those experienced by 
France, at the present hour, would 
be renewed in this country, did not 
the legislature proceed with expe- 
dition and spirit to puta stop to 
the dissemination of those principles 
that tended, so manifestly, to pro- 
duce such calamities ? 

The lord chancellor. was sup- 
ported by lord Mansfield, and op- 
posed by lord Lauderdale, who no~ 
ticed, that instead of encountering 
the arguments of lord Thurlow, he 
had described the pernicious ten- 
dency of the writings circulated by 
the democratic faction, which had 
not been denied, and which were 
no less deprecated by the parliamene 
lary Opposition to ministry, than by 
ministers themselves, But the fact 
was, that we lived in times, when 
the partiality to ene branch of the 
constitution was, such, that revilers 
of the others might go unnoticed 
and unpunished, while that alone 
would be fenced and protected by 
clauses and penalties against those 
that spoke, or wrote, of it disre- 

spectfully. 


30} 


spectfully. The crown, for instance, 
might be represented as the power 
paramount to lords and commons, 
and totally, by right, independent 
of their contro]; and the man that 
hadmade such an asseveration, might, 
instead of rebuke and punishment, 
meet with approbation and reward, 
while he, that dared to insinuate the 
contrary, would expose himself to 
the wrath of government. A time, 
indeed, might come, when the prin- 
ciples.that seated the house of Bruns- 
wick on the British throne, might 
be reprobated, and held forth as 
proofs of disloyalty in those who 
maintained them, while those who 
pleaded the cause of the preroga- 
tive, would be abetted by the whole 
authority and strength of govern- 
ment. 

The duke of Bedford was par. 
ticularly severe on that clause of the 
bill, which condemned, to a trans~ 
portation for seven years, any per-~ 
son convicted of having offended, 
a second time, against the purport 
of the bill. He thought the pe- 
nalty far exceeded the offence, and 
spoke, he said, as a man that felt 
himself liable to incur it. He took 
this occasion to condemn, in bitter 
terms, an expression that had fallen 
from bishop Horsley, in the warmth 
of his antipathy to writings pub- 
lished on parliamentary reform. The 
bishop’s reply to the duke’s animad- 
versions was, that the bill referred 
enly to those seditious meetings 
where the discussion of laws was 
attempted by persons incompetent 
to judge of their propriety; nor 
did he know, ‘* what the mass of the 
people, in any country, had to do 
with the laws, but to obey them.” 

An observation of this nature, 
drew, from the duke of Bedford, 
and the earl of Lauderdale, the ut- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


most abhorrence that words could 
utter. The earl, in particular, af- 
firmed, that had a Turkish mufti 
made such a declaration, in his pre- 
sence, he should have imputed it to 
his ignorance; but to hear it from 
the mouth of a British prelate, ex. 
cited his surprise no less than his in- 
dignatjon. 

It may Rot be out of place to ree 
mark, that these words of the bi- 
shop did him considerable dissere 
vice, not only with the public, but 
with the ministerial party, who were 
abundantly sensible how much their 
cause was injured by such immode- 
rate zeal, whether sincere or af+ 
fected. 

The bill, on the division, was 
carried by forty-five votes against 
three. 

The third reading of the bill took 
place on the thirteenth of ‘Novem- 
ber, when the earl of Lauderdale 
proposed to extend the operation 
of it to Scotland, and to substitute 
it tothe laws provided there against 
the like offences: observing, in 
support of his proposal, that more 
severity could not be requisite in 
Scotland, where the people were 
peaceably inclined, than in. Eng- 
land, where a strong party was 
formed against the existing govern- 
ment. But his proposal was imme- 
diately negatived. 

The biil was again opposed, with 
“great vigour and animation, by the 
duke of Bedford. He felt, he said, 
a solicitude and anxiety on this 
subject, that compelled him to call 
forth every exertion, of which he 
was capable, to bear witness of his 
abhorrence of that bill, which he 
considered as a mortal stab to the 


English constitution, given, in de-— 
spite of every remonstrance, by a. 


ministry, determined to strike at 
every 


_ HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


every thing that stood in the way 
of their proceedings, however the 
voice of the public might reprobate 
them, or experience prove them 
‘contrary to the welfare of the na- 
tion. It was become usual, he said, 
to draw precedents from France, 
by the supporters of ministerial 
measures. He too could, with 
equal propriety, cite the example 
of that country in admonition to 
those who were become the rulers 
of this. What was it, he asked, 
that plunged France into those dis- 
orders and confusions that brought 
_ about the revolution? Surely not 
the field-meetings of the people, 
nor the discussions in private clubs, 
but the profligacy of avicious court, 
and the licentious lives of the heads 
of the French nation, whose im- 
moral characters Jost them the es- 
teem and respect of their country- 
men; but the cause which princi- 
pally accelerated that event was 
the iniquitous conduct of their go- 
vernment, and the corrupt subser- 
viency of successive ministries to 
the wicked ambition of those who, 
unhappily for that kingdom, pos- 
_ sessed the confidence of weak sove- 
Teigns, and involved them in con- 
tests and wars that drained the re- 
sources of the nation, and reduced 
the people to misery. These, to- 
gether with the intolerable oppres- 
sions exercised upon the common- 
alty, excited that resentment of 
their wrongs, and that resolution to 
Oppose tyranny, which produced 
the revolution. True it was, that 
the personal character of the mo- 
march, on the British throne, was 
highly respectable and exemplary ; 


butthe perverseness of his ministers, , 


in forcing his people into a war, 
heither of their choice nor to their 
‘interest, in lavishing their money 


[31 


for its prosecution against their re- 
peated wishes for its termination, 
in creating places and emoluments 
for the abettors of this ruinous sys- 
tem, and in adopting the severest 
and most unconstitutional measures 
agaiust all who had the spirit to op- 
pose them: these and otherinstances 
of obstinacy, arrogance, and cone 
tempt of the people's rights and in- 
terests, fully justified him in calling 
their conduct unconstitutional and 
corrupt. 

Tbe duke was answered by’ lord 
Grenville,‘who went over the same 
grounds of arguments already urged 
in support of the bill. He did not 
deny the duke’s assertions respecting 
the corruption of the French court 
and government -previous to the 
revolution, the commencement of 
which had excited the expectation 
of the people of this country, that 
the French would henceforth enjoy 
the happiness of a constitution simi- 
lar to their,own. But the horrible 
events that ensued owed their causes 
to the lawless principles main- 
tained in the clubs and disorderly 
associations that took place in that 
unhappy country, and filled it with 
murder and desolation. Clubs, it 
was well known, bad been institut- 
ed in England, in imitation and 
upon the same plan as those in 
France. Like them, they taught 
principles utterly subversive of ane 
cient laws and constitutions, and 
inimical to the moral and religious 
order of things established for cene 
turies. These were certainly most 
dangerous innovations, and tended 
evidently to throw this, and any 
country, into the most fatal disor- 
ders. They ought, therefore, to 
be resisted, and it would argue fear 
orimbicility not te oppose them in 
the firmest and most effectual man- 

ners 


32] 


ner, by holding out the severest 
chastisements to those who endea- 
voured to disseminate principles of 
so pernicious and destructive a ten- 
dency. 

' It was with much animal vehe- 
mence insisted on by the earl of 
Lauderdale, that the safety of mi- 
nisters was much more consulted 
by this bill than that of the king. 
They were conscious, that if the 
people were suffered to meet toge- 
ther, their reiterated remonstrances 
could not fail, at last, to make 
some impression to their prejudice. 
The privilege of discussing parlia- 
mentary transactions had never yet 
been called in question or thought 
dangerous, The more important 
the question brought before the le- 
gislature, the greater was the pro- 
pensity as well as the interest of 
the public to examine and scruti- 
nize it. If this privilege was al- 
lowed in matters of litde impor- 
tance, it ought, indubitably, to 
hold good in affeirs of great and 
weighty concern to the nation. 
Ministers had tried how far the 
law would bear them out in their 
endeavours to establish the doctrine 
of constructive treason; but the 
attempt was so odious, that it fail- 
d; the present, however, was an 
attempt far more invidicus, and he 
doubted not, that if the people of 
England viewed it in that light, 
they would exert themselves so 
powerfully as to frustrate it, not- 
withstanding all ministerial arts and 
efforts in its favour, The debate 
finally concluded by sixty-six voles 
for the passing of the bill and seven 
against it. The duke of Bedford 
and the earls of- Derby and Lau- 
derdale entered a very solemn 
and spirited protest in opposition to 
it. : 


ANNUAL REGISTER,; 


1796. 


In the house of commons, the 
same influence prevailed as in the 
house of lords. A message from 
these was brought to the commons, 
on the 16th of November, inform- 
ing them, that they had passed the 
bill for the king’s better safety, and 
requesting their concurrence. Mr. 
Pitt, in consequence, moved its 
first reading, which was carried by 
one hundred and seventy votes 
against twenty-six; thesecond read- 
ing was voted by one hundred and 
fifty-one against twenty-five. 

It being observed by lord Eard- 
ley, that a public meeting had 
been held on Sunday by persons 
who opposed the bill, a transaction 
which he looked upon as too much 
in the style of French principles, 
Mr. Sheridan observed, that the 
meeting was justified by its object, 
which was to prepare a hand-bill 
to dissuade the people from tumult 
and riot. 

In conjunction with Mr. Fox, 
Mr. Grey, and Mr, Lambton, Mr. 
Sheridan proposed, that, previously 
to the discussion of the bill, a com- 
mittee Should be appointed to in- 
quire into the particulars of the 
insult offered to the king. This 
was opposed by ministry as disre- 
spectful in the first stage of a bill, 
framed for the security of the soye- 
reign, and laid before them by the 
house of Jords; but Mr. Sheridan 
insisted, that no proofs bad been 
adduced to authorize so harsh a 
measure, and that ministers had no 
right to bring forward such a bill 
without the. clearest proofs of its 
necessity. Ministers were bound, 
in their own justification, to fei 
it appear to the public that they 
acted ingenuously and upon fair 
grounds, the case being of such im- 
portance and magnitude, that no 

suspicions 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


suspicions ought to be against.mi- 
nisters for undue compliances, of 
_ which, if guilty, they should not 
be suffered to escape the punish- 
ment annexed to their responsibility. 
It was equally absurd and uncon- 
-Stitutional to build any argument 
on the proclamations which were 
well known to be fabricated by 
ministers, and to deserve no more 
credit than the informers, reporters, 
and spies, employed by them in 
the prosecution of those whom they 
were compelled to release for want 
of better evidence. The doctrine 
of king-killing had been imputed 
to the~ meeting at Copenhagen~ 
house ; but, had such an imputa- 
tion been founded, ‘‘ prosecutions” 
said Mr. Sheridan, ‘‘ must have ta-~ 
ken place against the guilty, or else 
there must have been great neglect 
in the magistrates and the execu- 
tive government ;” but this being 
highly improbable, neither was the 
charge itself to be credited. On 
these premises he moved, “‘ that a 
committee should be appointed to 
“inquire into the existence and ex- 
‘tent of the danger of seditious 
Meetings, as referred to in the king’s 
proclamation.” 
_ The notoriety of the inflammato- 
ry and seditious language, spoken 
at the popular meetings, was such, 
‘answered Mr. Powis, that no other 
evidence could be needed to justify 
‘the strong measures in contempla- 
‘tion, which were evidently neces- 
sary to check the turbulent dispo- 
‘sitionthat had gone forth. It did 
“not amount to absolute treason, but 
‘it approached so neaily to it as to 
-call not only for immediate restric- 
} tion but for adequate punishment ; 
“none being provided by any law in 
“force, an act ought to be passed, 
both to restrain and punish the of- 
‘fenders in future. The proceedings of 
Vou. XXXVIII. 


[33 


the various assemblies of the people, 
both in England and Scotland, were 
invariably conformable to those of 
the clubs in France, and breathed a 
decided enmity to the constitution 
of this country. 
Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. 
Curwen, and Mr. Jekyl, vigour- 
ously supported the motion for an 
inquiry, and asserted the sufficiency 
of the existing laws for the sup- 
pression of Conspiracies against the 
state, and that if they were not 
enforced the ministers themselves 
were to blame. Their representa- 
tions of the state of things meriied 
no attention; they were framed 
to deceive the public, and had 
neither truth nor even plausibility 5 
they contradicted each otherin the 
most perceptible manner, and could 
not therefore be relied on ; the loy- 
alty of the people and their attach- 
ment to government were one day 
insistéd upon, and the next they 
were charged with factiousness and 
democratic principles. Was thisa 
style of speaking becoming men at 
the head of the nation, and who 
were bourd, by the exaltedness of 
their situation and the means of in- 
formation it afforded, to be well ac- 
quainted with the temper of the 
nation, and ought ‘therefore to be 
‘above the meanness of misrepre« 
senting it to the sovereign, or of 
endeavouring to conceal it from 
the legislature? Mr. Fox, on this 
occasion, expressed particular ine 
dignation at the behaviour of some 
individuals employed by administra 
tion in the capacity of spies. Ina 
order to discover the designs of 
those they were commissioned to 
watch over, they affected to enter 
into their sentiments, and excited 
them to use words and to adopt 
proposals far more reprehensible . 
than they first intended. What 
(Di name 


34) 


name could be affixed sufficiently 
descriptive of so vile a character? 
He cited the case of those informers 
at the Old Bailey, who fall under 
this description, and he reminded 
the house of the cruel treatment of 
Mr. Walker, of Manchester, who, 
though liberated on the proof of 
perjury in his accuser, received 
however no compensation for his 
sufferings. The depravity of mi- 
nisterial agents required indubitably 
to be checked, no less than the mis- 
demeanours of those whose conduct 
they were employed to inspect. 
With sorrow, said Mr. Fox, he 
found himself compelled to bear 
witness to a melancholy truth, 
which was, that the freedom of 
.the subject had been considerably 
abridged since the commencement 
of the present reign. It was vain 
to deny the discontent of the people 
at the conduct of ministers :~where- 
ever popular meetings were held, 
this conduct was warmly and una- 
nimously reprobated, as the cause 
of public calamities. He had, Mr, 
Fox said, been strongly impressed 
with the reality of this* persuasion 
throughout the generality, by the 
unanimous marks of approbation he 
had met with that very morning 
from an assembly in Westminister, 
consisiing of thirty thousand indivi« 
duals at least, whom he bad addres- 
sed to the same futent for which be 
was now speaking to the house, and 
who were apparently, almost toa 
man, convinced that he spoke the 
sense of the nation at large. 

-The motion for an inquiry was 
opposed by Mr. Pitt and the ate 
torney-general, as creating a delay 
that might be productive of much 
danger, The tranquillity of the 
public required the promptest mea- 
sures. The latter expressed great 
solicitude in vindicating his conduct 

aes 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


athe late trials: he insisted on 
the propriety of the bill in question, 
which, he sar, would, at the worst; 
prove the adoption of a lesser evil, 
to prevent a greater. ‘The present 
laws of the land were, in his opis 
nion, inadequate to prevent the ap- 
pearance of such publications as he 
had read, and of such meetings as 
had been held; new laws were of — 
consequence necessary. ‘Fhe debate 
closed by twenty-two votes for Mr. 
Sheridan’s motion; and one hundred | 
and sixty-seven against it. 
The second reading of the bill © 
took place on the seventeenth of © 
November. The liberty of speech — 
was acknowledged by the solicitors 
general to be a peculiar blessing of — 
the English constitution, but it had _ 
lately been perverted by ill-design- — 
ing men, in so glaring a mannery — 
that the safety of the state required | 
it should be so regulated, as to pres — 
vent the mischiefs wherein they © 
Were aiming to render it instru- 
mental. So far, in bis judgment, 
were the provisions of the bill suf- 
ficiently restrictive, for the purpose’ — 
of curbing the licentiousness of the © 
people, that they demanded ad- 
ditional restraints on the intemper- 
ance of speech, daily increasing 
among the commonalty. The pro- 
visions enacted by the bill would, 
he asserted, confine the people with- 
in the salutary limits of lawful dis- 
cussions, and effectually obviate 
those riotous proceedings, that were 
the inevitable result of assemblies 
held by the vulgar classes, without 
some restraint to keep them in ors 
der. The presence of a magistrate 
would completely effect this, with- 
out entrenching on their privilege 
to meet for the purpose of laying 
their grievances before the legis- 
Jature, and petitioning for redress. 
While this right remained ae 
ed; 


HISTORY GF EUROPE. 


- éd, and was only subjected to regu- 
lations for its more beneficial ex- 
ercise, it was unreasonable to com- 
plain of its being extinguished. 

The solicitor, speaking of the pu- 
rity and independence of the British 
parliament, took this occasion to 
condemn the system adopted by 
the French, of allowing salaries to 
the representatives of the nation. 
Hence, he asserted, arose the cala- 
mities of France. It wasa practice 
which had Jong been relinquished 
by this country, and which denoted 
the prudence of the people and 
government. He also advanced 
another maxim, which was, that re- 
volutions were always the work of 

inorities : these usually consisted 
of spirited and active individuals, 
who were not deterred by difficul- 
ties, and whose resolution and per- 

Severance rendered them indefati- 

gable, and enabled them finally to 

overcome the majorities that op- 
posed their designs. These ma- 
jorities being composed of the 
peaceable and well-affected to go- 
vernment, though acting with loy- 
alty, did not exert themselves with 
afervour equal to that of their an- 
tagonists, whose vigour and ani- 
mation in pursuing the objects for 
which they were contending, in- 

_Spired them with exertions too vio= 
lent to be resisted by men, who had 
only ordinary motives to influence 
them, while the others were 
prompted by that multiplicity of 
passions which actuate men who 
are striving to exalt themselves 
wbove others, and to expel them 
from the seat of power, in order.to 
occupy it themselves. Isom the 
various reasonings that had been 
used in support of the bill, he infer- 
red, that as the laws in force did 
not sufficiently apply to the nu- 
merous meetings and associations, 


[35 


where the seditious principles come 
plained of were encouraged, laws 
that might clearly be directed 
against them, ought of course to be 
enacted. 

In reply to the solicitor-general, 
Mr. Erskine positively denied the 
bill’s consistency with the principles 
of the British constitution. Neither 
in the reignof Charles II. nor of 
William III. nor in those that fol- 
lowed, though two of them were 
marked by rebellions, had the mi- 
nistry dared to attempt such an in» 
fringement on the liberty ef the 
subject ; and yet the first of these 
reigns was immediately after those 
commotions that had brought a 
king to the scaffold: the second was 
noted for the obstinacy with which 
the adberents to a dethroned mow 
narch exerted themselves in his 
cause, even to the attempting the 
very life of the prince upen the 
throne, In the height of thesebellion 
of 1745, no minister had ventured to 
fetter the nation in the manner pro 
posed by the present bill. Even the 
very framers of it, when they sus~ 
pended the habeas-oorpus-act, and 
were preparing their materials for 
the late trials, had abstained from this 
glaring invasion of national freedom. 
No plots had since arisen, corrobo- 
rated with any proofs, to arm mi- 
nisters with a just pretence for so 
outrageous an attack on the con~ 
stitution; the fundamentals of which 
were so materially affected by it, 
that the right to petition, on which 
the security of the people against 
oppression essentially depended, 
would’ be utterly destroyed. The 
bill forbad all discussion that was 
net sanctioned by a magistrate. Did 
not such a clause empower magis= 
trates appointed by, and removable 
at, the will of the crown, to be 
judges of the nature of the petitions 

Dz] of | 


36] 


of the people? was it presumable 
that such persons would permit a 
petition, militating against any mi- 
nisterial measure, to be brought for- 
ward in a popular meeting? but 
whatever the favours of absolute 
powers might advance in support 
of such a bill, it tok away at once 
the right inherent in the people to 
resist a tyrannical government. The 
public meetings had been charged 
with speaking bold language; but 
there were occasions that warranted 
the boldest language. ‘The people 
of England bad inalienably the right 
to defend their liberties to the last 
extremity: such were the senti- 
ments of the great lord Chatham, 
and such were his own. In no situa- 
tion would he desert that cause, 
and was determined never to die a 
slave. It was, in the mean time, 
with the beaviest concern, that he 
observed a circumstance pregnant 
with much calamity: this was the 
estrangement of the higher classes 
from the lower: this had been the 
radical cause of the evils that had 
befallen France. Previously to the 
revolution there were but two 
orders of society in that country, a 


haughty and domineering nobility,. 


anda wretched oppressed multitude. 
Hence arose the resentments of 
the lower classes, who beheld them- 
selves tyrannised over by a profligate 
court and government, to which, 
for that reason, they did not con- 
ceive themselves bound to submit. 
Arguing from this weighty prece- 
dent, Mr. Erskine warned the pos- 
sessorsof power, and the owners of 
great property in tais country, to be- 
ware of the fatal exampies before 
them, and not to abet a law by 
which the people’s liberties must 
necessarily be abrogated, and a spirit 
of revenge excited in them which 
would inevitably break forth soon 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


or late. Compulsion and the dread 
of force might induce them to sub- 
mit awhile to their oppressors 5 but 
it would bea sullen submission, and 
though it might even last a few 
years, the remembrance of liberty 
would still survive, and prompt 
them, in an evil hour for the de- 
stroyers of their freedom, to resume 
itonsome auspicious opportunity, 
and to take the most signal ven- 
geance upon its enemies. In cor- 
roboration of his sentiments, Mr. 
Erskine referred to the speech. of 
the chief justice, at the late trials 
for high treason at the Old Bailey. 
“ Among the objects of the attention 
of freemen, said the chief justice, 
the principles of government, the 
constitutions of particalar governe 
ments, and, above all, the constitu- 
tion of the government under which 
they live, will naturally engage their 
attention, and provoke speculation, 
The power of communication of — 
thoughts and opinions is the gift of 
God, and the freedom of it is the 
source of all science, the first fruit 
and the ultimate happinesss of so- 
ciety ; and therefore it seems to fol- 
low, that haman laws ought not to 
interpose, nay, Cannot interpose, to 
prevent the communication of senti- 
ments and opinions in voluntary as« 
semblies of men.” So dangerously 
was the bill framed, that it was in 
the power of any one individual pre- | 
sent at a meeting to occasion its dis-_ 
solution, by speaking a few seditious 
words, that would instantly authorise” 
the presiding magistrate to put an 
end to it on that pretence ; but was 
it not clear that, fora paltry grati- 
fication, a hireling might be found 
to afford this pretence to a ministee | 
rial justice for executing the man- 
dates of his employer? It was false 
that no law existed to prevent se« 
ditions proceedings : 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


had it always in his option to dis- 
solve a disorderly assembly when it 
was evidently accompanied by a 
breach of the peace; and by the 
riot-act he was explicitly empower- 
ed to disperse meetings he!d. on un- 
lawful purposes. Mr. Erskine next 
proceeded to expose the change of 
sentiments in the English on matters 
of government. Mr. Burke had, he 
said, already taken notice of this 
alteration so long ago as the Ame- 
rican war, ‘* We begin, bis words 
were, to acquire the spirit of domi- 
nation, and. to lose the relish of 
honest equality: the principles of 
our forefathers become suspected to 
us, because we see them animating 
the present opposition of their 
American descendants. The faults 
which grow out of the luxuriance 
of freedom, appear much more 
shocking to us than those vices 
which are gemerated from the ranke 
ness of servitude.”” Thus, said Mr. 
Erskine, neither the idea, nor the 
term of equality, were strangers to 
our language till lately, as some 
time-servers would insinuate. It 
were wiser in the higher ranks to 
cherish this idea, than to affect a 
secession from the commonalty, and 
to hold it beneath their dignity to 
make one common cause with 
them. The great ought seriously to 
weight the consequences that must 
certainly ensue from acontest be- 
tween them and the little. It 
would indicate aspirit of disunion 
ia this country, of which the French 
would not fail to avail themselves ; 
far worse would be the conditions 
of atreaty with them in such a 
case, than if they found us united 
in disposition and interests. Mr. 
Erskine, reverting to the motives 
alledged in support of the bill, said, 
because, while the sovereign was 
going to parliament, al a time when 


[37 


a complication of calamities had 
rendered the poor desperate, a few 
wretches were guilty of outrages 
tohim, for which they might have 
been punished by statutes long ex« 
isting, the whole nation is at once 
to lose the privilege on which it 
justly sets the highest value. The 
statute enacted in the thirteenth of 
Charles II. was, he observed, the 
acknowledged precedent of the 
present bill: by the tenour of that 
statute one hundred theusand indi= 
viduals might assemble in order to 
concert together a petition: the 
only prohibitions contained in that 
act, were, to hawk the petition 
about for those to sign, who might 
not know of the grievances com- 
plained of, and that more than ten 
persons should present the petition 
to the king. It also empowered 
magistrates to interpose their authos 
rity when overt acts of tumult took 
place, and to requiresecurity against 
any breach of the peace; but no 
meeting nor communication of 
thoughts were forbidden; tumul- 
tuously petitioning was the only 
thing forbidden. How different, 
exclaimed’ Mr. Erskine, was this 
act from the bill now depending, 
which even prevented men from 
petitioning. He concluded by ani- 
madverting on the language once 
used by Mr. Pitt himself, on the 
subject of parliamentary reform. 
‘* We had lost America, were the 
minister’s words, through the core 
ruption of an unreformed parlia- 
ment, and we should never havea 
wise and honourable administration, 
nor be freed from the evils of un- 
necessary war, nor the fatal effects 
of the funding system, till a radical 
reform was obtained.” But the 
man who had spoker. these true and 
memorable words was the same 
whe new charged with sedition all 

[ D 3] those 


‘he 
ae os is 


38] 


those who thought and spoke as he 
had done, and who reprobated the 
measures, which, after he had so 
bitterly complained of them in that 
speech, he had now thought proper 
to adopt. 

A reply was made to Mr. Erskine 
by Mr. Anstruther and lord Mor- 
nington. The first repeated the 
various arguments adduced in favour 
of the bill, and the second produced 
a variety of passages out of several 
publications, in order to prove its 
propriety. The latter was violently 
arraigned on this account by Mr, 
Sheridan. 

The bill was defended by Mr. 
Dundas, who took occasion to ob- 
serve, that no member of that 
house had so frequently distinguished 
himself by appeals to the people as 
Mr. Fox, combating ministers in 
popular meetings one half of the 
day, and attacking them with equal 


fervour in parliament during the- 


remainder. He had acted the same 
part during the American war to 
as little purpose, however, as it 
would appear he had done at pre- 
sent. Mr. Dundas inveighed, with 
great asperity, against some particu. 
Jars in his political conduct and con- 
nections, which he exerted himself 
to describe in the most disadvantage- 
ous colours. 

These reproaches drew a severe 
answer from Mr. Fox, who pointed- 
ly reminded him of the maxim held 
forth by his coadjutor Mr. Pitt, that 
popular harangues were ‘ the best 
and most useful duty, which repre- 
sentatives in parliament could dis- 
charge to their constituents.” In 
appealing to the public he had 
done no more than his duty, which 
enjoined him, whenever the con- 
duct of ministers appeared in a 
questionable light to inform the 
people of bis sentiments relating to 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


their designs. The bill he expli- 
citly defined, a daring atiempt to 
overthrow the fundamental prin- 
ciple on which the constitution 
stood ; the universal freedom of dis- 
cussion. With regard to the inef- 
ficacy of bis remonstrances against 
the American war, he readily ad- 
mitted that he had uniformly, and 
on all occasions, condemned that 
war from first to last, and that all 
his remonstrances against it, as the 
honourable gentlemen had justly 
observed, had been to no purpose. 
But whether this ought to be made 
matter of shame or reproach to him- 
self, or of triumph to the honourable 
gentleman, he left the house, the 
world, and even the honourable gen- 
tleman, to judge.—A deep silence at 
these words took place for a few 
moments on both sides of the house, 
and every eye was turned on Mr. 
Dundas, who, contrarily to his usual 
manner, discovered, or at least was 
thought to discover, symptoms of 
discomposure. The debate closed 
with two hundred and thirteen votes 
for the second reading of the bill, 
and forty-three against it. 

The secend reading of the bill, for 
the better security of the king’s per- 
son, was moved in the house of com~ — 
mons on the nineteenth of Novem- 
ber; when the question being put, 
Mr. Fox opposed it on account of 
the absence of many members ; but 
the motion passed by sixty-four 
against twenty-two. 

In the mean time, the public was 
no less occupied than parliament 
itself, in the discussion of the two 
bills pending in both houses. The 
novelty of the measures proposed, 
their inimical tendency to the long 
established usages of the nation, 
their direct aim at its liberty, and 
the daringness of ministers in bring- 
ing forward so undeniable an in- 

fringement 


, HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


fringement of rights, that had been 
respected by all preceding admini- 
strations: these combined motives 
excited an alarm, which was felt 
in every part of the nation. All 
people, without exception, cordially 
avowed their loyalty to the’ sove- 
reign, but as vehemently protested 
against the passing cf the two bills, 
as unconstitutional, and clearly sub- 
versive of the main foundation of 
English liberty, the right of the 
people to assemble and to communi- 
Cate their sentiments reciprocally 
upon those subjects, which they 
thought necessary to bring into dis- 
cussion, and to frame petitions upon 
_them to the king and the legislature. 
The determinate steadiness and 
perseverance of the public on this 
critical occasion was th? more re- 
markable, that every effort was used 
by the ministerial party to preyent 
those popular exertions against the 
designs in agitation : but these were 
viewed with so suspicious an eye, 
that every argument in their justifi- 
cation vanished before the discon- 
tent they seemed to have universally 
excited. Numbers even of those 
who did not disapprove the conduct 
of ministers in other respects, could 
not bring themselves to approve 
the two bills in contemplation. 
Those even who supported them, as 
Tequisite during the fermentation at 
present pervading all classes, frankly 
acknowledged them to be contrary 
to the principles of the English con- 
Stitution, the freedom of which, 
however, unless restrained by some 
temporary regulations, threatened 
to become licentiousness, and to 
precipitate the public into all those 
miseries that had been so woefully 
experienced by their unhappy 
neighbours, the I’rench. 
who thus maintained the necessity 
of these bills, pleaded only for a 


But those ° 


[39 


limited duration of them. As they 
were indubitably an abridgmen 
of national liberty, they ought, it 
was strongly asserted, to last no 
onger than the occasion that gave 
rise to them, When the disputes 
of the day, and the feuds they pro- 
duced were at anend, they ought 
instantly to be repealed, and the 
full exercise of the ancient liberties 
of the nation, to be restored with- 
out the least diminution upon any 
pretence. Thas argued the majo- 
rity of those who favoured the bills, 
But a far superior majority would 
admit of them on no _ pretence 
whatever. They were, it was in- 
dignantly affirmed, the component 
parts of asystem that began to un- 
fold itself in too visible a manner 
not to be perceived, and too alarm- 
ing a one not to be resisted by every 
real friend to the liberty of his 
country. This resistance was in- 
deed proposed by some to be carried 
to the most resolute extremity ; and 
had not the immense power of go- 
vernment been prudently weighed, 
the proposal would, in the opinion 
of numbers, have been carried into 
execution: but though a resistance 
of so dangerous a nature gave way 
to the cvol reflections of the better 
advised, every other species of op- 
position took place against the two 
bills in question. Meetings and 
consultations, both private and pub- 
lic, were held every where. Clubs 
and associations were formed for the 
purpose of opposing them by every 
method not liable to the cognizance 
of the law. Never had there ap- 
peared, in the memory of the ‘oldest 
man, so firm and decided a plurality 
of adversaries to the ministerial, 
Measures as on this occasion: the 
interest of the public seemed so 
deeply at stake, that individuals, 
not only of the decent, but of the 
[D 4] most 


40] 


most vulgar professions, gave up @ 
considerable portion of their time 
and occupations in attending the 
numerous meetings that were call- 
ed in every part of the kingdom, to 
the professed intent of counteracting 
this attempt of the ministry. 

The whig club, comprising not a 
few individuals of the first rank and 
property in the kingdom, led the 
way in this celebrated opposition. 
It met on the eleventh of Novem- 
ber, and was presided by the duke of 
Bedford. All the members of both 
houses of parliament belonging to 
the club attended on this occasion. 
The speeches and opinions delivered 
were uncommonly spirited and. re- 
solute. After mature deliberation, 
it Was unanimously resolved, that 
they would give every aid to the 
civil magistrate in detecting, and 
bringing to punishment, the persons 
concerned in the daring attack 
made upon the king, in his passage 
to parliament, on the first day of the 
session: that,lamenting, as they did, 
this nefarious act, they saw, with 
theutmost concern, that it had been 
used as a pretext for introducing into 
parliament a bill, striking at the 
liberty of the press, and the freedom 
of public discussion, in substance 
and effect destroying the right of 
the subject to petition the branches 
of the legislature for redress of 
grievances, and utterly subversive 
of the genuine principles of the 
constitution; and for proposing ano- 
ther measure, calculated to produce 
similar effects, by means still more 
exceptionable. That it was there- 
fore highly expedient, that meetings 
of the people, in their respective 
districts, should be immediately 
called, to consider this important 

Subject, and for the purpose of pe- 
titioning parliament against the said 
bill,” ot any other measure which 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


might tend to infringe the just rights 
of the people of Great Britain. 

The corresponding society’s nu- 
merous members, together with an 
immense malueede of their adhe- 
rents and well-wishers, assembled on 
the twelfth of November, in the 
fields near Copenhagen-house. Here 
they solemnly denied all intentions 
of raisingcommotions,and disproved, 
by the strongest arguments they 
could adduce, the charge brought 
against them, by ministry, of being 
concerned in the outrages com- 
mitted against the king. They 
framed three petitions, one to the 
king, and the two others to the lords 
and commons; stating them to be 
the unanimous petitions of nearly 
four hundred thousand British subs 


jects, met together to communicate 


their seiitiments, and express them 
freely, aS authorised to do by the 
bill of rights, on the measures of 
ministry, which tended to invade 
the liberties vested in them by the 
constitution, They supplicated, 
therefore, the king to exert his 
royal authority, in the preservation 
of his people’s rights, directly 
threatened by the two bills brought 
forward by his ministers ; and they 
requested the two houses to inter-’ 
fere in behalf of the public, against 
the ministerial attempt to procure 
their passing. 

The livery of London, the elect 
ers of Westminster, and the free- 
holders of Middlesex, agreed to re- 
monstrances and petitions of the 
like nature, and were followed by a 
number of counties, and almost 
every town of note in the kingdom. 
In the public meetings, held for 
those purposes, people were nearly 
unanimous in their opposition to 
the bills: but they were secretly 
counteracted by the agents of mi- 
nistry, who circulated clandestinely 

counter= 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


eounter-addresses in their favour. 
It was strongly asserted, at the 
time, that these were signed by 
none but ministerial dependents, 
such as officers of the customs and 
excise, and military men. So great 
was the repugnance of the people 
at large asserted to have been, that 
the signatures of youth at school was 
resorted to. But with all these ex- 
ertions, the petitions, on the side 
of the ministry, did not exceed sixty- 
four subscribed byabout thirty thou- 
sand individuals of theabove descrip- 
tion, while the addresses against the 
bills,amounted to near one hundred, 
and thesubscribers to upwards of one 
hundred and thirty thousand. 
“Among those who signalized 
their adherence to ministry, were 
the members of the association, 
formed, with the countenance and 
aid of government, by Mr. Reeves, 
at the close of 1792, and the com- 
mencement of 1793, against re- 
publicans and levellers, ‘hey 
Stood forward on this occasion, 
with extraordinary zeal, in sup- 
port of the two bills, of which 
_ they expressed ‘the highest approba- 
tion in the address which they 
presented to the king. 

But, notwithstanding the dispro- 
portion of numbers against them, 
_ ministry persisted, with unremitting 
resolution, in carrying forward their 
designs. However, opposed by the 
majority of the nation, they were 
secure of a support in parliament, 
that would enable them to compass 
the point proposed. ‘The popular 
Opinions were, in the mean time, 
represented by those who argued 
in defence of the bills, as the mere 
ebullitions of party zeal,and dictated 
to the people by the leaders of par- 
liamentary opposition, who hoped to 
excite such complaints and clamours 
against the conduct of government, 


[41 


as might deter it from the prosecu- 
tion of its plans. These, they as- 
serted, were, in the opinion of the 
judicious and the more respectable 
part of the community, necessary 
for the internal tranquillity of the 
kingdom, and could only be disap- 
proved by those factious and disaf- 
fected people, who sought, for ma- 
licious purposes, to throw the coun~ 
try into confusion. 

While the nation at large was 
thus agitated, its representatives 
were taken up with no less violent 
debates on the petitions now pre- 
sented to them from every quarter. 
That from the corresponding so- 
ciety was laid before the house on 
the twenty-third of November, by 
Mr. Sturt, who warmly exculpated 
that society from the imputations of 
treason or sedition. In order to 
shew, at the same time, the maleyu- 
lent intentions of ministry, and its 
partizans, be produced a perform. 
ance, attributed to Mr. Reeves, the 
framer and president of the associa- 
tions against republicans and le- 
vellers, wherein it was unequivo- 
cally maintained, ‘* that the goverr- 
ment of England was a monarchy ; 
that the monarch was the ancient 
stock from which have sprung those 
goodly branches of the legislature, 
the lordsand commons ; that these, 
however, were still only branches, 
and that they might be lopped off, 
and the tree bea tree still, shorn 
indeed of its honours, but not, like 
them, cast into the fire.” 

So flagrant a violation of the 
fundamental principles of the Eng- 
lish constitution excited the indig- 
nation, not only of the, oppositions 
but of many of the members friendly 
to ministers. The public loudly 
proclaimed it a stab aimed at the 
vitals of theconstitution, and loaded 
the author with the most opprobri- 

ous 


j 


42] 


ous epithets. So universal was the 
detestation of the principles con- 
tained in this performance, that it 
was judged requisite, in order to ap- 
pease the public, formally to vote it 
a libel on the constitution, and to 
direct theattorney-general to prose- 
cutethe author. But so weak and 
faint was the prosecution, in the 
opinion of the public, that they 
stigmatised the prosecutors, as acting 
knowingly under the control of 
directors, who certainly would not 
suffer so valuable an instrument of 
their designs to suffer an injury for 
having acquitted himself so much to 
their satisfaction. 

On the twenty-fifth of Novem- 
ber, a motion was made, by Mr. 
Curwen, to postpone, one weck, the 
discussion of the two bills, Hespoke, 
with marked vehemence, against the 
bill for preventing seditious meet- 
ings, as tending, in its infallible ef- 
fects, to change the whole consti- 
tution. It was only in popular meet- 
ings, he observed, that the real 
sentiments of the people could be 
manifested; and these sentiments, 
thus freely expressed, bad hitherto, 
though affectedly slighted by minis- 
ters, proved an effectual restraint 
on their power, and stemmed that 
torrent of corruption with which 
they endeavoured to overwhelm all 
resistance totheir measures. Were 
this strongest, and almost only re- 
maining, bulwark of the constitu- 
tion to be demolished, all opposi- 
tion must fall with it, both within, 
as well as without, the house ; as 
the commons, when no longer sup- 
perted, by the concurring voice of 
the people, would quickly experi- 
ence a diminution of!their own con- 
sequence, which, they must be con- 
scious, rested entirely on the con- 
sequesice of the people. Were these 
to be silenced, how could their re- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


presentatives consistently pretend 
to deliver the opinion of their con- 
stituents? ‘The influence of the 
crown had, of late years, over- 
weighed all the importance of the 
democratic part of the constitutian, 
by depriving it of so alarming a pro- 
portion of its property, and annex- 
ing it to the aristocracy, through 
the creation of sucha number ef 
peers. If the remaining friends to 
the democracy valued its existence, 
and considered it as the only solid 
foundation of liberty, a truth not to 
be denied, they would rally around, 
it, withant delay, and exert their 
whole strength to preserve it from 
the ruin with which it was now 
menaced, more obviously, and more 


dangerously, than ever. 


In the course of the memorable 
speech, which he made on this day, 
Mr. Curwen took occasion to bring 
to the recollection of the house an 
expression that had fallen, two days 
before, from Mr. Windham, inade. 
bate on the bill for securing the 
king’s person against popular in- 
sults. This gentleman, in answer 
ing aspeech of Mr. Fox, had given 
him to understand,in explicit terms, 
that ministers were determined to 
exert a vigour beyond the law. So 
singular an expression did not fail 
to strike the whole house with asto- 
nishment. By the enemies to mini- 
stry, it was construed into an inad-— 
vertent avowal, that they were re- 
solved to pay no regard to the laws 
in the execution of their projects, 
and would destroy ‘such as stood in 
their way; and it was, in fact, 
blamed by both sides of the house, 
as equally imprudent and intem~ 

erale, 

Mr. Curwen’ sanimadversions, 01 on 
these words of Mr, Windham, were 
extremely spirited and severe. He 
rebuked him, forcibly, for presum- 


ing 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


ing, that the many men of intre- 
pidity, with which the parliament 
and nation abounded, would tamely 
permit him, and his associates, to 
trample on their rights, and submit 
to become the passive instruments 
of their violation. Mr. Windham 
replied only by a smile. Mr. Cur- 
wen’s motion was, nevertheless, out- 
voted by two hundred and sixty-nine 
against seventy. ‘ 

On the twenty-seventh of Novem- 
ber, the house went into a com- 
mittee on the bill for preventing 
seditious meetings, when Mr. Fox, 
Mr. Grey, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. 
Lambton, and all the other mem- 
bers of the opposition, Mr. Sheri- 
dan excepted, left the house. Even 
Mr. Sheridan declared, that he did 
not remain for the end of proposing 
any alterations in the bill. To do 
justice to the public, itought, he said, 
to be negatived in every part of its 
contents. 

The secession of the minority un- 
derwent a variety of discussions on 
its propriety. Many were, indeed, 
of opinion, that well knowing their 
presence could be no impediment to 
the passing of the bill, a formal se- 
cession from an assembly, that was, 
in their judgment, resolved to de- 
stroy the liberty of the nation, would 
make a greater impression upon the 
public, than if they were to continue 
sitting in the house, and opposing 
the ministers, as usual, to no pure 
‘pose. Lut many were of a different 
Opinion, and thought, by their pre- 
sence and resistance, notwithstanding 
that the bills would have past, they 
ymust have been divested of much of 
\the severity with which they were 


them, atall events, to dispute every 
inch of the ground, of which, by 
their retreat, the ministry would now 
me undisturbed possessors: 


accompanied, and that it became . 


[43 


The bill was, of course, carried 
through the house without opposi-+ 
tion, and without any other modi- 
fications than its supporters thougat 
necessary to render it less odious to 
the public. It was proposed, by 
the solicitor-general, on reading the 
third clause against the meeting of 
more than fifty persons, that if twelve 
of them remained together, one hour 
after being ordered to disperse, it 
should be adjudged death, without 
benefit of clergy. But an amend- 
ment was moved, making it only 
punishable as a misdemeanour. This 
was seconded by Mr. Wilberforce, 
Mr. Stanley, Mr. Banks, and Sir 
W. Dolben: but the severity of the 
solicitor-general prevatied, and his 
motion was carried by eighty votes 
against only thirteen; so completely 
was the house devoted to the ins 
exorable disposition of the framers 
of this bill. 

This was evinced no less glaringly, 
on discussing that clause which em- 
powered the magistrate present at 
any popular meeting to dissolve it 
immediately, should he be of opi- 
nion, thatany subject brought for- 
ward were unlawiul, or of a sedi- 
tious tendency. The clause was 
confirmed, and the magistrate also 
authorized to seize and commit the 
person whom he judged guilty of 
such offence. 

The last clause respected the du- 
ration of the bill. The solicitor- 
general, consistently with the severe 
system he had embraced, moved that 
it should last three years. Mr. Stan- 
ley endeavoured to reduce it to 
one, or at most to no more than 
two, but the majority continued 
immoveable in its compliance with 
the solicitor, and the term of three 
years was voted by forty-six against 
only two, 


The 


44] 


The bill was read athird time, ac- 
cording to form, on the third of De- 
eember, and carried up to the house 
of Jords on the same day. 

The bill for the security of the 
sovereign was, on the thirtieth of 
November, taken into consideration 
by a committee of the whole house 
of commons, when Mr. Erskine op- 
posed it by a variety of reasonings. 
He observed, that the bill diminished 
the liberty of the subject, without 
adding to the safety of the king’s per- 
son. It was a political maxim of 
long standing, that'the best govern- 
ment was that which produced the 
greatest security with the fewest re- 
straints, and that the worst was that 

-which increased penalties without 
undisputed evidence of their pro- 
priety. Another maxim, of equal 
force, was to preserve ancient laws in 
their primitive simplicity, till ex- 
perience had proved them inadequate 
to their intended purposes. The 
statute of Edward III]. concerning 
treason, had not been proved, but 
merely asserted, to be unequal to the 
punishment of the outrages referred 
toin the two bills. In the opinion 
of one of the greatest luminaries of 
the law in this country, the lord- 
chief-justice Hale, that important 
statute had been enacted, as a re- 
medy against former oppression, aud 
to secure the subject against illegal 
prosecution, ‘To compass, or even 
to imagine, the death of the king, 
was, by that statute, declared high 
treason: could words be found of 
stronger import, or of plainer mean- 
ing? To levy war against the king, 
or to grant comfort and protection 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


a war asmore than a misdemeanour, — 


which, like many others, might not 
déserve material notice, while no 
clear and overt act could be adduced 
to prove it, and without which act 
no treasonable intentions could law. 
fully be presumed. Mr. Erskine ar- 
gued, from the decision of Jord-chief- 
justice Holt, that overt acts alone, 
properly established, ought to be ad 
mitted as proofs of guilt in trials 
for high treason, The bill in con- 
templation would, he explicitly af- 
firmed, extend the crime of high 
treason to such a multitude of trivial 
cases, that every petty misdemeane 
our might be brought within its 
construction. After a variety of 
other arguments, had been used on 


both sides, the debate closed by two © 


hundred and three votes, for the 
commitment of the bill, against 
forty. 


On the third reading of this bill, — 


the tenth of December, it. was op- 
posed in the same manner, and main~ 
tained with the same reasonings as 
antecedently, but it passed, with &lk 
its clauses, after some ineffectual o 
jections to that in particular, which 
enacted its duration till the demise 
of the king. . 

The bill to prevent seditious meet- 
ings was read a first time on the third 
of December, and its second read- 
ing took place on the ninth, when 
lord Grenville urged a multiplicity 
of reasons in its favour. He de- 


clared it necessary for the preservae © 


tion of the lives and property of in- 
dividuals, and for the security of the 
constitution, and liberties of the peo- 
ple, for which he alleged that the 


“ 


to his enemies was, by that statute, 
made equally criminal: but it did 
not make the compassing to levy war 
against him high treason, because 
the legislators of that day did not 
consider a conspiracy to levy such 


laws in being had not sufficiently 
provided. 
The marquis of Lansdowne, and — 
the earls of Moriaand Derby, strenu-_ 
ously opposed it. They particularly © 
reprobated that{clause which pein i 
rized — 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


rized the magistrate to commit to 
jmmediate imprisonment whomever 
they thought proper to charge with 
seditious language, or behaviour, in 
any popular meeting. This they as- 
serted was to constitute them, at 
once, judges and jury. The earl 
of Moira took pointed notice of an 
expression that had been used by 
the earl of Westmorland. The words 
of that nobleman were ‘* send the 
people to the loom and to the anvil, 
and there Jet them earn bread in- 
stead of wasting their time in sedi- 
tious meetings.”” This, said lord 
Moira, was degrading men below 
the condition assigned to them by 
the Almighty, who certainly could 
not have intended that any part of 
mankind should be doomed merely 
to work and eat like the beasts of 
the field. They too were endowed 
with the faculty of reasoning, and 
_ had certainly the right to use it. 

Strong and cogent arguments 
were produced, by lord Thurlow, 
to prove that the yovernment of 
England could not, in justice to the 
nation, fetter it with new laws, 
merely to prevent the possible con- 
sequences, in this country, of those 
principles, the importation of which, 
from France, wasapprehended. Af- 


_ ter signifying his general disappro- 


bation of the bill, he pointed out 
its variations from the provisions of 
the acts of Charles II. and George I. 
Tespecting seditious proceedings. By 
the latter, known by the name of the 
riot-act, people unlawfullyassembled 
did not, however, expose themselves 
to capital punishment, unless they 


_ persisted in ating ina disorderly 


and tumultous manner during a 
whole hour after the act had been 
read tothem. But, by the present 
bill, if people were assembled, in or- 
_ der to take a subject relating to the 
public into consideration, and con- 


[45 


tinued together, however peaceably, 
to the number of twelve persons, an 
hour after proclamation made, they 
were adjudged guilty of felony, with- 
out benefit of clergy ; and the pre- 
siding magistrate was authorized to 
use violence, even to death, in up- 
prehending them. This clause was 
so unjustifiable, that he thought him- 
self bound to oppoce the bill, were 
it solely from this motive. 

The lord chancellor made a long 
and elaborate reply to lord Thur- 
low’s objections, without advancing, 
however, any thing new in support 
of the bill. The question for its 
going into acommittee was carried 
by one hundred and nine votes against 
twenty-one. 

The house of lords went, accorde 
ingly, into a committee upon the 
bill, on the eleventh of December, 
when the duke of Norfolk opposed 
the clause extending the operation 
of the bill to three years, and moved 
that it should be limited to one. He 
was seconded by lords Scarborough, 
Darnley, Radnor, and Romney. But 
the term of three years was support- 
ed by lords Grenville, Spencer, and 
Mulgrave, and voted by forty-five 
toeight. On the fourteenth of Decem- 
ber, 1795, the bill was read a third 
time and finally passed. 

No law, enacted by the British 
legislature, was ever received by the 
nation with such evident and gene- 
ral marks of il] will and disapproba- 
tion as these two celebrated bills, 
on which the public bestowed the 
appellation of the Pitt and Gren- 
vilie acts, in order to set a mark 
upon their authors,and hold them 
out to the odium of the people. 

These two acts were consider- 
ed the most restrictive of any that 
have been passed by an English 
parliament since the reigns of the 
Tudors; @ family of which the ree 

membrance 


46] 
membrance is far from being agree- 
able to the people of England ; not- 
withstanding that it produced an 
Elizabeth, whose tyrannical disposi- 
tion and maxims tarnished the lus- 
tre of all her great qualities.. The 
despotism of that house was indig- 
nantly recalled to notice on this oc~ 
casion, and the severity of the two 
acts in question, compared to the 
most arbitrary and oppressive pro- 
ceedings of the sovereigns of Eng- 
land, previous to the commencement 
of the seventeenth century. 

It was owned, at the same time, 
by every candid mind, that if, on 
the one hand, there was danger 
to be apprehended, from measures 
tending to despotism, there was, on 
the other, danger in allowing ap un- 
restrained freedom of haranguing the 
populace; a freedom that tended to 
anarchy and confusion. If, on the 
one hand, it be the nature of power 
to mount, with hasty steps, into the 
throne of despotism, it seems to be 
inseparable from ‘liberty, on the 
other, to push its claims beyond a 

‘just and reasonable degree of free» 
dom. Amidst a scarcity of grain; 
an accumulation of taxes; an un- 
successful, not to say unnecessary 
war; difficulties abroad; distresses 
at home :—when the elements were 
troubled, and a storm so greatly 
threatened, silence was imposed on 
the ship’s crew, and each man was 
fixed to his particular station. 

The danger to be apprehended 
from the operation of those laws did 
hot consist so much in any immediate 
restraint they might impose on a rea- 
sonable freedom of discussion, and 
presentation of petitions to the legis- 
lature, whether for the redress or the 
prevention of grievances, as in the 
tendency they had to enervate the 
spirit of liberty. The consequences 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


of many, nay most, innovations are 
not perceivedat first: otherwise they 
would, in many instances, beimme~ 


"diately resisted. By the time that pers 


nicious innovations are perceived, 
custom and habit have rendered 
them less odious and intolerable. 
Precedents, growing into authori« 
ties, rise into absolute dominion, by 
slow degrees; by accessions and dis- 
tant encroachments, each of which, 
singly considered, seemed of little 
importance. The vanity of resist- 
ance at last breaks the spirit of the 
people, and disposes them to unres 
served submission. Their political 
importance being wholly gone, they 
are degraded, more and more, and 
subjected to greater and greater op- 
pressions and insults.—It was obs 
served by many, even of those who 
were disposed to admit the tempora~ 
ry expediency of the twounpopular 
and odious acts, that the greater part 
by far or our new laws have a refer- 
ence, either to public revenue or to 
the security of the monarchical part 
of the constitution: and that few, of 
any extensive Operation, are.of the 
class that may be denominated po- 
pular and paternal. 

The only alleviation that accom- 
panied the two acts, was the time li- 
mited for their duration. This kept’ 
up the spirits and hopes of the people, 
that however their representatives 
might have been prevailed upon to 
suspend the exereise of those privi« 
leges, on which the national freedom 
depended, they were too wise, as 
well as too honest, to trust them in 
the hands of the executive power, 
any longer than they might be con 
yinced was requisite for the fermen- 
tation of the times to subside, and 
for the people to revert to their 
former temper. 


CHAP, — 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. ” Tah 


CHAP. ill. 


In the House of Commons, Regulations respecting the Sale of Flour, and the 
Making of Bread.—Motions by Mr. Lechmere and Mr. Whitbread, re- 
spetting the Causes of the Scarcity of Wheaten Flour, and the Hardships 
incident to the Labouring Poor.—Negatived.— Bul for Encouraging the 
Cultivation of WasteLands.—Motions for the Support of the Land andSea 
Service. —Strictures on the Conduct of Ministry inthe War Department.— 
Replied to by Mr. Windham.—Debates on the Ereétion of Barracks.— 
A Statement of the Expences of 1796, amounting from twenty-seven to 
twenty-eight Millions sterling.— Debates concerning the Terms of the Loan. 
—Vote approving the Conduct of the Minister on this Subject.—Neo 
Taxes.— Debates thercon.—Message from the King, intimating his Dis- 
position to enter intoa Negocittion with the present Government of France. 
- —An Address moved, expressing the Readiness of the House to concur in 
such a Measure.—Amendment thereom moved by Mr. Sheridan.—This 
vejeCled, and the Address carried.—Motion for Peace, by Mr. Grey.— 
Negatived. 


proposed at the same time several 


URING ‘these parliamentary 
regulations relating to the sale of 


and popular agitations, the 


houses were not unmindful of the 
critical state of the country,through 
the alarming scarcity of corn that 
had prevailed for some time. On 
the thirtieth of Octéber, 1795, the 
second day of the session, Mr. Pitt 
moved, that the bill, allowing the 
. importation of corn,duty free,should 
be extended to another year. He 


flour, and the making of bread. 

It was observed by Mr, Lech- 
mere, that no remedy could be ap- 
plied to the scarcity without investi- 
gating its causes; the principal of 
which he believed to be the mo- 
nopoly of farms,* and the jobbing 
in corn. Public granaries oughr, 
he said, to be erected, where every 

oue 


* Itis one of the most pleasing as well as important tasks tmaposed on the journal- 
ist to record, with due approbation, and point out as much as possible,such public 
counsels and actions as originate in sound patriotism, and are eminently conducive 
to the public good. We wish that Mr. Lechmere’s observation on the baneful effects 
of monopolization of land had met withmore attention, and been made a subject of 
parliamentary inquiry and regulation. It is with great satisfactien that we notice 
the efforts of feeling and enlightened men, who, whether by speaking or writing, re- 
eominend attention to the labouring poor. Whoever peruses “ Mr, Newte, of Ti- 
verton’s Tour in England and Scotland,” and“ An Essay on the Right of Property m 
Lind,” ascribed to professor Ogilvie, of Aberdeen, will be abundantly satisfied, that, 
by a due encouragement of agriculture and the fisheries,which may be considered as 
aspecies of agriculture,sources of unfailing prosperity might beopened to thisislond, 


amidst 


48] ANNUAL. REGISTER, 1796. 


one: might purchase without the therefore moved for an enquiry inte 
intervention of corn-dealers. Ife the causes of the scarcity. 


/ 

amidst all the possible veerings of commegge, and even under progressive taxes. But 
the best stimulant to agriculture, according to the just observation and reasonings 
of the very worthy, as well as ingenious and weil-informed authors just mentioned, 
that could possibly be devised, would be to invent some means, whereby the actual 
labourer might be animated with the hope of rising to the situation of an actual cul- 
‘tivator of the soil; such as restraints on the excessive monopolization of land; long, 
.and in some cases perpetual leases; a judicious distribution of waste lands, and va- 
rious contingencies improveable by the legislature in favour of the peasantry of this 
country,without injuring the great proprietors of land,but even promoting their inter- 
est in particular. ‘That this is practicable has been experimentally proved bythe duke 
of Bedford, the earl of Winchelsea, the earl of Suffolk, and other real patriots and 
benefactors to their country. There is a strong temptation to throw different farms 
‘into one, in the circumstance, that by this meansthe landlord avoids the expence of 
‘keeping up different farm-steads. In order to counteract this inducement,to the ex- 
cessive enlargement of farms, it was wisely enacted,in the reign of king Henry VIII. 
that the landlord should be at liberty to dispose of his lands as be pleased, but that 
he must nevertheless keep up in goodrepairall the ancient mansions and farm-steads. 
The preamble to this law, which has now unfortunately become vbsolete,is worthy 
of serious attention at the present day.’ 

Tt is a melancholy consideration,that the most prosperous career of arts, manufac- 
tures,and commerce, in any individual nation or empire, (not their migration into dif- 
ferent countries) carries in itself the seeds of corruption, Mechanical arts and ma 
nufactures,bringing together great crowds of people into factories and great towns, 
confining their bodies to close and narrow spots, and their minds to a yery few ideas, 
are prejudicial to the health, the morals,and even the intellectual powers of a people. 
There is more strength, self-command, natural affection, and general knowledge and 
contrivance among tillers of the ground, pastoral tribes, and even savage natiuns; all 
of which conditions of men are accustomed to employ their cares, and to turn their 
hand toa vast variety of occupations. 

While the wants of men are increased by luxury, their natural resourees are di- 
minished : they become inactive and slothful, less and less fitted to bear up under 
hardships, and to adapt their labour to different exigencies and circumstances. 

_ They know but one art. The manufacture in which they ave employed fluctuates 
with the artificial state of society, out of which it sprung. The enervated artisan 
is thrown on the mercy of the public. A similar ratio holds with regard to nations ; 
‘each succeeding generation becomes more luxurious than the last; each becomes 
less capable of exertion. There is, for a long time, a curious struggle between the 
wants and exertions of men and of nations: but the exertions at last yield to the 
enervating influence of luxury, and hence we may say of the reign of the arts, what 
Sallust observes of political empire, “ that it is in the course of things always trans- 
ferred from the bad to the good.” The immensity of our national debt, which m- 
poses on the hand of industry the fetters of immoderate taxation, added to all these 
considerations, casts an air of melancholy over our political horizon. : 

This gloom, however, is not a little brightened up by three circumstances, 

First, there is yet a very large-scope in this island for the extension and improve- 
ment of agriculture, which breeds a race of men innocent, healthy, and hardy. 

Secondly, there is still a greater scope for the extension and improvement of our 
fisheries and navigation, which nourish a hardy race of mortals, maintaining great 
activity and virtue, amidst occasional excesses. 

While any land remains to be cultivated, cultivation is better thai mariufactures, 
not only in respect of the health, happiness, and morals of the people, but of public 
revenue. ‘This reasoning is confirmed by the wise economy of America; by the econo- 
mists of France, and the writings of their disciples in this and other countries, See 
particularly “The Essential Principles of the Wealth of Nations, illustrated in op- 
position to some False Doctrines of Dr. Adam Smith, and others.” Ge 
; ter 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


After a long discussion of the 
causes of the scarcity, they were 
found to be of so complicated a na- 
ture, that it proved difficult to re- 
move them. A bill was however 
brought into prohibit the manufac- 
ture of starch from wheat and other 
grain ; to lower the duties on its im- 
portation, to prevent the distilling 
from it, and all obstructions to its 
free transportation though every part 
of the kingdom. 

It appeared, in the mean time, 
from the information laid before the 
committee of inquiry into the high 
price of corn, that, with an excep- 
tion to wheat, the harvest had been 
very productive: thus by mixing 
flour of different grains good bread 
might be made; a measure the more 
indispensible, that from a variety of 
causes no sufficient supplies of corn 
could be expected from abroad; a 
bounty of twenty shillings was how- 
ever agreed to for every quarter im- 
ported from the Mediterranean, un- 
til the importation amounted to 
three hundred thousand ; a bounty 
of fifteen shillings a quarter upon 
that from America, till it amounted 
to five hundred thousand ; and five 
shillings a2 quarter on Indian corn, 
till it amounted also to five hundred 
‘thousand. ; é 

The hardships incident to labour- 
ers, tradesmen, and manufacturers, 
were, on the twenty-seventh of No- 
vember, brought before the con- 
Sidetation of the house by Mr. 
Whitbread, who observed, that the 
highest extent of wages to husband- 
men was fixable by the magistrate, 
‘but not the lowest. On the ninth 
of December he brought in a bill to 
authorise justices ef peate to re- 
| gulate the price of labour at every 
quarter session. Herein he was 
Supported by Mr. Fox, Mr. Jekyll, 
Mr. Honeywood, and other mem- 


Vor. XX XVIII. 


[49 


bers ; and opposed by Mr. Burdon, 
Mr. Buxton, Mr. Vansittart, and 
Mr. Pitt. The latter was of opi- 
nion, that, in a matter of this kind, 
the operation of general principles 
ought to be attended to, preferably 
to uncertain and precarious remes 
dies, It was dangerous to interfere, 
by regulations, in the intercourse 
between individuals, engaged in the 
various businesses of society. Many 
of the distresses complained of oris 
ginated from the abuses that had 
crept into the execution of the laws 
relating to the poor, which required 
much amendment. They did not’ 
sufficiently discriminate between the 
unfortunate and the idle and dissi- 
pated. All application for relief 
should be founded upon unavoidable 
misfortune, and, if possible, the re« 
lief should consist of employment, 
which would not only benefit the 
individual applying, but the com- 
munity itself, by an increase of la- 
bour and industry to the common 
stock. He recommended the insti- 
tution of friendly societies, to res 
lieve poor families proportionably 
to the number of their children, and 
the loan of small sums, payable in 
two or three years. After a labo- 
rious discussion of this subject Mr. 
Whitbread’s motion was negatived, 
as well as that which had been made 
for the benefit of the actual labour- 
ers, or cultivators of the soil, by Mr. 
Lechmere. 

The opinion of the public did not 
coincide with that of ministry. The 
wages of labourers and of workmen 
in all situations ought, it was unie 
versally affirmed, to bear a due pro= 
portion to the price of the necessa- 
ries of Life. ‘This alone would pre= 
vent distress,and untimately diminish 
the number of poor to be provided 
for according to law. In order to 
alleviate the wants of the indigent 

{E] classes, 


50] 


classes, numbers of the ministerial 
people agreed to diminish, by one- 
third, the use of wheaten bread in 
their families ; a bill also was brought 
in, by sir John Sinclair, to eneou- 
rage the cultivation of waste lands, 
pursuant to the recommendation of 
the board of agriculture, established 
for that purpose, and the more ef- 
fectually to obviate the evil of scar- 
city in future. 

_ After these consultations, in what, 
mannerto provide for the immediate 
exigences of the country, the next 
object that occurred in parliament 
was the maintenance of the fleets 
and armies, requisite for the con- 
tinuance of the ware ‘To this end, 
lord Arden moved, on the fourth 
of November, that one hundred and 
ten thousand seamen, including 
eighteen thousand marines, should 
be voted for the sea-service of the 
year 1796,and Mr, Wyndham moved 
also, that two hundred and _ seven 
thousand men should be employed 
for the service at land. 

General Macleod took this occa- 
siou to censure heavily the conduct of 
administration, in passing by officers 
of experience, and promoting to rank 
and command youths and others who 
were not properly qualified for mili- 
tary employments. General Tarle- 
ton disapproved, at the same time, 
the statement of expences laid be- 
fore the house, as highly exorbi- 
tant: from the year 1792 to the elose 
of 1794, they had increased, he 
said, from one to eleven millions. 

Ministers were particularly re= 
prehended, by the former, for their 
inadvertence in not furnishing the 
troops, sent to the West Indies, with 
a sufficient quantity of medical stores, 
and for maintaining at present, with- 
out necessity, noless thana thousand 
staff-oflicers. Thentsmbers to which 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


the fencible cavalry amounted, he 
attributed to the ministerial plan of 
keeping the people in~ subjection 
and dread ; the regular cavalry, he 
said, was equal to every just and 
proper purpose, without loading 
the public with so much additional 
expence. 

In answer to these, and other 
strictures, Mr.Wyndham stated, that 
men of distinction and opulence * 
had been preferred to commands, in 
their respective counties, as more 
able to procure levies than others. 
The expences accompanying the 
fencible cavalry were considerably 
less than those of the regulars, as 
neither bounties nor half-pay were 
allowed them. An ample supply of 
medicines had been dispatched to 
the West Indies, but had unhappily 
fallen into the encmy’s Kands; an 
accident which was remedied with 
all possible diligence. The great 
expences of the war had necessarily 
been augmented, proportionably to 
the greatness of the national exer-~ 
tions; and the number of staff-offi- 
cers did not exceed that which was 
wanted for the duly conducting of 
the business of army and military af- 
fairs. To an observation made by ge-~ 
neral Smith, that the quantity of su- 
balterns had been out of all propor- 
tion in some regiments, Mr. Wynd- 
ham replied, that the men being rais- 
ed in the heat of the campaign, it 
bad been found impracticable to pro« 
vide a timely supply ‘* in the place 
of those that had been killed off.” 

This particular, expression was 
taken up with violent acrimony both 
in and out of parliament; it was 
represented as denoting no sense of 
feeling, in the speaker, for the cala- 
mities of war, and the loss of so 
many individuals fallen,in battle. 
This and some other expressions, 
3 uttered 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


attered in the warmth of, debate, 
and; produced probably by. hurry 
and inadvertence, and not,from a 
defect of humanity, however, drew 
upon this gentleman a heavy load of 
censure, and rendered him extremely 
uppopular. 

His statements, on this occasions 
were warmly controyerted by those 
in answer to whom. he had. made 
them. Members of parliament had; 
it was asserted, been placed at the 
head of the new raised regiments ; 
this was creating a patronage of 
the most corruptand unwarrantable 
kind, as many of the officers thus 
promoted were shamefully ignorant 
of their duty, and yet were allowed 
unconscionable profits. A variety 
of other objections was brought 
forward by the opposition, and re- 
plied to by ministry :, after which, 
the resolutions relating to the fleet 
and army, moved by lord Arden 
and Mr.. Windham, were put and 
Garsieds his AT jn 

Other strictures were then passed 
Upon the conduct, of ministry, in 
other particulars: that concerning 
the erection of barracks underwent 
the most remarkable censure. The 
expensive and unconstitutional na- 
ture of this measure. was asserted, 
by Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. 
Whitbread, Mr, ,, Courtenay, and 
others ; and its propriety no less, 
vehemently supported by Mr. Pitty 
Mr. Windham, and Mr. Dundas. 
In the course of this discussion, Mr. 
Whitbread moved :to omit, in the 
estimate of necessary expences, the 
sums appropriated to the construc- 
‘tion of barracks: but the motion 
was negatived, by seventy-four to 
twenty-eight. ) 

This business was not resumed 
till the eighth of April following, 
when general Smith moved for a 


[si 


committee to inquire into the ex- 
penditure arising from the barracks, 
and upon what authority the erec= 
tion was founded);,.be aflirmeds that 
one million four hundred thousand 
pounds had, been» employed upon 
them, The patronage, accruing.from 
them to ministry,was the @ppoints 
ment of no less than fifty+six officers 
for their management, with» consis 
derable salaries. The, number of baré 
racks already constructed were sufs 
ficient for the reception of thirty- 
four thousand men}, which 'weré 
more than a peace-establishment iby 
fourteen thousand: Did not sucha 
measure-tend to. impress the clearest 
and stfongest conviction upon the 
public, that ministry were deter- 
mined, in the words of one of their 
principal members, to exert a vigour 
beyond the law? . yO"! 

Mr. Windham admitted, the ex+ 
pences of the, barracks to:be great; 
but the. importatice, of the objectin 
View required.,them :. .their-antent 
was to,exonerate publicans, and 
people of that, description, from the 
heavy charges, to, which they had)so 
long andsownreasonably beenliable; 
and of which they -had so often and 
so justly complained, The necessity 
of procuring public-houses for the 
reception of soldiers on their march 
occasioned sundry .,.inconveniences, 
which these bayracks were. calcu- 
lated to remove: they would afford 
shelter, and a temporary stay; when 
necessary, without producing trouble 
and expence to innkeepers. and 
others, who kept places of accom- 
modation on the roads. In the 
event of a peace, they need not 
contain any larger numbers than, 
would be requisite for the usual 
establishment ; but while the war 
lasted, the indispensible necessity of 
holding men im readiness, in such 

[E2] criti¢al 


52] 


critical times as the present, and the 
lesser expence at which they were 
kept together, withmuch more com- 
fort and convenience to themselves, 
and utility to the public, than by the 
former method: of quartering them, 
were, he presumed, sufficient argu- 
ments in favour of barracks ; nor 
would he omit the propriety of re- 
moving soldiers from the danger of 
being contaminated by the seditious 
disposition of the lower classes. 

It was observed, in answer, by 
Mr. Taylor, that a total separation 
of the soldiery from the commonalty, 
were it practicable, would obliterate 
that union of character which ren- 
dered military men citizens as well 
as soldiers, and endeared both classes 
to each other: when consciously 
united inone commom interest, their 
reciprocal attachment would pro- 
duce the most signal advantages, 
through the spirit and confidence 
they would act with, andthe conti- 
nual proofs of: good will that would 
mutually arise between them. 

Mr. Fox argued, with uncommon 
strength, against the System of bar- 
racks, as tending directly to incul- 
cate the blindest and most abject 
obedience in thesoldiery. He ex- 
plicitly asserted, that unconditional 
obedience was neither the duty of 
an English citizen, or an English 
soldier: the constitution of England 
rested on the mixture of citizens 
atid Soldiers in all the habits and oc~ 
currences of life ; to part them from 
each other, in the manner proposed, 
by lodging the troops in barracks, 
would be to divide them into dis- 
tinct people, who, from various 
causes, would quickly beeome ini- 
mical to each other. True it was 
that barracks had been erected in 
England before this time, but they 
were few and inconsiderable; not 

1 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


constructed, as now, with the mani- 
fest intention of secluding the whole 
army from the nation, and cutting 
off, as much as in ministers lay, all 
intercourse between soldiers and ci- 
tizens. To dissolve a connection, 
so indispensible in a land: of liberty 
for its preservation, was a deed wholly 
unjustifiable, and shewed, without 
the necessity of any farther argument, 
the real designs in agitation. 

These assertions were, by Mr. 
Pitt, represented as totally unfound- 
ed. The system of barracks was 
neither new mor unconstitutional ; 
it was of long standing, and only 
of late enlarged, on the mere prin- 
eiple of placing the troops upona 
more convenient and useful footing. 
Parliament had given it a decided 
sanction 3 it had been carried on 
with all due diligence and economy, 
and could produce nothing that did 
not appear beneficial : soldiers would 
be better quartered, at a smaller 
expence, and kept in more order 
without confining them from society 
in any cases but those of confusion 
and tumult. 

Mr. W. Smith, and Mr. Courte- 
hay, spoke in very adverse terms of 
the case in question : the former re- 
probated the system of barracks, as 
incompatible with the genius and 
constitution of the people of this 
country, and fit only to prove that 
it was despotically governed. The 
latter, in a strain of humour and 
pleasantry, exposed all those cir- 
cumstances relating to the business, 
which could render it odious under 
the appearance of ridicule. 


Mr. Grey censured the system 


with great severity. He demanded 
whether an addition of thirty-four 
thousand men was to be made to 
the peace establishment in future, 


as the old barracks would contain — 


twenty 


| 
} 


i 


i 
i 
i 
i| 
\ 
f 
F 


| 
i 
tl 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


twenty thousand, and the new ones 
the preceding number. If the 
barracks were not to be filled in 
this manner, why had such an ex- 
pence been incurred to construct 
so many? 

He was answered by Mr. Steele, 
that, notwithstanding the exaggera- 
tions of those who affected such an 
apprehension of barracks, the whole 
of them, when completely finished, 
would not contain more than 
twenty-five thousand men; anum- 


_ berso little above the usual comple- 


ment of the army, that noman could, 
with the least degree of ingenuous- 
ness, insinuate that ministers har- 
boured sinister designs. The money, 
stated to have been laid out on the 
barracks, was alleged, by the oppo- 
sition, to be unfairly accounted for : 
but Mr. Pitt replied, that no flaws 
would be found in the statement of 
the expence on due examination. 
The debate concluded with a divi- 
sion of ninety-eight for ministry, and 
twenty-four against it. 

On the seventh of December, 
Mr. Pitt laid before the house an 
estimate of the expences of the ap- 
proaching year. They amounted 
to twenty-seven millions five hun- 
dred thousand pounds, including a 
loan of eighteen millions. He gave 
a very favourable account of many 
‘branches of the revenue, particular- 
ly of the permanent taxes, which he 
stated to be adequately productive 
to the extent of the sums expected 
fromthem. The interest of the loan 
would amount to eleven hundred 
and twelve thousand pounds, for the 
payment of which, he would pro- 
pose the following taxes; two per 

cent. On all legacies above a certain 
extent, to the first collaterals; three 
percent. on first cousins ; four per 
cent. on second cousins ; and six 


[53 


per cent. on the remoter relations, 
and strangers. Calculating the 
landed and personal property of the 
kingdom, as it stood at the come 
mencement of the present century, 
previously toits union with Scotland, 
its value amounted to thirteen hun- 
dred millionsy of which six hun- 
dred were in land, and seven hun- 
dred personal. From authentic doe 
cuments it appeared, that about 
one-third of the latter was devised 
by will to collateral branches, and 
of the fermer about one-fifth. The 
probable estimate might be formed, 
by taking the fourth as a medium, 
which would give a tax of two hun- 
dred and ninety four thousand 
pounds. From this sum, by deduct 
ing the standing tax upon legacies ; 
two hundred and fifty theusand 
pounds would remain. He next 
proposed ten per cent. on the al 
ready assessed taxes, which would 
produce one hundred and forty thou 
sand pounds: one pound upon every 
horse kept for pleasure, which would 
yield one hundred and sixteen thou- 
sand pounds: and two shillings on 
every horse kept for the purposes of 
labour, which he computed at one 
hundred thousand pounds: an ad- 
ditional tax on tobacco would pro- 
duce one hundred and seventy thou- 
sand: and another on printed linens 
would bring one hundred and thirty- 
five thousand: .a duty upon salt 
thirty thousand : and a reduction of 
the drawback on sugar, one hun- 
dred and eighty thousand. The 
total of these various sums would 
amount to eleven hundred and 
twenty seven thousand pounds, 
which was more than sufficient for 
the proposed interest. 

Mr. Pitt took particular notice, at 
the same time, that in the fourth 
year of a most expensive war, such 

E3] was 


54] 


was the prosperity and opulence of 
this country, that it was able to 
command the immense loanin ques- 
tion, at no more than four anda 
half per cent. He also assigned the 
reason for his raising it without 
having recourse to his usual method 
of competition, which was, that 
the persons concerned in procuring 
' the last loan, had not yet received 
the latter instalments due to them 
upon it. He had, however, so far 
consulted the good of the public, 
that the interests to them would 
not prove more than four pounds 
five shillings and three pence in the 
hundred. 

‘This assertion gave birth toa long 
and tedious discussion, uninteresting 
to those who were unconcerned in 
the business itself, or who did not 
think themselves authorised to call 
him toa strict account for his pros 
ceedings in this matter. 

In reply to the elaborate justifica- 
tion of his conduct, made by Mr. 
Pitt on this critical occasion, the 
principal speakers in the opposition 
exerted themselves to refute his ar- 
guments and _ calculations, with un- 
common acuteness and fervour. 
They controverted his various posi- 
tions and inferences, and laboured 
with the utmost industry to establish 
their own. The point, at which 
they chiefly aimed, was to prove 
that he had acted erroneously, and 
even disingenuously, in putting the 
business of the loan into the hands 
of Mr. Boyd, to whom it had been 
given the preceding year, and that 
no substantial and valid reason sub- 
sisted for such a conduct, which they 
branded with many. odious epithets, 
and represented, in many of the cir- 
cumstances attending it, as unwar- 
rantable and corrupt. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


In the course of the fatiguing and 
acrimonious debates upon this sub- 
ject, severe animadversion was pas- 
sed by Mr. Fox upon the affair of 
the Hamburgh bills. They had, it 
seems, been drawn notreally in Lon- 
don, but fictitiously at the former 
place, by Mr. Boyd, to the amount 
of two millions fiye hundred thous ~ 
sand pounds, on treasury-bills, for 
the service of government. Mr. 
Fox established on this transaction, 
which he described as highly uncre- 
ditable, the preference and partiali- 
ty, which he represented as having 
manifestly been exercised by the mi+ 
nister in favour of that gentleman. 

After altercations, marked with 
much bitterness and animosity, the 
question was decided in favour of 
the minister, by a majority that 
passed a vote of entire approbation, 
relating to his conduct on the busi- 
ness of the loan; and, on the twen- 
ty-ninth of theensuing February, the 
affair of the Hamburgh bills was 
also approved of, by putting a ne- 
gative on the resolutions moved 
against them. I. 

The motives alleged in his justi- 
fication, by his friends and adhe- 
rents, were, the very difficult cir- 
cumstances that urged him to have 
recourse to the assistance of these 
bills, and the consequent. propriety 
of acknowledging so important a 
service. The public in general 
was duly sensible of the ministerial 
embarrassments respecting both these 
cases, and was willing to suspend 
its severity on the transactions them- 
selves, in consideration of the 
causes that produced them, and 
that left the minister a choice of 
difficulties, from which he found 
no readier a method to extricate 
himself. 

While 


HISTORY, OF EUROPE. 


While these matters were pending, 
the vote of credit for the sum of 
two millions and a half, brought 
in and already twice read, was 
stopped inits progress by Mr. Grey, 
who contended, from what had 
passed, that the house ought to be 
onits guard against the appropria- 
tion of money at the will of the 
minister. A vote of credit, he ob- 
served, was to enable the execu- 
tive power to meet expences un- 
foreseen, and unprovided for, but 
not to discharge debts already con- 
tracted, without the sanction of par- 
liament. 

Mr. Pitt replied, that the vote 
of credit having been specified in 
the estimate of ways and means, 
its application was subject to the 
Investigation of parhament. It 
constituted a fund ready at hand 
for exigencies, without encumber- 
ing the expences of the ensuing 

ear. 
_- Mr. Fox observed, that the mo- 

ney voted by a bill of credit was not 
issuable till an exigency appeared, 
whereas the money voted upon esti- 
mate of the expence was immedi- 
ately provided. Votes of credit were 
_ not intended to supply the deficiency 
of estimates, but merely to answer 
unforeseen occurrences in the ab- 
sence of parliament. The bill, after 
some additional remarks of the same 
nature by Mr. Sheridan, went through 
a third reading, by a majority of 
seventy-seven. 

It underwent a similar opposition 
in the house of lords, where the 
duke of Grafton and theearl of Lau- 
derdale used much the same argu- 
ments against it asin the commons, 
and took occasion, at the same time, 
to express their disapprobation of 
the Hamburgh bills, but it passed in 
the affirmative. tap 


[55 


Some of the new. taxes were 
also opposed in the lower house. 
That upon tobacco was represented 
as bearing too heavily upon the 
lower classes. ‘Through ‘general 
Tarleton’s interference, the soldiers 
on board were allowed to be sup- 
plied with it, ‘duty free. The 
horse-tax was also taken off those 
employed in the yeomanry cavalry. 
Free-holders, from ten to fifteen 
pounds a year, and: people holding 
farms of seventy, or freeholds of 
thirty-five pounds a year, were also 
exempted from it; and the tax on 
printed cottons was entirely given 
up. 

The duty imposed on legacies met 
with a strong opposition, It was 
objected to by Mr. Newnham, as of 
too inquisitorial a tendency into the 
affairs of families, and particularly 
of commercial- people; it would 
prejudice illegitimate children, 
faithful domestick, and old friends. 
He was ably seconded by Mr. Fox, 
who enlarged considerably on all his 
arguments. 

They were replied to by the so- 
licitor-general, who observed, that 
the principle of the bill was found- 
ed on a law of the same import 
already in force. The tax took 
nothing from actual possession, and 
its bringing private property to 
light was no valid objection, as 
private credit would thereby be con- 
firmed. 

The tax was strongly supported 
by the attorney-general. He par- 
ticularly noticed the case of illegiti- 
mate children,-who, instead of being 
injured by it, were, if acknowledged 
by the testator, intitled to the ex- 
ception allowed by the act to lineal 
descent. The bill, after some far- 
ther distussion, passed by a majo-~ 
tity of seventy-eight. 

E 4] Ta 


56] 


In the house of lords it was vehe- 
mently opposed by lord Lauder- 
dale, as tending gradually to dimi- 


nish the importance of that house,” 


by lessening the opulence of its 
members, such numbers of whom 
came to their honours and fortunes 
through collateral succession. He 
instanced the duke of Norfolk, who 
must, if such an act had subsisted, 
have been a loser by six hundred 
thousand pounds, taken from the 
family which he represented. The 
bill, however, was carried. 

The tax on collateral succession 
to real estates was more successfully 
opposed in the house of commons, 
where it evidently appeared so ob- 
noxious, that Mr. Pitt found him. 
self under the necessity of totally 
relinquishing it. 

On the eight of December, a 
message was delivered from the 
king to the house of commons, in- 
forming them of his disposition to 
enter into a negociation for peace 
with the present government of 
France. Mr. Pitt thereon moved 
an address, expressive of their rea- 
diness toconcur in such a measure. 

Mr, Sheridan avowed himself of 
opinion, that the intention of the 
minister was to frustrate the motion 
for peace of which Mr. Grey had 
given notice. What other motives 
could induce the minister to this 
change of language respecting the 
French, whom he had so lately re- 
presented as unable to continue the 
war, and on the brink of destruc- 
tion. The men who governed that 
country were the same who had 
put the king to death, and with 
whom, our minjstry had declared, 
no settled order of things could ever 
take place. But, whoever were 
the governors of France, Mr. She- 
ridan insisted, that no reason of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


that sortought to prevent an accom- 
modation, and he moved an amend- 
ment to the address, to signify the 
concern of the house, that any form 
of government in that country 
should induce the king to be averse 
to peace; and to sequest that, set- 
ting aside al] considerations of that 
nature, he would direct his ministers 
to treat with the enemy on safe and 
honourable terms. He was second- 
ed by Mr. Grey, who advanced a 
variety of facts and reasonings upon 
them to prove the propriety of 
treating. 

Until the present opportunity, 
Mr. Pitt replied, none had offered 
to encourage ideas of peace, which, 
however, had not been prevented 
by the mere existence of a republic 
in France, but by a total absence 
of any species of regular govern- 
ment. The change now was ma- 
nifest: the new constitution was 
contrary to the doctrine of univer-~ 
sal equality ; the French had now a 
mixed form of government, admit- 
ting of distinctions in society; and 
their legislature was not construce 
ted ona pure democracy. ‘This fully 
authorized ministry, to consider 
them in quite another light than 
formerly; but did not furnish any 
pretence for depriving ministers of 
their right to act in the name of the 
executive power, without undue’ in- 
terference, which must certainly be 
the case, were the amendment to be 
adopted. 

Mr, Fox severely reprehended 
ministry for pretending that, till 
now, the government of France 
was incapable of maintaining the 
relations of peace and amity with 
other nations. They had maintain- 
ed them successively with every 
power they had treated with; nor 
was the character of the present. 

rulers 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


rulers of that country more favour- 
able to the preserving of such rela~ 
tions. Ministers ought, in the 


“mean time, to be reminded with 


what powers they had not scrupled 
to enter into treaties of amity, and 
of what deeds they had, in conse- 
quence, been the abettors. Mr. 
Fox, reviewed the events of the 
war with great accuracy and pre- 
cision, with a view of shewing the 
illemanagement of those who had 
conducted it. He ridiculed the 
idea that the French were more 
deserving of confidence on account 


of their new constitution; their 


principles werestill the same, though 
they had adopted another mode of 
ruling. But neither those princi- 
ples, nor their antecedent govern- 
ment, ought to have been made 
the pretext for waging a war of 
extermination, It was time to end 
it on any conditions, not deroga- 
tory to the dignity of this country: 
and ministry ought no longer to be 
suffered to protraét the war, on the 
pretence they had so continually, but 
falsely, alleged, of incapacity in 
the enemy to maintain a good un- 
derstanding. 

The sentiments of Mr. Dundas 
were, that to offer terms of peace 
to the enemy would be attended 


with no disgrace, but that ministers, 


in such case, should be left to aé 
discretionally, and not to be com- 
pelled to make a peace of which 
they disapproved. ‘The amend- 
ment, for that reason, was inequi- 
table, as it fettered their operations 


against all experience and prece- 


dent. He denied the objeét of the 
war to be the restoration of despo- 
tism in France, or that this country 
could have indulged the hope of an 
advantageous peace till the present 
period. Less than a year before, 


[57 


the successes of the French had ren- 
dered them untraétable, and it was 
only since their late defeats that 
reasonable men had begun to hope 
for, equitable conditions, Never 
before had they, during the whole 
of this war, condescended to ex- 
press the least willingness to recon- 
ciliation, . The king’s message could 
not have been delivered ata fitter 
opportunity: the suppbes for the 
continuance of the war had been 
granted, and the nation had proved 
itself able and willing to maintain 
the contest. This was exattly the 
situation in which we should appear 
to the enemy, upon whom it would 
doubtless make that impression 
which was intended. It weuld con- 
vince the French, that, however we 
might be desirous of peace, we 
were ready for war, and not dis- 
posed to treat on dishonourable 
terms. The debate closed by re- 
jeéting the amendment and carrying 
the address. A similar one to this 
was, on the next day, tenth of De- 
cember, proposed and passed in the 
house of lords. 

On the fifteenth of February, Mr. 
Grey introduced his motion for 
peace by a speech, wherein he ob- 
served, that, contrary to general 
expectation, the ministry, in heu 
of a negociation for peace, were 
making preparations for a continua- 
tion of the war. But with what 
well-grounded hope of success could 
they persist in this unfortunate sys- 
tem? There was no confidence 
nor unity of views in the remain- 
ing parts of the coalition ; and yet 
this country was to bear the weight 
of this pretended alliance in favour 
of the common interest of Europe. 
The public was exhorted to rely on 
the discretion of ministers : but were 
they worthy of any trust, after be- 


ing 


58] 


ing deceived in their allies in the 
most material points, and still ex- 
pressing a torwardness to depend 
on promises so frequently reiterated 
and so repeatedly broken, when- 
ever induced by the slightest inte- 
rest to falsify their word. The 
French, it was now acknowledged, 
were in a situation to be treated 
with; we ought, therefore, no 
longer to stand aloof. He would 
consequently move for an address 
to the king, requesting him to com- 
municate to the executive govern- 
ment in France his readiness to em- 
brace any opportunity of coinciding 
with them in mutual endeavours for 
the re-establishment of peace. 

The situation of affairs, it was 
replied by Mr. Pitt, was such, that 
it could be no humiliation to this 
country to be the first in profering 
peace ; but the conducting of a ne- 
gociation, and when to time it, be- 
longed solely to ministers. If they 
were deemed unworthy of such a 
trust, their opponents ought to pe- 
tition for their removal; but while 
they continued in office, they alone 
could be the proper agents in such 
a transaétion; they ought, on this 
principle, to act unitedly, not only 
among themselves, but with the 
allies of this country, to whom. no 
cause should be given to suspeét us 
of duplicity, and of not aéting in 
the sincerest conjunétion with them. 
If they remained entire, so power- 
ful a confederacy could not, in the 
nature of things, fail, by perseve- 
rance and unanimity, to obtain, 
finally, an advantageous peace ; 
but this desirable objeét depended 
on the moderation of the enemy. 
All had beendone, consistently with 
honour and interest, to bring him 
to this issue; but neither of these 
would be sacrificed. Considering 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


. perous for the coalition ? But it did 


1796 


the temper of our enemies, and 
how much they were inflamed by 
the pressure of circumstances, to 
give up their inordinate pretensions, 
peace would probably depend on 
the difficulty they would find to 
prosecute the war, and the prospeét 
of it might not, of course, be so. 
near as wished or expected. 
Whatever success our arms might 
have in future, still we ought not, 
said Mr. Fox,to presume thata better 
season for treating than the present 
would occur. There was a time 
when the enemy could not stand 
before the confederacy, and was 
driven from every place he had oc- 
cupied abroad, and forced to retire 
for shelter into his own country. 
What situation could be more pros~ 


not think the French sufficiently 
humbled and depressed, and lost an 
opportunity that would never return. 
We complained of that decree of the 
convention, by which they threat- 
ened interference in the affairs of 
other countries; but as they had 
solemnly rescinded it as offensive 
to us, why did not we disclaim all 
interference in their own concerns ? 
why had no steps been taken to- 
wards a pacification, as the publie 
had been given to hope? they would 
certainly be popular in this country, 
and not displeasing to our allies, nor 
to all Europe, which looked anxi- 
ously for such an event. The 
great obstacle to peace was the ani- 
mosity between the French and 
their enemies. This should be re- 
moved preferably to all other ob- 
structions. This might be done by 
offering them reasonable conditions, 
which would disarm an enemy muc 
sooner than violence and obstinacy. 
It was not ‘surprising the Frenc 
should be exasperated, when we 

spoke 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


spoke of them so contemptuously, 
and even sent an ambassador to the 
person who called himself their 
king. . lt wasillusory, in the mean 
time, to buoy up the spirits of the 
people, by telling them to look at 
the distresses of the French, as if 
they were any mitigation of their 
own. These were no arguments 
to lay before men who had suffered 
somuch for the profusion and ill 
success that had so usually accom- 
panied ministerial measures, The 


[59 


opponents to these were arrogantly 
admonished, that it was the royal 
prerogative only to decide of peace 
and when to conclude it: but minis= 
ters also should be reminded, that it 
was no less the prerogative of the 
commons of England to interpose 
their advice, both as to the time and 
the conditions that were seasonable. 
On closing the debate, fifty divided 
for the motion, and one hundred apd 
Ninety against it, 


CHAP, 


60] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


CHAP. IV. 


Free Negroes in the Island of Jamaica.—Hunted by Blood-Hounds.—Alo- 
tion, by Mr.-Grey, in the House of Commons, for an Inquiry into the State 
of the Nation.—Negatived.—Farther Taxes.—For paying the Interest 
of an additional Loan.—Mortality among the Troops sent against the 
french West-India Islands.— Neglect and Distresses of the Troops. —Mo- 

«tion for Documents on these Subjects by Mr. Sheridan.— Debates thereon. 
—Mr. Sheridan’s Motion agreed to.—Motion in the House of Peers, for 
the Production of Papers respecting a Vote of Parliament, in 1783, re- 
cognizing the Necessity of certain Public Reforms.—Debates thereon.— 
The Motion negatived.—Report of the Committee of Supply on the Reso- 
lution for granting a Subsidy to the King vf Sardinia.—Conversation on 
that Subject.—Charges laid against Ministry by Mr. Grey, as Ground of 
Impeachment ; and a Motion on that Subject.— Negatived.—Motions, in 
both Houses of Parliament, against the Continuation of the War.—Nega- 
tived.—Motion, by Mr. Wilberforce, for the Abolition of the Slave- 
Trade, ona certain Day.—Negatived.—The Session of Parliament closed 


by a Speech from the Throne. 


‘Eee hostilities against the free 
“negroes, in the island of Ja- 
maica, known by the denomination 
of maroons, had been carried on a 
long time without effect. The force 
employed against them amounted 
to five thousand men; but the dif- 
ficulty of coming at their recesses, 
and frequently of discovering them, 
had frustrated therepeated attempts 
of this force, though it had omitted 
nothing that valour and perseve- 
rance could suggest: and yet, those 
maroons were but a handful of men, 
hardly consisting of six hundred 
bearing arms. The improbability 
of compelling them to submit, by 
the usual methods of fighting, in- 
duced the government of Jamaica, 
as stated in our last volume, to have 
recourse to the mode adopted .by 
the Spaniards in similar cases. It 
applied to the Spanish inhabitants 
of the island of Cuba, and obtained 


from them a hundred blood-hounds, 
with twenty men, expert in the 
training and conducting of them. 
With this supply, the military pene- 
trated into the interior parts of 
the mountains and woody coun- 
try, occupied by the maroons, and 
compelled them to surrender. 
They were transported to the 
British provinces in North Ame-~ 
rica. 

Though, as afterwards fully ap- 
peared in the subsequent session of 
parliament, the government of Ja- 
maica had not incurred the guilt 
of either barbarity or breach of 
faith, yet an erroneous conviction, 
that the blood-hounds had been 
employed, not only to track out 
the maroons, but to tear and 
mangle them, excited a pretty ge- 
neral outcry. No degree of po- 
litical expediency could justify 
the adoption of such a measure. 

Spanish 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


Spanish cruelty, it was said, afforded 
no precedent or excuse for English- 
men. 

General Macleod brought this 
subject into the house of commons, 
on thetwenty-sixth of February, and 
complained of the disgrace attend- 
ing such a measure. He was an- 
swered, that it was a matter of ne- 
cessity, and not of choice; that the 
Maroons massacring,without mercy, 
every one that fell into their hands, 
they could be considered in no 
other light than murderers, and de- 
served extermination by any means 
that could be employed to that 
purpose. 

The general moved, however, on 
the twenty-first of March, for an 
address to jhe king, requesting he 
would direct the papers, concerning 
the maroon war, to be laid before 
the house. He grounded his mo- 
tion ona letter from Jamaica,stating 
the facts above-mentioned : he de- 
scribed the maroonsasa free people, 
proprietors of the country they 
inhabited. He mentioned it, as 
customary among the Spaniards, in 
Cuba, to feed their blood-houndson 
human flesh, in order torender them 
férocious: but could a British par- 


_liament, he said, connive at such 


atrocities, and encourage so in- 
human a spirit in British officers and 
soldiers ? 
Mr. Dundas replied, that the ma- 
roons had commenced hostilities 
gainst our people, at Jamaica, 
hout any reasonable provocation, 


and had exercised great barbarities 


in prosecuting them. It was their 
practice to sally forth from their 
fastnesses in the night, and to sur- 
prize the planters; multitudes of 
whom they massacred: after which, 
they retreated to the woods and 
mountains, the passes to which were 


[61 


inaccessible. In such circumstances 
our people could not be blamed for 
employing the necessary means to 
secure themselves, and to annoy so 
ferocious an enemy. The motion, 
therefore,be said,was not sufficiently 
grounded, to comply with it, with- 
out an accurate enquiry into parti- 
culars. The mere rumour, how- 
ever, he acknowledged, had in- 
duced ministry to signify its disap- 
probation of such a measure to the 
government at Jamaica. 

On Mr. Dundas’s assuring the 
general that dispatches of this tenor 
had been sent, he withdrew his 
motion : not however till Mr. Sheri- 
dan expatiated on the subject, in 
answer to Mr. Barham, who had 
represented the maroons as rebels ; 
but whom the former justified, in 
their resentment of the punishment 
inflicted upon one of their people, 
who ought, according to treaty, 
to have been delivered up to his 
countrymen, to betried and punish- 
ed by them for the misdemeanour 
of which ke had been guilty. 

In the mean time, a report was 
daily gaining ground, that the plans 
of ministry embraced such a mul- 
tiplicity of objeéts, that new de- 
mands would shortly be made of 
means to carry them into execution. 
Their opponents thought it expe- 
dient, for that reason, to call the 
attention of the public to the situa- 
tion of the national finances, in 
order that a just idea might be 
formed of the conduét of ministers 
in this essential department. On 
the tenth of March, this subject 
was brought into the house of com- 
mons, by Mr. Grey: who observed, 
that, in whatever circumstances the 
country might be placed, whether 
of war or of peace, the strittest 
economywas become more indispens« 

sible, 


64] ANNUAL REGISTER; 1796. 


sible than ever. France would in- 
dubitably aim at the formation of a 
respectable marine, and so would 
every power that could in any de- 
gree maintain its consideration at 
sea. Our incontestible superiority 
on the ocean rendered us:an object 
of universal envy and dread; and 
these were cogent motives with all 
the Europeans to seek for our de- 
pression: bat they were no less 
urgent to induce this country to 
preserve that superiority, without 
which our internal security was 
evidently precarious; but, had we 
been sufficiently attentive to the 
means of preserving it? Had we 
not lavished, with scandalous pro- 
fusion, immense sums, for which no 
adequate services had been per- 
formed? Seventy-seven millions had, 
in the course of the last three years, 
been added to the public debts ; to 
pay the interest of which, taxes had 
been laid, amounting to two mil- 
lions six hundred thousand pounds. 
The expences of former wars, how- 
ever great, did not equal those of 
the present; and yet those wars 
were more extensive and important 
in their object than the present, 
In the contest that lost us America, 
ministerial profusion was notorious ; 
the debt contracted did not, how- 
ever, exceed sixty-three millions, 
notwithstanding the duration of that 
fata] quarrel, was twice what this 
had now been; and we had all 
Europe to contend with... When 
the present war began, the mi- 
nister engaged, in a solemn manner, 
to obviate, by every possible means, 
extraordinaries of all kinds; but 
how had he kept his word? not- 
withstanding the most liberal] grants 
that ever minister had experienced, 
the extraordinaries of the navy 
amounted so thirteen millions seven 


hundred thousand pounds, while the: 
commerce of this country had suf- 
fered more from the enemy than 
in any preceding quarrel; the ex- 
traordinaries of the army were nine 
millions, ‘These were unconscion- 
able expences, as, notwithstanding 
the advance of price in all articles 
of public or private demand, they 
had not risen to such a height as to 
justify the difference between the 
cost of the present and of former 
wars. The extraordinaries of the 
nine years war, from the revolution 
to the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, 
were twelve hundred thousand 
pounds. Those of eleven years 
war, in the reign of queen Anne; 
were two millions. They did not 
together amount to one-half of the 
extraordinaries of the present year : 
the cause of this increase of expence, 
was not so much the difference of 
price in necessary articles, many of 
which continued, the same in this 
respect as at that day, as the ad 
dition of. unnecessary expences. 
The extraordinaries and the votes 
of credit, in 1778, 79, and 80,, 
were less by three millions two, 
hundred thousand pounds than the 
present: in: the ordinance, the ex- 
traordinaries arose to near three 
millions. These, augmentations in 
the national expences were obyi- 
ously unconstitutional, as they were 
made without parliamentary sanc- 
tion. The total of the money thus. 
expended was upwards of thirty- 
one millions; and together with that 
voted by the parliament amounted 
to sixty-six millions eight hundred ~ 
thousand pounds. This immense 
sum had been expended in three 
years of an inglorious and ruinous 
war, Another unconstitutional pro- — 
ceeding, of a most alarming nature, . 
was the erection of barracks. These 
were 


ooo: HISTORY (OF EUROPE. 


were justly, by judge Blackstone, 
_ styled inland fortresses, ,and,were 
undeniably intended, to separate. the 
‘military from the civil classes, and 
to, keep the latter in.awe by means 
of the former. They had been 
ereéted too without consulting, par- 
~ liament, and had cost, since the year 
1790, eleven. hundred . thousand 
pounds, and more was,.now de- 
manded for their completion. Mi- 
nisterial demands of loans from the 
bank were also, become, of late, 
enormous, and. entirely repugnant 
to the primitive motives of its in- 
stitution, which were to assist the 
"mercantile transa¢tions of the king- 
dom, and to. maintain. its commer- 
cial credit: but it bad, in many 
respects, degenerated into;anmengine 
of state: it was now near twelye 
millions in advance to government. 
Mr. Grey entered ‘into other: par- 
ticulars, toshew theirregularity pre- 
vailing in the financial. departments. 
He concluded by affirming, in con- 
sequence of farther details, that the 
national revenue fell short of the 
peace-establishment by two.millions 
and,a half, the latter being twenty- 
two millions, the former only nine- 
teen millions five hundred thousand 

ounds. , Thus we should. be loaded 
with. farther taxes , to, supply that 
deficiency, even were a peace, to en- 
sue. On these premises, he, moved 
ae the. house spe resolve itself 

toa ‘committee, to, enguire into 
Pthe state df the nation. 

The positions of Mr, Grey were 
~ gontroverted by Mr. Jenkinson, who 
_ maiptained, that the commercial 
_ pituation of Great Britain,. notwith- 
maansing. the weight, of so great a 

War, Was More prosperous, than at 
any antecedent periods, The aves 
Tage of exports, during ‘the three 

t years of peace, the mostflourish- 


[63 


ing.ever known jn this country, was 
twenty-two millions five hundred 
and eigbty-five thousand pounds; 
and the same average for the last 
three years. of war was twenty-four 
millions four hundred and fifty-three 
thousand. The advantage in the 
borrowing of money, at present, was 
one andahalf per cent. greater than 
during the American war. At the 
close of the warin 1748 the national 
debt was eighty. millions, in 1762 
one hundred, and forty: but had the 
present system of appropriating a 
million annually to, the extinétion 
of that debt, been fortunately adopt- 
ed at the first of these periods, that 
heavy load would now have been 
totally thrown off the nation. ‘The 
expenditure of this war was, doubt. 
less, immense ; but the exertions, 
to which, it waz applied, were of no 
less magnifzide. Never was. the 
energy, of this country so astonish. 
ingly displayed, nor its resources so 
wonderfully proved : our fleets and 
armies. were in,a far, superior con- 
dition, both as to numbers and 
equipment, to those maintained in 
the American war, It was unfair 
to complain of increasing expences, 
The augmentation of price in all 
the articles of life and, social inter- 
course, added of consequence, the 
same proportion of increase in mi+ 
litary expences; nor ought the sub- 
sidies to our allies to be reputed 
extravagant, considering their utility 
to the common cause, by enabling 
these to aét much more effeétually 
against the foe, than if they were 
left to their sole exertions. The 
pressures of the enemy shewed how 
wisely the treasures of this country 
had been employed in strengthen- 
ing. the: power of his continental 
adversaries, while our successes at 
sea bud reduced him to the lowest 

state 


64] 


state of debility he had ever ex- 
perienced on that element: it was, 
therefore,neither just nor prudent to 
represent this country as distressed, 
and its ministers as unworthy of con- 
fidence, and incapable of discharg- 
ing their duty. They had shewn 
‘themselves adequate to the various 
tasks imposed on them by the ar- 
duous contingencies of the war, 
and had not merited the aspersions 
so repeatedly cast uponthem. There 
had been a time when far greater 
stretches of ministerial power were 
beheld without complaint. In the 
reigns of George I. and II. such 
was the implicit trust of the times 
in their integrity, that millions had 
passed through their hands for secret 
services, of which an explanation 
was not required. Hence it ap- 
pears, that the vigilance of parlia- 
Ment in former days, however ex- 
alted above that of the present, 
was, in truth, not to be compared 
with that anxious and groundless 
jealousy with which the opponents 
to ministry watched over allits pro- 
ceedings, in order to discover how 
they could render them suspicious 
to the public. On these grounds, 
he considered the motion as ill- 
founded, and deserving no support 
from those who viewed the conduct 
of ministers impartially, and with a 
determination to listen without pre- 
judice to what they allege in their 
defence, as well as to the imputa- 
tions and surmises laid to their 
charge. 

Mr. Curwen, Mr. Robinson, and 
Mr, Martin, supported the motion; 
Mr. Steele opposed it, and stated 
the extraordinaries to be much lower 
than represented by Mr, Grey. The 
expence of the barracks had not, 
he affirmed, exceeded six hundred 
and ten thousand pounds, and one 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


hundred and fifty thousand would 
suffice to complete them: but Mr. 
Grey insisted on the accuracy of his 
own statements, and particularly re- 
probated the misapplication of the 
money appropriated by parliament 
to specific purposes; a practice, he 
observed, so unconstitutional, that 
it had been condemned, in terms of 
the greatest severity, even so long 
ago as the reign of queen Anne, on 
so slight an occasion as the applying 
of six thousand pounds to the use 
of the army, instead of the navy, 
for which it had been intended. 
His motion, however, was negatived 
by another for the order of the day, 
which was carried by two hundred 
and seven votes, against forty-five. 

The plans formed by ministry 
were so extensive, and the deter- 
mination, to carry them into the 
speediest execution, founded upon 
so sanguine a hope of success, 
that the supplies already granted 
not appearing sufficient, parliament 
was again resorted to for the raising 
an additional supply, and the sanc- 
tion of another loan. A circum- 
stance so new and extraordinary 
excited universal astonishment: two 
budgets and two loans in the same 
session, to use the common phrase, 
were a novelty, in the political 
system of this country, of an alarm- 
ing nature, and which the maxims 
of good economy did not appear to 
warrant in the difficult position in 
which it now stood. 

Mr. Pitt was duly sensible of the 
repugnance to so unprecedented a 
measure. After apologising for the 
necessity that compelled him to 
adopt it, and expressing his confi- 
dence that the resources of the 
country would renderit much lighter 
on trial than it seemed in the ap- 
prehension of many, he proceeded 

to 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


to, inform the house, that it was, in 
some respects, rather a substitution 
of other taxes to those that had 
been relinquished, for the ease of 
the public, than the imposition of 
new ones; he also stated, that ser- 
yices unprovided for, and of which 
the propriety was evident, would 
demand the means of performance. 
Having withdrawn the tax on print- 
ed linens and calicoes, calculated 
to produce one hundred and thirty- 
_ five thousand pounds, he would now 
propose to replace that deficiency by 
a tax upon dogs, computed at one 
hundred thousand pounds, and by 
another on hats, estimated at forty 
thousand. To these two taxes he 
would now add one, of twenty 
pounds a ton upon wine, which 
would yield six hundred thousand 
pounds, with very little addition of 
expence to the consumers of this 
article. 
The scarcity of money was, at the 
same time, he noticed, an objeét of 
essential attention to ministry, and 
every effort would be exerted to 
find aremedy. This scarcity pro- 
ceeded, in some measure, from the 
hecessary support of our foreign al- 
lies, and the extraordinaries for our 
numerous forces ; but there were 
-also other causes : the immensity of 
‘commercial speculations, the vast 
-eapital in constant employment, and 
the insufficiency of the pecuniary 
‘medium to answer mercantile de- 
mands. ‘l’o remove this difficulty, 
he proposed to fund the public 
debts remaining unfunded, which 
would enable the bank to make 
Warger advances on their bills to 
Merchants than while it was so 
much applied to for discount, in 
consequence of the debt unfunded. 
_ The total of the sums demanded, 
by Mr. Pitt, for the services unpro- 
, Vou. XXXVIII. 


[65 


vided for, amounted to two mil- 
lions and a half, and the annual 
charge of interest for the sums to be 
levied, in order to provide for those 
services, and for the funding of 
the unfunded debt, arose to tive 
hundred and seventy-six thousand 
pounds. The loan, which was to 
furnish the means of carrying the 
above scheme into execution, would 
amount to seven millions and ahalf, 
at the moderate profit of three 
pounds six shillings and three-pence 
per cent. to the lenders. This, he 
observed, was an incontrovertible 
proof of the flourishing situation of 
this country, of its surprising re- 
sources, and of the confidence re- 
posed in the ministry by people of 
property. It ought to silence the 
misrepresentations of those who 
took such pains to state this country 
as reduced to distress, and who had 
thereby encouraged the French to 
assume the arrogance of diétating the 
terms of a peace, when their own 
finances were wholly shattered, and 
the whole country and nation in- 
volved in eyery species of public 
and private embarrassments, from 
which nothing but a peace could 
possibly extricate them. 

Mr. Grey replied with great 
fervour to Mr, Pitt. He charged 
him with coming to the house no 
less than three times in fourteen 
months, with three different bud- 
gets, asif he well knew that he 
had only to ask, in order to obtain : 
but the faét was, that the mini- 
ster’s address to the house, on this 
day, was, though an indireét, yet 
a clear acknowledgment of his 
errors and misconduét, and a plain, 
though vainly concealed, endeavour 
to rectify them. Parliament, how- 
ever, was bound, in justice to-its 
constituents, to submit to no fal- 

[EF] lacious 


66] 


lacious and illusory accounts, and 
to investigate the ministerial state- 
ments with the severest strictness : 
this would shew, that in many cir- 
cumstances, they were not to be re- 
lied on. Mr. Grey went into a 
variety of particulars, in proof of his 
own assertion. Notwithstanding the 
Joan of twenty-five mullions, in- 
terest had not, he said, been pro- 
vided for the outstanding debts. 
He warned the house to beware 
of giving credit to the assevera- 
tions, so regularly brought before 
it, of French distress, and incapa- 
city to maintain the contest. To 
such delusion the war was owing, 
together with its fatal protraétions,. 
He concluded, by asserting, that if 
a fair investigation was made, by a 
committee of inquiry, it would ap- 
pear that provision had not been 
made, as stated, for the interest of 
the public debt. 

After an answer from Mr. Pitt, 
justifying his assertions and state- 
menis, and controverting those of 
Mr. Grey in the most essential par- 
ticulars, Mr. Fox took up the sub- 
jeét with great animation. He co- 
incided with the assertions of Mr. 
Grey, and treated, with marked 
asperity, the idea, that a people 
plunged, as the French were de- 
scribed, in the gulph of bankruptcy, 
should compel the British ministry 
to demand such endless supplies of 
money, and call upon the people 
of this country for so enormous a 
sum as twenty-five millions within 
little more than a year. Tle no- 
ticed, with’ equal severity, the ar- 
rears due in a variety of depart- 
ments, particularly the retention of 
the small allowance to the emi- 
grants, who had shewn such con- 
fidence in our generosity, and who 
had no other means of subsistence. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


Other members spoke on each side 
of the question. On putting the 
resolutions moved by the minister 
in favour of the new loan, and ade 
ditional taxes, they were carried 
without adivision of the house, 

The mortality that had so fatally 
prevailed among the British troops 
in’ the West Indies, and the in- 
adequateness of the successes ob- 
tained there, to the expeétations 
formed from thé sums expended on 
the expeditions against the French 
islands, were topics of general con- 
versation and complaint. Opposi- 
tion ascribed the disappointments 
that had happened in those parts 
to the incapacity, or ill conduét, 
of ministry, and demanded the pro- 
duétion of the papers relating to 
those expeditions. 

On the21stof April, Mr.Sheridan, — 
after many striétures on the conduét 
of ministry, moved fora return of the 
men carried off by disease and fa- 
tigue in those countries. So shame~ 
ful, he asserted, was the negleét 
of the troops, that, on their arrival 
in that destructive climate,they were 
destitute of shoesand stockings. Had 
not diseases ravaged the enemy’s 
forces, our own must have fallen an 
easy prey into their hands. The 
hospitals were crowded with the 
sick and wounded, for whem neither 
medicines nor bandages were proe 
vided, Such was the inhumanity 
they somenmes experienced, that# 
nivety, or a hundred, of these unef 
happy men, were once left to pass® 
a whole night on the beach, in cone 


sequence of which only seven orf ® 
eight survived. With such motives & 
for an inquiry, bow could it be de-§ & 
clined ? Herequired it, together with = 
an account of the force employed§ } 
under lord Moirain 1794 and 1795,8 © 
and which ought to have been dise§ & 


patched 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


patched to the relief of the tro ps 
in the islands, and not kept inactive 
at home. He would also :require 
a list of the officers and soldiers lost, 
Specifying the loss ofeach regiment. 
Such information would shew what 
adrain these expeditions had proved 
from the population of the British 
islands, and how much they tended 
to weaken them- Accounts.ougbt, 
hy the same reason, to be laid be- 
fore the house, of the pumbers 
carried off in the ports of South- 
ampton, Portsmouth,and Plymouth, 
were itunly to make known the ini- 
quitous negleét of those who could 
leave troops confined seven months 
on board, exposed to the infallible 
efleéts of such a close imprisonment, 
notwithstanding the remonstrances 
made to government. He moved, 
at the same time, for the produc- 
tion of other documents of the same 
nature, by which he pledged him- 
self to prove the misconduct of mi- 
nisters ; adding, that unlegs they 
felt a consciousness of the pnb 
of his charges, they would gladly 
seize the occasion, now offered them, 
of vindicating themselves from the 
imputations so loudly and generally 
laid to them by the public. 

The difficulty of the minister’s 
situation, was strongly represented 
by Mr. Dundas. Papers and docu- 
ments were demanded from them, 
of which official seciecy prohibited 
the communication to the public. 
The time would certainly come, 
when they would gladly meet the 
Stri€test scrutiny of their conduct, 
sure that it would stand the severest 
_ test. All bad been done in the West 
Indies that circumstances would per- 
mit, and reinforcements and sup- 
plies of all kinds had been trans- 
mitted without delay, on the first 
notice of their being wanted. 


[67 


In the course of this debate, the 
transaétions, under sir C. Grey, 
came into discussion. .Mr. Fox, 
Mr. Sheridan; Mr, Francis, and ge- 
neral Tarleton, inferred,from words 
spoken by Mr. Dundas, that he 
meant toinculpate the conduét of 
that officer; but both he and Mr. 
Pitt bestowed the highest enco- 
miums upon him. Mr. Grey, the 
member, declared, however, that 
sir C. Grey was earnesily desirous 
to give every elucidation respe¢ting 
the business with which he had been 
entrusted. 

On the twenty-eightb of April, a 
violent debate took place on those 
subjects. Mr. Dundas entered into 
a minute and elabovate recapitulae 
tion of the conduct of government, 
respecting the West Indies. He 
carefully detailed the forces of the 
kingdom, and what had been dee 
tached from them, on expeditions 
to those parts. Heyave a circum- 
stantial account of all that bad bape 
peied there, and exerted himself to 
shew that the disasters and disap- 
pointments, that had befailen us, 
arose irom accidents that were 
wholly unavcidable: the conduét of 
our comrmgnders had been judicious, 
and that of ministry irreproachable, 

This apology did not prove satis- 
faétory to the opposition. The im- 
putation of having neglected the 
troops, in the West Indies, Was Tee 
asserted, byM-. Sheridan,with much 
etter and the distribution of 
the forces assigned to the variqus ser~ 
vices that took place at that time, 
improbated as ill-judged ; and some 
of the services themselves repre. 
sented as unseasonable, and inter- 
fering with the others. The troops 
destined for the West-India expedi- 
tion were also described as unwore 
thy the name of soldiers: they con- 

[F2] sisted 


68] 
sisted of elderly men, and mére boys, 
with raw youths at their head. This 
ceriainly was no better than mock- 
ery and parade. Mr. Dundas having 
expressed, with much warmth on 
this occasion, his hope that the 
Cape of Good Hope would never 
be restored to the enemy, Mr. She- 
tidan took notice of the mortifying 
impression that such a declaration 
must necessarily make on the stadt- 
holder, who could not fail, thereby, 
to perceive, that what we took from 
the Dutch we were determined to 
keep. The stadtholder, in his re- 
treat at Hampton, had, indeed, the 
Satisfaétion of seeing his fleets, and 
foreign possessions, falling, not into 
the hands of his enemies, but those 
of his friends ; yet, as these friends 
dragged bim into the war, under 
the assurance of proteétion,he might 
well say, with the Roman poet, 
Pol me occidistis Amici, non servastis !* 
Hora. 
The result of this debate was, that 
ministry acquiesced in the motions 
made by Mr, Sheridan, which were 
for accounts of the number of men 
destined for the expedition to the 
West Indies, under sir C. Grey, in 
1793; for accounts of the number 
withdrawn from that service, to form 
an expedition against the coast of 
France under lord Moira, and of 
the numbers, who, after the con- 
pte of Martinico, St. Lucia, and 
suadaloupe, were detached to St. 
Domingo. But the other motions, 
Made by Mr. Sheridan, for a variety 
of official papers, relating to the 
circumstances of other armaments 
and intended expeditions, were ne- 
gatived, on Mr. Dundas engaging 
to give explanatory answers to the 
questions upon those subjects. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


The expedition to Quiberon, in 
the summer of 1795, and its unfor- 
tunate issue to numbers of the French - 
emigrants embarked in it, had been 
a subjeét of universal discussion in 
this country ever sirice it had bap- 
pened, and had given eccasion to 
the severest censures of those to 
whom the management of it had 
been entrusted. The person whose 
fall was most lamented was the count 
de Sombreuil, a French gentleman 
‘of a most amiable charaéter, and 
highly respeéted for bis many ex- 
cellent qualities. He had, with 
many others, fallen into the bands 
of the enemy, and, like them, was 
condemned to death asa rebel. On 
the eve of his execution he wrote a 
letter to Mr. Wyndham, wherein he 
alluded to two others, one written 
to sir J. B. Warren, the other to 
Mr. Wyndham ; a copy of this last, 
was demanded by general Tarleton, 
as being of a public nature, and 
conformably to the desire of the 
count himself, who had, in the let- 
ter to sir J. B. Warren, expressed a 
wish that Mr. Wyndham would pub- 
lish it: but this gentleman alleged it 
was more of a private than a public 
nature. In the mean time it was 
published in a daily paper, and Mr. 
Sheridan affirmed that he found it 
related to matters of public import- 
ance, and represented the expedi- 
tion alluded to in a very unfavour- 
ablelight to ministers. Mr. Wynd- 
ham, in reply, asserted that it con- 
cerned the count himself, who was 
dissatisfied with the part assigned to 
him in that expedition. He did 
not, however, force it upon the 
count, whoa¢ted merely trom his 
excessive “Zeal in the cause he had 
embraced. . This answer provoked 


* By G—, my friends, ye have not served, but ruined me.. Honar. 


another. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


another from general Smith,in which 


_he represented Mr, Puissaye, who 


had the charge of that expedition, 
as unworthy of it, and as an emi- 
grant of little consideration among 
his countrymen. Other members 
spoke on this occasion : but the de- 
bate ended by Mr. Pitt’s moving 
for the’ order of the day; and Mr. 
Sheridan’s motion for the latter was 
thereby negatived. 

_ Years had now elapsed since the 
famous declaration, made by the 
house of commons, during the Ame- 
Tican war, ‘** that the influence of 
the crown had increased, was still 
increasing, and ought to be dimi- 
nished.” At that period several 
resolutions had also passed for the 
reform of varicus abuses. But though 
this salutary work had been pro- 
ceeded upon, it had gradually been 
laid aside, and the public had long 
ceased to hear of any progress in 
the alterations proposed and pro- 
mised at that time. It was to recall 
these divers objeéts to notice, that 
the marquis of Lansdowne moved 
for the several papers relating to 
them. On the second of May ‘he 
made a long and elaborate speéch, 
in the house of lords, on the subject 
of their contents, urging, with great 
force, the propriety of taking them 
into consideration at'a time when 
the purpose for which the regula- 
tions contained in them were framed, 
and which was the retrenchment of 
needless expences, demanded the 
attention of the legislature more 

than, ever. The marquis entered 
into a number of particulars in order 
to corroborate his assertion, that a 
useless and expensive augmentation 
of places and offices had taken place. 
The patronage thence arising to mi- 
istry had proved enormous: but 
the most dangerous was that de- 


[69 


rived from the influence they pos- 
sessed oyér the bank, of which the 
management was now become en- 
tirely their own, contrary to the. 
spirit of its institution, and the safety 
of the constitution itself, which was 
manifestly endangered by so vast an 
accession of power to the executive 
branch of government. Who could 
have the face to deny that these 
were glaring abuses, and that they 
called for immediate remedies ? He 
would, therefore, in this critical 
situation of affairs, endeavour to 
procure the realizing of those mea- 
sures of reform, so long resolved 
upon, and which ought, from every 
motive of duty and honour, to be 
no longer delayed. _ For this pur- 
pose he would move, that an in- 
quiry should be instituted into the 
causes that had prevented the pro- 
secution of those reforms sosolemnly 
sanétioned by the legislature, and 
so strongly recommended by those 
to whose wisdom and integrity it 
had formally committed the 1 inspec= 
tion of that department most essen- 
tial in all states, the revenue and 
finances of the nation, and all that 
was couneéted with this important 
object. He made other motions 
tending to the same end ; and con- 
cluded, by renewing the disappro- 
bation he had so often expressed of 
the war, as destructive of men, and 
wasteful of treasure, beyond all pre- 
cedents, — 

The reforms alluded to were ace 
knowledged by lord Grenville, in re- 
ply, to have been thought expedient 
by the commissioners who had been 
appointed to examine the public ac- 
Counts; but 1t should not be thence 
inferred, that they were applicable 
to all times and emergencies. The 
proposal, for instance, to throw some 
of the revenue-offices ginto one was 

‘TRS imprac- 


70] 
impracticable, from the prodizious 
increase of business in each. The 
same objection lay td Others. Never 
bad the public service required 
more labour, and never indeed fad 
more been exerted by the respec~ 
tive incumbents in every office. 
The abolition of patent places, 
another subjeét of complaint, could 


not be always effeéted with equity ; 


but ‘still they’ were in a gradual 
course of ‘being abolished. Re- 
specting the system of barracks, so 
mucli reprobated ; the old plan el- 
lowed them for twenty thousand 
men, to which ‘the new one had, 
for considerations ‘well founded, 
added othefs for! fifteen thousand 
more. “Tbe! difficulty «f a speedy 
adjustment of accounts, if time of 
war, was too well Known to ‘en- 
large upon ;’ but the ‘ascertainment 
of all public expences occupied the 
attention of ministers to the fullest 
extent which their magnitude 
would permit, and they bad not the 
least apprehension of berg found 
defeétive in their a@eectats. With 
regard to the bank, the power 
vested in it was cleatly independent 
of Ministers, and ‘the ‘assistance it 
afforded to goveruiment Was entirely 
Optional. To ‘the’ oftits 
tions of the marquis he made such 
teplies as he thought justificatory of 
ministerial measures, and Concluded 
by asserting, that when impartially 
reviewed, they would meet with 
certain approbation. 

These answers, to the marquis of 
Lansdowne, were, by the earl of 
Lauderdale, represented as fallacious 
und unfounded. The -immense 
amount of the debts, which ministry 
left unfunded, shewed their ill- 
management and want of economy: 
the discount given occasionally on 
6xchequer-petes was equally dis- 


observa. 


ANN ULD RG IST BR! 1796. 


creditable and alarming: the ace 
counts relating to the barracks were 
confused and erroneous; and the 
reasons assigned for other measures 
were vague and unsatisfaétory. 
The difierence between the pe- 
cuniary situation of this country, in 
1783 and thatin 17935, was circum- 
stantially investigated by lord Auk- 
land, in erder to prove the superio- 
rity of our finances at the present 
day. ‘Tbe revenue was then two 


millions below the peace establish- 


ment, amounting to fifteen millions, 
but was now aétually three millions 
feurhundred thousand pounds above 
that establishment; and, by adding 
the two millions then deficient, was 
in reality five millions above it. 

The lurd chancellor, ear] Spen- 
cer, and lord Hawkesbury, opposed 
the motion, and it was farther sup- 
ported by lord Moira, and lord 
Guildford, who gave the house no- 
tice of his intention to move an 
inquiry into the state of the nation. 
The marquis of Lansdowne’s mo- 
tion was rejeGted by one hundred 
and four votes against twelve. 

The report of the committee of 
supply upon the resolution for grant- 
ing @ subsidy of two hundred thou- 
sand pounds to the king of Sardinia, 
was presented to the house of com- 
mons on the'third of May, when it 
was observed, by Mr. Fox, that cir- 
cumstances were no longer the same 
respecting that prince, as when that 
subsidy was first voted. He was 
then’to aét against France with the 
coalition; but it was now under- 
Stood that he was about to forsake 
it, and. to make a peace ‘with the 
enemy. If such were the case, it 
was proper to know whether he 
thought himself at liberty to aét in 
this ‘manner, or whether indeed he 
were able to act otherwise, and mi- 
2 nisters 


nt i> “hie “ab he <-_ cm “dG io: a. oe 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


nisters liad acceded to his desire for 
# separate peace. 

Mr. Pitt asserted, that lately the 
king of Sardinia, in circumstances 
of great difficulty, had consented to 
# suspension of arms with the 
French, provided it were in con- 
junction with the emperor, but on 
no other terms: the emperor not 
consenting, the armistice did not 
take place. The French bad, in the 
mean time, offered him peace, if he 
would make a cession of their ac- 
quisitions in his country, ard an al- 
liance with them, but he had re- 
fused their offers. 

It was observed, by Mr. Francis, 
that the motives of action with that 
prince would originate in the pres- 
sures he was in. His situation re- 
quired him to consult the necessity 
of his affairs, rather than the mag- 
nanimity of his d sposition ; exclu 
sively of which, history had long 
shewn, that no dependance could 
be placed on the stability of the 
princes of the house of Savoy. Mr. 


Pitt however being farther pressed 


upon this subject, put an end to it 
by declining to reply. 

Three days after. this discussion 
Mr. Grey brought several heavy 
charges against ministers, and moved 
them to be sufficient grounds of 
impeachment. They had, he said, 
violated the act of appropriation, the 
main pillar of the pecuniary privi- 
Jeges of parliament, by diverting 
the grants of money to other pur- 
poses than those for which they 
were voted, and they had endea- 
Youred to screen themselves by spu- 
rious accounts. He then detailed 
the particulars in proof of his ac- 
cusation; adding, that if the neces« 
sities of the times had compelled 
them to have recourse to such me- 
thods for procuring money, they 


[71 


ought, without disguising the fact; 
to have applied to parliament for 
indemnity. The house of commons 
had, he said, been notoriously faulty 
in not setting limits to the extraors 
diftaries during the American war; 
and the committee appointed to 
examine and digest the public ac- 
counts had particularly pointed out 
the ruinous consequences of such 
negligence. Mr. Pitt had censured 
it himself with peculiar severity, 
but had nevertheless been more 
guilty than any of his predecessors 
in the ministry. So determined 
was the house to put a stop to these 
infractions of its rights, thatit passed, 
in 1784, a resolution that should 
parliament be dissolved before the 
act of appropriation had passed, to 
misapply the money granted should 
be reputed a high misdemeanour. 
An act had also been passed under 
the present minister, to obviate the 
bad consequences of balances re- 
Miaining with the paymaster-gene- 
ral, and to provide for the constant 
pay of the army; but this act had 
been notoriously infringed ; the pay- 
master having actually in his hands 
a balance of eighty-three thousand 
pounds. Mr. Grey, after mentions 
ing other instances of misapplicas 
tion, adverted to the disposition- 
paper, a species of voucher first 
used in the prodigal reign of Charles 
Il. and established at the revolution, 
as an autbentic document, toinform 
parliament in what manner the sup- 
plies they had granted had been 
expended. Thispaper he considered 
as a mere deception; ils contents 
represented the sums voted by) par- 
liament, as issued and applied con- 
formably to its intent, which was 
contrary to, truths This he might 
be told was only a form; but the 
practice wasin fact directly opposite 

[F +] to 


72] 


to the regulations enacted by the 
legislature, in order to preserve to 
itself the power over the national 
purse, against the attempts of minis- 
ters to dispose of the nation’s mo- 
ney at their own discretion. On 
these various premises Mr. Grey 
founded no less than fifteen resolu- 
tions, the last of which summing up 
the purport of the whole, stated, 
‘¢ that, in the instances mentioned, 
the king’s ministers had been guilty 
of presenting false accounts, calcu- 
lated to mislead the judement of 
the house, ofa flagrant violation of 
various acts of parliament, and ofa 
gross misapplication of the public 
money.” 

The reply, made by Mr. Pitt, 
stated, that though ministers were 


bound faithfully to appropriate the: 


public money to the purposes spe- 
cified, yet there were a multiplicity 
of cases wherein that rule could not 
strictly be observed. Services of 
the most critical importance, and 
the most imperious necessity, often 
compelled them to deviate from the 
letter of the act of appropriation : 
but was that, or was any other act, to 
stand in the way of material services 
due to the nation by those who were 
entrusted with its safety and pre- 
servation? These deviations were 
founded on wise precedents, and 
sanctioned as just, by long and re- 
peated experience. Extraordinaries 
were the inevitable: attendants of 
war, especially such an one as the 
present, which requiring unprece- 
dented exertions, justified «unpre- 
cedented methods of cuiducting it. 
Mr. Pitt adduced a number of facts 
to prove that he had acted conform. 
ably to the practice authorised in 
former wars. The very act of ap- 
propriation, he said, evinced the 
propriety of extraordinaries, by 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


making good several millions ex« 
pended under that head: and no 
objection was ever made to the 
principle itself. He vindicated, 
with great acuteness, the different 
parts of his conduct in the admini- 
stration of the finances, and argued 
with great ability against the defects 
and misconduct imputed to him. 

The speech of Mr. Pitt was an- 
swered by Mr. Fox, who enforced 
and enlarged upon the arguments — 
that had been urged by Mr. Grey. 
Mr. Steele replied in justification of 
Mr. Pitt’s maxims and measures 
and closed the debate by moving 
the previous question, which was 
carried by two hundred and nine.to 
thirty-eight. 

The tenth of May was remark- 
able for a motion made in each 
house against the continuation of 
the war, and for offering terms of 
peace. That in the house of lords 
was made by the earl of Guildford ; 
that in the house of commons by 
Mr. Fox. The same arguments, 
with little variation, were used by 
both speakers, that had so often 


been urged in the preceding at- 


tempts of this nature, and met of 
course with much the same answers, 
The only matter of novelty was, the 
construction put on Mr. Wickbam’s 
commission, to inform Mr. Barthe- 
lemy, the French minister at Basle, 
of the disposition on the part of this 
country, to enter into a negociation 
for peace, and that minister’s reply 
to the British agent. Opposition 
treated the application of the 
former as far from calculated to 
conciliate the French, while mini- 
stry asserted that it was fully suf- 
ficent to induce them to treat, 
had they been sincerely disposed to 
meet us on equitable terms. ‘This 
particular constituted the principal 

- ebjecy 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


object of debate, and exercised the 
abilities of both ministry and op- 
position: but after a long and ani- 
mated contest, the motion was ne- 
gatived in the house of lords, by one 
hundred and ten against ten ; and, 
inthe house of commons, by two 
hundred and sixteen against forty- 
two. 

A repetition took place on the 
same day in the house of lords, of the 
discussion upon the sate of the reve- 
nue, the taxes, the imports and ex- 
ports, and the other financial circum- 
stances of the nation at the close of 
the American war, and at the pre- 
sent period. The earl of - Moira 
combated the positions of lord Auk- 
land in the preceding debate, and 
the latter exerted himself to main- 
tainthem. Numerous and intricate 


were the calculations on both sides. 


Lord Lauderdale zealously support- 
ed the earl of Moira, and entered 
into a great variety of particulars to 
prove the justness of his researches 
and computations: herein he was 
seconded by the marquis of Lans- 
downe, and opposed by lords Co- 


_ventry and Hawkesbury, who took 


XN 


much pains to represent the state- 


ments of lord Moira as erroneous. 


The same subject was resumed, 


on the thirteenth, by lord Lauder- 


the matter of debate. 


dale, who displayed great financial 
knowledge in his arrangement of 
His sup- 
porters were the marquis of Lans- 
downe and the earl of Moira; and 
his opponents, lords. Grenville, 


"Hawkesbury, and Aukland. ‘The 


inferences from the arguments and 


‘Statements produced by the respec- 


live parties were contradictory in 


€ extreme ; the one representing. 


the situation of this country as re- 
plete with the most arduous difficul- 


ties, and almost verging to ruin: 
and the other describing it as full 
of opulence and resources of every 
denomination, and able, with pro- 
per management, to encounter and 
surmount every obstacle, and to 
flourish with more lustre than ever, 

Such were the most material 
transactions of parliament during 
this session. An attempt was made, 
by Mr. Wilberforce, to enforce the 
decision of thehouse, that the abo- 
lition of the slave-trade should take 
place on the first day of the year 
1796, but his motion was negatived 
by a majority of. four, and his sub- 
sequent endeavours to regulate the 
slave-carrying trade, by the propor- 
tion of tonnage, was lost for want of 
numbers to constitute a house. 

A bill for the relief of indigent 
curates passed in their favour, after 
some opposition in the commons, 
ov account of its originating in the 
house of lords. But a petition from 
the quakers to be relieved from 
imprisonment for non-payment of 
tythes, and for allowing their affir- 
mation to be evidence in criminal 
as well as civil cases, was rejected 
by the lords, after passing the com- 
mons. The humane effort made by 
lord Moria, in favour of persons con 
fined for debt, met with no better 
SUCCESS. 

The session closed, on the nine- 
teenth of May, with the customary 
speech from the throne. It inform- 
ed the house of the intention to dis- 
solve the present, and to call a new 
parliament. ‘The happiest effects, 
itsaid, had been experienged from 
the provisions made for repressing 
sedition and civil tumult, and for 
restraining the progress of princi- 
ples subversive of all established go- 
vernment. 


3 The 


[ra 


744 


The commons were thanked, in a 
more particular manner, for the li- 
beral supplies they had granted, to 
meet the exigencies of the war. 
Peculiar notice was taken of the 
increasing resources, by which the 
country was enabled to support the 
great expences it required, The 
nature of the system introduced into 
France had, the speech said, afford- 
ed to that country, in the midst of 
its calamities, the means of exer- 
tion, beyond the exertion of any 
former time ; but, under the pressure 
of the new and unprecedented dif- 
ficulties, arising from such a contest, 
the British constitution had, by the 
councils and conduct of parliament, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


been preserved inviolate against the 
designs of foreign and domestic 
enemies; the honour of the British 
name asserted ; the 1ank and station 
b-ld bitherto by this country im 
Europe, maintained; and the de- 
cided superiority of its naval power, 
established in every quarter of the 
world. 

Such were the principal passages 
in the speech. It concluded with 
strong recommendations of unani- 
mity and mutual confidence be- 
tween the king and parliament, as 
best promoting the true dignity of 
the crown, and the happiness of the 
subject. ny 


Vr 


TISTORY. OF EUROPE. {7 


CHAP. V. 


rst Cares and Employment of the French Directory.—Determination to 
keep alive the Martiat Spirit of the French Nation.—And to extend their 
Victories as far as possible —But, at the same Time, to make a Shew of 

Pacific Inclivations.—Preparations for War on the Part of the Allies— 
.| Attempt towards Negociation between the French and the Allies at Basle, 
_ Switzerland.—Rupture tkreatened between the French and Swiss Can- 
_tons.—Prevented.—Plan of Directory for Military Operations.—Mani- 
_ festo of Charette.—Revival of the War in La Vendée.—New Complexion. 
of this.— Total Defeat of the Insurgents —Capture and Execution of Cha- 


URING the first months that 


followed the constitution set- 


ent was to render it respectable, 
ud to impress the minds of men with 
@ persuasion, that this great change 
as calculated for the benefit of 
the nation. It was not difficult, 
indeed, to persuade the public that 
any system was preferable to that 
uncertainty which bad occasioned 

many confusions. Prom this con- 
sideration, people at large willingly 
acquiesced in the new arrange~ 
tients, especially as they promised 
to restore internal peace, by arming 

vernment with such © extensive 
Bas, to prevent the breaking out 
of disturbances. But the means to 
ote. chiefly the directory trusted 

‘the stability of their power was, 
to keep alive that martial spirit 
which had pervaded, with so ama- 
zing an efficacy, the whale mass of 
the French nation, and evabled it 
to perform feats of arms, of which 


ed inFrance towards the conclusion: 
£1795, the chief care of the govern-' 


rette and Stoflet.— Manifesto of the hpi Sor restraining the Cruel~ 
ties of their Soldiers.—Lenient Measures.—G 


vod Effects of these. 


no records afforded any precedent 
in their history. As these successes 
were attributed to that enthusiasm 
which animated them in the cause 
of their country, and to the hatred 
which they professed for monarchy, 
it was the business of their rulers 
to perpetuate such a disposition, by 
affording it support and aliment 5 
and this they saw would most ef- 
fectually be done, by representing 
the enmity borne to France as un- 
extinguished, and that notwith- 
standing several of its enemies had 
openly laid down their arms, and 
agreed to conditions of peace, their 
rancour was still the same. They 
had desisted from hostilities, it was 
said, only from compulsion, after 
repeated defeats, and from the dread 
which they felt, that unless they 
complied with the requisitions pre-~ 
scribed by a victorous and invincible 
enemy, justly exasperated at their 
unprovoked aggression, he might 
give the fuller loose to a revenge, 
which they were not able to resist. 
In 


76} 


In order therefore to imprint the 

deeper in the minds of those adver- 
saries, whom they had already so 
much humbled, the terror with 
which they were already inspired, 
the heads of the republic judged it 
expedient to extend the influence 
of their victorious arms, as far as 
fortune seemed inclined to favour 
them, and to compel their remain- 
ing foes to accept of the humiliating 
terms they had imposed upon the 
others, by reducing them to the like 
distress. 
“From ideas of this kind flowed 
the lofty language spoken upon all 
occasions, both by the directory and 
the twocouncils. As two-thirds of 
these were precisely the same men 
who had governed France under the 
hame of a convention, during the 
three preceding years, it was not 
to be expected that their disposi- 
tions would alter with their new 
appellation; and the other third, 
though not altogether so violent in 
their conduct, were influenced by 
those republican principles, with- 
out which no man could be reputed 
a true Frenchman, and which, in 
truth, were indispensible to pro- 
cure an individual either esteem or 
advancement iM any post, civil or 
military. 

Another view, it may be’ pre- 
sumed, that stimulated the members 
of the directory, who were all men 
of tried parts and courage, was the 
desire of proving to their country. 
‘men the superiority of individuals 
placed at the head of the state, 
purely on account of their abilities, 
to persons, promoted through fa- 
vour, .or the adventitious circum- 
stances of birth and family. 

But a motive still more cogent, 
both with them and the nation at 
‘large, was the earnest desire to ree 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


pair the losses sustained, towards the 
close of the preceding campaign, on | 
the borders of the Rhine. These 
losses happening so shortly after 
their prodigious successes in the 
low countries, and in Holland, had 
shewn that their enemies, however 
frequently defeated, had not de- 
creased in valour; and ihat, when 
well commanded, they were stilla 
match for all the enthusiasm of the — 
French. 

It was chiefly to recover this 
superiority of military prowess, that 
the directory was solicitous to place © 
the numerous armies of the repub-~ 
lic on the most formidable footing. 
They had maintained, in the cam- 
paign of 1794, a contest with the 
bravest veterans in Europe, and 
had proved more than equal to 
them. By the same reason it might | 
be expected, that, the same spirit — 
animating them, they would renew 
their victorious career, which ap- 
peared suspended, through unfore- — 
séen causes, rather than terminated 
by a turn of fortune in favour of 
their enemies. 

It was however necessary to make 
a shew of pacific inclinations, with- 
out which both their own people 
and foreign states would be justly 
authorised to accuse them of a 
wanton and lawless ambition, and 
more intent to gratify their private 
thirst of false glory, at the expence 
of their country, than studious to 
restore the blessings of peace, now_ 
become the earnest wish of all — 
parties. | 

While the rulers of the “a 
were thus employed, the allie 
powers. were no less occupied in 
preparing for the renewal of -kosti- 
lities, little hoping that any sincere 
efforts for the obtaining of peace 
were likely to procggd from the 

; French ;_ 


inhabitants 


HISTORY OF EUROPE: 


French; and convinced, that until 
theyshould experience farther re- 
verses, they would still continue 
inflexible in the determination they 
had solemnly formed, to annex their 
acquisitions in the low countries, 
and on the left-side of the Rhine, 
irrevocably to the dominions of the 
republic. 

Aresolution of this nature pre- 
cluded at once all ideas of peace. 
The retention of those fertile and 


spacious provinces could not be. 


submitted to without an evident 
alteration of the political system of 
Europe, of which France would 


" possess a controul, that would per- 


petually disturb the peace, if not 
endanger the safety of all its neigh- 
bours. 

_ The possession of Belgium by the 
various branches of the Austrian 
family, during more than three cen- 
turies, had s» far habituated the 
to their domination, 
that, noiwithstanding the oppressions 
they had occasionally exercised over 
them, they still retained a willing- 
fess to return to their obedience, 


‘provided they could have been se- 


cured in the enjoyment of their 
ancient customs and liberties. 

The Austrian ministry was duly 
sensible of this disposition, and pre- 
Served, of course, the hope of re- 
Covering, by some fortunate casual- 
ty, this richest portion of its inherit- 
ance. The British ministry was no 

bent on the restoration of the 
Austrian Netherlands to. their for- 
Mer owner. 
immense and valuable territories to 
France, in so Close a proximity, and 
almost in sight of the shores of this 
» was an object of serious 
alarm, and called up the attention 
of all men who reflected on the 
restless character of the French, 


‘The accession of such . 


177 
their inveteracy to this country, 
and their readiness to engage in 
any attempt to its detriment, espe- 
cially at the present © period, when 
they were stimulated by the most 
violent resentment at the interfe- 
rence of the British ministry in the 
affairs of their country, and itsen- 
deavours to restore the monarchy 
they had solemnly proscribed. 

In this conflict of adverse projects, 
both the republic and its enemies 
were equally anxious however to 
appear inclined to peace, conform- 
ably to the loudly-expressed wishes 
of their respective people, and, in 
truth, of all the people in Europe, 
who, either directly or indirectly, 
felt themselves involved in the ruin- 
ous consequences of this fatal con- 
test. 

The French, in the mean time, 
having, by the dint of negociations, 
as well as of their arms, brought 
some of the principal members of 
the coalition into their own terms, 
flattered themselves with the ex- 
pectation of becoming equally suc- 
cessful with the others, and held out 
language promissory of equitable 
conditions, in order ‘to allure them 


. to treat. 


Basle, a city of note, in Switzer- 
land, was now become the centre 
of political transactions between the 
different powers, whose diplomatic 
agents had fixed upon it as the 
most convenient place of residence, 
on account of its situation between 
the Belligerent parties, in a country 
allowed to be neutral. The prin- 
cipal negociator, on the part of the 
French, was the celebrated citizen 
Barthelemy, at that time in high 
credit with the directory, for the 
services he had rendered the go- 
vernment of France, in the treaties 
that had been confided to his ‘ma- 

nagement, 


78) 


nagement, and the jssue of which 
had been so advantageous to the re- 
public. 

To this gentleman application 
was made, on the eighth of March, 
by Mr. Wickham, the British envoy 
to the Swiss Cantons, in order tu 
sound the real dispositions of the 
French government. The object 
in communicating the propositions 
directed to the French agent, was, 
to ascertain, by his answer, whether 
the directory were desirous to nego- 
ciate with Great Britain, and its 
allies, on moderate and honourable 
conditions, and would agree to the 
meeting of acongress for this pur- 
pose, and whetlier, at the same time, 
yt would specify the conditions on 
which it would treat, or point out 
any other method of treating. 

The answer received from M. 
Barthelemy, in the name of the di- 
rectory, was, that it felt the sincerest 
desire to terminate the war on such 
conditions as France could reason- 
ably accept, and which were speci- 
tied in the answer; but one of these 
positively insisted on the retention 
of the Austrian dominions in the 
low countries; assigning, as a reason, 
their formal annexation to the re- 
‘public, by a constitutional decree 
that could not be revoked. 

A reply, founded upon an argu- 
ment, which proved no more than 
a decided resolution never to part 
with these acquisitions, without al- 
leging in fact any other mouve 
than their will, displayed an arro- 
gance in the directory, in the opi- 
nion of their enemies, that instantly 
put a stop to all farther attempts to 
negociate. No alternative, it was 
now said, remained to these but to 
yield, unconditionally to their de- 
mands, or to try the fortune of 
arms. Were this to prove adverse, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


they could hardly insist upon more 
mortifying terms, nor the allies be 
more disgraced. 
The directory seemed at this pes 
riod resolutely determined to act 
with a bigh hand, and to set all the 
enemies of the republic at defiance. 
It intimated to the magistracy of 
Basle, that a rumour was spread, 
purporting a design in that city 
and canton to favour the irruption 
of the imperialists through its terri- 
tories, and that a great part of the 
helvetic body concurred in this de- 
sign; which wasa manifest infrac- 
tion of the neutrality they had en- 
gaged to observe between France 
and its aggressors. An explanation 
was demanded in so haughty and 
peremptory astyle, that the regency 
of Basle felt itselt highly offended, 
and returned so spirited an answer 
to the directory, that they dispateb- 
ed another message much more se+ 
vere than the first, requiring an im- 
mediate explanation of the rumour 
in question, and accompanied with 
menacing insinuations in case all 
hostile intentions were not disavow- 
ed. The cantons were so deeply 
involved in this business, that being, 
unwilling to come toa formal rup- 
ture with 39 formidable an antago- 
nist as the French republic, they 
judged it prudent to give them the 
completest assurance of their deter- 
mination to preserve the strictest 
neutrality. A minister of an. ace 
ceptable character was deputed to 
Paris: this was Mr. Ochs, a geu- 
tleman of principles favourable to 
the revolution. He settled all dif- 
ferences to the satisfaction of both 
parties; and Switzerland was de- 
livered from apprehensions of hosti- 
lity. 
This transaction took place to- 
wards the end of March and bee 
ginning 


a a a ae | he 


Pr ee oe ee ee ee ee ee ee | 


Se a a 


. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 
‘ginning of April, when the French 


were preparing for the ensuing 
campaign, and seemed resolved to 
pursue the most active and vigorous 
measures against the remaining 
members of the cvalition. 

The directory had three objects 
in contemplation; an invasion of 
Germany, another of Italy, and the 
complete reduction of domestic in- 
surgents, Ofthese last it entertain- 


ed the greatest apprehension, from. 


the desperate resolution they had 
hitherto displayed, and the unyield- 
ing perseverance with which they 
continued to oppose the repeated 
attempts to reduce them. The seve- 
Tity exercised towards all who 
‘were suspected of favouring them, 
instead of relaxing the attachment 
of their adherents, served, on the 
contrary, to increase it; and the 
unshaken fidelity they observed in 
concealing those designs and plans of 
* the insurgents to which they were 
privy, and in which they co-operated 


_ with unabated zeal, assisted and ani- 


mated their resistance to a degree 
that seldom failed to enable them to 
recover from their defeats and losses, 
and to take the field with fresh 
courage and resources. 

- Previously then to the great enter- 
prizes meditated against Italy and 
Germany, the directory thought it 
indispensible to clear France of its 
‘internal enemies. Their connections 
with the most formidable and dan. 
gerous rivals of France, the English, 
made it evident, that while the royal 
party subsisted unsubdued, it would 
probably, as it had done in the 
preceding year, throw such embar- 


_ Tassments in the military operations, 


intended against foreign enemies, 
as would clog and impede the plans 
proposed; and, aided by the fleets 
aud forces of England, tie up the 


[79 


hands of government from those 
exertions, without which the war 
on the frontiers of France could 
not be carried on with any decisive 
success, and must probably be pro- 
tracted in such a manner as might 
afford ume and opportunities to the 
foe of recovering from his past dis- 
asters, and regaining the ground he 
had lost. 

Fully determined to remain chief- 
ly, if not entirely, on the defensive, 
until the interior of France should 
be wholly pacified, or the oppo- 
nents of the republic effectually dis- 
abled, the directory pitched upon 
one of the ablest men in the com- 
monwealth to carry this resolve 
into execution. ‘This was the cele- 
brated general Hoche, whose mili- 
tary talents and successes were at 
that time inferior to those of no 
officer in the French service. He 
was invested with the chief com- 
mand in the departments that were . 
in a state of insurrection ; and, hap- 
pily for his employers, acquitted 
himself, in a short space of time, 
to their highest satisfaction. 

The resistance of the insurgents 
was not conducted on their former 
plan: they had, as it were, con- 
sumed that stock of zeal and de- 
votion to the royal cause, which 
had produced such amasing effects, 
and rendered them so long the terror 
of the republican armies.. The pa- 
cification concluded with the go- 
vernment of France by Charette, 
and the other chiefs of the insur- 
gents, had deprived him in a great 
measure of the influence which he, 
with a number of resolute leaders, 
had exercised over them; and when 
they determined to exciie another 
insurrection, they found analteration 
in the disposition of the commonalty, 
that soon made it appareat how 

feeble 


80] 


feeble and ill-supported their exer- 
tions would prove, in comparison of 
what they had. been on the first 
breaking out of the resistance to 
government. They had at that 
period introduced order and regu- 
larity among their people, and had 
exercised hostilities according to the 
rules of discipline. But those, on 
whom they now prevailed to join 
them, were no longer guided by 
the same spirit.. The generality in- 
deed -did aot seem inclined to em- 
bark.in @ cause for which they had 
so greatly suffered, and so vainly 
displayed the most surprising cou- 
rage and efforts. The majority of 
those, who now followed their for- 
tunes; were individuals long de- 
termined never to submit to the re- 
public, and to seize the first op- 
portunity of acting openly against 
it- They consisted chietly of the 
ruined noblesse, clergymen expelled 
from their livings, and other persons 
deprived of their employments, 
either for adhering, or being sus- 
pected of adherence to the royal 
cause. The mass of their followers 
was made up of deserters, peasants, 
and others of the lower classes, im- 
pelled, by the ill-treatment of the 
ruling party for their difference of 
opinion in matters of church and 
State, (to fly from their homes, and 
betake themselves to the protection 
of those who were in arms against 
government, and whose numbers 
were thus increased and constantly 
recruited by fresh accessions of the 
discontented and ill-used. 

Those who now presided over 
them were Charette and Stoflet, 
who appeared still determined to 
encounter new hazards, after hav- 
ing escaped so many dangers. The 
former of these had, in the course 
ofthe. preceding year, renonc ed 


ANNUAL) REGISTER; 1796. 


the engagements he had contracted 
with the republic, and published — 
a manifesto, wherein he publicly 
charged its agents’ with having, 
under false pretences, inveigled — 
him to lay down bis arms, and sub- 
mit to government. They had, he 
said, given him to understand, that — 
the rulers of the nation bad come — 
to a fixed resolution of restoring . 
royalty, and of replacing the fami- 
ly of Bourbon upon the throne, as 
soon as such an event could take 
place with security; but the tem- 
per of the French, they insinuated, 
was to be consulted, and a due 
concurrence of circumstances wait- — 
ed for, before an attempt of such — 
importance could be made. He 
enumerated a variety of particulars 
tending to delude him, and conclu- 
ded by accusing government of © 
having violated its faith with his — 
associates ; and, as a consummation | 
of its iniquity, of having taken off, — 
by poison, the innocent child of © 
their inurdered sovereign. It was, 
he said, in consequence of these 
perjuriecs and enormities, that he 
had come to a determination to take 
up arms again, and never to lay 
them down. till the heir to the 
crown was restored, and the Catho- 
lic religion re-established. 

Such were the contents of this 
extraordinary manifesto, which ap- 
peared so strange and unaccount- 


able to numbers, that they were led 


to doubt its authenticity. 

In the mean time, the forces, dis- 
patched by government to suppress 
this insurrection, met with various 
difficulties, from the nature of the 
warfare they were engaged in. The 
insurgents, conscious of their infe- — 
riority in the field, avoided all re- 
gular action; and, dividing them- 
selves into a multitude of small 

bodies, 


| them to advantage, 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


»bodies, occupied all the narrow 
passes and defiles throughout the 
country, and harassed the repub- 
lican troops yi their marches and 
motions. The inhabitants in those 
parts, being generally in the interest 
of the insurgents, informed them of 
“the most convenient places where to 
lie in ambuscade, and surprise their 
énemies. By these means they inter- 
cepted the communication between 
the republican troops, and often 
Seized their convoys of provisions 
and stores, and reduced them to 
the extremest want of ammunition 
and necessaries. Whenever they 
found an opportunity of attacking 
they never 
thisséd it, and occasionally defeated 
them with considerable slaughter. 


| When these were too well situated, 


or too strong in numbers, as well as 
position, to venture an engagement 
with them, the others kept within 
forests or fastnesses that were almost 
inaccessible, and wher*, on that ac- 
count, they succeeded in defending 
themselves. Their general -mede 
of attack was with musketry, never 

coming to close fight, and always 
placing hedges, pales, ditches, and 
other impediments between them- 
sélves and the foe,whom, as numbers 
of them were excellent marksmen, 
they contrived by these methods 
greatly to annoy, in spite of their 

urage and discipline, and their 
Biscincis to rush upon them through 
all obstacles, and to fight them 
under all disadvantages. 

‘The chiefs of the insurgents were 
so conscious of theimpracticabilityof 
encountering the republican troops 

any other manner, that their 

vn people, losing all hope of re- 
WeHNE those brilliant successes they 
had formerly obtained, gradually 
abandoned «all attempts of that 
* Vor: XXXVUI. 


(81 


kind, and gave themselves up to @ 
predatory system of hostilities, ac~ 
companied with as many sanguinary 
executions of their enemies, as they 
thought requisite for the support 
of their own cause, and the inumi- 
dation of their enemies. 

Such had been their plan of acts 
ing since the second insurrection, 
which had broken out in the com- 
mencement of the foregoing sum- 
mer, and had continued with va- 
rious success till the approach of 
winter. The disappointment that 
had befallen the expedition to the 
coast of France frum England, and 
the loss of so many emigrants, that 
had either fallen in battle, or been 
taken prisoners and put to death, 
had so effectually terrified their 
adherents, that, from that day, they 
had manifested little inclination to 
venture into new dangers, without 
better grounds of hope, than pro- 
mises of assistance wherein they had 
been so much deceived, andexhor- 
tations to loyalty,that only led them 
to ruin. 

Disheartened by the severe and 
atrocious vengeance executed upon 
their country, and the dreadful 
slaughter and chastisement of its in- 
habitants, the Vendeans had not, 
as before, crowded to the royal 
standards erected among them. The 
amnesty published after the former 
pacification, and the lenient treat- 
ment they had experienced in con- 
sequence of their submission to the 
republic, had produced the effects 
that had been expected. The re- 
maining majority of that unfortunate 
people had returned to their coun. 
try, and resumed their former oc- 
cupations, with the intent of never 
leaving them again for the rash en- 
terprises to which they had been 
prompted, by the ¥ain prospect of 

[G] being 


82] 


being able to overturn the republic, 
and restore the monarchy. 

But those, who had led them forth 
to this desperate attempt, did not 
despair to excite them to a second 
undertaking of the same nature. 
They held out every motive that had 
formerly been prevalent ; attachment 
to their religion, love of their kings, 
hatred to the present innovations. 
Multitudes were induced accord- 
ingly to list again under their ban- 
ners’: but the greater part remained 
quiet in their habitations, and the 
flower of the insurgents was not, as 
antecedently, composed of the Ven- 
deans, but of the mixed and numer- 
ous mass of the inhabitants of the 
several provinces of Britanny, Poi- 
tou, Maine, Anjou, and others lying 
on the barks of the Loire. 

Those who chiefly figured among 
them, were that body of men known 
by the appellation of Chouans, and 
whose origin and primitive trans- 
actions and character have already 
been noticed. From these, the whole 
insurrection now borrowed that de- 
nomination 3 and, as many of their 
actions had been marked with blood- 
thirstiness, as we'las rapacity, those 
who were united with them, in- 
curred the like imputation ; whence 
they became equaily dreaded and 
abhorred, and acquired the general 
name of plunderers and murderers 
among the adherents to the repub- 
lican party, of which their detesta- 
tion was no less notorious, as well 
as their zeal and readiness to doom 
its partisans to extermination, 

This reciprocal disposition was of 
course productive of many atrocious 
deeds. The republican soldiery 
shewed them little mercy, consider- 
ing them in hardly any other light 
than that of highway robbers. It 
became at last a war of reciprocal 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


destruction, not only of men, but of 
whatever they possessed. Slaughter 
and conflagration went hand in © 
hand, and the country round pre- 
sented a picture of death and deso« 
Jation, No man nor family were 
sate in their houses: the repub-— 
lican soldiers broke into them, and 
massacred all they found. The op- 
posite parties waylayed each other 
on the roads, and gave no quarter. 
Their whole attention was employ- 
ed in framing and perpetrating those 
horrors, and executing every scheme 
of public and private vengeance. 

The pretext, for the commission 
of all those enormities, was the 
same on both sides: the royalists 
charged the republicans with having 
violated the late treaty, and these 
retorted the accusation. The truth 
was, that neither party much ap- 
proved of it, and had acceded to it, 
rather aS a suspension of hostilities, 
thanas an absolute pacification, in- 
tending to abide by the conditions 
agreed to, no longer than they 
found it convenient. Hence no 
confidence was established on either 
side, and they both watched each 
others motions with equal suspicion 
of their malevolence. 

After along fluctuation of fortune 
between the contending parties, 
the principal commander of the 
royalists, the famous Charette, en- 
countered a strong body of the re- 
publicans near Roche Suryan,on the 
twenty-eighth of December, 1795, 
and was totally defeated. Hismen 
were so completely routed, that he 
was unable to rally them. They fled 
from thé field in various direétions, 
and were so closely pursued, that 
they dispersed on every side, and 
he was never able again to embody 
them. He was compelled, for his 
own safety, to disguise himself like, 

1 a pea- 


|. to’ be 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


a pedsant. In this dress he wan- 
dered about the country without a 
compation, in hope of escaping his 
pursuers, and gaining the sea side, 
where be might find an opportunity 
of flying to England. But the search 
made after him. was So strict and 
incessant, that he fell into the hands 
of a patrole that was in quest of 
him. He was tried and sentenced 
shot. His execution tovk 
placeat Nantes onthe twenty-eighth 
of April. His associate, the well 
known Stoflet, who had also been 
made a prisoner, suffered death in 
the same manner, about two months 
before him. 

The fall of these two principal 
chiefs of the insurrection, especially 


the former, gave it a blow from 


which it did not recover. Neither 
the Vendeans, nor the Chouans’ 
who hed joined them, seemed to 


have been overcome by despondency 


on this occasion, and they still con- 
tinued to maintain their ground with 
as much obstinacy as ever: but whe- 
ther none of their remaining leaders 
were of equal ability, or that their 
people did not repose the same con- 
fidence in them, their defeats be- 
came contindal, and such numbers 
were slaughtered, that the generality 
of the insurgents began to lose 
courage, particularly after the losses 
of those who commanded them. 
No less than thirteen of their prin- 
cipal chiefs fell in battle, and ten 
others were taken and condemned 
to be shot. 

' The death of these officers proved 
and irreparable loss : they were men 
of conspicuous resolution, and had 
long conducted the affairs of their 
party with remarkable skill and per- 
severance in the arduous trials they 
had so frequently. experienced.— 
None at this period seemed capable 
* supplying their place ; but what 


[83 


chiefly accelerated the submission of 
the insurgents, was the lenity with 
which the government came to the 
resolution of tréating all those who 
laid down their arms. A proclama- 
tion had already been issued, during 
the heat of hostilities, inviting the 
insurgents to return to obedience, 
under a solemn promise of burying 
their revolt in oblivion, and of 
gtanting them every just concession 
they could require: the directory 
availed itself of the advantages it 
had obtained, t& convince those 
who had been concerned in the ine 
surrection, that the only use the 
government would make of, the 
situation to which they were now 
reduced, would be to deprive them 
of the means of exciting distur- 
bances ; and that, provided they ac- 
quiesced in the injunctions laid upon 
them, they would be placed on the 
same footing with their fellow citis 
zens, and enjoy similar rights. 

So anxious was the directory to 
impréss them with this persuasion, 
that it published a circular address 
to the commanders of the troops 
employed in suppressing the insur- 
rection, strictly enjoining them to 
keep the intentions of the -govern- 
ment in constant view, and not to 
exceed them by needless acts of se- 
verily. 

But the animosity of the republi- 
cans against the insurgents was such 
that they occasionallyexercised great 
rigour over them, to the serious 
concern of the directory, which re- 
prehended, with marked severity, 
those who had been guilty of these 
excesses. It anxiously reiterated its 
orders to abstain from all harshness, 
and to receive all who submitted 
with a generous forgiveness of) the 
past; considering them as deluded 
brethren, whose attachment it was 
the duty of their conquerors to win 

[G 2] through 


i 


84] 


through mildness and conciliation, 
which were the only effeétual means 
of restoring them to the bosom of 
their country, asd converting them 
into good citizens. 

In pursuance of these maxims, 
every distriét that surrendered its 
arms, and pynctually conformed to 
the conditions prescribed, was im- 
mediately placed under the com- 
pletest protection of the laws, and 
no infraétion of these suffered to 
their detriment. 

The measures thus taken, by the 
directory, availed them more than 
military coercion would have done. 
The dread of punishment had kept 
several bodies of the insurgents to- 
gether: but the moment they found 
that a pardon would be granted to 
them, on acceding to the terms of 
the proclamation that had so long 
been circulated, and to which go- 
vernment was yet willing to adhere, 
they repaired 1n crowds to the head 
quarters of the republican generals, 
declaring their readiness to accept 
of the conditions proffered to them. 

These submissions gradually took 
place in the course of March and 
April. By the close of this month, 
the insurrection was so far quelled, 
that no apprehensions were enter- 
tained from the few straggling par- 
ties that; remained, and which were 

‘looked upon as people determined 
to leada predatory life, rather than 
in arms for the cause they had em- 
braced, and of which no hopes any 
longer existed. 

After subduing this dangerous in- 
surrection by force ofarms, the next 
measure was to pacify the minds of 
those who had so obstinately per- 
sisted init, and yielded at length 
only from the impracticability of any 
farther resistance. To this end, in 
addition to the punctual observance 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


of the promises made to the insur- 
gents, to induce them to Jay down 
their arms, a number of publica- 
tions, suited to the capacity of those 
for whom they were designed, were 
distributed in the districts where the 
insurrection had taken place: and 
those individuals on whose fidelity 
and attachment to republican prin- 
ciples the government could de- 
pend, were encouraged to take all 
possible pains to inculcate the pro- 
priety of uniting with the majority 
of their countrymen, and of un- 
feignedly abjuring those sentiments 
that had cost them so many lives, 
and plunged their families into so 
much misery. 

The necessity of acting conform- 
ably to this advice, became so ap- 
parent, that even the royalist gene- 
rals thought themselves bound no 
longer to obstruct the submisyion of 
the insurgents, convinced that it 
was the only means left them to ese 
cape destruction. A proclamation 
to this purpose was issued and sign- 
ed by viscount Scepeaux, the prin- 
cipal in command in the western 
department. After lamenting the 
fruitless efforts to restore monarchy 
and the Catholic religion, it acknow- 
ledged that to persist in this attempt 
would only be conducting the ins 
surgents to the slaughter. It ex- 
horted them, therefore, to desist,. 
and yield to superior force, in order 
to secure their lives, and be pers 
mitted to dwell in safety at their’ 
homes. 

An exhortation of this kind did 
not fail to eonvince them of the 
inutility of any farther opposition : 
and, by the latter end of July, the 
country of the insurgents was so 
thoroughly pacified, that martial 
law was repealed, and civil govern- 
ment restored. 


CHAP, | 


is HISTORY OF EUROPE: 


CHAP. VI. 


Address of the Directory to the French Armies.—Determination to carry the 
_ War nto. Italy. —Difficulties to be encountered in carrying this Plan into 
Execution.— Buonaparte.—The French Army, under his Command, makes 
rapid Progress in Italy.—The Austrians, under General Beaulieu, con- 
stantly repulsed, yet not dispirited.—Various Aétions.—Suspension of 
Arms agreed on between the French and Piedmontese Armies.—General 
Beautieu re-crosses the Po, for covering the Countries to the North of that 
River. —At Paris, Negociation for Peace between the King of Sardinia 
and the French Republic.—Treaty of Peace between France and Sardinia 
ratified by the Legislative Bodies of Prance.—Exultation and Confidence of 
the French.—Improved by Buonaparte, for the Purpose of leading on the 
Army to farther Exploits —Address to the Army.—General Objet and 
Tendency of Buonaparte’s private Conversation.— Homage paid to the Merit 
of Buonaparte, and the Army, by the Directory.—Buonaparte puts his 
Army i Motion.—Crosses the Po, and leaves Generul Beaulieu to break 
up his Camp.— Armistice between the French Army and the Duke of Parma. 
—The French advance toward the Capital of Lombardy.—Battle of Lodi. 
—The Austrians retreat to Mantua.—The French proceed to Milan, - 
where the French General allows his People some Days of Repose. 


the preceding, that many people in 


HILE the armies of the re- 
France, as well as in other parts 


public were successfully em- 


ployed in suppressing those internal 
_ commotions, the directory was anxi- 
ously taken up with the plans that 
Were to be prosecuted, as soon as 
_ domestic difficulties were overcome. 
In the end of April, they thought 
themselves so completely deliver- 
_ éd from all apprehensions at home, 
that they began immediately to turn 
their attention to those two under- 
takings, on the fortunate termina- 
‘tion of which the future security 
of the republic would be establish- 
ed beyond the possibility of being 
shaken by any external force. 

‘The events of the last campaign 
had been so different from those of 


of Europe, began to consider the 
enthusiasm of the French as con- 
siderably abated. But the sanguine 
disposition of the generality of the 
French attributed their defeats on 
the Rhine solely to the unskilful 
management of their generals; and 
still remained convinced, that, had 
they been. judiciously commanded, 
they would have been victorious as 
before. 

In order to encourage this per- 
suasion, the direétory published an 
address to the different armies, pre» 
viously to their taking the field. It 
was conceived in very animated 
terms, and recalled to their nonce 

[G 3] the 


86]: , 


the various exploits they had per- 
formed in the two foregoing years, 
the patience with which they had 
boroe not only the hardships of the 
field, but the pressures of want, and 
the privation of every convenience 
and comfort, and the invincible for- 
titude with which they had persisted, 
amidst all these difficulties, to dis- 
charge the duties of brave soldiers. 
Tr exhoried them to persevere as 
they had done; fresh toils and viéto- 
yies were expeéted from them by 
their country, before its enemies 
would consent to reasonable terms 
of ‘peace. It held out the most 
flatiering hopes of success ; and that 
they were at the eve of terminating 
their patriotic labours, the issue of 
which would procure safety to their 
country, and glory to themselves ; 
who then would return to its bosom, 
to enjoy the love and gratitude so 
justly due to them from their fellow- 
citizens, and so nobly earned by 
their services. — 

This address was sent to all the 
military bodies of the republic, and 
read to them with great solemnity. 
Tt was received with much respett 
and satisfaétion. ‘The officers and 
soldiers formally reriewed their as- 
surances of fidelity to the republic, 
and their readiness to lay down their 
lives in its defeice. 

The objeét which the direftory 
had now chiefly in contemplation 
was to Carry the war into Staly. 
The Austrians were prepared ‘o 
pass the Rhine in vreat foree; the 
attachment of the Belgians ‘to their 
French conqueiors might waver; 
the fate of another campaign was 
uncertain; much was to be lost, no- 
thing gained, in the Ne herlands, by 
an appeal to arms, on a questiun, 
which, if the authority of the re- 
public should be confirmed by the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


lapse of evena few years, they might 
consider as already decided. In this 
situation of affairs they determined 
to divert the energy and attention 
of the emperor from his Belgian 
territories, where his authority had 
been so often disputed, to his Italian 
dominions, where his will was a 
law, and from whence he drew still 
greater supplies. While they cut’ 
off thé emperor’s resources in Italy, 
they would add to their own. They 
did not doubt of reaping immense 
benefit from the possession of that 
country, the inhabitants of which 
were known generally to have little . 
aff étion for their presses sovereigns. 
The people of the duchies of Milan, 
Parma, and Modena, were peculi- 
arly disaffeéted,and, the nobility and 
clergy excepted, seemed rather to 
desire, than to dread, a change of 
masters, The commonality, in the 
tepublics of Venice and Genoa, 
professed no attachment to their 
rulers. In Tuscany, and the papal 
dominions, there were numbers of 
discontented ; and in the kingdom 
of Naples the number was still 
grealer. i ee 
Among these multitudes there 
were some — individuals’ resolute 
enough to declare their dissatisfac- 
tion at their respeétive govern 
ments, notwithstanding the pere 
sonal dangers to which they ex- 
posed themselves by so daring a 
conduét. But what was more, some 
had the courage to entertain @ pri- 
vate correspondence with France, 
and explicitly to solicit some of 
the principal persons in the ree 
public to invade Italy, where, they 
assured them, they would find more 
friends than foes among the natives, 
and meet with no opposition but > 
from the Austrians, and their few 
adherents, among the possessors of 
places 


=o: 


=> 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. : 


places and employments in their 
service. 

Induced by these various motives, 
the direétory resolved to begin mili- 
tary operations abroad, with the at- 
tack of a country, where the princes, 
one excepted, the king of Sardinia, 
could place little reliance on the 
loyalty of their subjeéts; and where 
this prince had already lost such a 
portion of his territories, as greatly 
endangered the remainder. 

Nevertheless, obstacles of a se- 
rious nature presented themselves. 
The undertaking was, indeed, ar- 
duous ; Italy,proverbially the grave 
of the French, was viewed by the 
generality of people as unconquer- 
able on the side of France. Envi- 
roned by mountains, the passes of 
which were fortified with the ut- 
mostart, and guarded with numerous 
well-disciplined troops, it seemed 
calculated for an invincible resist- 
ance. The French, after reducing 
Many forts and fortresses in the 
heart of the Alps, had not been able 
to make an effeétual impression on 
Piedmont, without which an en- 
trance into Italy appeared impraéti- 
cable. ‘The powers interested in the 
preservation ofltaly,aware of the hos- 
tile intentions of France, had made 
ample preparations for defence. The 
empero:’s forces amounted to eighty 
thousaad well-disciplined men, com- 
manded by excellent officers and 


generals, and provided with every 


species of warlike necessaries. The 
king of Sardinia’s army was sixty 


thousand strong, exclusive of mili- 


tia. The pope and the king of 
Naples were occupied in embo- 
dying as many troops as their cir- 
cumstances would permit; and the 
latter had dispatched two or three 


(87 


thousand horse to serve in the Im- 
perial army. - 

Though the strength with which 
the French proposed to attack their 
enemies in Italy was much inferior 
in number to theirs, and far from 
being so well supplied, it was come 
posed of hardy and resolute soldiers, 
filled with enthusiasm, and impa- 
tient to enter into aétion, and to 
indemnify themselves for the suffer- 
ings they had undergone upon the 
rocky and barren coast, to which 
they had long been confined, through 
want of reinforcements to enable 
them to move forward against the 
enemy. 

The supplies of men and ammu- 
nition did not errive till the begin- 
ning of April, when the French de- 
termined immediately to commence 
their operations. They were can- 
toned along the coast of that sea, 
called the river of Genoa, within 
three leagues of that city ; and the 
Austrians and Piedmontese were 
posted on the mountains opposite to 
them. 

The French were commanded by 
general Buonaparte, already noticed 
in the attion between the conven- 
tional troops and the seétions of Pa- 
ris,* in Oétober, 1795, a native of 
Corsica, born, as it were, a com- 
mander, and uniting the intrepidity - 
of an ancient Roman, with the 
subtilty and contrivance of a mo- 
dern Italian; and both these forti- 
fied and improved by a liberal, as 
well as military education. Hardly 
thirty years of age, he had signa- 
lized his military abilities, not only 
on that but some other very decisive 
occasions, andacquireda reputation 
that had raised’ him to the highest’ 
degree of esteem in his profession. 


* See Vol. XXXVII. Page 106, 


[G4] The 


88} 


The troops under his command were 
little more than fifty thousand 
men : but he possessed their entire 
confidence, and was reputed equal 
to the arduous task he had ventured 
to undertake. 

The. Austrians were under gene- 
ra] Beaulieu, an officer of great 
experience and talents, though he 
had .been unfortunate in several 
aétions with the French in the Ne- 
therlands. On the ninth of April 
heattacked a French post and forced 
it: on the tenth he advanced 
upon them, and carried all their 
entrenchments but one. Here he 
was arrested by the obstinate bra- 
very of the officer who commanded 
it. Rampon, chief of brigade, who 
conceived that the fate of the day 
depended on the preservation of 
this post, made his officers and sol- 
diers swear never to abandon it. 
They defended it accordingly dur- 
ing the whole night with such in- 
vincible firmness, that the Austrians 
were constantly repulsed. In the 
morning of the eleventh, Buona- 
parte, by a circuitous movement, fell 
upen the rear and flank of the ene- 
my, who were completely routed, 
with the loss of fifteen hundred 
killed, and more than two thousand 
taken. This battle was fought at 
a place called Montenotts. 

ager to improve this victory, 
Buooaparte pursued the Austrians, 
who had retreated to a strong posi- 
tion at a place called Millesimo : 
but general Augereau forcing the 
passages leading to it, the Austrians 
retired to the ruins of an oldcastle, 
which general Provara, who com- 
manded them, hastened to surround 
with an intrenchment, where he 
Stood several attacks, and defended 
himself resolutely for five days. This 
afforded time to the Austrians to 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


rally from the disorder into which 
they had been thrown. They ad- 
vanced in considerable force, and - 


charged the French with great 
vigour. The dispute was long and 
bloody : the Austrians and Pied- 


montese made repeated efforts to 
liberate the troops in the castle, and 
direéted their attacks on the centre 
of ihe French: but these stood their 
ground immovyeably, while their 
two wings turned the right and left 
of the adverse army, the rear of 
which was assailed at thesame time 
by another division. Surrounded in, 
this unexpeéted manner, they sus-. 
tained a dreadful defeat ; two thou. 
sand were slain in the aétion, and 
upwards of eight thousand made 
prisoners, including the corps under 
general Provara, which had so 
much distinguished itself by the de- 
fence ofthecastle. This great victory 
was obtained on the fourteenth of 
April. Among the killed were some 
officers of high distinétion; and of 
the taken one was a general, and 
near thirty colonels, beside inferior 
officers. Between twenty and thirty 
cannon fell into the bands of the 
French, with fifteen standards, and 
an immense quantity of stores and 
field-equipage. Two French ge- 
nerals, Banal and .Quanin, fell in 
this battle, which cost the victors a 
number of their bravest men. 
Though twice defeated in so de- 
cisive a manner, general Beaulieu - 
was by no means dispirited: col- 
leéting as many of his scattered 
troops, as formed a body of seven 
thousand men, he again attacked 
the French with great impetuosity, - 
the next morning, and drove them 
from their incampment at a village 
called. Dego, where they had ex- 
pected to repose themselves after the 
fatigues of the preceding day. This 
unex- 


| 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


unexpected attack, so far discom- 
posed them, that they were thrown 
into disorder, and compelled to 
abandon their post, after having 
thrice endeavoured to retake it. 
_ More than half of the day had 
_ been spentin these fruitless attempts, 
when Buonaparte, auxious to reco- 
ver a post, without which, the ad- 
Vantayes gaiied by his two victories 
would have been frustrated, imme- 
diately gave orders for a large body 


to form in front of the enemy, and 


occupy their attention, while ano- 
ther charged them on their left, 
“posted. at Dego. The intrepidity 
with which the French generals and 
officers hearted their men, decided 
the fatewt the day. After a vigor- 
ous defence, the Austrians were in 
their turn obliged to give ground,and 
leave the field to the French, with 
the loss of near two thousand men, 
“of whom, about fifteen hundred 
were made prisoners: on the side 
‘ofthe French, numbers also fell, 
“and among these general Caussa, 
one of their best officers. 
Thus, in the space of five days, no 
Tess than three battles were fought, 
in every one of which the French 
i e vidtorious. ‘The Austrian and 
Piedmontese armies had,in the course 
Bree engagements,been separated 
rom eachother: which enabled Buo- 
Maparte to effect a junction with a 
considerable body of his army, be- 
fore which the Piedmontese division 


_ had retired, not daring to oppose it 


in combination with the corps under 
neral Augercau who, bad joined 

, After dislodging the Piedmontese 
their redoubts, at Montezimo, 

this officer followed them to their 
famp before the townof Cava. It 
Was strongly fortified, but Augereau 
attacked it with such vigour, that, 
after defending it the whole day 


[89 


with great courage,the Piedmontese 
withdrew in the night of the six- 
teenth, abandoning Cava, which sur- 
rendered to the French. After some 
retrograde motions, wherein they 
were closely pressed by the French, 
who met however with some checks, 
a general engagement took place near 
Mondovi on the twenty-second. 
General Colli, who commanded 
the Piedmontese, had drawn up his 
army. to great advantage; his centre 
being covered by a strong redoubt, 
which was resolutely defended for 
along time against all the ettorts 
of the French, who lcst numbers ia 
itsattack. Itwas carried at length 
after repeated assaults: upon which 
general Colli thought it prudent 
to retreat. His loss amounted to 
about twelve hundred men, of whom 
a thousand were taken. Of these, 
three were generals, and four colo- 
nels. One general was slain, and 
eleven standards fell into the hands 
of the French, who lost also one of 
their generals, and a cansidegable 
number of men. 

The Piedmontese army, after its 
defeat, crossed the riven Stura, and 
took a strong position between Conk 
and Cherasco. Here. it was attacks 
ed, on the 25th, by the French, who 
compelled general Colli to retire 
from the post he occupied atF ussano. 
They made themselves. masters, of 
Cherasco, where they, took a quan- 
tity of cannon. and large magazines, 
and the Piedmontese withdrew to 
Carignano, in order to be nearer 
to Turin, fer its protection against 
the I'rench army, which was now 
advanced to within nige leagues of 
that city. 

The defeat of his,army, at Mon- 
dovi, had already determined the 
king of Sardinia to make, overtures 
of peace to Buonaparte. General 

Colli 


90] 


Colli was directed to apply to him 
for that purpose, and proposed a 
suspension of arms, while the peace 
was negociating. But he refused 
to suspend his operations, unless the 
king delivered two strong towns 
into his hands, as pledges of the 
sincerity of his intentions, and im« 
mediately dispatched commissioners 
to Paris. 

The king’s situation was so criti- 
cal, that he was obliged to comply 
with this requisition, and the French 
were put in possession of Cava, 
Coni, and Tortona. The Austrians, 
thus deprived of their ally, were 
obliged to fall back on the Milanese. 
Tn their march they attempted to 
sieze the town of Alessandria, be- 
longing to the king of Sardinia, 
but the commandant prevented the 
execution of this design, and Beau- 
heu hastened to cross the Po, in or- 
der to cover himself and the country 
to the north of that river. 

Inthe mean time, negociations for 
peace were carried on at Paris, be- 
tween the king of Sardinia and the 
French republic, which imposed 
severe conditions on this unfortunate 
prince. He was constrained to 
yield up Savoy, the patrimony of 
his ancestors for many ages, toge- 
ther with the city and territory of 
Nice, and a tract of Jand, which the 
conquerors entitled the Department 
of the Maritime Alps. A new ar- 
rangement was made of the fron- 
tiers on each side, highly advantage- 
ous to France. He consented to 
stop and put an end to all prosecu- 
tions against any of his subjects for 
their political opinions, to withdraw 
himself from the coalition, and to 
apologise for hisconduct towards the 
republic. Such were the principal 
terms of the treaty. 

In this manner was the prince 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


completely humbled, who had long — 
been considered as the most secure — 
of any, by his position, against the’ 
inroads of the French: his prede- 
cessors, though frequently hard 
pressed by them, had never been re~ 
duced to such extremities, and ne- 
ver experienced such disgrace. By 
this treaty he was despoiled of all 
power and consequence; and though 
he retained the title of the king, 
he remained no more than the no- 
minal sovereign of his dominions. 
The reduction of the ‘king of 
Sardinia was an event that changed 
at once the whole face of Italy. 
That prince was no longer master 
of the barriers that nature has fixed 
between that country and France, 
and from which he derived his prin- 
cipal importance. They were now | 
in the hands of the French, and the 
Italian powers, deprived of this 
rampart of their dominions, saw 
themselves at the mercy of a people, 
who had, for many centuries, en- 
deavoured to obtain a footing 
among them, with the manifest design 
of subjecting them to their influence. . 
These astonishing successes could 
not fail to inspire the French ar- 
mies, that had obtained them, with 
the highest degree of exultation : 
nor did their commander forget to 
improve the sentiments of self ap- 
plause and confidence, manifested by 
them, into that disposition of mind, 
which would lead them on to those 
farther exploits be had in contem- 
plation. He issued an address to 
them on the twenty-sixth of April, 
three days after the application for 
peace from the Sardinian monarch, 
wherein he recapitulated, in a truly 
classical and energetic style, the 
glory they had acquired, and repre- 
sented that which lay still before 
them. 
“You 


 aslothful repose fatigues you. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


s¢ You have precipitated your- 
selves, like a torrent, from the 
heights of the Apennines. You 
have routed and dispersed all who 
have opposed your progress. Pied- 
mont, delivered from Austrian ty- 
anny, displays its natural sentiments 
of peace and friendship for France. 
Milan is ours, and the republican 
flag flies over ail Lombardy. The 
dukes of Parma and Modena owe 
their political existence to your ge- 
nerosity. The army, which with 
so mvch pride threatened you, has 
no barrier of proteétion against your 
courage; the Po, the Tessin, and 
the Adda, have been unable to 
stop you asingle day ; those boasted 
bulwarks of Tialy have been in- 
sufficient to delay your progress; 
you shave surmounted them as ra- 


_pidly as you passed the Appennines. 


So much success has carried you to 
the b som of your country: your re- 
presentatives have ordained a f€te, 
dedicated to your viétories, which 
will be celebrated in all the com- 
tunes of the republic. Your fathers, 
your mothers, your wives, your 
sisters, your lovers, will enjoy your 
success, and boast with pride that 
they belong to you. Yes, soldiers, 
you have done much; but does there 
remain nothing more to be done? 
Though we have known how to 
vanquish, we have not known how 
to profit of our viétories. Posterity 
will reproach us with having ter- 
‘Minated our course in Lombardy : 
but already I see you run to arms ; 
Let 
us depart! we have yet forced 
Marches to make, enemies to sub- 
due, laurels to gather, injuries to 
revenge. Let those tremble who 
have whetted the poignards of civil 
war in France, who have basely 
assassinatedour ministers,and burned 


[91 


our ships at Toulon: the hour of 
vengeance and retribution is now 
at hand. But let the people remain 
tranquil; we are friends to all the 
people, and more particularly the 
descendants of Brutus, of Scipio, 
and the great men whom we have 
taken for our models. Re-establish 
the capitol, and place there with 
honour the statues of the heroes that 
rendered it celebrated ; awaken the 
Roman people, debased by many 
centuries of slavery. Such will be 
the fruit of your viétories; they 
will form an epoch for posterity; 
you will have the immortal glory 
of changing the face of the first 
country.in Europe. The free French 
people, respeéted by the whole 
world, will give to Europe a glo- 
rious peace, which will indemnify 
them for the sacrifices they have 
made during six years; you will 
then return to your homes, and your 
fellow citizens will say, shewing youy 
this man was of the army of Ita- 
ly.” 

Such were the ideas which the 
French general exerted himself to 
impress upon the public, as well 
as on his own people. His private 
conversations were of the same tene 
dency, and he omitted no oppor 
tunity of representing the expedi- 
tion of the French into Italy as in- 
tended to lay the foundation of a 
total deliverance of the inbabitants 
from the government of strangers, 
and the tyranny of domestic rulers. 

Sentiments of this deseription 
were not unacceptable to multitudes 
in every part of Italy. The ma- 
jority of the natives could not but 
perceive the humiliation of being 
subjeét to princes born and bred in 
foreign countries ; they could not, 
from that circumstance alone, feel 
that attachment for them which 

they 


92] 


they might have done for native 
princes. 

To the praises bestowed by Buo- 
naparte on his army, the direétory 
added its acknowledgments to him, 
and those of his officers who had 
signalized themselves in the late 
actions. It wrote to them separately, 
specifying, in the most gracious and 
satisfactory manner, the particular 
motives for which the thanks of the 
public were due to them. 

This homage paid to their moe- 
rit, in the name of the nation, 
by, those who were invested with 
its supreme authority, was received, 
by the French officers, as the highest 
honour that could be conferred 
upon them, to be considered as de- 
serving of it was now become the 
summit of their wishes; so effectually 
had the republican notions of patri- 
otism taken possession of their minds. 

The moment after the suspension 
of arms between the French and 
the king of Sardinia had been signed, 
Buonaparte lost no time in availing 
himself of itto the utmost. Hein- 
stantly put his army in motion from 
all quarters, in order to cross the 
Po, and to render it doubtful to 
the enemy, by his various move- 
ments, at what place he would at- 
tempt the passage over that river. 
The Austrian general did not doubt 
but the French would endeavour to 
pass it at the town of Valenza, which 
they had: stipulated with the Sar- 
dinian ministry should be ceded to 
them for that purpose. For this 
reason, he made every disposition 
necessary to obstruct their passage at 
this place: but Buonaparte deceived 
him; and,by rapid marches,reached 
the banks of the Po, opposite to 
the city of Placenza. A body .of 
horse prepared to oppose him; but 
a, chosen corps of French infantry, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


having seized a number of boats, 
rowed to the other side, protected 
by so heavy a dischargeof musketry,. 
that the enemy was obliged to re- 
tire, and leave them to land, which 
they did in the compactest order. 
This was effected on the seventh of 
May. Assoon as Beaulieu was ap- 
prised of it, equally astonished at an 
event he had so little expected, and 
anxious to repair the mistake he had 
committed, he selected the best -of 
his troops, with whom he advanced 
on the French, in hope of coming 
upon them before a sufficient numa 
ber could have crossed to secure the 
passage of the rest; but they were 
not only om his side of the river, 
but marching towards him, On re- 
ceiving this intelligence, he in- 
trenched himself at Fombio, a vil- 
lage advantageously situated, ex- 
pecting the arrival of reinforce. 
ments’; but he was immediately 
attacked on every side by the 
French, who forced him to break 
up his camp in the utmost disorder, 
and with the loss of a large quan- 
tity of horses and baggage, as well 
as of men. 
Another body of Austrians was, 
in the mean time, hastening to his 
aid, and came up with the French 
early the next morning: but ge- 
neral Laharpe, an officer of great 
merit and intrepidity, charged them 
with such vigour, that they were 
instantly defeated, and put to flight. — 
The Joss of this officer, who fell 
on this occasion, was more than a 
counterpoise to the success of the 
French. He was a Swiss by birth ;, 
and, being driven from his country, 
on account of his republican prin- 
ciples, he took refuge in France, 
and entered into the service of the 
republic, where his military talents 
raised him to the rank of a sage 
° 


| HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


: He was high in the esteem of Buona- 
) parte, who had formed the greatest 
, expectations from him, and grie- 
| yously lamented his fall. 
1 |The duke of Parma, in whose 
Sight, as it were, the French had 
‘erossed the Po, and defeated the 
Austrians twice in one day, did not 
dare to prolong the contest on his 
part, with so irresistable afoe. He 
requested an armistice from Buona- 
parte, and obtained it on condition 
of paying a large contribution in 
‘money, horses, and provisions; of 
delivering into the possession of the 
French twenty capital paintings 
to bechosen by them, and of send- 
ing without delay commissaries to 
Paris, to conclude a peace with the 
“Tepublic: on these terms the duke 
procured a neutrality for his domi- 
‘pions, which was concluded on the 
ninth of May. 
_ The uninterrupted successes of 
‘the French had now struck their 
‘enemies with universal consterna- 
‘tion, Beaulieu himself, though an 
expert and intrepid warrior, thought 
it more prudent to act on the de- 
fensive, than to attack them with 
troops continually defeated. The 
“bravery of the Austrians, though un- 
_ deniable, had not been proof against 
their impetuous valour and wnyield- 
| ing enthusiasm. They seemed to 
| have reversed the character formerly 
| attributed to them, of impatience 
and unsteadiness, and to have as- 
| sumed that of firmness and con- 
_ Their exploits had now opened 
to them the road to Milan, the cap- 
ture of which would give them the 
possession of Lombardy, and effect 
the expulsion of the Austrians from 
Tialy.. This was the project of 
Buonaparte, whose glory would be 
completed by such an achievement; 
Berks. . 3 


[93 


and whose thirst of fame would 
thereby be gratified to the utmost 
extent of his wishes. 

Between him and that capital of 
Austrian Italy lay the remains of 
the Imperial forces, determined to 
risk another battle for its preserva 
tion. They were posted on the 
other side of the Adda, over which 
stood a long bridge, which Beauliea 
had intended to break down, but was 
prevented from doing by the quick 
approach of the French general, It 
was protected, however, by so nt« 
merous an artillery, that the Aus- 
trians did not imagine the French 
would be able to force a passage 
over it. 

On the tenth of May, the French 
army arrived in sight of this bridge, 
before which stood the town of 
Lodi, filled with the Imperial troops 
which were also posted in every 
place around it in the most advan- 
tageous order of battle that the 
situation of the town and its envi- 
rons would admit. Beaulieu had, 
on this occasion, displayed uncom- 
mon skill, conscious that, on the 
issue of this day, the fate of Aus 
tria in Italy wholly depended, and 


‘that, were he defeated, all future 


resistance would be vain. 

The battle began at nine in the 
morning. The approaches to Lodi 
were vigorously attacked by the 
French, who, after an obstinate dis- 
pute, drove the Austrians into that 
town ; where a resolute fight ensued : 
but the French had again the advan- 
taze, and forced them to retreat 
across the bridge to their main body, 
which was drawn up in order of 
battle, with formidable batterieson . 
their right and left to guard the 
passage of the bridge. A battery 
was planted on the opposite side 
by the French, and a violent can- 

nonade 


944) ANNU 


nonade was kept up, on both sides, 
during great part of the day. 

But the French general was con- 
vinced, that unless he succeeded in 
effecting a passage over the bridge, 
his failure would be construed into 
adefeat, and the reputation of the 
French arms would suffer in the opi- 
mion of the public. Full of this 
ideay which was certainly well 
founded, he determined to try every 
effort, and to encounter every per- 
sonal risk, in order to carry a point 
on which so much appeared at issue. 
Forming together the selectest bo- 
dies of his army, he led them in 
person to the attack of the bridge, 
in the midst of a most tremendous 
fire. The intrepidity be displayed 
was necessary to confirm the cou- 
rage of his men, whom the great. 
ness of the danger seemed to stag- 
ger: but his presence, and that of 
all the chief officers in the French 
army, animated the soldiers to such 
a degree, that they rushed forward 
with an impetucsity which nothing 
was able to withstand. They crossed 
the bridge and assailed the whole 
line of the Austrian artillery, which 
was instantly broken. They fell 
with equal fury on the troops ihat 
advanced to charge them, who 
were thrown into disorder, and put 
to flight on every side. The victo- 
ry was complete. Had it not been 
for the excessive fatigue undergone 
by the French, a great proportion 
of whom had marched ten leagues 
that day to join the army, the loss 
of the Imperialists, though great, 


UAL! REGISTER 


1796. 


would have been much greater. | It 
was owing to the approach of night 
that the French desisted from the 
pursuit. Favoured by darkness, 
Beanlien withdrew from the field 
of batue, alter losing upwards of 
two thousand men, killed, wound- 
ed,and taken, and twenty pieces 
of cannon. © The loss of the French 
was considerable: the crossing of 
the bridge alone cost them neara 
thousand of their boldest men, who 
were destroyed by the batteries 
pointed onit from the Austrian side 
of the river. 

This defeat of the Imperial army 
appeared so decisive to marshal 
Beaulieu that he durst not venture 
to stop the progres; of the victors 
towards Milan. Collecting the 
wrecks of his army, be made a 
speedy retreat towards Mantua, pur- 
sued by a large body of the French, 
who, in their way, seized on. Piz- 
zighitona and Cremona, two places 
of note. The main body under 
Buonaparte proceeded to Milan, af- 
ter taking Pavia, where all the Aus- 
trian magazines fell into the hands 
of the l’rench. 

Buonaparte entered Milan the fif- 
teenth of May, five days after the 
battle of Lodi, which, conforma- 
bly to his opinion and that of his 
rival, Beaulieu, proved wholly de- 
cisive of the fate of Lombardy. 
Here the French general thought it 
necessary to allow his people some 
days of repose, after the unceasing 
toils of awhole month, marked by 
uninterrupted victories. 


_ CHAP. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. [95 


CHAP. VII. 


Exultation of the French at the Successes of their Armies,—Their Army in 
Italy animated by the Praises of their Countrymen, and the Conversation 
>) aswell as the Proclamatiuns of Buonaparte to a high Passion for Glory. 
_—Lnters the Duchy of Modena.—Spoliation of Monuments of Antiquity 
and Art.—Abhorrence of the Italian Nobility and Clergy towards the 
French greater than that of the inferior Classes.—A general Insurrection, 
ready to break out, quashed by theVigilance and Promptitude of Buonaparte. 
_—The Austrians, under General Beaulicu, with the Connivance of the 
Venetians, tale Possession of Peschieca.—Buonaparte advances against 
Beaulieu, who retreats to the Tyrolese.—The Venetians tremble before the 
- French.—Dismiss from their Territories the Brother of the late King 
and Claimant of the Crown of France.—Buonaparte takes Possession of 
Verona.—Blockades Mantua.—Prepares to march into the Tyrolese.— 
Detained by Insurrections in the Districts, known under the Name of Im- 


- perial Fiefs.—These being suppressed, he carries his Arms to the South- 


_ ward.—Reduces Turtona, Bologna, and Urbino.—Menaces Rome.—Ar- 
mistice between the Pope and Buonaparte.—Suspension of Hostilities 
- with Naples.—Buonaparte the Friend and Patron of Men of Learning and 
' Science.— Ambitious Views of the French Republic.-—Insurrection in Lugo. 
' Quelled, and the City reduced by the French.—The Blockade of Mantua 
converted intoa close Siege.—Raised by Marshal Wurmser.—Actions be- 
tween the French Army and that of the Austrians, reinforced by Detach- 
ments from Mantua.—Remarkable Instance of Presence of Mind wa 


VPXHE news of these astonishing 


& successes had, inthe mean time, 
filled all France with exultation. 
A splendid festival was appointed, 
at Paris, by the Directory, in or- 

sr to celebrate ghem with suit- 
able magnificence. To render it 


) More solemn, it was accompanied 


With speeches to the citizens, and 


} eulogiums of the victorous army, 


pronounced by Carnot, the presi- 


' dent of the day, and calculated to 
| @bimate the public against the ene- 


_ Buonaparte.—The Austrians driven back beyond the Adige. 


mies of France, particularly the 
English; and to encourage the na- 
tion to bear up cheerfully against 
the pressures of the war, by the 
prospect of terminating it finally to 

the advantage and glory of France. 
During an interval of five days 
rest, allowed by Buonaparte to his 
soldiers, he did not forget to address 
them in his usual manner, and to 
excite their ardour, by a recital of 
their exploits, and a representation 
of the honours and applause be- 
stowed 


96} ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


stowed upon them by their country, 
and by a prospect of the future tri- 
umphs awaiting them. 

He was now meditating expe- 
ditions into the territories of those 
princes of whose enmity to Franee 
sufficient proofs had been given. 
A detachment of his army had al- 
ready entered the duchy of Modena, 
the sovereign of which had fled to 
Venice with his treasures. From 
this city he deputed a minister to 
the French general, with whom he 
concluded a suspension of arm» on 
much the same conditions as those 
granted to the duke of Parma. 

The spoliation of the repositories 
of art, which was now annexed to 
the conditions of treaties with the 
lialian princes, proved one of the 
Most Vexatious as well as mortifying 
circumstances of the French inva- 
sion- The monuments of painting 
and of statuary, which adorned their 
palaces, cities, and churches, were 
viewed by the natives witha mix- 
ture of delight and veneration, 
They entertained a species of affec- 
tion for them ; and, in the presence 
ef some of them, they placed not a 
litde confidence. They had be- 
come a kind of tutelary deities and 
household gods. The f{talians were 
sensible of emotions not altogether 
dissimilar to those of the Israelite 
Micah, into whose house armed 
men from Dan entered, and took 
away ‘‘ the graven image, and the 
ephod, and the seraphim, and the 
molten image.”* In one respect, 
the oppressions of the French in 
Htaly were greater than those of 
the northern hordes under Attila 
and Odoacer; for those chiefs did 
not trouble the Romans with de- 


mands of pictures, statues, and 
sculptures. It seems to be the fate 
of the gredt models of the arts, 
like the arts themselves, to travel 
from tbe east, by the west, to the 
north. Perhaps their tour in this di- 
rection is not yet terminated. To 
deprive the poor Italians of objects 
so long endeared to them, by habit 
and possession, seemed an act of ty- 
ranny exercised upon the vanquish- 
ed in the wantonness of power. 
Those objects had been respected 
by all parties, in the vicissitude of 
those events that had so frequently 
subjected the places that contained 
them to different masters. The 
French were the first who had con- 
ceived the idea of seizing them asa 
matter of mere property. Herein 
they were accused of consulting their 
vanity rather than their taste for 
the fine arts. The Romans, in their 
triumphant periods, had plundered 
the Greeks of all the master-pieces 
they could find in their country, 
This appeared to the French a pre- 
cedent fit for their imitation, and a 
sanction for robbing the Italians of 
what they esteemed the most vya- 
luable part of their property, and 
the most honourable proof they still 
retained of their former superiority 
in those departments of genius. 
The conduct of the French, in 
tearing the monuments of antiquity 
and art from Italy, and carrying 
them to Paris, was universally cone 
demned and execrated by all civi- 
lized nations. It was, in truth, in 
some measure, plucking the rosé 
from the tree. 

Motives of this nature, conspiring 
with the dissatisfaction experienced 
by multitudes, at the irreverencé 


*“Ye have taken away the gods which I made, and what have I more?”—Judges 
xVHI. 24, 


which | 


f 
} 
} 


a 


a.) 


‘| shewed what 


4 
fi 


| 


which the French testified for the 
religious practices of the natives, 
enabled those who hated them, on 
this account, to instil their hatred 
into others, and to inflame their 
Jindignation against men who pre- 
sumed to more sense in those mat- 
ters than other nations. 

The two classes whose inveteracy 
'\to the French was most notorious, 
'| were the nobility and the clergy; as 
the French did not scruple to avow 
their enmity and contempt for both, 
if was natural that these should 
hold them in abhorrence. In their 
eeches and conversations, public 

nd private, the former seldom failed 
to represent the nobles as tyrants, 
and the priests as impostors. The 
depression which both these orders 
of men had suffered in France, 
was intended for 
them in other parts of Europe, were 
the French to succeed in the vast 
design imputed to them, of entirely 
$Subverting the political and religious 
system of this quarter of the globe. 
_ Actuated by these apprehensions, 
several of the most resolute of the 
nobility, and most zealous of the 
clergy, resolved, it was said, to in- 
cite the commonalty to rise against 
the French, on the first opportunity 
that should seem favourable to such 
a design. The day fixed upon for 
$ execution, was the twenty-fourth 
of May. Early in the morning, 
onaparte set out for Lodi, at the 
on of a strong detachment. He 
hardly reached that place, when 
he was informed, by an express, that 
) almost general insurrection was 
ading through Lombardy. The 
ularm bells were ringing every 
ere, and the peasantry and lower 
classes throughout the country, in- 
Stigated by the noblesand the clergy, 
Were up in arms, and iutent on the 
Vou. XXXVIII, 


] 


| 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


oF 


massacre of all the French they 
could meet with. Rumours were 
circulated, that Beaulieu, strongly 
reinforced, was om his march to 
Milan, and thata number of French 
detachments had been surprised and 
put to the sword. Incensed at the 
ideas of equality upheld by the 
French, the nobles had dismissed 
their domestics, telling them, that, 
being their equals, they could no 
longer employ them as servants. 
The partisans of Austria were, in 
short, exerting all their activity to 
raise commctions, aiid no place was 
free from them. 

On the receipt of this intelli- 
gence, Buonaparte hasted back to 
Milan with a large body of horse 
and foot. He arrested a number 
of suspected persons, and ordered 
those to be shot who had been taken 
inarms. Heintimated to the arch- 
bishop, and to the clergy and no- 
bles of the city, that they should 
be responsible for its tranquillity. 
A fine was imposed for every ser- 
vant discharged, and every precau- 
tion taken to prevent the conspiracy 
from gaining ground. 

It was principally at Pavia, that the 
conspirators were the most nume- 
rous. They had seized on the citadel, 
guarded by asmall party of French, 
whom they made prisoners. Being 
joined by some thousands of pea- 
sants, they resolved to defend the 
town, and refused admittance to 
Buonaparte, on his summoning them 
to surrender. But a body of French 
grenadiers Lurst open the gates, on 
which those who had the custody 
of the French, who had been com- 
pelled to surrender in the citadel, 
set them at liberty. None of them 
were missing: had violent hands 
been laid upon them, the determi, 
nation was taken to destroy Pavia, 


(H] 


98 


and to erect on its site a pillar with 
this inscription, ** Here stood the 
city of Pavia.” 

In order to deter the shabiinets 
of this, and the other towns in- 
clined to stir up insurreétions, the 
promoters of that at Pavia were 
sentenced to be shot, and two hun- 
dred. hostages, for their peaceable 
behaviour, were delivered to Buona- 
parte, who sent them to France. 
He next issued a proclamation, de- 
claring, that those who did not lay 
down their arms within twenty-four 
hours, and take an oath of obedience 
to the French republic, should be 
treated as rebels, and their houses 
committed to the flames. 

The nobles and priests in the in- 
surgent distriéts were to be arrested 
and sent to France. ‘The places 
within the precincts of which a 
Frenchman was assassinated, were 
condemned to pay triple taxes till 
the assassin was given up. The 
same fine was laid on places where 
concealed arms and ammunition 
were found. Persons of rank and 
fortune who excited the people to 
revolt, either by dismissing their ser- 
vants, or by holding. inimical dis- 
eourses against the French, were to 
be sent to France, and to forfeit 
part of their estates. 

Injunctions and declarations of 
this nature were posted, up in every 
place of note throughout the Mi- 
Janese. Particular precautions were 
taken for the security of the city of 
Milan, the castle of which still re- 
mained in possession of the Austri- 
ans, who might, in case of any for- 
midable insurrection, have given it 
effectual assistance. 

Freed from the perplexity occa- 
sioned by these disturbances, Buo- 
naparte prepared to prosecute the 
plans he had been forming. The 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


broken forces of the Austrians had 
in their retreat taken refuge on the 
Venetian territory. Hither they 
were closely pursued by the French. 
But previously to the commence-_ 
ment of operations in the Venetian 
state, Buonaparte was careful to give 
formal netice of his intentions to 
the senate. 

The disposition of the Venetian’ 
government, towards France, was’ 
justly suspected to be inimical. Had 
it been friendly before the entrance 
of the French into Italy, their suc- 
cesses, and the powerful footing they 
had now obtained, would have ren=. 
dered them too dangerous to be view= 
ed with a favourable eye. Situated 
between two such powers as France 
and Austria, Venice had no inclinas 
on to befriend the one more than 
the other, and would gladly have 
been delivered from the proximity 
of both. Unwilling to offend a state 
between which, and the French re 
public, an amicable intercourse 
subsisted, the French general pub- 
lished an address to that government 
and people, . wherein he assured 
them, that in following the enemies 
of France into the Venetian terri- 
tories, he would observe the striétest 
discipline, and treat the inhabitants. 
with all the amity and consideration 
due to the ancient friendship existe 
ing between the two nations, 

_In-the-mean time, the Austrians 
had taken possession of Peschiera, 
by the connivance of the Venetians, 
to whom that town belonged. Here 
Beaulieu hoped to be able to make 
a stand, till succours arrived to him 
from Gunn . Buonaparte, desir- 
ous to expel him from Italy, or to 
compel him to surrender, advanced 
to that town, intending to cut off his 
retreat to the Tyrol, by the eastern 
side of the lake of Garda. Early 

in 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. |. 


in the morning of the thirteenth of 
May, several divisions of the French 
approached the bridge of Borghetto, 
by which Buonaparte proposed to 
effeét a passage over the Mincio, and 
surround Beaulieu’s army. ‘The 
Austrians made the utmost efforts to 
defend the bridge; but the French 
crossed it after a warm action: the 
_ Austrian general perceiving their in- 
tent, withdrew in haste from his 
osition at Peschiera, and retired 
with the utmost expedition to the 
river Adige, which, having passed, 
| he broke down all the bridges, to 
prevent the French from pursuing 
him. By these means he secured 
his retreat to the Tyrol, the only 
place of safety now remaining to 
him. 
_ Buonaparte might now consider 
himself as the undisputed master of 
ftaly. He was so much viewed in 
_that light by the senate of Venice, 
even previously to his passage of the 
Mincio, and the defeat of Beaulieu, 
that, foreseeing the danger of ap- 
| pearing too well» inclined to the 
house of Bourbon, they had warned 
out] of their territories the unfor- 
tunate brother of the late king of 
France, who had, on the death 
of his nephew, son to that monarch, 
assumed the name of Lewis the 
éighteenth, together with the royal 
title. 

The circumstances of his dismis- 
sion did the Venetians no credit : 
-on that prince’s demanding the 
sword, formerly presented to~-the 
. by bisancestor, the celebrated 
Henry the fourth of France, as a 
token of his regard, they refused to 
Pestore it, on pretext that.alarge sum 
of money, due from him to the state, 
had never been discharged. 

Buonaparte took possession, on 
| the third of June, of the city of 


[99 


Verona, the late residence of the 
French prince. He now determined 
to lay siege to Mantua, the only 
place of strength and importance 
left to the emperor in Italy. The 
reduction of this fortress would effec- 
tually putan end to the influence 
of the court of Vienna, and transfer 
to France the power and credit 
exercised by the emperor in all the 
affairs of Italy. 

This was a deprivation to which 
the head of the house of Austria 
could not bear the idea of submit- 
ting, and every effort was resolved 
upon to prevent it. The ill success 
of Beaulieu had been such, that it 
was determined, at Vienna, to sub- 
stitute another commander in his 
room. Marshal Wurmser,‘a veteran 
general in high esteem, was ap- 
pointed to succeed him, though he 
had himself experienced several de- 
feats by the French. 

In hope of reducing Mantua he- 
fore succours could arrive, Buona- 
parte determined to lay immediate 
siege to it. On the fourth of June 
it was invested by the French, who 
droye the out-posts into the town, 
which was now closely surrounded 
on every side. 

But the want of artillery pre- 
vented him from doing any more 
than blockading it- He had formed 
hopes of reducing that city by other 
means than a formal siege ; which 
were to cut off all succours from 
Germany, and all provisions from 
its neighbourhood. 

In order to effeét the first of these 
purposes, he resolved to carry the 
war into the imperial dominions in 
Germany, and to invade the Tyrol 
itself. This was doubtless a very 
bold and hazardous attempt: the 


natives of that difficult and moune 


tainous country being not oply a 
2 resolute 


100] 


resolute and hardy race of men, but 
extremely attached to the family of 
Austria: of whom they had for 
centuries continued the faithful and 
affectionate subjeéts. 

Buonaparte did not, however, de- 
spair to make an impression upon 
them in his favour, through the me- 
dium of those addresses, of which he 
had experienced the efficacy on 
other occasions. On the fourteenth 
of June he published a manifesto, 
wherein he informed them, that he 
intended to march through their 
country, in order to force the em- 
peror to come into terms of peace 
with the French, who desired a 
termination of the war, not only 
for themselves, but for the benefit 
of all Europe, so long harassed and 
desolated through the ambition of 
the Imperial family ; for which alone 
the people of its dominions were 
involved in the horrors of war, as 
well as the people of France. The 
French, he told them, bore no hatred 
to the inhabitants of Germany, but 
solely to their ambitious sovereigns, 
and felt the sincerest sentiments of 
good will and fraternity for their 
oppressed subjeéts. He invited them, 
therefore, in the name of the French, 
to receive their army with hospi- 
tality and abstain from all hostili- 
ties ; promising the striétest honour 
and punctuality, in all dealings 
and transactions with them, but ad- 
monishing them, at the same time, 
that if compelled to have recourse 
to their arms, the French would, 
however unwillingly, prove as ter- 
rible to them, as they had unvaria- 
bly done to all their other enemies. 

But while he was preparing to 
follow up this manifesto, by march- 
ihg his army into the Tyrol, he was 
called away by the indispensible ne- 
cessity of providing for the security 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of his conquests; menaced by a 
variety of unfavourable circumstan- 
ces, against which vigorous exer- 
tions were required without delay. 


The distance at which the forces — 


of the French were at this time, 
from several distriéts, known by the 
name of Imperial Fiefs, and situated 
on the borders of Piedmont, Genoa, 
and Tuscany, had emboldened the 
people there, who were in the in- 
terest of the emperor, to aét a very 
hostile part against the French; they 
attacked their convoys, intercepted 
the communication with Buona- 
parte’s army, and killed his couriers, 
Such were the complaints and repre- 
sentations of the French. In order 
to put a stop to those proceedings, 
which were secretly countenanced 
by those numerous enemies of the 
French, who did not dare to avow 


themselves, Buonaparte was obliged — 


to dispatch large detachments from 


“\ 


the main body of bis forces, to re= 


pressthem. This was the very end 
proposed by those insurrections, but 


the celerity with which he acted, © 


quickly effected their suppression ; 
the insurgents were compelled to 
submit, and deliver up their arms 
and hostages for their obedience. 
Heavy fines were imposed upon 
them, and ordinances issued 5 a re- 


fusal to comply with which, was | 


made punishable with military exe. 
cution, 


The motive that led to this se- 
verity, waS the determination to © 


proceed, without the danger of be- 
ing recalled by new commotions, 


in the plan ofextending, through the - 


most distant parts of Italy, an un- 
resisting subjugation to the dictates 
of France. Rome and Naples were 
the two states against which Buona- 
parte was intending to act. The 


enmity of both to the French was — 


undeniable. 


the Roman see. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE, 


tindeniable. The inability of the 
Pope to resist them was an addi« 
tional motive to invade his terri- 
tories. Ferrara, Bologna, and Ur- 
bino, all cities of importance, were 
taken possession of, and Rome itself 
was threatened. 

The partisans of the French in 
Ttaly, and elsewhere, expressed open 
satisfaction at their conduct towards 
The disreputable 
means by which it had risen to 
power, and acquired the territories 


‘composing its sovereignty, were not 


forgotten. The arrogance of its 
pretensions, and the daily diminu- 
tion of the reverence and veneration 
which it formerly commanded, joint- 
ly induced people to view its humi- 
liation with pleasure. Conscious 
of these sentiments in the generality, 
Buonaparte felt the less scruple in 
the severity of his transactions with 
the court of Rome, with which it 
seems he had determined to keep no 
Measures ; commissioned doubtless 


_ by the government of France to act 


in this rigorous manner. 

Terrified at this invasion of his 
dominions, and totally unable to 
Tesist it, the pope was reduced to 


. the necessity of suing for an armi- 


stice, which was granted to him, 


on conditions similar to those on 
which the dukes of Parma and Mo- 


‘dena had obtained it: to which 


was added, the surrender of the 


cities of Bologna, Ferrara, and the 
citadel of Ancona, with the terri- 
tories of the two former, and a 
larger proportion of pictures and 


‘Statues, and some hundreds of the 


‘most curious manuscripts from the 
Vatican library. The pope, with 
@ resignation more becoming the 
head of the church, than so many 
of the’ambitious and daring actions 
of his predecessors, ‘Yielded to ne- 


= 


[101 


cessity with the best grace in the 
world. He discharged his subjects 
from molesting, and ¢ even from revil- 
ing the French. He exhorted them 
to use them well, and even to pray 
forthem. In former ages, the popes 
were wont most bitterly to curse 
even their own spiritual sons, when 
they shewed any degree of a re« 
fractory spirit. The piety of the 
church, smothered by wealth and 
power, appeared to be revived with 
persecution. The Christians seemed 
to return to the principles of ‘* lov- 
ing their enemies, blessing those 
that cursed them, doing good to 
those that hated them, and praying 
for those who despitefully used and 
persecuted them.” Had the pope 
with the Romish clergy been sincere 
in such professions of humility and 
benevolence, and credit been given 
to such professions, the church might 
have sprung, like a phcenix, from its 
own ashes, and the tide of affairs 
been turned : but without inquiring 
too minutely into the piety of the 
pope, we must commend his pru- 
dence, in advising the Romans to 
give up a part of their wealth, ra~ 
ther than the whole. His holiness 
was a more prudent man than the 
Roman knight Nonius, who was 
put to death by Tiberius, for re- 
fusing to part with a very exqui- 
site and precious piece of sculpture. 
All persons imprisoned for their opi= 
nions were now to be set at liberty ; 
the ports of the ecclesiastical state to 
be open to the French, and shut to 
their enemies, and a free passage al~ 
lowed to the French troops through 
the papal territories. Thisarmistice 
was signed on the twenty-third of 
June: but'the directory, thongh 
willing to negociatea peace with 
the pontiff, refused to receive the 
ministers he had sent to Paris for 

fH 3] that 


102] 
that purpose, on account of their 
being ecclesiastics, a profeesion of 
which they had declared to admit 
no members in the quality of nego- 
ciators. 

A suspension of arms had already 
been concluded with the king of 
Naples, on terms of more equality. 
The multiplicity of operations, un- 
dertaken by the French, did not 
permit them to exert the like seve- 
rity with a prince who was so much 
more able to oppose them. 

In the mean time, the resolution 
taken by the directory, to exclude 
the English from an access to any 
port to which it could barr their 
entrance, prompted them to direct 
their general to seize on the port 
of Leghorn, on pretence of the flag 
of France having been insulted there, 
and the French merchants ill-treated, 
in violation of the rights of neu- 
trality. On the twenty-cight of 
June, a detachment of Buonaparte’s 
army took possession of this place. 
‘The English merchants, bowever, 
‘being apprised of bis intentions, had 
sufficient time to remove their pro- 
perty on board their ships in the 
harbour, and very little was seized 
by the French. 

The seizure of Leghorn was ac- 
companied by the reduction cf the 
castle of Milan: this celebrated 
fortress, surrendered to them on the 
Jast day of June, The garrison, con- 
sisting of more than two thousand 
men, convinced of the impossibility 
of making any effectual resistance, 
yielded themselves prisoners of war. 
One hundred and fifty pieces of 
cannon, with an immense quantity 
of ammunition and_ stores, 
taken here by the French. 

During these various transaétions, 
while Buonaparte was occupied in 
extending through Italy the empire 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


were | 


1796. 


of the French, and the terror. of. 
his arms, he was equally careful to’ — 
impress the Italians with favourable 
opinions of his inclination to pro- 
mote their general welfare, and 
equally of his respeét for learning 
and literary men. This, he knew, 
would exhibit an advantageous con- 
trast of the respeétive dispositions of 
the French and the Austrians, in mat- 
ters of this nature. The negleét and 
indifference of these latter, for the 
polite arts and sciences, and their 
professors had long been well known, 
and it was a part of Buonaparte’s 
policy, by displaying his partiality 
to charaéters of this description, to 
conciliate their esteem, and secure 
their prepossession in his favour. 

To this intent he had taken with 
lum, toltaly, several eminent literati 
from France. They were the com- 
panions of his private hours, and 
were looked upon as a credit to his 
expedition: with them he consulted 
in what manner he could make it 
redound to the benefit of lettersand » 
philosophical knowledge. 

The cultivators of learning in 
Italy, to whom he was represented 
in this advantageous light, could not 
fail to conceive amicable ideas of 
him, and he was particularly soli- 
citous toimprove them. An oppor- 
tunity offered, on the reduétion of 
Milan, where he requested an in- 
terview with the celebrated astro- 
nomer Oriane, in order to testify 
his respeét, and that of the French 
nation, for his extraodinary merit. 
In a letter, written to him on this 
occasion, and addressed, through 
him, to all the Italian literati, Buo- 
naparte exerted his persuasive talents 
to convince him and them of the 
predeliétion with which the rulers 
of France regarded all individuals 
of his character, aud how zealous 

they 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


they were in the protection and en- 
couragement of - polite knowledge 
and the liberal arts, and desirous 
to afford them the most generous 
and honourabie countenance, and 
support. °* All men of genius,” said 
the letter, ‘‘all those who have ob- 
tained a distinguished rank in the 
‘republic of letters, are ’renchmen, 
in whatever country they may have 
_ been born. The learned in Italy, 
esteemed themselves happy, if left 
tinmolested by princes and priests: 
but henceforth, opinions shall be 
free, and. the inquisition, intole- 
rance, and despotism be no more. 
Linvite,” he continued, ‘‘ the learned 
to assemble, and propose their senti- 
ments on the means necessary to be 
taken, and the assistance they may 
require, to give new life and ex- 
_ Istence to the sciences and the fine 
arts.” 

_ He addressed the university of 
Pavia in the same style, and took pe- 
culiar pains to impress on the minds 
of the public, that the French were 
solicitous to place the people of 
Italy on the same footing with 
themselves, in whatever related to 
the liberty of thinking, and would 
feel more satisfaction in acquiring 
their esteem and their approbation 
of the proceedings of the French 
government, and of the political 
maxims on which it acted, than in 
the submission enforced by their 
victorious arms. ‘The cunquests 
obtained over the human mind, 
being of far greater importance to 
men who kuew the difficulty of ob- 
taining them, and the utility which 
they produced, than victories won by 
the sword, and empire maintained 
- through terror. | 

_ Language of this kind, which 
was incessantly in the mouth of 
the French general, and of those in 


F103 


his confidence and intimacy, did 
more in conciliating the people, who 
had submitted to him, than the 
dread of , his power; the clergy and 
the nobility excepted : to the very 
existence of which orders the French 
system was immediately inimical : 
the other Classes beheld inthe French 
a pation of warriors; who seemed 
to have taken up arms for the pur- 
pose of reducing all other nations to 
a level of opinion and government 
with themselves, and to harbour no 
enmity but to hereditary sovereigns, 
and the adherents to implicit obedi- 
ence .in matters of church and _ 
state. 

To disseminate such a disposition 
in the generality was the chief aim 
of the French general, well knowing 
that, on such a ground, he would. be 
able to erect a more durable fabric 
of that republicanism he had in 
view, than on the military power he 
had estabtised, and which, without 
those concomitances that he held 
out to the nativesy would have been 
odious tothem, and have presented 
no other picture than that of con- 
quest and tyranny. 

In this court, that was paid by 
the French general to men of letters 
and genius, we contemplatea policy, 
not less sulid than sublime. It is 
from the opinions and spirit of 
the truly learned and intel‘igent, 
that public. spirit in all nations 
sooner or later derives its complex- 
ion with .their origin. ‘The class 
too that would be flattered by this 
address was more numerous by far, 
than it will be very easy to imagine: 
so great a portion of mankind being 
so. highly satisfied with their own 
talents and accomplishments. The 
professrons of Buonaparte, however, 
but ill aceorded with his actiors. 
The whole of his conduct indicated 

{H 4] that 


104] 


that his main design was to establish 
the power and influence of the 
French in Italy. At Milan he 
formed the plan of a republic on 
the model of that of France, and to 
be under her protection, in the same 
manner as the victorious and am- 
bitious Romans admitted the con- 
quered states to the alliances and 
frendship of the senate and people 
of Rome: thus endeavouring to 
subvert the authority of the empe- 
ror, and to erect that of France on 
its ruins, by abolishing feudal rights, 
and giving the great mass of the peo- 
ple a share and an interest.in the 
new government. He fortified 
Verona, notwithstanding the recla- 
mations of the Venetians; and placed 
general officers, in whom he could 
confide, over the Tuscan troops, as 
wellasover those of Piedmont and 
Milan. The intentions of the 
French were still less concealed at 
Paris; where those who bore sway, 
at the same time that they professed 
a desire to fraternize with all na- 
tions, talking of nothing but the 
extension of their arms, and of 
Paris becoming the capital of Eu- 
rope. They boasted of the gene- 
Tous design of giving peace and tran- 
quillity to all nations wader the pro- 
tection of the French republic. 

In the mean time, Buonaparte was 
preparing to meet the new general 
appointed to take the command of 
the Imperial forces that were marcb- 
ing to the protection of the Tyrol, 
The situation of the French at this 
period was extremely critical: they 
had subdued an extensive range of 
country; to preserve which they 
had been obliged to detach con- 
siderable numbers from their main 
body. The remains of Beaulieu’s 
army, and the reinforcements ar- 
riving with marshal Wurmser, com- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


posed a much more formidable 
strength than that under Buonaparte. 
But the confidence he placed in the 
valour of his men, and that which ~ 
they reposed in his superior genius 
and skill, seemed, in the opinion of 
the public, to stand him in the stead 
of numbers. 

The passes into the Tyrol were 
guarded by works extending from 
the Lake of Garda to the river Adige. | 
Here the Imperial commander, 
newly arrived, posted himself: but 
the French generals Massena, and 
Joubert, at the head of a select 
body, broke into his lines, by turn- 
ing his right and left: they seized 
his baggage and standing camp, and 
forced him to retreat with the utmost 
precipitation, This happened to- 
wards the close of June. 

The first engagement, between 
Wurmser and the French, would 
probably have been followed with 
worse consequences to him, had not 
an insurrection taken place in a city 
of the ecclesiastical state, which ob- 
structed for a while their intended 
operations. ‘The inhabitants of the 
city and district of Lugo, incited by 
the complaints of their clergy, and 
others who bore heavily the French 
yoke, took uparms, as they expressed 
themselves, in defence of their saints, 
and their lawful sovereign, the 
pope. A small detachment was 
sent to quell them, but they forced 
it to retire, after killing some men, 
the heads of two of whom, accord- 
ing to the French accounts, they ex= 
posed at the town house of Lugo. 
The French general, who was sent 
with a sufficient force to reduce 
them, employed admonitions and 
threats to that purpose: but they 
set him at defiance, and’ made a 
desperate resistance: upwards of a 
thousand of them were killed ahd 

wounded, 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


wounded, and the city taken and 
delivered up to the troops for pil- 
lage during three hours. A procla- 
mation was then issued, ordering all 
arms to be surrendered, on pain of 
death to those who retained them ; 
and threatening to set fire to places 
where Frenchmen should be mur- 
dered. The reduction of Lugo took 


_ place on the sixth of July. 


Mantua was, in the mean time, 
closely besieged, and hard pressed. 
The garrison made several vigorous 
sallies, but Buonaparte, who had by 
this time collected, from the many 
strong towns he had taken, a nume- 
rous and formidable artillery, gave 
no respite to the besieged, and con- 
Stantly repelled them. He erected 
batteries for the firing red hot balls, 
and several parts of the city were 
in flames : but the governor was re- 
solved to hold out to the last ex- 
tremity, and refused to listen to the 
summons to surrender. 

Powerful reinforcements having 
joined marshal Wurm<ser, since the 
check he had received in the moun- 
tains of the Tyrol, he resolved to re- 
pair this by raising the siege to Man- 
tua; by effecting which he would at 
once undo all that had been done by 
Buonaparte. Animated with this 
hope, he assailed the French at Salo, 
on the western side of the Lake of 
Garda, and at Corona on the east. 
He had the good fortune to dislodge 
them on the twenty-ninth of July, 
from both of these positions : those 
at Sulo retired to Peschiera, and 
those at Corona to the city of 
Verona. 

- Buonaparte, who perceived the 
€riticalness of his situation,assembled 
all his forces to oppose the Austrian 
general, who, after seizing Brescia, 
in Consequence of the capture of 


Salo, on the one side-of the lake, 


“ ‘4 


[105 


and Verona on the other, which the 
French were compelled to abandon, 
was moving with the division under 
his command towards Buonaparte, 
while the other was advancing with 
all expedition to place the French 
between two fires. 

Conscious that his strength was 
not equal to an encounter with the 
Austrian general’s united divisions, 
Buonaparte came to the determina- 
tion to attack them singly before 
they could form a junction. ‘This, 
indeed, seemed the only expedient 
left to extricate him from his present 
danger. It was not, however, 
without the deepest concern, that 
he saw himself reduced to the ne- 
cessity of abandoning the siege of 
Mantua, now almost destitute of 
provisions, and on the point of sur- 
rendering. 

He raised it on the thirtieth of 
July, and, in pursuit of his plan, 
marched with all expedition to 
Brescia, where he joined the divi- 
sions of his army. They had gained 
several advantages over the Aus- 
trians, particularly at Lonado, a 
town which these had seized, but 
from which they were expelled, after 
being completely defeated in an en- 
gagement, the last of July, wherein 
they lost great numbers. 

From Brescia, where the Austri- 
ans were again totally routed, on the 
first of August, they withdrew in dis- 
order towards the Tyrol, where they 
took refuge in the mountains. On 
the third, marshal Wurmser,who,ap- 
prised of the ill fortune that had at- 
tended his other division, had ad- 
vanced with all speed to its assistance 
came up with Buonaparte, who, ex- 
pecting him, was prepared for batile. 
The Austrians had some advantage 
at first, through the rash impetuosity 
of an advanced corps of French, 

which 
» 


106] 


which was surrounded and taken; 
but the centre, forming into a com- 
pact body, charged them with such 
vigour, that they soon gave way, 
and were broken on every side.» A 
division of them endeavoured to 
make good’ iis retreat to Salo: but 
‘that place was already occupied by 
the left wing of the French, and 
this division, in attempting to gain 


the mouvtains, towards the 'I'yrol, 


fell mostly into the hands of the 
French. General Augereau, who 
commanded the right wing, assailed 
the left of the Austrians, posted at 
Castigliona. Here a furigus fight 
was maintained the whole day be- 
tween both’parties. The French at 
Jength prevailed, and the Austrians 
sustained an entire defeat. Between 
two and three thousand fell in the 
field, and about four thousand were 
made prisoners, among whom were 
three generals. ‘lhe French also lost 
a considerable number, and some 
officers of great note. 

On the fourth, a division of the 
French attacked a large body of 
Austrians; who were posted at 
Gavardo, towards the western side 
of the lake. The conflict was warm, 
but the Austrians were again worst- 
ed, with the loss of near two thou- 
sand men. 

Notwithstanding the successes of 
the third and fourth, Buonaparte 
was not yet assured of a fortunate 
termination of this obstinate dispute. 
Marsbal Wurmser had drawn toge- 
ther all the troops that could be ral- 
lied, to which he added a part of 
the garrison of Mantua, now re- 
lieved from the siege, and every 
other corps within reach. -Whea 
assembled, they formed an army 
formidable enough to renew the 
contest with Buonaparte, who was 
fully convinced that the most dan- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


-tillery to advanceagainstthem. This’ 


generous and difficult part of thé 
business still remained to be des 
cided. Rat 

He collected the whole of his 
force; and made the most advan- 
tageous arrangements to meet the 
enemy, whose attack he hourly ex 
pected. He visited every post, in 
order to ascertain the numbers that 
could be. spared to reinforce his 
main body. Repairing for this pur- 
pose to Lonade, he found it occu- 
pied by no more than twelve hun- 
dred of his troops, while a division 
of the Austrians, consisting of four 
thousand men, had encompassed ity 
and sent an officer to summon the 
Trench to surrender. Buonaparte 
concluding, from certain circum- 
stances, that this body of Austrians 
belonging to the defeated part of 
their army, and was endeavouring to 
make good its retreat, with remark- 
able presence of mind, told the offi- 
cer, that he was mistaken in think 
ing that he had met only with a de- 
tachment of the French army, the 
main body of which was there with 
Buonaparte himself, who now spoke 
to him, and required him immedi- 
ately to return to his general, and 
require that he should surrender in- 
stantly. The commander of thé 
Austrians, struck with astonishment, 
requested a parley to settle con- 
ditions. But Buonaparte, aware of 
the danger attending the least delay, 
insisted that they should direetly sur- 
render themselves prisoners of war. 
On their still demanding time to con- 
sider, Buonaparte gave orders for a 
body of chosen grenadiers and ar- 


decided the matter, and they all 
laid down their arms, without at- 
tempting to make the least resistance. 
Escaped from this imminent peril,’ 
in s9 extraordinary a manner, the 
French 


HISTORY OF EUROPE: 


French general determined to lose 
no time in bringing the contest toa 
final issue. Feigning to.be desirous 
of avoiding an engagement with 
Wurmser, he ordered a retrogade 
motion to be made by his army, in 
order to induce him the more rea- 
dily to advance. This order was 
executed on the morning of the fifth, 
with such dexterity, that while the 
Austrian general, deceived by aps 
pearances, was approaching the 
Frenck army to attack it, the 
right wing of the French, under 
_ general Serranier, an officer of great 
_ ability, turned the left of the Austri« 
ans, and assailed its rear, while ano- 
ther division attacked a redoubt in 
‘its front. The left of the French, 
in like manner, moved with unex- 
pected rapidity against the right of 
‘the Austrians, and their centre was 
charged at the same time with such 
impetuosity and vigour, that, sur- 
_ prised at movements so contrary to 
‘their expectation, they were, in a 
manner, taken unawares. They 
“made, however, a resolute defence, 
but fortune declared for the French. 
The Austrians were thrown into 
confusion; and, notwithstanding 
the skilful dispositions of Wurmser, 


_ were not able to stand their ground. 


They retired with all expedition, 
after losing two thousand men, 
and would certainly have lost many 
more, had not the French, from the 
excessive fatigue of so many suc- 
cessive conflicts, been disabled from 
@ pursuit. 

This victory was completely de- 
cisive of the contest between these 
two rival generals. ‘The battle 

might be said to have lasted five 
days, as there was no intermission 
of fighting during that time. The 
losses of the Austrians precluded 
all hopes of keeping the field. They 


[107 


amounted to seventy pieces of cane 
non, all the carriages belonging to 
his army, more than twelve thou- 
sand prisoners, and six thousand 
slain. 

But the principal loss was that of 
reputation. The troops thus beaten 
were chiefly veterans. Those who 
came with Wurmser were deemed 
the flower of the Austrian army, 
that had so obstinately contended 
with the best troops of France upon 
the Rhine. Wurmser himself was 
reputed an officer second to no one 
in the Imperial service, nor indeed 
in Europe, for valour, skill, and 
experience, and was, in a manner, 
the last hope of Austria, for the 
recovery of Italy., 

All these were circumstances 
deeply mortifying to the court of 
Vienna, and proportionably pro- 
ductive of triumph and exultation 
to the French republicans, and their 
well-wishers. 

The first intelligence of marshal 
Wurmser’s marching against Buona- 
parte, at the head of so selected an 
army, had revived the expectations 
of all the enemies to France, and 
not a little alarmed the directory 
itself. But those who were able 
judges of the military talents of 
Buonaparte, never felt a moment’s 
despondency, and it is but justice to 
acknowledge that he fully answered 
their utmost expectations. Through- 
out the whole course of this arduous 
trial, his abilities astonished both 
friends and foes. Surrounded by 
difficulties of every sort, he acted 
with a clearness of penetration that 
foresaw and obviated them all. He 
removed impediments as fast as they 
arose, and took his measures with so 
much prudence and sagacity, that he 
could not be charged with having 
committed one false step. His body 

3 


108 | 


and his mind appeared reciprocally 
calculated for the support of each 
other. Both were incessantly em- 
ployed, the one in planning, the 
other in personally forwarding every 
design that was conceived. Such 
were the indefatigable qualities with 
which nature had endowed him, that 
while his thoughts were unister- 
ruptedly on the stretch, he allowed 
himself no kind of repose ; and, dur- 
ing the last seven days and nights of 
this dreadful contest, he was never 
known to have laid himself down to 
Test. 

Notwithstanding this terrible de- 
feat, the Austrian general, though 
unable to keep the open field, still 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


occupied the strong line along the t 
Mincio, and a fortified camp before — 


Peschiera. Butthe French attacked 


them onthe sixth, forced theircamp 
and lines, and compelled them to 
withdraw to the other side of the 
Mincio, with a great loss of men 
and cannon. They pursued them 
to Verona, where the Austrians, 
through the connivance of the Ve- 
netians, 
stand: but they were driven from _ 
this city, and fied in disorder to- — 
wards the Tyrol. This action com- 
pleted their route, and the garrison 
of Mantua excepted, no Austrian 
troops remained in Italy on the 
southern side of the Adige. 


CHAP- 


endeavoured to make a | 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. [109 


CHAP. VIII: 


Ttalian Mobs excited against the French.—Suppressed by a Terrar of the 
victorious French—Marshal Wurmser, pursued by Buonaparte, retreats 
into the Tyrolese.—The Siege of Mantua resumed.—Marshal Wurmser, 
powerfully reinforced, makes Head against the French in the Venetian 
Territories —But is defeated.—The French take Possesston of Trent.— 
Continued Success of Buonaparte-—Marshal Wurmser, with the Remains 
of his Army, makes good his Retreat, and takes Shelter within the Walls of 
Mantua.—Corsica, evacuated by the English, returns under the Govern- 
ment of France.—Pacification between France and Naples—including the 
BatavianRepublic.—ReligiousZeal of the Romans.—Awakened by the Court 
of Rome into Rage,and avowed Preparations for War against the French.— 
A new Republic, composed of several small States—Prevalence of the 
Republican Spirit in Italy—The Austrians reinforced with Troops from 
Germany, advance against the French.—Retake Trent.— But are defeat- 
ed with prodigious Loss at Arcola.—The Austrians, though frequently 
defeated, return to the Charge.—High Spirit and Courage of the Tyro- 
lians,— Devotion of the Army in Italy to the French Republic.— Patience 
of the French Soldiers under manifold Privations. 


YHILE the fate of the Im- 
perial and the French ar- 
mies remained in suspense, the par- 
tisans of Ausiria, presuming that 
they would recover all their losses, 
began to act in the most hostile mar- 
ner to all who were friendly to 
the French. False intelligence was 
every where circulated, and the re- 
publican army represented as van- 
quished and flying before the Aus- 
trians. . The intervention of heaven 
was called in, and its aid held out 
as certain, in the expulsion of the 
2 eg invaders, as they were 
Styled, sent by France to destroy 


lawful governments and to destroy 
religion. 

The superstitious imbecility, for 
which the Italian commonalty is 
noted, was easily worked upon by 
instigations of this nature. Mobs 
rose in some places, and maltreated 
the French and their adherents. 
But the more prudent opposed this 
rash behaviour, and the generality 
of people did not participate in these 
demonstrations of enmity. Num- 
bers, at the same time, who were 
decid@dly in their favour, bad the 
courage openly to espouse their 
cause, even when the Austrians had 

obtained 


110] 


obtained some successes, and it be- 
gan to be apprehended that Buo- 
naparte’s army was in great danger. 
This spirit manifested itself prin- 
cipally at Ferrara and Bologna, but 
more than any where at Milan. 
Here the majority of the inhabi- 
tants expressed the most avowed 
concern at the retreat of the French 
before the Imperial army, and atthe 
raising of the siege of Mantua: on 
the report of the total rout of the 
French, and the approach of the 
Austrians, the streets and public 
places were filled by crowds, de- 
manding arms, and offering to march 
instantly to the assistance of the 
French. 

But of all those Italian states and 
princes that shewed unequivocal 
signs of satisfaétion at the tempo- 
rary successes of the Austrians, none 
equalled the temerity with which 
the court of Rome aéted upon this 
occasion. As soon as intelligence 
arrived that the French had re- 
treated from Mantua, a vice legate 
was dispatched to retake possession 
of Ferrara, notwithstanding the 
noted aversion of the citizens to 
the Roman government. ‘This was 
evidently a breach of the armistice 
between the French and the pope, 
but the vice legate remained in the 
city even in opposition to the incli- 
nation of the inhabitants, nor quitted 
it, until news arrived of the entire 
defeat of the Austrian army. 

At Rome itself the detestation 
of the French broke out in the most 
outrageous treatment of the few 
that werein that city. Those who 
shewed themselves most forward to 
abuse them, were the priests and 
monks. Incited by their example 
and discourses, the populace were, 
with difficul.y restrained, by the go- 
vernment, from exercising their ut- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


most fury on the natives of France, 
known to be republicans. 

The news of the viétories ob-— 
tained over the Austrians, put a stop — 
to these proceedings, by the conster-_ 
nation they spread in Rome, where 
the general expeétation was, that 
the French would shortly be ex- 
pelled from Italy: but the cooler 
part of the public’ highly censured 
the readiness with which the pope 
had been induced to violate the 
treaty concluded with the French 
general, and expressed a full per-_ 
suasion that be would require such 
a satisfaétion as would produce a 
deep repentance for its infraétion. 

In the mean time, marshal Wurm- 
ser was occupied in securing his 
retreat towards the mountainous 
country on the north of the Vene- 
tian dominions; but he was followed 
so closely by Buonaparte, that he 
was overtaken and defeated in two 
engagements, on the llth and 12th, 
with a severe loss of men, artillery, 
and baggage. It was with difficulty 
that he pursued his march to the 
other side of the city of Trent, 
where he reassembled the remains 
of his forces. ‘ 

The flight of the Austrians en- 
abled the French tu resume the 
siege of Mantua. The garrison 
had, on its being raised, totally de- 
stroyed the works of the besiegers, 
carried all theimcannon, amounting 
to one hundred and forty pieces, 
into the town,.and supplied it with 
large quantities of stores and pro- 
visions. From the thirtieth of July, 
when the siege was raised, to the 
nineteenth of August, when the 
French re-commenced their opera- 
tions against that city, it had been ~ 
put into the completest state of de- 
fence, and was now reputed more 
capable than ever to withstand iE : 

the 


iit 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


the efforts of the French, tilla more 
auspicious opportunity of relieving 
it effectually. 

France, in the mean while, was 
resounding with the exploits and 
praises of Buonaparte and his viéto- 
rious army. The standards taken 
from the Austrians, and sent by him 
to the direétory, were presented to 
it with great pomp and ceremony 
on the twenty-seventh of August. 
The officer commissioned to deliver 
them, addressed the direétory ina 
soldierly and spirited speech, which 
was received with great satisfaction 
and applause. It was entirely des- 
criptive of the bravery and determi- 


mation of the French soldiers, in 


Italy, to shed their blood for the 

service of the republic. It specified 

their intrepidity on divers occasions, 

and the great things it had done for 

the benefit of the state, and the 
lory of the nation. 

La Revailliere Lepaux, then pre- 


-sident of the direétory, returned him 
@ suitable answer. 


He loaded the 
French soldiery with all those praises 
that affect them possibly more than 
any other people of the same pro- 
fession elsewhere. He compared 
them to the most renowned warriors 
of antiquity, and exhorted them to 
proceed in that career of triumph 
and fame, which would raise France 


‘above all its enemies, and eter- 


nize their own name. These en- 
comiums were carefully transmit- 
ted to the army of Italy, where 
they produced their intended effect, 
in the satisfaction they afforded to 
both officers and men, and the ar- 
dour it filled them with, to be 
considered and treated as the heroes 
of their country. 

These enthusiastic sentiments 
were, at this period, particularly 


fill 


wanted. The viétories gained in 
Italy had cost the French many of 
their best officers, and bravest sol- 
diers; and their distance from 
France, together with other impedi- 
ments, obstructed the recruiting of 
their forces. Their enemies, on the 
contrary, had many facilities in this 
respect: the country behind them 
was their own; it abounded with 
robust and hardy men, inured to a 
laborious life, and inclined to the 
military profession. Hence conti- 
nual reinforcements were drawn, 
by means of which marshal Wurm- 
ser was enabled to repair his fre- 
quent losses, by incorporating the 
new levies with his veterans. 

His head quarters were now at 
Bassano, a town in the Venetian 
territories. Here he had assembled 
a considerable force, which he dis« 
tributed with great skill in all the 
advantageous positions in his neigh- 
bourhood. One of his divisions 
was stationed at Alla, on the Adige, 
in the road to the city of Trent, of 
which Buonaparte proposed to make 
himself master. This division occu- 
pied a strong post at Serravalle, on 
the right of the Adige, and another 
at Marco, on its left, By a series of 
skilful movements Buonaparte com- 
pelled a number of intermediate 
bodies of Austrians to fall back to 
these two posts, and crossing the 
Adige, on the fourth of September, 
he attacked the one at Marco, while 
the remainder of his forces fell upon 
the other at Serravalle. The en- 
gagement was obstinate on’ both 
sides, but the I'rench prevailed, and 
the Austrians were defeated with 
great loss, and driven from both 
positions. They retreated to Roves 
redo, inorder to recover themselves, 
and make a stand; but the French 

came 


112] 


came up with them, and again put 
them to the rout, and took possession 
of that town. 

The Austrians, having retreated 
to Trent, were making preparations 
to maintain themselves, by fortifying 
the avenues to it: but Buonaparte, 
who perceived their design, gave 
orders to attack them directly in 
the post they had taken. It was 
extremely strong, and it required 
vast efforts to make them abandon 
it; but they were completely rout- 
ed, and fled in confusion towards 
Trent, within three miles of which 
they were pursued. Thus termi« 
nated this famous fourth of Septem- 
ber; in the course of which the 
Austrians sustained three defeats, 
and lost upwards of seven thousand 
men, who were made prisoners, be- 
sides a number of slain, together 
with thirty pieces of cannon, and 
a large quantity of baggage and 

_ horses. 

In the night that followed this 
memorable day, marshal Wurmser, 
losing all hope of making head at 
Trent, evacuated it, and, next 
morning, the French took posses- 
sion of this celebrated city. At 
a small distance from it a large 
body of Austrians, posted them- 
selves at a bridge, commanding the 
entrance into the town of Lavis. 
But hither they were immediately 
followed by Buonaparte, who forced 
the entrenchments they had thrown 
up, after making his way over the 
bridge, and put them to flight. 

Master of Trent, an indepen- 
dent principality of the empire, 
Buon parte resolved to organize the 
government of this city on a re~ 
publican plan. He totally eman- 
Cipated it from that Imperial juris. 
diction, appointing an administra-. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


tive council, composed entirely of 
natives of the district, to whom 
alone every place of power and 
emolument was assigned, in abso- 
lute exclusion of all strangers. The 
laws and usages established were 
left untouched ; but the sovereignty 
was vested in the French republic, © 
to which an oath of obedience was 
required from all persons in autho- 
rity. 

By thus investing the natives of | 
this place, with the exclusive enjoy- — 
ment of all those employments and 
profits formerly diverted from them 
to aliens, he held out the prospect 
of asimilartreatment to all that sub- 
mitted to the French. He doubted 
not, by this exhibition of their jus- 
tice and impartiality, to procure a 
general willingness to prefer subor- 
dination to France to the dominion 
exercised over them by their present 
masters. 

After settling the government of 
the city of Trent, Buonaparte lostno 
time in the prosecution of his ad- 
vantages over the Austrians. Mar- 
shal Wurmser had fixed himself at 
Bassano, the way to which town ~ 
was rendered excessively d:fficult, by 
the river Brenta, and the defiles 
that bear its name. Here again 
the superior generalship of Buona- 
parte enabled him to effeet a pas- 
page over this river. He directed 
a chosen body of men to attempt 
it at a place where it was not ex- 
pected, and, by a circuitous march, 
to fall upon the rear of the Austri- 
ans. They succeeded completely ; 
and, while the small fort of Cavela,’ 
that stood in the defile, was carried 
by storm, they gained the head 
of this narrow pass, through which- 
the Austrians, after evacuating that 
fort, not being able to. make their 

way, 


NY 


a 


| decisive action. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


way, were compelled to surrender 
themselves, to the number of four 
thousand men, besides their cannon 
and standards. This advantage was 
obtained on the seventh of Septem- 
er. 

Buonaparte found no farther op- 
position in passing the other defiles 
on the road to Bassano. Near this 
place a strong division was posted, 
which, favoured by the ground, 


Maintained, the next day, a Vigorous 
dispute, but was finally routed. The 


French pushed forward to Bassano, 
from whence it was with difficulty 


that some chosen corps of Austrian 
' grenadiers were able to proteét the 


retreat of marshal Wurmser himself, 


who had hardly time to secure the 


military chest. This was truly a 
Five thousand men 
were taken, with thirty-five cannon 
and upwards of two hundred large 
waggons loaded with the baggage 
of the army, and a vast quantity of 
military utensils and stores. 
Notwithstanding this great de- 
feat, marshal Wurmser steadily ad- 
hered to the resolution he had 


formed, that in case his retreat 


should be cut off to the Austrian 
territories, he would throw himself 
into Mantua, and defend it to the 
last extremity. This was now pre- 
cisely his situation ; he had luckily, 
with the remains of some battalions, 
Tejoined a large division of his army 
at Montabello, a town in the proxi- 


ity of Vienna, and on the road to 
‘Verona. As it was impracticable 
to retire across the Brenta, where 
‘the French army commanded all 
the passages, he marched to Porto 


sago,where he passed tke Adige, 


_on the ninth of September, making 


all the expedition he was able to 
reach Mantua. 


_ The French, in the mean time, 


Vor, XXXVIIL. 


[113 


were pursuing him, and came up to 
a place through which it was ima- 
gined he would pass ; not finding 
him there, they took another route 5 
but their guide misled them, and 
they again missed him. He had 
now reached Cerea, a village lying 
between Governolo; and Castellaro, 
at which places large bodies of the 
French were posted to intercept 
him. Here too a division of their 
army met him, and an engagement 
ensued, but he defeated them, 
taking a number of prisoners, and 
advancing to Castéllaro, encounter- 
ed another division with like sue- 
cess. These two aétions took place 
on the twelfth, and at night he ar- 
rived at Mantua. 

A great number of Austrians had, 
during this escape of their general, 
fallen into the hands of the French. 
He had stationed the corps that 
came with him in the suburbs of 
Mantua, where the French attacked 
him on the fourteenth. The whole 
day was spent in very bloody skir- 
mishes; and on the fifteenth a-se- 
rious engagement followed. . The 
Austrian general’s objeét was to re- 
tain possession of the suburbs, from 
which be hoped, by means of his 
numerous cavalry, to forage the 
country round, and procure provi- 
sions for the garrison. The objeé& 
of the French was to drive him 
from these posts, and confine him 
within the body of the place. The 
confliét was severe and obstinate on 
both sides, but the Austrians lost 
the day, and were compelled to seek 
shelter within the walls of Mantua. . 
No less than tw® thousand fell in 
the d&tion, and as many were taken, 
with twenty-pieces of cannon, and 
a large quantity of ammunition. 
The loss of the French was also 
considerable, as the Austrians 

mail- 


m4] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


maintained a long and desperate 
fight. 

Various were the sallies ‘and skir- 
mishes that took place in the course 
of this famous siege, between the 
garrison and the besiegers. Every 
Species of art and stratagem was 
-employed by each party, and num- 
‘bers fell in the encounters that con- 
‘tinually happened. But the suc- 
cess was usually on the side of the 
French, who gradually diminished 
-the strength of the garrison, by the 
frequent captures of those who sal- 
-lied out, and who, notwithstanding 
the skill and valour they displayed 
on these occasions, seldom could 
make good their retreat into the 
town. 

While the French army lay be- 
fore Mantua, the standards taken 
from the Austrians in the several 
aétions on the borders of Italy, to- 
wards the Tyrol, and lately before 
Mantua, were sent to the direétory, 
and presented, on the first of Oéto- 
ber, with great form and solemnity, 
by Buonaparte’s aid-de-camp, Mar- 
mont, who, in a set speech, detailed 
the recent triumphs of the French 
in'Italy. They had, he observed, in 
the course of this campaign, destroy- 
‘ed three hostile armies, taken forty- 
seven thousand men, two hundred 
and eighty pieces of cannon, and 
forty-nine stand of colours. Two 
of theseindeed, the French, he said, 
held in little value, as they were 
taken from the troops of his holi- 
ness, who had changed his late 
tone, as will presently appear ; an 
enemy unworthy of their notice: 


but still they shewed the number of | 


their enemies, and the extent of 
their own successes, 

Shortly after the festivals and re- 
joicings, occasioned by the presen- 
tations of these trophies, the direéto- 
-sy had another opportunity of ex- 


‘it had been the resort of all those 


ulting in the good fortune that seems 
ed so invariably connected with the 
proceedings of the French in Italy. 
Since their occupation of *Leghorn, 


Corsicans who had fled from, o 
‘been expelled their country, whe 
it became annexed to the British 
dominions. They received every 
encouragement from the French 
there, and came to the determina« 
tion of forming a ‘plau for the ex= 
pulsion of the English from Cors 
sica.” 
A ‘circumstance »that operated 
powerfully for the French in that 
island was, that Buonaparte was a 
native of it. The great aétions 
he had performed had rendered 
him an objet of universal respeét 
among his countrymen, who glo- 
ried in him, as 2a man who refleéted 
the highest honour on his country, 
The report of ‘his continual viéto- 
ries emboldened the French party, 
in Corsica, to renew their endeas 
vours to undermine the interest of 
the English, whose government 
they represented as domineerin 
and oppressive,and contrary to thos 
principles that were congenial to the’ 
natives of this island. They gra- 
dually succeeded in  propagatin 
discontent among a people note 
for their fickleness and the incon 
stancy of their attachments. A 
communication was established be 
tween the exiles at Leghorn an 
elsewhere, and their partisans i 
Corsica. In a short time, the ad- 
herents to France became so numer- 
ous and aétive, that the English in 
the island clearly perceived that a: 
insurreétion was preparing agains 
them, which, from the inconsider- 
ableness of their force, they would 
not be able to withstand. Th 
€orsicans held meetings and a 
sembled numbers of men in arms 
whos 


ea ia - iar oe ee Giese tee Mie “See wie Ch oe 


| whose. intentions’ were evidently, 
| inimical... They openly at length 
iefused to pay taxes, or to acknow- 
| ledge the, viceroy’s authority ;, they 
seized his, person in a progress he 
was making through theisiand, and 
released him only on condition he 
should recall the troops he had sta- 
i tioned in the interior parts. The 
4) malcontents continued their. intri- 
uw, gues, and completely succeeded in 
‘filling the public with complaints 
and dissatisfaction. Apprised of 
their designs, the viceroy perceiving 


them, intimated the intention of 
leaving the island, and embarking 
with the English garrison... In con- 


of French and Corsicans sailed from 
_ Leghorn, and landed on the. eigh- 


multitudes having joined them, they 
“proceeded to Bastia, the capital, 
_and summoned the English garrison 
to surrender; but it effected. its 
sembarkation on board the ships in 
_the harbour with inconsiderable 
loss, and withdrew to Porto Ferraio, 
in the island of Elbe, of which the 
English had taken possession at the 
. time that Leghorn was seized by the 
1 _ French, in order to prevent them 
| from making a seizure of this island 
in the same manner. 
The evacuation of Corsica by 
.|. the English, and its return to the 
government of Trance, was an 
) event peculiarly acceptable. to the 
_ directory, which did not fail to 
Speak of it in terms of the greatest 
satisfaction, and to magnify it as 
of the highest importance to the 
‘Tepublic, and detriment to the Eng- 
Jish interest in the Mediterranean. 
_ The fact was, that the retention of 
it would manifestly have cost much 
_ more than its worth. The disposi- 
y! ‘ 


| oo- HISTORY OF EUROPE, © 


[115, 


tion of the inhabitants was.so little 
to be relied upon, and they had 
been so thoroughly prejudiced’’a- 
gainst the British government, that 
it appeared totally useless to endea- 
vour to reclaim them by reasonings, 
which they would have disregarded, 
or to coerce them, by severities, 
which would have produced civil 
contentions. and bloodshed, | that 
must have filled the island with 
wretchedness and calamity, without 
answering: any ether purpose than 
perpetuating mutual enmity, and 
rendering the possession of it.@ 
source of endless perpiexity. In 
this light, the determination taken 
to abandon it, was a measure of 
timely prudence. 

These various successes of the 
French, and of their partisans, ac- 
celerated the treaties of peace into 
which the princes of ltaly had en- 
gaged to enter with the republic. 
The king of Naples and the duke 
of Parma had, conformably to the 
terms of the armistice granted to 
them, deputed commissioners to 
Paris, to settle the conditions. It 
was 2n auspicious circumstance “for 
both, that Spain was at this time 
on friendly terms with France. 
Under the mediation of the Spanish 
minister at Paris, these two prin- 
ces were treated by the direétory 
with more moderation than they 
could have otherwise expected, 
considering the inveteracy they bad 
manifested against the republic ; 
much the same conditions were 
granted to them, as to the other 
powers with which France had 
already concluded pacifications. 
Naples however was required to 
pay the sum of eight millions, either 
in money or in naval storess The 
Batavian republic was formally in- 
ier this treaty, whigh was 

{l2 


116] 


concluded in the middle of Oéto- 
ber. 

The conduét of the court of 
Rome was marked, on this occasion, 
with a temerity that was by num- 
bers attributed to imbecility, and 
the grossest degree of bigotry. Not- 
withstanding the repeated defeats 
of the Imperialists, such was the 
confidence in the prowess of the 
Germans, after Buonaparte had 
been forced to raise the siege of 
Mantua; and in that fatality 
which had formerly attended the 
French in their invasions of Italy, 
that it was firmly believed at Rome 
they would be expelled, as they 
had been before, with equal loss 
and ignominy ; and that the fortune 
of the house of Austria would cer- 
tainly preponderate. 

Full of these ideas, those who 
influenced the papal councils were 
constantly averse to the concessions 
demanded by the direétory, as re- 
pugnant to the long established 
maxims of the Roman see, and ini- 
mical to the Catholic religion. It 
was explicitly required of the pope, 
that he should revoke all those 
publications that had been issued 
in virtue of his spiritual authority, 
and that related to the affairs of 
France. 

This was a blow so direétly 
striking at his religious principles, 
that no surprise was excited at the 
abhorrence he expressed of such a 
requisition. Herein he was second- 
ed by all the zealous adherents to 
his tenets. Had no other means 
been used to combat the demands 
of the French, than reasoning and 
argument, no blame could have 
been imputed to their antagonists : 
but the spirit of bigotry and super- 
stition rose up against them in a 
manner that reminded the world of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


the most despicable scenes of sus 


perstition that were recorded of | 


former ages. 
The immediate intervention of 
heaven was resorted to, and mira- 


cles positively asserted to have been — 


performed in many of the churches 
of Rome, in vindication, as it was 
construed, of the truth and dignity 


,of the catholic religion, outraged by 


the iniquitous conduét of theF rench, 


and their wicked attempts toestablish — 


infidelity on the ruins of theChristian 
belief. The streets of Rome were 


filled with processions, and the cre- 


dulity of the people converted into 
the means of inflaming them against 
the French, as the enemies of the 


Divinity, and of all that was sacred — 


among men. 
The court! of Rome did not 


seem to refleét, that, by lending it-— 


self to'such base and scandalous at- 
tempts to impose upon the multi- 
tude, they forfeited the consider- 
ation of all the reasonable part even 
of their own society. . For though 
the propensity of the’ Roman ca- 


tholics to give credit to miraculous — 


events is well known, yet the 
more judicious and discerning 
among them are very far from 
giving countenance to the absur- 
dities that pass current among the 
generality. 

Such however was either the real 
or pretended belief in the impos- 


tures daily propagated, that the 


zeal of all classes and conditions 
was roused; the populace was 
kindled to the utmost rage against 
all who expressed a doubt of these 
wonders, and testified the most 
violent ardour to enlist in the sere 
vice of the church and state. 
phrenzy of the monks, and of the 


weaker ecclesiastics, came in aid of 
that which appeared in the com-_ 


monalty 


The 


LE LO a ee 


t 
' 
‘ 
‘ 
- 
y 
: 
i 
‘ 
i 
L 
’ 


monalty, and even some persons, 
-not devoid of understanding, were 
induced to think, that the fury and 


|| indignation, excited by the persua- 


, 
: 


SS er ee - 


| sion of celestial assistance, being at 
hand, against the French, might 
supply the want of discipline, and 
animate the multitude to the most 
vigorous and effectual exertions. 
The French resident, at Rome, 
endeavoured to make the adminis- 
tration sensible of the dangers to 
which it exposed the state, by these 
jrash proceedings ; but his advice 
was rejected, and preparations ef 
war occupied the attention of all 
men: not however without mov- 
ing the compassion of those who 
foresaw the calamities, or the hu- 
miliations, that would result from 
these senseless measures, and the 
derision of those who secretly ridi- 
culed the idea of transforming a na- 
tion of bigots into an army of heroes. 
This, however, did not, perhaps, 
| appear to the court of Rome, what 
indeed it was not, impossible; and, 
as to the number of those who de- 
rided fanatical and superstitious no- 
tions, was probably believed to be 
far less than it really was. 
_ Whether the pope himself was 
prompted by his own credulity, or 
that of others, he completely threw 
off the mask of piety and resignation 
which he had formerly assumed, 


out the whole of this business, as 
if he considered the cause of the 
Roman see as entitled to superna- 
tural interposition. So deep rogted 
was his attachment to the rules 
and prescriptions of former times, 


| that he listened to no advice but 


that of ecclesiastics, and employed 
| Bo other persons to negociate with 
| the French, though he well knew 
how odious such persons were to 
‘them, and how likely to mar all 


he 08 | 


. HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


as above related, and aéted,through- » 


{117 


negociations on that very account. 
He behaved, in short, as if he had 
lived in those ages when the igno- 
rance of mankind, and the implicit 
respect rising from it for the ponti- 
fical character, subdued the dictates 
of good sense in all transactions with 
the church of Rome; and enabled 
it to domineer over nations with an 
authority that silenced every argu- 
ment, and commanded their obe« 
dience to him, on the despotic 
principle of his being the vicegerent 
of heaven upon earth. 

And yet had he turned his atten- 
tion to what was passing around him, 
and even among his own people, he 
must have seen the fatal impropriety 
of trusting to the disposition of men 
in religious or political matters, at 
the present zera, as might have been 
done heretofore, 

So impressive had been the ex- 
ample of the French in affairs of 
religion and politics, in every part 
of Italy, that avowed approvers of 
them had arisen in every province 
and sovereignty of that country. 
Republican principles especially, 
were maintained by those who still 
faithfully adhered to the tenets of 
Christianity, which, indeed, they 
explicitly asserted, was totally un= 
connected with any form of govern- 
ment, and inculcated no more than 
obedience to the established laws, 
and fidelity.to the government It- 
self, whatever its form might be. 
As these maxims, however sound and 
reasonable in themselves, militated 
gainst the systems prevailing in 
Italy,. the ruling powers felt, of 
course, an invincible repugnance to 
them. Hence their abhorrence of 
the French, and their readiness, at 
the same time, to enter into agree- 
ments with them, before their prin- 
ciples had gained sufficient latitude 
among their owr subjects to incite 

{I 3] them 


118] 
them to throw off the yoke, and 
adopt the systein of the: French,who 
might easily be prevailed upon, in 
such case, to give them effeétual 
countenance. ’ 

This was fully verified in the 
instance of the duchy of Modena: 
its sovereign, when he fled to Venice, 
had established a regency, which, 
contrarily to the intent of the armis- 
tice concluded with the French, as 
they complained, set about repair- 
ing the fortifications of the city of 
thatname. This afforded them a 
plausible pretext to take it into their 
own possession ; they dismissed the 
ducal regency, and substituted a 
government on their own plan, and 
which was to rule im their name. 
This change was effeéted on the 
eighth of Odtober. 

The city of Reggio, the next in 
importance in that duchy, had al- 
ready cast off its obedience, and 
settled a republican government, 
in complete imitation of that in 
France. This happened towards the 
close of August. The cities of Bo- 
logna and Ferrara, which had sub- 
mitted to the French about two 
months before,were now so complete- 
ly revolutionized in their principles, 
that they sent a deputation to con- 
gratulate the people of Reggio upon 
avhat they had done, and to offer 
them assistance against all opposers. 

After the French had seized Mo- 
dena, an union of that city and those 
of Reggio, Bologna, Ferrara, and 
of their respeétive distriéts, into one 
commonwealth, under the. protec. 
tion of France, was immediately 
projected. The French forms and 
institutions were adopted in every 
respect ; but care was taken, at the 
same time, toprevent,by the striétest 
regulations, all tumultuous proceed- 


ings, on account of differences jn. 


opinion, and to secure the property 
o 


aoe 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


- 1796. 


of all those who behaved peaceably. 

Herein the conduét of Buonaparte_ 
was - remarkably impartial: he. 
threatened the severest punishment 
to those who violated the trane 
quillity of the public on pretext of 
avenging the state on the enemies to 
liberty. 

The spirit that animated the 
people of this new republic, and 
which was generally diffused every 
where, was highly unacceptable to 
the aristocratical governments int 
Italy. At Genoa, the mass of the 
inhabitants was evidently inclined 
to'the French, system, but the nobles” 
still continued inveterate to demo- 
cratical principles. ; 

In the ‘distriéts situated along 
the mountainous country, bordering 
upon the territories of Genoa, num=_ 
bers of banditti infested the roads, 
and were privately encouraged by 
the Austrian emissaries at Genoa ; 
whose ‘residence in that city was_ 
strongly suspeéted to be connived at _ 
by some principal persons in the 
Genoese government. These \sus- 
picions, and the repugnance of the 
nobles to favour popular notions, 
prevented a cordial correspondence 
from subsisting between this state 
and the French republic, 

In the duchy of Milan, the res 
publican Spirit prevailed,with hardly 
any other opposition than of those 
interested for the Austrians, by the 
employments they had held in their 
service. The administration of af- 
fairs, in this country, was now vested 
in the representative assembly chosen 
by the people, which exercised thé 
powers of government under thé 
proteétion of France. ; 

The members of this administras 
tion were men of conspicuous firms 
ness and determination in the cause 
they had embraced: they exerté 
all their abilities and influence over 

their 


‘HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


their countrymen, in order to. pre- 
serve that spirit of liberty among 
them, on which, they were con- 
scious, depended the favour of. the 
French, without which their con-+ 
dition would not be better than un- 
der the Austrian domination. This 
indeed was held in particular de- 
testation by the persons eminent for 
their literary talents, for whom it 
expressed a marked aversion, on ac- 
count of the freedom-they frequently 
took in their writings and conversa- 
tions, when treating of religious or 
“political subjects. 

The return of this odious domina- 
tion was extremely dreaded by the 
Milanese. Those, in whom the 
change of affairs had placed the 
supreme authority, well knew, that, 


were the Austrians to regain pos-. 


session of this country, its inhabi- 
tants would suffer severely, on ac 
count of the preference they had 
manifested for the French; and that 
they themselves had no other pros- 
pect than of capital punishment for 
the part they had acted. 

Swayed by these motives, they 
used every means, and employed 
every argument, to inspire their 
countrymen with the resolution to 
‘oppose, to the last- extremity, the 
Te-establishment of the Austrian 
power. They published admoni- 
_ tions and addresses to the public, 
several of which were strikingly 
eloquent and pathetic: they warmly 
exhorted their countrymen, and, 
through them, the people of all 
Italy, to improve the opportunity, 
arisen from the entrance of the 
French, and their readiness to eman- 
cipate the subjects of the despotic 
princes, who had so long oppressed 
the country, to throw off the yoke, 
and to establish free constitutions. 


They enforced this advice with, 


every reason that could be adduced, 


fi19 


but especially the facility they would 
find, in conjunction with the French, 
to. bring about every alteration ne- 
cessary for their welfare. Never 
might so auspicious an occasion re- 
cur, to substitute the governments, . 
founded on liberty, to the tyrannical 
systems from which every man 
among them, that dared to speak 
his mind, openly expressed his wish 
to be delivered. 

In pursuance of these sentiments, 
which were almost universally dif- 
fused through all classes, the admini- 
stration publicly offered a prize for 
the best treatise that should be pro 
duced on the important question, 
which was the free government best 
calculated to promote the happiness 
of Italy ? The subject was handled, 
accordingly, with all the freedom it 
merited: the pens of some,of. the 
most eminent writers were employ- 
ed on this occasion, and though, by 
venturing to utter their thoughts). | 
they might eventually expose them- 
selves to the greatest danger, their 
zeal and courage raised them above 
all apprehensions. 

_ The publications of this kind, that 
frequently appeared at this period, 
made so effectual an impression upon 
those for whom they were intended, 
that a general inclination to take an 
active part against the Austrians - 
was every where visible. They 
were, in fact, considered by most of 
the Italiansas the common enemy. 
of their country, long before.:the 
French expedition.. The only difs 
ference between these and the Ger- 


‘mans, was, that the latter had pos« 


session, and the former was striving 
to gain a footing. But then, the 
views of both were professedly op= 
posite; the one meaning to retain’ 
his possessions, the other to:set them, 
free from their present holders,and to 
erect them into independent states. 

14] Animated 


120] 


Animated by the patriotic wri- 
tings of their literati, the citizens 
of Milan, and of other towns, pre- 
sented a petition to the administra- 
tion, requesting it to procure per- 
mission, from Buonaparte, to form 
themselves into military corps, in 
order to serve against the Austrians. 
Their request was favourably re- 
ceived by the general, who was 
duly sensible of the impression such 
an example would have on their 
fellow-countrymen in other ae of 
Italy. 

Daring these various transactions, 
the necessity of dividing his atten- 
tion to a multiplicity “of objects, 
of providing the means to carry 
on different enterprizes, and, above 
all, to continue the blockade of 
Mantua, bad left the Austrians 
leisure to make new military at- 
rangements. They recruited the 
shattered army of marshal Wurmser, 
and, by drawing reinforcements 
from the neighbouring provinces of 
the Austrian dominions, they formed 
a new one, with which they again 
indulged the hope of being able 
to take the field, and repair their 
losses, 

They now moved their canton- 
ments behind the Lavisio and the 
Piava, and advanced against the 
French, who, after ineffectually 
striving to oppose their passage of 
these rivers, yielded to their superior 
force, and fell back to the Adige. 

General Davidovich, who com- 
manded the Austrians in this quar- 
ter, was thereby enabled to re- 
cover Trent, and other towns in its 
vicinity ; while) marshal Alvinzi 
proceeded as far as Vicenza, in 
the Venetian territories, where he 
was sure of meeting with every 
clandestine aid which that state 
could afford. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


From the beginning of Novems 
ber, a variety of actions took place 
between the Austrians and the 
French, who were generally success- 
ful and made a number of priso- 
ners : not, however, without suffer- 
ing on their side. © 

The plan of marshal Alvinzi, 
who had the chief command, was, 
to form a junction with the Aus- 
trian troops that were on their 
march from the Tyrol, and with 
those that had forced the French te 
retire from Trent. To this intent 
he drew near to Verona, where, he 
hoped, they would have joined him. 
Buonaparte, apprised of this move- 
ment, crossed the Adige, on the 
fourteenth of November, and ap- 
proached the Austrians posted at 
Caldaro. Alvinzi, judging that he 
would be vigorously attacked, and 
that the day would probably prove 
decisive, disposed his troops with 
great skill. ‘The village of Arcola, 
through which the French were to 
pass, was situated in the middle of 
a marsh, and accessible only’ by a 
causeway. This post he eccupied 
in great force, lining with troops 
every spot-on each side, from 
whence the French could be an- 
noyed in their march. They suc- 
ceeded, however, by dint of in- 
trepidity and perseverance, and pe- 
netrated to a bridge on a canal 
that flanked the village : here stood 
a numerous body of chosen men, 
who repulsed them in repeated: 
attacks ; they had also to encounter 
a tremendous fire from the houses 
near the bridge, which were filled 
with troops that kept up a continual 
discharge of musketry. The French 
generals, who saw the necessity of 
carrying this post, placed themselves 
at the head of their men, who seem- 
ed to lose courage at the numbers 

‘that 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


that fell, and to despair of success. 
Augereau, who had the chief com- 
mand in this desperate attack, seeing 
most of those generals carried off 
wounded, advanced himself, with a 
standard in his hand, to the foot of 
the bridge. He had the good for- 
tune to escape unwounded, but his 
men could gain no ground. Buona- 
parte, on receiving intelligence of 
this ill-success, came himself to the 
spot, and reminding his troops of 
their passage over the bridge of Lodi, 
dismounted, and, seizing a standard, 
rushed towards the bridge at the 
head of the grenadiers, crying out, 
*€ follow your general.’’? The troops 
advanced again to the bridge, but 
were not able to stand the fire of 
‘the Austrians. Two other generals 
were wounded, and Buonaparte’s 
aid-de-camp was killed at his side ; 
he himself, who had again mounted 
 torally his men with the more speed, 
fell from his horse into marshy 
ground ; after extricating himself 
he continued to press forward his 
‘men: but still they made no im- 
pression upon the Austrians, who, 
_ Bevertheless, did not dare to move 
from their position, in order toim- 
prove their advantage. 
_ Buonaparte had, in the mean time, 
dispatched general Guiaux, a re- 
markable bold officer, at the head of 
@ strong body, with orders, by a cir- 
cuitous march, to proceed to Ar- 
cola, and assail it upon the rear of 
Austrians, where it was more 
accessible. This officer executed his 
orders with the completest success. 
He carried the villages, taking seve- 
Tal pieces of cannon, and making a 
great number of prisoners. This he 
effected the more readily, that while 
he fell upon their rear, the Austrians 
were threatened by the troops in 
their front,who were again advanc- 


[igi 


ing upon them, and whom they now 
could not have withstood. 

Thus terminated the action of 
the fifteenth, which, though it end- 
ed successfully for the French, was 
undecisive. On the sixteenth, at 
break of day, the Austrians made 
ageneral attack upon the French. 
They were vigorously repulsed every 
where but at Arcola, of which 
they had retaken possession on the 
seventeenth. It wasagain assailed, 
in the same manner as on the two 
preceding days, by general Auge- 
reau, who commanded the right 
wing, facing which stood this cele- 
brated spot. The centre of the 
French army was, in the mean time, 
so furiously charged that it gave 
way; but Buonaparte, while it was 
retreating, placed a large body in 
a wood that flanked it, which, as 
soon as the Austrians, pressing on the 
centre, were preparing to turn it, 
sallied forth upon them unexpect- 
edly, and routed.them with vast 
slaughter. The left wing of the 
Austrians, covered with marshes, 
stoodits ground a longtime, through 
the advantage of its position, and 
the superiority of its numbers. In 
orderto make an impression upon 
this, a party of horse was detached 
round the marshes that protected it, 
and directed to sound a large num- 
ber of trumpets, as soon as they had 
reached its rear. This stratagem 
succeeded, and the left wing pre- 
cipitately retired, imagining it was 
turned by a considerable force. 
Still, however, Arcola remained 
untaken, notwithstanding the skill 
and bravery employed in attacking 
it. The same maneuvre that pre- 
vailed against it in the first engage- 
ment was again practised with the 
likesuccess. Astrong column came 
round upon the rear of those who 
3 defended 


122] 


defended it, while general Massena, 
with the left wing, after defeating 
the right of the Austrians, united 
with the centre, and both, with 
general Augereau on the right, ad- 
vanced on the causeways leading to 
it, when it was earried. The Au- 
strian army was Closely followed till 
night put an end to the pursuit. 

This was the most obstinate bat- 
tle that had yet been fought between 
the French and the Austrians. Va- 
Your and skill were conspicuously 
displayed on each side, but the ge- 
nius and good fortune of Buonaparte 
overcame all obstacles, and gave 
him a victory, of which, on the first 
onset, he had évery reason to doubt. 
The losses of the Austrians, in this 
terrible battle, were truly ruinous. 
It was computed that eight thousand 
of them were killed and wounded, 
and near five thousand taken, be- 
sides an immense quantity of war- 
like stores. The loss of the French 
was also very considerable, espe~ 
cially in officers, who felt themselves 
obliged, on this critical occasion, to 
expose their lives in the brunt of 
the battle, the gain of which may be 
chiefly ascribed to the personal intre- 
pidity displayed by the commander- 
in-chief and his other generals. In 
a letter to the directory, Buénaparte 
acknowledged, that, what with slain, 
or disabled, he had hardly @ general 
left him fit for duty. 

Early in the morning of the eigh- 
teenth, Buonaparte set his army in 
motion to prosecute the success of 
the foregoing day. It was foreseen 
that Alvinzi would retire either to- 
wards the Piava, on the frontiers of 
the Austian dominions, or endea- 
vour to strengthen himself by a junc- 
tion with the forces under general 
Davidovich, who had been more for- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


tunate than himself, ‘and still kept 
the field in considerable force. 

Celerity in his movements was. 
now become more indispensible than: 
ever to the French general. The- 
continual supplies of reeruits arriving. 
from the Tyrol, and the parts con=: 
tiguous toit, enabled the Austrians, 
however frequently defeated, to re- 
turn, as it were, immediately to the: 
charge ; and such was theirstrength, 
that, had it been concentrated in the 
late actions, there was little doubt: 
but the French must have yielded: to. 
its superiority. 

Buonaparte had now been com-~ 
pletely victorious over four hostile: 
armies, composed of troops equal 
at least to any in Europe. The in- 
ference naturally was, that his own: 
troops, and those who. commanded 
them, were superior in military ta- 
lents to those whom they had de- 
feated; but the Austrians were not> 
of this opinion; and such was the’ 
confidence they reposed in their 
own prowess, that they attributed 
the successes of the Freneh to for-: 
tunate casualties, and neither to 
bravery nor better tractics. The 
subjects ofthe emperor, particularly. 
those of the counties usually styled, 
hereditary, were so fully of this per- 
suasion, that they entertained no 
doubt of being able finally to chace 
the French out of all their Italian 
conquests. Hence they readily re« 
paired to the Imperial standard, 
eager to recover the reputation they 
had, in some degree, lost, by the 
continual advantages of the French 
over them. 

The inhabitants ef the Tyrol 
were remarkably zealous im testify-. 
ing their readines$ on this occasion. 
They felt themselves greatly offend=' 
ed by the proclamation that Buona~ 

: parte: 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


patte had issued to ‘them, after he 
Wad deféated marshal Wurmser, and 
was preparing to invade the Tyrol. 
Tt was filled with the severest threats, 
‘to such of them as belonged to the 
districts of which he should take 
possession, if they did not forthwith 
leave the Imperial service and re- 
turn to their homes. This they con- 
sidered as a violation of their native 
right, to act in defence of their sove- 


reign. 

’ rom motives of this nature they 
flocked to the different bodies that 
Were assembling to reinforce the de- 
feated army of Alvinzi, and that 
‘division under Davidovich, which, 
after forcing the French forces, un- 

_ der general Vaubois, to abandon 
their position, was advancing to- 
_ wards Mantua. 
_ + In order to oppose his progress, 
alarge force was immediately dis- 
patched against him, which effec- 
tually succeeded in putting him to 
the rout, with so considerable aloss, 
that his designs upon Mantua were 
totally frustrated. 

The ittelligence of these various 
advantages, but especially of the 
great victory at Arcola, was receiv- 
ed, as usual, by the directory, with 
the highest satisfaction. The pre- 
sentation of the standards, taken on 
that memorable day, and in the 
other engagements with Alvinzi’s 
army, took place on the thirtieth of 
December. it. was accompanied 
with a speech from the officer who 
presented them, remarkable for the 
devotion it expressed in the army of 
Maly to the republican constitution 
of France, and its determination to 
Support it against every attempt, 
either from foreign or domestic ene- 
mies. 

‘A declaration of this kind was the 
more acceptable to the republican 


[ies 


party, that its enemiés in’ France 
were, at this time, extremely active 
in their endeavours to rendér it odi- 
ous to the nation, and to excite a 
disapprobation of the measures of 
government, particularly of the pro- 
longation of the war: They repre- 
sented it as wholly unnecessary for 
the honour or the interest of France, 
and continued merely to indulge the 
ambition of persons in power. By 
such anu arrangement of their con- 
duct they hoped to bring the nature 
of the power they exercised into 
disgust, and to prove it inconsistent, 
both with peace abroad and tran- 
quillity at home. 

These adversaries to the ruling 
system, were the friends to the an- 
cient monarchy, and the adherents 
to the first constitution, by which 
the power of the crown was li- 
mited. These latter were incom- 
parably more in number than the 
former, and included a large pro- 
portion of the noblesse, and many 
of the clergy. But both these par- 
ties together, however numerous, 
were inferior in strength to the re- 
publican, which comprehended all 
the common classes, and dreaded a 
renovation of that oppressive au- 
thority which the upper ranks had 
exercised over the lower. But what 
principally’ weakened the two first 
parties was their disunion: they 
hated each other as much as they 
did the republicans. ‘The non- 
juring clergy, in particular, would 
not divest itself of the least attach- 
ment to their primitive tenets, and 
anathematized all that differed from 
them. As these two parties agreed, 
however, in their detestation of ree 
publicanism, they exerted all their 
abilities and influence in undervalu- 
if it, and all itssupporters. Buona- 
parte’s great actions protected him 

from 


124] 


from those who might have beea 
inclined to depreciate his merit, but 
he could not escape the insinuations 
against his fidelity to the common- 
wealth. ‘These were industriously 
propagated by its enemies, in order 
to breed suspicions in the govern- 
ment, and to induce it to diminish 


its confidence in him, and thereby ~ 


to set both at variance with each 
other. 

. But the intrigues and publications 
to this intent were ineffectual. It 
was to remove all jealousies of this 
nature that Buonaparte directed his 
aid-de-camp, Lemarois, on present= 
ing the colours, taken at Arcola, to 
the directory, to assure them of the 
inviolable attachment of his army 
to the interest of the republic. 

The mass of the nation, pleased’ 
with the glory accruing to it from 
sO many victories, was strongly pre- 
possessed in favour of a system un- 
der which its arms had so wonder- 
fully prospered. The staunch as- 
serters of a commonwealth were con- 
tinually, reminding the public of the 
disproportion between the people 
at large and those who formerly 
possessed an exclusive authority over 
them. The noblesse did not exceed 
one hundred thousand individuals, 
nor the clergy, with the monastic 
orders, twice that number. Were 
they entitled, in justice and reason, 
to assume a sovereign authority over 
twenty-four millions of people, con- 
taining a far greater number of per- 
sons, possessing worth and capacity, 
equal at least, if not superior, to 
what they could boast?) Was it 
not among the plebeians, as they 
insultingly styled all but themselves, 
that the nation counted the men 
of talents in all professions? Was 
it equitable that these should bow 
the neck to the others, and submit 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


to that feudal vassalage which had 
so long oppressed and disgraced thg, 
people of France? Having eman- 
cipated themselves from this slavery, 
was it to be expected that they 
should return to it, with their eyes 
open to the contemptible character 
of those who arrogated the right 
of again becoming their tyrants, 
and, after paying the price of so 
much blood, to secure themselves 
aguinst their pretensions, and the 
iniquitous combination of those fo- 
reign despots, who abetted them, in 
hope of sharing the spoils of the 
French nation, after having again 
reduced it to servitude ? 

Reasonings of this kind were more 
acceptable to the generality than the 
arguments employed by the anti-re- 
publicans, who, though they widely 
differed in opinion among themselves, 
were considered as forming but one 
party, to which their enemies gave, 
incommon, the name of royalists; 
meaning thereby to inyolve all the 
opponents of the commonwealth in. 
the indiscriminate imputation of 
being foes to liberty, and asserters 
of arbitrary power. 

The conflicts of opinion upon 
these various subjects were, at this 
period, increasing daily, and threat- 
ened to produce internal convulsions 
in various parts of France, through 
the invincible activity and courage 
of the party in opposition to govern- 
ment. But the vigilance of the 
directory repressed every movement 
that had the least tendency to insur= 
rection, and the decided resolution 
of a]l the armies, to support the pre= 
sent measures, kept the discontented 
in awe. 

No class of men had signalized 
their attachment to republican prin= 
ciples with such fervour and con- 
stancy as the French soldiery.. It 

was 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


was now the fifth campaign, during 
which their toils and sufferings were 
not less remarkable than their ex- 
ploits. Hunger and nakedness had 
frequently been their portion, in the 
midst of their most splendid suc- 
cesses. Had not the incredibly hard 
living they were used to in their 
own country, under the severity of 
the old government, inured their 
bodies to go through much fatigue 
‘with a slender sustenance, and few 
comforts, they would not have 
proved adequate to the labours and 
scanty support to which they sub- 


mitted, with such admirable pa- 
tience, in the course of their war- 


fare. This part of their charaéter 
attraéted the notice of foreign na- 
‘tions as much as of their own ; and 
it was often a matter of surprise, 
how they could perform the duties 
of a military life with so stinted and 
wretched a fare, and under so many 
_discouragements. 

The army of Italy, in particular, 
had exhibited astonishing examples 


_of fortitude in the most trying situa- 


tions ; that their enemies had con- 
“cluded, from the reports of the 
difficulties to which they were re- 
duced, i in procuring the means of 
existence, that nothing else would 
‘be needed to compel them to aban- 
don their position, and withdraw to 
France. [t was previously, how~ 
ever, to the present campaign, and 


while they were stationed among 


re rocks, extending along the south 


[195 


of Piedmont to the frontiers of 
France, that the French soldiers had 
occasion to exhibit their patience 
under hard fare. The coarse and 
disgusting food, on which they sub- 
sisted, was compared to the Lace- 
demonian broth of old, and none, it 
was said, but Frenchmen, Green- 
landers, or Scotch Highlanders, 
could have fed on such messes. 

It was by their perseverance, in 
these extremities, that they main- 
tained the posts they occupied, and 
afforded time to Buonaparte to join 
them, at the head of those rein- 
forcements, united with which they 
marched to the conquest of Italy. 

This and their other achieve- 
ments were incessantly held out to 
the French armies, as incentives to 
adhere faithfully to a cause which 
they had hitherto supported with so 
much glory. One more campaign 
would probably, put an end to their 
toils; and, by procuring a glorious 
peace, enable them to return to 
their country, and spend their future 
lives with honour and ease, in the 
enjoyment of those remunerations— 
promised them for their services. 

Such were the arguments and ex- 
pectations that animated the armies 
of France at this period, especially 
that which had performed such great 
things in ltaly, and now hoped to 
close the year by the capture of 
Mantua, and the total fall ef the 
Austrian empire in Italy. 


CHAP. 


126] ANNUAL'REGISTER, 1796. 


CHAP. IX: 


Campaign in Germany.—Opposite Designs of the French and Austrians.— — 
Successes of the French.—They invest Ehrenbritstein.— Driven back, by the 
Archduke Charles, to Dusseldorf.—The Division of the French Army under — 
Moreau takes Post at Strasburg.—The Plan of Operations acid by this 
Gencral.— Crosses the Rgine.—Reduces the Fortress of Kchl.— Defeats the 
Austrians, under Marshal Wurmser, near Philipsburg. —And in various 
and successive Engagements.—The Austrians retire, in order to wait for 
Reinforcements, into the interior of Germany.—Funtlion of the “French 
Troops under Jourdan and Kleber.—These united reduce Frankfort.— 
Successes of Moreau in Swabia.—Cessation uf Hostilities between the French 
and the Princes of Wirtemberg and Baden.—Conduct of Prussia.—A Prus- 
sian Army takes Possession of Nuremberg.—Impolicy of the French in the 
Mode of raising Contributions. —Cause of this. —Depredations of the French 
in Germany.—Operations of the French Armies under Moreau and Jourdan. 
— Disasters of the Austrians.x—The Emperor represents the Situation of 
G ermany, and his own Situation, in an Appeal to his Bohemian and Hunga- 
rian SubjeCts.— Diet of the Empire.—Partakes of the general Consternation 
of Germany.—Determination to open a Negociation for Peace with France. 
—The Tide of Success turned against the French, by the Germans, under 
the Archduke Charles.—Obstinate Engagements.—Masterly Retreat of the 
Lrench Armies.—Particularly of that under Moreau.—Consequences.— 
The Austrians occupied in the Siege of Kehl.—Sually of the Garrison there. 
Vari°us Aétions.—Armistice between the French and Austrians.— 
The Diet of the Empire re-animated by the enterprizing Spirit and Success 


of the Archduke Charles, solicitous to regain the 'avour of the Imperial 
Court. 


HILE Buonaparte was em- 


which important fortress, at the 
ployed ina contest with the 


opening of the campaign, would 


Austrian.arms and authority in Ita- 
ly, Jourdan and Moreau were en- 
gaged in a confliét with the same 
formidable enemy on the Rhine; 


which the French had long proposed © 


to make the boundary of the re- 
public, on the side of Germany. 
The objeét to which the Austrians 
were thought to direét their motions 
was Luxembourg ; the recovery of 


have given great reputation to the 
Austrian arms, and opened, at the 
same time, a passage for the re- 

covery of the Nethariaaiie 
The French were no less desirous 
of obtaining possession of Mentz, in 
their attempts on which they had 
lost such numbers, and experienced 
so many disappointments; but the 
fortifications of this city had been 
i so 


| HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


so considerably increased, and the 
garrison so much strengthened, that, 
unless the French could attack it on 
the German, .as well as on their 
own, side of the Rhine, the com- 
munication with Germany would 
furnish it with continual supplies of 
men and provisions, and frustrate 
all their.endeavours to reduce it. 
The opening of the campaign 
Was auspicious to the | French, 
Moving from Dusseldorf, that divi- 
sion -which had wintered there, 
marched, under general Kleber, on 
the right side of the Rhine, towards 
a body of Austrians, encamped at 
the river Sieg, to guard its passage 
against the French; but these de+ 
feated them on the first of June, 
and, following their successes, en- 


' Counteredand routed another body, 


commanded by the prince of Wir- 
temberg on the fourth, at Alten- 
kirchen, a place lyingon the road 
to Mentz, whither the French in- 
tended to force their way, in order 
to intercept its communication with 
Germany. In the first of these en- 
-gagements, the Austrians lost about 
two thousand men ; in the second, 
near three thousand. 

They had now crossed the Sieg, 
and the Lahn, and were in pursuit 
of the troops they had defeated at 

the passage of these rivers ;” they 
had, .at the same time, invested the 
celebrated fortress of Ehrenbritstein, 
the capture of which would have 
given them the command of all the 
neighbouring country. 
_ Happily for the Austrians, this was 


_ @ place of extraordinary strength, 
and not to be subdued but by the 


" Bfeatest efforts and perseverance : 
in order, however, to secure it effec- 
tually, together with the adjacent 
Paris, it was judged adviseable by 
the Austrian commanders, to move, 


[197 


with the greater part of their forces, 
tothe defence of the German side 
of the Rhine. 

The archduke Charles, who was 
at the head of the Imperial army, 
crossed that river accordingly, about 
the eight of June, in such force as 
rendered the Austrians considerably 
superior in strength to the French, 
who, by this motion, were arrested 
in their progress towards Mentz, 
which they had nearly approached : 
and general Lefebre, one of their 
best officers, was, after a most brave 
and skilful defence, defeated on the 
fifteenth, near Wetzlaar, and com- 
pelled to repass the Lahn, and retire 
towards the Sieg, in his way back to 
Dusseldorf. 

General Jourdan, who command- 

ed the French army, opposed to the 
archduke, after raising the siege of 
Ehrenbritstein, near Siegburg, took 
a position where he hoped to make 
a stand, until the reinforcements he 
expeéted had joined him: but the 
archduke, confiding in the goodness 
of his troops, as well as the supe- 
riority of their numbers, attacked 
the division under Kleber, on the 
twentieth, at Kirpen, and after a 
well-disputed aétion, compelled him 
to retire, and abandon all the coun- 
try he had reduced in his march 
from Dusseldorf; to which place 
he found it necessary to make a re- 
treat, with that part of,the army 
under his command, while the other 
recrossed the Rhine at Neuwied 
with Jourdan, and repossessed their 
former positions, in order to pre- 
vent the Austrians from deriving 
any farther advantages from their 
success. 

Manheim and Mentz seemed now 
to lie open to the attacks of the 
French ; but as the protection they 
would receive from the Austrian 

armiesy 


128] 


armies, on the right side of the 
Rhine, would render such an at- 
tempt extremely hazardous, they 
determined to besiege neither, but 
to leave their future reduétion to 
the consequence of a plan of operas 
tions, which, if it succeeded ac- 
cording to their expectations, would 
not fail to put them in possession of 
those two cities, without the neces- 
sity of a siege, 

When the archduke crossed ‘to 
the right of the Rhine, he left a 
strong division of his forces in the 


Hundsdruck, the country lying on. 


the left of that river, between 
Mentz, on the north, and Manheim, 
on the south. This division, toge- 
ther with the garrisons of those two 
cities; was reputed sufficient to 
watch and repel the motions of 
general Moreau, who commanded 
the French forces in that quarter. 

But this active general was intent 
ona very different plan from that 
of annoying the Austrian division, 
or of forming the siege of either of 
these places. In order, however, 
to deceive them, by such appear- 
ances as might facilitate his designs, 
he made a variety of motions, in- 
dicating an attack of several of their 
posts ; and while they were making 
arrangements to oppose him, he 
drew off, unperceived, almost the 
whole of his army, and, by an ex- 
peditious march reached Strasburgh 
before the Austrians had discovered 
his motions, 

He had now attained the spot 
from whence he was to enter upon 
the execution of his projeét, which 
was, to cross the Rhine opposite this 
city, into Swabia, and to take the 
fort of Nebl; by being master of 
which, he would gain the com- 
mand of a Jarge extent of country 


In its proximity, Yand secure, an 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


entrance to the French into that © 
circle. . 
He had proposed to attempt a — 
passage in different places; and, in — 
order the more easily to effeét his 
design, to take possession of some of 
the islands in that river, but most of 
these happened to be overflowed, 
and the others were possessed by the 
Austrians, who were to be dislodged 
before he could make good his 
landing. To conceal his motions, 
he attacked them in the night of 
the twenty-fourth of June, in such 
force, and with so much resolution, 
that the Austrians were soon obliged 
to retire across the bridges com- 
municating with the German side, 
and which they had not time to 
destroy. Over these the French 
passed to that side, but they had 
neither sufficient artillery nor caval - 
ry to assist the infantry in case of 
an attack, which wasevery moment 
expected. In this critical situation, 
general Moreau determined to 
march forwards with the few pieces 
of cannon he had seized upon the 
islands. With these he resolutely 
assaulted the fortress of Kehl, and 
carried it. This sudden and unex- 
peéted success greatly alarmed the 
Austrianarmy, under the archduke ; 
the rear of which was thereby put 
intou danger, while the front was 
exposed to the force under Jourdan : 
who, colleéting the -divisions that 
had retreated, was preparing to join 
Kleber, again advancing towards 
the Austrians. 

Marshal Wurmser, who com- 
manded the Austrian troops in the 
Brisgaw, from which large detach- 
meuts had been sent to Italy, was 
unable to maintain bis ground 
against Moreau, and the archduke 
was bimself compelled to hasten to 
his aid; but before he could arrive, 

Moreau 


( 


“of the French. 
pulsed in four charges, but suc- 


"made with the bayonet. 


HISTORY. OF EUROPE: 


Moreau fell upon the Austrians at 
-Renchan, a viilage near Philips- 
-burgh and totally defeated them, on 
the twenty-cighth of June, witha 
considerable loss of men and can- 
non. He pursued them to Radstadt, 
where, having received re-inforce- 
ments, they made astand; but, after 
an obstinate conflict, were again 
‘routed on the sixth of July. Ge- 
neral Laroche had, on the second, 
adlefeated a large body of them post- 
edon Mount Kubis, the highest of 
-those called the Black Mountains. 

. They now retreated to the vil- 
lage of Ettlingen, a strong position 
in the neighbourhood of Manheim. 
Here they were joined by the 
‘major pari of the archduke’s army, 
and appeared resolved to make a 
Vigorous resistance for the preser- 
vation of that part of Germany. 


The battle was fought, on the ninth 


of July, with great fury on both 
sides, but ended to the advantage 
They were re- 


ceeded in the fifth, which was 
The Aus- 
4rians lost great numbers slain in 
the field, besides fifteen hundred 
who were taken. 


| This victory decided the superi- 


ority on the Rhine in favour of the 
rench, The Austrians left totally 
uncovered the cities of Mentz and 
Manheim, and the fortresses of 
Philipsburgh and Ehrenbretstein, 
and retired farther into Germany, 
to wait for reinforcements, before 
they could venture to resume offen- 
‘sive operations. 
_ In the mean time, general Kleber 
ad again proceeded from Dussel- 
dorf, and advanced along the right 
bankof the Rhine. He was joined 
on the second of July by general 
Jourdan, who bad crossed the Rhine 
Vou. XXXVIII. 


[129 


near Coblentz. The Austrian ge- 
neral, Wartensleben, had not been 
able to oppose these various move- 
ments of the French, who had 
worsted his troops on several oc- 
casions, and taken or killed near 
two thousand of them. After dis- 
persing all the various corps that 
attempted to impede their progress, 
they arrived, on the twelfth of July, 
within sight of Francfort on the 
Main. 

This city, with several others in 
its proximity, surrendered to the 
French, on capitulations that left 
them in possession of their municipal 
laws and government. In order to 
quiet the minds of the Germans, 
and convince them that the views 
of the French did not extend to any 
permanent possession of the towns 
and territories they had seized, ge- 
neral Jourdan issued a proclamation, 
by which he formally engaged to 
protect the judicial chamber of the 
empire at Wetzlar, situated in the 
circle of the Upper Rhine, at 
some distance from Francfort. He 
granted a safeguard to all its mem- 
bers, and strictly ferbad its proceed 
ings to be disturbed under any pre- 
tence. - 

Among the cities that surrendered 
to Jourdan was that of Wurtsburgb, 
one of the most cousiderable bishop- 
ricks and ecclesiastical principalities 
in Germany. Here he found im- 
mense magazines and two hundred 
pieces of cannon. It fell into his 
hands on the twentyssixth of July ; 
and shortly afier, having forced 
Wartensleben to retire beyond the 
Rednitz, near Bamberg; on the 
first of August, he took possession of 
that capital of Franconiay on the same 
day : like Wurtsburgh, it was also a 
bishopric and principality, and pos- 
sessed a considerable territory. 

By 


130] 


By these conquests Jourdan was 
now stationed in the heart of Ger- 
many, whence he’ threatened to in- 
vade,at his pleasure, the dominions 
of all the neighbouring princes. 
Saxony and Bohemia lay open to 
him, and such was the consternation 
universally occasioned by these vic- 
torious irruptions of the French into 
the empire, that its numerous prin- 
cipalities and states seemed to have 
lost all courage, and to be. pre- 
pared for any conditions the victor 
should think it proper to impose 
upon them. 

General Moreau, on the other 
hand, immediately after his victory 
at Ettlingen, took possession of Fri- 
burgh, the capital of the Brisgaw, 
and of Stutgard, the capital of the 
duchy of Wirtemburgh ; the arch- 
-duke . endeavoured to impede his 
Operations ; but was speedily con- 
strained to retire across the Necker, 
where, taking advantageous posi- 
tions, he resolutely strove again to 
resist him: but his efforts were inef- 
fectual, and he was compelled to 
consult his safety, by passing to the 
other side of the Danube, while Mo- 

” . - . . 
rean madehimself master of the rich 
and extensive circle of Swabia. 

The respective dominions of the 
duke of Wirtemburgh, aud the mar- 
grave of Baden, being now in pos- 
session of the French, those princes 
were compelled to make applica- 
tion to the directory, fora cessation 
of hostilities against them. They 
easily obtained their request, and 
their dominions were restored to 
them, on condition of entirely de- 
taching themselves from the enemies 
‘to the republic, and affording them 
no assistance of any kind. The pos- 
sessions of the duke, on the lett of 
the Rhine, were ceded to France. 

The facility and moderation dis- 


ANNUAL REGISTER; 1796. 


its former enemies, and in raising 


played by the directory, on this o¢- 
casion, was, in the unanimous opi- 
nion of politicians, the soundest po- 
licy they could pursue in their pre« 
sent circumstances.)As it could not 
be the design of the French govern 
ment to retain of the acquisi« 
tions made in many, the wisest 
measures they could embrace,’ were 
to restore them to their owners, on 
the simple condition of ceasing to 
act against the French. | This alone 
would gradually establish an ami- 
cable correspondence with those so- 
vereigns and states in Germany, 
whose friendship it behoved them to 
cultivate, and whomit was their busi- 
ness to detach. from the interests o 
the house of Austria, by holding out 
the aid of the republic against its too 
extensive power and ?nfluence in all 
that related to the management and 
concerns of the Germanic body. 
This period seemed appropriated, 
as it were, to the depression of this 
ambitious power. The policy o 
the French was indefatigably exer- 
cised in confirming the antipathy of 


Te em 


up as many new ones as circum= 
stances would enable them. Prussia, 
the hereditary rival of Austria, was 
encouraged to form as/many new 
pretensions, and to revive as many 
old and obsolete claims, as it had 
strength to enforce. 

The ambition of the house of 
Brandenburgh had constantly been 
upon the increase, since its exalt- 
ation to the regal title, in the com 
mencement of the present century. 
{t had omitted no opportunity o 
adding to its territories, and the 
circumstances of Europe had, in 
general, been favourable to its 
pursuits. 

The jealousy of the house o 
Austria did not view this aggrans 

disement 


disement of an inveterte rival, with- 
out paying a constant, though fruit. 
| less attention to the means of pre- 
venting it. Hence the two ruinous 
wars, during the reign of Frederick, 
styled the great, that deprived Aus- 
tria of such extgMive territories. 
The court of Vienna had ample 
| Cause to rue its endeavours to re- 
duce a power so strongly supported 
by others, and especially by the 
house of Bourbon, the sworn foe, 
during a long period, to the posses- 
sors of the Imperial crows, whose 
despotic aims, at the liberties of 
Germany, had more than once been 
frustrated by its interposition. 
- Though the French monarchy 
Was no more, its politics still sub- 
sisted respecting the houses of Aus- 
tria and Brandenburgh, Of course, 
_ the cout of Berlin, conscious of the 
utility. to be derived from so power- 
ful an ally, soon retracted its short- 
lived enmity to France, when’ it 
found that, whether a kingdom or a 
‘commonwealth, its aid might safely 
be relied upon in any future contest 
with the court of Vienna. 

To these motives may be ascribed 
the passive acquiescence of the Prus- 
sian councils, in the enterprizes of 
the French in Germany. As Prussia 
expected, and was promised, a share 
in the spoils of Austria, it connived 
at all the proceedings of these dan- 
gerous invaders, secure of a like con- 
hivance on their part. 

The necessity of coinciding with 
many of the views of this ambitious 
court, induced the directory to give 
an indirect assent to the usurpations 
it had resolved on. While the 
French armies were employed in 
the seizure of so many towns and 
territories, the Prussian ministry re- 
vived claims upon the Imperial 
city of Nuremberg, that had lain 


- 


HISTORY OF FUROPE. 


[139 


dormant upwards of two hundred 
years. They were of a most serious 
nature, and directed’'to no less'than 
the sovereignty of that large and 
flourishing city; the suburbs of 
which the king of Prussia challenged 
as his property, and took forcible 
possession of them, in contempt of 
the reclamation of the senate and 
regency. 

So manifest a violation of the na- 
tive and long acknowledged right of 
no inconsiderable state in Germany, 
countenanced in so glaring and un- 
questionable a manner by the French 
generals, was viewed, by the dis- 
cerning part of the Germans, as 
the remuneration tacitly allowed to 
Prussia by France, for assenting to 
its invasion of the empire, and 
showed, at the same time, bow rea 
dily the rulers of the republic would 
sacrifice the liberties and indepen- 
dence of others to their own ambi- 
tious pursuits. 

The dissatisfaction universally 
produced, by this conduct of the 
French, did them essential disservice 
throughout all Germany, and in- 
deed through all: Europe. It now 
became certain, by the evidence of 
facts, that their pretences, to assume 
the protection of states and nations 
against tyranny, were a mere impo= 
sition upon the credulity of man- 
kind. The connection of ‘Prussia 
with the republic, exposed it to the 
suspicion of abeiting the project of 
dissolving all the political ties. that 
held together the Germanic body, 
and under the protection of which 
the immunities and liberties of the 
lesser princes and states were re= 
spected by the more powerful. 

A surmise had prevailed for many 
years, that the house of Branden- 
burgh had conceived ‘the idea of 
placing itself at the head of the 

{K 2] empire, 


¥32 


empire, supported by the protestant 
interest, which stood on a parity 
of strength and importance with 
that of the Roman catholic ; it also 
counted among its friends and well- 
wishers, those powers abroad, with 
which Austria was lable to be at 
variance. But the support of the 
most potent of these powers had 
vanished from its ideas, since the 
matrimonial alliance that took place 
between the houses of Bourbon and 
Austria, in the person of the late 
unhappy queen of France. It had 
revived however on the treaty that 
severed Prussia from the coalition, 
and it was secretly held out, by 
France,as the most efficacious temp- 
tation to a court, the aspiring views 
of which required no less mo- 
tives at this period to secure its 
alliance. 

Could the constitution of Ger- 
many have undergone such a 
change, as to place .the Imperial 
diadem on the head of a protestant 
prince, and could the house of 
Brandenburgh have secured its suc- 
cession to this dignity, it was gene- 
rally imagined that Prussia would 
have interested itself in the defence 
of the empire; but the little expec- 
tation it entertained, of being able 
to compass such a point, rendered 
it, in the general opinion, indifferent 
to the preservation of the Germanic 
constitution. Provided the dis- 
memberment of this great body 
should be accompanied with these 
advantages, which the politics of 
Prussia kept in view, it was the 
public persuasion that no oppusition 
would arise from the court of Ber- 
lin, toan alteration, from which it 
would derive such material benefit. 
The smaller states first, and then 
the greater in lower Germany, 
seemed likely to be swallowed up 


‘ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


piece-meal in a rising Prussian em- 
pire: if this empire itself should 
not be divided, by that partitioning 
policy, which has supplanted the 
law of nations, among the Russians, 
Swedes, and Austrians. 

A conviction of the rapacious 
views of Prussia had greatly aliena- 
ted the attachment of the Germans 
to that power. . The willingness of 
the French, to permit the encroach- 
ments it had in contemplation, sub- 
jected them no less to a diminution 
of that partiality with which they 
bad hitherto been favoured by the 
people of Germany. These had 
hoped, that the dread of this victo- 
rious nation would have so far ope- 
rated in favour of the common 
classes every where, as to have in- 
duced the divers princes, engaged 
in the coalition, to have abated of 
the rigorous exactions from their 
respective subjects, and procured to 
these a milder treatment than if 
their arms had been successful. But 
when they began to feel the weight 
of the contributions demanded by 
the French in the countries of 
which they had taken possession, 
and found that the authority they 
exercised was no less grievous and 
severe, than that of their former 
rulers, their good wishes to the 
French diminished, and they began 
to mistrust those promises of equity 
and moderation, to those who sub- 
mitted to them, which had induced 
such numbers to give them a friend= 
ly reception, and to welcome them 
as their deliverers from oppres- 
sion. 

The mass of the people in the 
numerous distriéts, where con- 
tributions were required by the 
French, had expected that no more 
would have been exacted from these 
than their just proportion; but, 

contrary 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


contrary to their hopes, and in con- 
tradiction to those principles of 
equality #n which the French laid 
so much stress, these, with a degree 
of carelessness and improvidence, 
that belied the ideas, which had 
been so universally formed of their 
sagacity, left the repartition of the 
sums to be raised to the manage- 
ment of those very persons who had 
been objects of public discontent 
and complaint, for the injustice and 
partiality of which they had been 
the instruments, under their respec- 
live governments. ‘These being, for 
the sake of expedition, entrusted 
with those levies, madeno alteration 
in the manner, and adhered to estab- 
lished precedents. Thus the pri- 
vileged classes still enjcyed their 
former exemptions, and the inferior 
part of the community was loaded, 
as antecedently, with almost the 
whole burden of the taxes, imposed 
for the raising of the contributions, 

This was the most injudicious of 
all the measures adopted by the 
French in the management of their 
new acquisitions, and it operated 
more fatally to their interest than 
was perceptible to the generality. 
It excited the most violent. resent- 
ment in the multitude, which had 
“been taught to believe, that where- 
ever the French became masters, 
all oppressions would be at anend, 
and no man would be treated worse 
than his neighbour. To be deceived 
in so barbarous and oppressive 3 
manner : to behold their tyrannical 
tulers authorized to lord it over 
them as usual, and to find that the 
presence of the French, from which 
so much had been expected, pro- 
duced no mitigation of thoirslavery. 
To be rendered, in short, no less 


[133 


miserable by the successes of the 
French, than they could have been, 
had their boasted republic been de-’ 
stroyed, and the completest despo~ 
lism established on its ruins, filled 
them with the keenest indignation at 
a people whom they now branded 
as deceivers and impostors, and 
wholly unworthy of the good for- 
tune that had attended them. Had 
the French republic been true to 
the principles professed in their de- 
clarations and manifestoes to all na- 
tions, they would have been wholly 
irresistible. All thrones raised on 
despotic power would have fallen ; 
and, as was said of Alexander * the 
Great, the earth would have stood 
silent before them. It is totheir 
weakness and vices, the incon- 
sistency of their conduct in Italy, 
Germany, and wherever they went 
with their professions, the preva- 
lence of their passions over their 
principles, that most of the Euro- 
pean potentates owe their crowns at 
the present moment. 

One of the causes of the readiness 
with which the lrench allowed the 
petty sovereigns of Germany to 
collect in their own manner the 
contributions imposed upon them, 
was, to conciliate their good will, 
and convince them that no inter- 
ference was aimed at in their do- 
mestic affairs, by leaving to them 
the arraugement, of which their 
sovereignty and independence re- 
mained unviolated. Had the French 
pursued another system, and pro- 
claimed an entire emancipation of 
their subjects from all farther allegi-e 
ance to their native princes, it was 
far from clear that such a measure 
would have producedanyother conse- 
quence than throwing the countries, 


* First Book of the Maccabees, Ch, 1, 


[K3] thus 


134] 


thus revolutionised, into co nfusion, 
and embroiling the French with se- 
veral princes, the amity of whom they 
were desirous to obtain, and were 
at that time earnestly seeking, But 
a measure of this kind must at once 
have rendered these princes irrecon- 


cilably averse to any connections. 


with a state evidently bent on the 
destruction of every species of so- 
vereignty, but that of the people at 
large; and determined to abolish 
every where the rights of princes and 
reigning families, and every trace of 
hereditary government. 

The real truth was, that the situa- 
tion of France, at this period, was 
extremely critical. The pecuniary 
wants of the republic were such, 
thatit could not provide the sup- 
plies required by the commanders 
of their numerous armies abroad, 
which, though victorious, were fre- 
quently reduced to the most deplor- 
able need of the commonest neces- 
saries. It was therefore indispen- 
sibly requisite to procure them at 
any rate, and with the most effec- 
tual expedition, for men who nei- 
ther would, nor indeed could, wait 
for them, and who thought them- 
selves entitled to a comfortable 
Maintenance, and some remuneras 
tion for the services they were con- 
tinvally performing for their country. 

The German people, in conse- 
quence of the depredations exer- 
cised upon them by the French ar- 
mies, became their most invete- 
rate foes, and lost no opportunity 
of doing them every species of de- 
triment. They joined in crowds 
the Imperial armies; they formed 
themselves into bodies under chiefs 
of their own chusing, and fell upon 
the French wherever they could do 
it with advantage. They proved, 
inshort, the most useful auxiliaries 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


to the Austrian troops, through 
their local knowledge of the coun. 
tries where the war was waged, 
and through the resentment that 
animated them against the French, 
for the losses they had sustained in 
the predatory incursions of the re- 
publican soldiery, and the avidity 
of booty for which these were pecu- 
liarly. noted. 

Such was the causes of the rapid 
decline of that partial disposition 
towards the French, expressed by 
the commonalty in.so many coun- 
tries in Germany, at their first en- 
trance. As they viewed them in 
the light of friends and brethren, 
coming to their relief, they were 
the more exasperated, when they 
found them to be enemies and 
plunderers. = — 

In the mean time, the army, com- 
manded by Jourdan, having over- 
run Franconia, was advancing to- 
wards Ratisbon, levying contribu- 
tions from all the distviéts in its 
way. The diet of the empire, sit- 
tingin that city, was struck with 
consternation, at the rapidity of its 
approach, notwithstanding that the 
Imperial army disputed every step 
with the utmost resolution. 

The army, under general Mo- 
reau, was, at the same time, march- 
ing from Swabia, of which he had 
completed the reduction, by taking 
Ulm and Donawerth, places of 
great importance. on the Danube. 
He was now master of both sides 
of that river, and proposed to pass 
the Lech, dividing Swabia from 
Bavaria, in order to penetrate into 
this circle. The Austrians, ap- 
prised of his intention, collected a 
strong force to oppose him ;’ but he 
forced his passage over,on the twenty- 
fourth of August, near the city of 
Augsburgh, and compelled the Aus- 

trians 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


trians to retire into the country 
behind them. 

These operations’ of the army, 
under Moreau, were designed to 
second those of that under Jourdan, 
who was successfully proceeding in 
every enterprize he formed, and 
driving before him the Imperialists, 
under Wartensleben, a brave and 
experienced officer, but at this pe- 
riod continually unfortunate. After 
a series of ill success, he sustained a 
heavy defeat, on the sixth of August, 
at Hochstadt, in the neighbourhood 
of Bamberg, where his own skill, 
and the valour of his troops, were 
obliged to. yield to the superior 
exertions of the French. 

He now retired to a strong po- 
sition between Sultzbach and Am- 
berg, two towns on the confines of 
the north of Bavaria, but here he 
was again. attacked by general 
Jourdan, on the sixteenth of Au- 
gust, and his troops driven from the 
advantageous post they occupied 
here and at Neumark, a town in 
the vicinity. 

These repeated disasters, in Ger- 
many, rendered more grievous by 
the intelligence daily arriving of the 
viétorious progress of the French in 
Italy, caused an alarm at Vienna, 
almost equal to that, which had been 
experienced in the commencement 
of the reign of the late empress, 
Mary Theresa, when she was com- 
pelled to quit ber capital, to avoid 
the danger of falling into the hands 
of her numerous enemies. 

The emperor Francis seemed on 
the eve of being in the like manner 
forced to abandon Vienna. His 
hereditary dominions, Bohemia par- 
ticularly, were menaced. with a 
speedy invasion by the Frenehy un- 
less an immediate stop were put to 
their career. 


[rss 


In this perilous emergency he 
made a solemn appeal to his subjects 
in Bohemia, who lay nearest the 
danger, exhorting them, by every 
motive of loyalty to their sovereign, 
and regard to the safety of their 
possessions and religion, to arm in- 
stantly in the defence of both. ‘Fo 
this purpose he enjoined the estab- 
lishment of a national militia, toe 
which he held out every encou- 
Tagement and remuneration enjoy- 
ed by the regular treops. By the 
plan proposed, the twentieth part 


_of all the able-bodied men in that 


kingdom were to be drafted for the 
protection of its frontiers, from the 
expected irruption of the French. 
The like appeal was made to the 
peop'e of Hungary, and of all his 
other dominions. ‘They were care- 
fully reminded, on this occasion, 
of the immense exactions of the 
Frencb, not only in money, but in 
every article of necessity, or of use, 


‘and with what severe punctuality 


the paymeat of them 
quired. 

It was chiefly the dread of these 
heavy demands that influenced the 
determination of the Germans to 
contribute all in their power. to 
prevent the farther progress of the 
French. ‘Their levies of money, 
and their other requisitions, excited 
universal, alarm. The duke of 
Wirtemburg had been assessed four 
millions ; the circle of Swabia, 
twelve millions, besides to furnish 
eight thousand horses, five !housand 
oxen, one hundred and fifty thous 
sand quintals of corn, one hundred 
thousand sacks of oats, a proportion« 
able quantity of bay, and one huns 
dred thousand pair of shoes. Eight 
millions were demanded from the 
circle of Franconia, with a very 
Jarge supply of horses, Greatsums 

[K 4 4] were 


Was Tee 


136] 


were also required from the cities of 
Francfort, Wurtsburg, Bamberg, 
.and Nuremberg, together with an 
immense quantity of other articles, 
for the subsistence and clothing of 
the French armies. 

But the terror which their arms 
had spread every where, superseded 
all considerations but that of de- 
precating their hostility upon any 
terms. After general Moreau’s pas- 
sage of the Lech, the elector of 
Bavaria, thinking himself no longer 
secure, made overtures to that officer 
forapacification. This, indeed, had 
been done by every prince and city 
that had not been able to resist him. 

The diet itself of the empire, 
convened as usual at Ratisbon, par- 
took of the universal consternation. 
Tn asitting, held on the 30:h of July, 
for the purpose of consulting on the 
situation of affairs, the deputies of 
the princes and states of the empire 
came to the determination of open- 
ing a negociation for peace with 
France.’ All the members of the 
diet acceded toit, except the depu- 
ties from Austria ani Bohefnia, who 
ascribed the ‘disasters of the war to 
want of union among the states of 
the empire, and their backwardness 
to second their chief, the emperor, 
in the common detence of their 
country, 

But the dangers apprehended 
from the French, appeared greater 
than that of opposing the desire of 
the emperor. A decree was passed 
by the diet, seriously to remonstrate 
to him, that, in the present circum- 
stances of the empire, it was neces- 
sary, conformably to the wish of its 
divers members, to put an end to 
a war that had been so calamitous, 
and no longer to defer the conclud- 
ing of a peace upon reasonable con- 
ditions. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Not content with this address to 
the emperor, they looked upon the 
Situation of the dict as so precarious, 
that they commissioned deputies to 


‘repair to the French armies, to sti- 


pulate with the generals for the se- 
curity and proteétion of the diet, 
and of the public documents and 
archives in its custody, and for the 
neutrality of Ratisbon itself. 

In this extremity, the archduke 
resolved to make a resolute attempt 
to extricate the diet and the empire 
at once, from the humiliating con- 
dition to which they were reduced. 
He was at this time so hard pressed 
by Moreau, that he hardly could 
judge which of the two difficulties 
required his attention the most: that 
of opposing this formidable advers 
sary, or of hastening to the succour 
of Wartensleben. 

Jourdan had invariably maintain- 
ed his superiority over him: and 
pushing him, from post to post, wag 
now advanced within a day’s march 
of Ratisbon. No time was, there~ 
fore, to be lost in marching to his 
assistance. This was become the 
more indispensible, that a strong 
division of Jourdan’s army, under 
general Bernadotte, an active and 
enterprising officer, had been de- 
tached, with otders to proceed im- 
mediately to Ratisbon. 

This circumstance determined ‘ie 
archduke. Leaving a powerful bo- 
dy to observe the motions of Mo- 
reau, hé speeded towards the Da- 
nube, which he crossed on the seven- 
teenth of August, at Ingolstadt, with 
the intent of throwing himself be- 
tween Ratisbon and the French di- 
vision that was approaching it. 

On that very day general War- 
tensleben’s army was attacked in its 
encampment at Sultzback, by soit 

0 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. | 


of Jourdan. The Austrians had 
been so much reinforced by conti- 
nual detachments sent them by the 
archduke, that they were more than 
equal in number to the French. 
They defended themselves with such 
obstinacy, that the conflict lasted 
from the beginning of day nll eleven 
at night, when the Freuch had ob- 
tained possession of the ground on 
which the battle had been fought. 

During this engagement, a large 
division of Jourdan’s army marched 
towards Amberg, to prevent the 
Austrians, who were stationed there, 
from coming to the aid of those who 
were fighting at Sultzbach. Gene, 
ral Championnet, who commanded 
this division, fell in with the Aus- 
trians while on their way to that 
town; and assailed them with so 
much vigour, that they were forced 
back to Amberg. The dispute was 
maintained with great courage and 
perseverance on each side, and last- 
ed no less than twelve hours. 

On the morning of the eigh- 
teenth, the French army moved for- 
wards towards the Austrians, who 
were strongly posted in front of 
Amberg. General Jourdan pro- 
posed to attack them before they 
had been joined by the archduke ; 
but theirsuperiority wasalready such 
that, without waiting to be attacked, 
they advanced upon the French with 
such impetuosity and vigour, that 
these were several times forced from 
the position they had taken : they re- 
covered it at last, after repeated ef- 
forts; and, pursuing their advantage, 
made themselves masters of the 
heights before Amberg. The Aus- 
trians were compelled to retreat 
acrossthe Nab, and wait the arrival 
of the numerous troops which they 
hourly expected would come to their 
assistance. 


[137 


- They arrived at length, with the 
archduke at their head. Repeated 
expresses had been dispatched to 
him during the night of the eigh- 
teenth, to apprise him of the retreat 
of the Austrians before the French 
army, and of its taking possession of 
the couniry on the other side of the 
Nab. As soon as he had gained 
sufficient intelligence of the relative 
position of the contending armies, 
he resolved to avail himself, without 
delay, of the immense superiority 
which his junétion with Wartensle- 
ben now gave him over the French. 

After concerting their plan of 
operations, the archduke attacked 
the French division under general 
Bernadotte, on the twenty-second 
of August, and forced him to fall 
back to Neumark, whence he WaSy 
on the day following, compelled to 
Tetire towards Nuremberg 3 leaving 
the left wing and rear of Jourdan’s 
army exposed to that of the arch- 
duke, 

This proved a decisive day. Ge. 
neral Jourdan was no longer able to 
contend with the united armies of 
the archduke and of Wartensleben. 
They moved in order of battle, on 
the twenty-fourth, with an intention 
tosurround him. ‘The latter was to 
assail him in front, and the former to 
take him in flank and rear. The 
vast disparity of his strength obliged 
the French general to make an ime 
mediate retreat. He conduéted it 
with equal judgment and spirit, 
From the twenty-fourth of August, 
when it commenced, till bis arriva} 
at Wurtsburg, on the second of Sep. 
tember, it was a series of encounters, 
and skirmishes ; wherein the supe- 
riority of the Austrians in numbers, 
aided by the great multitudes of the 
peasantry, that fell upon the French 
from al] quarters, rendered all rea 


sistance 


138] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


sistance, on their part, impratti- 
cable. 

General Jourdan made a resolute 
stand upon that day. He defeated 
the Austrian general, Stzaray ; and 
would have totally destroyed the 
troopsunder hiscommand, notwith- 
standing his skill and their bravery, 
had not the whole of the archduke’s 
army arrived in time to relieve both 
him and Wartensleben, who had 
not, conjointly, been able to make 
an effeétual impression upon the 
French. ; 

They again continued their re. 
treat, barrassed by the Austrians ; 
who frequently experienced the se- 
verest checks, and were obliged to 
aét with the utmost caution against 
an enemy, whose inferiority of 
strength alone procured them most 
of their advantages, From the sixth 
to the sixteenth, several obstinate 
engagements took place between 
the Austrians and the French, who 
routed two of their best generals, 
Kray and Hotze, with considerable 
loss. But on the archduke’s con- 
centrating his force for a general 
attack, they withdrew from. their 
posts on the Lahn, on the seven- 
teenth, and made good their retreat 
to the Sieg. {t was. performed with 
such order, end their countenance 
appeared so firm and resolute, that 
the Austrians, though they were so 
much more numerous, did not judge 
proper to give them much molesta- 
tion, and suffered them to retire 
with a loss that was deemed in- 
considerable when compared with 
the means they had of rendering it 
much greater. 

Thus ended an expedition, fram 
which, at its commencement, the 
most prosperous issue was expected, 
and weuid probably have been de- 
rived, had those irregularities and 


depredations been. duly restrained, 
which were so peculiarly unbecom- 
ing and impolitic in the republican 
and revolutionary army, and had 
those supplies of men and moneybeen 
Seasonably provided, on which the 
general entrusted with the expedition 
had confidently relied. The want of 
pecuniary remittances obliged bim to 
have recourse to heavier exaétions 
than were consistent with the plan 
of conciliation, on which the French 
must have been conscious the pre- 
servation of their popularity among 
the natives of Germany, and of 
that good will to their cause, through 
which they promised themselves, 
and aétually met with during some 
time, a very friendly reception from 
the commonality chiefly depended. 
The want of reinforcements was a 
still more fatal injury to the enter- 
prise. The extent of country, over- 
run rather than subdued by the 
French, required a far greater force 
than that commanded by Jourdan, 
whose operations were necessarily 
stinted, from the inadequacy of his 
strength to perform them, and whose 
aétivity was perpetually retarded 
by the defeét of meavs to give it 
proper scope. 

The losses of the French in this 
expedition were very considerable 
in soldiers and ofiicers of the highest 
desert and reputation in their ser- 
vice. None, indeed, but such could 
have contended with the far supe- 
rior numbers of excellent troops 
conunually starting up against them 
from every quarter ; nor could-have 
made good their retreat through the 
vast tractof country they bad to tra- 
Verse ; their march through which 
was no less dangerous from the 
hostility of the inbabitants, than 
from the indefatigable vigour of a 
Dursuing enemy. : 
; ¥ 4 The 


HISTORY: OF EUROPE. 


_. The greatest loss that befel them, 
in this long and difficult retreat, was 
thatof general Marceau, an officer 
of the highest character in his pro- 
fession. In the retreat of the Sieg, 
on the nineteenth of September, 
while the French were cleaning the 
defiles of Altankircha, he was en- 
trusted with the protection of their 
rear. He executed this task ina 
masterly and successful manner. But 
as he was reconnoitring a .wood, 
occupied by the enemy, he was 
mortally wounded. So great was 
the esteem and respect he was held 


- in by the Austrians, that the arch-. 


duke himself sent his surgeon'to at- 
tend him; and after he was dead, 
ordered his body to be delivered to 
the French, and military honours to 
be paid to his memory by his own 
army, in conjunction with the 
French military. 

General Marceau fell in the flower 
of his age: he bad just completed 
his twenty-seventh year. But his 
talents were extraordinary, and ex- 
cited the firmest persuasion, that he 
would become one of the greatest 
commanders of the age. He was, 
by the generality of military people, 
reputed another Buonaparte. He 
had, like him, risen by performing 
arduous and essential services, and 
was the favourite of the soldiery, 
who lamented his loss as that of a 

- friend and protector, as well as of a 
general in whom they placed the 
justest confidence. 

Shortly after his retreat across the 
Rhine, general Jourdan became so 
Seriously indisposed, through the in- 
cessant fatigue he had undergone 
during this laborious campaign, that 
he was obliged to resign the com- 
mand of the army of the Sambre 
and Meuse, which was conferred 
upon general Bournonville, who 


[139 


was at this time at the head of those 
forces denominated the army of the 
north. He had greatly distinguished 
himself in the campaigns of 1792. 
and 1793. He fully maintained the 
reputation he had acquired; and, 
during the remainder of the cams 
paign, kept theAustrians continually 
in check, and defeated them in some 
very serious engagements. 

In the mean time, the archduke 
having freed the. empire from one of 
the invading armies, now saw him- 
self at liberty! to attack ‘the’other 
with a far superior force, flushed 
with victory, and desirous to come 
plete the success and honour it had 
gained, by compelling that army in 
the same manner to abandon its con- 
quests in Germany. 

Leaving a sufficient strength to 
make head against the French forces 
he had driven across the Rhine, he 
set out at the head of a powerful 
army in quest of general Moreau, 
whom he doubted not to compel, as 
he bad done Jourdan, to retire into 
France. 

This resolute and skilful officer 
was still contending successfully with 
general Latour, who commanded 
the Austrian forces, and was ex- 
tremely active in his endeavours to 
expel the French from Batavia; but 
Moreau was superior to him in 
every engagement. Finding it, 
however, impossible to maintain his 
ground, in the heart of Germany, 
after the expulsion of Jourdan’s 
army, against the immense superio- 
rity of numbers that were on the 
point of assailing him, he came to 
the determination of moving back 
to the Rhine. He broke up his in- 
campment before Engolstadt on the 
10th of September, and retired 
leisurely towards Neuburg, over- 
coming every obstacle in his ich 

al 


140] 


and defeating every corps of the 
Austrians that attempted to oppose 
him. Elated with the advantage 
they had obtained over him at In- 
golstadt, from whence he had not 
been able to move without consider- 
able loss, they hoped, by means of 
that superiority and s:rength which 
had rendered them successful, to 
have it in their power to molest bim 
as effectually, in his retrogade mo- 
tions. But the judiciousness of his 
arrangemepts was such, that most 
of the encounters were to their dis- 
advantage. 

It was not, however, without 
the most extreme danger and diffi- 
culties, that he pursued his march. 
Qn reaching the Lech, Latour 
came up with him ; an engagement 
ensued on the seventeenth, when 
the Austrians were totally defeated 
and pursued as far as Landsperg, in 
Bavaria. Moreau then crossed the 
Lech, and proceeded through Ulm, 
in Swabia, towards the Black Fo- 
rest, on the confines of Switzerland. 
But he was so closely pressed by La- 
tour, that he was obliged to make 
a stand at Steinhousen,, near that 
forest, and give him battle. It took 
place on the last of September, and 
was fought with uncommon fury on 
both sides, that of the French espe- 
cially, who saw no alternative be- 
tween vitory and ruin. They de- 
feated the Austrians, of whom they 
slewand took considerable numbers, 
with several pieces of cannon. 
The corps of emigrants, under the 
duke d’Enghien, son to the prince 
of Condé, suffered greatly in this 
aétion, as they had done some time 
before, in a conflict with the repub- 
ltean troops, that happened on the 
twelfth of September. 

Notwithstanding this defeat, La- 
tour remitted nothing of his efforts, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


and still confiding in the number 
and goodness of his troops, harass~ 
ed incessantly Moreau’s rear. This 
officer now perceived that he must 
again risk ageneral action, and that 
unless he again defeated the Austri- 
ans who were nearest, they would 
speedily be joined by such numerous 
reinforcements, {hat all resistance 
would be vain. On the second of 
October, a select body attacked the 
right wing of the Austrian army, 
posted betweer Bibarachand the Da- 
nube. After routing this, they ad- 
vanced upon the centre, which was 
at the same time vigorously assailed 
by the centre of Moreau’s army. 
Thecontest lasted six hours, and was 
extremely bloody on both sides. At 
length the Austrians gave way, and 
were so completely defeated, that 
they retired with the utmost expe- 
dition to a great distance from the 
field of battle. Their loss amounted 
to near five thousand men, killed 
and taken, twenty pieces of cannon, 
with several standards, anda quan 
tity of ammunition.. 

This victory did not, however, 
liberate the French from the dangers 
that still menaced their march to 
the Rhine. Between them and that 
river was posted a numerous army, 
and stromg bodies infested their 
flanks andrear. They proceeded, 
however, with such firmness and 
judgment’ as to make their way, 
through every impediment, to the 


Danube, which they crossed on the. 


sixth of Oétober, pushing the Aus- 
trians before them. On the ninth, 
general Desaix, a very resolute and 
able officer. attacked the Austrian 
corps commanded by generals Na- 
vandorf and Petrasch, and ful- 
ly succeeded in keeping both in 
eheck, while the centre of the 
French boldly entered the, defile 

called 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


called the Valley of Hell, from the 
frightful appearance of the rocks 
and mountains that hang over it on 
each side, and in many places are 
hardly the space of thirtysieet asun- 
der. This valley extended several 
leagues; and atthe opening that 
led out of it, a formidable body of 
Austrians was stationed. Moreau 
was duly sensible of the peril he 
was about to encounter; but no 
other method remained to extricate 
him from the many difficulties that 
surrounded him. Latour, though 
repeatedly defeated, was still in 
great force. Anxious to regain his 
reputation, he exerted himself inces- 
santly whenever the least advantage 
seemed attainable. While this in- 
defatigable enemy pressed upon 
his rear, every inlet on each side of 
the valley was filled with troops, 
awaiting the moment of assailing 
the flanks of the French in their 
passage through it. To guard 
against this multiplicity of dangers, 
Moreau disposed of his right and 
left in such a manner, that the rear 
part of them protected his entrance 
into that valley, by facing the forces 
under Latour, and the van by ad- 
vancing upon Navandorf and Pe- 
trasch on their respective wings, 
obliged them to divide their strength 
and attention. Having made these 
dispositions, the main body of the 
French proceeded in compatt order 
along the valley, at the farther open- 
ing of which a desperate fight en- 
sued with the Austrians that guard- 
edit. But the French cleared their 
way; as did also the rear of their 
right and left, which marched 
through with litule molestation; and, 
having joined their respective di- 
visions, presented altogether so for- 
midable a countenance, that the 
Austrians, already disheartened by 


[141 


their inability to prevent the passage 
of the French, did not attempt to 
attack them in the position they had 
taken after leaving the defile, nor 
in their march to Friburgh, where 
they arrived the next day- 

This celebrated aétion took place 
on the twelfth of Otober. It com- 
pleted the security and success of 
one of the most memorable retreats 
recorded in the military annals of 
modern times. It covered with 
glory the troops that performed if, 
and the general that commanded 
them. Throughout the whole of 
his expedition, Moreau had display- 
ed consummate abilities. He had 
surmounted obstacles of every kind, 
and penetrated into the very heart 
of the empire. He had taken pos 
session of Augsburgh and of Munich, 
the capitals of Bavaria, and com- 
pelled the eleétor to sue for peace. 
Had not the ill-fortune attending 
Jourdan’s army disconcerted his 
plan, it was highly probable that he 
would have marched into Austria, 
and forced the emperor to accept of 
any peace, that he could have ob- 
tained, discomforted as he then was 
in every quarter, and deprived of 
any other means to save himself from 
apparent destruétion. 

In the mean time, it cannot be 
denied, that the light in which the 
French direétory perceived and re- 
presented the expeditions of its ar- 
mies into Germany, was a true one. 
The princes of the empire were dee 
tached from the coalition ; immense 
sums were levied, which defrayed 
the expences of the invasion; and a 
powerful diversion was formed in fae 
vour of the expedition into Italy. 

But it ought equally to have 
been acknowledged, as above, that 
these expeditions contributed to 
remove the partiality entertained 

for 


142] 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. . 


for the French, from the minds of by the way of the Danube, other= 


all the people in Germany, when 
they saw with how little reason 
they had expeéted to be benefited 
by the successes of those licen- 
tious invaders: Nothing less than 
their infamous conduc to the peo- 
ple, who hadlong viewed them with 
benevolence, and had received them 
with cordiality, could have effaced 
the impression which had so univer~ 
sally taken place in their favour. 
The Germans now became con- 
vinced of their error, in expecting 
that a foreign nation would be sin- 
cerely solicitous to rid them of their 
grievances, and would not rather 
make use of the opportunity of ren- 
dering them subservient to their own 
purposes. 

But that consequence of the 
forced retreat’ of the French from 
Germany, which politicians’ es- 
teemed most deserving of considera~ 
tion, was the immediate influence it 
had over the councils of the court 
of Berlin.’ While the French ap- 
peared irresistible, it harboured 
and undertook designs of a nature 
tending at once to revolutionize the 
whole empire, and to exaét the do- 
minion of Prussia equally on the fall 
of Austria and the ruin ot thesmaller 
statesofGermany. The movements 
and successes of the French in Ita] 
and on the Rhine,and the establish- 
ment. on the part of Prussia of a 
great military force in Nuremberg, 
seemed to indicate a plan for sur- 
rounding: the emperor, by a wide 
circle, at the same time that they 
laboured for his destruétion, by in- 
terior attacks. The French armies 
contraéted more and more the 
quarters of the Austrians on the 
Rhine; the position of the Prussians, 
at Nuremberg, precluded the army 
under the archduke from retreating 


wise than through their connivance, 
-which, according to the usual policy 
of the court of Berlin, must be pur- 
chased by some important conces- 
sion. Ina word, according to-hu- 
man views, the abasement, if not 
the ruin, of the house of Austria 
seemed to-be fast approaching ; and 
the liberties of the inferior states 
already to have fallen. It was, 
therefore, with universal satisfaction 
that Germany beheld the Prussian 
monarch’s associates in these iniqui- 
tous designs, disabled from giving 
him assistance or countenance. The 
world indignantly beheld the affeét- 
ed moderation he assumed, by pre- 
tending to relinquish his usurpations 
on the ground, that the inhabitants 
of the distriéts he had seized, would 
not consent to become his subjeéts, 
nor the empire itself*be prevailed 
upon to authorize him to accept of 
their submission. His ambition ap- 
peared altogether of a2 mean and 
contemptible kind. It was evident 
he would have sacrificed his common 
country to strangers, for the sake of 
promoting some paltry interests, 
the compassing of which would never 
have indemnified him from the dan- 
ger he must have incurred by intro- 
ducing so formidable and restless a 
people into Germany as the French. 
‘Their interference in its internal 
affairs would, in all likelihood, have 
been exerted without consulting ‘his 
inclinations and interest, and might, 
much more shortly than he imagined, 
have been extended to his own con- 
cerns, in a manner that would have 
affected him most detrimentally,and 
afforded him ample cause to repent 
of the sordid motives that had in- 
duced him to aétagainst his country. 
France, though disappointed in 
the great projeéts it had formed * 
« the 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


the expeditiin to Germany, still 
preserved its general preponderance 
against the coalition. The direétory 
had, previously to the opening of 
the campaign, published to all Eu- 
rope a desire to terminate the war 
Seenaniegnitable conditions; but these 

_ did not appear such to the two re- 
maining powers in alliance against 
the republic. They» weil under- 
stood, that the cession of the Ne- 
therlands would be required, toge- 
ther with the restoration of all the 
conquests made by the British army 
in both the Indies. 

It was to confirm its pretensions 
to these lofty demands, that France 
made those venturous attempts in 
the empire that had almost succeed- 
ed. But the failure did not-induce 
the rulers of the republic to abate 
in their demands, which they sull 
insisted on with as much obstinacy 
as if they had been’ completely suc- 
cessful in those vast enterprizes. 

Austria did not display less reso- 
lution. It relied on that constant 
good fortune which had, in the cri- 
tical occurrences of many ages,never 
permitted it to be reduced to dis- 
‘tress, without finally providing it 
with the means of deliverance. 
Henee, in the midst of difficulties, 
the spirit of that high-minded fa- 
mily, though frequently staggered 
at the reverses that befel it, and 
bending occasionally before unavoid- 
able necessity, still remained un- 
broken, and silently cherished the 
hope, that the hour of prosperity 
would return, as it had so often 
done, and richly repay it for its past 
losses. 

While such ideas were prevalent, 
the court of Vienna felt more indig- 
nation than despondency at the suc- 
cess of the republican arms. The 


. 


[143 


persuasions of a similar kind, that 
were ho less carrent among the peo 
ple of its hereditary dominions in 
Germany, contributed wonderfully 
to animate them in, the defence of 
a family, that seemed, at all times, 
the peculiar favourite of fortune,and 
destined, however. liable to tempo- 
rary depression, ultimately to suc 
ceed against all its enemies; and to 
verify the-epithet, bestowed upon it 
so long ago, of fortunate. 

The inferior sovereigns, and petty 
states of the empire, had, in the 
beginning of the contest between 
the coalition and the republic, wa 
vered ‘in their opinion concerning 
the justice and propriety of requir- 
ing them to join against a people 
that had given them no! provoca- 
tion. Hence flowed those discon- 


tents, and murmurs, against the Im- 


perial mandates, and requisitions, to 
that purpose, which were gradually 
converted into an enmity to those 
that issued them, and into good 
wishes to the cause against which 
they -combated: But this hostile 
disposition had no activity. A long 
and habitual subserviency to the 
politics of the court of Vienna was 
too firmly established among most of 
the secondary princes, and Imperial 
cities, as they are styled,to be shaken 
by transitory events. The court of 
Berlin was more feared than re- 
speéted, and its tergiversation de- 
stroyed all influence but that which 
proceeded immediately from the ter- 
ror of its arms. Thus the Austrian 
interest, though it sometimes fluétu- 
ated, still recovered its influence, 
and the inimical desigfs of Prussia, 
against the lesser states of the em- 
pire, together with the flagitious be- 
haviour of the French, restored, in 
@ great measure, the preponder- 

3 ance 


144] 


ance of the Imperial court, and the 
former readiness to coincide with its 
wishes. The return of this com- 
plying temper was also partly due 
to the necessity which Austria felt, 
of paying @ competent regard to 
the ideas and inclinations of the 
people at large, and of carefully 
avoiding to give them just cause of 
offence. 

The frontiers of France, on the 
Rhine,were now in danger of becom- 
ing again the theatre of wars Thespi- 
rit and a¢tivity of the archduke, in- 
creased by his late successes, had 
prompted him to an enterprize, from 
which, if he succeeded, much uti- 
lity and honour would be derived. 
This was to retake, by a sudden 
and vigorous attack, the fortress of 
Kehl. To this end he detached, from 
his army, a corps of chosen men, 
who attacked the French general, 
Scherer, at Bruchsal, in the proxi- 
mity of the Rhine, on the thirteenth 
of September, and, pushing him be- 
fore them as far as Kehl, forced the 
outworks on the nineteenth, and 
had nearly carried that strong for- 
tress. A tremendous fire, from the 
French batteries, compelled them, 
at length, to retire: but the bold- 
ness and resolution displayed in this 
enterprize did great honour to the 
assailants, and shewed how little the 
Austrian troops were daunted by 
the successes of the French. 

The same enterprizing disposition 
continued to characterize the arch- 
duke in his operations against the 
French, after their retreat to Fri- 
burgh, where Moreau had now es- 
tablished his quarters. On the se- 
venteenth of October, his advanced 
posts, at Kindringen, in the vicinity, 
were assailed with great fury by the 
Imperial army, commanded by the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


archduke in person. All the gene+ 
rals that had been employed against 
Moreau, in the course of the came 
paign, were present in this aétion, 
which was maintained with remark- 
able obstinacy by both parties. The 
personal intrepidity of the archduke 
was conspicuous on this occasion. | 
The right wing of his army, under 
Latour, being repulsed, and on the 
point of abandoning the attack of 
Kindringen, he put himself at the 
head of a body of grenadiers, who 
returned to the charge and carried 
it. The left wing, and the centre 
of the Austrians, met with the firmest 
resistance, and, though the French 
were worsted, the aétion was not 
decisive. , 

General Moreau, finding himself 
overpowered by the 1 immense supe- 
riority of numbers that occupied the 
positions around, concentrated bis 
force in such a manner, as either 
to make a vigorous defence, ora se- 
cure retreat,as circumstances should 
render it most expedient. He was 
attacked upon the strong ground 
he had chosen af Schlingen, situated 
upon a height, near Friburgh, on 
the twenty-third of October.. The 
dispositions made by General Mo- 
reau, to receive the enemy, were so 
judicious, that, notwithstanding the 
number and valour of the Austrians, 
and the expertness of their com- 
manders, the contest lasted three 
days, when the I’rench, after disput- 
ing every inch of ground, retired, in 
the best order, across the Rhine, at 
Huninghen, on the twenty-sixth. 
Their retreat was conducted with 
such firmness in the men, and skill 
in their commander, that the Aus- 
trians were neither able, nor willing, 
to.attempta close pursuit. 


The 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


The French, on leaving the right 
side of the Rhine, had provided the 
fortress of Kehl with a garrison, 
composed of seleét officers and sol- 
diers. Moreau’s intention was to 
nd the Austrians such employment, 
the siege of this important place, 
at they should not have leisure to 
turn their attention to any other ob- 
je&t in that quarter. His projeét 
succeeded so well, that, till the 
commencement of the ensuing year, 
their whole time and strength were 
spent in efforts to reduce this for- 
tress. Herein they lost numbers of 
their best men. A Very serious 
aétion took place on the twenty-se- 
cond of November. The garrison 
made a general sally, and, driving 
the besiegers from their line of cir- 
cumyallation, spiked all their can- 
non, and, after making a great 
slaughter, carried off a large number 
of prisoners. 

In order to balance this check, 
the Austrians attacked, on the thir- 
tieth of November, the fortification 
that covered the head of the bridge 
of Huninguen, on their side. The 
attempt was made in the middle of 
the night, and the French were 
driven from their works. Recover- 
ing, however, from their disorder, 
they fell upon the assailants, retook 
their works, and defeated them so 
completely, that they were obliged 
to retire, with the utmost speed, to 
a great distance, furiously pursued 
by the French, who slew and took 
vast numbers, though not without a 
severe loss on their side, at the first 
onset, which was very unfavour- 
able, and had nearly put the enemy 
in possession of the head of the 
bridge, whereby the communication 
with Kehl would have been cut off, 
and its reddition accelerated. 


Vor. XXXVIII. 


[145 


This action, forthe time it lasted, 
and from the mutual animosity of 
the combatants, was reputed the 
most destruétive of any that had yet 
happened during this war. Such 
was the fury of both the French and 
Austrians, that they were wholly 
intent upon slaughter. Few pri- 
soners were made; and the killed 
and wounded, on both sides, was 
computed at four geeaty the loss 
being nearly equal. 

The month of December was con- 
sumed in operations of this kind, 
which occasioned the loss of num- 
bers, and served only to exercise 
the skill and bravery of both pare 
ties. It was not till the opening of 
the next year, that, after a valiant 
defence of two months, the fortress 
of Kehl surrendered to the Austri- 
ans, who thereby became possessed 
ofa heap of rubbish and ruins. The 
garrison carried away the very palli- , 
sadoes, and left nothing worth the 
taking. The works at the head of 
the bridge were in like manner eva- 
cuated some time after, and a final 
termination put to the operations of 
the campaign in this quarter. 

The French and Austrian armies, 
on the lower Rhine, harrassed by 
the incessant fatigues they had un- 
dergone, came also to the determi. 
nation of concluding hostilities dur- 
ing the winter. An armistice took 
place between them, about the mid- 
dle of December, by which they 
mutually agreed to retire into can- 
tonments, and to remain there peace- 
ably, till the suspension should be 
formally declared at an end. 

The termination of a campaign 
so unfortunate in its commence- 
ment, and so favourable in its ter- 
mination, to the Austrian interest 
in Germany, totally revived its in- 

cL fluence 


146] 


fluence over the diet of the em- 
pire at Ratisbon. The epostaras: 
tion that had overwhelmed it at the 
near approach of the victorious ar- 
mies of Jourdan and Moreau, had 
been marked by circumstances de- 
noting more despondency than be- 
came so respectable a body of men, 
and subjeéted them, in some mea- 
sure, to the censures of the public, 
particularly of the court of Vienna, 
which expressed high displeasure at 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


the readiness they had manifested to 
treat with the enemy. They now 
were equally solicitous to regain the 
good will of the Imperial court, 
and addressed it in terms remark- 
ably submissive and thankful for th 

preteétion they had received from 
its armies, and the preservation of 
the empire, by the expulsion of the 
French, through the valour and 
exertions of the archduke. 


gee 
gi 


CHAP. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. [147 


e CHAP. Xx. 
State of Parties in France.—A Revival of the Reign of Terror threatened in 
the Southern Departments by Freron.—The Dire¢tory desert and oppose 
the Jacobin Interest. —Conspiracy of Jacobins.— Discovered and defeated— 
Arrangements respecting -the Estates of Emigrants.—Influence of the non- 
juring or refractory Clergy troublesome to Government.—Scandalous 
Negleét of the Execution of Justice—Criminal Trials.—Money and Fi- 
nance.—The same Impositions duid on the People of the Austrian Nether- 

r lands as on those of France.—New Plots and Insurrections.— Law for re- 
- conciling the different Factions in France, by the Extinction of Terror.— 
Proposal for repealing a Law which appeared to,some to bear too hard 

on the Relations of Emigrants.—Rejected.—But an equitable Alteration 


made in that severe Law.—This a Matter of Triumph to the moderate 


Party. ; 


T was the policy of the direc- 
tory, as above observed, to se- 
cure their own power, by engag- 
ing the French nationin continued 
military exploits, by which the pub- 
lic mind might be occupied other- 
wise than in inquiries into their 
own past or present conduét; and 
by which they might acquire popu- 
larity, in proportion to the success 
and glory of the French arms. ‘Yet 
there was, in the midst of all the 
successes of Buonaparte, inthe heart 
of France, a-very numerous party 
in opposition to the measures of the 
government ; and this party, by the 
repulse of the French from Ger- 
many, was daily increased. ‘The 


French, at-this period, might be, 


divided into two great classes: the 
one bustling and intriguing politi- 
Clans, never satisfied while there was 
any thing to be done or undone; for 
ever in motion, and incapable of 
rest: the other party, composed of 


men, bred in times before France 
was seized with a rage for innova- 
tion, whose prejudices were all in 
favour of monarchy, though not per- 
haps unlimited ; and of others too, 
who, though they had originally fa~ 
voured the principles of. the re- 
volution, longed now, above all 
things, to enjoy the blessings of 
peace. When this peaceable party, 
whether inclined to monarchy, or 
republicanism, reflected that all the 
golden dreams of the reformers had 
passed away like visions of the night, 
and been followed by nothing but 
the accumulated evils of war ; hor- 
ror on horror, disappointment on 
disappointment. When they looked 
back on former times, plentiful and 
tranquil; a period too, when they 
were younger than now, knew more 
happiness, and saw every thing 
around them in the light of joy and 
gladness; they were sensible of the 
liveliest anguish and regret, and ar- 

[LL 2) dently 


/ 


148] 


dently wished for a return of such 
times as they had formerly enjoyed. 
This party was the most numerous 
in France, but they were forced to 
conceal their sentiments, and they 
were not united. They were of 
course, as usually happens in all 
countries, kept under by a smaller 
number, in possession of the powers 
of government. But, in the capital, 
where the minds of men were stimu- 
lated and fortified in their senti- 
ments and designs, by mutual inter- 
course, and which had so long been 
the seat of intrigues and attempts of 
opposite parties, there was a great 
number of discontented individuals, 
waiting for opportunities of pub- 
licly avowing their sentiments, in op- 
position to those of the’presentrulers, 
and to support them by open force. 
The vigilance of the directory ob- 
viated their designs, and contained 
them within bounds. So_ restless 
and determined, however, were the 
enemies to the present government, 
that, farther to secure the public 
tranquillity, they thought it expedi- 
ent to add another minister to the 
six already appointed by the consti- 
tution, to whom was given the offi- 
cial title of minister of the police. 
Through precautions of this na- 
ture, peace was maintained at Pa- 
ris, but disturbances broke out, oc- 
casionally, in several parts of the re- 
public. The southern departments, 
long a'prey.to that warmth and im- 
petuosity of temper which charac- 
terize their inhabitants, were at this 
time plunged into confusions that 
required the immediate interposition 
of gevernment to suppress them. 
As the people in those parts had 
been particularly ill treated by the 
jacobin party, they had, ever since 
the fall of Koberspierre, meditated 
schemes of vengeance against the ine 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


struments of his tyranny, and of the 
many cruelties exercised upon them. 
They executed these Pee to 
their full extent; and many of the 
guilty agents, in the atrocities com- 
mitted among them, were sacrificed 
to their revenge. 

The moderation that governed 
the councils ef those who succeeded 
to the power of Roberspierre, put 
a stop to those executions. The 
prudence of the commissioners sent 
to pacify these departments, had al- 
most restored them to peace and 

utual conciliation, when, unfor- 
titnately for their repose, a man was 
sent to represent and to exercise the 
supreme authority of the state in 
those parts, who had already signa- 
lized himself there by his enormi- 
ties, 

This was the famous Freron, a 
man of courage and abilities, but of 
a fierce and sanguinary disposition. 
The people in those departments 
had filled the places of administra- 
tion, in their respective distriéts, 
with persons of their own chusing. 
These were immediately displaced 
by Freron, who substituted to them 
individuals notorious for their crimes 
and the blood they had shed. He 
reinstituted the societies, and renew- 
ed those revolutionary committees 
that had filled France with such 
horror; and he authorized them to 
break those members of the various 
municipalities whose principles dif- 
fered from their own. 

During several months, the op- 
pressed inhabitants of those depart- 
ments were compelled to submit to 
the tyranny of Freron and his parti- 
zans, who strove with indefatigable 
zeal to re-establish the reign of ter- 
rorism. But the direétory, who felt 
the necessity of putting an end to 
the influence which the jacobins 

"were 


“v 


‘ 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


were endeavouring to recover, re- 
called Freron, and commissioned 
two men of moderate principles, 
Isnard and Jourdan, to inquire, in 
conjunction with others, into the 
causes of the discontents and distur- 
bances that had happened in those 
departments. But the jacobin party 
laboured so earnestly to frustrate this 
commission, by calumniating the 
members that composed it, that, 
notwithstanding their accusations 
were formally declared malicious 
and ill-founded, it was judged requi- 
site, In order to prevent feuds and 
animosities in the two councils, to 
dissolve the commission. - Govern- 
ment was!apprehensive it would make 
discoveries that might involve per- 
sons high in office, and occasion jea- 
lousies to be revived, which might 
defeat the conciliatory views pro- 
posed by the new constitution. The 
inquiry was, therefore, entrusted to 
the direétory, which wisely deter- 
mined to drop retrospeétive mea- 
sures, and, by lenient means, to re- 
store tranquillity to the departments 
1n question. 

The jacobins were highly offend- 
ed by the moderate councils which 
they now perceived the direétory 
was resolved to pursue. They ac- 
cused it of having abandoned those 
democratical principles on which 
the republic was founded, and base- 
ly betrayed those from whom it de- 
rived its power in the state. But 
the direétory, unintimidated by their 
threats, steadily adhered toits deter- 
minations, and gradually introduced 
into office individuals of their own 
Opinions, in preference to the jaco- 
bins, who had hitherto enjoyed 
almost exclusively the first places 
under government. 

This desertion of the jacobin ins 
terest subjeéted the directory to the 


[149 


most violent rancour of that restless 
and daring party: but, heedless of 
their hatred and menaces, govern- 
ment alleged these as reasons for 
putting a period to their meetings, © 
and shutting up their places of re- 
sort. They represented them to the 
public in the most odious light, ex- 
horting all good citizens to watch 
their motions, as full of danger and 
malevolence to the state. They 
procured laws to be enaéted, obvi- 
ously levelled at them: those, for 
instance, that made it a capital 
crime to bold seditious meetings, or 
to attempt the re-establishment of 
the constitution under Roberspierre. 
Those members of the late convene 
tion and committees, reputed the 
heads of this party, were ordered to 
leave the capital, and the major 
part of those in offices of trust were 
dismissed. 

It was not without pressing mo- 
tives that the direétory.aéted with 
this severity towards the jacobins : 
they were labouring to disseminate a 
spirit of disobedience through all the 
civil and military departments in the 
metropolis. They had seduced into 
open rebellion a body of the latter, 


known by the appellation of legion of 


the police. It consisted of men se- 
lected from various corps of the 
army, and ordered to Paris for the 
support of the convention when the 
Parisians opposed that article of the 
constitution, which ordained a re- 
election of two thirds of its members 
to the new legislature. 
As they amounted to ten thou 
sand men, such a force appeared too 
formidable to be left in the hands of 
the jacobins, who had so perverted 
them, that they were no longer to 
be trusted. They were directed to 
repair to their respective regiments. 
Upon their refusal to obey, @ power 


(L3] 


150) 


ful body of troops were. sent for, 
which brought them to submission, 
The legion was disbanded, and dis- 
persed into the communes to which 
the men belonged. 

This proved a measure of the most 
fortunate policy.. Incensed at the 
proceedings of government against 
them, the jacobins had formed one of 
the most daring and deeply-planned 
conspiracies that had yet taken place 
among the many which had marked 
this eventful revolution. It was 
conducted with the profoundest se- 
cresy. The conspirators never met 
twice in the same place ; and it was 
hardly possible to trace their mo- 
tions, though their leaders constant- 
ly assembled every day, and govern- 
ment was apprised of the existence 
of a plot. 

The minister of police, Merlin, of 
Douay, a name well known, being 
either ina¢tive or lukewarm in this 
affair, another man was placed in 
his office, of more activity and zeal. 
This was Cochon, who exerted him- 
self with so much care and dili- 
gence, that the haunts of the con- 
Spirators were at length discovered, 
and most of the principal ones ar- 
rested. 

The conspiracy was to have been 
carried into execution upon the ele- 
venth of May, and the discovery of 
this design was not made till the 
ninth. On the morning of the 
tenth, the directory informed the 
two councils of the particulars of 
this conspiracy, which was in every 
respect a most dreadful and danger- 
ous one. ‘Two men were at the 
head of it, equally noted for their 
boldness and resolution. The oie 
was Babeuf, from whom it took its 
name. . This man, conformably to 
the custom prevailing among the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


rigid democrats at this time, had 
assumed the name of a famous re- 
publican of old, Gracchus, thereby ‘ 
to denote his inflexible adherence 
to the popular cause. He was a 
man of parts, in the exercise of 
which nothing was able to daunt 
him. The other chief actor in this 
conspiracy, was the celebrated 
Drouet, the post-master of Varen- 
nes, who stopped the unfortunate 
Lewis XVI. in his flight ; and, as a 
reward of his fidelity to the nation, 
was elected a member of the con- 
vention. Having fallen into the 
hands of the Austrians, and suffered 
a long and severe imprisonment in 
Germany, he had acquired a popu- 
larity which recommended him so 
strongly to the people of his own 
district, that they elected hima de- 
puty to the legislative body, when 
the new constitution was formed. 
The other principal authors of this 
conspiracy were general Rossignol, 
notorious for his cruelties in La 
Vendée ; Julian, a confidential agent 
of Roberspierre; Amar, a noted 
associate of that tyrant ; Laignelot, 
a man of abilities, and a member of 
the late convention. 

The plan of the conspirators, as 
laid by the directory before the two 
councils, was to massacre these 
three bodies, the field officers of the 
Parisian military, and the constitut- 
ed authorities of Paris, and togive up 
the citizens to plunderand slaughter. 
I'rom the papers that were seized, 
it appeared that they had formed 
a complete scheme of government. 
The legisiature was to have consist- 
ed of about seventy of those mem- 
bers of the late convention, who 
had not been re-elected ; of a deputy 
from each of the provincial depart- 
ments ; and of some of the deputies 

to 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


to the present legislature, whom they 
looked upon as favourable to their 
designs. 

The insurrection itself was con- 
certed with great foresight and re- 
gularity. At the sound of a bell, 
rung every morning in each of the 
sections, as a notice to cleanse the 
Streets, the conspirators were to 
distribute themselves into knots of 
four or five, and each of these to 
proceed to the houses of those they 
had marked for destruction. Hav- 
ing dispatched these, they were all 
to meet at an appointed place, 
whence they were to march in force 
to the palace of the directory, whom 
they were'to put to death in the 
same manner. 

If reports may be credited, a still 
more atrocious plan remained to be 
executed, after completing the for- 
mer. A secret directory, composed 
of four persons, was to have a num- 
ber of confidential agents under 
their orders; who were, ‘after the 
insurrection had succeeded, to have 
murdered as many of their own 
party as were pointed out to them by 
' these directors, in order thereby to 
get rid of those who, not being ac- 
quainted with their ultimate designs, 
would probably have opposed them. 
Socarefully had they provided against 
discovery, that numbers of the actors 
in this terrible tragedy were not to 
have known any but their immedi- 
ate employers, who were themselves 
to be dispatched, if any of those 
‘agents were either to be dicovered 
and seized, or to betray them. 

It has been a matter of much 
doubt, whether a conspiracy of so 
horrible a nature could have been 
brought to a complete execution, 
had circumstances been ever so fa- 
_ vourable to the conspirators. But 
% the antecedent massacres, at several 


\ 


[153 


periods of the revolution, have too 
fatally evinced, that the shedding of 
blood was becomeso familiar a scene 
in France, and that the spirit of as- 
sassination was so prevalently dif- 
fused among surprising numbers, 
that this horrid project would, in all 
likelihood, have been executed as 
unreluctantly as others had been, 
and that its framers would not have 
been disappointed for want of hands 
to perpetrate the horrors they had 
in contemplation, 

Babeuf, the chief contriver of this 
atrocious plot, boldly acknowledged 
himself the author of the treasonable 
writings found in his possession. 
When required to denounce his ac- 
complices, he answered, that they 
little understood his character who 
thought him capable of betraying 
his friends. He continued, from 
his prison, to set the directory at 
defiance, and to address them ona 
footing of perfect equality. He 
wrote a long letter, dictated. by 
phrenzy as much as by firmness, 
wherein he told them, that it was 
not in their power to prevent the 
insurrection intended against them, 
which he dignified by the epithet 
of holy, threatening them with 
death unless they retracted their 
proceedings against him  and_ his 
pariy, and promising, if they acted 
becomingly, a share in the new go- 
vernment. 

_ Whatever might be the motives 
that influenced government, the 
trial of the conspirators was unac- 
countably delayed. ‘The council of 
five hundred did not vote the im- 
peachment of Drouet until the 
eighth of July. following, when it 
was negatived) by fifty-eight against 
one hundred and. forty, a proof that 


he had a strong party.in that house. — 


About a month after, he escaped 
[L 4] from 


152] 


from his confinement, through the 
connivance, it was suspected, of the 
government. Buthisassociate, Ba- 
beuf, was not so fortunate. He was 
tried by the high criminal court at 
Vendome, which condemned him to 
death. 

Great and unfeigned was the sa- 
tisfaction of the public at the dis- 
covery and suppression of this san- 
guinary plot. The jacobins became 
more than ever the objects of gene- 
ral execration. The extermination 
of all who rejected their principles 
seemed a fundamenial maxim of 
that inexorable faction. Their in- 
flexible resolution and perseverance 
in their projects, which, had they 
been attended with humanity, might 
have rendered them respectable, 
only tended to excite a dread and 
abhorrence of them. Thus, they 
were viewed by the generality as 
the pests of the community ; anda 
speedy riddance of them became the 
wish of all but those who were in- 
volved in the criminal intrigues. 

It was not with the same facility 
that government was able to crush 
the advocates of the — persecuted 
royalists. A seizure of those estates, 
which were to devolve to emi- 
grants on the demise of the actual 
possessor, had been decreed by the 
council of five hundred, and reject- 
ed by that of elders. The decree 
excepted only that portion which 
by law was to remain with the pre- 
sent possessor. It was warmly op- 
posed, as too rigorously intrenching 
upon the rightsof private property ; 
but, after long and violent debates, 
it was decreed that, instead of a di- 
rect seizure, that moiety should be 
levied for the use of the state which 
the legislature had already appro- 
priated to that purpose. This, how- 


c 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ever, it was plain, afforded no relief 
to the possessor. 

The chief obstacle to these and to 
the other pecuniary arrangements, 
respecting the estates of emigrants, 
was the difficulty of finding pur- 
chasers for the lands that had been 
declared national property. Many 
individuals, though warmly adher- 
ing to the republrc, reprobated the 
confiscation of property on avy pre 
text, while no misdemeanor was im- 
putable to the proprietor; who, 
while obedient to the laws, could 
not, without manifest injustice, be 
punished for the misdeeds of others. 
The sale of confiscated estates, met 
also with perpetual obstructions from 
the scruples infused into the minds 
of numbers by the nonjuring clergy ; 
who explicitly denounced damna- 
tion to those who purchased them. 
Hence a large proportion of national 
lands remained unsold, to the great 
inconvenience of the government, 
in its want of those sums that would 
have been produced by the disposal 
of them. 

This interference of the nonjur- 
ing clergy, in a matter of so much 
importance to the ruling powers, 
could not fail to increase their ha- 
tred to that order of men. They 
accused them of contributing more 
to the detriment of the state, by their 
bigotry, than its foreign enemies 
had done by theirarms. They per- 
verted the dispositions of the weak 
and the ignorant, by intimidating 
them with arguments founded upon 
falsehoods and absurdities. The un- 
happy propensity of unenlightened 
minds to superstition gave ecclesi- 
astics so decided an ascendancy over 
them, that, unless they were checked 
by the most effectual restraints, they 
would progressively become the ab- 

solute 


- usually founded. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


solute diétators of society. This 
was undeniably an evil of such 
enormity, that all reasonable men 
would concur in the necessity of 
obyiating it by every means that 
appeared indispensibly requisite. 
The only expedient that seemed to 
promise efficacy was to interdict 
every individual of that profession 
from interfering in political matters, 
either directly or indirectly, under 
the severest penalties. Such was 
the language of the staunch friends 
to the republican system, and to that 
freedom of, thought upon all sub- 
jects, which now characterised so 
numerous a part of the French na- 
tion. 

While the French government 
andits adherents were complaining 
of the undue influence of the re- 
fractory clergy, these retorted the 
representations made to their disad- 
vantage, by appealing to the peo- 
ple, on the little justice they had to 
expect from men, so many of whom 
disregarded those principles on 


_ which alone the morality of man- 


kind, and their integrity in the most 
essential transactions of society, are 
These principles 
were those of religion, without which 
little contidence could be placed in 
each other by the generality of men, 
who had neither abilities nor lei- 
sure to argue themselves into vir- 
tue and honesty by philosophical 
TeaSonings, and were much more 
easily kept in good order by those 
precepts and doétrines that had 
been established and respected dur- 
ing so many ages, than by the max- 
ims and opinions lately introduced. 
‘The clear and visible consequence 
of these had been the embroilment 
of the public in continual feuds, 
and the overturning of a govern- 
meat, under which, with all its im 


[153 


perfections, the nation had enjoyed 
much more tranquillity and satis- 
faction, than it had known since the 
introduction of the present system. 

The principal allegation against 
the soundness of the principles, or 
which the successive rulers of the 
republic had conducted themselves, 
was the shameful negligence of 
which they had all in their turn 
been guilty, in deferring upwards 
of three years the inquiry into the 
murders committed in September, 
1792. These were universally ree 
probated by all parties: they had 
covered the French nation with dis~ 
grace, and exposed it to the ab- 
horrence of all Europe ; and they 
still remained unpunished and un- 
investigated. Of those who had 
been the reputed authors and 
abettors; some indeed were no 
more, but others remained, who 
were happily divested of the power 
of opposing the course of justice. 

These reproaches bore hard upon 
government, and it found itself un- 
able to stem the torrent of complaint 
against the long and scandalous 
neglect of executing that justice 
upon the criminals, which they so 
fully deserved. A tribunal was 
erected, in May, before which their 
trials began upon the twenty sixth. 
Severai of those arraigned before it 
were sentenced to die, and others to 
be imprisoned : but as it appeared 
that the generality had beenthe mere | 
tools of others, and had beenimpelled 
to the commission of those enor- 
mities, through mistaken zeal, and 
an erroneous persuasion that they 
were avenging their country, in 
compassion to their ignorance, they 
were acquitted of evil intentions, 
and pardoned. 

These acquittals were so many, 
and the punishments so few, come 

paratively 


154] 


paratively to what had been ex- 
pected, and loudly demanded, that 
the public was entirely disappoint= 
ed: the more indeed, that some,who 
were deemed the principal promo- 
ters of those criminal transactions, 
found means to escape the venge- 
ance of the law. 

Before this tribunal were also 
brought those citizens of Paris, who 
had taken up arms to oppose that 
decree of the convention, by which 
two-thirds of its members were to 
be returned deputies to the new 
legislature. Lenity being now, 
to use a very common phrase, be- 
come the order of the day, they 
were acquitted, to the great joy of 
their fellow citizens, who now sin- 
cerely repented the violent measures 
they bad been persuaded to adopt 
upon that occasion, through the in- 
trigues of men who bad much 
more in view, the attainment of 
their private ends, than the pub- 
lic objects which they pretended to 
haveso much at heart. These, the 
people of Paris were at present 
convinced, would have been much 
more effectually accomplished by 
the steady and persevering strength 
of argument and remonstrance, in 
which they would have probably 
been graduaily.joined by multitudes 
in all the departments. But had 
they failed in these endeavours, still 
they would not have been the dupes 
and victims of private ambition, 
and shed their blood for men who, 
like most aspiring characters, would, 
if successful, have forgotten their 
services, and repaid them with in- 
gratitude. 

After baving thus, in some de- 
gree, satisfied the demands of the 
naion, the directory now turned its 
atiention to a business. which re- 
quired more than ever the cares 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


and exertions of government: this 
was the department of the finances, 
which having, since the foundation 
of the republic, been supported by 
the most extraordinary and unprece- 
dented means, were now beginning 
to totter, and to threaten instant 
ruin, 

Thecredit, at first given to the 
assignats, had long been gradually 
falling, and they were now become 
of no value. Jt was therefore in- 
dispensible to replace them by a 
currency of more estimation. ©The 
specie of the nation was either bid- 
den by those who would. not part 
with their hoards, or in those ava- 
ricious hands that had accumulated 
it for the purpose of swelling its 
value in pecuniary transactions with 
those who wanted it. The means 
of bringing it forth, in the ordinary 
occurrences of society, were studi- 
ously sought, bat could not be found, 
while those terrors and uncertainties 
continued, that made every man 
tremble for his property. The esta- 
blishment of the new constitution 
was beginning to remove these ap- 
prehensions : but they still retained 
much of their influence, and the 
scarcity of hard money was still an 
universal complaint. 

_In order to remedy the depreciation 
and indeed the inutility of assignats, 
government procured the passing ofa- 
decree, on the 25th of March, which 
it hoped might tend to expedite the 
sale of the national property in lands, 
Twenty-two years purchase was the 
price at which they had been fixed 
since the year 1790, when the na= 
tional assembly first had recourse to 
this method of supplying the wants. 
of the state. By the decree now 
passed, a new fabrication of paper 
money was issued, to the amount of 


two thousand four hundred millions 
of 


| 


oflivress Part of this sum wasin- 
tended to redeem the assignats in cir- 
culation at the rate of thirty of these 
for one of the former ; and the lands 
on sale were to be mortgaged, asa 


talments; and, as the property dis- 
osed of was a solid and visible 
set; it was hoped that the new 
mission would retain its original 
alue. The directory insisted in 
he most serious terms on theimme- 
iate want of this supply, for the 
carrying on of the war, and the ser- 
vice of the current year. 
The various failures of the French 
goverment in its pecuniary. opera- 
tions, had so much discouraged the 
peculators in these matters, thatit 
was highly necessary to hold out 
every encouragement to them. On 
he decline of the assignats, a paper, 
known by the name of rescriptions, 
had been given for advances to go- 
vernment, and made payable in spe- 
cie at a fixed period: but this too 
had lost its credit, by non-payment, 
The new fabrication, which went 
by the name of mandats, lost, at 
its first issuing, one-fourth of its 
nominal value, and’ was reduced 
shortly after to one-fifth. It con- 
tinued to decrease, and. feil at last 
to the bare proportion of one-tenth. 
So heavy a. loss alarmed the di- 
rectory, as, at that rate, the na- 
‘tional property, which was paid for 
in mandais, must of course be sold 
for one-tenth of its value. It came 
jto the determination to shorten the 
|periods of payment, in order to di- 
\minish thereby the quantity of man- 
dats in circulation, which would 
raise the- worth of those that had 
\remained ; but this expedient did not 
much restore it, and government, 


HISTORY OF EUROPE, 


[155 


to secure any farther detriment, 
ordained the last instalment, which 
was the fourth part of the purchase, 
to be paid in specie. 

Thus the speculators were to- 
tally deceived in their ealculations 
of the profit they had expected : the 
more indeed as private Jand sold at 
a cheaper rate than public: but as 
they were chiefly monied men, and 
much of their opulence had arisen 
from their successful speculations 
during the public distress, as their 
losses were unheeded, and the con- 
duét of government, however irre- 
gular and arbitrary, passed uncen- 
sured. 

So great, in the mean time, were 
the difficulties of the republic, that, 
according to a statement of the re- 
venue, made at this time by the 
committee of finances, the whole of 
itamounted to no more than five 


-hundred millions of livres, while 


the expenditure was not less than 
one thousand. The directory was 


fully sensible that in such a situation 


the boldest, as well as the most pru- 
dent measures must be resorted to, 
and that no alternative remained, 
but either of finishing the contest 
with the enemies of France, on 
disadvantageous conditions, or of 
straining the authority and power of 
government to the farthest extent 
that could be borne with, or sub- 
mitted to, regardless of the dissatis- 
faction and murmurs that such a 
conduct would in all likelihood oc- 

casion. " 
France was, at this period, nearly 
exhausted ofallextraordinary means 
of levying money. The sale of na- 
tional property, which was almost 
the only one remaining, had been 
decreed. This measure however had 
not yet taken place in the Austrian 
Netherlands, now incorporated 
with 


156] 


with France, which had hitherto 
abstained from loading this country 
with such burdens as might prove 
offensive to its inhabitants. But 
the exigences of the republic were 
now become so urgent, that the di- 
rectory thought itself entitled to put 
80 rich a portion of the empire un- 
der the same requisitions as France 
itself. This could not be con- 
strued into oppression of the natives, 
as they would only be placed on the 
same footing as the French, with 
whom they now formed one nation, 
united in views and interests, and 
having the same enemies to combat, 
by whom, if subdued, they would 
experience in common the same ill 
treatment, and relapse into that 
state of slavery, from which they 
had both taken such pains io eman- 
cipate themselves. 

Such were the motives laid be- 
fore the people of the Austrian 
Netherlands, to induce them to co- 
incide with the design of the French 
government, to decree the sale of 
those valuable tracts of land, be- 
come the public property in that 
country, by the suppression of the 
numerous and opulent monastic 
orders. Exclusively of these mo- 
tives, which were of considerable 
weight with that part of the 
people which were well affected 
to the French, had a precedent to 
plead of great efficacy in the minds 
evenof those who retained an at- 
tachment to the religious establish- 
ments in their country. This was 
the general willingness of the ca- 
tholic powers to retain no other than 
the parochial and secular clergy, 
and to suppress all conventual in- 
stitutions, as the incentives and re- 
ceptacles of idleness, and burden- 
ing the industrious part of the com- 
munity, with the maintenance of 

2 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


a numerous class of individuals, 
wholly heedless for the purposes of 
society. 

As these representations were 
founded in trutb, and as the minds 
of the people in Belgium had o 
late undergone material alterations 
in their opinions of things, the 
were not unwilling to admit the va- 
lidity of the reasonings alleged in 
vindication of the measures pro- 
posed by the French, and the sup-f 
pression of religious houses, togethe 
with the sale of their lands, for the}. 
use of the state, took place accord- : 
ingly. 

The resources arising from this} 
ample fund, aided by the imposition 
of some new taxes, rendered sup-} 
portable by an equitable repartition; 
and more than all, by an exaét and 
rigid economy, introduced into every} 
channel of expenditure, supplied 
the five hundred millions wanted, inf 
addition to the revenue, and en= 
abled the government to provide} 
for the demands of the present 
year. 

The difficulties experienced by} 
the French government in matters 
of finance, great as they were, didf 
not equal those that continually ob-f 
struéted the indefatigable endea- 
vours to preserve internal tranquilli- 
ty. The inextinguishable animosity 
of the opposite parties, that distrac~ 
ted the nation, seemed to increase 
by failure and disappointment in 
their respective projects, and to de-§ 
rive, asit were, new vigour from the 
repeated suppression of their at- 
tempts to overturn the established 
government. 

The jacobin party, though not 
more active than the royalists; con- 
sisted of men of farsuperior parts. 
As they had but lately been ousted 
from the seat of power, they nous 

rished 


ee Oe ee eee 


. jeished @ spirit of revenge which 
i prompted them to endless efforts to 
regain the mastery. In the mean 
while, their expulsion had not been 


hk complete. Many of their parti- 


iy 


yjzans still remained in places of | 


trust : the legislature counted many 
among its members, and the di- 
reCtory itself had one of thetr well- 
wishers. 

Emboldened by these circumstan- 
ces, and unintimidated by the dis- 
covery and suppression of the dread- 
,|ful conspiracy, headed by Babeuf, 
.| they had the audacity to frame ano- 
ther, at a distance from the capital, 
.| hoping, if successful, to rally around 
the insurgents, the numerous jaco- 
| bins still remaining in those parts, 
| The place where the insurreétion 

broke out was Marseilles, a city 
famous, in the annals of the revolu- 
tion, for tumults and disturbances. 
On the nineteenth of July, while 
the citizens were occupied in the 
annual election of their magistrates, 
| the jacobinsassembled in multitudes, 
| armed with a variety of weapons. 
They ran through the streets, ex- 
| claiming live the mountain and the 
| constitution of ninety-three. A 
| party of them rushed into the hall of 
eleétion, from whence they drove 
the citizens, and murdered all who 
opposed them. 

_ As the plan of this hasty insur- 
reétion was ill contrived, it had no 
other consequence than to throw 
the city of Marseilles into a tempo- 
rary confusion. It appeared, how- 
ever, that the interest of the jaco- 
bins, inthat place,had more strength 
and patronage than had been ima- 
gined. The commissary of the di« 
re¢tory, in his dispatches to govern- 
ment, instead of laying before it 
the criminal behaviour of the jaco- 
bins, represented the whole as an 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


[157 


affray between the royalists and the 
republicans. But the council of 
five hundred ordered an inquiry to 
be made, which deteéted the per- 
fidy of the commissary, in conse- 
quence of which, the forced 
eleétions of magistrates, that had 
been made by the jacobin party, 
were annulled, and proper measures 
taken to prevent them from dis 
turbing the peace of that municipa- 
lity. 

But the jacobins were not theonly 
disturbers of the public tranquillity. 
The royalists, however just their 
cause, frequently disgraced it by 
the ridiculous zeal which they 
manifested in its support. Actuated 
by those illiterate and bigoted priests, 
that swarm in France, they formed 
themselves into bands that assumed 
the appellation of companions of 
Jesus and the king. They fell upon 
those, who. during the reign of 
terrorism,had persecuted and treated 
them with barbarity, on whom 
they exercised the most unmerciful 
retaliation. Affrays of this nature 
often happened, especially in the 
south of France, where the vin- 
diétive disposition of the inhabi- 
tants is apt to lead them into ex- 
cesses of a fatal tendency, from the 
duration and obstinacy of their re- 
sentment. 

It was easier, however, to crush 
both the spirit and the insurreétions 
of the royalists, than of the jaco- 
bins. The former were usually ex- 
cited to aétion through their im-. 
plicit submission to the advice and 
exhortation of the refraétory eccle- 
siastics: but the latter aéted from 
the unsubdued and incessant impulse 
of their own principles, the very 
nature of which rendered them in- 
dependent of the opinion of others, 
and perpetually excited them to 

action. 


158] 


action, without needing any other 
stimulation. Men of this cha- 
ra¢ter are not easily tamed into sub- 
jeétion to those who differ from 
them in sentiments, and are much 
more ready to rise in opposition to 
them, than those who are governed 
by the diétates of others. 

. This conspicuously appeared in 
that other attempt, which the jaco- 
bins made tooverthrow the establish - 
ment, so very soon after having 
failed in their late conspiracy. The 
numbers that voted against the im- 
peachment of Drouet, and his eva. 
sion from confinement, plainly shew_ 
ed the influence of the jacobin fac- 
tion. Relying on its many can- 
cealed partisans, a resolution was 
taken, by the undiscovered accom- 
plices of Babeufin that conspiracy, 
to rescue him and his associates from 
the hands of government, at the 
time when they were to be removed 
from their prison at Paris, and trans- 
ferred to Vandame, for trial before 
the high criminal court. 

In order to conceal from the pub- 
lic the real aétors in the intended 
rescue, the jacobins assumed the ap- 
pearance of royalists, They puton 
white cockades, displayed white 
colours, and every other token of 
royalism, and in this manner pro- 
ceeded in their enterprize: but they 
were quickly discovered, and their 
project entirely frustrated. 

Whether through negleét or con- 
nivance, no inquiry was made into 
this business, This induced the 
jacobins to meditate another plan, 
and to take what they hoped might 
prove more efficient means to suc- 
ceed. They collected as many of 
their most daring associates as could 
be procured in the capital and its 
vicinity. They tampered with the 
soldiery, some of whom they se- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


-two councils and the five tyrants. 


duced, by whose medium they vainly 
imagined the majority of the re- 
mainder would be brought over to 
them. When they thought they 
were sufficiently prepared, they em- 
bodied themselves, to the number 
of five or six hundred, and marched 
to the camp in the Plain of Gre- 
nelle, at a very small distance from | 
Paris. Theyseemed to entertain no 


doubt of being joined by the troops ; | 


there, and confidently entered the. 
camp, crying out, the constitution 
of ninety-three, and down with the 


At the bead of this desperate body 
of men were three members of the 
late convention, with as many ge- 
nerals who had been dismissed the 
service, and Drouet himself, it was 
said, not long escaped from his 
prison. They warmly exhorted the 
soldiers to join them, promising 
every remuneration that could be 
required ; but they were totally de- 
Ceived in their expeétations. The 
soldiers remained true to their offi- 
cers, and, at the word of command, 
fell upon the conspiraters, who, un- 
able to contend with such a force, 
betook themselves to flight. Num- 
bers were killed upon the spot, and 
about one hundred and thirty taken. 
They were tried as insurgents by a 
military commission. Sentence of 
death or banishment was passed 
upon the most notoriously guilty, 
and the others were discharged. 

The objeéts proposed by these 
rash and furious conspirators, were 
similar in every respeét to those of 
Babeuf and his associates. Blood 
and the extermination of all per- 
sons in power, those only excepted 
whom they considered as favourable 
to their designs. 


While the jacobins were intent © 


upen those destructive schemes, 
which, 


—_> —_— .e = S- os ee =e 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


which, happily for France, were so 
seasonably prevented, the govern- 
ment was preparing a law, by which 
it hoped to reconcile the parties 
that divided the nation, so far as to 
extinguish the motives of terror 
that rendered ‘so many Frenchmen 
enemies, through necessity, of their 
countrymen in power. 

This law, from which such salu- 
tary effeéts were expeéted to flow, 
was an aét of universal amnesty, 
which was to put an immediate 
Stop to all prosecutions for revolu- 
tionary crimes and offences, com- 
mitted since the commencement of 
July, 1789, to the fourth of Bru- 
maire, in the fourth year of the re- 
public,1796. Theonly exceptions 
to this amnesty were those con- 
tained in the law enacted in the last 
sitting of the late convention, and 
called the law of the third Bru- 
maire. 

These exceptions were levelled at 
the opposers of the new constitu- 
tion, transported priests, and emi- 
grants, and those who had partici- 
‘pated in the insurreétion at Paris 
against the decree of the convention, 
ordaining the re-eleétion of two- 
thirds of its members. 

But this law had always been 
considered, by the impartial, as too 
indiscriminately favourable to the 
adherents of the party which had 
framed it, asit not only puta stop 
to the proceedings against the agents 
of terrorism, but even against indi- 
viduals guilty of crimes, for which 
they had been sentenced to severe 
and merited punishment, and whom 
it set at liberty in direét violation 
of all justice, and to the consterna- 
tion of all persons inclined to mo- 
_ deration and pacific measures. 

A committee had been appointed 
fo draw up the planof this proposed 


[159 
amnesty, the report of which led to 
a variety of discussions relating to it, 
and occasioned at last a proposal to 
repeal the very law of the third of 
Brumaire, as bearing too inequita- 
bly upon those who were related 
to emigrants, whom it excluded 
from public offices, together with 
those who had been concerned in 
the insurrection of last Oétober, 
against the decrees of the conven- 
tion for the re-eleétions. 

These members of the legislature, 
who favoured the repeal of this law, 
considered it as inconsistent with 
the real principles of the constitu- 
tion, by which no man ought to be 
subjected to so heavy a punishment 
as the forfeiture of his civic rights, 
without evident proof of his deserv- 
ing it. In consequence of the rea- 
sonings they used in support of this 
opinion, a committee was chosen to 
deliberate on the merits of this law 
and whether it could, with safe 
ty, be repealed at the present pe- 
riod. 

The public was, in the mean 
time, greatly divided in its opinion 
on this question. Some pronounced 
it at once a trial of strength be- 
tween the royalists and the repub- 
licans. Were the law to be repeal- 
ed, an inundation of the former 
would infallibly take place in every 
department, and the restoration of 
monarchy would be the unavoidable 
consequence. . 

The nation at large held itself 


3 


‘deeply concerned in the decision 


of. this important question, and 
waited for it with the utmost impa~- 
tience. ‘The committee, appointed 
to examine the advantages and ill- 
consequences resulting from the law 
alluded to, was considered as hold- 
ing in its hands the fate of the na- 
tions. Loud and fervent were the 

wishes 


160] 


wishes of the respeétive parties, that 
the examination might terminate in 
their favour. The remarkable fer- 
vour with which the royalisis ex- 
pressed their hope of its repeal, 
sufficiently indicated how much they 
expected it would militate for them, 
while the apprehensions of the re- 
publicans, lest it should be repealed, 
_manifested equally their conviétion, 
how strongly this would operate to 
their detriment. 

This fermentation of the public 
mind carried the weight of the 
strongest arguinent with those who 
were entrusted with this great de- 
cision. The elatedness of the royal 
party, on the bare possibility of a 
repeal, clearly pointed out the 
danger of it to the commonwealth, 
and admonished its well-wishers to 
oppose such a measure with all their 
might. ‘The members of the com- 
mittee of examination, being staunch 
republicans, could not fail to per- 
ceive the question before them in 
the same light. They did not there- 
fore hesitate to pronounce explicitly 
a verdiét conformable to the opinion 
of their party, which was thereby 
released from a state of the deepest 
anxiety on the issue of this busi- 
ness. 

There were, however, some very 
sincere republicans in both the 
councils, who disapproved ofthis law, 
and exerted their abilities for its 
repeal. They argued that it made 
no difference between the relations 
of real enemies to the revolution, 
who had abandoned their country, 
out of hatred to the system intro- 
duced by that event, and the rela- 
tions of individuals who had fled 
from the tyranny that had deluged 
France with proscriptions and mur- 
ders. Such a flight ought not, in 
the clearest equity, to be accounted 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


punishable. The law should have 
been pointed at those chiefly whose 
crimes had rendered them objeéts 
of abhorrence to all parties; and 
who, having been tried and con-~ 
demned for them, had been sheltered 
from punishment, by the amnesty 
extended to them by that law, in 
defiance of equity and the general 
sense of the public, which loudly 
demanded that they should be made 
examples of, as guilty of plunders 
and assassinations that had filled the 
nation with dread and horror. Were 
such men to be excepted from the 
rigour of a law which ought to have 
been made for them alone, instead 
of falling upon the innocent ? Was 
it reconcileable with reason and 
propriety, that such men should be 
promoted to posts of honour and 
authority ? But the faét was, that 
the period when this law took 
place was marked by the terrors 
that hung over those who, though 
they reprobated, did not dare to re- 
fuse their assent to it. The consti- 
tution, though framed and accepted, 
stood yet upon a tottering founda- 
tion. ‘The most upright men in the 
convention felt themselves in danger 
from that violent party still prevail- 
ing, and with which they had no 
other expedient to compromise for 
their own safety, than consenting to 
this inequitable law, in hope how- 
ever of some auspicious opportunity 
to repeal it. This opportunity was 
arrived, and every motive concurred 
to induce the legislature to rescind 
an aét replete with cruelty and 
scandal. It was well known, that 
those, whom it affeéted, had been 
falsely held out to the public, as_ 
enemies to the state, and their 
names, together with those of 
their relations, wantonly inserted 
in the list of emigrants, while 

ara | 


it was notorious that- many of the 
unfortunate individuals, thus tra- 
duced, were locked up in. prisons, 
where calumny and suspicion were 
at that tyrannical period sufficient 
reasons to confine and to treat them 
with the most unfeeling barbarity. 
But were it only out of respect for 
the rights of the people at. large, a 
Jaw should be abrogated, that took 
from them the constitutional right 
of chusing to places and dignities in 
the state, those whom they reputed 
worthy of their confidence. To 
deny them this right, was to abridge 
them of their liberties in a most 
essential point. To plead the safety 
of the nation was the language of 
tyranny, and would justify every 
species of despotism. What crimes 
had not been committed by the 
- Sanguinary tribunals, ereéted on the 
pretence of punishing the foes to 
the revolution? 
To these, and other arguments, in 
“favour of a repeal, it was replied, 
by the supporters of the law, that 
it passed ata time when it was 
deemed indispensible for the pre- 
servation of the national freedom, 
and the security of the constitution 
just established. Its numerous and 
a€tive enemies were every where 
in motion, and striving with all their 
might to set the people against it. 
Suspicions were warrantalle motives 
to exclude those on whom they fell, 
fat atime when so many were justly 
‘suspected, from stations of power 
and trust, wherein they might bave 
aéted so hostile a part to the com- 
Tonwealth. Would it have been 
prudent to expose it to such danger 
at home, while menaced by so many 
foes from abroad ? Allowing that a 
number of individuals suffered un- 
justly by this law, was not this a 
Much less inconvenience than to 
Vou. XXXVIII. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


[161 


throw the whole nation at once into 
the bands of so many concealed 
enemies? But the suffering, so bit- 
terly complained of, amounted only 
to a temporary suspension of their 
rights, of which they would undergo 
the deprivation no longer than 
the short space that might elapse 
ull the restoration of general 
tranquillity. As soon as peace was 
re-established, both at home and 
abroad, the suspension of all privi- 
leges would cease, and every man 
be placed on the completest footing 
of equality, in respe¢t of pretensions 
to public employments. But till 
that period, it were the height of 
imprudence to place confidence in 
any but the tried friends to the 
commonwealth. The promotion of 
others would unavoidably excite 
fears and jealousies. With what 
prospect of impartial justice could 
the relations of emigrants be en- 
trusted with the execution of the 
severe, but necessary, laws enaéted 
against them? Instances might oc- 
cur, in the present situation of 
things, when not only the liberty 
and property, but the very life of 
the dearest relative would be at 
stake: was it to be expeéted that 
the ties of consanguinity would not 
bave their influence on these occa-_ 
sions, and that a man coolly and de- 
terminately would doom another to 
death, whose life was as dear to 
him as his own? In this light, the 
Jaw, so violently reprobated, was in 
faét bumane and merciful : it ex- 
empted individuals from those ter- 
rible confliéts between the feelings 
of nature, and the di¢tates of duty, 
wherein they could neither yield to 
the one nor to the other, without 
incurring the imputation of betray. 
ing their trust, or of wanting huma- 
nity. When these various circum. 

[M] stances 


162] 


stances were duly considered, it 
must appear that the repeal of the 
law in question would be attended 
evidently with so many inconyeni- 
ences, that no judicious and un- 
biassed person could require it. 
The interest of the public was not, 
jn truth, more concerned in main- 
taining that Jaw in its full vigour, 
than that of private families : both 
would equally suffer from its abo- 
lition. It would often*happen that 
justice would not be done to the 
public, or that by doing it, men 
would embitter the remainder of 
their lives, and become’ objects 
either of general resentment or com- 
passion. It being clear, therefore, 
that much more evil than good 
must flow from the repeal of the 
law; and the security of the state 
being, at the same time, a motive 
that ought to supersede all others, 
that law could not with any pro- 
priety be abrogated. It was, at the 
same time, much to be suspected, 
that many of those, who recom- 
mended such a measure, acted from 
sinister motives, as nothing could be 
a stronger proof of its impropriety, 
than the satisfaétion universally ex- 
pressed, by the royalists, at such a 
question being brought before the 
“two councils. 

A multiplicity of other argu- 
ments were alleged by the contend- 
ing parties, in which the public 
joined with an earnestness that 
shewed how much all men were 
convinced of the importance of the 
subject in debate, But the report 
of the committee seemed to carry 
an influence that could not, and 
ought not to be resisted. ‘This was 
the opinion of the people at large, 
even morethan of the council of 
five hundred, as the question against 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. . 


the repeal was carried by a majority 
of only forty-four. 

The minority, encouraged by this 
evidence of their strength, resolved, 
if it were not able to compass the 
repeal of the law of the third of 
Brumaire, (25th Oétober, 1795,) so 
to modify its provisions, as to direét 
them equally at the partisans and 
instruments of the terrorists and ja- 
cobins ; and the royalists, who, after 
taking up arms against the republic, 
had submitted and been pardoned. 
The proposal of such an amendment 
proved highly exasperating to the 
supporters of that law, who asserted, 
that sufficient moderation had been 
shewn in exempting from its opera | 
tion the aétors and abetters in the 
insurreétion against the conventional 
decrees for the re-cleétions. But 
the general disposition of the coun- 
cil was so strongly marked by im- 
partiality on this occasion, that the 
amendment was carried, to the | 
great surprise of the public; the ma- 
jority of which, though decidedly 
inclined to measures of lenity, was 
fearful of that preponderance of 
jacobinism, which had hitherto ex- 
erted so irresistable an influence 
over all the proceedings of the legis- 
lature. 

The council of elders would wil- 
lingly have consented to the total 
repeal of the law of the third Bru- 
maire,and embraced, therefore,with | 
readiness, an opportunity of mitiga- 
ting its severity, by assenting to the 
amendment made by the council of 
five hundred. 

This alteration of that severe 
law proved a matter of unexpected 
triumph to the moderate party, | 
which constituted a large majority 
of the nation. The exclusion from 
posts of emolument, or of power, 

was 


was a heavy blow on that sanguina- 
ry faétion, which had ruled by 
terror. It lost thereby a multitude 
of its agents, whose crimes now ren- 
dered them ineligible to public em- 
‘ployments, and many were, on the 
Same account, obliged to vacate 
those which they possessed. 

The discerning part of the public 
looked upon this event as a species 
of revolution, and formed the 
Strongest hope that it would -pro- 
mote a reconciliation between the 
friends to a republican government, 
and those to a limited monarchy. 
Liberty being equally the aim of 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


[M2] 


[163 


both, it appeared not improbable 
that, if the latter could be satisfied 
of an earnest determination in the 
Tuling powers to put an end to ops 
pressive measures, the little prospeét 
that now remained of subverting the 
established government, would in- 
duce them to submit to it, rather 
than renew those attempts to restore 
their own system, which had so re 
peatedly failed, not more through 
the rashness or incapacity of those 
who had conduéted them, than the 
general repugnance of the nation 
to join them upon those occasions. 


CHAP. 


164] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


CHAP. XI. 


Effects expected in France from a growing Spirit of Moderation.—The Chief | 
Object in the Councils of France, how to break or to weaken the Power of — 
England.—Plan of the French for that End.—Means for restoring the | 
Pecuniary Credit of the French Republic—A Rupture threatened between | 
‘the French Councils and Executive Directory.—Prevented by the Necessity ~ 
of their acting in Concert.—The Legislature invade the Province of the | 
Directory, by the Appointment of a Committee for judging in Cases of 1 
Appeals from Emigrants.—Loftiness of the Directory.— Humbled by the 
wise Economy and Firmness of the United States of Americaa—Jealousies” 
and Disputes between the French and Americans.—And an open Rupture. } 


@ es spirit of lenity that seemed 

to have arisen and been nou- 
rished by the new constitution, be- 
gan to operate powerfully in its 
favour, and to gain it daily fresh 
adherents. The people in France 
appeared in general extremely 
willing to support it, hoping that 
the period of internal confusions 
would thereby be accelerated, and 
that the Muropean powers leagued 
against them, when they found that 
unanimity was re-established among 
the French, would cease to prose- 
cute the war for the restoration of 
the house of Bourbon to the throne 
of France, against the manifest will 
of the nation. 

The heads of the republic were 
now deeply occupied in the con- 
certing of means to counteraét the 
measures of that power, on the in- 
defatigable efforts of which all the 
others depended for the support of 
their own. It was with unfeigned 
mortification that France beheld 


that had befallen the other parts of }* 
the coalition. That invincible spirit, | C 
which had so many ages accompa. |) 
nied the councils and the arms of 


so many contests with France, had, |! 
in the present, displayed greater |) 


an idea, that however the French. 
republic might for a while diffusel 
the terror of its arms among the 

neighbouring states, the persevering 
courage of the English, aided by 
their immense opulence, would final- 
ly weary out the endeavours of the 
French to retain the acquisitions they 
had made; and, that notwithstand- 
ing the republic itself might remain, 
it would, on the issue of the terrible 
trial it had stood, be compelled te 
remit of thepretensions it had form: 
ed to prescribe terms of peace 
all its numerous enemies, and t 
’ trea 


treat at last upon afooting of equa- 
lity with that one, which, while it 
remained unyanquished, would al- 
ways prove an effectual obstacle to 
that plan of universal influence over 
all the governmenis of Europe, 
which France had, since the unex- 
pected success of its arms, kept con- 
stantly in view. : 

_ However the French might exult 
in the triumphant career of their 
armies, it plainly appeared, by the 
sentiments repeatedly expressed by 
the principal speakers of the conven- 
tion, and in the councils, and upon 
aj] public occasions, to be their inti- 
mate persuasion, however averse. to 
avow it, that while England stood 
its ground, they would never totally 
accomplish those mighty schemes of 
conquest and influence. To exe- 
cute them partially, would only in- 
volve them in perpetual quarrels 
with those powers whose interest 
required their depression, and whose 
cause England would never fail to 
support. ‘Thus it was clear, that 
unless the strength of this ancient 
rival were effectually broken, and it 
were reduced to sue for peace on 
such terms as France should diétate, 
the proposed effeét of so many vic- 
tories would be frustrated, as the 
humiliation of all'its other enemies 
would not secure to the republic 
those objeéts at which it avowedly 
aimed. The prolongation of the 
war, in order to attain these, might 
be attended with such vicissitudes 
of fortune, as would entirely change 
the circumstances of affairs, and 
oblige the republic, in its turn, to 
abate of its high pretensions, and 
even to compound for its existence, 
and the preservation of the ancient 
limits ef France. 

That these ideas frequently oc- 


curred to the most sagacious of the 
7 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


[165 


French, is incontestible, from the 
various publications of the time, 
and no less from that remarkable 
anxiety with which their rulers 
canvassed every subjeét relating to 
England. Howto compass its de- 
pression was the chief object of their 
councils ; and every fortunate event 
that befel them, in their numerous 
enterprizes, employed their consi- 
deration in what manner to convert 
it to the detriment of England. 
. Among the various means of ob- 
taining that important end, the an- 
noyance of the English maritime 
commerce had long been tried, cer- 
tainly not without some degree of 
success: but in no degree sufficient 
to weaken the naval power of Eng- 
land, which continued to rule the 
seas in every quarter of the globe, 
with irresistible sway. It was in- 
deed from this very circumstance, 
that France derived a multiplicity 
of arguments in its manifestos and 
exhortations, both to its own people, 
and to the other nations of Europe. 
Their tendency was to prove, that 
England was the tyrant of the sea, 
and that all the European powers 
were interested in repressing that 
tyranny. To effeét this, they ought 
to unite cordially with France, and 
second its endeavours to restore the 
freedom of the seas, by abridging, 
through every means in their power, 
the commercial resources of Eng- 
land. The actual strength of its 
navy was so great, that it could not 
at present be opposed with much 
hope of success :» but other methods 
might be used, not less effeétual in 
their ultimate issue, and these were 
in the option of every state. That 
the power which commanded the 
seas, commanded also the shores, 
and that naval power was of more 
importance than dominion at land, 
{M 3] had 


166} 


had passed into a kind of political 
maxim for ages. It was, in fact, 
a superiority of naval power that 
subverted the Roman empire. The 
irruptions of the Gauls, the Cimbri, 
and Teutones, by land, were re- 
pelled, and might have been re- 
pelled had they been repeated. 
The necessity of subsistence drove 
them quickly to the necessity of 
committing their fortune to the issue 
of 2 battle, in which the invaded 
derived an advantage over the in- 
vaders from the possession, and from 
the knowledge of the country. But 
when the barbarians began to com- 
bine their military operations with 
naval expeditions ; when stores, as 
well as troops, were poured upon 
the Roman frontier, from the Baltic, 
the Dwina, the Elbe, the Danube, 
and the Euxine seas, then, and not 
till then, they began to be wholly 
irresistible. It was the maritime 
habits, and the naval power of the 
Scandinavians, under the appella- 
tion of Normans, Danes, Picks, and 
other names, that enabled them, for 
the space of six hundred years, to 
harrass, over-run, and rule the 
greater part of the sea-coasts of Eu- 
rope. The trade ofa pirate became 
an honourable profession. The sons 
of kings, at the head of pirates, 
sought and obtained at once settle- 
ments and renown. Since the re- 
vival of letters, the modern im- 
provements in arts and sciences, and 
the vast extension of commerce, the 
superior importance of naval power 
seemed to be farther illustrated, and 
more certainly established. 

It was not among the least strik- 
ing instances of that fertility of 
imagination which supported the 
French under all difficulties, that 
they found means, as they con- 
ceived, to oppose power at land to 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


power at sea: fo raise the naval 
power of France, and to under-— 
mine that of England, by exclud- 
ing her trade from the great inlets 
of Europe. This would give Eng- 
land a blow from which it would 
not easily recover. It could not 
fail to produce an immediate altera- 
tion inits commercial circumstances; 
the depression ef which would in- 
fallibly create a discouragement — 
and despondency in the English go- 
vernment, that must induce it, at 
once, to remit of the haughtiness 
with which it exercised its naval 
superiority over other nations. 

Such was the purport of the va- 
rious publications issued by autho-~ 
rity, or proceeding from the many 
individuals, who busied themselves 


with compositions of this nature. }} 


The impression which they made 
upon the generality of European 
states, was very feeble. None, in- 
deed, appeared to pay them much 
attention, but those on which France 
possessed the forcible means of in- 
fluence. The others were con- 
vinced, that the motives of the 
French, in those warm addresses to 
the continental powers, were dic- 
tated by selfish views, and that, 
were they to succeed in overthrow 
ing the maritime power of England, 
they would doubtless transfer it to 
themselves, and employ. it to the 
same ends to which they had so no- 
toriously converted the superiority 
they had acquired at land. 

It was doubtless inconsistent, on 
the ground of morality in the Eng- 
lish nation, to arraign the am- 
bition and tyranny of the French, 
while they themselves, pursued 
schemes of tyranny and ambition 
on the main ocean, und in every 
quarter of the globe. If the French 
were plunderers at land, the Eng- 

lish 


_HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


lish were plunderers on too many 
occasions, and dictators at sea. Still, 
however, they had done no more 
in the present war, than what had 
been authorized by long established 
custom; and under every restraint, 
a@ commercial correspondence with 
England had been, experimentally, 
found extremely profitable. If their 
industry enabled them to derive be- 
nefit from other nations, these also 
received no less profit from them. 
An exclusion of their trade would 
redound, therefore, equally to the 
detriment of both parties. 

Foiled in their endeavours to shut 
all the European ports against the 
English, the French determined, 
however, to exclude them from 
_ those of which they had the com- 
mand. A proclamation had been 
issued by the English government, 
permitting the exportation of_mer- 
chandize to Flanders and Holland. 
Bet the Dutch convention was di- 
rected to publish a counter procla- 
mation, prohibiting the importation 
of goods from England, under se- 
vere penalties; and enjoining the 
people of the united. provinces to 
renonuce all commerce with a na- 
tion that bad treated them so ini- 
mically, and whose intentions were 
to deprive the Dutch republic of its 
trade, after depriving it of its an- 
cient freedom, by the forcible esta- 
blishment of a stadtholder. Having 
expelled a sovereign imposed upon 
them against their consent, they 
were bound in duty and honour to 
refuse all conneétions with those, 
who were endeavouring to subjeéct 
them again to his yoke. 

A similar prohibition of English 
manufactures had taken place in 
Franee, during the administration 
of Roberspierre, and had for some 
time been strictly enforced. But 


F167 


the advantages resulting from a 
commerce with England had gra- 
dually superseded the fear of offend 
ing against this prohibition ; and it 
was little attended to at this ime. 
A weighty motive for not-enforcing 
it was, the necessity of giving vent 
to the cargoes of the English ves- 
sels captured by the French priva- 
teers. But after the government 
in Holland ‘had come to the deter- 
mination of forbidding the entry of 
English goods, it thought itself the 
better entitled ,to. require the adop- 
tion of the like measure in France, 
as Holland, in adopting it, had com- 
plied with the requisition of the 
French government. This appeared 
so unanswerable a mode of reason- 
ing, that the directory, however 
disinclined to compliance, found it- 
self under the necessity of giving 
satisfaction to the Datch confede- 
rates, who were so determined as to 
admit of no denial, that they threat- 
ened to rescind their resolutions, 
unless the same were taken by the 
French government. Hu 

The regulations proposed on this 
occasion were very severe; they 
not only! prohibited the import- 
ation of English merchandize in fu- 
ture, but ordained the re-exporta~ 
tion of what had been imported. 
Harsh methods were, at the same 
time, adopted, to secure the obser- 
vance of these regulations; and 
though they were unacceptable to 
multitudes, so intent was the legis- 
lature on diminishing the resources 
of England, that the prohibitory 
decree, together with tke heavy 
penalties annexed to its infringe. 
ment, was tarried by @ large ma- 
jority. 

Great were the expeétations of 
the enemies to England, that this 
exclusion of its merchandize and 

(M 4] manufactures 


168] 


manufactures would,ina shorttime, 
reduce it to such distress, as lo dis- 
able it from carrying on the war, 
and oblige it to submit to any con- 
ditions, for the sake of recovering 
its trade. It cannot be denied 
that appearances militated strongly 
in favour of these consequences. 
Spain and Italy, two capital marts 
for the sale of English commodities, 
especially the first, were now al- 
most enurely shut to their admission. 
Genoa and Leghorn, the two prin- 
cipal seats of the trade between 
England and Italy, were under the 
immediate controul of France; the 
former was compelled, through the 
terror of its arms, to exclude Eng- 
land from its ports, by a formal 
ireaty to that purpose ; and the lat- 
ter was in the possession of a French 
garrison. Corsica was, at the same 
time, no longer in the hands of the 
English: but Naples and the papal 
territories still remained open to 
them in Italy; and Portugal af- 
forded an ample chanael for the in- 
troduction of every article of com- 
merce from England, not only into 
that kingdom, but also inte Spain, 
its adjoining neighbour, with which 
its immediate communication would 


always procure either an open or 


clandestine entrance for English 
merchandize of all kinds. 

Thus, on a considerate examina- 
tion of the consequences resulting 
from this famous decree, they did not 
meet the expectations of those who 
framed it., Lt was found that as pow- 
er shut one door against commerce 
luxury opened another. Little was 
the Jiminuuon of the Eaglish trade to 
the southern parts of Europe, while 
inthe north it remained uninterrupt- 
ed. From this quarter it was that 
E-ngland drew the most essential arti- 
cles it wanted. Hamburgh wasa port, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


which, while it continued open, 
would always prove an inlet for 
English good$ to all parts of Ger- 
many: and tbe princes and States of 
the empire were no ways disposed to 
gratily the French with an exclusion 
of the English from that only medi- 
um of commercial communication 
between Germany and the other 
trading countries in Europe. ' 
The disappointmentof the French 
government, in the sanguine hope it 
had entertained of destroying the 
commerce, and through it the finan- 
ces of England, was farther aggra- 
vated by the disorder of its own. 
Notwithstanding the indefatigable 
efforts used to place them on a foot« 
ing of stability, tempurary expedi- 
ents were still the only props of go- 
vernment, which had no fixed pros- 
pect of supporting itself by other 
than precarious and uncertain 


‘means. Butas these could not again 


be resorted to, thestate still reverted 
to the dangerous situation it had just 
escaped, and was liable to experi. 
ence still greater difficulties, from 
this successive abridgment of its 
remaining resources. 

In this alarming situation the di- 
rectory resolved to call a meeting of 
the great bankers and merchanis, 
to consult with them on the means of 
restoring the pecuniary credit of the 
nation, and circular letters were dis- 
patched to them for that purpose. 
On the tenth of December a mes- 
sage of a most pressing nature was 
sent to the council of five hundred. 
It was seriously urged by the di- 
rectory, to come without delay to 
the assistance of the state, the wants 
of which were such, that if not im- 
mediately relieved, it would be ex- 
posed to certain ruin. The only re- 
medy that could be proposed, in this 
extremity, was, to authorize the di- 

rectory 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


re€tory to receive the last instalment 
due on the sale of the national do- 
mains, amounting to eighty millions, 
and which, being payable in specie, 
might be appropriated with’ effect to 
the extinétion of the debis that lay 
most heavy cn government, and the 
liquidation of which appeared the 
most indispensible. 

This messege was communicated 
toa secret committee of the coun- 
cil of five hundred : but contrary to 
the expectations of the dire¢tory, it 
was treated with slight, and as un- 
deserving of attention. Equally 
astonished and offended at this re- 
ception of a meSsage, from which far 
different effeéts had been hoped, 
the direétory published this trans- 
action upon the following day, as an 
appeal to the public on the conduét 
of the council. But this step was 
judged to have been too hastily 
taken. It seemed intended to bring 
the council: into disgrace, as re- 
fusing to concur with the direétory 
in a necessary measure, and it evi- 
dently tended to occasion a variance 
between these two branches of go- 
Vernment, an evil that ought ofall 


_ others to be the most studiously 


avoided in the present circumstances 
of the nation. 

The committee, thus brought for- 
ward before the public, exculpated 
itself for the rejeétion of this mes- 


sage, by asserting that it represented 


the state in a much more alarming 
Situation than consisted with reality. 
Through care and economy all dif. 
ficulties might be removed, and the 
direCtory had been no less faulty in 
exaggerating the difficulties of the 
Nation, than imprudent in making 
them known to the world. 

_ It waswith much concern thatthe 
public beheld a rupture between the 


legislature and the executive de- 


partment, which, unless it were 


[169 


speedily healed, by the discretion of 
both parties, might be productive 
of the most serious evils. The ne- 
cessity of aéting in Concert prevent- 
ed farther altercation: but the 
council of five hundred became ex- 
tremely watchful of the motions of 
the direétory, and resolved to con- 
fine it with the utmost strictness, to 
the powers assigned to it by the con- 
stitution. 

During the cruel administration 
of Roberspierre, multitudes had fied 
to foreign countries, or concealed 
themselves in various parts of 
France, in order to escape the fate 
that would otherwise have attended 
them. The revolutionary commit- 
tees of the distriéts to which they 
belonged, aétuated by the barbarous 
spirit of the times, had entered the 
names of these unhappy persons on 
the jist of emigrants, by which they 
were subjected to the punishments 
enacted by the law, against indi- 
viduals of this description. After 
the overthrow of this sanguinary 
system, several decrees had been 
passed, to rescue those who had suf- 
fered unjustly, through its tyranny, 
from the wretched ‘condition to 
which they had been reduced. 
Thcse who had expatriated them. 
selves since the last of May, 1793, 
when this dreadful system com- 


_menced, were permitted to return 


to their country, and those who had 
been falsely entered on the list 
of emigrants, were cleared from the 
penalties annexed to emigration. 
But, in the numbers that appealed 
to thelaws, enaéted to reinstate in 
their rights those who had been un- 


_ justly deprived of them, there were 


many who came striétly under the 
denomination of emigrants, but 
who found means, though partiality 
or bribery, to procure testimonials 
of their not having left France be- 

fore 


170] 


fore the administration of Rober- 
spierre. The appeals were made 
to the direétory, which appointed 
commissioners to examine and de- 
cide of their validity: but these 
abused the powers committed to 
them inso glaring and scandalous a 
manner, and the direétory appeared 
so remiss in calling them to account 
for their criminal behaviour, that 
the legislature thought itself bound 
to take the cognizance of these 
matters from the executive power, 
which, either through want of time 
or of inclination, did not pay them 
sufficient attention, and to appoint, 
for their investigation, a committee 
of its own members, 

The public were not dissatisfied 
atthe scrupulous vigilance of the 
councils ever the direétory, and at 
the spirit with which they animad- 
verted upon their conduct, and re- 
strained their powers when it was 
necessary for the safety of individu- 
als) The number of which the 
directory consisted, though seeming- 
ly calculated to keep the aétive 
rulers of the statesufficiently divided 
among themselves, to prevent any 
one of them from engrossing the su- 
preme authority, bad not, however, 
in the opinion of many, provided 


against the combination of the mem-: 


bers colleétively, to grasp at so- 
vereign power, and to overrule, 
through the weight and dignity at- 
tached to their office, the proceed. 
ings of the other departments of the 
state, It was therefore no less in- 
cumbent on these to repress the first 
attempts of that body, to exceed 
the limits of their constitutional 
powers, than upon the parliaments 
of Great Britain to keep a vigilant 
eye on the conduct of the monarch 
and his ministers, and on the states- 
general of Holland, to watch the 
stéps of an aspiring stadtholder. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Such were the opinions of the 
discerning part of the public; nor 
did many scruple to avow their ap- 
prehensions, that, in consequence 
of the numerous appointments to 
places of trust and profit, confided 
to the direétory, it would soon or 
late arrive at so great a power, as to 
form a party strong enough to con- 
tro] the legislature itself. 

Whether this were  effeéted 
through influence, or through force, 
the result would be the same: and 
the nation would be obliged to sub- 
mit toabsolute sway, like others that 
are governed despotically, by the 
crown and its agents, through the 
purchased and servile acquiescence 
of its representatives. 

These surmises were not without 
foundation. The stateliness assumed 
by the direétory, in its intercourse 
with foreign states, sufficiently indi- 
cated the lofty ideas they enter- 
tained of their importance, and how 
readily they would raise themselves 
to the summit of personal grandeur | 
and uncontrolled power, in the 
management of all public affairs, 
unless their ambition were obviated 
by timely checks, which could not be 
too expeditiously employed against 
men who exhibited so early a dispo- 
sition to aspire at an undue exten- 
sion of their authority. 

This loftiness of the direétory had 
suffered no small degree of humilia- 
tion from the spirited conduct of 
the government of the united states 
of America. Full of the idea, that 
these owed their independence to 
France, the French bore with im- 
patience and indignation that so 
great a benefit should be overlooked, 
and that, in this struggle for liberty 
with so many powers combined 
against them from every quarter in 
Europe, they should be forsaken by 
that people, in whose cause they 
3 2) hed 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


had atted with so much zeal and 
success. 

But that which principally exas- 
perated the French government 
was the treaty that had been lately 
negociated between Jingland and 
the American states, by their envoy 
in London, Mr. Jay. It was repre- 
sented asso contrary to the treaties 
in force between them and France, 
as to amount almost to a denuncia- 
tion of the amity subsisting between 
those two powers. 

_ The resentment of the French 
hardly knew any bounds. The 
language held at Paris portended 
nothing less than the most signal 
revenge for what was termed an aét 
of the basest ingratitude and per- 
fidy. Instead of that cordiality 
which had taken place between the 
French and American governments, 
adistant and suspicious intercourse 
secceeded ; and if the public voice 
of the people of France had been 
listened to, a rupture could not have 
failed to ensue. 

‘It was retorted, on the part of the 
Americans, that as soon as the 
French republic had been establish- 

ed, it began to entertain a design to 
introduce a system perfeétly similar 
to its own, into the United States, 
without consulting them, and in 
defiance of the constitution already 
settled among them. To this end, 
they commissioned their resident, 
Genet, to use all manner of artifice 
and intrigue, in order to pervert 
the dispositions of the commonalty, 
and to seduce them from their at- 
tachment and obedience to the ex- 
isting government. Ife had carried 
his misconduct so far, as personally 
to insult the president of the con- 
gress, and endeavour tu set him 
and that body at variance with the 
people. This agent of the French 
republic, had indeed been recalled 


[171 


by his employers, but the seeds of 
mischief he had sown had produced 
their intended effeét, in the divisions 
that had embroiled the Americans, 
and destroyed that unanimity of sen- 
timents from which they had derived 
such internal tranquillity. 

To these complaints the French 
replied, that the treaty of commerce 
with England had cancelled all 
pretensions of amity from America 
to France. It violated, in a positive 
and hostile manner, the treaty en- 
tered into by the French, in favour 
of the Americans, in the year 1778, 
by which the states agreed to 
guarantee the possessions of France 
in the West Indies : whereas, by the 
present treaty with England, the 
very furnishing of provisions to the 
French islands was allowed to be 
an illegal trade. Such a falling off 
from their professions of friendship 
and attachment to I’rance, at a time 
when they ought to have been re- 
alised by aétions, after having been 
so reiteratedly expressed in words, 
displayed in glaring colours the 
contemptible interestedness of the 
Americans, and proved them to be 
void of all principles but those of 
avarice and gain, and that to these 
they would sacrifice all consideration 
of honour and magnanimity. 

tecriminations of this nature 
grew louder and more rancorous 
than ever, on the intelligence that 
the government of the united states 
had formally ratified this treaty. 
Bat fresh motives of inveteracy arose 
from the discoveries contained in a 
letter, written by the president. of 
the congress to the American am- 
bassador at Paris. This letter, 
which was dated from Philadelphia, 
the 22d of December, 1795, had 
been dispatched in a vessel that was 
wrecked on the coast of France. 
It was preserved with other papers, 
and 


172] 


and carried to the. direétory, by 
whom it was considered as indubi- 
table proof of the inimical dispo- 
sition of the American government 
to the French republic. 

This letter, on a cool perusal, 
contained, howe, no hostile de- 
signs against France. Its contents 
were chiefly complaints of the 
arbitrary proceedings of the British 
ministry respecting the trade of the 
United States. He direéted Mr. Mor- 
ris, who had quitted his embassy at 
Paris, and acted as American agent 
at London, to lay before the English 
ministry the imprudence, as well as 
the unjustifiableness of those pro- 
ceedings, at a time when Great 
Britain ought to be particularly so- 
licitous to retain the good will of 
the Americans, in order to induce 
them to receive favourably the 
treaty of commerce just concluded, 
but which met with a multitude of 
opponents, on account of the harsh 
measures that had been so unseason- 
ably taken against the commerce 
and navigation of the United States. 
It was with difficulty he had stem- 
med the torrent of discontent and 
resentment that had arisen on this 
occasion, and prevented the party, 
that favoured the French, from car- 
rying matters to extremities. His 
own views, in which he was se- 
conded by the better sort, were 
peace and neutrality. These would, 
in the course of a few years, raise 
the United States to a condition of 
prosperity and power, that would 
render them formidable to all the 
world, and secure 
quillity at home, and respeét from 
abroad. 

Such was the general tenour of 
this famous letter, the interception 
of which was .looked upon as so 
timely an occurrence for the interest 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


to them tran-- 


1796. 


of France, by admonishing it to 
place no confidence in the Ameri- 
cans. But without the medium of 
this letter, the most judicious of the 
French were convinced that the 
interest of the Americans would 
lead them to aét a neutral part in the 
contest between France and Eng- 
land, and that it would be highly 
impolitic in either of these to insist 
upon their aéting any other. 

The French government did not 


however relinquish the hope of a 


future conneétion with the United 
States, They grounded this expeéta- 
tion on the numbers of people 
there, who testified an aversion to 
all political ties with England, and 
whose republican disposition in- 
clined them to espouse the cause of 
all who opposed the government of 
kings. They also relied on achange 
of men and measures in the Ameri- 
can administration. The presidency, 
it was intimated to them by their 
American partisans, would, ona 
new election, be filled by another 
incumbent, less averse toanalliance 
with France than the present. These 
and other representations of a simi- 
lar tendency, from the same quar- 
ter, induced the French government 
to dissemble the resentment it bore 
to the American for its partiality to 
England, and to extend it no farther 
than to treat the subjects of the 
united states, employed in. their 
commerce and navigation, in the 
same manner in which these were 
treated by the English. 

These misunderstandings, between 
France and the states of America, ° 
had, insome degree, been suspended 
by the recall of Mr. Morris from 
his French embassy, and replacing 
him by a man whose principles were 
more conformable te their own, and 
his person, therefore, more Ries AR 

ble, 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


ble. This was Mr. Monroe, who 
was received with great respeét and 
cordiality. But when this gentle- 
man was recalled, and Mr. Pinkney 
appointed his successor, which was 
in November, 1796, the directory 
refused to admit him in that capa- 
city, and suspended, at the same 
time, their own ambassador in Ame- 
rica, Mr. Adet, who was ordered 
to lay before that government the 
complaints of the tepublic against 
its proceedings, and the determina- 
tion to issue orders to the French 
ships of war to aét towards the 
trading vessels of neutral states in 
the same manner that those states 
permitted themselves to be treated 
by the British navy. 

- In support of this determination, 
the directory alleged the seizure of 
French property, by the English, on 
board of American vessels, in the 
very ports of the United States, and 
through the connivance of their go- 
vernment. Such had been the re- 
gard paid to America, by the con- 
vention, at the commencement of 
this war, that while it declared law- 
ful prize all English property found 
in neutral vessels, the shipping of 
the United States ‘was excepted 
from this declaration. But the con- 
duét of the English, in seizing the 
American ships Jaden with provi- 
sions on French account, had com- 
pelled the convention, through mere 
necessity, to rescind this aét of in- 
dulgence, and to use the right of ree 
taliation, by seizing English property 
in American vessels. 

It was farther stated,by Mr. Adet, 
that American sailors were pressed 
into the service of the English, with- 
out reclamations being made, or 
even marks of disapprobation being 
manifested on the part of the Ame- 
rican government. These and other 


[173 


aéts of partiality, amply justified the 
measures taken by the direétory. 
When the United States thought 
proper to enforce the respeét due to 
their flag by the English, the French 
would also treat it with the same 
degree of respect. 

- These remonstrances of the French 
resident were answered by stating 
to him, that, according to the terms 
of the treaty of 1778, neutral pro- 
perty had been declared secure in 
American vessels: but that no such 
stipulations were contained in the 
present treaty between England and 
America. But the propriety of this 
answer was pronounced inadmissible 
by the French. It was absurd, they 
said, that any state should assent to 
the continuance of a treaty, when 
they found it was to be converted 
into an instrument of the deepest 
injury to their interests. For the 
Americans to insist on the validity 
of such a treaty was an insult to 
the understanding of the French, to 
which it could not be expeéted they 
were either so unwise, or so pusil- 
lanimous, to submit ; nor could the 
Americans reconcile to any princie 
ple of justice, or of honour, the 
breach of that article in the treaty 
with France, by which they had 
bound themselves to guarantee the 
French colonies, in the West Indies, 
against the attempts of the English. 

The reciprocal jealousies excited 
by these various transaétions were 
greatly heightened by the motives 
which were understood in France 
to have influenced the recall of Mr. 
Monroe from his embassy, and the 
nomination of Mr. Pinkney in his 
stead. These were the reputed 
partiality of the one to the French, 
and the contrary disposition of the 
other. When the former took leave 
of the direétory, they did not omit 

, this 


174] 


this opportunity of declaring their 
sentiments on the situation of affairs 
between France and America. They 
assured him, that whatever differ- 
ences had arisen between the ruling 
powers of both countries, the French 
still retained their esteem for the 
people of the United Provinces, of 
whose warmth and good will to the 
republic of France they were tho- 
roughly convinced, as well as of 
their disinclination to coincide with 
the measures adopted by their go- 
vernment. They were not less 
careful in testifying their highest. re- 
gard for his personal merit, and 
their warmest gratitude for the at- 
tachment he had unvariably display- 
ed to the cause of liberty and the 
prosperityof France. 

Such, however, was their resent- 
ment of the connection between the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


English and the American govern- 
ments, that they determined to gra- 
tify it, by treating the American 
minister with rudeness, if not with 
indignity. Not satisfied with hay- 
ing denied him the assumption of 
that charaéter, they would notsuffer 
him to remain at Paris as a private 
one. Herein they were, by many 
of their own people, severely cen- 
sured, as having, without necessity, 
affronted an individual, come to 
them on a respeétable mission, and 
widened thereby the breach between 
them and the state which he repre- 
sented. Prudence, it was . said, 
ought to have enjoined a contrary 
behaviour. Theyshould have sought 
to have kept the door of reconcilia- 
tion open, instead of striving to shut 
it in this arrogant and contemptuous 
manner. 


CHAP. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. [175 


CHAP. XII. 


The Haughtiness of the Directory towards different Nations.—Particularly 


towards the Dutch, whom they consider, not as Confederates, but a con« 
quered People.—Moderation of the Republic and preponderating Party in 
the United Provinces.—Batavian Convention,—Its Proceedings.—Affurs 
of Geneva.— Meeting of the National Institute of France.—Considered as 
an auspicious Omen of the Return of Peace and Reign of the Arts.—And 
Liberty of thinking and publishing on all Subjects.—The Alliance between 
the Church and Monarchy of France, in the End, ruinous to both.—The 
new, or constitutional, Clergy avow their Assent to the Separation of the 
Church from the State.—Yet venture to condemn some Things settled, or 
approved, by the republican Government.—But which they considered as ad- 
verse to the Dignity and Interests of the ecclesiastical Order.—The Settle- 
ment of ecclesiastical Affairs considered by the Generality of the French as 


a Matter of great Importance. 


Shean irritable temper of the di- 
rectory was experienced by 
other governments beside the Ame- 
rican. The court of Stockholm, 
which had, since the death of the 
late king Gustavus, explicitly re- 
nounced his projects against the 
French republic, and manifested fa- 
yourable dispositions toit, had lately 
undergone an evident alteration. 
Some attributed this to the intrigues 
of Russia; others to the resentment 
of the Swedish government at the 
duplicity of the French, who had 
paid the subsidy they owed to Swe- 
den, indrafts upon the Dutch re- 
public, which they were conscious 
would not be honoured. Another 
MO6tive of dissatisfaction to the di- 
rectory was, the recall of baron 
Stael, the Swedish ambassador, a 
friend to the republic, and the re- 
placing him by Mr. Renhausen, a 
gentleman noted for his attachment 


to the politics of Russia. The court 
of Sweden gave the directory to un- 
derstand, that were he to be refused 
admission, the French envoy at 
Stockholm would be treated pre- 
cisely in the same manner. But the 
direétory ordered him, nevertheless, 
to quit Paris; not, however, without 
expressing thevhighest respect for the 
Swedish nation, the good-will of 
which it still sought to retain, not- 
withstanding this variance with its 
government. ‘The French envoy at 
that court’ was, at the same time, 
directed to leave it; his residence 
there being nolonger consistent with 
the honour of France, to the interest 
of which that court was become 
manifestly inimical, by its subser- 
viency to Russia, the declared enemy 
to the French republic. 

The king of Sardinia’s ambassa~ 
dor had, in like manner, experienced 
the displeasure of the directory, for 

expressing 


176] 


expressing his regret at the precipi- 
tation with which his master had 
concluded the treaty of peace with 
France ; the terms of which, he 
said, would have been much less 
severe, had he waited for the more 
favourable opportunities that fol- 
lowedit. For having uttered words 
of that import, be was ordered to 
quit the territory of the republic. 
The Tuscan envoy was dismissed in 
the same manner, on account of the 
particular zeal he had testified in 
behalf of Lewis KXVI.’s daughter, 
when she was permitted to leave 
France, 

The court of Rome, when com- 
pelled by the viétories of Buona- 
parte to solicit asuspension of arms, 
had sent commissioners to Paris, to 
negociate a peace: but, in hope 
that the numerous reinforcements, 
which were coming from Germany 
to the Imperial army, would enable 
it to recover its losses, and expel the 
French from Italy, they studiausly 
protraéted the negociation, on pre- 
tence that they were not furnished 
with sufficient powers to conclude a 
definitive treaty. It was not tll 
the successes of the French had put 
an end to these hopes, that they 
appeared desirous, as well as em- 
powered, to come to a conclusion. 
But the direétory, for answer, signi- 
tied their immediate dismission. 

Notwithstanding the resolute and 
decisive conduct adopted by the di- 
rectory, they found it necessary to 
abate of their peremptoriness with 
the Dutch; who, though strongly 
determined to remain united in in- 
terest with France, were not the less 
resolved to retain their national in- 
dependence. The party that favour- 
ed and had called in the French, 
had done it solely with the view of 
securing their assistance for the sup- 

2 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


pression of the stadtholdership, in 
which they had been formally pro-~ 
mised the concurrence of the French 
republic. They were, for this mo- 
tive, so zealous for the success of its 
arms, that, during the campaign of 
1794, they had projected an insurrec- 
tion in the principal towns of the 
Seven United Provinces, while the 
republican armies should advance, 
with all speed, to their support. 
Having communicated their designs 
to the French government, ‘they 
doubted not of its readiness to se- 
cond them, and prepared according- 
ly to execute the plans which they 
had formed in virtue of that ex- 
pectation, But the uninterrupted 
career of victory, that had given so 
decided a superiority to the French 
over all their enemies, had also 
elated them in such a manner, that, 
looking upon the co-operation of 
their party, in Holland, as no longer 
of that importance which it had 
hitherto appeared to be, they now 
received its applications with a 
coldness, which plainly indicated 
that they considered the Dutch as a 
people that must submit to their own 
terms, and whom they now pro- 
posed to treat rather as being sub- 
dued by the arms of the French, 
than as confederated in the same 
cause. 

Such were the dispositions of the 
French towards the Dutch, when 
they entered the United Provinces. 
The arbitrary manner, in which 
they imposed a multiplicity of heavy 
contributions upon the Dutch, was 
highly exasperating to the nation: 
but they were too prudent to.exas-- 
perate men, who were determined 
to act as conquerors, and whom it 
was impossible to resist. They sub- 
mitted, therefore, with that phleg- 
matic patience, which characterizes 

/ ~ them 


‘ }service. 


them indifficulties, and usually ena 
bles them to surmount the greatest, 
by giving way to the storm while it 
lasts, and reserving themselves for 
those auspicious opportunities of re~ 
trieving their affairs, that so seldom 
ail the vigilant and undesponding. 
In the mean time, the republican 
arty, in Holland, resolved to con- 
dué itself with so much temper to 
the adherents of that party, which it 
ad opposed with so much firmness 
and perseverance, that they should 
have no cause to complain of its 
aving made an improper use of the 
ower it had newly acquired. The 
ff-éts of this moderation were high- 
y beneficial to both parties. It 
oftened the grief of those who had 
een deprived of the government 
f their country, and induced them 
0 be less hostile to those who had 
aken their places: and it procured 


-jfor these a readinessin the generality 
lof people to consider them as aétu- 


ted by patriotic motives, and in no 
wise by private animosity towards 
their antagonists. 

This conduét was the more re- 


provinces, though a large majority, 


'jwas desirous of a change of govern- 
‘|ment, differed materially in their 


Opinions concerning that which was 
ty succeed it. The party favouring 
the stadtholder was the least consi- 
derable. 1 consisted of the titled, 
or noble fam:hes, still remaining tn 
the United Provinces, and chiefly de- 
pended upon theinferior classes, and 
the great number of foreigners, for 
the most part Germans, inthe Dutch 
‘The mercantile and middle 
classes, and generally the people of 
Opulence and property, were in- 
clined toa republican system: but 
herein they differed among them- 
Selves us to the plan to be adopted. 
Vor. XXXVIL. 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


arkable, that the inhabitants of the’ 


[177 


Several preferred the antecedent 
one, that had subsisted from the de- 
mise of William LI. king of Great 
Britain, and stadtbolder, with such 
alteration as might secure it effcétu- 
ally from a re-establishment of that 
office, and render it more democra- 
tical: others recommended an im« 
mediate adoption of the precedents, 
which the French had fixed on as 
the most popular. These different 
parties contended with great warmth 
for the superior excellence of their 
various plans. But the necessity of 
settling some form of government, 
brought them, at last, after long and 
violent dispute, to the determination 
of calling a national convention. 
The provinces of Zealand and Frize- 
land, the two most considerable in 
the Dutch republic, next to thatof 
Holland, made a long and obstinate 
Opposition to this proposal. But 
they were, at length, prevailed 
upon to concur with the others on 
its expediency. 

The year 1795 was consumed in 
altercations of this nature. But as 
soon asthe national Sb sate met, 
which was on the first of March, 
1796, all parues agreed on a Nea: 
tion to declare war against Great 
Britain, which they considered as 
having chiefly occasioned the many 
calamities that had befallen the 
United Provinces for a course of 
years. Through its influence over 
the stadtholder, the strength of the 
state had been perfidiously withheld 
from aéting in detence of the trade 
and shipping of the republic, and 
its interests wholly sacrificed to those 
of England. During the . whole 
duration of the American war, this 
had been done in despite and con- 
tempt of continual remonstrances 
and solicitations trom the most re- 
speCtable citizens in the common- 

[N] wealth, 


178] 


wealth. It was through the inter- 
ference of England, leagued with 
Prussia, that the stadtholder, who 
had been expelled from the United 
Provinces, was restored in defiance 
of the manifest will of the Dutch. 
Thus a governor was imposed upon 
them, whom they could compare to 
no other than a lord-lieutenant of 
Treland, or a stadtholder of some 
Prussian distriét. He was the mere 
agent of those two powers, by 
whose impulse he was guided, and 
by whose power he was upheld in 
his authority, which he exercised 
entirely according to their direétions. 
Through their fata) influence, Hol- 
land had been precipitated into the 
present contest with France, against 
the well-known wishes of all the 
provinces, and. upon pretexts quite 
foreign to their interest. While this 
influence lasted, Holland could be 
viewed in no other light than asa 
dependence of England and Prussia. 
Tt was, therefore, ncumbent on the 
national convention, to put an end to 
this slavish and ruinous conneétion 
with those two powers, but especi- 
ally with England; which had, on 
the pretence of espousing the cause 
of the stadtholder, torn from the 
republic almost the whole of its 
possessions in the Indies and in 
America. What was still more in- 
sulting, the English ministry treated 
him avowedly as the sovereign of 
the Seven Provinces, though they. 
Must know that he was consti- 
tutionally no more than the captain- 
general of their armies, and the ad- 
miral in chief of their fleets. What 
was this but tyranny and usurpation 
in the extreme ? The pretensions of 
Prussia were at an end by the treaty 
it had coneluded with France: but 
those of England were in full vi- 
gour, and it eagerly seized every 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


opportunity of doing all the damage — 
in its power to the people of the 
United Provinces ; who had, there~ 
fore, the clearest right to consider it 
as their most inveterateenemy. On_ 
these considerations, which were ob= 
vious to all impartial minds, the na= 
tianal convention ought to call forth § 
the whole strength of the nation, 
and use every effort to recover what 
England had so unjustly taken from 
it, rather by surprise than real i 
prowess. 1 
Such was the language of the red 
publican party, in Holland, which, | 
confiding in its strength, and on the 
support of the French, was deter. 
mined to improve to the utmost the jf 
opportunity that now offered, of 9) 
extinguishing radically, all the hopes #} 
and pretensions of the Orange fa- j} 
mily. In this determination, this }f 
party met with every encourage-— 
ment from the direétory, which anx- 
iously stimulated it to form a con-_ 
stitution explicitly exclusive of a ( 
stadtholder. qt 
The Dutch convention itself was 
sufficiently averse to the re-esta- 
blishment of this office, which, 
new-modelled as it had been, by 
England and Prussia, was become, 
in faét, a sovereignty. But however 
unanimous on this point, they varied 
on several others. The former in- 
dependence of the Seven Provinces _ 
on each other, and their separate 
and unconneéted authority over 
their respective territories and peos 
ple, bad so long subsisted without 
impairing the general union, that it 
appeared to many unnecessary, if 
not dangerous, to make any alterae 
tion in this matter, as it would affect: 
the mode of levying taxes, and bure 
then one province with the exe 
pences of another. To this it was; 
replied, that a firm and indissoluble 
union, | 


union, which was the object prin- 
cipally required, could not be effect- 
ed, while sucha separation of inter- 
ests was suffered to exist. It would 
open a door to perpetual variances, 
Which might eventually endanger 
the very existence of the govern- 
iment they were about to establish, 

by breaking the principal bond of 
unity on which it was to be found- 
ed. After a multiplicity of debates 
upon this subject, the importance of 
a solid union of all the provinces, 
into one common state, appeared 
so indispensible, that it was unani- 
mously agreed to on the first day of 
December, 1796. To remove the 
objection that had principally stood 
in the way of this decision, a com- 
mission of the most respectable mem- 
bers of the convention was appoint- 
ed to examine and state the former 
debts of the respective-provinces, 
and to consider of the most equita- 
ble and satisfactory manner of liqui- 
dating them, by providing for their 
extinction, and preserving, at the 
same time, uninjured, the rights and 
interests of all the parties concerned 
in this liquidation. 

In all these transactions, the mem- 
bers of the Dutch convention were 
remarkably cautious in permitting 
no visible interference in their deli- 
berations on the part of the French 
government, Its secret influence 
was well known; but the preservation 
of every form and external indi- 
cation of freedom, was judged indis. 
pensible,in order to maintain the ap- 
parent dignity of the state, and, what 
was of more consequence n the eye 
of the discerning, to prevent the 
French themselves, at any future pe- 
riod, from pleading a mght of inter- 
fering, from any acknowledged pre- 
cedent. The directory was also 
very careful in abstaining from all 


- 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


(179 


open and ostensible exercise of au- 
thority over this meeting. This 
would have invalidated their proe 
ceedings, and infringed the liberty 
which France boasted of haying rep. 
stored to the Dutch, in too glaring a 
manner, not to haye excited their 
murmurs and resentment... For 
these reasons the directory-affected 
every sentiment of respect for. this 
national convention of the United 
Provinces, and treated it with every 
outward mark of their considering it 
as the representatives of an. indes 
pendent nation. 

But the regard shewn, by France, 
to the republic of Holland, was 
measured solely by the consideration 
of its weight in the political scale, 
which, however depressed by circum- 
stances, might still recover the level 
of its former importance. ‘The di- 
rectory did not extend the same de- 
ference to those whom it deemed 
more subjected to its power. ‘This 
was remarkably evinced in its cons 
duét towards Geneva. This little 
republic had inyariably remained 
attached to the interests of the revo= 
lution in France, ever since its first 
breaking out; and had gone hand in 
hand with it through all its varia- 
tions, Relying on these proojs of 
its fidelity, it now requested the di- 
rectory to confirm its independence, 
by making it a clause in the treaties 
between France and other, powers. 
But this request did not coincide 
with the views of the direétory, 
which had, it seems, in contempla- 
tion the. annexation of Geneva to 
the dominion of France, In pur- 
suance of this project, anintimation 
was given to the Genevans, .that 
their interest would be-better, con- 
sulted, and their freedom secured, 
by becoming a part of the French 
republic. This intimation was highly 

(N 2] disgusting 


180] 


ing to the Genevans; and the 
means taken to bring them to com- 
pliance were still more offensive. 
Disturbances and bloodshed were 
iidireétly either promoted or coun- 
tenanced, by some dark intrigues, 
with a’ view to make them sensible 
that® the only remedy for those do- 
mestic’ “confusions, was to throw 
themselves. in'o the arms of the 
French. But this attempt was not 
successful ; nor even approved by 
numbers of the French themselves. 
They condemned it as manifesting 
an ambition incompatible with those 
principles of moderation on which 
true republicans ought to value 
themselves, and which the French 
held forth to Europe as the maxims 
by which they had’ resolved to con- 
duct themselves. Were Europe 
once couvinced that the’ ancient 
system of conquest and encroach- 
ment on the territories of its neigh- 
bours, which had rendered I’rance 
so odious under the monarchy, were 
to be continued under the republic, 
the necessity of self-defence would 
gradually unite every country against 
it: in which case, notwithstanding 
the brilliant career of its arms 
hitherto, patience and perseverance 
on the part of the numerous ene- 
mies that so unjustifiable a conduct 
would create, must in the end pre- 
vail, and both the glory and cha- 
racter of integrity, at which the 
French ought equally to aim in 
their political proceedings, would be 
forfeited. 

In addition to these motives, for 
abstaining from a forced incorpora- 
tion of Geneva with France, it was 
urged that the inhabitants of that 
city and its territory, though forming 


but a small state, were so jealous of 


their indepedency, that they would 
never consent to resign it. ‘The 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


_ achievements in its defence. 


1796. 


very circumscription of that state, 
made evéry member of it the more 
sensible of his personal weight in its 
affairs, and of the freedom which he 
enjoyed. To deprive him ofthe satis- 
faétion arising from such a situa 
tion, would be a wanton exertion of 
the superior strength of the repub- 
lic, which would redound much — 
more to its disgrace than benefit. 
Stang with rage at atreatmént which 
they ‘did not devetves the citizens of | 
Geneva would desert it, and carry 
to other countries that industry to 
which alone it owed its flourishing 
situation ‘during so many years. 
The mere possession of the place 
itself would prove a poor recom- 
pense for the expulsion of its inha- 
bitants, ‘which, however ind: rectly 
eff. éted, would not be the less real. 
In the mean while, they would ex- 
hibit, in the various places of their 
voluntary banishment, living procfs 
of the ambition and tyranny of 
France. The nearest of its neigh- 
bours would see their own destiny 
in that of those unhappy fugitives, 
and learn from thence the obligation | 
they were under, of embracing one 
of these two alternatives: either of 
submitting to the like treatment, or 
of preparing manfully to resist it. 
Of those who would be constrained, . 
to adopt this resolution, the first! 
would be the Swiss, a people noted 
for ages on account of their love of | 
liberty, and of their astonishing! 
Such 
a people, if united, France would 
find a formidable enemy : nor was it! 
indeed to be supposed they would 
tamely behold the annexation of 
Geneva to France, by compulsory, 
means, nor even ie the voluntary, 
concession of its inhabitants. They) 
were bound, in the former of these 
Cases, to assist them, and inthe latter 
they) 


they would hardly permit such an 
acquisilion to France in so near a 
neighbourhood, and of so dangerous 
a tendency, withgut seriously inter- 
posing to prevent it. . This, of 
course, must be attended with con- 
Sequences, of which the ultimate 
issue could not be ascertained, but 
which would undoubtedly be pro- 
duétive of many calamities. 
Arguments of this. nature. were 
indiscriminately used by the Ge- 
nevans, the many French individu- 
als that espoused their cause, and by 
those persons in Switzerland, who 


)Helvetic body must necessarily be 
involved, were the direétory to per- 
sist in so unequitable a project. It 
was therefore abandoned : but the 
iniquitous ambition that had prompt- 
ed it still remaining ungratified, 
sought a revenge for its disappoint- 
)ment, in the harsh usage of the se- 
jveral agents deputed from Geneva 
to Paris, whom it ignominiously ex- 
pelled from that city, on no other 
pretence, than that they did not 
come with those friendly views that 
became the state which sent them. 
But the Genevans, undiscouraged 
by this treatment, persevered unre- 
mittingly in the determination to re- 
main a separate state, and continued 
to labour with the more vigour in 
improving the government they had 
established, when they found them- 
selves countenanced by the moderate 
party in France, which, happily for 
them, was the most numerous. 
| The motives that were thought to 
|have aétuated the direétory in a 
transaétion, from which they reaped 
finally so little honour, were the de- 
sire to signalize themselves by the 
uisition of a state, which, hows 
vie inconsiderable in strength and 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


foresaw the difficulties, wherein the 


[181 


extent, bad obtained a highly deser- 
ved reputation throughout Kurope, 
by the industry and ingenuity of its 
inhabitants ; and, more than all, by 
the distinguished figure it had mains 
tained, and the high spirit it had 
displayed, in those aétive and tem- 
pestuous scenes that were produced 
by the reformation. It bad long 
been considered as the original seat 
of Calvinism, and the rival of Rome 
itself in matters of religiun, Here 
the famous founder of that seét lived 
and died, after having, by his un- 
conquerable courage, laid the foun- 
dation of the most resolute associa~ 
tion of men that ever figured. in 
modern ages. From the principles 
which heinculeated, arose that refor- 
mation in religion which was grafted 
on republican maxims. Hence it 
was immediately adopted by all that 
aspired at freedom. It filled France 
with the most intrepid asserters of 
civil as well as religious rights. It 
spread into the low countries, where 
it ere€ted the republic of Holland. 
It made its way into England and 
Scotland, where it gradually anima- 
ted the inquisitive and daring spirits 
of the last century in this country 
to those researches into the nature 
of government, and to those exer 
tions in the cause of national free- 
dom, which, had not fanaticism in- 
tervened, would probably have ter- 
minated so .bappily for all parties. 
Geneva, during the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries, had been the 
central point of communication be- 
tween the principal aétors of this 
high-spirited party. Beza, a tar 
greater charaéter than Calvin, no 
less inflexible, but much less austere, 
added lustre and importance to this 
place, by his learning and many 
other respectable qualities. He con= 
{N 3] 


% 


182) 


tinued like him the oracle of his 
party, and was visited and consult- 
ed by all the great champions it pro- 
duced, both in arms and literature. 
All these circumstances conferred a 
splendour upon Geneva, that en- 
titled it to great distinétion, The 
first kings and states in Eutope, of 
the protestant persuasion, treated it 
unanimously with every mark of re- 
spect, and it continued on this ho- 
nourable footing even during the 
reign of Lewis the fourteenth, who 
strove several times in vain tosubdue 
the spitit with whith it resisted his 
attempts to influence its govern 
‘ment. - The annexation of so ¢ele- 
brated a state to the French empire 
appeared to the direétory ‘an objeét 
worthy of their attention, and they 
were seriously chagrined at their 
failure. 

A compensation for their disap- 
pointment offered itself, about the 
same time, in a province, wherein 
they might claim a better right to 
exercise their sway, and from which 
both they and their countrymen 

_ would derive more honour and pro- 
fit. This was the province of s¢i- 
ence and literature, that had re~ 
mained negleéted during the confu- 
‘sions attending the antecedent peri- 
ods of the revolution. The ne- 
cessity of reviving the spirit of ge- 
nius, that had lain awhile dormant, 
or had only been busied in the arts 
of destruétion, roused at once the 
attention of government, and of the 
whole nation. The great numbers 
of literary men in France, exerted 
themselves, on this occasion, with 
the most commendable zeal. Setting 
asideall partialities, on religious and 
political accounts, they cordially 
‘united im prosecuting the plan pro- 
posed by the ruling powers, for a re- 
gular cultivation of all those depart- 


ANNUAL. REGISTER, 


1796. « 


ments of knowledge and polite learn- 
ing, that conduce to the utility and 
glory ofa nation. : 
Desirous of giving this revival of 
the encouragements, due to literas 
ture, all the solemnity of which it 
was susceptible, the direétory ap-}. 
pointed the fourth of April, 1796, }, 
for a public meeting of all the mem- J, 
bers of the nati nal imstitute, estas}, 
blished the preceding year, at the}, 
z#ra of the new constitution. The 
meeting was held in the largest hall. 
of the ancient palace of the Louvre. 
All the literati, and all the men o' 
genius and reputation in the polite} 
and liberal arts attended. The di 
reétory, the councils, and all persons 
in the principal departments of go- 


4 


f 
vernment were present, together} , 
with the foreign ministers, and as i, 
many speétators as the hall could) | 
contain. The purpose of the mect« 
ing was formally announced, in @ 
speech made by the president of the} , 
dire¢tory. France, he said, de}, 
livered from past miseries, had no 
resolved to revive those arts, throug 
the cultivation of which the natio 
had risen to so high a degree of r 
putation, and commanded the re 
speét ofall Europe. It was the ded 

termination of government, to pay} 
them all the attention, and give. 

them all the encouragement and re’ 
compense which they could possibly} 
claim from a free and enlightened 
people. The president of the na 
‘tional institute, citizen Dusaulx, rey 
plied, in the name of bis brethren} 
that they were all equally animated) 
with the love of freedom, of know 
ledge, and of arts; that they wet 
‘firmly attached to the republic frof 
principle, and the cons¢iousness tha 
in the bosom of freedom all thos 
reat sentiments are generated a 
nurtured, that dignify human natur 
ar 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


and constitute the true grandeur of 
nations. 

The solemnity of this day, and 
the hopes it inspired, that a renewal 
was at hand of the arts and occupa- 
tions of peace, filled the public with 
the highest satisfaction. Discerning 
people observed, on this occasion, 
that the liberty of thinking and 
publishing, so carefully fettered un- 
derthe former government, Was an 
advantage of much more conse- 
quence than the generality seemed 
to perceive. Exclusively of those 
apprehensions for personal safety, 
which were now removed, remune- 
rations would flow in equal propor- 
tion to persons of all religious per- 
_ Suasions, and neither dignity nor 
income would be appropriated to 
any particular seét. This would at 
once destroy all other motives, inthe 
investigation of truth, than that of 
arriving at a discovery. While the 
champions of only one set were 
salaried for maintainingits doctrines, 
and all others precluded from op- 
posing them, by the severest penal- 
ties, with what face could any man 
pretend to assert their reétitude ? 
It was solely by freedom of disqui- 
sition that truth was discoverable : 
~ and the most valuable consequence 
of the revolution was the abroga- 
tion of that exclusive privilege, 
which ignorance and imbecility had 
conferred upon the clergy of the 
established church, that of silencing, 
without any other argument than 
threats and terror, all those who 
dared to dissent from their opinions. 

The faét, at this period, was, that 
though a ‘prodigious mass of the 
French nation still remained en- 
ssiaved to the Romish tenets, muiti- 
tudes in all ciasses had imbibed a 
propensity to think and speak on 
subjeéts relating to religion, with 


; principle. 


[iss 


the most boundless restraint : as 
these latter had been experimentally 
found the staunchest friends toliber- 
ty, and the former its most inveterate 
foes, it was natural to conclude, 
that the ecclesiastics, adhering to the 
church of Rome, who were the 
spiritual guides of these, were also 
the instigators of this rancour. 
Hence the striétness and severity 
with which they were constantly 
watched. Hence too the averseness 
of the constituted authorities, to per 
mit any species of authority to re- 
side in any ecclesiastical body, lest, 
as the experience of all times had 
invariably shewn, it should gradually 
obtain an influence over the minds 
of men incompatible with the rights 
of government. 

The spirit that bfought about the 
revolution was in direét opposition 
to those claims of implicit belief,on 
which all spiritual authority is 
founded. While the monarchy con- 
tinued part of the constitution, find- 
ing the priesthood, either from inter- 
est or bigotry, its most “faithful and 
firmest supporters, it repaid theiras- 
sistance with its own. It was this 
alliance, between the church and 
the crown, that finally ruined both; 
and induced their destroyers to con- 
sider them as inimical, from their 
very essence, to political liberty 5 
and inadmissible, on this account, 
into any system founded on that 
After the king’s death, 
the clergy underwent the severest 
persecution, those only excepted 
who had taken the oaths of tidelity 
tothe republic. During the stormy 
and tyrannical government of Ro- 
bespi-rres the civil establishinent of 
the Galilean church was formally 
anuulled, and even those eccletase 
tics, who aitered tothe repubiican 
government, were deprived of the 

[N 4] regular 


184] 


regular maintenance hitherto al- 
lowed them. 

Alter the fall of the tyrant, the 
convention decreed a variety of 
imitigations in the laws that had 
been ena¢ted against the nonjuring 
clergy. It proclaimed the fullest 
libe:ty of worsbip, and required no 
other than a simple declaration of 
submission to the laws, from those 
clergymen who exercised their pro- 
fessional fur.€tions, together with an 
acknowledgment of the sovereignty 
of the people. But those who sub- 
scribed to these conditions, together 
with their followers, were branded, 
by the nonjuiing clergy and their 
adherents, as guilty of apostacy. 


Much of that spiritual antipathy © 


took place between those dissenting 
parties, which has so long proved 
the disgrace and the bane of re- 
ligion. But the ruling powers, 
faithful to their determination of im- 
partiality, paid no attention to those 
dissentions; and as they had for- 
mally declared, that no particular 
mode of worship should be main- 
tained at the public expence, nor -be 
proteéted exclusively to any other, 
they went no farther than to pre- 
vent those animosities from breaking 
oul tothe disturbance of the peace 
of the community ; and to this end 
enacted penalties to punish and 
repress them. 

As that part of the French clergy 
and nation, which openly professed 
allegiance to g.vernment, by con- 
forming to i's ordinances, and mak- 
ing the declarations prescribed, 
could not fail of being viewed with 
.a favourable eye, it ventured to 
take some steps which were thought 
hazardous, in the opinion of those 
who dreaded the jealousy they 
might occasion. A meeting of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, | 1796. 


some of those bishops, who were: 
called constitutional, from their hav= 
ing taken the civic oaths enjoined 
by the constituent assembly,so styled 
from having framed the first consti- 
tution, was beld in the beginning of 
1795, in order to consult how to re- 
store order and regularity in the 
worship and discipline of the church, 
and to replace it on a footing of sta- 
belity, after the confusions that had 
so violently disturbed its peace. 
They made a declaration, at the 
sume time, which was highly ac- 
ceptable to the friends of harmony 
and universal toleration in religious 
matters. They frankly and ex- 
plicitly avowed their assent to the 
separation of the church from the 
state, acknowledging it to be the 
most effeétual means of eradicating 
those corruptions and scandalous 
praétices that had been produced 
by their union, and so deplorably 
tainted that purity of manners, and 
integrity of life, which ought to ac- 
company theecclesiastical profession. 
Religion, they said, when unconneét- 
ed with politics, would resume that 
influence over mankind, which arises 
frominnocenceand virtue. Thegreat 
and the powerful would respeét it 
the more for demanding from them 
only the proteétion of the state in 
return for its obedience and confor- 

mity to the laws of the land. 
These were declarations very un- 
common in theecclesiastical assem 
blies of modern ages. But numbers 
of the most zealous friends to 
Christianity, applauded them with 
fervent sincerity, as tending to di- 
vest religion of those appendages, 
which made it doubtful whether its 
_asserters and followers were influ- 
enced by conviétion, or by interest ; 
-and to bring it back to the princi- 
ples, 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


ples, temper, and views of Jesus 


Christ, the apostles and primitive 
Christians. At the same time, it was 
observed,as well it might be, that the 
constitutional reforming clergy were 
as much to be suspeéted as any of 
the old clergy, in the preceding 
period of private or selfish passions. 
It is something carnal and develish, 
not pure, disinterested, and benevo- 
lent, thar is, for the most part, at the 
bottom of that zeal which is mani- 
fested for the overthrow of religious 
establishments. The new clergy past 
severe censures upon those ecclesias- 
tics who had swerved from their reli- 
gion, or violated its discipline, or the 
vows they had made, and the obli- 


gations they had contraéted on their 


entrance into the service of the 
church. They published also some 
pastoral letters, containing theirsen- 
timents onseveral points of conse- 
quence. They disclaimed all tem- 
poral authority, declaring the go- 
vernment of the Christian republic 
to be purely spiritual. Charity was 


its essential character, and it re- 


quired no submission to its precepts, 
that was not warranted by reason. 
Its true spirit was moderation, and 
the very reverse of tyranny. They 
asserted, however, at the same time, 
that the authority of the church 
was vested in the episcopal order, 
but rejeéted the supremacy of the 
pope, allowing him only the first 
rank among the bishops. 
Notwithstanding the caution 
which the circumstances of the 
times imposed upon them, they 
scrupled notto condemn some things 
that were sanétioned by the law. 
They severely reprobated those re- 
lating to divorce, and censured no 
Jess violently the matrimonial con- 
neGtions, formed by ecclesiastics, 
during the disorders of the revolu- 


[185 


tion, and the licentiousness of man- 
ners it had occasioned. They stig- 
matized, as guilty of sacrilege, those 
laymen who had taken upon them 
to officiate asthe ministers of reli- 
gion, in the meetings held for the 
celebration of divine service, and in 
the absence of regular clergymen. 
This latter was deemed an att of 
unseasonable severity, by the impar- 
tial, who disregarding the scrupulous 
nicety that diétated it, thought that 
it betrayed too marked a preposses- 
sion for the dignity of the eccle- 
siastical order. This occasional 
exercise of the priestly funétion was 
denominated laicism, and represent- 
ed as sacrilegious usurpation of the 
sacerdotal rights. 

The ultimate intent of the con- 
stitutional prelates, who had been 
concerned in those meetings and 
publications, was, to procure a con- 
vention of a more numerous as- 
sembly than their own, which con- 
sisted only of thirty-four, in order to 
settle definitively the affairs of the 
Gallican church : but tbe govern- 
ment did not incline to permit the 
formation of any body of men into 
a national synod or council. It ap- 
prehended that the claims of such 
a meeting might be such, and its 
influence so prevailing, as to en- 
danger the authority of the state, 
and. to create disturbances that 
might lead to serious consequences. 
The advocates of government plead- 
ed on this occasion the precedent 
of England, where the convocation 
of its bishops and clergy has for 
many years, though suffered to 
meet, been prohibited to aét, For 
these reasons, the direétory ordered 
a number of ecclesiastics, met for 
the purpose of holding a synod, te 
be dispersed; this happened in the | 
month of March, 1796; since when, 

no 


186] 


no other meeting of this nature has 
been attempted. 

, The public approved this exer- 
tion of authority, without inquiring 
into the reasons alleged by those 
who argued for the propriety of 
these meetings. They dreaded that 
spirit of obstinacy with which the 
generality of divines are apt to main- 
tain their opinions, and to disregard 
the mischiefs that may be occasion-~ 
ed by insisting on the obligation 
of receiving them as orthodox, 
and binding on the consciences of 
men. Though the revolution had 
diminished, in a great measure, the 
superstitious disposition of the times, 
enough remained to set the nation 
in flames ; and it was the duty of 
its rulers to discountenance and sup- 
press all religious discussions of this 
kind, which invariably tended to in- 
volve men in quarrels, and seldom 
elucidated the subjects about which 
they contended. 

The conforming and the nonjur- 
ing clergy fully confirmed these ap- 
prehensions, by the animosity they 
reciprocally displayed. The latter 
especially exhibited scenes of bi- 
gotry, that could not have been ex- 
ceeded in the darkest ages. Those 
who abjured the party of their an- 
tagonists, were not admitted into 
the congregation of the faithful, as 
they styled themselves, until they 
had been formally exorcised: 4 cere- 
mony which they deemed necessary 
to expel the evil spirit that might 
still be lurking within them. But 
what was still more scandalous, as 
well as more absurd, they would 
sometimes dig out of their graves 
the bodies of those who had been 
buried by confermists, and give 
them @ fresh interment, in order to 
insure their repose. 


Such absurdities, at the close of 
ag 


c 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


the eighteenth century, amply re- 
futed the assertions of those who 
represented the clergy of France as 
a rational and enlightened body 
of men. This might be true of 
numbers; but till the revolution 
had empowered men to think, an 
incomparable majorityof both clergy 
and laity were plunged in the deep- 
est ignorance and credulity. Some 
have thought there was more of 
hypocrisy than persuasion among 
the former: but their late sufferings 
have proved their sincerity. 

The conforming clergy seem, 
however, to gain ground. Their 
tenets appear more reasonable to 
the refieéting, and several of them 
are also decided republicans. Ctiris- 
tianity has been by some of them 
described as the great charter of the 
original rights of man, and the 
anion of church and state as anti- 
Christian, and inimical to liberty. 
While such principles are avowed 
by ecclesiastics, and countenanced 
by government, it can hardly be 
doubted but they will finally pre- 
ponderate; the sooner indeed, that 
all ideas of persecution are dropped, 
and the fanatical party left to in- 
dulge in all its extravagancies, with- 
out the least notice on the part of 
the state, which treats them with a 
silent contempt, that more effeétual- 
ly exposes them to ridicule, than 
could be done by the measures of 
restraint. 

This revolutionary spirit, in reli- 
gious matters, was not, in the mean 
time, confined to France. It had 
long been making a concealed pro- 
gress in Italy and Germany, and 
the French revolution gave it fresh 
vigour. In the Austrian Nether- 
Jands, the influence of the Romish 
clergy,and the submissive disposition 
of the natives, in the concerns of re» 

ligion 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


ligion, preserved it from altera- 
tions. But, in the united provinces, 
the freedom allowed to all persua- 
sions had so completely paved the 
way for innovations of this kind, 
that, on the irruption of the French, 
and the revolution effeéted in the 
Dutch government, the religion of 
thestate was immediately abolished, 
and all seéts declared upon a foot- 
ing of equality. The stipends of 
their respeétive ministers were to 
be paid by their followers, and no 
other interference exercised by the 
Tuling power, than to maintain li- 
berty of worship to all who paid 
obedience to the laws of the 
country. 

A system so new to the ideas of 
all the nations in Earope, so re- 
pugnant to the temporal interests of 
an immense portion of the establish- 
ed clergy, and reputed by numbers 
in all classes so inimical to religion 
itself, could not fail to call forth 
the indignation of multitudes. The 
approbation of perhaps a majority 
of those literary men, who are not 
members of the ecclesiastical body, 
has powerfully conduced to give 
this new system a considerable de- 
gree of popularity.- Asit does not 
appear hostile to Christianity itself, 
few, if any, ofthose seéts that are not 
connected with the state, by a regu- 
jar establishment, can be supposed 
inimical to the introduétion of it 
into countries, where they exist 
themselves merely upon sufferance, 
and certainly cam lose nothing by 
being placed on a level with all 


other seétaries, in point of emolu- 
‘ment and importance. The Roman 
‘catholic states, being all monarchi- 


cal, are those that have hitherto 
opposed it with most violence: as the 
eccleésiastical establishments there, 
form part of the political system, @ 


[187 


disjunétion of the church from the 
state cannot be efieéted, without 
considerably weakening the latter ; 
the authority of which depends es- 
sentially on the support givenit by 
the former, whose attachment, there- 
fore, is remunerated and secured, by 
the riches and splendor annexed to 
it. Opinion being the foundation 
of all power, and ecclesiasties in 
those countries possessing a notorious 
influence over the Community, so- 
vereigns are too sensible of their own 
interest to suffer the dissolution of a 
tie, that binds their subjeéts to them 
so efficaciously, and will, therefore, 
strenuously exert themselves to pre- 
vent the propagation of a system, 
that would deprive them of such 
able defenders. 

The settlement of ecclesiastical 
affairs, in France, was considered, by 
most men, as an object of the highest 
importance. Though great liberty 
was assumed by numbers, in the 
exercise of that latitude of thinking, 
which was countenanced by the 
ruling powers, and the spirit of the 
constitution, and who paid little re- 
gard to the interest of religion: yet 
the majority, throughout the nation, 
were extremely desirous to see a total 
and unfettered freedom of worship 
granted to all persons who sub-~ 
mitted to the established system. 
The government was so thoroughly 
convinced of the necessity of coin- 
ciding with the general sense of the 
community on this subject, that, not- 
withstanding the multiplicity of 
weighty concerns that occupied it 
in the course of this year, it care- 
fully bestowed its attention upon 


‘the termination of this business. 


The satisfaétion expressed by the 
public, on this account, proved the 
reétitade of the measures they had 
adopted 

CHAP. 


188] 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


CHAP. XIII: 


In France, a General wish for Peace.—But the Popularity of the War with 
England still continued.—Overture of Peace from England to the French 
Republic —Negociation for Peace at Paris.—Abruptly broken off.— 
Affairs, Maritime and Colonial, French and British.—Infidelity of the 
French Government to ther Engagements tothe Dutch.—French Prepara- 
tions and Expedition for an Invasion of Ireland.—Defeated.—The Death 
of Catherine II.—And the Resignation of General Washington. 


IIE directory were very sensible 
that, after the pacification 
which they had in so great @ mea- 
sure effected in the affairs of reli- 
gion, the nation would expect that 
they should proceed with equal so- 
iicitude to restore peace between 
the state and i1s numerous enemies : 
victories eneugh had been obtained 
to teach these the inefficacy of their 
endeavours to subvert the system 
now settledin France; the adherence 
to which, by the mass of the peo- 
ple, was sufficiently proved, by the 
zeal with which they supported it, 
and the sufferings to which they had 
cheerfuily submitted, during the 
struggle against its many and potent 
adversaries. It was ttme to come 
to a conclusion of so destructive a 
war, and to concludea peace upon 
reasonable conditions. 

This was a language that began 
to diffuse itself every where. The 
popularity of the war against Eng- 
Jand, which was looked upon as the 
power under the auspices of which 
it had been chiefly promoted, was 
not diminished: but as the ruinous 
expences of this terrible contest, 


had proved so fruitless, for the pur- 
pose proposed by this ancient rival, 
it was now hoped that he would de- 
sist from attempts that had already 
cost bim so much blood and trea- 
sure. To persist in them, must 
finally plunge bim into far more se- 
rious difficulties than he had yet en- 
countered. Tlis resources, however 
great, were not sufficient to subsidize 
the immense combination of powers 
that he must bring intoaction. He 
might keep them together some time 
longer; but the greatness of bis ef- 
forts must necessarily exhaust him, 
and he would then be compelled to 


agree toa much more disadvantage- 


ous peace, thanif he were willing, 
while yet ona respectable footing, 

to enter into pacific negociations. 
Such were the sentiments of the 
moderate party in France, but there 
were others who eniertained no 
other ideas, than of an entire suh- 
jugation of England. .To humble 
it would not satisfy them. The 
French, in their opinion, were en- 
titled to wreak the most signal ven- 
geance on a people that had excited 
all Europe against them, tbat had 
loaded 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


loaded them with the most oppro- 
brious aspersions, that had sought 
their utter ruin, and not only to 
deprive them of their bard-earned 
liberty, but to parcel them out 
among the European despots. For- 
tune having declared for the repub- 
licans, it was equally their duty and 
their interest to infliét the severest 
punishment on those who had form- 
ed so iniquitous a design. While 
England subsisted, it would prove 
an everlasting and irreconcileable 
enemy. It would unite with every 
power that harboured malevolent 
intentions to France. It would fo- 
ment and support that rebellious 
and fanatic party among the French 
which thought itself bound, in con- 
Science, to oppose the present go- 
vernment, and to restore the house 
of Bourbon. No medium remained 
between a precarious enistence of 
the republic, and the total reduétion 
of England. Having forced all 
their other enemies to submit, 1t 
were shameful to suffer this, their 
most deadly one, to retain the power 
of compelling them to undergo 
another trial for their indepen- 
dence. ; 

With arguments of this kind did 
the violent among the republicans 
plead for the propriety of making 
an attempt upon England itself ; 
alleging, at the same time, the 
number of partisans and well-wish- 
ers the republic might rely upon, 
among the English malcontents; 
whose numbers were immense, and 
daily augmenting, through the pres- 
sures which the war incessantly ac- 
cumulated upon the nation. 

But that circumstance which most 
irritated all parties in France at 
‘this juncture, and destroyed tbe 
confidence of their government in 
the good faith of that of England, 


[189 


was the mission of Mr. lammond, 
to Berlin, in order to procure, as 
they firmly asserted, the re-union of 
Prussia to the coalition. His failure, 


they said, was the real cause of the 


English ministry’s determination to 
make overtures for a treaty, 

Influenced by this suspicion, 
though the Direétory permitted the 
French ministry for foreign affairs 
to grant a passport for an agent from 
England, at the request of the Eng- 
lish ministry, yet this was done 
much more to obviate the complaints 
that would have arisen upon their 
refusal, than from any expeétaticn 
of a prosperous issue to the nego~ 
ciation. 

Lord Malmsbury, the person com- 
missioned on the part of Great 
Britain, to negociate a peace with 
France, arrived at Paris, on the 
twenty-second of Oétober, and was, 
on his arrival, received by the peo- 
ple of that city with every demon- 
stration of joy: but the government, 
far {rom treating him with cordiality, 
indirectly countenanced a variety of 
surmises, so prejudicial to his errand 
and official chara¢ter, that he was 
necessitated tormally to complain of 
them, before it thought proper to 
silence and disavow them. 

The negociation was opened, on 
the twenty-fourth of Oétober, by 
lord Malmsbury’s proposing to De 
la Croix, the French minister of the 
foreign department, to fix upon 
some principles whereon to found 
the conditions of the treaty, and ree 
commending that of reciprocal re. 
storation of what had been lost and 
taken by each of the Beliigerent 
parties, aS the most usually adopted 
on such occasions. He observed, 
that Great Britain having, in the 
course of this war, made conquests 
upon Irance of the highest value 

and 


190] 


and consequence, was not in the 
case of requiring restitutions for it- 
self; but France having made large 
acquisitions on tbe allies of Great 
Britain, the objects of the negocia- 
tion seemed, of course, to be the 
compensations that France might 
expect, for the restitutions it would 
make. 

To this proposal of the English 
ambassador, it was replied, by the 
directory, that the accession of other 
powers to a business, which he was 
authorised to transact separately be- 
tween Great Britain and France, 
would essentially retard the progress 
of the negociation, as he had no 
commission from those allies to act 
in their behalf. But that to prove 
their readiness to embrace every 
means of reconciliation, they would 
consent, on his procuring creden- 
tials to that purpose, from those 
allies, to take into consideration any 
specific proposals he should lay be- 
fore them. 

This answer was accompanied 
with explicit insinuations, that the 
intention of the British ministry 
was, by the semblance of a general 
-negociation, to prevent other powers 
from making their particular pro- 
posals, and, at the same time, to 
induce the English nation to supply 
‘the government with the means of 
continuing the war, from a persua- 
sion thatthe French had refused to 
make a peace. 

The British minister’s reply was, 
that he had not been commissioned 
to enter upon a separate treaty ; 
that Great Britain proposed to make 
a common cause in this transaction 
with its allies, and that to wait for 
powers from these, before any dis- 
cussions on the subjeéts to be pro~ 
posed should take place, was per- 
feétly unnecessary. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


The directory rejoined, by taking 
notice, that the respective situation 
of France, and of its remaining ene- 
mies, ought to be duly considered 
in the demands of the latter for rese 
titutions. The strength of these 
had been diminished by their losses, 
and the desertion of their associates, 
who had not only abandoned the 
coalition, but were now become the 
allies of France, or observed a striét 
neutrality. These, it was insinu= 
ated, were circumstances very UDe 
favourable to the restitutions hinted 
at by the British negociator. 

After a variety of farther asser- 
tions and replications on both sides, 
the directory at length agreed to 
the principle laid down by tord 
Malmsbury, and required a specific 
mention of the compensations be 
had alluded to. He replied, by pro- 
posing the restitution of what. had 
been taken from the emperor, and 
peace to be negociated with him 
for the empire, as its constitutional 
head : the accession of Russia to the 
present treaty ; and Portugal to be 
included in it, without any demands 
of indemnity by France. In return 
for these concessions, Great Britain 
consented to restore its conquests in 
both the Indies; provided how- 
ever it received an equivalent for 
that portion of the island of His- 
paniola, ceded by Spain to France. 
The restoration of the prince of 
Orange, to the Stadtholdership of 
the Seven United Provinces, was 
also required, in consideration of 
which Great Britain would re- 
store most of its acquisitions from 
them. 

To these outlines of the pacifica- 
tion proposed, the directory answer- 
ed, by requiring the whole of his 
demands to be stated to them in 
twenty-four hours. To this peremp~ 

tory 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


tory requisition he replied, that it 
precluded at once all farther nego~ 
ciction: that, if they disapproved of 
his propositions, or refused to take 
them into consideration, they ought 
to bring forward their own, that 
he might lay them _ before his 
constituents. But he received no 
other answer, than that they could 
listen to no terms inconsistent with 
the constitution, and the engage- 
ments formed by the republic. It 
was signified to him, at the same 
tine, that being obliged to consult 
the British ministry, previously to 
all r-plies and communications, it 
evidenily appeared that his powers 
were inadequate to the conducting 
of a treaty, which might, if the 
British ministry were inclined to pa- 
cific measures, and determined to 
treat on their present plan, be as 
well forwarded by anepistolary cor- 
respondence. Lord Malmsbury’s, 
they sarcastically observed, was a ne- 
gociation of couriers and messages. 
_ This republican rudeness strongly 
marked the subversion of the French 
monarchy. His residence therefore in 
Paris being totally unnecessary,they 
ordered him to depart in forty-eight 
hours, 'Thisinjunction was notified to 
him on the twentieth of December. 
Thus ended a negociation, of 
which no hopes had been entertain- 
ed, from the manner in which it 
commenced, and was carried on, 
Politicans thought that ‘too much 
was demanded of the French, and 
that they were disposed to grant too 
jWittle. The truth was, that neither 
the British, nor the French, govern- 
ment, were sincerely disposed to 
peace; though a shew of pacific 
inclinations was necessary to both, 
in order to preserve any tolerable 
degree of popularity, and even to 
the endurance of their sway among 
their respective nations. Circum= 


[igi 


stances greatly favoured the French, 
exclusively ot theirsuccessesinItaly, 
The German princes and_ states, 
alarmed at the re-assumption of its 
former loftiness of style by the court 
of Vienna, on the expulsion of the 
French from \the empire, were con- 
firmed in their adherence to Prussia, 
as a counterbalance to the power of 
Austria. Both the court of Berlin 
and Petersburgh had united, on this 
oceasion, in espousing their cause. 
Thus, though the emperor continued 
stedfast in his engagements with 
England, still the union formed 
against him, in the empire, dimi- 
nished considerably his importance. 
Spain too, at this period, was in 
league with I'rance, and preparinga 
formidable armament against Eng- 
land. The councils of the Batavian 
republic, the new style of the Seven 
United Provinces, were so firmly 
interwoven with those of the French 
republic, that a re-establishment of 
their former government was be- 
come inadmissible in any treaty. 

Notwithstanding these manifold 
advantages, numbers in France did 
not contentedly see the dismission 
of lord Malmsbury, thinking that 
possibly a fairer opportunity of con- 
cluding a beneficial peace, would 
not recur. The events of war bad 
hitherto been so much more pros- 
perous than could be expected, that 
they ought to have been improved, 
while their influence was in full 
strength from their being recent, 
and the fortune of the state should 
not have been committed to the 
future contingencies of war, the 
chances of which were so uncertain 
and precarious. 

In order to screen themselves 
from these strictures, which most 
people deemed not ill-founded, the 
directory published an elaborate 
apology for their conduct, wherein 

they 


192] 


they endeavoured to criminate that 
of the British ministry in the late 
negociation. They enumerated the 
conquests and victories of the 
French, the glory they had obtained, 
the connections they bad formed, 
and the treaties they had concluded. 
‘They represented that ministry, as 
insisting upon the dissolution of 
every honourable and beneficial tie 
they had contracted. Every ad- 
vantage was to be given up, and the 
enemies of the republic replaced on 
the same footing as before the war, 
and completely enabled to. renew it 
with the likelest prospect of suc- 
cess. France, in a word, was to 
renounce its honour and its reputa- 
tion, as well as its dearest interests, 
and tamely forego all those claims 
to which the triumphs obtained by 
its arms had given it s0 reasonable 
and incontestible a right. The 
apology concluded with menaces 
to England, and exhortations to the 
people of France ,to persevere un- 
yemittingly in the prosecution of the 
war, which could not fail to termi- 
nate gloriously for the republic, and 
to the merited humiliation of a foe, 
that presumed to dictate conditions 
to a state that had imposed its own 
terms on every other member of the 
goalition. 

This address, by the directory, so 
wel] calculated to operate on the 
national vanity of Frenchmen, and 
a vulgar passion for false glory, 
proved satisfactory to the majority 
of people: but many remained un- 
convinced of the propriety of their 
conduct, and appealed to the multi- 
plicity of untoward events that had 
befallen the arms, and the enter~ 
prizes of the republic, during the 
course of the present year. 

These had certainly met with se- 
vere checks. Exclusively of their 
expulsion from Germany, theFrench 


ANNUAL. REGISTER, 1796. 


had been very unsuccessful in the 
West Indies, and throughout the 
whole of their transmarine settle- 
ments. The colony of St. Domingo, 
the most valuable of any to France, 
and the former source of its coms 
mercial prosperity, was in a state of 
contusion, that baffled all the efforts 
continually made to restore it to 
any order. The blacks and the 
mulattoes were now become its 
rulers, and the ancient proprietors 
in most parts of it, entirely ruined. 
Their estates were in the hands of 
their former slaves, who lorded it 
every where with that barbarity, 
which is the usual concomitant of 
uncivilization. As they were arm- 
ed, theirnumbers made them irre- 
sistible. They chose their own 
commanders, and in a short time 
threw off all subjection to govern- 
ment, and took forcible possession 
of a large portion of the southern 
distriéts, where they declared them- 
selves a free and independent peo- 
ple. The French commissioners 
were unable to reduce them, and 
with no small difficulty preserved 
the sovereignty of the republic in 
the northern parts. In addition to 
those disorders, several of the prin- 
cipal places in the island. were in 
possession of the English, who had 
been called in by the planters, to 
proteét them from the tyranny of 
the French commissioners: in con- 
sideration of which they had trans- 
ferred their allegiance from France 
to Great Britain. 

But neither the French nor the 
English seemed, at this period, ina 
situation long to retainthe dominion 
of that island. The emancipation 
of the slaves, by the government in 
France, had excited a spirit of dis- 
obedience in them, which, gradually 
matured into mutiny and rebellion, 
had produced a revolution, by which 

they 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


they were become masters of the 
country. The strength of the Eng- 
lish, on the other hand, never had 
been sufficiently considerable to ef- 
feét any real progress in the reduc- 
tion of this valuable island. Conti- 

‘nual diseases, of the most deadly 
kind, had swept away the reinforce- 
ments sent from England, almost as 
fast as they arrived. Never, in fact, 
was the folly of committing Eu- 
ropean troops to those fatal climates 
so dreadfully evinced as in the pro- 
digious mortality, that unceasingly 

attended this fruitless and destruc- 
tive expedition. 

The reports brought over to the 
French government, of the real state 
of St. Domingo, convinced them, 
that, while the war lasted, it would 
be utterly out of their power to re- 

establish their authority in that co- 
lony. Some persons indeed scrupled 
not to prediét, that, in the present 
circumstance of affairs in those parts 
of the world, this would never be 
accomplished. The negroes and 
mulattoes were become so intelli- 
gent in the European metheds of 
attack and defence, that they were 
completely adequate, by their num- 
bers, their dexterity in the use of 
arms, and their knowledge of the 
country, to resist any force that 
| could be brought against them, and 
to maintain their independence in 
| spite of all attempts to reduce them. 
| The extent of the island was such, 
| that it could only be subdued by a 
| large military force; and experience 
| bad shewn, thatit was impractica. 
| ble to preserve the lives and health 
| of Europeans long enough, after 
| they had been landed, to carry a 
| design of this nature into effectual 
| execution, 

Warned by the fate of their West 

| Indian colonies, the rulers of France 

“Vou. XXXVUI, 


* 


[193 


did not think proper to enforce 
the decree for the emancipation of 
slaves in their East Indian settle- 
ments. The conimissioners that had 
been sent to the isles of France and 
Bourbon, to execute this decree, 
had been expelled by the inhabi- 
tants. On their returnto France, 
they made heavy complaints of the 
treatment they had received; but 
the directory, taught by experience, 
readily admitted the excuses of the 
colonists, who, professing a due at- 
tachment to the republic, had, how- 
ever, remonstrated against the policy 
of the decree, and requested leave 
to qualify ils execution, so as to 
prevent the mischiefs that would 
flow from an immediate compliance 
with it. The danger of exasperating 
the people of so distant a settlement 
induced government to abstain from 
coercive measures, and to listen fae 
vourably to their representations. 

In the mean time, the hostilities 
carried on by the military and naval 
forces of Great Britain in the West 
Indies, against the French and their 
allies, had been accompanied with 
success. The island of Grenada, 
chiefly inhabited by French plan- 
ters, who had, in a great measure, 
through il] usage, been driven into 
rebellion, was, after a long and sane 
guinary contest, obliged to yield to 
the conduét and valour of general 
Nichols, and the troops under his 
command. He had contended with 
a variety of diffiulties, and met with 
obstinate resistance, during the whole 
course of the year 1795; but, in 
March, 1796, he obtained a com- 
plete victory over the insurgents, 
who were compelled to lay down 
their arms, and submit to the mercy 
of the British government. _ 

In May following, the Iste of St. 
Lucia was reduced in like mgrner, 


[9] ty 


ios] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


by general Abercromby, after de- 
feating and taking prisoners a very 
considerable body of French, who 
‘did not, however, surrender them- 
belves without a vigorous defence. 
In the preceding month, Isiquibo 
and Demerary, two Dutch settle- 
ments of great importance, were 
taken posgission of by a body of 
troops, commanded by general 
Whyte. 

The only advantage gained at 
sea, by the French, in the course of 
this year, was at Newfoundland, 
where a vast amount of property, 
in warehouses and other buildings, 
and in merchandize and shipping, 
was destroyed, in the month of Au- 
gust, by admiral Richery, after he 
had escaped from Cadiz, where he 
had been compelled to take refuge 
many months, from the British squa- 
dron, sent in quest ofhim. He had 
the good fortune to return safe to 
France, after his expedition, with- 
out the loss of aship. 

This success was amply counter- 
balanced, by the capture of a Dutch 
fleet of ships of war and transports, 
destined for the retaking of the Cape 
of Good Hope; which had been 
reduced, in the preceding year, by 
a British naval and military force, 
under the command of admiral 
Elphinstone and general Clarke. 
It sailed, in March, from the Texel, 
and was to have been joined by a 
French squadron, at the expence of 
the Dutch. Destitute of this ex- 
pected aid, it was attacked by the 
British squadron, under admiral 
Elphinstone, who captured the 
whole ; consisting of three ships of 
the line, three frigates, and other 
vessels of inferior size. About two 
thousand troops were on board the 
squadron. This event took place in 
the course of August. ==. > 


French empire, by the natura 


The Dutch settlements, in the 
island of Ceylon, with Malaccas 
Cochin, and Chinsura, in the end of 
1795, and beginning of 1796, were 
also taken possession of by the Bri- — 
tish troops without resistance. ; 

The reduction of these places, 
particularly of the Cape and Cey-— 
lon, though the possessions of our’ 
ally, the stadtholder, whom we had ~ 
taken under our proteétion, inspired 
an unusual degree of joy and exulta-— 
tion, not only ia the generality of 
the British nation, but into adminis=— 
tration, and persons in their cone 9 
fidence, who now began to drop 
hints, which have been so often re- 
peated, of coercing the trade of the 
world, of restraining it within Bri- 
tish channels, and of the com- 
mercial advantages of naval-war, 
without interruption, and without 
end. <A secretary of state said, in 
the house of commons, ‘‘ I would 
be glad to see the minister who § 
should dare to give up the Cape of 
Good Hope on any account.” This’ 
was somewhat in the same spirit 
with the resolution of the French 
government, to incorporate, in all 
possible cases, the Austrian Ne- 
therlands with the territories of 
the republic. The possession of 
the Cape and Ceylon, particularly 
the harbour of Trincomale, a sure 
asylum to ships in al] seasons, was 
accounted, by those who thought in 
this manner, such a compaction of 
the maritime dominion of Great 
Britain as the arrondissement of th 


boundaries of seas, rivers, and moun- 
tains. As, on the one hand, it wa 
said, a kingdom may be united by 
local position, but divided internally 
by mountains, morasses, and deserts 
which enabled the inhabitants of par- 
zicular distriéts to resist government; 

and 


: 
/ 
| 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


and to co-operate with external 
enemies; so, on the other, the 
resources of power, though sepa- 
rate, and ata great distance from 
each other, may be of sucha nature 
as to be easily united, and not in- 
tercepted or cut off by any hostile 
power. Compaétness of dominion 
is determined not always, or only, 
by geographical situation, but by 
other circumstances, that secure the 
co-operation of all its different mem- 
bers, The resources of British power 
are of such a nature, that, though re- 
mote from each other, in point of local 
situation, they are approximated by 
facility of communication. The 
ocean, which divides the territories 
of the British empire, unites its dif- 
ferent nervesin one cord of strength. 
The Cape of Good Hope is our 
half-way house to India. Thereduc- 
tion of Ceylon, again completes the 
chain of connection between the 
British dominion in Europe and that 
in India, which now happily em. 
braces the best part of that penin- 
sula. Even theimmense army that 
we are obliged to keep on foot inIn- 
dia is a fortunate circumstance; if 
we have regard, as we ought, not 
only to gain, but to the stability of 
empire. It nourishes, in the British 
youth, a military spirit : while mer- 
cantile habits, and the acquisition 
of sudden wealth, tend to enerva- 
tion; the necessity of maintaining 
the grand spring of our commerce, 
by force of arms, breeds up a race 
of soldiers. Nor, to complete the 
felicity of our relative situation to 
India, do our friends remain there 
for life, or plant colonies, in the 
process of time, to be estranged 
from the parent country, but return 
with their fortunes to the places of 
their nativity. Add to this pros- 
perous situation of our affairs, to. 


- 


“(195 


wards the east, our successes in the 
West Indies, our commercial treaty 
and alliance with North America, 
and our new settlements on the south 
and west continent of America: 
and the result of the whole will be, 
that our commercial zone encircles 
the globe ; that to the whole world 


we may bid defiance, and force the 


trade into our own channel. Itis 
possible, by a due attention to po- 
litical economy, to every thing that 
may encourage navigation and 
trade, to manufaétures, to agricul- 
ture, which is the basis of all, and 
to the state of the labouring poor, 
to whom the possibility and hope 
may, and, no doubt, will be ex- 
tended, of becoming, through in- 
dustry and other good habits, inde- 
pendent cultivators of the soil, and 
raised to the possession of farms on 
their own account.—It is possible, 
by due attention to these things, and 
to all that falls within the progress 
of political economy, to maintain 
our power and rank in the scale of 
nations; not only until the vicissi- 
tude of human affairs shall reduce 
the power of France, from its pre- 
sent preponderancy on the conti- 
nent, to a state less formidable, but 
for a long series of future ages. 
The small republic of the island of 
Rhodes made head and stood out 
against the Romans, long after great 
kingdoms on the European conti- 
nent had owned their sway: after 
Spain, Gaul, and part of Germany, 
had bowed under their yoke. 
Great Britain will maintaina more 
successful contest with France than 
Rhodes did with Rome, in propor- 
tion to its greater extent and happier 
situation. The war, which had been 
unavoidable in its origin, had been 
well conducted, and successful on 
the part of Great Britain, whose 

fO 2] naval 


196] 


naval power was never so great, 
nor commerce so flourishing and 
extensive, nor revenue so high, as 
at the present moment, And all 
this prosperity wag not ascribed to 
the uncontrollable tide of-affairs, 
but to the superior penetration and 
providence of the British govern- 
ment. , 

There were others, again, who, 
on the subject of the present state 
of affairs, indulged an opposite 
train of reflection. ‘The continental 
powers, it was said, had. Britain 
stood aloof, would have made such 
arrangements, among themselves, 
as might seem adequate to the con- 
trol of the French republic. Their 
confederacy would have been the 
more solid and sincere that it would 
have appeared the more necessary. 
When they found England so zealous 
in the cause, they readily devolved 
on her the Jabouring oar, because 
they judged that she was the ablest 
to wieldit. Had not Great Britain 
interfered, the whole continent of 
Europe would have been involved 
in war: Britain alone would have 
been at peace. By a conduct the 
most extraordinary, and a destiny 
the most fantastic, Britain alone 
is likely to be at war with France, 
and all the other nations to be at 
peace. France, bounded by the 
Alps, the Pyrenees, the Rhine, and 
the Ocean ; in friendship with Spain, 
and overawing the Italian states, 
wil be mistress of a maritime coast, 
from theseaof Marmoratothe Texel. 
With such internal resources, such 
an extent of coast, the Scheldt, 
Rhine and other rivers, as weil as 


canals for circulating her commerce, : 


it is to be feared that she will over- 
top not only Great Britain, but 
give law to all Europe. But all 
this is the result of those precipi- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


tate counsels which drove the 
French to become a military re« 
public, and gave them power by the 
necessity of exerting it. Our com~ 
merce, flourishing, indeed, for the 
present, beyond all example, yet 
cannot be lasting, being founded, in 
a great measure, on principles of 
injustice. The dominion which is 
arrogated by the British flag at sea, 
cannot possibly fail to be as odious 
to the European nations, as the am~ 
bition of the French at land. The 
trade of the East and West Indies, 
the most valuable in the world, and 
the great stimulant to all commerce, 
is, at present, in our hands: true. 
If, however, this be a great good 
to us, which in the eye of sound 
and moral policy it is not, it isa 
great evil to other nations; to 
whom, as well as to us, the pro- 
ductions of the tropical and other 
distant climates, have, through use, 
become articles of the first ne- 
cessity. Is it to be supposed, that 
the inventive genius of France 
will not, after she shall have made 
peace with the continent, encou- 
raged by the universal discontent, 
jealousy, and resentment, at the 
conduét of Great Britain, fall on 
some means to sap the foundations 
of her naval power, pride, and ty- 
ranny ? Have we not expeéted such 
a combination against us, as was 
formerly excited, by jealousy, envy, 
and cupidity, against Venice ? may 
not an armed neutrality at sea be 
yet formed, more general and more 
firm, in proportion to the growing 
‘tyranny that prompts it? May not 
the French, and the other nations 
on the Mediterranean, excluded 
from the great India-trade, by the 
way of the Cape of Good Hope, 
entertain the project, and in some 
shape, and some time or other, ef- 

fec& 


HISTCRY OF EUROPE. 


fe&t it too, of inviting it into its old 
channels, through Persia, Arabia, 
and Egypt? The route to India, 
by the Cape of Good Hope, being 
lost to all nations but England, is 
it not to be expected that those na- 
tions will either combine for the 
purpose of recovering a participa- 
tion in that advantage, or attempt 
to open new, or rather re-open old 
channels of communication with the 
East for themselves? hat they 
have adopted the general principle 
of opposing our power at sea, by 
their power at land, they have al- 
ready discovered, by their effurts to 
exclude our merchandize from Am- 
sterdam, Venice, Genoa, Leghorn, 
and other perts. It is but an ex. 
tension of the same principle to 
force back the India-trade into its 
ancient channels. In order to evade 
the effeéts of such measures, a plain 
read lies before us. Let us en- 
trench ourselves, as it were, in 
moral and sacred ground, and make 
head against the ambitious views of 
_ France, by raising up the standard 
of justice: by sbewing a readiness 
to give up all conquests, Dutch as 
wellas French, without reserve, as 
the price of a peace, founded on 
similar principles of justice. Can 
any thing be more insolently absurd 
than to stand foremost in a confede- 
racy, againstasystem ofambition on 
‘the continent of Europe, while we 
‘ourselves glory in ruling the waves* 
with absolute sway ? let us respect 
neutral flags, encourage universal 
freedom of trade, and avow a just 
conviction, that all nations have but 
One general interest: the inviolabi- 
lity of private property and public 


[197 


credit, of the rights of men, and the 
rights cf nations ; and free ports be 
opened in every part of the British 
dominions. We may then find some 
success in rouzing Europe against 
oppression, when we ourselves have 
given the example of moderation 
and justice. 

Such were the outlines of the two 
opposite parties, which appeared at 
this time in Great Britain, on the 
subjeét of peace or war, and free or 
forced commerce. In  reeording 
public opinions, as well as aétions, 
we do not confine ourselves merely, 
on every subjeét, to the debates in 
parliament, but pay due respect to 
liberal and enlightened minds, whe- 
ther expressed in public speeches, 
produétions of the press, or in pri« 
Vate conversation. 

The loss of the armament, on 
which the Batavian republic had 
expended large sums, was aggrava- 
ted by the’scandalous neglect of the 
French government, to furnish them 
with that naval assistance which had 
been stipulated and duly paid for. 
This behaviour of an ally, for whom 
they had niade such sacrifices, great- 
ly abated the fervour oftheir attache 
ment, and eXcited many complaints 
throughout the seven provinces. 
The acceptance of the money, for 
defraying the charges of equipment, 
and the diverting it to their own 
uses, was 2 breach of faith,’that 
disgraced them much more than 
they were benefited by theysums 
thus diverted. It so much weaken- 
ed the confidence of their Dutch 
allies, that, ever since, these have 
constantly testified a mistrust of their 
most solemn assurances, that has 


* The popular song of Britannia rule the waves is equally unjust and impolitic. 
How can foreigners join in such symphonies? What must be their feelings? and 
what the effect of these, described on their return to their own countries? * 


more 


[O 3] 


198] 


more than once proved highly de- 
trimental to the interest of France. 

It was imagined, at the time, that 
this retention of the Dutch money 
proceeded froma motive by which 
the directory doubted not to justify 
it. This was the great project of in- 
vading Ireland, that had long been 
meditated, and which they were 
now preparing to carry into execu- 
tion. The importance of that no- 
ble island to Great Britain was well 
known. The number and bravery 
of its inhabitants, the fertility of the 
soil, abounding in all the necessaries 
of life, pointed it out as an acquisi- 
tionto France, that would set it 
above all difficulties, and put an end 
to the war at once, by depriving 
England of those supplies of men 
and provisions, indispensibly wanted 
for its armies and navies. 

In this vast undertaking, the 
Freuch principally relied on the co- 
operation of the Irish themselves. 
They were thoroughly acquainted 
with the situation of the country, 
and the discontents of the people, 
by means of the secret correspond- 
ence between’ the French govern- 
ment and the heads of the malcon- 
tents, who regularly informed it 
of the measures that were taking, 
on their part, to excite a general in- 
surrection. 

The armament, designed for this 
great expedition, had been prepa- 
ring, at Brest, during the whole sum- 
mer. , It consisted of twenty-five 
ships of the line, including the se- 
ven that composed the squadron of 
admiral Richery, who was to join it 
with all speed, fitteen stout frigates, 
beside sloops and transports for an 
army of twenty-five thousand men, 
to becommanded by general Hoche, 
whose military abilities were esteem. 
ed equal to those of any officer in the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


French service, Moreau and Buona- 

parte himself scarcely excepted. 
Through several unforeseen acci- 
dents, this armament was not ready 
for sailing till the eighteenth of De- 
cember. On going outof Brest, some 
of the largest ships struck upon the 
rocks, at the mouth of the harbour, 
and several were lost, and others ren- 
dered unfit for present service. The 
Day after its departure, a violent 
storm arose, which dispersed the 
fleet, and damaged many of the 
ships. This tempestuous weather 
lasted during the whole time of the 
expedition. On the twenty-fourth, 
admiral Bouvet,commander-in-chief 
of the French fleet, anchored with 
seven ships of the line, and ten 
others, in Bantry-Bay. In order 
to reconnoitre the country, a boat 
was dispatched towards shore; but 
it was immediately captured, and 
multitudes appeared on the beach 
in readiness to oppose a landing. 
After lying some daysin this bay, 
the storminess of the weather in- 
creased to such a degree, that, on 
receiving no intelligence of. general 
Hoche and the principal officers, 
who were in a frigate that parted 
from the fleet, in the gale of wind 
that scattered it gn putting to sea, 
the French admiral determined to 
quit his position, and make the best 
of his way to France. The land 
officers, on board, objected to this, 
and insisted on landing the troops ; 
but as general Hoche, who alone 
possessed the plan of the expedition 
was absent, he refused to comply 
with their representations, and set 
sail for Brest, where he safely ar- 
rived, on the last day of December. 
The other divisione of his fleet had 
also the good fortune to reach that 
harbour, with the loss, however, of 
five ships: two of the line, and 
three 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


three frigates: one of the latter 
was captured by the English, and 
two foundered at sea, with one of 
the firmer. The other, after a 
desperate engagement, with some 
ships of the British squadron, off 
Brest, ran ashore to prevent the 
being taken. 

The fate of this fleet proved, even 
to sense, what needed no proof in 
the eye of reason, that a superior 
naval force is not, in all cases, a cer- 
tain security against invasion. Ire- 
land, notwithstanding the superio- 
rity of the English fleet, was sixteen 
days at the mercy of the enemy, 
and saved from attack only by the 
elements. 

- Such was the issue of this famous 
expedition: the real objeét of which 
had long kept Europe in suspense. 
Some thought it Portugal, others 
the English outward-bound fleets. 
Few imagined it was so hazardous 
an enterprize as the invasion of 
Ireland. The strength of the Pro- 
testants there alone was deemed 
fully sufficient to repel such an at- 
tempt, and the Roman Catholics 
had so many reasons to be satisfied 
with the conduét of government, 
_that no suspicions were entertained 
of any desire, on their part, to ex- 
change their conneétion with Eng- 
land for one with France, whose 
treatment of those who were be- 
come its dependants, under the 
name of allies, afforded, certainly, 
no encouragement to follow their 
example. 
_ The close of 1796 was marked 
by the death of Catharine II. em- 
“ae of Russia. Catharine, as we 
ve seen in the preceding volumes 
of this work, had subdued by her 
policy, or herarms, the Crimea, the 
Cuban, with a part of the frontier of 
Turkey, and almost one half of Po- 


[199 


land. Indulging still in her ambi- 
tion of conquest ; inflamed, not sa- 
tiated,by so much success, she sought 
still to extend her dominion, where-~ 
ever it was bounded only by that 
of a neighbour, not by the hand 
of nature. She contrived to stretch 
forth, as it were, both her arms, 
the one in Europe, the other in 
Asia; but contrarily to what had 
been usually experienced, both by 
herself and predecessors, while she 
made a conquest of no small im- 
portance in the north of Europe, 
she was vigorously repelled from 
the softer climate of Asia. By ca- 
resses and intrigues she induced the 
inhabitants of Livonia to insist on 
the fulfilment of an ancient conven- 
tion, whereby the Courlanders were 
obliged to bring all their merchan- 
dizes to Riga; though they had, on 
their own coasts, excellent harbours, 
happily situated. A quarrel, which 
had naturally arisen on this subjeét, 
between the Livonians and Cour- 
landers, was not yet terminated, 
when the empress sent engineers 
into Courland, to mark outa canal 
for facilitating the merchandize of 
that country into Livonia. The 
Courlanders, seeing this, and fear- 
ing lest they should be soon forced 
to make use of this canal, thought 
it better for them to be protected, 
than oppressed, by the empress, and 
to be her subjeéts rather than her 
neighbours. 

Catharine, informed of these dis- 
positions, called to her the duke of 
Courland, the feeble son of the fa- 
mous Biren, under the pretext of 
having occasion to confer with him 
on matters of importance. But no 
sooner was that prince at the foot 
of the throne of the Autocratrix 
of the north, thanthestates of Cour- 
land held an assembly. The nobi- 

[O 4] lity 


200] 


lity proposed to withdraw the coun- 
try from the supremacy of Poland, 
and to put it under that of Russia. 
The principalmembers of the grand 
council made a faint opposition to 
this alteration, by observing, that, 
before they proceeded to a reso- 
lution, it would be expedient to 
wait the return of the duke. The, 
Oberburgraff Hoven rose up, and 
spoke a long time in favour of Rus- 
sia. Some counsellors expressed 
themselves of his opinion, and others 
reproached them with treason, The 
dispute grew warm on both sides; 
challenges were reciprocally given, 
and swords were about to be drawn, 
when the Russian general, Paklen, 
appeared inthe assembly. His pre- 
sence restored tranquillity. No one 
presumed to raise his voice against 
Russia; and the proposal of the 
nobles was adopted. The next day 
the aét was drawn up, by which 
Courland, Semigallia, and the circle 
of Pilten, made a formal surrender 
of themselves so the empress of Rus- 
sia; and it was carried to Peters- 
burgh, where the duke of Cour. 
land learnt, from the mouth of his 
own: subjeéts, that they themselves 
had deprived him of his dominions. 
The empress immediately sent a 
governor thither. 

However, some discontent remain- 
ed in Courland: discontent brought 
on proscription ; and the possessions 
of the proscribed were given to the 
courtiers of Catharine. The fa. 
yourite, Plato Zuboff, and his bro- 
ther, Valerian, obtained a great part 
of those rich and shameful spoils, 

The acquisition of Courland to 
Russia, was of great importance. It 
produces much corn, as well as tim- 
ber: in both of which articles it 
carries on a great Commerce ; and 
it has several ports adyantageously 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


situated on the Baltic, among which 
are Libau and Vindau: the first 2 
flourishing and commercial city; the 
second, likely to become one day 
the station. of the Russian fleets. 
The port of Vindau, which is never 
obstruéted by ice, by a littleimprove- 
ment, might be rendered capable 
of containing a hundred ships of 
the line. 

At the same time that she quietly 
usurped the sovereignty of Cour 
land, she sent out her arms against 
Persia. Under pretence of defend 
ing Lof-Ali-Khan, of the race of 
the Sophis, she aimed at the pos- 
session of the Persian provinces, 
which border on the Caspian. Va- 
lerian Zuboff, at the head of a numes 
rous army, penetrated into the pro-_ 
vince of Daghestan, and advanced 
to lay siege to Derbent. His first 
attack was direéted, against a high 
tower, which defended the place; 
and, after having made himself 
master of it, and put the whole 
garrison to the sword, he was pre- 
paring to make an assault upon the 
tewn. The Persians, intimidated 
by former successes, and the impe- 


_tuosity of the Russians, cried out 


for quarter ; and the commandant, 
a venerable old man, of the amazing 
age of one hundred and twenty 
years, and the same who, at the 
commencement of the present cen- 
tury, had surrendered Derbent to 
Peter I. came now to deliver the 
keys to Valerian Zuboff. 

Aga Mahmed was advancing - 
with succours to the relief of Der- 
bent, when he heard that the place 
was already in the hands of the 
Russians. Valerian Zuboff came 
forth from the place to offer him 
battle, in which viétory declared 
for the Persians, who forced their 
enemies to return into Derbent. 

Cath>- 


| HISTORY OF EUROPE. [201 


Catharine, being informed of this, 
immediately gave orders for a body 
of troops, which she had in the Ku- 
ban, to go and reinforce the army 
of Valerian Zuboff, not doubting 
that her general would very soon 
give a total defeat to Aga Mah- 
med. She also flattered herself with 
the hopes of obtaining a greater tri- 
umph. The new treaty, which she 
had just concluded with Great Bri- 
tain, and with Austria, secured to 
her the assistance of those two pow- 
ers against Turkey. In a word, she 
now reckoned on the full accom- 
plishment of her darling projet, 
of driving the Ottomans out of Ku- 
rope, and of reigning in Constan- 
tinople. Butshe suddenly finished, 
by an easy death, the career of a 
splendid life,.in the sixty-seventh 
year of her age, and thirty-sixth of 
her reign. She died at Petersburgh, 
of an apoplexy, on the tenth of 
November; on which her son, the 
great duke, Paul Petrowitz, was 
proclaimed emperor. 

Catharine was the most illus- 
trious sovereign, after the exit of 
Frederick the great, king of Prus- 
sia, on the theatre of Europe, for 
comprehension of mind, lofty am- 
bition, courage, and perseverance 
in her designs, and the general 
influence of her policy and arms, 
in the affairs of Europe. Her 
ambition was not direéted merely 
to the security and extension of the 
empire, but to the civilization and 
welfare of subject tribes and na- 
tions, by the introduction of arts, 
liberal and mechanical, and the 
improvement of manufactures and 
commerce: and all this, by means 
more gentle and gradual than many 
of those employed by Peter the 
great; and, consequently, more ef- 
fectual. In all her wars, she was 


successful: in all her regulations, 
for the internal government of her 
mighty empire, there appeared that 
benevolence, which, for the honour 
of human nature, is usually found 
in conjunétion with sublimity of 
genius. She wished, soon after her 
accession to the throne, to intros 
duce civil liberty among the great 
mass of the people, by the eman- 
cipation of the peasantry. It wag 
found impraéticable to emancipate 
their bodies without enlightening 
their minds. To this objeét' she 
bent the powers of her inventive, 
though prudent, genius. Schools 
were instituted in all parts of her 
dominions, and a way was opened 
for the lowest of her subjeéts to 
libertyy by certain privileges, within 
the scope of industry and merit. 
The code of laws, drawn up by 
her own hand, was never exceeded, 
in point either of sagacity or good- 
ness: for, we are always to bear in 
mind, that even Solon found it 
expedient not to diétate the best 
laws, but the best that the people, 
for whom he diétated, were capable 
ofbearing. Her military plans par- 
took of the strength of simplicity. 
She did not feed the flame of war 
to no purpose, by throwing in, as 
it were, faggot after faggot, nor 
wasie time in tedious detours, but, 
with a mighty and irresistible cone 
centrated force, proceeded direétly 
to her object. She had not the 
art of appearing affable, generous, 
and magnanimous, but the merit 
of really being so. She was not 
onlya patroness, but a great proe 
ficient, in literature; and, had not 
her life been spent in great actions, 
it would, probably, have been em- 
ployed, though with somewhat less 
glory, in celebrating the illustrious 
achievements of others. It is an 

, invidious 


invidious thing to pry, with too 
much curiosity, into the frailties 
of such a character. The severest 
critic bas not been able to charge 
her with any thing unnatural, or, in 
her predicament and situation, not 
easily to be forgiven. As to the ob- 
scure event that led her to the throne, 
if this had not taken place, an event 
of another kind must have led her 
first tojmprisonment, and then, most 
assuredly, to death. 

The last of her grand designs 


was to curb the power and inso- 


lence of the Frerch republic. It 
was the policy of the empress, who 
detested the French republic, with- 
out loving the Austrians, to let both 
parties exhaust themselves: deter- 
mined, however, whatever might 
be the fate of their arms, to pre- 
vent either from acquiring an un- 
controlled sway in Germany. Or- 
ders were issued for a levy of a 
hundred and fifty thousand troops, 
destined to act, in some shape or 
order, for the relief of the em- 
peror of Germany. It has been 
questioned, whether it would not 
have been wiser policy, in her Im- 
perial majesty, to have moved for 
the assistance of the confederates 
sooner? She, perhaps, entertained 
a persuasion, that the allies would 
stand firm together, and make a 
more successful opposition to the 
republic. She was, no doubt, well 
enough pleased to see almost all the 
other powers of Europe weaken 
themselves by war; whilst, at the 
same time, it must have been her 
intention, as has since appeared, to 
interfere, more and more, in the 
general conflict, in proportion as 
the party she detested gained ground 
on a sovereign prince ; wuo, though 
a neighbour, and sncient enemy, 
yet possessed a hereditary throne, 

3 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


and had ceased to be a formidable 
rival, It isto be considered, far- 
ther, that had she moved sooner, 
the Turks, on the other side, insti- 
gated by French intrigues, might 
have moved also. The Czarina 
waited, too, until she should secure 
peace, on the most formidable frone 
tier, by a marriage between her 
grand daughter and the young king 
of Sweden; an object which she 
had much at heart, though it was 

found impossible to accomplish it. 
Catherine II. has left a name that 
will ever be memorable, and re- 
membered by future generations, to 
whom the benefits of her institu- 
tions will extend, with grateful ad- 
miration. Yet, it was the love of 
glory that was her predominant 
passion ; and the humane will re- 
gret that she pursued this through 
seus of blood : so that she will take 
her station in the temple of fame, 
among the great, not the good 
princes; and in this speculative 
age, add to the odium of absolute 
monarchy, by displaying the miseries 
that flow from unbounded power, 

united with unbounded ambition. 
This year also, general Washing- 
ton, the greatest of cotemporary 
men, as Catharine was of cotem- 
porary sovereigns, resigned the pre- 
sidency of the United States. These 
illustrious characters were both re- 
spectively at the head of the two 
latest, greatest, and most rising em- 
pires in the world; both nearly of 
thesame age; both of equal cele- 
brity; though not of true glory: 
pure and disinterested patriotism be 
ing the ruling principle in the mind 
of Washington ; the patriotism of 
Catharine only secondary to her 
ambition, and subservient to the 
love of fame. General Washington 
having rescued his country from the 
oppression 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


oppression of the English govern- 
ment, and restored it, by a commer- 
cial treaty, in spite of France, and 
almost in spite of itself, to an ami- 
cable conneétion with the English 
Hation, voluntarily retired from 
power, after giving the most pro- 
found instruétion and advice respect- 
ing union, virtue, liberty, and hap- 
piness: between all of which there 


[203 


most ardent prayers for the prospe- 
rity and peace of America. There 
is nothing in profane history to which 
his parting address to the states can 
be compared. In our sacred Scrip- 
tures alone we find a parallel in that 
recapitulation of divine instructions 
and commands which ihe legislator 
of the Jews made in the hearing 
of Israel, when they were about to 


was a close conneétion, with the pass the Jordan.* 


It 

* In his address to congress, on the seventh of December, 1796, having given an 
account of the situation of the United States, in relation to foreign powers, and 
strongly recommended the creation of a navy, he directs the attention of congress 
to the encouragement of manufactures, agriculture, a national university, and also 
a military academy. His sentiments, on these subjects, are those of an enlight- 
ened and philosophical statesman. 

“ T have heretofore proposed to the consideration of congress, the expediency of 
establishing a national university, arid also a military academy. The desirableness 
of both these institutions, has so constantly increased with every new view I have 
taken of the subject, that I cannot omit the opportunity of, once for all, recalling 
your attention to them. 

“ The assembly to which I address myself, is too enlightened not to be fully sen- 
sible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences contributes to national 
prosperity and reputation. True it is, that our country, much to its honour, con- 
tains many seminariesof learning, highly respectable and useful; but the funds upon 
which they rest are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different 
departments of liberal knowledge, for the institution contemplated, though they 
would be excellent auxiliaries. 

Among the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the principles, opi- 
nions, and manners of our countrymen, by the common education of a portion of 
our youth, from every quarter, well deserves attention, The more homogenous 
our citizens can be made, in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect of 
a permanent union; and a primary object of all such a national institution should 
be the education of our youth in the science of government. Ina republic, what 
species of knowledge can be equally important? and what duty more pressing on 
its legislature, than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to be 
the future guardians of the liberties of the country? 

“ The institution of a military academy is also recommended by cogent reasons. 
However pacific measures may contribute tothe general policy of a nation, it ought 
never to be without anadequate stock of military knowledge, on emergencies. 
That first would impair the energy of its character, and both would hazard its 
safety or expose it to greater evils when war could not be avoided; besides that, 
war inight not often depend upon its own choice. 

“Tn proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempta nation from 
the necessity of practising the rules of the military art, these ought to be its care 
in preserving, and transmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of that art. 
Whatever argument muy be drawn from particular examples, superficially viewed, 
a thorough examination of the subject will evince, that the art demands much pre- 
vious study, and that the possession of it, in its most improved and perfect state, 
as always of great moment to the security of a nation, This, therefore, ought to 
be a serious care of every government; and, for this purpose, an academy, where 
4 regular course of instruction is given, is an obvious expedient, which different 
nations have successfully employed.” 


Genera 


a 


204] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


It has often happened, nay it the most brilliant talents and vire 
has most frequently happened, that tues, in politicians and warriors, 
have 


General Washington, in September (1796), published a little piece, entitled “A 
Letter from General Washington, on his Resignation of the Office of President ofthe 
United States.” This letter, written by the fatherand saviour of his country to his 
countrymen, on an occasion when his heart was warm, and open, and the tenor and 
grand object of his life in his full recollection,paints the man in juster and livelier co- 
lours than any thing we can record. He begs the people of the United States to be as- 
sured, that his resolution to resign the presidency had not been taken withouta strict 
regard appertaining to the relations which bind a dutiful citizen to his country; and 
that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence,in his situation, mightimply, 
he was influenced by no diminution of zeal fer their future interests; no deficiency of 
gratitude for their past kindness; but was supported bya full conviction,that the step 
was compatible with both. Having mentioned the motivesjhat induced him to accept 
and continue in the high office,to which their suffrages had twice called him,and those 
which had urged him to lay it down, he says, “ In looking forward to the moment 
which is intended to terminate the career of my public life,my feelings do not permit 
me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my 
beloved country,for the manyhonoursit has conferred upon me; still more, for the sted- 
fast confidence with which it hassupported me; and for the opportunities [have then 
enjoyed, of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persever- 
ing, though in usefulness unequal to myzeal. Ifbenetits have resulted to ourcountry 
from these services,let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive 
example in ourannals,that under circumstances in which thepassions, agitated in every 
direction, liable to mislead ; amidst appearances, sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of 
fortune,often discouraging; in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of success 
has countenanced the spirit of criticism,the constancyof your support was the essen- 
tial prop of the efforts,and a guarantee of the plans,by which they were effected. Pro- 
foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to the grave, asa strong in- 
citement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of 
its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the 
free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may besacredly maintained; that 
its administration,in every department,may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, 
in fine,the happiness of the people of these States,under the auspicies of liberty, may 
be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent ause of this blessing,as 
will acquire to them the glory of recommending jit to the applause, the affection, and 
adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

“ Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end 
but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, 
on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and torecom- 
mend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflec- 
tion, of noinconsiderable observation,and which appear to me all important to the 
permanency of your felicity asa people. These will be offered to you with the more 
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, 
who can: possibly have no personal motives to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, 
as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former, 
and not dissimilar occasion.” 

He recommends the love of liberty; the unity of government to which they were 
powerfully invited and urged by everyinducement of sympathy and interest; guards 
them against the causes by which this union may be disturbed; all obstructions to the 
execution of the|aws,all combinations and associations,under whatever plausible cha~ 
racter,with the real design to direct,controul,and counteract,or awe regular deliberas 
tion and action of the constituted authorities; the spirit of party,and all encroachments 
ofonedepartment ofgovernment on another.—“Ofall thedispositions and habitswhich 
lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In baie 

, ~ wou 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. 


have been employed in personal 
ambition and aggrandizement ; or, 
what is wore, for the aggrandize- 
ment of absolute monarchs, whose 
precarious smiles were preferred to 
the steady and dignified regards of 
true glory. A Charles of Sweden 
sacrifices his people to animosity, 
pride, “and revenge. A Richelieu 
lays his countrymen in chains at 


[205 


the feet of their haughty sovereign, 
The moral philosopher exclaims, on 
areview of the great qualities of 
Julius Cesar, 


« Curse on his virtues! they’veundone 
his country.’ 
The great and good qualities of 


general Washington were displays 
ed in a great and good cause: the 


would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these 
_ great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and ci- 
tizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and 
cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and 
public felicity. Let itsimply be asked, where is the security for property, for re 
putation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the 
instruments of investigation’in the courts of justice? And let us with caution ins 
dulge the supposition, that national niorality can subsist without religion. What 
ever may be conceded to the influence of refined education, on minds of a peculiar 
structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality 
€an prevail, in exclusion of religious principles.” 

The legislature and patriot proceeded to warn his countrymen against inveterate 
antipathies against particular nations. On this subject he makes these remarkable 
observations, of which many will, no doubt, make, at this present moment, parti+ 
cular applications. “ The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes 
impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The go- 
vernment sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, througla 
passion, what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the 
nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other 
sinister and pernicious motives. -The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the h- 
berty of nations, has been the victims.” Qn this point,ofan equal and just regard 
for all nations ; and, on the other hand, on the insidious wiles of foreign influence, 
general Washington descants at a greater length than on any of the other topics on 
which he touches ; and, if possible, with greater earnestness. It is not difficult, 
from hence, to conjecture, what was, at the time, the principal object of his soli+ 
citude—forcign influence, particularly that of the French republic. 

The world has had many political testaments; some real, some counterfeit : 
none that breathes such pure morality, such sublime and sound policy, as the ad- 
dress and the example of general Washington. The style of his paternal letters 
and speeches, exhorting his countrymen to preserve union among themselves, and 
peace, good faith, and sincere good-will towards all nations, as well as the senti+ 
ments, shining forth with mild radiance, not in fiery flame, were contrasted with 
Certain passionate persuasives to war. !low much to be preferred is sound sense, 

implicity, and sincerity of intention, self-command and moderation of temper, to 
€ most shining talents and accomplishments without them! Yet, though we 
€annot rank general Washington in the first class of literary geniuses, he was not 
deficient, but greatly above par, in the most useful kinds of knowledge, and also in 
the art of writing. His thoughts are clearly arranged ; he manages with great skill 
the march ofhis hearer’s or reader’s sentiments and spirits; his language is pera 
fectly grammatical and pure, and altogether free from any provincial slang, aod 
cockuey or metropolitan barbarisms, which, issuing from the house of commons 
and newspapers, has adulterated the English tongue, and threatens, in its progress, 
to render it to future ages unintelligible. A like observation may be extended to 

writings of Dr, Franklin, Mr, Adams, and other American writers. 


- 


cause 


206) 


cause of his country, and of the hu- 
man race. He pursued the noblest 
ends by the noblest means: the dig- 
nity and happiness of mankind, by 
sublime genius and heroic courage. 

The most distinguished charac- 
ters, in many instances, have been 
found. to have derived the enthu- 
siasm that prompted them to un- 
dertake and persevere in the exe- 
cution of great designs from an 
admiration of other illustrious cha- 
raéters, which inspired a desire of 
jmitation. Achilles emulated Bac- 
chus: Alexander, Achilles: Julius 
Czsar, Alexander; and Frederick II. 
of Prussia, with other heroes, Julius 
Cesar. So too, Charles XII. of 
Sweden had Quintus Curtius, in 
his earliest youth, always in his 
hands, and had learned his stories 
of Alexander by heart. In like 
manner Gustavus ITI. the late king of 
Sweden, was inflamed with a love of 
glory, by contemplating the aétions 
of both his paternal and maternal 
ancestors 5 particularly of Gusta- 
vus Vasa and Gustavus Adolphus, 
and of the renowned Prussian mo- 
narch, who was his uncle. If gene- 
ral Washington was roused to any 
grandeur of design, or, in his pub- 
lic conduét, political and military, 
had any model of imitation, it seems 
to have been king William ITI. 
prince of Orange, and king of 
England. The ground on which 
we hazard this conjeéture is, his 
admiration frequently expressed of 
that great prince, both in his 
letters and in private conversation, 
compared with the tenor of his own 
ations. The causes and circum- 
stances in which they were both 
engaged were similar: their con- 
duct also similar. The prince main- 
tained the independence of his 
countrymen, in opposition to the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


mighty power of France: the ge- 
neral maintained the independence 
of his countrymen, in opposition to 
that of England: both were remark- 
able for coolness and caution; but 
remarkable also for firmness and 
intrepidity, under every circum- 
stance of danger, and every criti- 
cal moment of a¢tion. They never 
shunned a decisive engagement from 
any other motive than that of pru- 
dence: nor were they wiser in caun- 
cil than brave in the field ; though 
their final success was more owing 
to judicious retreat,and renewed pre- 
parations for aétions, than to daring 
impetuosity. The charaéter given 
to the pretender, in 1745, and ap- 
plied to general Washington in his 
familiar letters to general Mercer, 
may, with equal propriety, be ap- 
plied both to king William and to 
himself. They were the most cau- 
tious men in the world, not to be 
cowards: and the bravest, not to 
be rash. It may be added, that their 
fortitude, in the eye of true moral ~ 
criticism, shone forth with greater 
splendour, when veiled in the garb 
of caution, than when confessed to 
the eyes of all, and covered with dust 

and blood in the field of battle. 
There is an ative fortitude, and- 
there isa passive fortitude: the latter . 
not certainly less, but in some re- 
speéts superior to the former. In 
the conflict and agitation of dan- 
ger, quickly to be over, or quickly 
to spend its utmost fury, the mind 
of the patriot and hero is awakened 
by an excitement of his spirits, and 
the attention and sympathy of all 
around him. In the calms of torpid 
silence, nay, and under the chilling 
blasts of reproach, whilst he still ree 
tains his unshaken purpose, the eclat 
of his virtue is less, but the proof 
of its constancy greater : Be 
the 


HISTORY OF EUROPE. | 


the inverse ratio of the magnitude 
of the difficulties and dangers to be 
overcome, to the indifference with 
which they are regarded. Itis the 
firmness of both the heroes that 
forms the subjeét of this brief pa- 
rallel, after their retreats under in- 
numerable disadvantages and hard- 
ships, that, in the whole of their 
charaéter, is the just object of the 
greatest admiration. 

There was also a striking coin- 
cidence, not only between the cir- 
cumstances and situation and the 
public cunduét of these great men, 
political and military, but also, in 
some points, between their natural 
tempers and dispositions: particu- 
larly in an habitual taciturnity and 
reserve. A degree of taciturnity 
is, indeed, inseparable from a mind 
intent on great and complicated de- 
signs. Minds deeply occupied in 
the contemplation of great ends, 
and the means necessary for their 
accomplishment, have as little lei- 
sure aS inclination either to enter- 
tain others with their conversa- 
tion, or to be entertained by them. 
Most great men, when profoundly 
engaged inimportant affairs, are re- 
markably silent. Buonaparte,though 
naturally affable,in the midst of those 
circumstances of unprecedented no- 
velty, complication, and alarm, in 
which it has been his destiny to be 
placed, is, on the whole, reserved 
and silent. Henry IV. of France, 
though naturally affable, humour- 
ous, and facetious, became thought- 
ful and silent, when he found him- 
self involved in projeéts of great 
difficulty as well as importance. 

It is not bya multiplicity of words 
and common-place compliments that 
men attain an ascendancy over the 
minds of other men; but by the 
weight of their character and the 


[207 


soundness of their judgment, whith 
readily discerns certain common in- 
terests and passions, that tend to 
unite men in common sympathies 
and common pursuits. It was a 
common and striking trait in the 
charaGters of both king William IIT. 
and genera] Washington, that they 
both possessed the happy aft of re- 
conciling and uniting various dis- 
cordant parties in the prosecution of 
common objeéts. 

But every parallel is soon termi- 
nated, by the wonderful diversity 


‘which characterizes every individual 


of the human race. Washington had 
no favourites, but was warm in his 
affeétions to his own family and near 
relatives: William was not a little 
addiéted to favouritism; but cold 
and indifferent to the sincere attach 
ment and devotion of his queen: a 
princess, by whose right he was 
raised toa throne, and a partner 
worthy any sovereign prince, for 
every accomplishment of mind and 
person. 

The calm, deliberate, and solid 
charaéter of general Washington 
did not exclude a turn to con- 
trivance and invention. He was 
judicious, not dull; ingenious, not 
chimerical. In this respect, his ta- 
lents and turn, like his virtues, were 
carried to the line beyond which 
they would have ceased to be ta- 
Jents and virtues, and no farther. 
He knew how to distinguish diffi- 
culties from impossibilities,and what 
was within the bounds of human 
power, in given situations, from 
the extravagancies of a heated and 
bold imagination. He was neither 
terrified by danger, nor seduced by 
repose, from embracing the proper 
moment for aétion. He was mo- 
dest, without diffidence ; sensible to 
the voice of fame, without vanity ; 

independent 


208] 


independent and dignified, without 
pride. He was a friend to liberty, 
not licentiousness: not to the ab- 
straétions ef philosophers, but to 
those ideas of well-regulated free- 
dom, which the ancestors of the 
Americans had carried with them 
from England, and confirmed by the 
revolution towards the end of the 
eighteenth century. On those prin- 
ciples he fought and conquered ; 
conquered—but not for himself. He 
was a Hannibal, as well asa Fabius; 
a Cromwell, without his.ambition ; 
a Sylla, without his crimes.. 


As the children of men, in youth’ 


or the vigour of manhood, are more 
healthful and vigorous than those 
in the decline of life, so general 
Washington, descended and formed, 
by the spirit of England, in the 
purestand most flourishing period of 
English freedom, possessed a juster 
and higher spirit of liberty than 
what might, probably, have been 
bred by an emigration in the present 
times. When we refleét on the 
contest between monarchial power, 
on the one hand, and the spirit of 
insubordination, on the other, which, 
at the present moment, divide Ku- 
rope, we shall find reason to con- 
gratulate mankind, that the example 
of a happy medium between both 
has been set, and is likely to be 
more and more enforced, by the 
growing prosperity of America. In 
this view, general Washington ap- 
pears in the light of another Noab ; 
the pilot, who, sailing in the middle, 
between the dangers of Sylla and 
Charybdis, guided the ark that 
saved the human race from ruin. 
The French agents, Adet, Fauchet, 
Genet, and Dupont, had been sent 
out, to the American states, in the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


charaéter of envoys; but, in reality, 
as firebrands of discord and sedition. 
The grand objeét of their mission 
was, that the French republic should 
acquire such an influence and as« 
cendancy in North America, as she 
already possessedin Venice, Genoa, 
and the Swiss cantons: to divide 
the North Americans into twogreat 
political parties, or rather govern- 
ments; to play thenorthern states, 
where the French interest prepon- 
derated, against the southern ; to 
weaken, and so to obtain an influ- 
ence and authority over the whole. 
As the patriotism, prudence, and 
firmness of general Washington had 
contributed so largely to snatch his 
country from the grasp of the Bri- 
tish legislature, so now they con- 
tributed equally to save it from a 
conneétion and subordination, still 
more to be dreaded, with the French 
republic. — ; 

The magnitude of the danger, 
from which general Washington, be- 
fore his resignation of the presidency, 
saved his country, will sufficiently 
appear from the mention of one 
circumstance,that Mr. John Adams, 
the vice-president of the congress, 
the intimate and confidential friend 
of general Washington, and, in eve- 
ry respect, worthy of so great an ho-~ 
nour, was chosen his successor, by @ 
majority of only three votes above 
the number that appeared for Mr. 
Jefferson, who was at the head of 
the French party: which passed on 
the 8th of February, 1797. Itmay 
also be observed, to the same end, 
that the treaty for an amicable and 
commercial intercourse between 
Great Britain and North America 
was ratified only by the president’s 
casting vote. 


CHRONICLE, 


JANUARY. 


4th. AST night the house of 
Dublin. Caleb Harman, esq. 
in the county of Longford, was 
attacked by a numerous party of 
Defenders, who demanded a sur 
render of all the arms inthe house ; 
but, on Mr. Harman’s refusing to 
comply with this demand, they de- 
termined to carry their purpose by 
assault, and with some difficulty 
forced open the doors. Mr. Har- 
man, at the head of his domestics, 
endeavouring to repel the assail- 
ants, was fired upon, and received 
the contents of a blunderbuss load- 
-edwith slugs in his abdomen, and 
in consequence of his wounds, died 
this morning. Several of the do- 
as were also severely wound- 


; and the defenders haying effec- 
ally succeeded in obtaining all 
the arms in the house, retreated in 
triumph. Eleven out of the twelve 
tuffians who assassinated Mr. Har- 
man have been taken, and are in 
ongford gao); in the number is 


person who was wounded by Mr. 
larman’s pistol, 

ith. His royal highness the 

mtr count d’Artois, with his suite, 

landed here from on board his ma- 

_| Jesty’s frigate Jason: on the frigate’s 


coming to anchor j in bathe roads, his 
Vou. XXXVIU 


Bt: Pome ib Ga, 


royal highness was saluted with 24 
guns from Leith battery, and with 
the like number on his landing at 
Leith, where he was received from 
the boat by lord Adam Gordon and 
a part of his suite, and conducted in 
his lordship’s carriage to an apart 
ment in his majesty’s palace of Holy. 
rood-house, fitted upin haste for his 
reception; and, as he entered the 
palace, his royal highness was sa- 
Juted with 21 guns from Edinburgh 
Castle. The Windsor Foresters and 
Hopetoun Fencibles were in readi- 
ness to line the approach to the pa- 
lace, but, his royal highness chus- 
ing to land in a private manner, 
and with as little ceremony as pos- 
sible, that was dispensed with. The 
noblemen in his royal highness’s 
suite followed in carriages provided 
for that purpose, and were con- 
ducted from the outer gate of the 
palace, by the commander in chief, 
to their apartments. His royal 
highness and suite, consisting of a 
number of French noblemen and 
gentlemen, dined with lord Adam 
Gordon. 
7th At Carlton house, between 
“nine and ten o’clock in the 
morning, the princess of Wales was 
delivered of a princess. The duke 
of Gloucester, the archbishop of 
Canterbury, the lord chancellor, 
B the 


2] 


the lord president of his majesty’s 
council, the duke of Leeds, the 
duke af Devonshire, the earl of 
Cholmondeley (lord chamberlain), 
and the earl of Jersy (master of the 
horse to the prince of Wales), lord 
Thurlow, and the ladies of her 
royal highness’s bedchamber, were 
present. Her royal bighness and 
the young princess were in perfect 


health. 

h Between eight and nine 
14th. clock this day, the pow- 
der mills belonging to Mr. Hill, 
at Hounslow, owing to the wheels 
of ‘the mill not being properly 
supplied with oil, took fire, and 
blew up with a dreadful explo- 
sion, which not only terrified the 
inhabitants of the place, but alarm- 
ed the cities of London and West- 
minster, and the houses of the peo- 
ple several miles round the metro~ 
polis experienced the effects of its 
powerful concussion; three men, 
who were at work inthe manufac- 
tory, have lost their lives, and the 
flames from the mill communica- 
ting to a punt'in the mill river, 
in which were 30 barrels of gun- 
powder, set fire to the whole, and 
blew up with a terrible explosion ; 
the man who’ had the care of the 
vessel being shattered to pieces, and 
the boat being blown out of the 
water. Nota vestige of the millis 
left standing, and Hounslow heath 
is covered with bricks and tiles, 
and the mangled limbs of the unfor- 
tunate sufferers. ‘The houses in 
Hounslow, Isleworth, and even 
Brentford, have suffered consider- 
ably ; the Crown Inn at Houns- 
low, and the King’s Head at Brent- 
ford, have not a whole ‘pane of 
glass in the windows; and the inha- 
bitants were so terrified near the 
spot, that they not only forsook 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


their dwellings, but a number of wo- 
men, with their children, through 
fear, appeared half naked in the 
streets, expecting every moment 
that their houses would fall and 
bury them in the ruins. The scat- 
tered limbs of the unfortunate vic- 
tims, who for the most part have 
left large families to lament their 
loss by this unforeseen event, were, 
by order of the magistrates, collect- 
ed together and deposited in the 
church-yard. The loss of this va- 
luable manufactory is estimated at 
near 20,000]. The shock was felt 
as far north of London as the extre- 
mities of Enfield parish, and South 
beyond Croydon. A similar dis- 
aster happened to the same concern 
about 20 years ago. 
i6th Vienna. ‘The princess royal 
* of France, Maria Theresa, 
arrived here on the 9th, ‘a little 
after six o’clock in the evening,’ 
amidst the loudest ac¢lamations 


of crowds of people, who accom. 


panied her carriage as far as the 
Burg, where his Imperial majesty 


had caused a residence to be pres — 


pared for her. Count Colloredo, 
cabinet minister to the emperor, ac- 


companied her to the place of her | 


residence from Burkersdorff, whi- 


ther he went to welcome her, in the — 


name of his Imperial majesty,’ 
soon as information of her arrival 
was received. Prince Stahremberg, 
the principal lord of the beécham- 
ber, on the 10th, went to the re- 
sidence of the princess, and pre- 
sented ‘to prince Gavre all the fu- 
ture household servants, &c. des- 
tined for ber use—The first who 
received the French princess royal 
of France in this capital, were the 
archdukes and archduchesses. The 
emperor and empress honoured her 
With a visit soon after her arrival, 


CHRO 


and received her with open arms, 
In her own place of residence the 
princess wept most bitterly. She 
has since paid a visit to the arch- 
duchess Christine, who is. indis- 
posed. A grand and brilliant court- 
day is expected to-morrow, which 
will be the first day on which her 
Imperial majesty will make her 
public appearance after her lying- 
in, It is expected also that the 
French princess royal will be intro- 
duced, with proper ceremony, to the 
higher class of the nobility and fo- 
reign ambassadors. Countess Chan- 
cles, formerly governess to the arch- 
duchess Elizabeth, first consort of 
the emperor, has been appointed to 
_ the same dignity with the French 
princess royal. Prince Gavre is ap- 
ointed governor to her royal bigh- 
ness. The only article preserved 
by the French princess, from the 
effects which were put into her 
Carriage at Paris, is said to be a 
small parcel, which, besides a small 
quantity of ‘linen, contained three 
miniature piétures, and some hair of 
her father, mother, and the prin- 
cess Elizabeth her aunt ; also a pair 
of garters knit by her late unfortu- 
nate mother, out of the threads of 
an old piece of tapestry which she 
found in her prison. 
18th When the royal standard 
~ "was flying at the Tower, being 
the queen’s birth-day, a tricoloured 
silk flag, three yards wide and of 
length in proportion, was hoisted 
over the rampart on a staff of seven 
feet long, and continued hoisted for 
three hours before it was discovered 
in the garrison. On the discovery, 
the major of the Tower, colonel 
Smith, went himself to strike it, 
when making into a wrong part, it 
disappeared before he reached the 
Spot, but was traced into the de- 


NI CiL E. [3 


puty chaplain’s house, and found 
stripped from the staff, under his 
son’s bed, a young man of 15, at 
present a pupil in a public school. 

20th Portsmouth. In conse- 
“~""* quence of a dreadful gale of 
wind, a great number of ships at 
Spithead were this day obliged to 
cut their cables, and run for the 
harbour, several of which got foul 
of each other. Signals of distress 
were seen flying on board many 
vessels, but the weather was so ex- 
tremely bad as to prevent any boats 
going to their assistance. A man of 
war’s boat was driven out of the hat- 
bour with the tide this afternoon, and 
overset near South-Sea Beach; the 
whole of the crew got safe on shore 
eXcept one man, who was unfortu- 
nately drowned. The tide was many 
feet higher this day than has been 
known for upwards of 30 years ; se- 
veral houses on the point having 
béen washed down, and a number 
of people removed their goods up 
into the town; for if the wind 
had not abated, the tide would 
have been full as high in the morn- 
ing, and many more houses conse- 
quently damaged. 
4th Edinburgh. On the 21st 
* inst. his royal highness the 
duke d’Angouleme eldest son to 
Monsieur, arrived at the Abbey 


‘of Holyrood-house. His royal high- 


ness is to be accommodated in the 
apariments of the earl of Bredal- 
bane there, until such time as the 
royal apartments can be put in 
proper repair to receive their royal 
highnesses; and his royal highness 
the duke d’Angouleme’ proposes to 
see company for the presentin the 
apartments of monsieur on Mons 
days and Thursdays at noon. 
osth. Edinburgh. ‘The weather, 
for three days past, has been 
B2 very 


4] 


very tempestuous. On Saturday af- 
ternoon it blew a perfeét hurricane 
from the 8. W. In the new town, 
and other exposed situations, many 
persons were carried off their feet, 
and thrown down ; several carriages 
were overturned, and in some houses 
the windows were broken and forced 
in. The streets were strewed with 
chimney pans, by the falling of 
which several persons were hurt, 
though we have not heard of an 
being dangerously so, On Sunday 
morning the storm was equally vio- 
Jent. The gale was from a quarter 
that is seldom dangerous on this 
coast ; but, if it was equally violent 
on the West coast, the consequences 
are to be feared. 
26th. Glasgow. Bya sudden in- 
undation yesterday at Gree- 
nock and Port Glasgow, the tobac- 
co-cellars at the latter placewere 
Jaid under water from six to nine 
inches On the floors, by which means 
a good deal of tobacco is injured, 
but to what amount we cannot say. 
The loss on sugar at Greenock will 
be very great, probably not less 
than 30,000]. In some of the 
cellars on the West Quay, the water 
was up from eighteen to twenty 
inches on the lower. tier: of sugar. 
The storm was also severely ‘felt 
here; a stack of chimnies was 
blown down in the High-street, and 
several trees in the neighbourhood 
have been torn up by the roots, 
o8th. - A telegraph was this day 
erected over the admiralty, 
which is to be the point of com- 
munication with all the different 
sea-ports in the kingdom. The 
nearest telegraph to London has 
hitherto beenin St. George’s Fields; 
and to such perfection has this.in- 
genious and useful contrivance been 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


already brought, that one day last 
week information was conveyed 
from Dover to London in the space 
of only seven minutes. The plan 
proposed to be adopted in respect 
to telegraphs is yet only carried 
into effect between London and 
Dover; but itis intended to extend 
all over the kingdom. The impor- 
tance of this speedy communica- 
tion must be evident to every one; 
and it has this advantage, that the 
information conveyed is known 
only to the person who sends, and 
to him who receivesit. The inter- 
mediate posts have only to answer 
and convey the signals. 
20th. . Earl Cholmondeley has 
informed the city remem-— 
brancer, that his royal highness, 


from being under the necessity of | 


dismissing his establishment, is. un+ — 
able to receive their congratula- 
tory compliments in a manner suit- 
able tohis rank and with that re- 
spect which is due to the city of 
London; and that the prince ex- 
presses much regret in not having 
it in his power to’ shew a proper 
regard for the good wishes of the 
city of London towards himself and 
the princess, 

This morning about 10, Michael 
Blanch, a Spaniard, James Colley, 
an American, and Francis Cole, a — 
Black, who were found guilty at 
the late admiralty sessions, of the 
wilful murder of William Little, 
the master and commander of an 
American vessel, were brought out 
of Newgate, and placed in a cart, 
and conveyed to Execution Dock, 
where they were executed according 
to their sentence. In the afternoon 
the three bodies were brought back 
to surgeons’ hall, there to be dis- 
setted pursuant to the acto pe 

the 


Gon BO: NIAC My E: ee) 


the court of admiralty. Had it 
been a case of piracy, they would 
have been hung in chains. 

bDIED.—In Portugal, Dr. Lore- 
ira, author of the ‘ Flora Cocbi« 
nensis.”” This celebrated botanist 
devoted 30 years of close applica- 
tion to the composition of this 
work. Sir Joseph Banks invited 
him to this country, for the pur- 
pose of publishing it here; but 
advanced age prevented him from 
accepting the invitation. 

20. At Lancaster, in an advan- 
ced period of life, Mr. Alexander 
Stevens, architeét; who in the 
course of the last forty years, erect- 
ed more stone bridges, and other 


buildings in water, than any man. 


in these kingdoms. Among the 
many works of that kind may be 
mentioned the bridge over the Lif- 
fey at Dublin, and the locks and 
docks on the grand canal of Ire- 
land. The north of England and 
Scotland exbibits numberless works 
of his execution. The aquedudt 
over the river Lune, at Lancaster, 
isone of the greatest undertakings 
he was ever concerned in; and, had 
he lived a few months longer, he 
would have had. the satisfaétion of 
seeing it completed. 


Po B RU A RY, 


This night, after eleven 
o’clock, as the royal family 
were returning from Drury-lane 


‘Ist. 


theatre,’ when the carriages had 


reached the end of John-street, 
Pall Mall, a stone was flung with 
such force as to break one of the 
glass pannels in the coach; in 
which were their majesties and the 
lady in waiting ; which, after strik- 
ing the queen on the cheek, fell 


into lady Harrington’s lap. A des 
position on the aboye business was 
taken at the duke of Portland’s of- 
fice, before the secretary of state 
and two of the magistrates from 
Bow-street; when some of the 
footmen attending on the royal 
family were examined. A reward 
of 10001. is offered for the discovery 
of the offenders. 
18th This day came on in the 
* court of king’s bench, the 
cause of Jettreys versus Mr. Wal- 
ker and others, commissioners ap 
pointed for Irquidating the prince 
of, Wales’s debts, for the sum of 
54,6851. for jewels furnished by 
the plaintiff for his royal highness. 
Messrs. Sharp, Elias, Devi, and 
Dugden, eminent diamoud-mer- 
chants, were called on the part of 
the plaintiff, who proved the va- 
lue of the articles to be, unset, 
50,9971. 10s. ; while Messrs. Crisp, 
Duval, and. Francillons on the, 
part of the defendants, gave it as 
their opinion, that, having exami- 
ned the jéWels, they were not 
worth more than 48,8001. exclu- 
sive of the setting of a miniature 
picture of ber bighness. The jury, 
after aquarter of an hour’s consi- 
deration, found a verd:ét for the 
plaintiff 50,9971. 10s. 
19th Richard England was put 
* to the bar at the old Bailey, 
charged with the wilfel murder of 
Mr. Rowlls, brewer, of Kingston, 
in aduel at Cranford-bridge, June 
18,1794. Lord Derby, the first 
witness, gave in evidence, that he 
was present at Ascot races; when 
in the stand upon the race-course 
he heard Mr, England cautioning 
the gentlemen present not to bet 
with the degeased, as he neither 
paid what he lost or what he bor. 
towed ; On which Mr. Rowlls 
B3 went 


6] 


went up to him, called him rascal 
or scoundrel, and offered to strike 
him ; when England bid him stand 
off, or he would be obliged to knock 
him down, saying, at the same time, 
“© We have interrupted the company 
sufficiently here, and if you have 
any thing further to say to me, you 
know where I'am ‘to ‘be found.” 
A farther altercation ensued ; 
but his lordship, being at the other 
end of the stand, did not distinét- 
ly hear it, and then the parties re- 
tired. 
Lord Dartry, now lord Cremorne, 
‘and his lady, with a gentleman, 
were at the inn at the time the duel 
was fought: they went into~ the 
garden, and endeavoured to pre- 
vent the duel; there were several 
other persons colleéted in the gar- 
den.. Mr. Rowlls desired his lord- 
ship and others not to interfere ; 
and ona second attempt of his lord- 
ship to make peace, Mr. Rowlls 
said, if they did not retire, he must, 
though reluétantly, call them im- 
pertinent. Mr. England, at the 
same time, stepped forward, and 
took off his hat: he said, ‘* gentle- 
men, I have been cruelly treated ; I 
have been injured in my honour 
and charaéter; let there be repara- 
tion made, and I am ready to have 
done this moment.” Lady Dartry 
retired; his lordship stood in the 
bower of the garden, until he saw 
Mr. Rowlls fall. One or two wit- 
nesses were called, who proved noe 
thing material. A paper contain- 
ing the prisoner’s defence being 
read, the earl of Derby, marquis 
of Hertford, Mr. Whitbread, jun. 
col. Bishopp, and other gentlemen, 
were Called to his chara¢ter. They 
all spoke of him as a man of decent, 
gentlemanly deportment, who, in- 
stead of seeking quarrels, was stu- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


dious to avoid them. He had been 
friendly to Englishmen whilst a- 
broad, and had rendered some ser- 
vices to the military at the siege of 
Newport. Mr. justice Rooke sum- 
med up the evidence, after which 
the jury retired for about three 
quarters of an hour, when they re« 
turned a verdiét, guilty of man- 
slaughter, ' The prisoner” having 
fled’ from the laws of. his’ country 
for twelve years, the court was dis- 
posed to shew no lenity. He was 
therefore sentenced to pay a fine of 
one shilling, and to be imprisoned 
in Newgate twelve months. 
cane, & In the king’s bench, came 
on the trial of Kyd Wake, 
indiéted for a misdemeanour in 
hissing and hooting the king as his 
majesty was going to the parlia- 
ment-house, ‘on the first day of the 
present session, and likewise cry- 
ing, ** down with George, no 
wan” &e5->: Mx: Stockddle, the 
bookseller, arid Mr. Walford, the 
linen draper, who acted as consta- 
bles on the day, were examined, 
and fully proved the faéts charged 
in the indiétment ; upon which 
the jury, without hesitation, found 
a verdiét, guilty. A great num- 
ber of persons attended onthe part 
of the prisoner; but as they could 
only speak to his general charac- 
ter, and not to the case in point, 
Mr. Erskine, the prisoner’s coun- 
sel, declined calling upon them, 
reserving their testimony to be 
offered in mitigation of punish- 
ment, on the first day of next term, 
when the prisoner will be brought 
up to the court of king’s bench to 
receive judgment. 
erst. lull. After the family were 
gone to bed, a very alarm- 
ing fire broke out in the habi- 
table part of Wressle Castle, which 
increased 


CHRONICLE 


increased with such rapidity that 
before the engines could be 
brought from Howden (a distance 
of four miles) the entire building 
was on fire ; by which the whole, 
with the leaden covering, was en- 
tirely consumed, except one cham- 
ber, with the outer and some parts 
of the inner walls, It is supposed to 
have been occasioned by a chim- 
ney taking fire, from which no dan- 
ger was apprehended when the fa- 
mily went to rest.. The south side, 
or principal part of the quadrangle, 
being the only part left undemolisb- 
ed in 1650, contained the dining- 
room, drawing-room, and chapel, 
used as the parish-church ever since 
the other was ruined in the civil 
wars. In the two principal chambers 
were some beautiful stair-cases of 
Singular contrivance, containing 
double flights of stairs, winding 
round each other, after the designs 
of Palladio. 

e4th The following melancholy 
“occurrence took place. As 
the ferry boat was crossing the r- 
ver from Common-staithe quay to 
Old Lynn, at seven in the evening, 
with about 30 persons on board, it 
ran foul of the cable of a barge, 
and was unfortunately overset, by 
which accident it is feared that 
upwards of 20 persons have lost 
their lives; four more must in- 
evitably have shared the same 
fate, but for the active and vigo- 
rous exertions of one of the passen-= 
gers (John Price, a sailor), who 
at the imminent hazard of his life, 
and with that humanity and intre- 
pidity which are the characteristics 
ofan English sailor, rescued four 
fellow-creatures from death ; he 
had seized a fifth (a woman), but 
the rapidity of the tide tore her 
from him, and he himself had 


[7 


nearly perished in the attempt to 
save her life. Eight only of the 
bodies have yet been found. It is 
just 166 years since a similar acci- 
dent happened at the same ferry, 
when 18 persons were unfortunate- 
ly drowned. 

pire. 7th—At his lodgings 
in Bath, John Sibthorp, M. D, 
F. R. S. and regeus professor of 
Botany in the university of Oxford. 
He was indefatigable in his research- 
es for new and tear plants, “and 
travelled twice into ‘Turkey and 
Greece to collect them. The fa- 
tigues he underwent in his last 
tour entirely destroyed his consti- 
tution, and he has fallen a victim 
to his favouritestudy. He took the 
degree of M. A. June 28, 1780, 
of B. M, Dec. 8, 1783, (about 
which time his ‘father resigned to 
him the professorship), and of 
D. M, Jan. 20, 1784; Some years 
ago the university appointed him a 
travelling fellow on Dr, Radcliff’s 
foundation, and in that capacity 
he visited a great part of the Eu- 
ropean continent. At Gottingen 
his abilities where held in such esti- 
mation, that he was honoured with 
a degree in physic by the universi- 
ty. In 1794 he published a Flora 
Oxoniensis, and has left an estate 
of 300]. per annum to the univers 
sity, in trust, to defray the expen- 
ces attending the publication of a 
Flora Greca, taken from speci- 
mens in bis own valuable collec- 
tion, After that work is finished, 
the sum of 200]. per annum is to 
be added to the salary of the She- 
rardian professor, on condition that 
he reads lectures on botany in eye- 
ry term, His excellent collection 
of plants and books he has be- 
queathed to the botanical library of 
the university. 

B4 


Dither 0 


8] 


17th. In his 59th year, James 
Macpherson, esq. M. P. for Camel- 
ford. Of this celebrated author of 
Ossian some anecdotes shall be 
given ina subsequent department 
of this volume. 


MARCH. 


Mr. B. D. Cock, driving a 
* curricle round Camden-place, 


4th 


near Bath, the horses, in conse-_ 


quence of being too much curbed, 
became restive; and one of them, 
having broken the bar, suddenly 
dashed over a precipice upwards of 
100 feet deep, by which the gen- 
tleman was literally dashed to 
pieces, the curricle destroyed, and 
the horses killed on the spot. _ 

In the court of exchequer, in 
Dublin, a jury of merchants, on 
the 20th of February last, gave lord 
Westmeath a verdict of 10,000). 
damages, against Mr. Bradshaw, 
son of sir Henry Cavendish, (who 
took the name of Bradshaw for a 
large estate), for crim. con. with 
lady Westmeath. Lady West- 
meath was a Miss Jefferys, She 
was married to lord Westineath in 
1784, and has two children by his 
lordship, , 
10th. Derby: What particularly 
* engaged the attention of the 
public at our assizes was a charge 
against a woman of the name 
of Ann Iloon, aged 24, for the 
wilful murder of her infant child, 
about 14 months old. The cir- 
cumstances of this murder were 
as follows: On Friday last, this 
poor creature, who is the wife of 
a labouring man, was about to heat 
her oven, and being short of wood, 
had broken down a rail or two from 
the fencing round the plantation of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


a gentleman in the neighbourhood 3 

some of ber neighbours threatened 

her with a prosecution, and told 
her she would be transported for 
it. ¥bis much alarmed her mind ; 

and the idea of being separated 

from her child, of whom she had 

always appeared remarkably fond, 

so wrought on her imagination, - 
that she formed the horrible design 
of putting it to death, in order that, 
by surrending herself into the 
hands of justice, she might be ex- 
ecuted for the murder, and so be 

for ever re-united in heaven to that 

babe whom she had loved more 
than life. As soon, therefore, as 
ber husband was gone out to his 
labour, she proceeded to put this 
diabolical design into execution : 
she filled a large tub with water, 
when the babe, smiling in its mo- 

ther’s face, disarmed her for the 
moment, and she found herself un- 
able to commit the horrid fact. 
She then lulled the babe to sleep at 
her breast, and wrapping a cloth 
round it, plunged it into the tub, 
and held it under water till life bes 
came extinct ; then took it out of 
the tub, and laid it on the bed, and 
taking her hat and cloak, locked 
her street-door, and left her key at 
a neighbour’s for her husband, 

when he should return from his 
laboure She then proceeded to 
walk eight or nine miles to a ma« 
gistrate, and, requesting admission 
to him, told him the whole story, 

concluding with an earnest desire 
immediately to be executed. She 
was tried this morning ; and, ma- 
ny strong instances of insanity for 
some years past appearing, the Ju- 
ry found her not guilty, 

At Stafford assizes, a remarkable 
cause was tried, in which Mrs. 
Docksey, sister and heir at law . 

the 


CHRO 


Lichfield, (brother to the celebra- 
ted David Garrick) was plaintiff, 
and Mr. Panting, surgeon of that 
town, defendant. The defendant 
claimed all the real-and personal 
property of the deceased, (nearly 
30,0001.) under deeds of convey- 
ance executed by Mr. Garrick at 
the advanced age of 85, to the to- 
tal disinberison of all his relations 
and their families, and in deroga- 
tion of many wills made in their 
favour, the last dated in 1791. 
Mr. Erskine led the cause for the 
plaintiff ; and after a mast eloquent 
and impassioned opening of the 
case, which lasted upwards of two 
hours, and the examination of se- 
Yeral witnesses, the cause was re- 
linguished on the part of the de- 
fendant. 

11th Birmingham. Binns and 
* Jones, two delegates from 


tegardless of the laws and peace of 
the country, delivered (the one at 
the Swan in Swallow-street, and 
the other at the Bell public-house, 
in Suffolk-street in this town) their 
inflammatory leétures ; information 
f which being given to William 
Hicks, esq. one of our magistrates, 
e immediately repaired, with the 
ace officers, to the illegal assem- 
lies) The meeting at the Swan 
ad broken up; but at the Bell 
hey found Jones in a room ha- 
Tanguing about 70 people. As 
nas -he saw the magistrate, he 
as silent; but Mr. Hicks being 
€ acquainted, by several who 
fere present, of the seditious lan- 
Buage he had held, immediately 
‘prdered the proclamation against 
isorderly meetings to be read, and 
he people in a few minutes dis- 
rsed. Jones was admonished by 


the late Peter Garrick, esq. of 


the London corresponding society, 


Nv Ge E: [9 


the magistrate, who warned him to 
beware of his conduct in future, asa 
strict watch should be kept over 
him and all his associates. 

16 Were executed opposite 
th. N ‘ 3 
Newgate, pursuant to their 
respective sentences, Tho. Kemp, 
the letter-carrier, Joseph Francis 
Bodkin for robbing Mr. Ardesoif, 
and William Fogden for horse-steal- 


ing. 

cM This evening about six 
““""" clock, a disagreeable acci+ 
dent happened in Greek-street, the 
corner of Compton-street. Two 
men intoxicated to agreat degree, 
assaulted every person they met; 
and one of them, who had a ham- 
mer in his hand, struck a passen- 
ger on the head with it, near the 
eye, which was beat in by the blow, 
They were at length secured, and 
carried to the office in Marlbo- 
rough-street, whence they were 


removed to Tothill-fields bride» 
well. 
81st, Mr. Halhed has thought 


proper to dispose of all his 
oriental manuscripts, which he ac- 
quired with great labour and ex- 


pence. These manuscripts the 
British museum has very laudably 
purchased. 


Vienna, On the presentation of 
the princess royal of France, a par- 
ticular circle had been formed for 
the solemnity, and the court was 
as numerous as it was brilliant. 
The empress presented the princess 
to the ambassadors and their ladies, 
and to certain ladies of the first 
rank. After which the other mi- 
nisters and nobility were, in their 
turn, presented to her royal high- 
ness, by the grand mistress of her 
Imperial majesty’s court, by the 
grand treasurer of the court, 
count Djetrichstein, and by prince 

Gavres, 


10] 


Gavres, governor of the princess’s 
court. The princess of France ex- 
ceeded the general expeétation on 
this occasion. | Her beauty, her 
sensibility, her grace, her affability, 
and easy deportment, excited 
at once surprise and admiration. 
She said the most flattering things 
to field marshals Lascy, Clarfair, 
Colloredo, and Pelegrini, and to 
count Trautmansdorff. The French 
emigrants were presented to her 
royal highness by the marquis de 
Gallo, the Neapolitan ambassador. 
They were six in number: the 
duke de Guiche, captain of the 
guards to Louis XVI. who dis- 
tinguished himself on the fifth of 
Oétober, 1780; the marquis de 
Riviere, the Blondel of his master ; 
count de Gourci; count de Merci; 
the marquis de la Vaupaliere, and 
M. D’Aschepar. Amongst the other 
French and foreigners, who were 
acknowledged by the princess, 
were the duke of Richelieu, count 
de Fersen, the chevalier Meyer, so 
well known for his literary produc- 
tions; the bishop of Nanci, alike 
celebrated for his virtues and his 
talents; the duchess de Guiche, 
who shed tears; the countess de 
Vauban, and the countess d’Oude- 
narde. The presence of these faith- 
ful and-unfortunate nobles contri- 
buted not a little to render this 
scene peculiary interesting. 
DIED.—In his 84th year, Abbé 
Raynal. He walked to Paris a 
week before his death; got a celd, 
which was followed by a catarrh, 
and kept his bed some days. On 
the day of his decease he got up, 
shaved and dressed himself. At 
six in the evening he went to bed; 
heard a newspaper read, and made 
some critical observations upon the 
operations announced in the paper. 


. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


At ten o’clock he died. The jus- 
tice of the peace of the seétion des 
champs Elysées, did not chuse to 
bury him until he had asked the 
government whether it was intend- 
ed to pay him any funeral ho- 
nours.—He was employed, just be- 
fore his death, upon a new edition 
of his philosophical history, and 
had presented an address to the di- 


rectory to obtain from the agents — 


of the republic in foreign countries 
the documents, of which he stood 
in need, relative to the commerce 
of different nations, to the East In- 
dia companies, and some other ob- 
jects of his work. The direétory 
immediately complied with his re- 
quest, and sent the necessary or- 
ders to the French ambassadors in 
Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Spain, 
and Italy. It is known that the 
abbé had, among his manuscripts, 
a history of the revocation: of the 
edict of Nantes, in four volumes ; 
but it is rumoured that; under the 
reign of Robespierre, he burnt part 
of his papers. 

17. At the Hague, Peter Paulus, 
president of the first national con- 
vention there, and one of the prin- 
cipal authors of the revolution in 
Holland, In him his country 
loses one of its most zealous defen- 
ders, the patriotic party their chief 
support, the convention its head, 
and marine its ablest director. He 
has fallen a sacrifice to his exer- 
tions as president. His death 


has produced the same sensations — 


at the Hague as the death of Mira- 
beau did at Paris. The greatest 
honours have been paid to the first 
president of the Batavian conven- 
tion ; and a degree of that assembly 
declares that he never ceased to de- 
serve well of his country ; which 
decree, ‘Written on 

convention 


vellum, the’ 


" 


CHRONIC EE 


convention has resolved to present 
to his widow ; and to give her, at 
the same time, the national scarf 
with which he was decorated at 
the opening of the convention. 

At his house in Norton-Street, 
sir William Chambers, knight of 
the polar star, surveyor-general 
of his majesty’s board of works, 
treasurer of the royal academy, 
and fellow of the royal and ann- 
quarian societies. A further ac- 
count of this architect shall be giv- 
en under the head of characters. 


APRIL. 


ed The intimation of the first 

* performance of a piece ascrib- 
ed to the pen of Shakspeare pro- 
duced this night the effect which 
might naturally have been expected 
in a metropolis filled with his ad- 
mirers. At four o’clock the doors 
of the theatre were besieged, and, 
a few minutes after they were open- 
ed, the pit was crowded solely with 
gentlemen. Before six not a place 
was to be found in the boxes, and 
the passages were filled. The play 
of Vortigern was announced for 
representation as the production of 
our immortal bard; but the tale 
of its long concealment and happy 
recovery was not heard without 
_ Suspicion; which his votaries wish- 
ed to heighten into immediate in- 
credulity. The town, however, re- 
tained its candour; and, we be- 
lieye, the predominant  sentitnent 
in the audience, on this* evening, 
was a wish to welcome with rapture 
the recovered offspring of their 
beloyed Shakspeare. A play was 
therefore performed, founded in 
some degree on the historical ac- 
count of the ambition of Vorti- 

4 


fi 


gern, the usurper cf Britain; his 
murder of Constantius ; his alliance 
with the Saxons; and his passion 
for Rowena, the daughter of the 
Saxon chief. The events are warp= 
ed into a resemblance to those of 
Macbeth, Richard III. &c. with 
the inadvertency of a copyist, who 
was more intent on imitating the 
language than the genius of Shak- 
speare. The characters are such as 
would not have been drawn by that 
astonishing writer in the excercise 
of his usual faculties. He is re- 
markable in seldom borrowing from 
himself. The play is destitute of 
all those gigantic metaphors, and 
bold allusions, which, approaching 
the limits of possibility, astonish and 
vlarm our imaginations into a Sym- 
pathy with his sublime concep- 
tions. he language, though eviq 
dently an imitation, is infinitely 
beneath the original, which posses_ 
ses an aptitude, a facility, and har- 
mony, which has never been ‘sur- 
passed. The audience betrayed 
symptoms of impatience early in 
the representation ; bat finding its 
taste insulted by bloated terms, 
which heightened the general in- 
sipidity, its reason puzzled by dis 
cordant images, false ornaments, 
and abortive efforts to elevate and 
astonish ; pronounced its sentence 
of condemnation, at the conclusion 
of the play ; and we have no doubt 
that Vortigern, if it be published, 
will rank in character, though not 
in merit, with the perverted and 
surprising labours of the unfortunate 
Chatterton, 

This most gross and impudent 
imposition had, however, its sup- 
porters, as the following attesta- 
tion, drawn up by therev, Dr. Parr, 
shews. 

We whose names are hereunto 

subscribed, 


12 


subscribed, here in the presence, 
and by the favour of Mr. Ireland, 
have inspected the Shakespeare pa- 


pers, and are convinced of their 

authenticity. 

Samuel Parr, James Boswell, 

John Twedaley LAauDERDALE, 

Thomas Burgess, Rev. J. Scott, 
bart. KINNAIRD. 


John Byng, 


J. Pinkerton, 
James Bindley, 


Thomas Blunt. 


Herbert Croft, H. J. Pye, 
SomeRseEr. Rev. N. Thorn- 
T. Heard, garter bury, 


king of arms, John Hewlett, 
FE. Webb, ° Matthew Wyatt, 
E. Valpy, J. F. Newton. 
To the above an attestation is 
also subjoined as to the authenticity 
of the autographs and fac-similies 
of the deeds, with twelve signa- 


tures. ‘ 
6x The new charter of North- 
* ampton this day brought from 
London by the mayor, was met at 
the foot of the bridge by the cor- 
poration with great ceremony, and 
conducted to the Guildhall amidst 
_ the congratulations of the towns- 
men on the re-establishment of 
their ancient privileges, and the 
security and proteétion afforded to 
the poor. 

The trial of admiral Corn- 
wallis, for disobedience of or- 
ders, in not proceeding to the West 
Indies, pursuant to the instructions 
of the admiralty board, commenced 
on board the Orian at Portsmouth, 
at eight o’clock in the morning. 
The charges were three in number. 
The substance of them is as fol- 
lows: Ist, that admiral Cornwal- 
lis, after having sailed from Kng- 
land for the West Indies, and pro- 
ceeded a considerable way on his 
voyage, did return, contrary to the 
orders he had received. 2dly,; That 


7th. 


reign had be 


ANNUAL REGISTER,, 1796. 


not having a sufficient regard to 
the importance of the situation of! 
a commander in chief, be omitted 
to shift his flag on board of some 
other ship, after the Royal Sove- 
disabled, in order 
to proceed, as he ought to have 
done, to the place of his destination ; 
but that, instead of doing so, he 
gave his instruétions and the com- 
mand of the convoy to another of- 
ficer. And, 3dly, That after his 
return he disobeyed another order 
of the board of admiralty, by not 
hoisting his flag on board the As- 
trea frigate, and proceeding to the 
West Indtes, as he had been ordered 
by tkeir lordships. 

The evidence having been gone 
through, the trial closed at one 
o'clock, when the court pronounced 
the following sentence. 

‘©The court having heard the 
evidence in support of the charges 
exhibited against the honourable 
William Cornwallis, vice-admiral 
of the red ; and having heard his 
defence, and the evidence in his be- 
half, and having maturely weighed 
and considered the same, were of 
opinion, 

That, with respeét to the two 
first charges, of his returning with 
out leave, after having been ordered 
to proceed to Barbadoes, and of 
his disobeying the orders he had 
received, misconduct was imput- 
able to bim, for not having shift« 
ed his flag on board the Mars or 
Minotaur, and proceeded in either 
of them to the West Indies; but, 
in consideration of other circum- 
stances, the court acquitted him 
of any disobedience in his conduct 
on that occasion. 

“With respeét to the third 
charge, of his having, after his re~ 
turn, disobeyed the orders of the 
3 - board 


CHRONICLE. 


foard of admiralty, in not going 
out to the West Indies in the As- 
trea frigate, the court were of opi- 
nion that-the charge was not prov- 
ed, and therefore acquitted admiral 
Cornwallis upon that charge. 

10th Early this morning, the 
7 "“"* wife of Mr. Sawyer, a boat- 
builder, near the Bishop’s walk, 
Lambeth, . was discovered in her 
bed-room, with her brains dashed 
out, and stabbed. in a most shock- 
ing manner. This horrid deed is 
supposed to have been accomplish- 
ed by some diabolical villains, who 
entered the back part of the house 


leading to the river, and, meeting , 


with resistance to their shemes of 
plunder, perpetrated the hellish 
deed. The murderers escaped 
without creating the least alarm. 
It is a circumstance particularly 
remarkable, that, although the bus- 
band of the murdered woman was 
in the house the whole time, he 
declares he neither heard nor saw 
any thing of the transaction. 
1ith This morning a little be- 
mesores, 12; three malefactors 
were executed at Kennington- 
common: a brush-maker, for a 
riot in St. George’s fields, a young 
man for sheep-stealing, and a man 
for house-breaking. 

Letters from Smyrna unfortu- 
nately advise us of the conflagration 
of 4000 warehouses, entirely be- 
longing to Ottoman merchants, the 
value of which is estimated at four 
millions of piastres. 

91 Advice was received at the 
st. , 2 
admiralty, brought by lieut. 
Crispe, of the ‘Telemachus cutter, 
of the capture of the enterprising 
sir Sidney Smith, commander of 
his majesty’s ship Diamond, on the 
goast of France. Having, on the 
18th instant boarded and taken a 


[13 


lugger privateer, belonging to the 
enemy, in Havre-de-Grace hare 
bour, by the boats of his squadron, 
then on a reconnoitring expedi« 
tion, and the tide making strong 
into the harbour, she was driven 
above the French forts, who, the 
next morning, the 19th, discovering, 
at break of day, the lugger in tow by 
a string of English boats, immedi~ 
ately made the signal of alarm, 
which collected together several 
gun-boats, and other armed vessels, 
that attacked the lugger and Brie 
tish boats; when, aiter an obsti- 
nate resistance of two hours, sir 
Sidney had the mortification of 
being obliged to surrender himself 
prisoner of war, with about sixteen 
of his people, ard three officers 
with him in the lugger. The Dia- 
mond frigate is safe, but could af- 
ford her commander no assistance, 
there not being a breath of wind 
during the whole of this unfortu- 
nate transaction; we are happy to 
add, that only four British seamen 
were killed, and one officer and six 
seamen slightly wounded. The 
seamen were immediately thrown 
into prison on their landing; and 
sir Sidney underwent a long exa- 
mination before the French com- 


mandant, after which he was or- 
dered to be conveyed, under a 
strong escort, to Paris. The fol- 


lowing were amongst the officers 
captured with sir Sidney Smith : 
Messrs, W. Moory, R. Kenyon, 
and R. Barrow: one of these was 
wounded. When the officers on 
board the Diamond heard of the 
disaster which had befallen their 
gallant commander, they sent a 
flag of truce into Havre, to enquire 
whether he was wounded, and en- 
treating that he might be treated 
with kindness. The governor re- 

turned 


14] 


turned for answer, that sir Sidney 
was well, and that he should be 
treated with the utmost humanity 
and attention. The-French, it ap- 
pears, warped out another lugger of 
superior force against that captured 
by sir Sidney Smith in Havre-de- 
Grace harbour, with which they 
engaged him, for a considerable 
time, with so much heavier metal, 
that rendered all his resistance in- 
effectual, and therefore compelled 
him to strike. 
tt, as Two of the officers belong- 
ing to Bow-street arrived in 
town from Liverpool with Henry 
Weston, who is charged with com- 
mitting divers forgeries on the 
bank of England to the amount of 
17000]. He had got to Liverpool, 
and sent his luggage on board the 
Hector, bound for St. Vincent’s in 
the West Indies, which ship had 
got down to a place called the Gut, 
about seven miles below Liverpool, 
and was to have sailed the next 
morning. The officers found him 
in bed at Bates’s hotel, with a brace 
of loaded pistols by his side. On 
their road to town, Weston found 
means to conceal a case knife in 
his pantaloons, and on changing 
chaises at the King’s Head, Houn- 
slow, he requested to go Lo the privy, 
where he cut his own throat, but 
missing one of the arteries, did not 
effect his purpose. 
25th. et night the counting- 
ouse of Mr Mingay, of 
Smithfield (who in the interim was 
speaking to a friend in the back 
room on the same floor) was broke 
open, and a bag of gold, contain- 
ing 1200 guineas, which had been 
placed in readiness to send to his 
banker’s in the morning, was taken 
clear off. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Bait In consequence of a pub+ — 

* lication addressed by lord ~ 
Malden to the inhabitants of the 
borough of Leominster, the duke — 
of Norfolk, accompanied by capt. — 
Wombwell, of the first West York 
regiment of militia, and lord Mal- 
den, accompanied by capt. Taylor, 
aid decamp to his royal highness 
the duke of York, met on Saturday 
evening in a field’ beyond Padding- 
ton. The parties having taken 
their ground, and the word being 
given by one of the seconds, they 
fired without effect. The seconds — 
then thought proper to offer their 
interference, and, in consequence 
of a conversation which passed 
while the parties were on the 
ground, a reconciliation was ef- 
fected. 

In an act now before the house 
of commons, for the further sup- 
port and maintenance of curates 
within the church of England, the 
preamble recites the act of the 12th 
of queen Ann, by which’ every 
rector or vicar is enjoined to pay to 
each curate a sum not exceeding 
50]. and not less than 20l. a year. 
It states, that this allowance is now 
become insufficient for the mainte- 
nance of acurate. ‘The bill there_ 
fore enacts, that the bishop or or- 
dinary shall have power to allow 
the curate a sum not exceeding 
seventy five pounds a year, with 
the use of the rectory or vicarage- 
house, where the rector does not re- 
side four months in the year, or 15]. 
in lieu thereof. 

Dirp—19th. In Doctors Com- 
mons, George Harris, D. C.-L. son 
of Dr. John Harris, bishop of Lan- 
daff, chancellor of the dioceses ‘of 
Durham, Hereford, and Landaff, 
and commissary of Essex, Hertss 

and 


t (CIA RIO 


‘and Surrey.’ He has left a large 
fortune, which he has chiefly be- 
queathed to public charities: 10,0001. 
to the Westminster Lying-in hos- 
pital, donations equally liberal to 
several others, and the residue (sup- 
posed to be 40,0001.) to St. George’s 
hospital. 
aist, At his house in Stafford- 

* row, Pimlico, aged 89, Ri- 
chard Yates, esq. the celebrated 
eomedian ; his reputation in the 
parts of old and grotesque cha- 
Facters especially, was eminently 
great. He was remarkuble for pure 
and chaste acting up to the words 
of his author with @ scrupulous 
attention; the more remarkable, 
as performers of this cast of acting 
frequently introduce their own hu- 
mour, with what may be called the 
licentia histrionicad of the drama. He 
excelled also in teaching or making 
anactor, ina higher degreé, per- 
haps, than any one of his time. 
He was married, first, to a woman 
who was rich ; secondly, to Miss 
Anna Maria Graham, who had 
been introduced to his tuition by 
Mr. Garrick, and with him she 
first came on the stage at Birming- 
ham. Mr. Yates died suddenly. He 
had been very well,asusual,for some 
time, and had breakfasted heartily. 

_ Having ordered eels for dinner, 
when, unfortunately, they could 
hot be had, his warm and hasty 
temper could ill bear the disap- 
“pointment; and from anger he 
worked himself up to rage. His 
housekeeper, zealous to please him, 
went out a long way, and brought 
"a ere she returned, exhausied 

th fatigue of spirits, he had 
leaned-his head upon the table, and 
she found him dead. 


me i \ 


‘ 


W JIC. UE. 
M AY. 


[is 


This day a storm of thunder 
Iste was remarkably tremendous 
in the western part of Sussex. At 
Pulborough a barn was set on fire 
by the lightning, and entirely con- 
sumed. Luckily it contained only 
seven quarters of oats. In the neigh- 
bourhood of the above place, the 
peas in the fields were considerably 
injured by a heavy fall of hail,which 
accompanied the thunder. 
zh, _ Northampton. The following 
(“™* dreadful accident happened a 
few days since to Mr. J. Robinson, 
herse-breaker, in Peterborough : 
having a@ young colt in training, 
the animal began on a sudden to 
plunge, by which means the rider 
was thrown from his seat with such 
violence, as’ to separate the ribs 
from the back-bone. . The unfor- 
tunate man is attended by an emi- 
nent surgeon, and there are hopes 
of his' recovery. 
* Afew days ago, asa groom was 
combing a race-horse in the neigh- 
bourhood of Beverley, in Yorkshire, 
the animal became so irritated as te 
catch hold of the man’s side with 
his teeth, and tear away the flesh 
in so shocking a manner, as to ren- 
der his bowels and entrails visible. 
The poor fellow’s recovery is much 
despaired of. 
oth On Saturday the sheriffs of 
* London and Middlesex ap- 
peared in the Exchequer chamber, 
to render into court their estreats, 
levies, captions, &c. and to answer 
an officer called the opposer, for 
the crowns Several of the sheriffs? 
officers, no doubt, being engaged 
about their country houses and 
their carriages, had forgoiten to 
make any returns, in consequence 
of which the sheriffs were ordered 
te 


16] 


to attend in person next term, for 
the purpose of being examined upon 
interrogatories by the officer before 
the barons. This is a circumstance 
to which nothing similar has hap- 
pened for a great many years. 

An important cause came on to 
be tried in the common pleas, in 
consequence of an issue directed 
from the court of chancery on the 
question of fact, whether the late 
earl of Orford devised by his last 
will any lands and: effects to the 
earl of Cholmondeley. The case is 
briefly this—On the 25th of No- 
yember, 1752, the earl of Orford 
made a will, in which he bequeathed 
his principal estates, after the de- 
mise of his immediate heir, the 
present earl of Orford, to the earl 
of Cholmondeley, whose grand- 
father had married the daughter of 
his ancestor, sir Robert Walpole, 
the first earl of Orford. In 1756, 
the earl of Orford made a second 
will, in which he changed the 
order of succession, and gave 4 
preference over the earl of Cholmon- 
deley to lord Walpole, who is de- 
scended in a direé line from the 
second brother of the first earl of 
Orford.—This, of course, annihi- 
lated the first will; and, had no- 
thing farther occurred, no question 
could have arisen on the subjeét. 
But, in 1776, twenty years after 
the second will was made, the earl 
of Orford signed a codicil, the pur- 
port of which was to make various 
provisions which had been omitted 
in his wills, and declared this co- 
dicil to be a codicil to his last will, 
signed on the 25th day of Novem- 
ber, 1752. On the part of the 
plaintiff, it was contended that this 
codicil, which was duly signed and 
attested, was a revival and setting 
up of the will to which it referred ; 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


and that, of course, that will ree 
tained the same force and effeét, 
as if the second will had never 
been made, On the part of the 
defendant, it was maintained, ip 
the first place, that the codicil was 
destitute of those forms, expressly 
required by the statute of wills, 
which could alone give it the effect 
of reviving a first will in preference 
to a second, where a real estate was 
devised ; and, secondly, that it was 
the intention of the testator to an- 
nex the codicil to the second, and 
not to the first will. To establish 
these points, it was proposed to 
adduce parol evidence ;~ but the 
court interfered ; and were unani- 
mous in their opihion, that the 
established law of the land forbade 
the admission of parol evidence to 
contradiét a written and perfect 
instrument, such as the will and 
codicil together appeared to be ; 
that the word last, on which the 
counsel for the defendant had laid 
so much stress, was an expression 
which had no determinate mean- 
ing until the death of the testator, 
when it operated to explain the 
intended last aét of his life; that 
neither the will of 1751, nor the 
will of 1756, was, in faét, a will 
until the testator was dead ; that an 
alteration of the date of the codicil 
would be making a new disposition 
for the dead, which no court upon 
earth was entitled to do; the only 
power vested in a court, on the 
subjeét of wills, being that of ex- 
plaining the intention of the de- 
ceased, which, in this case, was 
perfectly clear; that wills ought 
only to be considered as ambulatory 
instruments, subjeét to the pleasure 
of the owner, and to be used by 
him as his judgment or caprice 
might direct; and that the will of | 
1752 


» 


| 


| 


CHRONIC WE. 


4752 was absolutely revived, and 
made his last act by the. codicil of 
1756. The jury, agreeing with the 
court, found a verdict for the plain- 
tiff; in consequence of which, the 
earl of Cholmondeley will succeed, 
at the death of the present earl of 
Orford, to an estate of the annual 
value of 10,000!. exclusive. of the 
magnificent seat at Houghton, 
which is supposed to have cost up- 
wards of 200,0001. and some other 
property. 

Kyd Wake, who was conviéted 
at the sittings after last Hilary term 


. of having, on the first day of the 


present session of parliament, in- 
sulted his majesty in his passage to 
and from parliament, by hissing, 
and using several indecent expres- 
sions, such as, ‘‘ No George—no 
war,” received the judgment of the 
court; viz. ** That be-be impri- 
soned, and kept to hard labour in 
Gloucester gaol, during the term 
of five years; that, during the first 
three months of his imprisonment, 
he do stand for one hour, between 
the hours of eleven and two, in the 
pillory, in one of the public streets 
of Gloucester, on a markete-day ; 
and that, at the expiration of his 
imprisonment, he do find security 
for 1000). fer his good behaviour 
_ for 10 years.” 
11th Crossfield, Ike Maitre, 
* Higgins, and Smith, were 
placed at the bar of the Old Bailey, 
charged with a conspiracy to assas- 
-sinate the King. Crossfield pleaded 
generally Not Guilty.—Le Maitre 
said, he had good objeétions to 
make to the indiétwent, but, rely- 
ing on his innocence, would not 
make them; he therefore pleaded 
Not Guilty ; as did George Higgins 
and John Smith. Some consultas 
tion was then held at the bar, when 
- Vor, XXXVIII. 


[17 


Le Maitre, Higgins and Smith, 
were remanded, and Crossfield was 
put on his thal. The attorney 
general addressed the jury, and 
having concisely stated the law, 
submitted to them the following 
account of facts in the case :—Some 
time since a man of the name of 
Upton, before the highest magis- 
trates of the country;. his majesty’s 
privy-council, accused himseif and 
several others; directly, with. the 
design of assassinating his majesty. 
Among the persons so accused was 
the prisoner at the bar, whothought 
proper not to abide the justice of 
his country, but to fly from its 
The prisoner at the bar, in come 
pany with Upton and another, went 
to a brass founder’s, where they 
endeavoured to procure a brass cys 
linder, extremely smooth in the ins 
ternal surface, of the length of 
three feet, and with a bore of fiye- 
eighths of an inch. From. thence 
they went to another brass-founds 
er’s, on Snow-hill, where they 
endeavoured to procure the same 
article ; and upon the man’s wish. 
ing to know for what purpose it 
was intended, he was answered, 
thatit was asecret. A third brasse 
founder was also visited upon the 
same errand by the prisoner and 
Upten ; and from thence they went 
to one Tlill’sy who was a turner, 
and lived in Bartholomewsclose, for 
ihe purpose of his turning them 
madels of the instrument they 
wished to makes In answer to his 
enquiry for what purpose it wag 
destined, he was told; for an elec« 
trical machine. From another wit« 
ness, of the name of Cuthbert, the 
jury would hear, that they examined 
anair-gun. ‘There werealso draughts 
of the instruments, which .vould 
be submitted to their inspection, 

Cc . aud 


18] 


and they would perceive that the 
arrow was of a pecultar construc- 
tion. It had points or barbs; which 
upon meeting any hard substance 
collapsedin the head of the arrow, 
and afterwards opened ayain, so as 
to prevent its being withdrawn 
when once it had entered the flesh ; 
and towards the point there was a 
small hole for emitting any liquid 
which might be placed i In a cavity 
prepared for holding of it- The con- 
sideration of one of these draughts 
might be important in the cause, 
because the dimensions marked on 
the margin were the hand-writing 
of the prisoner. When the infos- 
mation of Upton was received be- 
fore the privy council, as he had 
before informed them, the prisoner 
at the bar absconded, and they 
should be able to trace him to 
Bristol ; afterwards he returned to 
London ; then went to Portsmouth, 
where he entered on board a vessel 
bound for the Southern whale- 
fishery, as surgeon. 
this vessel was the Pomona; and, 
shortly after he came on board, 
they sailed from Portsmouth to 
Falmouth, during which time his 
bebaviour was in every respect be- 
coming and decent. When he was 
at sea, however, he told them who 
he was, and avowed his baving 
been concerned in a plot to kill the 
king, by an air-gun; and said, that 
if government knew he was on 
board that ship, they would send a 
frigate alter her, to bring her back. 
It so happened, that two days after 
they were at sea, they were cap- 
tured by a French corvette, La 
Vengeance; and he expressed the 
utmost satisfaction at the thoughts 
of going to France; feeling bim- 
«elf much safer there, than while 
“amongst av English crew. They 


The name of 


ANNUAL. REGISTER, 1796. 


were put on board another ship, the 
Elizabeth, and afterwards again 
transferred at Brest to another, 
During this time he rather acted as 
a superintendant of the prisorers 
than as one himself. He had fre- 
quent conversations with the French 
commissaries, and made several de- 
clarations as to his former and fus 
ture intentions of killing the king. 
It seemed then his intention to res 
main there or go to Holland : 
but upon the arrival of a cartel 
ship, he came home under the 
name of H. Wilson, and described 
himself as one of the crew of the 
Hope, and not of the Pomona, as 
he really was. Upon his passage 
home, he end-avoured to persuade 
the witnesses not to notice when 
they got home what passed at Brest, 
nor the circumstances of the change 
of ship and name. ‘They were 
landed at Fowey in Cornwall, and 
upon these men giving information 
to the magistrates of what had 
passed, he was instantly appre- 
hended. In coming to town, he 
endeavoured to persuade the officers » 
to let him escape, and told them 
they could not expeét above 5s. for 
their job, but be could reward 
them much more liberally. One 
asked, if they consented, what they 
could do with the post-boy? He — 
answered, the boy might easily be 
secured by one of the pistols which 
the officer carried. Having thus 
gone through the circumstances of - 
the case, the attorney general ob- 
served, there were two points for 
the consideration of the jury. The 
first, whether the prisoner was a 
party to the fabrication of this wea 
pon; and secondly, whether it was 
designed for the purpose charged 
in the indiétinent. 

“i He 


Cro RAO Ni BPC LE 


He then proceeded to call evi- 
dence to substantiate the case. 

The evidence for the crown be- 
ing closed; Mr. Adam, counsel for 
the prisoner, said, he was afraid bis 
case would take up a great length 
of time; be therefore submitted to 
the court, whether they would 
adjourn, or whether they wished 
him then to proceed. 

After some consultation between 
the judges and the jury, the court 
adjourned at eleven o’clock at night 
to the next day. 
12th. The trial proceeded 5 when 
the prisoner’s counsel addres- 
sed the jury in his defence, They 
relied chiefly on the eyvivocations 
of the witnesses, on the prisoner’s 
characier; and that Upton in his 
information, was actuated by mo- 
tives of revenge, for having been 
disgraced in one of their clubs. 

The attorney general replied in 
a very able manner ; and the learned 
judge summed up with candour and 
accuracy. 

The jury, after retiring about 
two hours, brought in a verdict of 
Not Guilty. 
13th. Henry Weston, the un- 
ortunate young man who 
forged the name of general Tonyn, 
and tlareby got possession of 5000). 
stock,'’was tried at the Old Bailey, 
and Capitally convicted. He calmly 
addressed the court after conviction, 
acknowledging the justice of his 
Sentence, and hoping all young 
men would avail themselves of his 
‘example, and avoid the crime 
(gaming) which had brought him 


- nto such a miserable situation. 


14th The tria} of William Aus- 

* tin came on at the Old Bai- 
Jey this morning at eight o’clock, 
before Mr. Justice Giose, and lasied 


‘till balf past seven in the evening, 


[19 


when he was found guilty of being 
concerned in the forgery of the late 
Mr. Lewis’s will. 

6th ‘An action was brought in 
16th. the court of King’s Bench, 
by lord Valentia against Mr. Gaw. 
ler, for crim. con. with lady Valen 
tia. The damages were laid at 
10,000]. Mr. Erskine, with his 
usual ability, stated the case, and 
the criminal Conversation was clear- 
ly proved from the evidence of a 
inaid servant, lady Lucy Maxwell 
(his lordship’s sister), and others. 
The defence set up was, that lord 
Valentia not only winked at, but 
in some measure promoted the in- 
continency of his wife. Lord 
Kenyon delivered an _ excellent 
charge to the jury, and they brought 
in a verdict of 20001. damages. 

On the morning of Friday the 
13th of this month, the Peak hills 
in Derbyshire were covered with 
snow near four inches deep, the 
contrast between which, and the 
green tbornfruit trees in full bloom, 
formed a spectacle novel and strik- 
ing. 

There has lately been discovered 
at Wallingford an old painting, on 
oak, of ~our Lord’s last entrance 
into Jerusalem, which has been 
used as a chimney-board, and was 
near being thrown into the fire; 
but turns out an original of the 
great Raphael’s. The drawing, 
expression, and arrangement, asto- 
nish a!l who have seen the picture. 
Connoisseurs far and near are going 
to its owner continually to behold 
this fine piece, rescued by accident 
from obscurity and the flames, and 
likely to produce no inconsiderable 
sum by its sale. Several hundred 
pounds have already been ofjered 
foritaud refused. 


C2 17th. The 


20) 


17th ‘The triennial Eton festival 
“was celebrated with great 
splendor. - Their majesties and the 
princesses, accompanied by the 
prince of Wales, went to the col- 
lege at half past one, when the 
procession of the: young gentlemen 
began, preceded by the prince of 
Wales’s band of music. ‘Their cap- 
tain, Mr. Whitfield, being the se- 
nior seholar, led the van, ‘with their 
serjeants,searjeants-major, colonels, 
corporals, ensign, lieutenant, pole- 
men, musicians, &c. Messrs. Pole- 
hampton and Halifax, with twelve 
servitors, acted as salt-bearers, and 
by their legal depredations on the 
public gained a liberal supply to- 
wards sending their. captain into 
the world with a good grace, 
When they came to Salthill, they 
were met by the king and prince 
“of Wales on horseback, attended 
by general. Gwyn and ‘colonels 
Garth and Greville: her majesty 
and the princesses, with lady Har- 
rington and her son, were in the 
royal coaches. The king took on 
himself the orderiny and marshal- 
ing the multitude in such a manner, 
as the procession might pass freely 
round the carriages of the royal 
family ; many, however, notwith- 
standing, pressed so close, that his 
majesty was one to call them to 
order, and ask those he thought 
were Londoners, ‘* if they were 
members of Eton, as he could not 
recognize their persons sufficiently 
to recollect them,” Af the close of 
the procession, ensign Tlatch went 
to the top of the hill, and displayed 
the flag in avery masterly style, to 
the satisfaction of every person pre- 
sent. When the Montem = was 
over, the king requested that,: 
their return home from the Wind. 
mill-inn, where an elegant dinner 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


was provided, they might appear 
on Windsor terrace, which they did 
in the evening. The royal family, 
after having given their usual do- 
nations, returned to the lodge to 
dinner, The fineness of tlie day 
also drew an immense concourse of 
persons on foot and horseback to 
view the sight, which afforded, 
according to Mr. Halifax the salt- 
bearer’s account, on being asked 
the question by his majesty, a very 
profitable barvest, 

This day came on the trial 


20th. ~ 

of John Reeves, esq. for 
libel, before lord Kenyon and a 
special jury at Guildhall, This- 


prosecution was instituted ; in con- 
sequence of a resolution of the 
house of commons, on account of 
a pamphlet published by Mr. R, 
enttled, ‘* Thoughts on the English 
Government ;’”’ and in which were 
the expressions, ‘* that the kingly 
government might go on, if lords 
and commons were lopped off;” 
and such other expressions as were 
deemed a libel by the house, 

The attorney general stated the 
case on the part of the crown, and 
leftit to the jury to consider, whe- 
ther the expressions alluded to were 
merely unadvised and erroneous ; 
or whether, considering the whole 
context of the pamphlet, they were, 
as charged, libellous, and tending 
to villify the constitution, 

Mr. Piumery in bebalf of Mr. 
Reeves, admitted the fact of pub- 
lication; and contended, from the 
whole tenor of the work, and the 
known character of Mr. Reeves, 
and his enthusiastic admiration 
and support against democracy, of | 
the British constitution, that no 
imputation of libel could be fixed 
on him, 

Lord Kenyon delivered an ad- 

mirable 


CHRO 


mirable charge to the jury, who 
retired, and remained out of court 
for upwerds of an hour. When 
they returned, the foreman said, 
«< My lord, the jury are of opinion, 
*‘ that the pamphler, which has 
** been proved to bave been writ- 
™ ten by John Reeves, esq. is a 
“very improper publication: but 
** being of opinion, that his mo- 
© tives were not such as laid in the 
information, find him — Not 
* Guilty.” 
27th A very melancholy and ex- 
“{""" traordinary transaction took 
place. Lord Charles ‘Townshend, 
_ and his brother lord Frederick Town- 
shend, sons to the marquis ‘Town- 
shend, had been to Great Yarmouth, 
for which place lord Charles had 
been just chosen representative ; 
* they arrived in town yesterday 
morning about six o’clock, and 
when they had reached Oxford- 
street, near the Pantheon, the post- 
boys stopped to enquire where the 
bishop of Bristol, to whose house 
they had been ordered to drive, 
lived ; when lord Frederick jumped 
out of the chaise, and struck one of 
the boys, which gave rise to an 
altercation, that drew together se- 
*veral persons who were passing by. 
Among these was a coachman, to 
whom lord Frederick particularly 
addressed himself; insisting upon 
it that he knew where the bishop 


lived ; ape on the man protesting 
that he did not, bis lordship abused 


him with grea: violence ; and, with 
the most deplorable marks of ine 
Sanity, threw off his coat, waistcoat, 
and shirt, and challenged him to 
fight. Unable to provoke the man 
to a contest, he walked leisurely 
away towards Hanover-square,when 
some persons who had been at- 
tentive to the whole scene, looked 


a] 
— 


NW IyC BE. fess 


into the carriage, and saw a lifeless 
body on the seat, which proved to 
be the. corpse of lord Charles. 
Lord Frederick was immediately 
pursued, and being taken near the 
end of Swallow-street, was. con- 
ducted to a neighbouring watch- 
house, whither the body of his 
brother was also conveyed, <As 
soon as the magistrates at the po- 
lice-office in Marlborough-street 
were apprised of the circumstance, 
they ordered Jord Frederick to be 
brought before them, together with 
the postillions who droye him to 
town. Tlis lordship, when inter- 
rogated on the melancholy subject, 
betrayed the most unequivocal 
symptoms of mental derangement, 
and it became necessary for the ma-~ 
gistrates to apply to the postillions 
for the informauion they wanted. 
Irom their evidence it appeared, 
that about seven miles from town, 
in the vicinity of Ilford, one of 
them had heard the report of a pis- 
tol, when, looking round, he saw 
Jord Frederick throw a pistol out 
of the chaise window; but he did 
not stop to inquire the cause of it. 
This was all that could. be collected 
ull the evening, when the agitation 
of lord Frederick had subsided, and 
he had recovered a considerabie 
degree of composure. Lord F're- 
derick then, on being asked con- 
cerning his brother’s death, said, 
they had been discussing a religious 
Subjeét, and lord Charles took a 
pistol and blew out his own brains, 
and that he had endeavoured to de- 
stroy himself, . but his pistol failed. 
The mayor of Yarmouth was pre- | 
sent, and declared that their lord- 
ships’ condué at that place appeared 
that of madmen, which induced 
him to follow them to town, being 
fearful some accident might happen. 
cs The 


227 


~ The evidence of the servants, 
respe@ting the condué of their 
lordships, was similar to the above. 
A pistol was found unloaded in the 
carriage, which appeared to have 
been just fired. The pistol which 
had put an end to the life of lord 
Charles had been placed in his 
mouth, and loaded with two slugs 
or balls, one of which perforated 
the skull, and the other was ex- 
traGted from the mouth. Neither 
the teeth nor tongue were injured, 
so that it is evident that no violence 


-had been used in the introduétion 


of the fatal instrument, and the 
death of lord Charles might not 
improbably be an att of his own, 
committed in a paroxysm of phren- 
zy. Last night the coroner’s in- 
quest sat on the body; when, after 
a long examination, thejury brought 
in a verdit—‘* That the deceased 
had been killed by a pistol-ball, but 
from whose hands unknown.” 

30th. Yesterday and this day 
there was a very heavy gale 
of wind from the south - west, 
which blew in gusts with uncom- 
mon violence. Much damage was 
sustained in many parts of the me- 
tropolis by the blowing down of 
chimneys, unuiling houses, and 
in some of the environs of the town 
many trees were torn up by the 
roots. In Dean’s yard, Westmin- 
ster, part of the old ruinous build- 
ings came down by the violence of 
the wind with a great crash. 
Luckily it bad been some time 
since railed and paled in, so that 
no person was near enough to re~ 
ceive any damage. Jn St. James’s 
Park more than a dozen large trees 
were torn up by the roots, and the 
foliage of others were scattered in 
every direétion, The passage to 
Spring Gardens was as thickly 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


strewed with leaves as any orchard — 
in autumn. <A part of one of the 
stands, erected in Covent-Garden 
for the accommodanon of thespec= — 
tators of the eleétion, was blown ~ 
down: there ;were, however, ho | 
persons on it at the time, as from 
its elevation it was not . considered 
safe. Part of the roof of a house — 
at thecorner of College-hill, Dow~ — 
gate, was thrown down; which, 
falling upon a poor woman passing 
at the time, bruised her so severely, — 
thatshe was carried to St. Bartho- 
lomew’s hospital, without bopes of 
recovery. Several buildings in the 
neighbourhood of Hounsditch, 
Bishop:gate-street, &c. were also 
unroofed, and some trees in the 
quarter of Moorfields were torn up — 
by the roots. In Lambeth-marsh, ~ 
an empty house, condemned by the 
commissioners of the road, was 
blown down; as were the roofs 
from some of the buildings in the 
same quarter. 


JUN E. 


At the final close of the poll 
for members of parliament for 
the city of London, at Guildhall, 


the numbers were, for 


Ist. 


Mr. alderman Lushington 4379 
Thelord mayor - = = 4313 
Mr. alderman Combe - 3865 
Mr. alderman Anderson 3170 
Mr. alderman Pickett ~- 2795 
Sir Watkin Lewes - = 2354 


An officer belonging to a 
party on the recruiting ser- 
vice at Brecon, took an opportu- 
nity, whilst a post-chaise was wait- 
ing for him at the door of aninn 
in the town of Hay, to shoot him- 
self, and deliberately contrive to 
send the ball through his head in 
* such 


10th 


Ci RiQ Nad C Lik. 


such a direction, that he instantly 
fell, and died without a groan. 
13th Between 11 and 12 in the 
* forencon a fire broke out in 
the hay loft over the oil-mill of 
Messrs. Watts and Parsons in Tur- 
ners hill, Muarsb-Jane, Chesunt ; 
which in a short time consumed 
the whole premises, with fifty loads 
of oil ready to remove, not without 
suspicion of wilful mischief, the 
mill having been on fire a week 


before. 

13th At the close of the poll 
* for Westminster, the num- 

bers were, for 


Mr. Fox - - 5160 
Admiral Gardner - 4814 
Mr. Horne Tooke = - 2819 


Andrew Robinson Bowes, who 
- waScommitted for an assault upon 
lady Strathmore, and who has been 
in prison eleven years, was brought 
up, and in consequence of the siga 
manual produced in court, con- 
taining his majesty’s most gracious 
pardon, was discharged upon his 
own recogni Zance. 

Lord Kenyon, in summing up to 
the jury on a little wretched play 
debt, said, it is to be lamented, that 
gamingis so prevalent among the 
highest ranks of society, which have 
set the example to their inferiors, 
and who, it seems, are too great for 
the jaw. I wish they could. be 
punisbed. ‘If any prosecutions 
are fairly brought before me, and 
the parties are justly conviéted, 
whatever may be their rank or sta- 
tion in the country, though they be 
the first ladies in the land, they shall 
certainly exhibit themselves in the 
pillory.” 

Charlestown. On the 13th of 
June a most alarming fire broke 
out in Lodge-alley, which. baffled 
all the exertions of a numerous 
goncourse of citizens, who speedily 


[23 


assembled to extinguish the devour- 
ing flames, till Tuesday morning, 
when a considerable part of the 
city was laid in ashes. Those ac- 
quainted with the city will con- 
ceive the damage done, on being 
told, that every house an Queen- 
street, from the bay to the corner 
of Churchestreet ; all Union-strect 
continued—two-thirds of Union- 
street—Church-street, from Broad- 
street, to St. Phillip’s church, with 
only two exceptions—Cha!mers’s & 
Beresford’s alleys— Kinloch’s court 
——and the north sidé of Broad-street, 
from the state house of Mr. Jacks’s, 
four doors below Chaurch-street ; 
and five houses on the Bay, from 
the corner of Queen-street, were 
burnt’ to the ground. The public 
buildings destroyed, are the French 
church, and several adjoining build- 
ings. Phillip’s cburch was on 
fire at different times, and ulti- 
mately must have been destroyed, 
if a spirited negro man had not 
ascended to the top of the cupola, 
next to the vane, and tore off the 
shingles. The private. buildings 
destroyed, and the property they 
contained, are of immense amount. 
Five hundred chimnies, 1t is said, 
have been counted, from which the 
buildings are burnt ; and 150,000). 
sterling, is supposed to be a sum far 
short of the value of those buildings. 
The goodsand furniture destroyed 
are probably nearly equal to this 
sum, 
93d The new college at Hack- 
ww" ney, with 18 acres of land, 
was this day kaocked down at 
5700]. whether to a real or fiétiti- 
ous bidder we have not heard. 
The adjoining house, inhabited by 
Dr. Rees, as president of the col- 
lege, was bought by him, or in 
his name, for 1050i, The fate of 
this building, on which the pro- 

C4 prietors 


24] 


srietors acknowledge immense sums 
ave ‘been _ expended in build- 
ing, and for which more than 
twice the sum it now fetched had 
been refused, and the fate of the 
institution itself, affords a striking 
proof-that the people of this coun- 
try are not disposed to encourage 
the modern pbilosophers ‘in their 
attempts to undermine the consti- 
tution, ‘That seminary was institu- 
ted under the most favourable aus- 
pices. The most wealthy and re- 
spectable part of the dissenters were 
disposed to support the institution ; 
but, that support having been with- 
drawn, the building is brought to 
the hammer. Whether it shall be 
converted into barracks, being not 
farther from the east than those in 
Hyde-park from the western extre- 
mity of the capital, or inte a coun 
try settlement of any capital pub- 
lic and more constitutional school 
in London, or serve as a supple- 
ment to Bedlam, already too 
crowded to receive more inhabitants, 
time must shew. 
27th. The following melancholy 
“accident happened yester- 
day morning in Houghton-street, 
Clare-market :—'T'wo houses sud- 
denly gave way, and buried in their 
ruins sixteen unfortunate inbabi- 
tants. At noon, thirteen were got 
out and conveyed to the parish 
workhouse in Portugal-street, Of 
these, three had been dug out, 
shockingly mangled, without the 
least symptoms of Jife: two chil- 
dren, apparently dead, were restor- 
ed to life by the means prescribed 
by the humane society in cases of 
suffocation; the rest received some 
of them slight and others severe 
contusions. [Sut what rendered 
their situation the more deplorable 
was that they recognized, or ex- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


peéted to recognize, in every indi- 
vidual who was brought in, a rela- 
tive or a friend. 

The landlord of one of the hous 
ses, it is reported, received notice 
of the insecurity of his house two 
days ago, but did not apprise the 
lodgers of their danger for fear of 
losing them. 
8th A duel was fought ina 
““* field within three miles of 
Vamburgb, between lord Valentia 
and Henry Gawler, esq. They left 
England with their seconds and 
surgeons for the express purpose of 
fighting. They fired together. Mr. 
Gawler’s ball took place; it entered 
his lordship’s breast-bone, and lodg- 
ed near the neck ; it was extraéted 
on the field, and he is considered 
to be out of danger. Lord Valen. ° 
tia’s ball passed.through Mr, Gaw- 
Jer’s hat. The affair between Mr. 
Gawler and lady. Valentia was the 
subject of the dispute. 

DIED.—At Bedwell-park, Herts, 
in his 76th year, Samuel Whit- 
bread, esq.; whose abilities, in- 
tegrity, benevolence, and public 
spirit, will transmit his. character 
with respeét to posterity. Tis fa- 
ther was a yeoman of Bedfordshire, 
who lived at the Barns at Carding- 
ton, in that county, on an estate 
of about 2001. per annum, which 
devolved to his eldest son, who 
much improved it by building, and 
spent much of his time at it after 
he’ purchased Bedwell-park. He is 
said to have died worth a million 
at least; the bulk of which he has 
bequeathed to his son. He was 
half-brother to Ive Whitbread, esq. 
hardwareman, of Cannon-street, 
and sheriff of London with Mr. 
Beckford, in 1755. By his first wife, 
Harriet, daughter of Hay- 
tor, an eminent attorney, of Lon- 

don, 


CHRON TI -C‘L-E. 


don, whom he married in 1757, 
and who died in 1764, he has left 
issue a sun, Samuel, gentleman- 
commoner of Christ church, Ox- 
ford, and representative of the town 
‘of Bedford in several parliaments 
after his father gave it up, and two 

daughters; the eldest married, in 
34789, to James Gordon, jun. esq. 
of More-park, Herts; the younger 
Emma, to Henry Béauchamp lord 
St. John of Bletso, 1780. Mr. 
Whitbread, married to his second 
wife, 1769, lady Mary, youngest 
daughter of the late earl, and sister 
to the present marquis Cornwallis, 
who died in 1770, in childbed of 
an only daughter, married, in June, 
1795, to capt. George Grey, late 
ofthe Boyne man of war, of 98 
‘guns, third son of sir Charles Grey, 
K. B. and nephew of sir Harry Grey, 
bart. whose sister was married in 
1788 tothe present Mr. Whitbread, 
and by whom he has several children. 
His extensive eStablishments in the 
brewery were long unrivalled, and 
perhaps, to a certain point, remain 
so still, and excited the. envy even 
of a poet (Dr. Walcot) who. spares 
not royalty, though in this instance 
of his satire, he has perpetuated a 
compliment to the sovereign and 
the man of malt by coupling them 
together, Mr. Whitbread’s liberal 
charity will be witnessed by every 
parish where he had property, and 
in the distribution of his private 
benevolence, which is said to have 
‘exceeded 3000). per annum; for 
ho proper application met with a 
Tepulse ; and to his honour let it 
here be recorded, that, several years 
before his death, he settled on St. 
Luke’s hospital for lunaticks a per- 
petual rent-charge of one hundred 
| guineas, payable out of his exten- 
aie premises in Chiswell-street. 


[25 
JT DU) PY. 


rs At the Old Bailey, Mary 
sty Nott was capitally convicted, 
for the wilful murder of M. le Mar. 
quis de Gripier de. Moncroe de La- 
val, a French emigrant nobleman, 
on the 29th of May last, at his lodg- 
ings in Monmouth-court, Whit- 
comb-street, of which house she 
had the cdre ; and received sentence 
to be executed on Monday. 
Richard Ludman, Ann 
Rhodes, Eleanor Hughes, and 
Mary Baker, were tried for the 
murder of George Hebner.—This 
murder was committed in King- 
street, Kast Smithfield, in one of 
those obscure receptacles of de- 
bauchery with which this metro- 
polis abounds, The body of the 
deceased was found on the morning 
of Sunday the 22d of May, suspend- 
ed by the neck from a bed-post, 
in a room on the second floor, with 
his hands tied behind his back, 
This unfortunate man was a taylor, 
and had, it seems, been in very 
distressed circumstances, which pro- 
duced a propensity to intoxication ; 
when much in liquor, his widow 
said, he slept so sound, that it was — 
almost impossible to wake him, It 
was proved that the four prisoners 
were in the house (which belonged 
to Eleanor Hughes) on the evening 
of Saturday the 21st,and next morne 
ing. ‘They were seen, and some 
of their conversation heard, by two 
women who lived in an adjoining 
house; this house was separated . 
from that in which the body was 
found by only a lath partition, per- 
forated in several. places, and the 
holes and crevices affording a dis- 
tinét view of almost all the apart« 
ments of the latter. ‘The manner 
in which the hands of the deceased 
were 


[9] 


26] 


were bound with a piece of tape 
was described in court. The knot 
that had been used was what- 
seamen call a timber hitch, and it 
was obviously such as could not be 
done by himself. There was no di- 
rect and positive proof as to the guilt 
of the prisoners ; but there was a 
chain of most suspicious circum- 
stances. pointing against Ludman 
and Hughes. The lord chief baron of 
the exchequer summed up the evi- 
dence with great precision, candour, 
and humanity. It was on the ex- 
pressions used by the prisoners that 
the proof chiefly rested, and his 
Jordship nicely discriminated be- 
tween those that seemed to arise 
from surprise, on the discovery of 
the situation of the deceased, and 
those which could only be supposed 
to proceed from a knowledge of the 
murder.—The jury retired for a- 
bout an hour, and returned with 
a verdict, finding Richard Ludman 
and Eleanor Hughes guilty.x—Ann 
Rhodes aid Mary Baker not guilty. 
Sentence of death was immediately 
pronounced on Ludman_ and 
Hughes, by the recorder. 
ait Mary Nott, Richard Lud- 
“man, and Eleanor Hughes 
were executed before Newgate. 
6 This morning Henry W ese 
th. 
ton for forgery, and John 
Roberts, alias Colin Reculist, also 
for forgery, were executed pur- 
suant to their sentence, opposite 
the debtors’ door, in the Old Bai- 


ley. 
gih Was tried, in the court of 
“" king’s bench, Guildhall, be- 
fore lord Keynom and a special ju- 
ry, an informatiog filed by the at- 
tourney general avainst D. J. Eaton, 
a bookseller in Newgate-street, for 
a libel in publishing ¢ @ book, which 
dctined the words ‘* a king” to im- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ply ‘cunning and craft, which 
would soon be in disrepute in this 
country :” ‘a niggard” to mean, 
“a king who had defrauded bis 
subjects of nine millions of money. — 
—Oh! Mr- Guelph, wheredo you 
expect to yo when you die?” and — 
that the guillotine should be intro- 
duced into this country, as a more 
merciful mode of punishing kings — 
and queens than by the ax, &c. 
Lord Kenyon concluded his 
charge tothe jury with observing, 
that the king was entitled to the 
same protection of the laws with 
other men; and they would consider 
whetber any pari of the king’s con- 
duct talled for such observations as — 
those which had been read to them — 
from the book published by the de- — 
fendant. His jordship thought his — 
majesty, like the judge of Israel 
(Samuel), might appeal to the ju- 
ry and say, ** Whose ox have I 
taken ? Whose ass have I taken? 
Whom have I defrauded ? Whom | 
have I oppressed ?””? The jury, after 
15 minutes consideration, returned 
a verdict—guilty. 
oth A cause was tried in the 
“court of king’s beneb, Guild- 
hall, between the proprietors of a 
newspaper called the Telegraph, 
plaintiffs, and the proprietors of the 
Morning Post, defendants. It was 
proved, “that in the month of Fe- 
bruary last, the defendants had con- 
trived to forward to the office of the 
Telegraph, from Canterbury, a spu- 
Tious French bewspaper, contain~ 
ing a pretended renewal of the ar- 
mistice, and preliminaries of peace 
between the emperor and the 
French republic. The proprietors 
of the Telegraph being thus im- 
posed on to give as ¢rue a translati- | 
on of this false frabricated intellie 
gence, and thereby sustaining much 
3 discredit 


GH RON) TP Ci &, 


discredit with the public, and a di- 
~minution in the sale of their paper, 
brought the present action against 
the defendants as authors of such 
discredit, loss, &c. The case be- 
ingmade out, the jury gave a ver- 
dict with 100]. damages. The forg- 
ed paper was printed in London. 
1oth This day at noon, Miss 
* Mackenzie, of Salisbury- 
street, in the Strand, accompanied 
bya Mr. Winders, of the exchequer, 
hired a boat, and proceeded trom 
Blackfriars bridge to Greenwich ; 
on their return to town. the lady 
fell overboard, and was drowned. 
She was immediately dragged for, 
and every means made use of to re- 
‘cover the body, without effect. 
On Monday morning at the drop- 
ping of the tide, the body was dis- 
covered lying on Duke’s Shore, be-~ 
low Rotherhithe church. A Coro- 
ner’s jury was immediately sum- 
monded ; verdict accidental death. 
17th Weymouth. We had, on 
* Friday afternoon, the seve- 
rest storm of wind, hail, rain, thun- 
der and lightning, that has been 
‘for many years, It lasted for a 
great length of time; and the 
hail-stones were of an immense size, 
only a few miles distance. Earl 
Digby was’ in his phaeton, in his 
park near Sherborne, at the time. 
The horses took fright and ran fu- 
Tiously away ; overset the carriage, 
and his lordship had the misfortune 
to have one of his legs broke. 
Lath. A cause of some importance 
to the interest of the establish- 
ed church was on Monday decided 
in the court‘of Arches, Doctors 
Commons. ‘The rev, W. Percy, a 
clergyman ofthe established church, 
bad beenaccustomed to read prayers, 
preach, administer the sacrament, 
and occasionally to church women, 


[27 


and baptize children, according to 
the rites of the church of England, 
in the parish of Woolwich, in a 
building (improperly called a cha- 
pel) neither consecrated nor li- 
censed for such purposes, but origi- 
nally appropriated to dissenters. 
Mr, Percy made no defence ; but, 
being condemned in costs, personal 
ly petitioned the court for a miti- 
gation Of the costs, on the plea of 
not having baptized children pri. 
vately in houses, as set forth in the 
6th ariicle, which was accordingly 
withdrawn ; but having, by his own 
confession, incurred the penalty of 
the other five articles, the court 
rejected his petition. He was con- 
sequently condemned in the whole 
costs, amounting to about 15 gui- 
neas, and admonished, by the judge 
who presided, to desist in future 
from such irregular and illegal prac- 
tices as were a gross abuse of the 
toleration-aét. 
‘ Marzate. An erection is 
20th, . ° 
just compleated here, for the 
reception of 30 poor persons from 
the hospitals, whose cases render 
sea bathing necessary. The build- 
ing is Constructed in a very com- 
modious manner; it is situated 
near the beach, between Margate 
and Dandelton, and the expence is. 
defrayed by subscription. It will 
be fit to receive patients ina few 
days: they will have medical as 
sistance, anda bathing machine has 
been build for their sole use. 
204 At the assizes for Devon, 
~"* an aétion of ejectment was 
tried, between one Bastin, plaintiff, | 
and one Arthur and his wife, de- 
fendants, for the recovery of lands 
in Devonshire, claimed by the 
plainuff as heir of one John Nose-~ 
worthy, an idiot from birth tu his 
death, at the age of sixty one her 
1€ 


28] 


The defendants claimed those lands 
under this idot’s will. In support 
of the plaintiff’s case upwards of 
twenty witnesses clearly proved his 
idiotey, from his not knowing the 
value of money, or any other arti- 
cle of life; and many instances of 
gross imposition on him; and 
among others, that he never te- 
ceived one shilling of the rent of 
his lands ; ; that he was exempted 
from all offices, and particularly 
from serving in the militia, on oc- 
count of his incapacity ; and it was 
proved that be was taken from. his 
sister, the plantiff’s mother, and 
married to. a woman whom he 
scarcely knew, and that a fortnight 
after his marriage he did not know 
he was married; that his wife often 
corrected him, Oman he wouldery, 
and behave like a child. All the 
witnesses on the part of the plaintiff 
gave testimony of the testator’s 
idiotecy. On the part of the defen- 
dants many witnesses were exami- 
ned, who all proved, in the same 
words, that he was a man of sense, 
without. giving asingle instance of 
it, except that he could read, write 
his name, kept his chufch, remem- 
bered the texts, and other passages 
of scripture. The curate of the 
parish of Ashcombe, where the idi- 
ot lived and died, in support ofthe 
will, proved the idot to be a great 
divine, philosopher, and historian ; 
that he was timid and shy to stran- 
gers at first; yet, when be became 
acquaimted, and any person bad 
gained his confidence, he was very 
conversible, and all persons ac- 
quainted with him must court his 
company. After a hearing of near- 
ly ten bours, the jury, without a 
momeni’s hesitation, gave a verdict 
against the will, in favour of the 
plainof Bastin, to the satisfaction 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


of the court, anda crowded atdi- 
ence. 

At Bodmin assizes 16 persons were 
tried, three of whom were capital- 
ly convicted, viz. William Samp- 
son and Jobo Hoskin, for violent- 
ly assaulting Samuel Phillips; and 
William Bases for stealing out 
‘of the house of David Jones, in 
Truro, certain pieces of gold and 
silver value 40s. and upwards ; 
and they received sentence of death. 
o4th At Leicester assizes, John 
" Dawes Ross, jun. and Tho, 
Bankart, tried on a charge of man- 
latehiee on the body of Mr, 
Robert Hall, during the late con- 
tested election, were both found 
guilty ; the former to suffer four 
and the latter ten months imprison- 
ment. (The sentence of Ross has 
been since remitted.) 

Leeds. Last Thursday, as 
25th. j 
the workmen at the new 
church at Halifax were erecting one 
of the main bindings of the roof, 
the temporary prop gave way; the 
balk thereof was broken by the 
weight of the scaffolding, and the 
internal parts of the binding pressed 
upon it; in consequence of which 
the men fell down, and some. of 
*them were materially bruised, but 
no lives were lost. 

At the Surrey assizes, Edwards, 
late of Pleasant-place, and Doctor 
Gale, were tried for fradulently 
signing and counterfeiting certain 
certificates, attestations, &c. of re- 
cruits. Kdwards kept a recruiting 
house, which was burnt by the 
mob. The Doctor, being a good ac. 
tor, occasionally played the charac- 
ters of captain, surgeon and magi- 
strate, When a recruit was brought 
in, he stripped and examined him 
as surgeon ; approved of him in a- 
nother paghe and dress as captain 5 

and 


Ci BRO. NOIOC, TE BE. 


and finally signed his attestation as 
magistrate. Of all these ingenious 
acts of his, and Mr. Edward’s em- 
ploying him, and giving currency 
to his impositions, the jury found 
them both guilty. . 

At the same assizes, an indict- 
ment was tried, which reflects no 
small degree of discredit on the per- 
son indicted. Theophilus Bridges, 
a button-maker, of ‘lemple-street, 
St. George’s fields, was indicted for 
the murder of his apprentice, Eli- 
zabeth Monk, in January, “1795. 
The deceased was one of seven ap- 
prentices, all taken from the Asy- 
lum ; and by the evidence of three 
of the surviving apprentices, it ap- 
peared that Bridges was a very pas- 
sionate and severe man, and had 
frequently beat and kicked the de- 
ceased; and that she died after an 
illness of some continuance, caused, 
as they conceived, by such ill usage ; 
together with spare diet and hard 
work. A surgeon was called; but 
who having seen the deceased only 
afew hours before her death, and 
being told she was ill of a consump- 
tion, and merely having felt her 
pulse, as he perceived she was ve- 
ry near death, could not speak to 
any circumstance to  criminate 
Bridges. He was therefore ac- 


quitted. 

Shrewsbury. Yesterday was 
pith. tried at the assizes we by 
a most respectable special jury, be- 
fore the honourable Mr. justice 
“Heath, a cause against the bp. of 
Bangor; the rev. De. Owen; the 
rev. Mr. Roberts archdeacon of Me- 
Tioneth; the rey. Mr. Williams ; 
and Mr Thomas Jones ; for unlaw- 
fully disturbing Mr. Sarauel Grind- 
fey, in the registrar’s office at Ban+ 
gor on the 8th of January last. 
Tt appeared that, in 1792, Mr. 


of Trefios. 


[29 


Grindley,anattorfey had, by meang 
of the bishop being appointed de- 
puty registrar of the consistorial 
court of his diocese, his lordship’s 
nephew being the principal regis- 
trar; that, on the 6th of January 
last, whilst the office was shut, the 
bishop sent for the key of it; which 
was refused by order of Mr. Grind- 
ley ; that on the 7th of January, 
by his lordship’s order, the lock of 
the office was taken off and anew 
one put on, the key of which was 
delivered to the bishop, who the 
same day informed Mr Grindley 
thereof. That, on the 8th of Ja- 
nuary, Mr. Grindley, with a black- 
smith and four other persons, broke 
open the oflice. ‘That the defend- 
ants being alarmed at this, went 
to the office unarmed (after Mr. 
Grindley had taken possession of 
it) and expostulated with him, and 
were excited to shew some marks 
of anger at this violent conduct ; 
for he was armed with pistols, and 
had forced one person down the 
steps and threatened to shoot ano- 
ther. Italso appeared that the bi. 
shop sent for a magistrate ; and his 
lordship and the other defendants 
soon afterwards departed, leaving 
Mr. Grindley in the office. A pamphk- 
let was produced in court to Mr, 
Grindley, containing some confiden- 
tial letters from the bishop to him 
during the time he had been his 
lordship’s agent; which letters Mr. 
Grindley owned he had delivered 
into the hands of a Mr. Williams 
The defendant’s coun- 
sel said they had many witnesses ; 
but that their case stood so clear, 
even on the  plaintifif’s evidence, 
they did not think it necssary to 
call a single witness on the part of 
the defendants; and the jury im- 
mediately, without leaving the 

court, 


50] 


court, acquitted all the defendants. 
Mr. Adam from London, as lead- 
ing counsel for the plaintiff, had a 
fee of 300 guineas; and Mr Er- 
skine the like for the defendants. 
DIED. 21.—At Dumfries, after 
a lingering illness, Robert Burns, 
who excited so much interest by 
the peculiarity of the circumstances 
under which he came forward to 
public notice, and the genius dis- 
covered in his poetical composi- 
tions. Burns was literally a plough- 
man, but neither in that state of 
servile dependence or degrading 
ignorance which the situation might 
bespeak in this country. He had 
the common education of a Scotch 
peasant, perhaps something more, 
and that spirit of independence, 
which in that country is sometimes 
to be found in a high degree in the 
humblest classes in society. He 
had genius, starting beyond the ob- 
stacles of poverty, and which would 
have distinguished itself in any situa- 
tion. His early days were occupied 
in procuring bread by the labour 
of his own hands, in the honour- 
able task of cultivating the earth ; 
but his nights were. devoted to 
books and the.muse, except when 
they were wasted in those haunts of 
village festivity, and the indul- 
gencies of the social bowl, to which 
the poet was but too immoderately 
attached in every period of his 
life. He wrote, not witha view 
to encounter the public eye, or in 
the hope to procure fame by his 
productions, but to give vent to 
the feelings of his own genius—to 
indulge tke impulse of an ardent 
and poetical mind. Burns, from 
that restless activity, which is the 
peculiar characteristic of his coun- 
trymen, proposed to emigrate to 
Jamaica, in order to seek his 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


fortune by the exertiow of those ta- 
jents of which he felt himself pos 
sessed. It was upon this occasion — 
that one of his friends suggested to _ 
him the idea of publishing his — 
poems, in order to raise a few — 
pounds to defray the expences of 
his passage. The idea was eagerly ° 
embraced. A coarse edition ot his 
poems was first published at Ayr. | 
‘They were soon noticed by the gen- — 
tlemenin the neighbourhood. Proofs 
of such uncommon genius in a Sie — 
tuation so humble made the ac- 
quaintance of the author eagerly 
sought after. His poems found — 
their way to Edinburgh; some ex- | 
tracts and an account of the author © 
were inserted in a periodical paper, — 
The Lounger, which was at that 
time in the course of publication. — 
The voyage of the author was de. — 
layed in the hope that a suitable 


provision would be made for him | 


by the generosity of the public. — 
A subscription was set on foot for | 
a new edition of his works, and | 
was forwarded by the exertions of 
some of the first characters of Scot- 
land. The subscription listcontainsa 
greater number of respectable names 
than almost have ever appeared to 
any similar production; but, as 
the book was at a low price, the 
return to the author was inconsi- 
derable. Burns was brought to 
Edinburgh for a few months, every 
where invited and caressed; and 
at last one of his patrons procured 
him the situation of an Exciseman, 
and an income of somewhat less 
than 501. a year. We knew not 
whether any steps were taken to 
better this humble income. Pro- 
bably he was not qualified to fill. 
a superior situation to that which 
was assigned him. We know that 
his manuers refused to partake the 

_ polish 


polish of getitecl society, that his 
taledts were often obscured and 
finally impaired by excess, and 
that his private circumstances were 
embittered by pecuniary distress. 
Such, we belicve, is the candid 
account of a man, who, in his 
compositions, has: discovered the 
force of native humour, the warmth 
and tenderness of passion, the glow- 
ing touches of a descriptive pencil 
—a man who was the pupil of 
nature, the poet of inspiration, and 
who possessed in an extraordinary 
degree the powers and failings of 
genius. Of the former, his works 
will remain a lasting monument ; 
of the latter, we are afraid that his 
conduct and his fate afford but too 
melancholy proofs. ‘Though he 
died at an early age, his mind was 
previously exhausted; and the ap- 
prehensions of adistempered imagi- 
nation concurred with indigence 
and sickness to embitter the last 
moments of his life. He has left 
behind him a wife, with five infant 
children, and in the hourly ex- 
pectation of a sixth, without any 
resource but what she may hope 
from public sympathy. 

In the 64th year of his age, Da- 
vid Rittenhouse, the American phi- 
Josopher. His history is curious, 
from the admiration in which his 
character was held. Rittenhouse 
was a native of America; and, in 
the earlier part of his life, he min- 
gled the pursuits of science with 
the active employments of a farmer 
‘and a watchmaker. In 1769 he 
was invited by the American philo- 
sophical society to join a number 
of gentlemen who were then oc- 
cupied in making some astronomi- 
eal observations, when he parti- 
cularly distinguished himself by the 
accuracy of his calculations and the 


- 6 i RON I C LIE: 


[3 


comprehension of his mind. He 
afterwards constructed an ohserva- 
tory, which he superintended in 
person, and which was the source 
of many important discoveries, as 
well as greatly tending to the ge- 
neral diffusion of science in the 
western world. During the Ameri- 
can war, he was an active assertor 
of the cause of independence, 
Since the conclusion of the peace, 
he successively filled the offices of 
treasurer of the state of Pennsylva- 
nia, and director of the national mint, 
in both of which capacities he was 
alike distinguished for strength of 
judgment and integrity of heart. 
He succeeded the illustrious Frank- 
lin in the office of president of the 
philosophical society ; a situation 
which the bent of his mind and 
the course of his studies had ren- 
dered him eminently calculated 
to fill; and towards the close 
of his days he retired from pub- 
lic life to the enjoyment of do- 
mestic happiness, when he formed 
a circle of private friends, who 
will continue to admire his vir- 
tues as a man, while the world 
will applaud his talents as a phi- 
losopher. 


AUGUST. 


od The count de Montmorin ar- 
~“™* rived in town, being charged 
with dispatches from Louis XV11Ith 
to the count d’Artois, at Edinburgh. 
This nobleman brings advice, that 
on Wednesday the 19th of July, 
at ten o’clock at night, as the king 
of France was looking out of the 
window of an inn, at a town be- 
longing to the elector of Treves, 
called Dillingen, near Ulm, on the 
Danube, he was wounded in the 


upper 


oy 
32) 


upper part of his forehead by a 
ball, supposed to have been fired 
from a horse pistol on the opposite 
side of the street, which was about 
25 yards wide. The ball took an 
oblique direction, and made a sin- 
gular wound of three inches long, 
without penetrating the skull; no 
surgeon being immediately at hand, 
one of the gentlemen of his suite 
eut off the hair, and applied the 
first thing he met with in order to 
stop the bleeding. The confusion 
was great, by which means the per- 
petrator of this inhumaz deed made 
his escape ; he is supposed to be a 
Frenchman from the Republican 
army, bribed for this purpose, and 
connected with others who facili- 
tated his escape. The town. has 
a wall round it, but perhaps not 
more than four feet high in many 
places. ‘This assassin must have 
been particularly acquainted with 
the king’s person, as the duke de 
Fleurs was standing close by him 
at the time, in a narrow window, 
and is nearly as corpulent in his 
person. ‘The ball was found on 
thefloor, flattened by having struck 
the wall afterwards. ‘The king 
was not materially hurt, and in 
three days afterwards pursued his 
journey to Ingoldstadt, in his way 
to Saxony. 
Ath. Karly this HIGEDIE an el- 
erly man, decently dressed, 
blew his brains out in a field be- 
tween Brompton and Chelsea, with 
a large horse-pistol, the muzzle of 
which, it is thought, he had put 
into his mouth,.as a large piece of 
the back part of hisskull was found 
at several yards distance from. the 
body. “He had no money about 
him, nor any thing which could 
lead to discover who he was. A 
letter was found in his pocket un- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


finished, 


as to his circumstances and bodily 
afflictions. 
perienced when asleep, he says, 


cannot be equalled by any human — 
distress ; at such times he was a prey — 
to the most frightful apprehensions, — 


‘To lull his disordered senses, he had 


daily taken a large dose of lauda~ — 
num, which at length turning his — 


brain, occasioned his exit. 

At Stafford, assizes an extraordi- 
nary incident took place: One of 
the prisoners (Wm. Cottrell) was 
indicted fora burglary and robbery 
in the house of Mr. Forman, of 


Handsworth, to which he pleaded — 


guilty ; nor could he be persuaded 
to offer any Other plea, until the 
Judge threatened, in case he per- 


sisted, to order him for a speedy © 
execution—He then pleaded not — 


guity, and his trial proceeded. 
However, sufficient evidence not 
appearing to convict him, he was, 
of course (though very unexpect- 
edly), acquitted. 

9th A cricket-match was played 
“by eleven Greenwich pensi- 
oners with one leg, against eleven 
with one arm, for one thousand 
guineas, at thenew cricket ground, 
Montpellier’ gardens, Walworth. 
About nine o’clock the men arrived 
in three Greenwich stages; about 


twelve the wickets were pitched, © 


andthe mateh commenced. Those 
with but one leg had the first’ in- 
nings, and got ninety three runs ; 
those with one arm got but forty- 
two runs during their innings, 
The one-legs commenced theii se- 
cond innings, and six were bowled 
out after they got sixty runs, so 
that they left off one hundred and 

eleven 


The horrors he ex- — 


¥ 


in which he: addresses — 
himself toa Mr. Graham, painting, | 
in the most pathetic language, the”™ 
distress that he laboured under, both — 


: . CHRONICLE. 


eleven more than those with one 
arm. Next morning the match 
was played out, and the men with 
one leg beat the one arms by 103 
_runnings. After the match was 
| finished, the eleven one-legged 
men run a sweepstakes of one 
hundred yards distance, for twenty 
‘guineas, and the three first had 


prizes. 

ioth. On Wednesday morning, 
about eleven o’clock, one of 
the Dartford powder mills, about 
half a mile distant from the place, 
blew up with a dreadful explosion. 

Four persons lost their lives, 
Vib This afternoon, a gentle- 
* map going down Gray’s-inn- 
lane in a whiskey, the horse. took 
fright and set off full speed ; his 
Servant, seeing his master in such 
a situation, unfortunately for him, 
Came up tothe horse, and seized 
the bridle, but was not capable of 
Stopping him. ‘The beast turned 
up a narrow passage by ChadsWells ; 
the servant still running and hold- 
ing In turning round the passage 
the near shaft caught the man in 
the body, which it clearly run 
through, and was stopt by the wall. 
The gentleman was thrown vio- 
Tently from the carriage, but not 
much hurt. The servant was killed. 
12ih A dreadful earthquake has 
* nearly destroyed the city of 
Lattaique in Syria. The first shock 
was May 16th, which lasted about 
| eighty-six seconds. Upwards of 
| three thousand persons were buried 
| in the ruins of the houses. A great 
rt of the mosques are destroyed. 
he small town of Gibellet is also 
totally destroyed, and several houses 
throwm down at Tortosa and Tri- 


poli. 

This morning a duel was 
=e. fought in Hyde-Park, be- 
_ You. XXXVIII. 


33 


tween Mr. William -Carpenter and 
Mr. John Pride, bi th Americans, 


‘in which Mr. Carpenter received 


his antagonist’s ball in the sidey 
which penetrated nearly through 
his body; and, notwithstanding it 
was immediately extraéted, he died 
on Monday morning. The coroner’s 
jury sat on the body, and brought 
in their verdiét wilful murder. 

Nantz. A fire took place 

27th. ; 
in our superb theatre during 
the third aét of Zemire et Azor; 
which caught the transparency in 
the apartments of Zemire, at the 
moment when the mechanist and 
his assistants were busy repair- 
ing the bust of Azor, which had 
met with an accident in coming 
up a trap not sufficiently opene 
The flames spread with such asto- 
nishing rapidity, that in five mi- 
nutes the whole theatre was in 
flames, and this superb monument 
of the decorative talents of Cruci, 
the town architeét, was soon aheap 
of deplorable ruins... The walls 
alone remain. The wardrobe and 
other decorations were totally con- 
sumed, and some persons lost their 
lives. Among the audience, how- 
ever, a few bruises, inevitable from 
the confusion, were all the damage, 
except a pregnant woman, who is 
stated to have been borne down 
by ‘the crowd, and shockingly trams 
pled upon. Those behind the scenes 
were in a dreadful condition. Three 
persons much burnt, have been 
drawn out from the flames. The 
tocsin was sounding at the moment 
of the accqunt departing, the in- 
terior part still burning, and the 
sight of new viétims was perpetual 

ly feared. 
This morning about four o’clock, 
some villains got into a house in 
Fludyer street,occupied by sir Rich- 
Dd ard- 


34 ANNUAE REG 


ard Glode, who was out of town, 
aiid had packed up every article of 
value that was portable. The she- 
riffs dress, clothes, liveries, &c. 
were ready for removal; when the 
thieves were fortunately heard by 
Mrs. Johnson, the proprietor of the 
house ; who, with great spirit, went 
up stairs, where she met one of 
them. She gave an alarm; but no 
watchman or patrole was to be 
found. At lerigth she succeeded in 
getting down stairs, in spite of the 
opposition made by the thief, and 
opened the street door. Part of 
the neighbours were by this time 
alarmed and at the door; they had 
found out a patrole and watchman, 
to whom Mrs. Johnson delivered 
her prisoner. -A number of pick 
lock keys were found, and every 
lock in the bouse had been open- 
ed. On attending at the Pub. 
lic-office; Queen-squares; to prose- 
cute, the prisoner was of course 
called for; but the watchman and 
patrole had been overpowered by 
him, in some way or other, and he 
had escaped. 

Diep.—Thomas Yates, esq. a 
lieutenant in the navy (to which 
rank he was admitted June 24, 
1782) and an artist of some merit, 
having published prints from dtaw- 
ings by himself of two celebrated 
naval aétions. He was great ne~ 
phew to the late celebrated come- 
dian, but by whom he had for some 
years been unaccountably neglect- 
ed; and he has now lost his life 
in consequence of a dispute with 
Miss Jones relative to the posses- 
sion of the theatrical veteran’s house 
in Stafford-row, which Miss Jones 
considered to be her property ; and 
in which, for some little time, they 
both resided. On the 18th of Au- 
gust, Mr. John Sellers was brought 


GISTER, 


into the house, to protect Ntiss Jonell 
and her property; and, on the 21sty 
Richard Footner was introduced 
for the same purpose. On the 22d,_ 
the wife of Mr. Yates being ab-" 
sent, he dined alone about three 
o’clock ; and walked after dinner 
into the garden at the back of the 
house. ‘On his return, the door 
being fastened, his servant; Mary 
Thompson, attempted to get him 
in at the kitchen window. One, 
of the persons who had fastened 
him out, finding that he was likely” 
to gain admittance, fired a pistol, 
the ball. from which entered the’ 
right side of Mr. Yates. The noise 
giving an alarm, some neighbours 
climbed over the garden-wall, where 
they found Mr. Yates bleeding. Dr, 
Gruiksbanks attended him twice 
the same evening, and had great 
hopes; but next morning, at nine, 
pronouncing the wound mortal, 
Mr. Yates made his will, and ex- § 
pired about noon, leaving five chil+ 
dren, and a widow pregnant with 
a sixth. (Mrs, Yates 1s very ele« 
gant in her person, and made her 
appearance last season at Covent- 
garden theatre,-in the character of 
the Grecian daughter.) In conse- 
quence of the coroner’s inquest, 
Sellers, Footner, and Elizabeth 
Jones, after a regular examination 
at the public-office in Bow-streety 
have been committed on a charge’ 
of wilfal murder, ‘Two gentlemen 
of great respeétability, who had 
never before seen Miss Jones, of- 
fered bail for her toany amount 
which the magistrates refused. Ou 
a second examination, August 29, 
the idea of premeditated guilt was 
in a great degree removed ; but 
the prisoners were again fully come 
mitted. Mr. Sellers formerly kept 
a Staffordshire warehouse on Gar- 
3 licks 


1796. 


CHM*K O-N I €/L+E 


lick-hill, in which business he fail- 
ed, and afterwards embarked in the 
linen-trade. Miss Jones, towards 
the Jatter end of 1793, performed 
the character of Imogen at Covent- 
garden theatre for one night only. 


SEPTEMBER. 


1st Scarborough. On Sunday last, 
* three gen'iemen from Hors- 
forth, inthe west-riding, went on the 
water in a pleasure-boaf, rowed 
by a man named Laycock ; and, in 
returning, the strength of the wind, 
and violence of the waves, driving 
them amongst the breakers, threw 
‘them ten yards from the vessel ; and 
unable to regain either the boat or 
shore, they all perished in sight of 
a great multitude of spectators, who 
} exerted themselves in vain for their 
relief. The bodies of the three 
former have been found ; the latter 
has left a wife and child. 
2d At Chevely, near New- 
* market, one of the duke of 
Rutland’s seats, a boy, named 
Tweed, employed in keeping birds 
off a field of corn, placed his gun 
against a post with the muzzle up- 
wards, which unhappily went off, 
‘and, lodging its contents in the 
boy’s throat, instantly killed him. 
4th. A large box, containing a 
quantity of rope, of the thick- 
Ness of two inches, spun by the 
convicts, has been brought to the 
Secretary of state’s office from Bo- 
tany Bay, being the first proof of 
their manufacture and production ; 
it is as white as flax, and its fine- 
Ness cannot be excelled by the spin- 
ners in this country. 
A dreadful fire happened 
16th. 
at a small village called East 
Whitton, on the estate of the earl 


[35 


of Aylesbury, in the north riding 
of the county of York. The flames 
broke out at the workhouse, in the 
middle of the day, when most of 
the inhabitants were in. the fields 


reaping. The buildings being chief- 


ly covered with thatch, and the wind 
strong at S. W. the fire burnt with 
such irresistable fury as in the course 
of a few haurs totally ruined near 
a dozen families, burning sixteen 
dwelling-houses and out-buildings, 
with a large quantity of corn and 
farming-utensils, ali of whi¢h were 
uninsured. 
16th, _lhis day John Sellers, 
* William Footner, and Elie 
zabeth Jones, were put to the~ bar 
at the Old Bailey; the former up- 
on the charge of baving wilfully 
and maliciously wounded Mr. Tho- 
mas Yates, with a pistol ball, of 
which wound he died, and the two 
latter for aiding and abetting in 
the said murder. The evidence of 
the servant, Mary Thompson, vas 
ried from her former deposition be- 
fore the magistrates, before whom 
she swore that Mr. Yates pushed 
away the pistol] with his hand when 
presented by Sellers; but contra- 
dicted herself in this particular on ~ 
the trial, that Mr. Yates did not 
touch the pistol, nor was it possible 
for him to reach it, though on her 
first examination she had sworn that 
Mr. Yates had hold of it, and was 
struggling with it at the moment 
it wént off. It came out in evi- 
dence that Mr. Yates behaved in 
a vindictive quarrelsome manner ia 
the house, having threatened Miss 
Jones with personal violence. Sel« 
lers, in his defence, denied all ine 
tention of killing Mr. Yates, but 
said that the pistol went off, owing 
to Yates taking hold of it; and that 
he had desired to be furnished with 
D2 the 


36] 


the pistols for his. personal defence, 
as Mr. Yates had repeatedly threat- 
ened to bring in several persons to 
turn them out by force. He had 
only been shut out for the purpose 
of keeping him out till the attorney, 
who had been sent for, should 
arrive, and that his taking the 
pistol was the impulse of the mo- 
ment, and was only intended to 
‘have intimidated him; and that 
Mr. Yates himself seized hold of 
the pistol to wrest it from him. 
Miss Jones in her defence, went 
into the particulars of her first en. 
gagement with the late Mr Richard 
Yates, and of her performing at 
the Birmingham theatre; of the 
will in her favour, and of the tur. 
bulent behaviour of the deceased ; 
-disclaiming all idea of his murder, 
and that she would have willingly 
resigned every shilling of the pro- 
perty to have saved Mr. Yates’s life, 
Footner said little more than ac- 
counting for his being in the house 
in the way Sellers had previously 
related, merely calling as an ac- 
quaintance of Sellers. Evidence 
‘to character was only called in 
favour of Sellers ; several persons 
proved him ‘a quiet, humane, in- 
offensive man. The learned judge, 
Rook, then proceeded to sum up 
the evidence, and to point out the 
most striking parts to the jury. 
fie thought Miss Jones and Mr. 
Footner ought clearly to be ac- 
quitted of wilful murder, as they 
did not know that Sellers had the 
pistol, and it was not intended 
to keep Mr. Yates out by violence. 
With regard to Seliers, the jury 
should consider whether he fired 


the pistol wilfully ; if he did, he 


was guilty of murder ; if the pistol 
went off by accident it was only 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796, 


manslaughter ; short of that it 
could not be. The jury retired for 
a few minutes, and brought in their 
verdict, Jobn Sellers, not guilty 
of the murder, but guilty of man- 
slaughter; Elizabeth Jones and 
Richard Footner not guilty. Sellers 
was sentenced to pay a fine of one 
shilling, and be imprisoned six 
months. There are five wills, or 
testamentary papers, each of which 
are uniformly in favour of Miss 
Jones, one a regular drawn will 


in 1789. 
17th. Liverpool. This morning 
alittle before one o’clock, a 
most dreadful fire broke out ina 
large warehouse, belonging to Mr. 
Hervey in Cheapside ; which, not- 
withstanding every possible exer- 
tion, could not be got under till the 
whole warehouse, with all its va- 
luable contents, were consumed. 
The top part was occupied by Mr. 
Middleton, as a eotton manufac- 
tory, when the fire broke out, 
occasioned, as’ is supposed, by the 
friction of one of the wheels em- 
ployed in the works. In the lower 
part were eleven thousand measures’ 
of wheat, belonging to Messrs, 
Corrie, Gladstone and co. which, 
with a large quantity of hides, 
rum, brandy and other spirits, | 
were entirely destroyed. About 
three o’clock, the front part of the 
warehouse. fell into the street, 
directly upon one of the fire- 
engines that was then working, 
which occasioned a scene of horror 
impossible to, be described ; three 
men were crushed to pieces on the 
spot ; ten more were carried to the 
infirmary in a dreadful situation, 
two of whom died immediately ; 
and it is thought that many will be 
found among the ruins. 
19jh. 


/ 


CHP ROO Ne ECE E. 


19th William Clark, the driver 
“of the Newmarket mail 
was indicted for wilful murder. 
It appeared that the prisoner was 
driving the mail coach at a very 
furious rate along Bishopsgate- 
street, where be ran over a boy and 
killed him on the spot. 
sooner drove on, not knowing of the 
accident, but was soon afterwards 
stopped. He alledged, in his de. 
-fence, that his employers were 
under contract to perform the jour- 


Ney within a certain period, and . 


therefore he thought it his duty to 
drive sotast. Thejudge, in sum. 
ming up the evidence, observed, 
“no contract could justify a man for 
driving in such a manner as to en- 
danger the lives of others.” The 
jury retired, and were absent two 
hours ; when they returned, and 
found the prisoner, not guilty. 

23d This afternoon the co- 
~""* — roner’s jury sat on the body 
of a lady in the neighbourhood 
of Holborn, who died in con- 
sequence of a wound from her 
aughter, the preceding day. 
While the family were preparing 
for dinner, the young lady, in a 
fit of insanity, seized a case knife 
lying on the table, and in a me- 
Nacing manner pursued a little girl, 
her apprentice, round the room. 
On the eager calls of her helpless, 
infirm mother, to forbear, she 
Tenounced ber first object, and, 
with loud shrieks, approached her 
parent. The child, by her cries, 
quickly brought up the landlord 
of the house, but too late; the 
dreadful scene presented to him 
the mother lifeless on a chair, 
pierced to the heart; her daughter 
yet wildly standing over her with 
the fatal knife; and the venerable 
old man, her father, weeping by 


The pri-’ 


[37 


her side, himself bleeding at the 
forehead, from the effects of a blow 
he received from one of the forks 
she had been madly hurling about 
the room. Fora few days prior to 
this, the family had discovered some 
symptoms of lunacy in her, which 
had so much increased on the Wed-~ 
nesday evening, that her brother, 
early the next morning, went in 
quest of Dr. Pitcairn ; had that gen- 
tleman been providentially met with 
the fatal catastrophehad, probably, 
been prevented. She had once be- 
fore, in the earlier part of her life, 
been deranged, from the harrassing 
fatigues of too much _ business. 
As her carriage towards her mother 
had been ever affectionate in the 
extreme, it is believed, that to her 
increased attentiveness to her, as 
her infirmities called for it, is to be 
ascribed the loss of her reason at 
this time. The jury, without be- _ 
sitating, breught in their verdict, — 
Lunacy. 
24th. The melancholy account 
of the blowing up of the 
Amphion frigate, at Plymouth, 
was received at the Admiralty from 
Sir Richard King, by which it 
appears that Captain Pellew, the 
first lieutenant, and fifteen of the 
Crew, out of 220, are the only sur 
vivors left to relate the dismal 
Catastrophe; Captain Swaffield, of 
the Dutch prize, is among the un- 
fortunate victims. The accident 
happened at a quarter past four on 
Thursday afternoon, while the 
Captain and his friends were at 
dinner. Mr. Pellew is dangerously 
wounded, Every exertion that 
could be used was rendered by the 
ships boats in the harbour. 
28th This morning a convoca- 
| tion was held at St. Paul’s 
Cathedral, This 1s a ceremony 
Dis which 


38] 


which takes place upon the meet- 
ing of every new parliament. His 
grace the archbishop of Canterbury, 
the bishop of London, the bishop of 
Rochester, and several other digni- 
taries of the church, assisted. The 
procession consisted, first, of the 
choristers and gentiemen of the 
cathedral, the archbishop and 
bishops, the judges and civilians, 
of Doctors Commons, with the 
proctors in their full robes. The 
whole was conducted with great 
solemnity. Prayers (according to 
the usual custom) were read in 
Latin, by bp. Horsley, and a Latin 
sermon was preached by doctor 
Radcliffe. Two anthems were per- 
formed in English, The ceremony 
lasted, about two. hours, and was 
attended by a numerous and elegant 
company. 


cence eee 


OCTOBER. 


6 The cotton mills at Hunslet, 
th. aa : 

near Leeds, belonging to 
Messrs. Beverley, Cross, and co. 
were discovered to be on fire, 
which raged with such fury as to 
destroy the works and buildings in 
little more than 40 minutes.’ ‘I'he 
damage is estimated at 100,000/. 
The premises and stock were in- 
sured in the Sun and London insur- 
ance offices, for only 80001. 
10th, Pymouth. The Court mar- 
* tial which was held last» Sa- 
_ turday on board the admiral’s ship 
Cambridge, to enquire into the 
cause of the lost of his majesty’s 
ship Amphion, which blew up on 
the 22d of last. month, in this har- 
bour, after an examination of all 
the surviving crew, very honourably 
acquitted both the captain and 
officers of every idea of remissness 
or neglect upon that occasions” It 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


must have been particularly gra. 
tifying to capt. Pellew, after the 
court martial was over, at the re- 
quest made to him by the whole of 
the ship’s company which survived 
thigunhappy affair, that he would 
suffer them to be partners of _his 
future fortune, when he should 
obtain a ship, having so long sailed 
with him; one of the best testi- 
monies this to the character of an 
officer, 
12th About nine o’clock at 
"night the house of Richard 
Timson, of Halleton, Leicestershire, 
was discovered to be on fire, which, 
with four others, was entirely con- 
sumed before any assistance could 
be procured : but the fury of the 
flames was happily chécked by. the 
activity of the inhabitants, who 
stripped off the roofs of the two 
adjoining houses. 
16th This evening a very me- 
* Jancholy accident happened 
at Ilfracombe: a ship called the 
London, from St, Kitt’s, having on 
board a considerable mumber of 
blacks, (French prisoners,) was 
driven on the rocks, near the en- 
trance of the pier, during a violent 
gale of wind, by which about fifty 
of the “prisoners were drowned ; 
those who got on shore exhibited 
a most wretched spectacle ; and the 
scene altogether was too shocking 
for description. The wind was 
blowing directly fair for the har- 


bour. ; 
20th. Mr. Macpherson put an 
end to his existence on En- 
field chace. Dragged by the rude 
hands of a runner and a constable 
before a justice of peace as a 'rench 
spy, it appeared, on.a short exami- 
nation, that he had been an usher 
in several schools, which was con- 
firmed by letters and bills same an 
is 


CHRONICLE. 


his pocket, but had fdr. several 
days in vain solicited relief or lodg- 
ing in the town and neighbourhood 
for want of money to pay for them. 
He was dismissed with an order to 
quit the parish; and the constable 


’ having in vain appited for a lodging 


at the public houses, instead of 
lodging him at the watch-house or 
work-house for the night, left him 
to shift for himself, and find his 
way in the dark to Barnet, over the 
Chace, where he was next morning 
found hanging on a tree, and hard- 
ly cold. About three weeks before, 
there had been found in a wood 
bebind Bowes Farm, in Edmonton 
parish, another unfortunate wretch 


hanging by his stockings on a tree, 


but in so putrid a state that his 
head and feet separated from his 
body. He had on a good great 
coat and 2 kerseymere waistcoat, 
and ig his packet only sixpence 
and some halfpence. 

The university of Oxford has 
lately printed, at its own expence, 
to be-distributed gratis among thé 
French clergy who have taken re- 
fuge in Great Britain, (ad usum Cle. 
gi Gallicani in Anglia exulantis, ‘as 
the title states), 2000 copies of the 
yulgaie and of the new Testament. 

The marquis of Butkingham, 
distinguished for his munificence 
towards the clergy, hus likewise 
caused to be printed, at his expence, 
2000 copies at the same press and 
for the same use. The university 
of Oxford has sent its copies to the 
Venerable bishop of St. Pol de Leoa 
for distribution, accompanied by a 
letter, analogous to the generous 
Sentiments which dictate this ho- 
nourable mark of esteem for the 
French clergy, who are fully sensi- 
ble of the value of the gift. 

picp.—In his 87th year, Tho, 


s 


[39 


Reid, D. D. professor of moral phi-« 
losophy at the university of Glas- 
gow. He was a wonderful exam- 
ple of early proficiency in mathe- 
matics, since he was master of sir 
Isaac Newton’s Principia at the age 
of twenty. He wrote some papers 
in the philosophical transactions on 
mathematical subjects, which do 
him much honour. But his fame 
chiefly rests on his metaphysical 
writings, in which he maintains the 
doctrine of common sense against 
sceptics, and severely arraigns the 
philosophy of Locke, whom he con- 
siders as the great promoter, though 
unintentionally, of modern scepti- 
cism. His works are: 1. An ene 
quiry into the human mind, on the 
principles. of common sense. 8vo. 
1764. 2. Essays on the intellectual 
powers of man. 4io. £785. 

16. At Turin, in his 70th year, 
and 23d of his reign, Victor Ama- 
deus Maria, of Savoy, king of Sar- 
dinia. He was born June 26, 1726; 
aud married Maria Antoinetta Fer- 
dinanda, of Spain, sister to the 
present emperor, who died 1785.— 
On the night of the 13th his m-jes- 
ty was seized with an apoplectic 
fit, which for some time deprived 
him of his speech. The immediate 
application of blisters and bleeding 
brought his majesty, to his senses 
the next. morning, and his speech, 
though imperfectly, was recovered. 
During this interval the sacraments 
weré administered, Towards the 
evening alarming symptoms returr- 
ed, and recourse was had to a third 
bleeding in the foot; which not 
proving efficacious, the extreme 
unction was administered, His mas 
jesty lay speechless, and with one 
side. wholly palsied, during the 
night. At five in the morning of 
the 15th he was pronounced to be 

D 4 ; 4 Vagonie, 


40] 
6 Pagonie, and it was not imagined 
he could outlive the day. His ma- 
jesty, however, lingered till near 
noon the following day, when he 
expired, as sincerely lamented by 
all his subjects as he had constant- 
ly lived beloved and respected by 
them, during a reign of upwards 
of 22 years. This melancholy e- 
vent has plunged all the royal fa- 
mily into the deepest affliction. 
The prince of Piedmont, his son, 
who succeeds him, is 45 years of 
age, being born 1751; and marri- 
ed, 1775, to Maria Adelaide, sis- 
ter of Louis XVI. king of France, 
whose brothers, the count of Pro- 
vence and the count D’ Artois, mar- 
ried his two sisters. 


NOVEMBER. 


h Tuesday last, in Lincoln’s 
€th inn-hall, the lord chancellor, 
after hearing the exceptions to it 
argued, confirmed the master’s re- 
port in the Downing cause. The 
master has reported, that the pre- 
sent annual value of the estates de- 
vised to the college amounts to 
45001. This preliminary point be- 
ing at length obtained, after a con- 
test of many years, an application 
will immediately be made to the 
crown, to grant a charter for the 
incorporation of Downing college, 
in the university of Cambridge. 
When the house of com- 
5th. ; : 
mons was on the point of ri- 
sing to day, a man in the front of 
the gallery held forth a paper to 
the house, and exclaimed in a loud 
voice, ‘‘ treason ! treason! I wish 
to denounce treason to the house, 
whatever may be the consequences 
to myself”? The speaker immedi- 
ately ordered the gallery to be clear- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ed, and the man, whose name is 
said to be Matthews, was taken 
into custody by the messengers ; 
but upon its evidently appearing 
that he was insane, he was instantly 
discharged. 

An awful and singular hail-storm 
occurred in Norwich. Two very 
vivid flashes of lightning il!umined 
the southern and northern hemis- 
pheres, succeeded by heavy peals 
of thunder, while the hail, which 
fell profusely, appeared impregnated 
with fire. 

Sh Boston. Information being 

"given, upon oath, to the ma- 
gistrates at Boston, that preparati- 
ons were making in some of the 
neighbouring villages to obstruct, 
by force, the deputy-lieutenants, 
in the execution of the militia-laws, 
on the following days, expresses 
were immediately dispatched: to 
Joshua Scrope, esq. captain com- 
mandant of the South Holland squa- 
dron of loyal Lincolnshire gentle- 
men, and yeomen cavalry, and to 
Thomas Wilson, esq. captain of the 
Spalding troop, to ‘request their 
assistance In repelling any unlawful 
force, and in maintaining the public 
peace. Although the commanding 
officers received this message very 
late in the evening, and many of 
the volunteers in their’ respective 
troops live at a great distance from 
each other, yet such was the zeal 
and alertness displayed in collecting 
them, that they arrived at Boston, 
on Wednesday morning about 10 
o’clock. A few minutes afterwards 
the rioters entered the town ina large 
body, blowing horns, and armed 
with staves, having forced into their 
company a great number of servants 
and labourers in husbandry: but, 
seeing the cavalry drawn up in the 
market-place in military order, they 

were 


CHRONICLE 


were deterred from committing any 
act of violence whatever. The bu- 
siness of the day (which was to re- 
ceive and examine the lists of per- 
sons liable to serve in the present 
militia) then proceeded, and was 
compleied amidst the most perfect 
tranquillity ; the volunteers, headed 
by their respective officers, parading 
the town during the greatest part 
of the day. Happily no violent 
' measures were at all necessary, and 
no harm was done to any person. 
The cool and resolute conduct of 
the troops cannot be spoken of in 
too high terms of commendation. 
9th The lord mayor’s day was 
* observed with the usual form. 
The procession by water was nearly 
the same as usual ; but that by land 
much less splendid. Among the 
company who dined at Guiléhall 
were many of prime distinction ; 
the duke of York, prince Ernest, 
the prince of Orange, the lord chan- 
cellor, and ajmost all the great of- 
ficers of state, many foreign am- 
bassadors and general officers, Mr. 
Fox, &c. &c. The Tunisian am- 
bassador, by his own desire, was 
present, but did not dine in the hall, 
He drank coffee and smoked tobac- 
co, ina room by himself, while the 
company wereat dinner. 
10th. A terrible affray happen- 
ed this night at the Sun pub- 
lic-house in Cow Cross, Smithfield. 
A riot in the house the night before 
having greatly disturbed the neigh- 
bourhood, the constables ordered 
the house to be cleared of the 
company, which consisted of a 
club of disorderly persons, who re- 
gularly met there. The fellows, 
expecting they would not be suf- 
fered to stay to their usual hour, 
had provided themselves with blud- 
Beons and other offensive weapons, 


(41 


with which, on the officers des 
manding entrance, they  sallied 
out, knocking down and ill-treating 
every one who came in their way. 
Seven persons were taken to St. 
Bartholomew’s hospital; one of 
whom, a beadle, is since dead of his 
wounds. Three of the ring-leaders 
were next day committed to Clerk. 
enwell bridewell for examination. 

: The following letter was 
50th, this day transmitted to all the 
admirals and captains, whose names 
were mentioned in the Gazette by 
earl Howe, as having signahzed 
themselves in the action of the Ist 
of June, 1794, accompanying the 
medal which has been presented to 
them. 

“« My Lord, (or Sir), 

‘© The king having been pleased 
to order a certain number of gold 
medals to be struck, 1n commemo- 
ration of the victory obtained by 
his majesty’s fleet under the com- 
mand of earl Howe, over that of 
the enemy, in the actions of the 
28th and 29th of May, and Ist of 
June, 1794, I am commanded by 
his majesty to present to your lord_ 
ship one of the medals above men- 
tioned ; and to signify his majesty’s 
pleasure that you should wear it 
when in your uniform, in the mane 
ner described by the directions 
which (together with the medal.and 
ribband belonging to it) I have the 
honour to transmit to you. I am 
also commanded by his majesty to 
acquaint your lordship, that, had 
it been possible for all the officers 
on whom his majesty is pleased 
to confer this mark of his ap- 
probation, to attend personally 
in London, his majesty would 
have presented the medal to each 
of them in’ person; but that 
being, from various causes, at this 

time 


42] 


time impossible, his majesty, in 
order to obviate all further delay, 
has therefore been pleased to di- 
Tect them to be forwarded in this 
manner. Allow me to express the 
great satisfacuon I feel in being 
made the channel of communisa- 
ting to your lordship so distin- 
guished a mark of his majesty’S 
‘approbation. I have the honour 
to be, my lord, (orsir, : 

Your lordship’s most obedient 

humble servant, ‘‘ SPENCER.” 
Admiralty, 30th Nov. 1796. 

[The admirals to wear the me- 
dal suspended by a ribband round 
their necks. The captains to wear 
the medals suspended to a ribband, 
but fastened through the third and 
fourth button hole, on the left 
side. The colour of the ribband 
blue and white. ] 

Zoth. Inlord Grenville’s grounds 
at. Dropmore, Bucks, some 
labourers, in digging for a fish 


pond, have found a great number : 


of oaks buried in the earth, twelve 
or fourteen feet deep ; they are un- 
commonly large, some of them 
fifty feet long, and the greater part 
perfectly sound, They were all 
Jaid close together, and nearly in 
one direction. If they have been 
deposited there by some great in- 
undation, which is the general con- 
jecture, it is rather singular ; for 
the place where they have been 
found is by far the highest spot in 
Buckinghamsbire. 

DIED, 17.—Catharine Tl. em- 
press of all the Russias. She had 
been indisposed several days pre- 
vious to the 16th, but on the morn- 
ing of that day was very cheerful, 
and took her cofiee as usual to 
breakfast. She afterwards went to 
the water closet, where she already 
aad been twice in the course of the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796, 


morning, and as she stayed an un- 
usual time, her attendants became 
extremely alarmed. At length 
one of ber pages went to the door 
to listen, and not hearing the least 
motion, called one of her’princie 
paj female attendants, who opened 
the door, and found the empress 
extended on her back, with her 
feet towards the door, in an apo- 
plectic fit. Medical assistance 
was instantly sent for; but three 
quarters of an hour elapsed before 
her chief physician, Dr. Rogerson, 
arrived. She was then bled twee, 
and appeared to be much relieved, 
but never spoke afterwards. She 
remained in this state till the fol- 
lowing evening, The pulsation of 
the heart was perceptible till nine 
o’clock ; but a quarter before ten 
the physicians pronounced her 
dead, When opened, two stones 
were found in the gall bladder, 
one of which weighed an ounce, 
and the other half an ounce, Rus- 
sian weight, which is one third 
Jess than the English weight. The 
empress was daughter of Christian 
Augustus, prince of Anhalt Zerbst, 
born May 2, 1729, married Sept. 
1, 1745, to Peter III. grandson 
of Peter the Great, who being de- 
posed July 9, 1762, she was pro- 
claimed sole empress of all the Rus- 
sias. In 1768, she established a new 
code of laws torough her dominions ; 
and the same year she submitted to 
the hazard of innoculation for the 
benefit of her dominions, where it 
was unknown; and the experiment, 
under Baron Dimsdale, succeeded 
perfectly, and was commemorated 
by an annual thanksgiving. The 
first war in which she enguged was 
with the Turks in,1769, which 
continued five years ; and July 21, 
1774, peace was signed, a ccm 

the 


CHP Rio NiT'C LE 


the Crimea was declared indepen- 
dent of the Porte, a large tract of 
country between the Bog and the 
Dnieper, was ceded to Russia, be- 
sides several islands restored, with 
free navigation in all the Turkish 
seas, including the passage of the 
Dardanelles, privileges granted to 
the most favoured nations, and 
Stipulations in favour of the inha- 
bitants of Moldavia and Wallachia. 
In 1782, she concluded a commer- 
cial treaty with Portugal, and, in 
1783, with the Danes; and, 1782, 
founded the order of Wladimir. 
In 1783, she opened a communica- 
tion with both Indies. In 1784, 


she granted free trade to the coasts 


of the Euxine sea, and took a jour- 
ney to the Crimea. In 1787, she 
endeavoured to establish an East. 
India trade, ordered the geography 
of her empire to be explored ; esta- 
blished three new universities 1786, 
-and, among other exertions in fa- 
_vour of the arts, purchased the 
Houghton collection of piétures 
1779, and Mr. Lyde Brown’s col- 
leétion of antique statues. War 
was again declared with the Porte 
1787. She had an interview with 
|. the emperor of Germany at Cher- 
_ 8on,and with the king of Poland 
atKiow, the same year: the for- 
mer joined her in the war with the 
Turks. In 1788, war was de- 
clared against Sweden; and the 
Russian troops entered Poland by 
force, and demanded quarters and 
forage. In this war her Imperial] 
Majesty possessed herself of Ocza- 
kow, with the slaughter of only 
12,000 men. ‘The war between 
Russia and the Porte still continu- 
ing, Great Britain, whose medi- 
ation had been rejeéted by the for- 
mer, began toarm’in 1791, in de- 
fence of the latter. Peace was at 
length signed that year between 


[43 


the two rival powers, the Porte 
making large cessions of territory 
to the empress ; and between Ruse 
siwand Sweden 1791. After the - 
attack of the Thuilleries, and de- 
position of Louis XVI. on 10th 
Aug. 1792, the empress recalled 
her ambassador from France, and 
ordered the French ambassador to 
quit her capital in eight days. 
Whatever be the moral character 
of this great princess, she always 
exerted the most surprising talents 
and abilities: Russia has been ex= 
alted toa pitch’ of grandeur and 
cultivation which Peter the Great. 
can only be said to have begun, 
Her rapid progress from weakness 
and barbarism to civilization and a 
mighty state, with dominions ex- 
tended by every effort of political 
skill and artifice, has been most 
astonishing. Providence, whose 
ways are beyond the reach of hu- 
man reason or conjecture, permite 
ted Catharine II. to make this use 
of her usurped dominion, and to 
anticipate, by the removal of a 
weak consort, by means unwar- 
ranted by every principle of justice 
and humanity, that most impor- 
tant of al] revolutions in the his- 
tory of human kind, the civiliza- 
tion of so large a portion of the 
buman race, and the cultivation of 
the wildest and most untrodden 
desarts. For whom of her succes- 
sors it may be reserved to annihilate 
the Ottoman power is not for us 
to say. Heronly son and successor 
to the crown, Paul Petrowitz, was 
born Ot. 1, 1754, married Oét. 1, 
1776, to the princess Sophia Do- 
rothea of Wirtemburg Stutgard, 
who, after her conversion to the 
Greek religion, took the name of 
Mfria Federowna, and by whom 
he has three children. 
When 


44] 


When the empress was taken ill, 
the present emperor was at Gat- 
china, 4 country palace, about 
28 English miles from St. Petees- 
burg. He reached the capital 
abvuteight in the evening ; and, 
immediately after his mother’s de- 
cease, was proclaimed before the 
palace in the usual form; and the 
whole court, which was there as- 
sembled in anxious expectation from 
the morning of the empress’s acci- 
dent to the moment of ber death, 
immediately took the oath of alle. 
giance to the new sovereign, as did 
also the four regiments of guards; 
and every thing passed with the 
greatest order and tranquillity. 

. Atthe George inn, North- 
20th. is 
amptony on hisjourney from 
Buxton to London, that respecta- 
ble veteran of the bar, Edward 
Bearcroft, esq, M. P. for Saltash, 
chief-justice tor Chester, and a 
king’s counsel; whose memory will 
be long and sincerely respeéted by 
all who had the honour of his 
_ friendship, or enjoyed the pleasure 
of his society. 

Mr. Bearcroft was an example 
ofindustry and perseverance at the 
bar. Many years he had hardly 
practice enough to support him 
with the severest ceconomy, and 
thought of relinquishing the law 
in despair; but, in time, his good 
sense and knowledge of the law 
excited confidence, and, till his 
hearing was affeéted, he was one of 
the most successful of its professors, 
particularly in cases were legal 
opinions were requisite. 


DECEMBER, 


This day the tide in every 
part of the Thames was very 
In Tooley-street the inha- 


3d. 


high. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


bitants were taken out in boats; 
and a large quantity of foreign 
wheat, upon the ground floors of 


the warehouses, waS much da- 
maged. 
BS The following mode of rais- 


ing the loan of 18 millions 
was proposed and recommended by 
the bank direétors on Wednesday 
last. One million was subscribed 
by the bank in their corporate ca- 
pacity, and four hundred thousand 
pounds by the direétors individu- 
ally ; and before the close of the 
books the first day, five millions 
were subscribed by difierent mer- 
chants and others, At ten o’clock 


.this morning the’ parlour doors at 


the bank were opened, before 
which time the lobby was crowds 
ed. Numbers could not get near 
the books at all; while others, to 
testify their zeal, called to the per- 
sons at the. books then signing, to 
put down their names for them, as 
they were fearful of being shut 
out. At about twenty minutes 
past eleven, the subscription was _ 
declared to be completely full, and 
hundreds in the room were re- 
luétantly obliged to go away. By 
the post innumerable orders came 
from the country for subscriptions 
to be put down, scarcely one of 
which could be executed. And 
long after the subscription was 
closed, persons continued coming, 
and were obliged to depart disap- 
pointed. It is a curious fa&, and 
well worth stating, that the sub- 
scription completely filled in fifteen 
hours and twenty minutes: Two 
hours on Thursday, six ditto on 
Friday, six ditto on Saturday, and 
one ditto and twenty minutes on 
Monday—fifteen hours, twenty 

minutes. 
The’ duke of Bridgewater ac- 
tually 


CHRO 


tually tendered a draft at sight on 
his banker, for the 100,000]. which 
he subscribed to the new loan! 
which of course could not be ac- 
cepted, as the act is not yet passed. 
oth Francis Dunn was indiéted * 

* for the wilful murder of David 
Brewer, by giving him several 
wounds on the head, and in the 
side, with a clasp knife, on Thurs- 
day the 10th of November, and 
William Arnold and William Ryan, 
for aiding and abetting him in the 
said murder. On the night of 
Wednesday the 9th of November, 
the patroles observed two men go 
up Pipe-maker’s alley, near Cow 
Cross, and, following them up, 
observed one of them, which proved 
to be Dunn, with a knife in his 
hand. They interrogated him as 
to what he was doing with it; but 
he refusing to satisfy them, they 
took him to the watch-house, of 
which the deceased, Mr. Brewer, 
was the keeper : however, as they 
had no charge against them, anda 
publican appearing in their behalf, 
they were discharged. The next 
night there was a club held at the 
Sun, Cow Cross, at which, among 
Others, was a witness of the name 
of Toombs, who stated that, on 
his refusing to sing, several persons 
insulted him; and that the pri- 
soner, Dunn, even went so far as 
to tear his coat, on which he went 
down, and brought up three watch- 
men. On their coming into the 
Toom, and one of them proposing 
to secure the door, they all, tothe 
amount of twenty-five or twenty- 
Six, began to attack the watchmen. 

ann knocked one of them down, 
and they were glad to get out of 
the house, in doing which they 
were followed by the whole that 
were in the room. From one Har- 


WN L(G E: [45 


ris, another of the club, it ap- 
peared, that when they got into 
the street, they missed ane cf their 
party, whereupon they returned to 
the Sun, and, finding the door 
fastened, Dunn and Ryan got if 
at the window, and then opened 
the door for the rest; but not find- 
ing their companion, one of them 
suggested he might be taken to the 
watch-house, to which Dunn went 


‘first, Williams next, then Arnold, 


and the rest followed. Another 
witness, and the deceased, Brewer, 
seeing them coming, shut to the 
upper part of the door, it shutting 
with a hatch ; this they soon forced 
open, and three of them entered ; 
when two womep swore to seeing 
one of them strike Mr. Brewer 
over the head, and another punch- 
ing him on the side. They then 
came out, and being met by ano- 
ther party, Dunn said to them, 
* Damn him, I’ve cut his bloody 
eyes out.” Dunn at this time had 
aknife in his hand, which, as he 
came out of the watch-house, he 
was noticed to wipe on his coat ; 
Arnold also had a knife in his hand; 
and it was proved by several wit- 
nesses, and two accomplices, that 
the whole party proceeded in a 
riotous manner, knocking down 
several watchmen, and that Dunn 
in particular kept his knife in bis 
hand, and seeing one of the patrole 
atthe corner of the street in their 
way, he ran upto him, and cut him 
under the chin, and his coat be- 
hind ; and after this he made a 
thrust at a gentleman whom they 
met as he was turning up Saflron- 
bill. After they left the watch- 
house, Mr. Brewer came to the 
door, wiping his face, and stands 
ing, as the witnesses termed it, ia 
his hlood; he was afterwards taken 

te 


46] 
to St. Bartholomew’s hospital, and 
on the Saturday evening he ex- 
pired ; previous to which, however, 
he said to one Willey, and to Cole- 
man, that he was a dead man, and 
that he believed the man whom 
they brought to the watch-house 
the night before with a knife, was 
one of them that had cut him, and 
the cutting drover another.—On 
being asked if they meant Arnold, 
they said, yes. The surgeon de- 
scribed Mr. Brewer to have received 
three wounds, one at the top of 
the head through the skull; another 
in the left temple down to the chin, 
which went the whole length to 
‘the bone; and a third under the 
blade-bone of the right shoulder, 
three inches long, and one inch 
deep ; these wounds brought on an 
inflammation, that inflammation a 
fever, and were consequently the 
cause of his death. Arnold was 
taken the next day in Smithfield, 
Ryan a few days after on board the 
Sans-Pareil at Spithead, and Dunn 
in the neighbourhood of Cow-Cross, 
Being called upon for their defence, 
Ryan said, conscious of his own 
innocence with respeét to the mur- 
der, he sbould leave it with his 
counsel. Mr. Justice Grose then 
summed up the evidence, and ex- 
plained the law upon the case, par- 
ticularizing the different points as 
far as they were corroborated 
against either or all the prisoners; 
observing also the difference, as it 
appeared to him, there was in the 
guilt of the prisoners. 

The jury, after remaining out of 
courtabout twenty minutes, brought 
in their verdiét—Dunn and Arnold, 
guilty. —Ryan, not guilty. 

. As the recorder was proceeding 
to pass sentence on them, Dunn 
said he had a favour to beg of the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


court, which was, that as but one 
life had been lost, the law would be ~ 
satisfied with one as an atonement. 
He sought not to save his own life, 
for he had unfértunately for the 
last ten years Committed innumera- 
ble offences ; and therefore, if mer- 
cy could be shewn, his fellow suf- 
ferer was more deserving of it than 
himself; all he could hope for was 
the indulgence of a little more time 
than was commonly allowed in 
these cases, to make his peace with 
God. The recorder declared that 
it was not in his power to grant- 
either, and then pronounced the 
sentence to be, that they be execu- 
ted on Monday following, and that 
their bodies be delivered to the sur- 
geons for disseétion; which was 
executed accordingly. 
éth Such quantities of ice came 
‘down the river this day with 
the land-waters on the ebb-tide, as 
to block up seme of the arches of 
London-bridge. The navigation of 
the river above bridge is already 
much impeded thereby. Such an 
accumulation, on so short a frost, 
is rather rare in this country. 
14th. ,. At 2. common hall, the 
livery of London instruéted 
their representatives in parliament 
to move or support a motion in the 
house of commons, for censuring 
the ministers, for having taken upon 
themselves to send the money of 
the people of Great Britain to the 
emperor of Germany, during the 
sitting of parliament, without the 
consent of parliament. ; 
O lst This morning, when the 
* turnkeys of Newgate were 
preparing to remove the convitts 
sentenced to Botany Bay, among 
whom was the celebrated major 
Semple, who, it seems, had ‘flat- 


_tered himself with the hopes of 


pardon, 


CHRONICLE: 


pardon, he requested permission to 
return to his cell, which was grant- 
ed. Under pretence of searching 
-for some necessaries, in the pre- 
sence of Mr. Kirby, jun. he sud. 
denly drew a knife, and stabbed 
himself in the body. He now lies 
extremely ill, refuses every kind of 
sustenance, and declares he is de- 
termined to put anend to his ex- 
‘istence. 


o7th Dublin. The following are 
* copies of letters received by 
the right hon. the lord mayor. 


*° My Lord, ° 

** T am direéted by my lord lieu- 
tenant to acquaint your lordship, 
that his excellency has received in- 
telligence from lieutenant-general 
Dalrymple, stating, that a fleet had 
been seen steering for Bantry Bay, 
which it was supposed was French, 
also, that the Kangaroo sloop of 
war had passed through the said 
fleet the 21st instant, and having 
reported to vice-admiral Kingsmill 
that it appeared to belong to the 
enemy, had sailed for England, to 
give information to the admiralty.” 

“© Under these circumstances, his 
excellency has thought it expedient 
to take all precautionary measures 
in case the enemy should attempt 
a landing, and his excellency has 
the fullest reliance on the zeal and 
loyalty of the citizems and inhabi- 
tants of Dublin, which have already 
been so conspicuous, to second and 
facilitate the measures which, in 
case of emergency, it will be ne- 
cessary for the government to 
adopt. 

I have the honour to be, &c, &c. 

Tuomas PeLuam.” 


To the right honourable the lord 
mayor, &c. 


.the admiral. 


with 


[ay 


Dublin-Castle, 29th Dec. 1796. 


“* My Lord, 
~ “ The last accounts from general 
Dalrymple are by his aid-de-camp, 
captain Gordon, who left Bantry 
at ten o’clock on Tuesday, A. M, 
and arrived here this morning. 
Seventeen sail of French ships were 
at that time at anchor on the lower 
part of Bear island, but at sucha 
distance that their. force could not 
be ascertained. <A lieutenant of a 
French frigate was driven on shore _ 
in his boat, in attempting to quit 
his vessel, which was dismasted, to 
He confirms the ace 
count of the fleet being French, 
with hostile views to this country, 
but does not appear to know whe- 
ther the whole fleet, which consist~ 
ed of about seventeen sail of the 
line, fifteen frigates, and, including 
transports and luggers, amounted 
to fifty sail, were all to re-assemble 
off Bantry. General Hoche was on 
board, commanding a considerable 
force. 
I have the honour to be, 
my lord, your lordship’s 
most obedient servant, 
T. PEnuam.” 


Thisafternoon lord Malmes- 
29th. : : 

bury arrived in town from 
France; the negociation at Paris 
having been abruptly broken off by 
an order for his quitting Paris in 48 


hours, 
30th Cork. In consequence of 
* the horses coming to market 
being seized for the use of the army, 
the citizens are likely to suffer the 
greatest inconvenience; for now 
no persons will venture to town 
their cattle or provisions ; 
hence the necessity of applying to 
gentlemen of large studs, whose 
immediate duty and interest it is to 
come forward at this season, not 
only 


43] 


only with their lives and fortunes, 
but also with their cattle. 

To obviate this inconvenience, 
the mayor has published to the fol- 
lowing effect : 

*¢ The mayor desires that the 
countrymen will bring in, as usual, 
to the markets of Cork, all kinds 
of corn, potatoes, milk, and butter, 
andevery other supply of provisi- 
ons. He declares and assures to 
them, their horses, cars, &c. &c. 
will not be taken, or be molested 
in the least. 

*¢ The horses that have been 
given, and taken for the use of the 
army, are well fed with hay and 
oats, and proper attention paid to 
‘them, and the owners will be en- 
titled to five shillings per day for 
each horse, and each man one shil- 
ling, while out on duty. 

‘¢The mayor requests and calls 
on all gentlemen of the city, who 
have not already sent their horseg 
on duty, to send him in their num- 
bers, that, in case more be wanted, 
he may know where to call for 
them. 

Wednesday, December 28.” 


Gross produce of the revenue of 
the post-office for three years, to 
April 5,1795: 


The yearending April5, £. ~ s. d. 


1793, - - 627,592 12 0 
1795; - |.- 705,319 109 


The gross produce for the year end- 
ing April 5,1796, as near aS can 
be taken, amounts to 787,304l. 

The Norwich bills of mortality 
for the last year stand thus: chris- 
tened, males 467, females 430; 
buried, males 477, females 570. 
Thirty-one fewer births than in the 
year 1795, anda decrease in burials 
of fifty-one. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


The hop duty of the last year, 
rough pufting, amounts only to 
77,2411. as appears by the following 
correct returns from the several 
distriGts ; viz. 


Kent - - 45,563 
Sussex - - 13,100 
Worcester - - 10,050 
Farnham - - 4,501 


Essex, North Clays, &e. 4,027 


Total,, ©, 77,24bem 

The exports of British and fo- 
reign manufaétures and merchan- 
dize from this country in the year 
1795, amounted to 27,123,333].— 
and in 1796, to 29,904,635].— 
Majority in favour of the last year, 
1;781,2971. 

The quantity of Porter, brewed 
by the first twelve houses in the 
London Porter B ewery, for the last 
two years, ending on the 5th instant 
each year, is as follows: 


1795. 1796. 

Barrels. Barrels. 
Whitbread 158800 202000 
Thrale 122300 137800 
Shum 101700 110700 
Hanbury 99000 109100 
Goodwin 70500 97500 
Calvert (I’) $3400 97900 
Meux 121000 96600 
Calvert (J) 56600 67000 
Elliot 467 00 58200 
Clowes 40000 55700 
Stevenson 39400 45800 
Phillips 38800 42600 


The increase. of the quantity of 
porter, brewed since the begins 
ning of the present reign, is im- 
mense. 

During the year endingin 1761 
the quantity brewed in London 
amounted to 975,217 barrels of 
thirty-six gallons each. ‘The num. 

ROW EE 


/ 


ber of brewers was then fifty two. 
But in the year ending July, 1795, 
the quantity brewed by only twelve 
brewers exceeded the above by 
1890 barrels. 

The number of Bankrupts sincé 
the commencement of the present 
war, is nearly as great as during the 
whole period of the Américan war. 
From 1775 to 1782 inclusive, there 
were 3742 ; from 1793 to 1796 in- 
clusive, 3008. The difference is 
therefore only 134. ; 

Naval Officers. — Theé nuinber 
of officers of hig majesty’s fleet, 
under the description of admirals, 
captains, masters and comman- 
ders, and lieutenants, made up to 
the end of this year, and just pub- 
lished under the direction of the 
admiralty board, is, 


Admirals of different ranks - 97 
Captains - - «© - 494 
Masters and commanders = 289 
Lieutenants ° > - 1960 
ae 

Total 2840 


Theré has been no promotion 
of admirals since June 1795 ; 52 
post-captains have been made in 
the course of the last year, 92 mas- 
ters and commanders, and 225 lieu= 
tenants. 

The following is a list of vessels, 
of.different nations, that have paid 
the Sound duties, from Dec. 31, 
1795, to Dec. 31, 1796 :— 


British — — 4455 
Davish — _ 2157 
Swedish — — 2505 
Prussians — — 1773 
Pappenburgers — 232 
tzic => _ 249 
Hamburgh _ ~ 40 
Oldenburgh _ 120 
Bremen — — GB 
Rostock — _- 193 
Lubeck — — 70 
Vou, XXXYVIII. 


CHRONICLE: 


[49 
Courland — _ 10 
Russia — — 7 
America — — 169 
Portuguese = ig 
Spaniards — _ 2 
Dutch —_ _ 1 


- Total — 12,113 ships. 

_ From the Sound list for the years 
1792, 3, 4, 5, and 6, it appears 
that the commerce of Europe to 
the northern states has fluctuated 
every year for these five years past ; 
but at last seems to have so far res 
covered itself; that, in 1795, it has 
arrived to the same pitch as in 
1772, there being only one ship 
more in the latter petiod than thé 
former. It also appears that the 
commierce of Europe to those states 
was less by 300 ships in 1795 than 
in any former year since 1792, 
which must he attributed to the 
hard winter and long frost; which 
must be severély felt in the noré 
thern seas. The British commercé 
has still kept up its prosperity; and 
all the five yeats is at the head of 
the list; while those of the Dutch, 
which used to be next, has dwin= 
dled from 2181 to none in 1795, 
and only one in 1796; and the 
French, from 128 in 179@, to 25 in 
1792 and not one ship any year 
after. 


BIRTHS in the Year-1796. 


Jan, 4. Countesss of Aboyne; a 
daughter, 

7. Princess of Wales, a princess. 

14. Lady of Richard Brinsley 
Sheridan, esq. M. P. a son. 

Lady of col. Gérard Noel Ede 
wards, M. P. a daughter. 

Feb. 16. Lady of Samuel Whit- 
bread, jun. esq. M, P. ason. 

E Hon.’ 


50] 
Hon. Mrs. Leigh, -of Aiddélstrop, 


Oxfordshire, a daughter. 

18. Lady Brownlow, a daugh- 
ter. 
¥0, Lady of sir William Elliot, 
of Stobbs, bart. a son. 

27. Lady Le Despencer, adaugh- 
ter, ° 

28. Lady of lord Kilmaine, a 
daughter. 

| March 1, Lady of sir James 
Bland Burges, bart. a.son, 

18. Lady Eliz. Spencer, a son. 

Lady of William Cunliffe Shawe, 
esq. M. P. a son. 

Hon. Mrs. Vaughan, lady of Dr. 
Vaughan, a daughter. 

22. Countess of Oxford, a daugh- 
tere 

25. Viscountess Fielding, a son 

and beir, 

27. Lady of sir Gilbert Heath- 
cote, bart. @ son. 

" 30. Lady of George Sumner, 
esq. M. P. a son. 

31. Duchess of Leinster, ason. 

April 4e Lady of sir John Turner 
bart. a son. 


Lady of sir John Dryden, bart. 


ason. || 
_ 9. Lady of the hon. lieut. col. 


Forbes, a sony’ 


12. Lady of sir William Smithy 


bart. a daughter. 

Lately, lady of Reginald Pole 
Carew, M. P. a daughter. 

May 6. Lady of “Alexander Al- 
lardyce, M. P. a daughter. 

9. Countess'of Cassilis, a daugh- 
ter. 

15. Lady of sir Thomas Which- 
cote, bart. a daughter.’ 

18.Marchion. of Blandford, a son. 

‘81. Countess of Darnley, a 
daughter. Ape * 

June 11. Lady of Richard Ald 
worth Neville, esq. ason. 

16. Lady of sir. John Sinclair, 
wart: adaughter. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


s 


1796. 


21, Lady Susan Ryder, a daugh- 
ter. 

- July 1. Mrs. Ainsworth, wife of 
Mr. Thomas Ainsworth, of Layland, 
in Lancashire, of her twenty-ninth 

child. 

29, Lady Charlotte Duncombag- 
a son. 

Countess Paulett, a son. 
Lady of Charles Duncombe, i 
M. P. a son and heir. 

Aug. 1. Lady Rous, a son. 

5.Viscountess Milsingtown, a son. 

10. Lady Sondes, a son. 

11. Lady of sir William Rowley, 
bart. a son. 

16. Countess of Dalkeith, @ 
daughter. 

21. Marchioness of Titchfield, @ 
son and heir. 

25 Lady of sir Thomas Turton, 

bart. a daughter. 

31. Lady Cuningham, a daugh= 
ter. 

Hon. Mrs. Temple, a son. 

Sept.13. Lady Augusta Claver- _ 
ing, a son. 

20; Lady Elizabeth Loftus, a 
son. 

22. Lady ©atheart, a daughter. 

30. Lady of sir James Sander- 


‘son, bart. a daughter. 


Dowager countess Winterton, 2 
son. 

Oct, 2. Lady George Murray, @ 
son. 

3. Lady of Thomas Anson, esq: 
M. P. a Son. 

16. Kady of sir Montague’ Bur- 
goyne, bart. a son and heir. 

26. Countess of Breadalbane, a 
sop. 

Nov. 3. Lady of the right hon. 
Henry Addington, speaker of the 
house of commons, a daughter. 

7» Lady of William Mariimgs 
esq. M. P. a som. 

9s Lady of sir Charles Oakley, _ 


bart. ason. 
MAR; 


CHRONICLE. 


MARRIAGES tn the Fear 1796. 


Jan. 6. George Henry Rose, esq. 
M. P. for Southampton, and son of 
George Rose, esq. secretary of the 
treasury, and M. P.forChristchurch, 
to miss Duncombe, daughter and co- 

heiress of the late Thomas Duncombe 
esq. 

10. Lady Wilson, reliét of the late 
judge Wilson, to captain Griffiths of 
the navy. " 

Feb. 6. Thomas Gardiner Bram- 
ston, esq. eldest son of Thomas Ber- 
ney Bramston, esq. M. P. for Essex, 
to miss Blaauw,daughter of William 

’ Blaauw, esq. 
-9. Earl of Powerscourt, to miss 
Brownlow. 

R. bert Liston, esq. ambassador to 
the Sublime Porte, to miss Henrietta 
Marchant, of Antigua. 

28. Earl of Guildford, to miss 
Coutts, daughter of Thomas Coutts, 
esq. banker, tn the Strand. - 

March 1. Henry Thornton, esq. 
M.P. to miss Sykes, daughter of 
Joseph Sykes, esy. of West Ellas 
Yorkshire. 

Lately, James Dalrymple, esq. to 
the countess dowager of Haddington. 

16. Hon. Thomas Parker, brother 
to the earlof Macclesfield, to miss 
Edwards, daughter of Lewis Ed- 
wards, esq. of Talgerth, Merioneth- 
shire, 

29. Sir Robert Wilmot, bart. to 
miss Grimsion, daughter of the late 
Robert Grimston, esy. of Neswick, 
Yorkshire. 

April iG. Earl Temple, to lady 
Anne Elizabeth Brydges; daughter 
of the late duke of Chandos. 

19. Kdward Wilbraham Bootle, 
esq. M. P. to miss Taylor, daughter 


rat 
of the rev. Edward Taylor, of Bi- 


frons, Kent. 

27. Sir Thomas Tlenry Liddell, 
bart. to miss Maria Simpson, daugh- 
ter of the late John Simpson, esq. of 
Bradley. 

26. Mr. Taylor, .surgesn, at Se- 
venoaks, to lady Lousia Stanhope, 
daughter of earl Stanhope. 

Lord Porchester, son of the earl 
of Carnarvon, to miss Ackland, 
daughter of Lady Harriet Ackland. 

Lately, capt. Taibot, to Lady Eli-« 
zabeth Sirangeways; daughter cf the - 
ear! of Ilchester. 

May 3. Hon. and right rev. dr. 
William Stuart, bishop of St. David’s, 
to miss Penny daughter of the late 
hon. Thomas Penny esq. proprietor 
of Pennsylvania. 

11. Sir Edmund Heed, bart. to 
miss Western, of Cokethorpe, Ox- 
fordshire. : 

Thomas Sherlock Gooch, esq. el- 
dest son of sir Thomas Gooch, bart. 
to miss Whittaker, sister of Abraham 
Whittaker, esq. of Lyston-house, 
Herefordshire. 

14. Hugh Dillon Massey, e&qe 
eldest son of sir Hugh Massey, bart. 
to miss 8. Hankey, daughter of the 
late Thomas Hankey, esq. 

June 3, George Wright, esq. only 
son «f sir James Wright, bart. to mis$ 
Maclane, only daughter and heires? 
to the late Charles Maclane, esq. of 
Okingham. 

11. Sir George Glyn, bart, to miss 
Catharine Powell; daughter and co- 
heiress of the late rev. Gervas Powell, 
of Linbara, in Glamorganshire. 

25. Sir Richard Gamon, bart, 
M. P. to Lady Amelia Cooke. 

Sir Nigel Bowyer Gresley, barté 
to miss Garway of Worcester: 

27. Rev: Charles Talbot, second 
sou, of the hon, and revs Charles Tal- 

E32 +: bot; 


52) 


bot, to lady Elizabeth Somerset, 
daughter of the duke of Beaufort. 

30. Hon. William Leeson, bro- 
ther of the earl of Miltown, to miss 
Buchanan. 

July 4. Lord Andover, to miss 
Coke, daughter of Thomas William 
Coke, esq. of Holkham, Norfolk, 
M. P. 

Liutenant Sloper, son ofgencral 
sir Robert Sloper, K. B. to miss 
Kent, daughter of Thomas Kent, 
esq. Ipswich. 

5. Lord Blayney, to the hon. miss 
Alexander,daughterof lordCaledon. 

16. Dr. Spenser Madan, bishop 
of Peterborough, to miss Vyse, sis- 
ter of general Vyse. 

25. Lieutenant-coloncl Pigott, 
tomiss Mary Monckton, daughter 
of the hon. John Monckton, 

26. William Wingfield, esq. to 
lady Charlotte Digby, sister of the 
earl of Digby. 

Aug. 3. Hon. William Hay Carr, 
brother to the earl of Errot, to miss 
Elliot, daughter of Samuel Elliot, 
esq. of Antigua. 

6. Lieutenant-colonel Denzil 
Onslow, to the hon. miss Petre, 
daughter of lord Petre. 

9. “Joseph Mawbey,. esq. sonof sir 
Joseph Mawbey, bart. to miss 
Henchman, daughter of Thomas 
Henchman, esq. of new Burlingtons 
strect. 

12. Sir William Ramsey, of Banff, 
bart. to miss Biseoe, of Mdward- 
street, Portman-square. 

11. Francis John Brown esq. M. 
P. for Dorset, to miss Francis Rich- 
ards, daughter of the rev, Joha 
Richards, of Langbridge, Dorset, 

30. Robert Dundas, esq. son of 
the right hon. Henry Dundas, to 
miss Saunders, daughter of the late 
admiral sir Charles Saunders. 

Sept. 2, Sir Thomas Parkyhs, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


bart. to miss Boultkecs; of Lei- 
cester. 

6. Sir John Davis, bart. to miss 
Lemon, daughter of sir William 
Lemon, bart. 

22. Edmund Hornby, esq. to 
lady Catharine Stanley, daughter 
of the earl of Derby. 

29. Sir Thomas Gage, bart. to 
miss Charlotte Campbell, cousin to 
lord Cawdor. 

Oét. 1. Rev. Samuel Wilson 
Warneford, of Broughton, Oxford- 
shire, to miss Loveden, daughter of 
Edward Loveden Loveden esq. of 
Buscot Park, Berks. 

7. Lord Templetewn, to lady 
Mary Montagu, daughter of the 
earl of Sandwich. 

11. Jolin Thomas Stanley, esq. 
eldest son of sir John Stanley, bart. 
to the hoa. miss Holroyd, daughter 
of lord Sheffield. 

Nov. 18. John Wodehouse, esq. 
eldest son of sir John Wodehouse, 
bart. to miss Norris, only daughter 
of the late Joha Norris, esq. of 
Wilton Park, Norfolk. 

24. His excellency count dé 
Bruhl, to miss Chowne, heiress of 
the late Thomas Chowne, esq. 

Dec. 10. Hon. Cropley Ashley, 
brother to the earl of Shaftsbury, 
to lady Anne Spencer, daughter of 
the duke of Marlborough, 


PROMOTIONS in the Year 1796. 


Ni 16. Major-general Prince 


‘Edward—a lieutenant-general. 


Feb. 27, John earl of Bute—vis- 
count Mountjoy, earl of Windsor, 
and marquis Of the county of Bute. 

20. Walter Farquhar, M. D.—a 
bart. 

Rear admiral Hugh Clobery 
Christain—K. B. 


27. David 


CHRONICLE. 


27. David Smyth, esq. of Meth- 
ven—one of the commissioners of 
justiciary in Scotland. 

Allan Machonochies, esq.—one 
of the lords of session in Scotlard. 

March 10. Robert Liston, esq. 
ambassador to the Sublime Porte— 
envoy extraordinary: and minister 
plenipotentiary to the United States 
of America. 

EdwardThornton,esq.—secretary 
of legation to the said United States. 

12. Ear! Howe—admiral of the 
fleet and general of marines. 

~Lord Bridport—vice-admiral of 
_ Great Britain. 

Hon. William Cornwallis—rear- 
admiral of Great Britain. 

Capt. sir Edyard Pellew, knt.—a 
baronet. 

18. Captain Charles Mitchel—a 
knt. ; 
21. William Bellingham, esq.—a 
bart. 

23. William Watson, esq.—a 
knt. 

24. Samuel lord Hood—master 
of Greenwich hospita!, and one of 
the* commissioners or governors 
thereof. : 

April 6. George Pownall, esq.— 
a knt. 

16, George earl of Stamford— 
baron Delamere and earl of War- 
rington. 

29. Earl of Kinnoul and sir Grey 
Cooper, bart.—privy-counsellors. 

30. John Coxe Hippisley, Whar- 
ton Amcotts, Edmund Cradock Har- 
topp, Thomas ‘Turton and Robert 
' Baker, esqrs.—baronets. 

May 3, Earl of Leven and Mel- 
ville—his majesty’s commissioner to 
the general assembly of the church 
of Scotland. 

11. Francis d’Ivernois,esq.—a knt. 

p8. Charles earl of Northampton 


—lord-lieutenant of Northampton 
shire. 

14. Lieutenant-generals, sir D. 
Lindsay, bart. E, Maxwell Brown, 
Eyre Massey,George Warde, Flow- 
er Mocher, sir R. Sloper, K. B. 
Staates Long Morris, Ralph earl of 
Ross, sir R. Pigot, bart, sir J. Dal- 
ling, bart. Russel Manners, Thomas 
Hall, James Grant, sir W. Fawcett, 
K. B. William marquis of Lothian, 
K. T. sir C. Grey, K. B. sir Thomas 
Spencer Wilson, bart, George More 
rison, Thomas Clarke, and Charles 
Rainsford to be generals inthe army. 

Major-generals Anthony George 
Martin, Benjamin Gordon, hon. 
Thomas Bruce, George Ainslie, 
James Adeane, Edward Smith, 
Thomas Bland, Felix Buckley, 
Charles William Lyon, Henry Wat- 
son Powell, Thomas Stirling, George 
Garth and Richard Grenville—to 
be lieutenant-generals in the army. 

Colonels, George Bernard, of the 
84th foot, George Nugent, of the 
85th foot, John Bowater, of the 
marines, Lhomas Averne,of the ma- 
rines, Thomas Duval, half-pay of the 
marines, James Barker, half-pay of 
the 56th foot, John Campbell, of 
the marines, Charles Tarrant, of the 
engineers in Ireland, William Lewis, 
of the marines, John Barclay of the 
marines, William Macormick half- 
pay, William Maddox Richard 
son, of the 64th foot, John Freke, 
half-pay of the 39th foot, Richard 
England, of the 24th foot, William 
Keppel, of a West India regiment, 
John H, flutchinson, of the 94th 
foot, John Hamilton, of the late 81st 
foot, Alexander Hay, of the 109th 
foot, Thomas Goldie, of the late 82d 
foot, Robert Douglas, of the 47 th foot, 
Simon Fraser of the 3d foot, Thomas 
ee of the artillery, Robert Man- 

13 


| 
| ners, 


i 
i} 


54} 


ners, of the 3d foot guards, William 
Loftus, of the 24th dragoons, Wil- 
liam Myers, of a West India regi- 
ment, Frederick George Mulcaster, 
of the engineers, Oliver Nicols, ofa 
‘West India regiment, Alexander 
Mercer, of the engineers, George 
Hewitt, of the 92d foot, and James 
Hartley, of the 75th foot-—to be 
Major-generals in the army. 

Colonels, Patrick Ross, Jobn 
Erskine, Robert Stuart, Thomas 
Geils, Joseph Bilcliffe, Edward Ei- 
Jerker, Gabriel Johnston, George 
Deare, William Sydenham, Edward 
Rawstorne, James’ Nichol, Charles 
Ware, and George Cony ngham—to 
be major-generals jn the East La- 
dies only. 

28. Charles lord Hawkesbury— 
earl of Liverpool. 

28. Samuel baron Hood, of Iree 
Jand—viscount Hood df Gteat Bri. 
tain, 

31. Francis earl of Moray, of Ire- 
land—baronStuart of Castle Stuart, 
in Invernessshire. 

John earl of Galloway—baron 
Steward of Garlies, in the Stewartry 
' of Kirkcudbright. 

James earl of Cou rtown of Ireland 
—baron Saltersford, in Cheshire. 

George earl of Macartney, in Ire- 
land—baronMacartneyotParkburst, 
in Surry. 

John Christian Burton, viscount 
Downe ef Ireland—baron Dawnay 
of Cowick, Yorkshire. 

George viscount Middleton, of 
Treiand—baron Brodrick, of Peppes 
Harrow, Surry. 

Alexander baron Bridport of Ire- 
Jand—baron Baap ett of Great Bri- 
tain. 

Sir John Rous, b: es —baron Rous. 

Sir Henry Gough Calthorpe, bart. 
—~baron Calthorpe, 


\ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Sir Peter Burrell, bart.—baron 
Gwydir. 

Sir Francis Basset, bart. —baron 
De Dunstanville. 

Edward Lascelles, esq.—baron 
Harewood. 

Jchn Rolle, esq. —baron Raile. 

John Campbell, esq.—lord Caw- 
dér. 

June 1. William Campbell, esq, 
—governor of the Bermuda Isiands, 

6. Edward Cooke,esq,—under se~ 
cretary in the military department of 
ihe chief secreta’ \’s officein Ireland. 

Barry earl of Farnham and Sack- 
ville Hamilton, esq.—privy-coune 
sellors of Ireland, 

July 12. Lady Willoughby de 
Eresby—iady of the bedchamber to 
the princess of Wales. + 

13. Captain Thomas Williams of 
the royal navy—a knt. 

16. Sir Joshua Vanneck, bart.— 
baron Huntingfield, of the ‘Kingdom 
of Ireland, 

Robert Smith, esq.—baron Care 
rington of the kingdom of Ireland. 

Major-general Henry lord Mul- 
grave—-governor of Scarborough 
Castle. 

Major-general Thomas Musgrave 
governor of Gravesend and Tilbury, 

Colonel William Goodday Strutt 
—deputy-governor of StirlingCastle, 

20. Sir John Morshead, bart.— 
suryeyor-general to the prince of 
Wales. 

Sir William Cuningham, bart.— 
one of the state council to the prince 
of Wales, for the principality of 
Wales. 

Thomas Tytwhitt, esq. priyate 
secretary to the prince of Wales— 
privy-seal and auditor of the duchy 


_of Cornwall. 


23. Francis James Jackson, esq. 
—ambassador to the Oitoman Port. 
Charles 


Cy RON ECrnE 


Charles Medows Pierrepont—ba- 
ron Pierrepont and viscount Newark. 
Charles earl of Liverpool—to bear 
the arms of Liverpool, together with 
his family arms, by the express de- 
sire of the corporation of Liverpool. 
Hon. John Rodney—conimissio- 
ner of the victualling-office. 

Marquis Townshend—governor 
of Jersey. 

General sir William Fawcett, 
K. B.—governor of Chelsea Hos- 
pital. 

Robert Cullen, esq.—lord of the 
session in Scotland. 

The prince of Wales colonel of 
the 10th regiment of dragoons. 

August 2. Generals John duke of 
Argyll, Jeffrey lord Amherst, Stud- 

holme Hodgson, George marquis 
Townshend, lord Frederick Caven- 
dish, and Charles duke of Richmond 
=field- marshals. 

20. Robert viscount Castlereagh 
—earl of Londonderry. 

Sept. 1. Hon. Arthur Paget, se- 
-cretary of embassy to the court of 
Madrid. 

Benjamin Garlike,esq.—secretary 
of legation to the court of Berlin. 

21. John earl of Chatham—pre- 
sident of the council. 

30. Earl of Kinnoul, and lord 
Dupplin, his son—lord Lyon king 
at arms for Scotland. 

Oct. 10. General Henry Lawes, 


> 


earl of Carhampton—commander in . 


chief of the forces in Jreland. 

Nov. 3. Major-general sir Ralph 
Abercomby, K. B.—cvlonel of the 
2d regiment of dragoons. 

Major-genera| Welbore Ellis Doyle 
—colonel of the 53d regiment of 
foot. 

Major-general Gerard Lake— 
colonel of the 73d regiment of 
foot, 


[55 


General lord Adam Gordon—gos 
vernor of Edinburgh Castle. 

Lieutenant-general Charles Rains- 
ford—governor of Tinmouth Cas- 
tle. 

30. John duke of Roxburgh—a 
privy-counsellor. 

30. Lieutenant-colonel Charles 
Green—governor of Grenada. 

Dec. 3. Major-general John Graves 
Simcoe—governor of such parts of 
St. Domingo as are in the possession 
of the British. 

3. Major-general the lonourable 
Charles Stuart—zeneral in Portugal 
only. 

3. Major-general Simon Fraser 
—lieutenant-general in Portugal 
only, 

3. Colonel sir James St. Clair 
Erskine, bart.—brigadier and adju- 
tant general in Portugal only. 

3. Colonel William Anne Vil- 
lettes—brigadier-general in Portu- 
gal only. 

‘3. Brevet-major Robert Stuart— 
deputy adjutant general and lieute- 
nant colonel in Portugal only. 

Lieutenant-colonel Hildebrand 
Oakes--quarter-master-general,with 
the rank of colonel in Portugal only. 

15. William Eliot—minister ple- 
nipotentiary to the elector palatine, 
and minister to the diet of Ratisbon. 


DEATHS inthe Year 1796 


Jan, 7. Frances viscountess Ken- 
mor 

10. George, lord Tlarvey. 

13. Mr. John Anderson, F. R.SS. 
London and Edinburgh, and pro- 
fessor of natural philosophy in the 
university of Glasgow, in the 70\h 
year of ‘his age, and 41st of his 
professorship. He was author of 

E 4 muny 


56] 


many useful and ingenious inven- 
tions, and lived to see, besides other 
works, five editions of his valuable 
institutes of physics. 
~ 16. In his 56th year, Henry- 
William Portman, esq. of Bryan- 
stone-place, co, Durset; whose 
large estates in the west of Eng- 
land, and inthe county of Middle~ 
sex (comprising the ground-rents of 
Portman-square, and several streets 
in its neighbourhood), devolve to 
his only son, Henry Berkley P, 
esq: M. P. for the city of Wells. 

Mr. Chas. Leving, bart. 

18. Hon. Robert Fitzmaurice 
Deare. 

19. Wm. lord Belhaven 

Sir William Burrell, bart. LL. D. 
chancellor to the bishop of Worces- 
ter, 1764; F,R.and A.SS. 1754; 
and commissioner of excise, 1774. 
He was third son of Peter Burrell, 
esq. of Beckenham, Kent; admit- 
ted of St. John’s college, Cam- 
bridge,-where he studied the civil 
law and proceeded LL. B. 1775, 
and LL. D. 1780. He married, 
April 13, 1773, Sophia, daughter 
of Charles Raymond, esa. of Vay 
lentine-house, Kssex, who was 
created a baronet May 3, 1774, 
with remainder, in default of male- 
issue, to-William Burrell, esq. of 
Beckenham, and his heirs-male by 
Sophia his wife, by whom he has 
left two sons and two daughters. 

27. At Limerick, in-Ireland, in 
his 30th year, Samuel Crumpe, 
M.D. M.R.1. A. He was gifted 
with talents, and possessed of infor- 
mation, that promised to raise him to 
an high degree of eminence in his 
profession, and inthe literary world, 
He had acquired no small celebrj- 
ty, asan author, by the publica- 
tion of “ An inquiry into the Na- 
ture and Properties of Opium,” and 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of An Essay on the best Means 
of providing Employment for the 
People ;”? which last was honoured 
with a prize-medal by the royal 


Irish accademy, and procured him 


admission among the members of 
that body. 

27. Sophia Maria Josepha, vise 
countess Southwell, of Ireland. 

29. Dowager lady Throckmorton. 

Lately, in his 80th year, Mr, 
John Fyfield, of Stanbridge, near 
Romsey, a man of a most eccentric 
turn of wind and great singularity of 
conduct; the manor of Stanbridge he 
inherited from his ancestors, and it 
had been many generations in his 
family. He was of a penurious dis, 
position, yet would scarcely ever 
suffer any of the timber on his es- 
tate to be felled, though it abound- 
ed with the finest in the country, a 
great deal of which was yearly 
perishing ; the price of 50 guineas 
had indeed once tempted him to 
part with his far-famed oak-tree, 
but he repented of his bargain, and 
was happy to repurchase it, almost 
immediately after, ata higher price, 
All repairs of his mansion were 
prohibited, as an useless extrava- 
gance that would bring him to po- 
verty ; and whilst such a superflui- 
ty of materials as would amply 
have repaid the expences, and ren- 
dered his habitation comfortable, 


_ were rotting at his door, he chose 


rather to reside in it with the roof 
open in many places to the heavens, 
with hardly an apartment that af- 
forded shelter from the weather, 
and with the joist and floors rot- 
ting with the wet that entered : 
the out-buildings were in a similar 
state of decay, and their repair was 
alike prohibited. He was totally 
blind for many of the latter years | 
of hislife, when his chief enjoy- 

ment 


CHRONICLE 


ment was -a pint of strong beer, 
which he usually quaffed twice or 
thrice a week at the Duke’s Head, 
at Great Bridge (about a mile from 
his own house), whither he was 
led by a boy that constantly at- 
tended him. For a long series of 
time he had a strong antipathy to 
the making ofa will, considering 
it asa prelude to a speedy death ; 
but the arguments of his late wife, 
whose influence repressed or 
turned into an harmless channel 
many of his singularities, and her 
representations of the unprovided 
state of his younger children, at 
length prevailed over his prejudices, 
and induced him to leave them 
handsome legacies, ‘With all his 
oddities, he had a heart apen to 
friendship and has _ frequently 
given substantial proofs of his re- 
gard for those who could indulge 
him in them. His landed estates, 
which are pretty cunsiderable, go 
to his eldest son, and are supposed 
to have sufficient timber on them, in 
want of felling, to pay the legacies, 

Feb. 7. At Oxen-heatb, Kent, in 
his $7th year, sir Francis Geary, 
bart. admiral of the white. He 
was created a baronet by tbe ttle 
ofsir Francis Geary, of Polesden, 
Surrey, in consequence of his marry- 
ing Miss Bartholomew, a Kentish 
lady. 

9. Viscountess Llandaff of Ire- 
jand. 

13. Elizabeth, lady of sir John 
Smyth, bart. of Sydling St. Ni- 
vholas, in Dorsetshire ; by whom 
she had several childrep, three 
only surviving her. She was the 
daughter and sole heiress of Robert 
Curtis, esq. of Willsthorpe, co. Lin- 
coln, barrister at Jaw, and niece of 
Matthew Wyldbore, esq. of Peters 
borough, member for that city. 

pee 


[57 


Aged 81, his serene highness 
Henry-Augustus, reigning prince 
of Hohenloe Ingelfingen, chief of 
the illustrious house of that name. 
He was born July 11, 1715. 

15. Thomas Arthur, viscount 
Southwell, of Ireland. 

In his 64th year, Mr. Emanuel 
Elam, of Leeds, formerly a consi, 
derable American merchant, and 
ene of the people called quakers, 
He had retired from business se. 
yeral years ago, with a fortune of 
nearly 200,000]. It was this gen- 
tleman and his brother Samuel 
who were the principal purchasers 
of the valuable estate which was 
sold in Oétober last, belonging to 
the marquis of Salisbury, near 
Leeds, for 155,000]. The elder 
Mr. Thelusson. offered 150,0001. 
and James Armitage, esq. of Huns- 
let, near Leeds, 154,000]. Mr: 
Leatham, of Barton, near Malton, 
and Mr. Dowker, one of the te- 
nants, were the other purchasers. 

17. Jas- Macpherson, esq. M, P. 

Aged 51, M. Dombey, a cele- 
brated French botafist, whu was 
several years employed by the king 
of Spain, in collecting and describ- 
ing the plants and other naturai 
productions of Peru. After his 
return from that country he retired 
to Lyons, and continued to reside 
there till lately, when he was ap- 
pointed by the national conven- 
tion, to undertake another voyage 
to America, for the purposes of na~ 
tural history. He accordingly em- 
barked at Brest for*Philadelphia ; 


but the ship be was on board was 


taken by the English and carried in- 
to Antigua, where he died. 

At Vienna, in his 77th year, 
count Trautmansdorff, the em- 
peror’s chamberlain. 

March 8. Sir Wm. Chambers, knt. 

At 


58] 


At Shrewsbury, Lady Knowles, 
widow of the late admiral sir 
Charles Knowles, bart. 

10, The hon. John Forbes, aged 
82, the oldest officer in the navy, 
and general of marines. He was 
appointed post-captain in 1736,rear 
admiral in 1747,and admiralin1758. 
In 1781 he was appointed admiral 
of the fleet. He was remarkable, 
above all other men, for his exten- 
sive and universal knowledge of 
naval affairs, having studied them 
in all their branches, with a perse- 
verance, and observed upon them 
with an acuteness and judgment 
altogether unparalleled. His mind 
was capable of embracing the 
greatest and most complicated ob- 
jects ; and, having bent it towards 
' the study of that profession of 
which he was allowed, by the uni- 
versal voice of his contemporaries, 
to be a principal ornament, he 
attained such a summit of nautical 
skill as rendered him the oracle of 
all those who were most emi- 
ment, whether in the direction of 
the fleets of this nation, or in the 
equally arduous task of superintend- 
ing the civil departments of the 
different branches of the marine, 
In the earlier part of his life, he 
was peculiarly woticed as an able, 
enterprising, and intrepid officer. 
He served with much reputation 
under Sir John Norris, and was no 
less distinguished as captain of the 
Norfolk, of 80 guns, in the action 
of Matthews and Lestock with the 
combined fleets of France and Spain, 
when his gallanty contributed 
in a high degree to save his brave 
friend admiral Matthews, whose 
second he was in that engagement, 
So bright was bis honour, and so 
clear his reputation in those turbu- 
lent days, that though his evidence 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


on the trial of the admirals went 
wholly against Admiral Lestock, 
yet that officer was often heard to 
declare, ** that Mr. Forbes’s testi- 
mony was given like an officer and 
a gentleman.” In lord Chatham’s 
war, admiral Forbes was selected 
as the ablest assistant the first lord 
could have in the management of 
the Admiralty, and conducted him, 
self ina manner highly creditable 
to his abilities, and.eminentlyser- 
viceable to his country. When 
the warrant for executing the un- 
fortunate admiral Byng was offered 
for signature at the Admiralty 
Board, admiral Forbes refused to 
sign it, at the same time humbly 
laying at his late majesty’s feet his 
objections. A copy of the paper 
given by the admiral to his ma- 
jesty on that occasion, may be seen 
in Smollet’s History of England. 
During a late administration it 
was thought expedient to offer a 
noble lord, very high. in the naval 
profession, and. very deservedly 
a favourite of bis sovereign and 
his country, the office of general 
of the marines held by admiral 
Forbes, and spontaneously cons 
ferred upon bim by his majesty 
asa reward for his many and long 
services, A meSsage was sent by 
the ministers, to say it would for- 
ward the king’s service if he would 
resign : and that he should be no 
loser by his accomodating the 
government, as they proposed re- 
commending to the king to give 
him a pension in Ireland of S000}. 
per ann, and a peerage, to descend 
to his daughter. To this admiral 
Forbes sent an immediate answer ; 
he told the ministers, the gegeral+ 
ship of the marines was a military 
employ ment, given him by his mas 


jesty as a reward fur his seivices ; 


that 


CHRONICLE. 


that he thanked God he had. never 
been a burthen’ to his country, 
which he had served during a long 
life to the best of his.ability; and 
that he would not condescend to 
accept of a pension or bargain fora 
peerage. He concluded by laying 
his generalship of the marines, to- 
gether with his rank in the navy, 
at the king’s feet, entreating him 
to take both away if they could 
forward his service: and, at the 
same time assuring his majesty, he 
would never prove himself un- 
worthy of the former bonours he 
had received, by ending the rem- 
nant of a long lite as a pensioner, or 
accepting of a peerage obtained by 
political arrangement. is gracious 
Master applauded bis, manly spirit, 
ever after continued him in_ his 
high military honuurs, and, to the 
day of his death, condescended to 
shew him strong marks of his regard. 
11. At her house in Kildare- 
street, Dublin, after a lingering 
illness, in her 90th year, the 
countess dowager of Aldborough. 
' 13. At her house in great Cum. 
berland-street, Jady Bridget Tolle- 
mache, relict of Mr. ‘Toilemache 
{brother to the Earl of Dysart) 
and mother of major Tollemache, 
who lost bis life in the service of 
his country, at the siege of Valen- 
ciennes. Lady Bridget was a 
daughter of chancellor earl North- 
ington, and successively the wife 
of Mr. George Fox Lane and tthe 
hon. Mr. Tollemache, who was a 
Captain in the navy, and fell in an 
unfortunate rencontre at New- 
York, with major-zeneral, then 
captain Pennington of the guards, 
By Mr. Tollemache she had an 
only son, Lionel-Robert, who fell 
honourably in the trenches before 
Valenciennes. Lady Bridget strug- 
gled under this severe stroke nearly 


[59 


two years, with all the fortitude 
that a great mind could call forth, 
and at length expired the victim of 
her parental affections. The cha 
racter of this accomplished woman 
naturally took its various colouring 
from thestrange vicissitudes of her 
fortune. Her mind, however, was 
always elevated and commanding ; 
and, though she sacrificed some. 
what to fashionable life, she ever 
kept aloof from those vices which 
have so long’disgraced it, To a 
Strength of intellect, which> she 
derived from her noble sire, she ad= 
ded a delicacy of imagination and a 
brilhancy of wit peculiar to herself. 

15. Countess of Ludlow. 

17. Suddenly, in Manchester. 
square, the marchioness of Win- 
chester, wife of George Powlett, 
esq. who on the death of the late 
duke of Bolton, succeeded to the 
ttle of marquis of Winchester, 

19. At his house in Lincoln’s- 
inn fields, of a rheumatic fever, 
George Bond, esq. one of bis ma_ 
Jesty’s serjeants at law 5 whose pro- 
fessional eminence was deservedly 
acquired by presevering industry 
in the laborious pursuit of legal 
knowledge. 

Of the gout in his stomach, in 
his 33d year, Mr. Stephen Storace, 
Whose abilities asa composer are 
sufhciently known by those original 
airs in the dramas of ** The Haunted 


Tower,’? “ No Song No Supper,” 


«* My Grandmother,” &c, &c. Few 
men in any province of genius have 
more rapidly ascended to: fame and 
independence. His style of compo- 
sition was formed upon the Itahan 
model ; and, in his airs for many 
voices, and in choral energy, he 
tullowed the musicians of Italy 
with great success, He was distin- 
guished in private lite for shrewd- 
18S, penetration, and knowledge 


of 


60] 


of mankind. His first composition 
for Drury-lane theatre was ‘* The 
Doctor and Apothecary,” which 
was performed on the day of his 
death. 

19. Sir Hugh Palliser, bart, ad- 
miral of the white. 

21. In his 77th year, sir Bends 
Rookwood Gage, bart. ot Hengrave, 


co. Suffolk, and of Coldhamhall. He ° 


was the eldest of the two sons of 
John, second son of sir William 
Gage, bart. by his wife Elizabeth 
daughter of Thomas Rookwood, 
esq. of Coldham-hall, On the 
death of her father she became 
sole heiress of all his estate. Sir 
Thomas married, 1747, Lucy 
daughter of William Knight, of 
Kingesby, co. Lincoln, esq. by 
whom he has issue a son, Thomas, 
his successor, and three danghters. 

2. Lady of sir Thomas Parkyns, 
bart. 

25. At Ranelagh the countess of 
Crequy Canaples, widow of Hugues 
comte de Crequy Canaples, of Or- 
ville, in the province of Artois. 
She was daughter of Edward Comer- 
ford, of Leeds, Yorkshire, M. D. 

28. Lady M:ldmay. 

At Berne, in Switzerland, where 
he had long been retired from 
motives of ceconomy, after consi- 
derable expenditure on parliament- 
ary eleétions, and afterwards, by 
preference of situation, for health, 
Spencer Compton, eighth earl of 
Northampton, in wiih title he 
succeeded his brother, in 1763. 
He married first Jane, daughter of 
Henry Lawton, esq. of North- 
amptonshire, who died in 1767, 
leaving issue a son Charles, born 


1760, and a daughter, Fiances, 
born 1758. Tis second lady was 
Mi:s Anne Houghamy His Jord- 


ship was appointed one of the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796: 


grooms of his majesty’s bed. 
chamber, Nov. 25, 1760 ; elected 
recorder of Northampton, Nov. 1, 
1763 ; and constituted lord-lieute- 
nant and custos rotulorem of ‘the 
county of Northampton, July 19, 
1771 5-and president of the Ge- 
neral Hospital and Preservative So- 
ciety of the county. He is suc- 
ceeded by his only son, Charles, 
ninth earl. 

Much lamented, the rev. Benja- 
min Sowden, minister of the Eng. 
lish Episcopal Church at Amster- 
dam. He was justly esteemed 
for his learning, his extensive | 
acquaintance with science, and the 
amiable qualities of his heart. A dis- 
cussion of his father’s having written 
or published jady W.Montague’s let, 
ters, which be only possessed, may be 
seen inthe Gentleman’s Magazine, 
vol. Lxtv. His father printed five 
sermons: 1. on the fast, 1747 ; 
2. on the death of the prince of 
Orange, 1750; 3. at the funeral of 
the rev. Barthomew Loftus,t751 ; 
4. Ordination, 17523 5: on the 
death of king George II. 1760. 

April 3. At the Hague, countess 
de Welderen, sister to lord Howard, 
and Mrs, Parker, the wife of compte 
de Welderen, many years minister 
from Holland to this country. 

10. Sir Archibald Edmonstone, 
bart. 

12. At the George inn at Bridge- 
water, on her way to the Hotwells, 
aged 19, lady Anne-Maria Mon- 
tague, daughter of the late and 
sister of the present duke of Man- 
chester. i 

13. At his seat at Whitwell, co. 
York, aged 31, sir Bellingham 
Graham, bart. He was son of the 
late sir Bellingham, and has a sister 
marracd, abroad, to col. Greville. 

16, Suddenly, James, 10th lord 

Somerville 


CMRP OiN Ee LB 


Somervile, one of the sixteen peers 
for Scotland. ‘He succeeded his 
father, James, 1766; and is suc- 
ceeded in title and estates by his 


| nephew, son of his brother Hugh. 


At Aberdeen, in his 77th year, 
George Campbell, D. D. F. R.S. 
Edin. late principal and professor 
of divinity in the Marischal college 
and university of Aberdeen. 

May 3. The right hon. lady Ger~ 
trude Cromie. 

At Hampton Court Palace, in 

her 7st year, Anna Catharina 
Rumpsfoon Warmen-huyen, dow- 
ager baroness du Tour, mother-in- 
law to Baron Nagel. 
_ 13. At Drumsheugh, near Edin- 
burgh, the hon. James Erskine of 
Alva, one of the senators of the 
Caellege of Justice. He was ad- 
mitted an advocate, Dec. 4, 1743, 
@ppointed one of the barons of the 
Exchequer, May 27, 1754, and 
on the 20th May,176}, was appoint- 
ed one of the lords of the session, 
and took the title of lord Barjarg, 
which title he afterwards altered to 
lord Alva. 

19. At her house in Hertford- 
Street, lady Charlotte Finch, eldest 
danghter of Daniel seventh earl of 
Winchelsea and third earl of Not- 
tingham. She formerly enjoyed 
the place of governess of the royal 
nursery, with an appointment of 
6001. per annum. 

22. At the White Lion inn at 
Bath. Henry Thomas Cary, visc, 
Falkland, and Baron Cary m Scot- 
land. He had reached Melksham, 
on his way to London, but being 
too ill to proceed, returned to Bath. 


He was born in 1766, and sucs. 


ceeded his grandfather, ‘the late 
Viscount, in 4785, Dying without 
issue, his brother, the hon. Charles 
John Cary, succeeds him. 


(61 


At Chesterfield, aged 48, the 
hon. Eliz. Horton, eldest sister of 
the Earl of Derby, and lady of the 
trey, Thomas Horton, rector of 
Bradsworth, co. York. 

At Woolwich, Gen. Broome, 
of the artillery. He rose from the 
situation of a private to the high 
rank of a general officer, merely by 
his personal merit. He wasa captain 
of artillery at the time of the trialof 
lord George Sackville, in which he 
appeared us a principal evidence 
against his lordship. 

31. Aged 64, in Harcourt place 
Dublin, the right bon. William 
Barton Conyngham, one of his ma- 
jesty’s most hon. privy council,’ 
teller of the exchequer, and one of 
the commissioners for executing the 
office of high treasurer in Ireland, 
treasurer of the Royal Irish Aca- 
demy, F. A. S$. Lond. brother of 
the late Francis Pierpoint Burton, 
baron Conyngham. (father of the 
present viscount Conyngham) and 
nephew of Henry earl Conyngham, 
in compliance of whose will he 
took the name of Conyngbam ; and 
uncle to the present lord, to whom 
his estates devolve. Our readers 
will recollect him as the mnni- 
ficent patron of Mr. Murphy, 
in his journey to, and description 
of, the monastery of Batalha, which 
Mr. Conyngham had himself vi- 
sited, and made some sketches of, 
with two other gentlemen who 
accompanied him in his travels 
through Portugal, 1783. ‘* These 
sketches, which are very correct 
representations of the original, 
gave Mr. Murphy so high an idea 
of that building as to excite in him 
an earnest desire to visit it; and 
Mr. Conyngham having generously 
offered him his patronage and sup- 
port, he set out frem Dublin, 

in 


62] 


ina trading vessel, and arrived at 
Oporto in January, 1789.7 Mr. 
Murphy conciudes his preface with 
** acknowledging his obligations 
to this gentleman, by whose muni- 
ficence he was enabled to carry on 
his work. The Portuguese have 
too much gratitude not to add their 
acknowledgments to him also for 
having nrade known the merits of 
this immiiable structure. The per- 
son who presented it to the world 
was a private gentleman, a native 
of Ireland, who, induced by no 
other motive than a love of the 
fine arts, and a wish for the ad- 
vancement of science, has ex- 
pended upwards of 10COl. in res- 
cuing this noble edifice from the 
obscurity im whichit has lain con- 
cealed for ages. I have taken the 
liberty to dedicate this work to him, 
in consideration of his exemplary 
liberality, and as an humble testi- 
mony of my everlasting gratitude 
and respect.” To the dedication 
is prefixed a portrait of Mr. 
Conyngham painted by Stuart, 
and engraved by Schiavonetti. 
Mr. Conyngham subscribed for ten 
copies of the work. Ireland will 
feel itself indebted to Mr, Conyng- 
ham for the institution of a Society 
of Antiquaries, in 1780, consisting 
of himself as president, Mr. Arch- 
dall, author of the Irish Monasti- 
corn and Peerage, Mr. O’Connor 
the dissertator, colonel Vallancey 
the etymologist, Dr. Ellis, a phy- 
sician, who ‘created a Society of 
Natural History, Mr. Ledwich, 
and Mr. Beauford. Things went on 
very well ull governor Pownall 
addressed a letter to them, which 
Mr. Ledwich answered in the 
* Collectanea Hibernia,” No. XL; 
and by the lively, jocular way in 
which he then wrote, offended col. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, — 1706. 


Vallency who expatriated him froin 
his Collectanea, and from’ a society 
which immediately ceased. Had 
this society held together, we might © 
have expected it to have engraved 
and illustrated that fund of draw. 
ings of Irish antiquities from the 
time of the Druids to the Reforma- 
tion, which Mr. Conyngham was 
then making at a great expence, 
‘which he was ready to commu- 
hicate to every person whose pur- 
suits were congenial with, his own, 
and which we hope he has taken 
some measures to render perpetual. 
June 6. At her house in Sloane- 
street, Knightsbridge, of a cancer 
in her breast, the countess of Sus 
sex, second wife to the present early 
and daughter of Jn. Vaugan, esq- 
of Bristol. 
In his 70th year the rev- Thomas 
Cole, L, L, B. and vicar of Dulver- 
tun. He was of Queen’s col- 
lege, Cambridge, where he took 
the devree of L. L. B. in 1751. 
He was author of ‘* The arbour, or 
the rural philosopher,” 4to, 1756, 
reprinted. in Dodsley’s collection of 
Poems ; ** Discourses on luxury, in= 
fidelity, and enthusiasm,” 12mo- 
1760, at which time he was 
assistant preacher at St. Paul’s Co- 
vent Garden; and ‘The life of 
Hubert, a narrative, descriptive, 
and didactic poem,” book I. 8vo. 
1795. f 
Of the yellow fever, at sea, on 
board the Majestic, of 74 guns, in: 
which he was coming home from 
the West Indies, two days before 
she made the land, sir John Lafos 
rey, admiral of the blue. He was 
made a post-captain in 1758: a 
rear admiral in 1789 ; a vice admi- 
ral in 1793; a baronet in 1794; 
and an admiral in 1795. On the 
2lst his remains were interred at. 
Plymouth 


CHRONIC LE 


Piymouth with grand military 
honours. 

At Madrid, aged 80, the duke 
de Crillon Mahon, captain-general 
of the Spanish armies. It is cal- 
culated that he had been in 68 
different engagements. He com- 
manded the Spanish armies with 
the greatest success in the war of 
1780, against the English, and in 
that war took the island of Minorca 
from them. After having served 
long in France, his native country, 
at the conclusion of the seven years 
war he passed, with the approbation 
of the French goyernment, into 
the service of Spain, where he ac- 
quired the first military rank. Not 
havingtaken any part in the last 
war of the Spaniards against the 


French, he had a very active share’ 


in the conclusion of the peace 
which terminated it. The title of 
duke of Mahon, destined to -per- 
petuate the remembrance of his 
victories, has passed to the youngest 
of his sons by a third marriage. 
The two eldest sons of the duke de 
Crillon were both members of the 
Constituent assembly of France. 

-At Donauschiz, in his 39th 
year, the reigning prince of Fur- 
stenberg. 

-11. At Madrid, much lamented, 
the right hon. countess of Tra- 
quaire, daughter of the late George 
Ravenscroft, esq. of Spalding, co. 
Lincoln. 

16. At his house in Grosvenor- 
Square, after a long. and painful 
illness, sincerely regretted by all his 
friends, and particularly by those 
of the profession he belonged to, for 
which he had always stood forward 
a zealous advocate and sincere 
friend, field-marshal the rt. bon. 
sir George Howard, k. b. one of 
his majesty’s most honourable privy 


[63 


council, colonel of the first or 
king’s regiment of dragoon guards, 
governor of Jersey, and M.P. for 
Stamford. 

16. In Upper Brook-street, in 
his 69th year, the right hon. Wil- 
liam Gerrard Hamilton, formerly 
secretary in Ireland. By his death 
there lapses an Trish pension of 
2000]. a year ; and the bulk of his 
fortune goes to William Hamilton, . 
esq. of Lincoln’s-inn-fields. He 
was usually denominated single 
speech Hamilton- 

At his seat at Kentchurch, coe 
Hereford, in his 68th year, John 
Scudamore, esq. a few weeks be-~ 
fore elected, for the sixth time, to 
represent the city of Hereford. in 
parliament, by the unanimous 
voice of the citizens. His death 
was occasioned by a cold, caught, 
after hunting in bis park, by the 
too sudden check of perspiration ; 
every effort of the ablest of the fa- 
culty to preserve his life was inef- 
fectual. 

At Paris, the duke de Chatelet, 
This unfortunate peer, after secur- 
ing some part of his property in 
England, returned to France with 
the hope of rescuing more; but, 
before he could attain his object, | 
was discovered, and arrested by 
the deputy on mission in the de. 
partmentde la Somme. He had, 
however, taken such precautions, 
that his emigration could ndt be | 
traced; and might, perhaps, have 
escaped, had not a Jacobin, whose 
brother was cook in an English 
nobleman’s family, produced a let- 
ter, which stated the duke’s. having 
dined with lord on a particu. 
lar day, and even the other com- 
pany who were present, and the 
conversation which passed attable, 
Mons. de Chatelet, surprised, un- 

prepared 


64] 
prepared for such evidence, and 
unable to refute it, was sent to 
Paris, and guillotined ; and in his 
fate were involved several inno- 
cent people, ene of them a young 


English lady, because she happen-_ 


ed to be in a house where the duke 
slept one night. 

August 2. After a long and pain- 
ful illness, in- his 77th year, at his 
seat at Patshull, co. Staff. General 
sir Robert Pigot, bart. He is suc- 
ceeded in title and estate by his 
eldest son, lieut- col. George Pigot. 

5. At Little Chelsea, lady Gor- 
don, daughter of Thomas Alsop, of 
Loughborough, gent. and second 
wife of Samuel Philips, of Geren- 
don-hall, co. Leic. esq. Mr. Phi- 
lips, who concluded the too short- 
lived race of a most respeétable and 
worthy family, March 16, 1774, 
at the age of 65, left his noble 
mansion at Gerendon, with an in- 
come of 7000l..a year, to his wi- 
dow ; who was afterwards married 
to Sir Will. Gordon, K. B ; but, on 
the death of this lady, the estates 
descend, agreeably to the will of 
Mr. Philips, to Thomas March, 
esq- of More Critchell, co. Dorset, 
his maternal cousin, who has just 
obtained the royal licence to as- 
sume the surname and arms of 
Philips, in addition to those of 
March. 

Wm. Johnson Temple, LL. B. 
of Trinity-ball, Cambridge, 1766, 
formerly reétor of Mamhead, co. 
Devon, to which he was presented 
by the earl of Lisburne, and ex- 
changed it for St. Gluvias. He 
published ** An Essay on the 
Clergy, their Studies, Recreations, 
Doéirines, Influence, &c. 1774,” 
8vo; and wrote the charaéter of 
Gray, which has had the honour to 
be adopted both by Mr. Mason and 


- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, i796. 


Dr. Johnson in their accounts of 
that poet. 

After a long illness, at the Bell 
inn, Northfield, beitig then on his 
way to Abergavenny, in Wales, 
Sir Joseph Broeke, bart. of Seaton; 
in Yorkshire, His brother, Samuel 
Brooke, esq. of the city of Jublin; 
succeeds to the title and estate. Sir — 
Richard, the late baronet, died in 
his 38th year, at Norton priory; 
in Cheshire, March 11, 1795. 

At his housein Grosvenor-square; 
Wm. Drake, of Shardeloes, cos 
Bucks, esq. lord of the borough, and 
patron of the re€tory of Agmone 
desham, or Amersham, in that 
county, LL. D. (William Drake 
appears as member for that borough 
in 1661.) He married, Feb. 93 
1747, Miss Raworth, of Same 
broke-court, Basinghall-street, with 
100,@00/. She died many, years 
since. They had issue, 1. Wm. 
Brake, LL. D. M. P. for Ames 
sham, whodied May 19,1795. He 
married, Feb. 17, 1778, the sole 
daughter and heiress of William 
Hussey, esq. M. P. for Salisbury; 
by his wife, daughter and co-heir- 
ess (with the wife of Mr. Alder 
man Kirkman) of Robert Marshy 
esq. some time governor of the 
bank. She died in about a year, 
aged 20, without issue. He mare 
ried, 2dly, Aug. 21, 1781, Rachael, 
sole daughter and heiress of Jere- 
miah Ives, esq. alderman of Nor- 
wich, with 400,000/. She died 
in a few years, leaving two daughs 
ters. 2. Thomas Drake Tyrwhitt, 
esq: succeeded his brother as meme 
ber inthe last parliament for Amer 
sham, and is now re-chosen. He 
married Miss Wickham, by whom 
he has 11 children, and now poss 
sesses Shardeloes. 3. Rev. John 
Drake; LL. D. reétor of Amer- 

sham, 


CHRO 
ham, married Miss Wickham, sister 
tothe former. 4. Charles Drake 
Gerrard, esq. chosen with his bro- 
ther, at the last election, M. P. for 
Amersham. 5. A daughter, mar- 
ried to the tev. Mr. Francke, of 
Suffo’k. 6. A daughter, unmarried. 

Sept. 1. At Brighthelmstone, in 
the 68:h year, of his age, the Right 
Hon. David Murray, earl of Manse 
field, president of the council, jus- 
tice-general of Scotland, keeper 
of Scone, chancellor of Mareschal. 
_ College, Aberdeen, joint clerk of 

thefcourt of king’s bench, LL. D, 
and K. T. and formerly a2 member 
of the university of Oxford. His 
lordship was the only son of lord 
viscount Stormont (elder brother 
to that distingyished character the 
first earl of Mansfield), and bore 
that title till his late uncle’s death, 
when he succeeded to his fortune 
and the earldom. He had resigned 
the office of lord justice general of 
Scotland, on being appointed lord 
president of the council. His es- 
tates in Scotland do not exceed 
60001. a year; but the property 
he inherited from the great earl, 
and the accumulations arising from 
rigid economy in his own ex- 
pences, aré immense. A green 
ribband be¢omes vacant by his 
death; who was; except the duke 
of Queensbury, the oldest knight 
of the most ancient ordet of the 
thistle. He was educated at Wests 
minster school; and from the, col- 
lege there was elected, in 1744, 
student of Christ-church, Oxford. 
His proficiency in classical know- 
ledge at both those seminaries of 
learning, and his distinguished’ re- 
ang as a scholar, are well 

own to his contemporaries. 

Many of his Latin compositions 

Still remain, and prove bas taste and 
Vou. XXXVIIE- 


NICLE. [68 


mastery in that language. He 
continued through life, notwith« 
standing his constant employment 
in business, to cultivate at his lei- 
sure hours the learned languages, 
and with such diligence, that it is 
thought he has Jeft few better, or 
more critical, Greek scholars be- 
hind him. Upon the death of his 
father, in 1748; which happened 
not very long after he had finished 
his studies at Oxford, he travelled 
abroad for several years ; and, soon 
after his return, was elected one 
of the sixteen peers for Scotland. 
In 1756, he was appointed envoy 


‘to the court of Dresden, and re- 


mained at that court during its resi- 
dence at Warsaw, and till be was 
named one of the three ambassa- 
dors for the intended cofgress of 
Augsbourg. He returned to Enge 
land in 1762, and the next year 
was appointed ambassador to the 
court of Vienna, where_he conti-« 
nued fill 1772; In 1772, he was 
appointed ambassador to the court 
of France, where he continued 
till the ware In. 1779, his ma- 
jésty was graciously pleased to name 
him s€cretary of state for the northe 
ern department. He held the 
seals till the, change of. administra- 
tion in 1782; and in 1783 returned 
into office, with a part of the ad- 
ministration he had acted with be- 
fore, as president of the council. 
He guitted, with his friends, at the 
end of the same year, and again re- 
turned with them into power in 
1784, in bis former situation of pre- 
sident of the council, pa 

His remains were brought in fu- 
neral state, and,on the 9th, accord- 
ing to his ‘own express desire, pri- 
vately interred in the same vault 
with his uncle and aunt, the late 
éarl and cogntess of ManSfield, in 

F the 


66] ANNUAL 


the north aisle of Westminster- 
abbey. His heatt is carried to 
Kumlington, the family seat of 
his lureship, in the county of Dum. 
fries.—On the arfival of the caval- 
cade at the cnurch, two of the 
bearérs having got the coffin on 
their shoulders, the horses of the 
hearse to-k fmght by the pressure 
of the ss isleil de | ; by which means, 
the other men not been prepared, 
the weight becdme (oo prepondee 
rant fer those in front, and the 
coffin fell with great violence on 
the ground ; the foot part of which 
bilged, part fell out with a number 
of the tiails and embellishments, 
and the concussion was so great 
that the leaded receptacle was much 


shattered, and a quantity of water 


issued from it.—His lordship was 
twice married ; first to -a Saxon 
lady, Henrietta, countess of Bunan, 
at Warsaw, in 1759, by whom 


there is now no issue living but lady — 


Elizabeth, married to Geo. Finch 
Hatton, esq. in 1785; secondly, 
to Louisa, third daughter'to the late 
lord Catheart, in 1776, by whom 
he has left four sons and a daugh- 
ter, He is succeeded in his ho- 
nours and estates by his eldest son, 
David-William, born March 7, 
1777, the present earl, who but 
lately sét out on his travels, ‘and is 
now at the university of Leipsic. 

17. Mr. J. W. Dodd, of Drury- 
lane theatre, an excellent actor. 
He began his theatrical career in 
the North of England, afterwards 
was the principal performer on the 
Norwich stage, and an 3d October, 
1765, appeared the first time at 
Drury-lane, in the character of 
Faddle, in The Foundling. Since 
that period he had uniformly been 
engaged at the same theatre. 

21. At Bath, sir John Danvers, 


REGISTER, 1796. 


of Swithland, in the county of 
Leicester, bart. He has bequeathed 
his immense landed estates and per- 
sonal property to his only child, 
the Hon, Mrs. Butler, wife of the 
Hon. Augustus Butler (second son 
of the countess of Lanesborough) 
who bas taken the name of Dan- 
vers, Sir John’s real estates in Lei- 
cestershire and other counties, 
amount inold rents to near 10,0001, 
per ann. in which the property of 
timber is immense: the persona] 
estate consists of near 200,000). 
in funded money, cash, and bank 
bills. By a former will, the family 
of the male branch of the Danvers 
were made sole heirs; but this was 
lately revoked svon after the birth 
of his daughter’s son. 

22. At Fareham, the Right Hon, 
James lord Cranston, His lord. 
ship was lately appointed governor 
of Grenada, and was preparing to 
take his departure for his govern- 
ment, 

Rev. and right hon. John earl of 
Terao 

. At Edinburgh, in his 76th 
yea Mr. John Medina, limnery 
grandson to sir John Medina, an 
eminent histori¢al and portrait 
painter of Scotland, in the last 
and beginning of this century. 
His peculiar talent was the rescu- 
ing from decay and ruin some of 
the best collections: of pictures in 
Scotland; a recemt instance of 
which was afforded in the collecs 
tion of Kings in the palace of Hoe 
lyrood-house; the renovation of 
which will long appear a monu- 
ment of his merit, if it be merito- 
Tious to restore fictitious likenesses. 

Oct. 6. After a long and severe 
illness, lady Dashwood, the lady of 
sir Henry Dashwood, bart. of Kirt~ 
bps yas park, co. Oxford, lady of 

the 


GHRON I OLE: 


the bed-chamber to the ptincesses 
and governess of the royal nursery, 
Carlton-house. She was the el- 
dest daughter of the late Mr. Gra- 
ham, formerly 4 member of the 
council in Bengal, and mete to the 
late lord Newhavens aod married 
at Gatton park, July 17, 1780, 
Sir Henry Dashwood, by whom she 
had several children, of whom the 
eldest was appointed a page at 
court. 

10. Juliana Maria, dowager 
queen of Denmark. , 

14. In a very advanced age, sir 
John Hopkins, kot. alderman of 
the ward of Castle-Baynard. Hav- 
ing formerly been in the common 
council, he was the father of the 
corporation. He was elected alder- 
man in 1782; sheriff in 178435 
lord mayor in 1792. 

20. At Edinburgh, JoHn, 5th 
lord Ballenden, heritable usher of 
the court of Exchequer in Scot- 
land. He was presumptive heir 
to the dukedom of Roxburgh, and 
the extensive possessions belongsng 
to his grace the present duke, who 
has no issues Lord Ballendén mar- 
tied a mulatto woman, Mrs. Sarah 
Cuming, front Montego-bay, Ja- 
taica; but by her; who died about 
a twelvemonth ago had no chile 
dren. 

31, Archibald earl of Egling- 
toun. 

Nov. 7, At Goodwood, Sussex, 
Mary, duchess of Richmond; a 
womdn whom neither titles could 
dazzle nor pains depress; who 
bore her honours so modestly upon 
her, that, while her dignity en- 
forced respect, her gentleness in- 
Spired love. She was only daagh- 
ter of Charles Bruce, 3d earl of 
Aylesbury, by his wife Caroline, 
daughter of gen. John Campbell, 


[67 
afterwards duke of Argyll. She 
was married 1747, but had no 
issue. She was interred in the fa- 
mily vault in the cathedral at Chi- 
chester. ; 

16. At Castle ditch, co. Here» 
ford, at the seat of his brother, 
lord Sommers, Thomas Sommers 
Cocks, esy. of Downing-street, 
He was 9th son of John Cocks, 
esq. of Castle ditch, born 1737, 
partner with his brother James in 
a capital banking house at Charing- 
cross; with Biddulph and Co. 
and married, 1768, Anne, daugh- 
ter of Alexander Thistlethwayte, 
esq. of Southwich; Hants, by whom 
he had issue. 

19. Mrs. North; lady of the bi- 
shop of Winchester. 

The most noble Thos. Thynne, 
marquis of Bath, knight of the 
garter, groom of the stole to his 
Majesty. He was born Sept. 24, 
1734, and married in 1759, to the 
lady Elizabeth Cavendish Ben- 
tinck, sister to the duke of Port« 
land, 

2f. Sir William Dick, bart, 

Sir Edmund Head; bart. 

Dec. 12. After a tedious indise 
position, heightened by severe do- 
mestic afflictions, which terminat- 
éd im the dropsy in the chest, the 
right res. Dr. William Buller, 
lord bishop of Exeter. Besides the 
gallant col. Buller, who was slain’ 
on the continent, he lost two sors- 
by consumption, He was of Oriel 
college, Oxford; where he proceed- 
ed A. M. 1759; ‘thence removed 
to Christ-church, where he took 
the degrees of B. and'D. D. 1781; 
was appointed'dean of Exeter ; 
and,on the promotion of Dr. Horne, 
dean of Canterbury, in which he 
was installed June 22, 1790. On 
the death of Dr. John Ross, 1793; 

he 


F2 


68] 


he was advanced to the bishoprick 
of Exeter, and was consecrated 
Dec. 2, that year. His remains 
were privately interred on the 17th 
in Exeter cathedral. 

17. In Weymouth street, Port- 
land-place, William Pickett, esq. 
formerly partner with Mr. Theed, 
afterwards with Mr. Rundell, sil- 
versmith, on Ludgate Intl, which 
busitiess he carried on alone in 
Bond-street. He was elected al- 
derman of Cornhill ward in May, 
1783 ; and filled the office of she- 
riff in 1784, and lord-mayor in 
1789. 

At Dublin, aged 60, the right 
hon. baron Trimelstown. His lord- 
ship was second baron of the king- 
dom of Ireland.—He was, we be- 
lieve, the 14th who held that title 
in lineal descent from Robert Barne- 
wall, created baron Trimelstown, 
1461, by Edward IV. for his good 
and faithful services in Ireland; 
_and whose grandson John was chan- 
cellor of Ireland in 1534. Mr. 
Archdall’s peerage, published 1789, 
does not mention the late lord, end- 
ing with his predecessor Thomas, 
13th lord, who enrolled himself in 
‘the Irish volunteer army on the a- 
larm of invasion 1779 and 1780, 
A younger bfanch of the Barne- 
wall family had the title of viscount 
Kingsland, 1646. 

Sir Rob. Hesketh Juxon, bart. 
of Rofford hall, Lancashire. 

28. Prince Lewig,; second son of 
the king of Prussia. 

31. At his apartments in Mew- 
ate, the right hon. lord William 

urray, 2d brother of his grace 
the duke of Athol, 


SHERIFFS. appoimted for the Year 
= 1796, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Berks, Michael Anthony, of 
Shippon. 

Bedfordshire, George Brooks, 
of Flitwick. 

Bucks, ‘Thomas 
Chalfont house. 

Cumberland, James Graham, of © 
Barrock lodge, esq. 

Cheshire, the hon. Booth Grey, 
of Wincham. 

Cambridge and Huntingdon, J. © 
Gardener, of Chatteris. 

Cornwall, John Enys, of Enys, 
esq. 

Devonshire, sir Bourchier Wray, © 
of Tawstock, bart. , 

Dorsetshire, Thomas Bowyer © 
Bowyer, of Iwern minster, esq. 

Derbyshire, sir Robert Wilmot, , 
of Osmaston, bart. : 

Essex, Jackson Barwis, of Mar- 
shalls. 

Gloucestershire, Samuel Peach 
Peach, of Upper Torkington. 

Hertfordshive, John Sowerby, 
of Lilley. 

Herefordshire, Abraham Whita- 
ker, of Liston. 

Kent, John Mumford, of Sutton 
at Hone. 

Leicestershire, James Richards, 
of Ashby-de-la-Zouch. 

Lincolnshire, William Earl Wel- 
by, of Denton. 

Monmouthshire, Henry Barnes, 
of Monmouth. 

Northumberland, Adam Mans- 
field Lawson Decardonnell, of 
Chirton, 

Northamptonshire, Allen Ed. 
ward Young the younger, of Or- 
lingbury. 

Norfolk, Thomas Brown Evans, 
of Kirby Bedon. 

Nottinghamshire, J. Wright, of 
Nottingham. 

Oxfordshire, William Lowndes 
Stoney of Brightwell. 

Rutlandshire, 


Hibbert, of 


CHRONICLE 


Rutlandsbire, R. Tomlin, of 
Edith Weston. “0 

Shropshire, Ralph Leake, of 
Longford. 

Somersetshire, John 
Warre, of Hestercombe. 

Staffordshire, Henry Vernon, of 
Hilton, 

Suffolk, John Clayton, of Sibton. 

Southampton, H. Maxwell, of 
Ewshot-house. 

Surry, Thomas Sutton, of Moul- 


Tyndale 


sey. 
Beate Jobn Fuller, of Rosehill. 
Warwickshire, Edward Croxall, 
of Shustock. 
Worcestershire, 
younger, of Broom. f 
Wiits, Gilbert Trowe Beckett 
Turner, of Penleigh. 
Yorkshire, Godfrey Wentworth 
Wentworth, of Hickleton, esq. 


T. Hill the 


SOUTH WALES. 


Caermarthen, J. William Hughes, 
of Tregyth. 


[69 


Pembroke, Nathaniel Philips, of 
Slebetch. 

Cardigan, Edward Warren Jones, 
of Lianina. 

Glamorgan, Herbert Hurst, of 
Gabalva. — 

Brecon, P. Champion Crespigny, 
of Tallyilyr. 

Radnor, John Pritchard, of Doly- 
velin, esq. 


NORTH WALES 


Merioneth, Thomas Lloyd, of 
Cumbusion- 
. Anglesea, J. Morris Conway, of 
Cellening- =~ 

Carnarvon, J. William Lenthall, 
of Mainan. 

Montgomery, John Dickin, of 
Welch Pool. 

Denbighshire, J. Hughes, of 
Horseley-hail, esq. 

Flint, Sir B: Pryce Lloyd, of 
Pengwern-place, bart. 


APPENDIX 


Leb Ab 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE, 


From the London Gazette, 


Letter from Major General Whyte 
to Sir R- Abercromby, 


Sir, Demerary. 

yi Fa obedience to your excellency’s 
‘commands, I left Barbadoes on 
the 15th instant, with a detache 
ment of the artillery, and part of 
the 39th, 93d, and 99ih regiments, 
amounting to 1200 men, escorted 
by.the Malabar, Undaunted, la 
Picque, and Babet frigates, with 
the Granada transport, and fiye 
schooners and sloops, and on the 
2ist made the land, when the 
Scipio joined the fleet, That eyen- 
ing, when the tide made, the 
Babet and la Picque frigates, with 
the Granada transport, passed the 
‘bar, with the schooners and boats 
of the fleet, and came to anchor, 
within random shot of the fort, at 
the entrance of the river ; and hav- 
ing, during the night, prepared> 
every thing for attack, at day-light 
appeared in force, when I sent a 
flag of truce by lieutenant-colonel 
Hislop of the 39th regiment, sum- 
moning the governor to surrender 
the colony aud its dependencies to 
his Britannic majesty’s forces, 
agreeable to the terms which J have 
the hunour to inclose, and which 
the governor and council accepted, 
The tnanimity with which the ser- 
viee was carried on between the 


fleet and army was pleasing to all 
concerned, and Mr. Higgins ac- 
quitted himself with much proprie- | 
ty andutility. Captain Parr, who © 
commanded the ficet, has assisted 
and supplied us from the fleet li- 
berally: and] have the satisfaction 
to inform your excellency, that 
from every information I have re- 
ceived, and from above seventy 
ships being actually loaded with 
the produce of the country, now 
in the river, (most of which will 
be sent to England) and from every 
account of the fertility of the soil, 
if js a most important acquisition 
to Great Britain. Cy 

The colony of Bernice, adjoining 
to this, being a separate govern 
ment, I shell direct my attention 
to it without delay: and I shall 
leave lientenant-colonel Hislop in 
the command here, agreeable to 
your excellency’s directions, 

The Thetis, a Dutch frigate of 
24 guns, and a cutter of 12 guns, 
are added to the fleet; and captain 
Parr has given directions for de- 
stroying or bringing down the river 
a French brig privateer of force, 

I have the honour to be, &c. 
(Signed) Joun Wuyre, maj. gen. 
’ Sir Ralph Abercromby, K. B. 

te. Se. Fe. te 


By major-general John Whyte, 
commander of his Britannic ma- 
jesty’s land forces, &e. &c. &e. 

and 


APPENDIX to. the CHRONICLE. 


and captain Thomas Parr; com- 
mauder of his Britannic majesty’s 
Ships, &c. &c. &c. 


These are requiring you, the go- 
yernor and council, military and 
- naval forces, of the colony ef De- 
merary and its dependencies, to 
"surrender the said colony to his 
Britannic majesty’s forces under 
our command, and to place the 
said colony under his majesty’s pros 
teétion, and quietly and peaceably 
to submit to his majesty’s govern- 
ment. 

In which case the inhabitants 
shall enjoy full security to their 
persons, andthe free exercise of 
their religion, with, the full and 
immediate enjoyment of all private 
property, whether on shoreor afleat 
(excepting such as may appear to 
belong to the subjects of the French 
republic) according to their ancient 
laws and usages, or such otber as 
may be determined upon previous 
to the colony’ s being placed under 
his majesty’s government, upon the 
most liberal and beneficial terms. 

That in the event of the colony’s 
remaining under the British govern- 
ment at the conciusion of a general 
peace, it shall enjoy such commer- 
cial rights and privileges as are en- 
joyed by the British colonies in the 
West Indies. With regard to the 
military and naval forces, that the 
officers and men of the land forces 
shall, if agreeable to themselves, 
be re rived into the British pay, with 
leave, at the restoration of the 
Stadtholder, to return into bis ser- 
vice. Each non-commissioned of- 
ficer and soldier shall receive, upon 
taking the oath of allegiance to his 
Britannic majesty to serve him 
faithfully during the war, where it 
may be thought proper to employ 


{74 
him, the sum of one hundred 
guilders. 

The officers to receive, under the 
same conditions, the allowance of 
two hundred days bat, baggage, 
and, forage money, as. paid to the 
British officers. 

The offcers_and men of the ma- 
rine forces cannot be taken into 
the British sery:ce until his majes- 
‘ty’s pleasure, shall be known, but 
shall receive pay according to their 
rank, and .every indulgence. that 
can be allowed. - 

That the govei nor and all civil 
officers, after having taken the 
oaths-of allegiance to, his majesty, 
‘which will be administered by, ma- 
jor-general Whyte, are (if . they 
_chuse) to remain in their respec- 
‘tive situations, (excepting those 
who have shewn a decided par- 
tiality to the French interest) the 
governor only resigning the milita- 
Ty command. Should such liberal 
terms be refused, the governor, 
council, and all concerned, must 
be answerable for the consequen- 
ces, as an immediate attack will be 
made by the land and sea forces, 
which will render every resistance 
vain, 

Major general Whyte and capt. 
Parr give the goveroor one hour, 
and no more, from the delivery of 
this by Jieutenant-colonei Hislop, 
to accept or not. 

(Signed) Joun Wuyte, maj. gen. 
Tuomas Parr, captain 


royal navy. 
Dated on board his majesty’s ship 
Babet, off the river Deme- 


rary, April 20, 1796. 
A true copy, Jounn WuytTe. 


GENTLEMEN, 

It is out of my power as yet to 
give a decisive answer to your sum- 

F4 mons, 


73] 


mons, demanding the surrender of 
this colony to his Britannic majes- 
ty’s forces, as my duly requires me 
to lay it before the council, to whom 
it is also addressed, but which is 
not assembled at this moment. I 
will, however, call the members 
present together, and return about 

twelve o’clock an answer. 
I have the honour to remain, &c. 
(Signed) ANTHONY Beavson, 
governor of Demerary. 

Demerary, 22d April, 1796. 

To theér excellencies general Whyte 
and commodore Parr. — 


On board the Babet frigate, © 

Sir, April 22, 1796. 

We ‘have been honoured with 
your letter jn answer to our’s of 
‘yesterday’s date, summoning the 
colony of Demerary to surrender to 
bis Britannic majesty’s arms, re- 
questing, for the. reasons therein 
‘mentioned, to have until twelve 
o'clock this forenoon to assemble 
‘the council to assist you in the de- 
termination. 
~The reasonableness of the request 
induces us to grant it; but you 
willbe aware, that if an answer is 
not returned “on or before that 
‘time, no further delay can be made, 
and you alone must be answerable 
for the consequeiices, and you will 
please also to observe, that, ‘from 
the very liberal terms offered, no 
deviation whatever can be adsnit- 
ted. 

We have the nie: to be, &c. 
(Signed) Joun Wuyte, maj. gen. 

THomas PARR, captain 
royal navy. 
To his excellency the governor 
of Demerarys 


Fort William Frederick, Demerary, 
22d April,'1796.' t 


/ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


GENTLEMEN, 

We, the governors, members of 
the council, and commanders of 
the military and naval torces of the 
colany, in council of war assembled, 
having attentively perused the sum- 
mons, dated of yesterday, and ad- 
dressed to us by your excellencies, 
demanding the surrender of said 
colony to his Britannic majesty’s 
forces, also the terms thereunto an- 
nexed, have, after mature delibera- 
tion, Fealvel to accept said terms, 
and on them to surrender said colo- 
ny and its dependencies as demand- 
ed, whereof we hereby give you 
notice ; also that our colours will be 
struck on the landing of your for- 
ces; it will depend on the several 
officers and troops to decide for 
themselves as to the offers made 
them, and we have the honour to 
subscribe ourselves, &c. 

(Signed) Antuony Beavson, 
governor. 
J. Fran, Wett, maj. 
C. FizJcHeR, com. | 
P. P. Lu ynen. 
Tuomas CumING, 
A, MEEXTENS. 

By order of the council, 

M. Sinn, sec. ad int. 

To their excellencies general Whyte 

and commodore Parr, commanders 

of his Britannic majesty’s forces 
off Demerary. 


From the London Gazette, July, 2. 
Admiralty Office, July, 1796. 


Copy of a letter from vice admiral 
Onslow, commanding his majes- 
ty’s ships and vessels at Plymouth, 
to Mr, Nepean, dated June 30, 
1796 
Herewith 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


Herewith I have the pleasure to 
inclose a letter from captain Tom. 
linson, of his majesty’s sloop La 
Suffisante, containing particulars 
of his success in capturing the Mor- 
gan French privateer, and recap- 
turing the six English. merchant 
ships named in the inclosed list, 
that had been taken by her, and 
which you will be pleased to lay 
before my lords commissioners of 
the admiralty. 

So complete a piece of service, 
performed by a vessel of such small 
force as the Suffisante, [am _ per- 
suaded their lordships will admit, 
reflects great credit on captain 
Tomlinson, his officers, and men. 


La Suffisante, Plymouth, June 
30, 1796. 
Sir, 


I beg leave’to acquaint you, that 
his majesty’s sloop La Suffisante, 
under my command, has retaken 
two English merchant sbips, on the 
27th inst. near the isle de Bas (from 
Oporto, loaded with wine.) I 
gained intelligence from the priso- 
ners, that the French privateer 
which they belong to, carried six- 
teen guns and ten swivels; and 
that on the preceding day she was 
to the northward of Scilly, in chace 
of several English vessels: 1 there- 
fore immediately dispatched the 
prizes, with orders to go to Ply- 
mouth, and stood in for the French 
coast, between Ushant and the isle 
de Bas, in hopes of meeting her on 
her return, or any other pmzes that 
she should send intoMorlaix or Brest. 

On the following morning I had 
the good fortune to discover the 
_above mentioned privateer, and 
four loaded merchant ships, (her 
prizes) standing towards us ; and, 
as I fetched within gun-shot of 
the privateer, we gaye her several 


commander in chief at Plymouth. 


[73 


broadsides as we passed on opposite 
tacks; and, on our putting about 
to follow her, she made the signal 
for her prizes to disperse. They 
were then about seveh miles from 
us tothe N. W. ; 

Atone P. M. we fetched very 
near ber lee quarter, and opened a 
well-directed fire of musquetry up- 
on them from forward, which 
obliged them to strike before we 
could get alongside to bring our 
great guns to bear upon her. 

As the greatest dispatch was ne- 
cessary to enable us to overtake the 
prizes, which were endeavouring 
to escape by steering on different 
directions, I ordered lieutenant 
Pickford to take command of the 
privateer, to send the French cap- 
tain and officers on board the Suf- 
fisante immediately, and then to 
make sail and assist me in taking 
the merchant ships, which service 
was performed very much to my 
satisfaction, he having taken two 
of them, one of which I had not 
the least hopes of his being able to 
come up with, as she was very far 
to the windward. 

To the spirited and active beha- 
viour of the officers and crew of 
the Suffisante, I consider myself in 
a great measure indebted for our 
success, which is as complete as I 
could wish it to be, for, exclusive 
of the privateer, which is a fine 
copper-bottom brig, capable of doe 
ing much mischief, we have like- 
wise retaken six valuable English 
merchant ships, which are all that 
she had captured. 

Inclosed, I have the honour to 
transmit you a list of the prizes, and 
their cargoes, and am, i 

Sir, &e. 
NicnoLas Tomtrnson, 

To vice-admiral Onslow, 


List 


74, 


List of vessels retaken by the Suf- 

.. fisante, Nicholas Tomlinson, esq. 
commander, on the 27th and 
28th of June, 1796.. ae 

_ Draper, burthen 200 tons, of 
Dublin, from Qporto, bound to 
Dublin, Jaden with 400 pipes of 
wine, and 11 bales of cotton, 

Brothers, burthen 180 tons, of 
Liverpool, from Oporto, bound to 
Liverpool, laden with 350 pipes 
and 30 hogsheads of wine, .and.72 
bales of cotton. 

Mary Ann, burthen 170 tons, of 
Dublin,. from Oporte, bound to 
Dublin, laden..with .272.. pipes -of 
wine, 11 bags. of cotton, and. 5 casks 
of vinegar. 

Ann, burthen 170 tons, of Dub- 
lin, from-Oporto, bound to Dublin, 
Jaden with 303 pipes of wine, 15 
boxes,:and 20 baskets of lemons, 

‘Vine, burthen 110 tons, of Lan- 
caster, from Oporto, bound to.Lan- 
caster, laden with 108 pipes and 
four hogsheads of wine, 175 bags 
of cotton, three tons and a half of 
cork, lemons, &c. 

Eliza, burthen 160 tons, of Dub- 
lin, f rom London, bound to Dublin, 
Jaden with 250 chests of tea, 250 
barrels of porter, a quantity of steel 

and other dry goods. 
NicnoLas Tomine SON. 


The London Gazette, July 2. 


Articles of Capitulation of the 
Island of St. Lucia. 


Art. 1. The island of St. Lucia, 
the Morne Fortune and its depen- 
dencies, together with all the effects 
belonging to the French Republic, 
shall be faithfully delivered to the 
generals of the British forces. 

Ans. Agreed to. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


2. Property and persons of every 
description shall be placed under — 
the protection of the law ; .and 
passports shall be granted to such — 
persons as may. wish to leave the — 
Island, 

Ans. All property and inhabi» 
tants will be subject to and under 
the protection of the English laws. 
Persons wishing to quit the island 
must obtain permission of the go- 
vernor or commander of the island, — 

3. No inhabitant shall be dis- 
turbed, molested,or banished, on 
account of his opinions, or for hav- 
ing held any place under the French 
republic, 

Ans. Agreed tq, as answered in 
the second article. 

4. The agent general, the com- 
mander in chief, and the forces of 
the republic, who have defended 
the island, shall march out with the 
honours of war, and delivered their 
arms ; the officers only being al- 
lowed to keep their swords : they 
shall be, treated as prisoners of 
war and sent back to France as 
socn as possible. 

Aus. The first part of this article 


granted, but the troops must ree 


main prisoners of war until , ex- 
changed. 

te “The British forces shall take 
possession of the Morne Fortune at 
the hour which may be appointed 
for that purpose, and the French 
garrison shall march out with their 
arms and. bageage, drums beating, 
and colours flying. 

Ans. The fort to be put into the 
possession of the British troops to 
morrow, at, noon ; the garrjson. to 
march out. of the fort in the manner 
desired. ,, The garrison to, occupy, 
houses in the “neighbourhood | of | 
the fort, nntil, vessels shall be pro- 
vided for, their. reception... 


ae! 
- 


G. The garrison shall pile their 
‘arms at the place which may be 
appointed for that purpose, and 
shall immediately be sent to. France. 
The officers shall be allowed to 
take with them their wives and 
children. . 

Ans. The arms to be piled on 
the glacis without the fort. Answer 
has already been: given as to the 
disposal of the garrison. The 
officers may dispose of their wives 
and children as they please. 

7. The agent general of the exe- 
cutive directory, his aides-de-camp, 
secretary, and other persons at- 
tached to him, shall be allowed to 
keep all papers and effects belong- 
ing to his office. The same favour 
shal] be granted to the commander 
in chief and all the officers of the 
garrison. 

Ans. Agreed to ; but all papers 
relating to the state of the island, 
public works, and all plans and 
maps to be given up. a5 A3 

8. The volunteers serving with 
™ the French forces shall be allowed 
to keep their knapsacks-  ~ 
_ Ans, Agreed to, according to 
the return given in by the com- 
‘mander in chief. poyess 

9. No person shall be plundered 
Or insulted, on account of the opi- 
nions he has hitherto professed- 

Ans. Agreed to. 

10. Two vessels of the republic, 
lying in the harbour, shall be 
granted to the agent of the exe- 
cutive directory, to serve as co- 
yered boats. The crews of there 
two vessels shal), however, be con- 
sidered as prisoners of war: 

Ans. Refused ; but every accom. 
modation that can be desired by 
the agent general of the executive 
directory shall be granted, 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE, [75 


11. The inhabitants, of every 
colour, shall be allowed to, retura 
immediately to their respective 
homes, without jnsylt or molestas 
tion. 

Ans. Agreed to. 

12..The sick and wounded of 
the garrison shall be taken care of 
in the same manner as the English, 
and, on'their recovery, shall be en- 
titled to the same terms as the other 
prisoners, 

Ans, Agreed to- 

13. All the articles of this capi- 
tulation shall be faithfully and 
strictly observed by both parties, 

Ans. Agreed to. 


Additional Articles. 

Proper officers to be named by 
the agent general and commander 
in chief, to take the necessary orders 
for the surrender of Gros Islets, 
Souffriere, and Vieux Fort, and 
other posts that may be occupied in 
the island. ‘The means) of convey- 
anee shall be found for»the said 
officers. Stores and provisions of all 
kinds to. be delivered by the French 
commissaries to the British commis- 
saries authorised to receive them 
on the ‘surrender of the different 
posts. ‘ - : 
(Signed) Ratepu ABERCROMBY. 

~ Huey C, CurisTiany, 
«. Gorrens. | 
» GoYRAND:. 
Morne Duchasseauxr Stes... 
Lucia, May 25, 1796. 


Articles. of Capitulation of. Co- 
Jombo, in the island of Ceylon... 
Preliminary Article-—John Gee 

rand Van Angelbeck, counsellor 

of India, governor and director of 
the Dutch possessions in the island 
of Ceylon, offers to deliver ap. to 

colonel 


76] 


colonel Stuart, and captain Gard- 
ner, commanding the English 
troops, the fortress of Colombo, 
upon the following conditions, at 
the expiration of three days, 

Ans. Major Patrick Alexander 
Agnew adjutant-general of the 
British troops in the island of 
Ceylon, by virtue of the powers de- 
legated to him by colonel James 
Stuart, commanding the British 
army, and Alen Hyde Gardner, 
esq- captain of his majesty’s ship 
Heroine, and senior officer of the 
naval force’ before Colombo, con- 
sents to accept of the surrender of 
the fort Colombo, on the under- 
mentioned terms, provided the 
Capitulation is signed this evening, 
and the fort delivered to the British 
troops to-morrow morning at ten 
o’clock, in the manner stipulated 
‘in the following articles. 

Art. J. In this capitulation shall 
be included the town of Gale, and 
the fort of Caliture, with all their 
dependencies, lands, domains, &c. 
of the hon. Dutch East India Come 
pany ; and the governor shall issue 
orders to the commander and 
council of Gale, and the command- 
ant of Caliture, for the actual sur« 
render, actording to the contents 
of this capitulation. 

_ Ans. Granted. 

‘Art. 2. The fort, with all its de. 
pendencies, artillery, ammunition, 
‘stores, provisions, and all other 
effects belonging to the company, 
with the plan and papersrelative to 
the fortifications, shall bona fide be 
delivered up, without concealing 
or keeping back any thing. 

Ans. Granted. The serveys of 
the distriets of the island of Ceylon, 
and its coasts, with all the other 
public plans to be included. 

Art.3.And as the banksat Colom- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


bo, as well as Gale, are two years in 
arrear, the delivery shall take place 
according to the balances now ac- 
tually existing, and a reasonable 
time be allotted to the commercial 
servants here, and at Gale, with 
their assistants, to finish their 
books; and they shall during that 
time receive the pay and emolu- 
ments fixed for their services. As 
the smith, cooper, house carpenter, 
the overseer of the arsenal, and the 
brick-maker, receive every thing 
by indent, their accounts shall be 
examined by our accountants, and 
paid by the English: on the other 
hand, the above mentioned arti- 
ficers and overseers are responsible 
for the articles issued to them. 

Ans. One year, or eighteen 
months, 1f absolutely necessary, 
Shall be allowed, for the pure 
pose of arranging the books ; dur- 
ing which time a reasonable salary 
shall be paid to the servants of the 
Dutch company necessarily em- 
ployed in this department. The 
accounts of the artizans shall be 
examined and liquidated. 

Art. 4. All public papers shall 
also be faithfully delivered over ; 
but attested copies of all the public 
and se¢ret consultations held during 
his short government, and which 
he has not had an opportunity of - 
forwarding to Holland or Batavia, 
shall be given to governor Van 
Angelbeck, to enable him to 
answer for his conduct, according 
to the existing circumstances. 

Ans. Granted. 

Art. 5. The returns and merchan- 
dize of the company, which are 
partly laden on board the shipsBerli- 
cum and Ensgezenheid, now lying in 
the roads and partly stored in pri- 
vate houses, as well as those at Gale, 
shall also be faithfully delivered by 

the 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


the commissaries, who shall be ap- 
pointed by the governor, to major 
Agnew, whois authorized by the 
goverment of Madras to receiye 
them. 

Ans. All merchandize, stores, 
and public property, of every de- 
scription, either laden on board 
the ships now anchored under the 
guns of the fort, deposited in public- 
stores, or distributed in the houses 
of individuals ; as well as all public 
property placedin asitniliar manner 
at Gale, Caliture, or any other part 
of the island of Ceylon, depending 
on these governments, shall be de- 
livered up by the commissaries, who 
shall be named by the governor 
Van Angelbeck to major Agnew, 
the major appointed by the go- 


vernment of Madras to receive 
them, in three weeks from this 
date. 


Art. 6. But as the company has of 
late borrowed money upon interest, 
of their servants and inhabitants, 
and, when in want of ready money, 
have issued (kredict breeven) pro- 
_ missory notes, to the amount of 
about five lacks of rix-dollars, of 
which, however, at least one half 
is in the treasury, with a promise to 
realize the same; and as several 
Servants have their pay and emolu- 
ments in the hands of the company, 
for which they have no other se- 
curity but their property, the above 
mentioned debts shall be paid out 
of them, and the notes discharged, 
which can occasion the less consi- 
deration, as the returns alone, tak- 
ing the fine cinnamon at only three 
rupees a pound, the pepper at one 
hundred rupees per candy, the 
cardamoms at one rupee a pound, 
and the piece goods and other mer- 
chandize at the invoice price, will 
amount to about twenty-five lacks 

3 


77 


of rupees, and all the debts, pay, 
and notes in circulation not above 
six lacks. The copper doodees shall 
continue current for one stivere 

Ans. As Mr. Van Angelbeck has 
assured the officers commanding 
his majesty’s nayal and land forces 
before Colombo, that a refusal to 
comply with the demand contained 
in the 6th article, will be attended 
with the total ruin of the colony, 
they consent to the following ar- 
rangements regarding the paper 
currency of this island, provided 
the public property of the Dutch 
company is found to be conformable 
to the statement contained in this 
article. The English government 
of Ceylon will take up the pros 
missory notes of the Dutch govern- 
ment which are still in circulation, 
provided they do not exceed the 
sum of 50,000, sterling, and issue 
certificates for the amount, bearing 
an interest ofthree per cent. per anne 
payable half yearly, which certifi- 
cates shall be in force so long as 
the districts of: Ceylon, extending 
from Matura to Chilau, shall be 
in possession of the English, and no 
longer. Should these districts be 
restored to the Dutch, the respon- 
sibility of payment will necessarily 
revert tu them, in which event the 
original notes of the Dutch govern~ 
ment shall be restored to the pro« 
prietors, in exchange for the cer- 
tificates granted by the British 
government. The officers com- 
manding the British forces are not 
authorized to provide for the pay= 
ment of the arrears due to the sere 
vants of the company. This must 
be left to the future determination 
of his Britannic majesty. 

The copper coin of this island 
must find its own yalue in the course, 
of exchanges 

Art. 7. 


78] 


Art. 7. All private property, 
without exception, shall be secured 
to the proprietors: 

Ans. Granted, with the excep- 
tion of all military and naval stores, 
which, in every instance, must be 
deemed public property. 

Art. 8. In which is expressly in+ 
cluded the funds of the orphan 
house, or the college for the admi- 
nistration of the effects of infant 
children, and of the committee for 
Thanaging the poor funds, as also 
the two ships now in the roads 
{Berlicum and Ensgezindheid) 
which belong to individuals in 
Holland, and are chartered by the 
company, as shall be proved. 

Aus. Granted, with exception 
of the ships, which must be deemed 

ublic property. 
E rea The garteon shall march 
out with the honours of war: pile 
their arms, by command of their 
own officers, on the esplanade, and 
again return to their barracks. The 
officers to keep up their side-arms ; 
the clevangs and crees of the non- 
commissioned officers and private 
Malays to be locked up in chests, 
and on their departure, on being 
set on shore; to be teturned to 
them. . 

Ans. Granted: ; 

Art.10. The European officers, 
non-commissioned and privates of 
the battalion of the Dutch troops, 
and the detachment of the Wir- 
temberg regiment, deing duty with 
it; as well as the artillery and sea- 
men, shall be transported in English 
ships from hence to Europe or ba- 
tavid, according to their choice, 
with permission to carry along with 
them their wotnen, children, ne- 
Cessary* servants, and baggage. 
None of the officers, however, 
shall be moved from hence against 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


their will, as many of them ‘dre - 
married, and have their property 

here ; and in case any of thent. 
wishing to depart, time shall be al4 

lowed them to arrange their affairs 

to go where they please; on their 

parole of honour not to serve in this 

war against Kingland, until they 

shall be exchanged. 

Ans. The European cfficers, non¢ 
commissioned officers and privates; 
as well of the Dutch battalion, 
of the regiment of Wirtemberg, 
the artillery, engineers, and ma- 
Tine, must be considered as prix 
soners of war, and as such they will 
be treated with that attention 
which the British government has 
ever shewn to those whom the for= 
tune of war has placed in its 
power. ~The whole shall be sent to 
Madrass. Such of the officers as 
desire to return to Ceylon, for the 
reasons mentioned in this article, 
will have permission to do so; on 
giving their parole of honour not 
to serve during the present war 
against the English. Those who 
may desire to return to Europe shal! 
be permitted so to do, on the same 
conditions, but without any claim 
on the British government for pay 
and allowance of any description. 

Art. 11, As there are some native 
born French in garrisen, they shall 
be tansported to the french islands 
if they choose it.’ 

Ans. The French of the gar- 
rison will be considered #5 prisoners 
of warand sent to Madras. 

Art. 12. The Malays that do not 
choose to remain here, shall be 
transported in English ships, with 
their women and children, to the 
island of Java. 

Ans. The Malay troops shall be 
sent from hence, with their wives 
and children, to Tutacoren, and 

from. 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


from hence by easy marches to 
Madras. They shall be subsisted 
while they remain prisoner, and if 
not taken into the British service, 
shall, at a convenient time, be sent 
to theisland of Java, at the expence 
of the British government. 

Art. 13 These transportations 
shall take place at the expence of 
the English, and until that tme 
the military, Europeans as well as 
Malays, shall continue to enjoy 
their pay, as well as emoluments, 
as was customary in the company’s 
service. None of the military shall 
be forced, or even persuaded, to 
enter into the Service of his majesty, 
or the honourable English company. 

Ans. The military officers, Eu- 
ropean and native, shall receive 
the same pay allowed to them in 
the Dutch service. The soncommis~ 
sioned and privates shall] be subsisted 
according io the regulations of the 
British government for the prison- 
ers of war. None sball be forced 
to enter the service of Great Britain 
against their consent. 

Art. 14. The Sepoys and Moor- 
men in the service shall have liberty 
to return to their birth place. 

Ans. Granted. 

Art. 15. The Chingaleese Las- 
cars, being soldiers, according to 
the nature of their service, and the 
burghers and civil servants by the 
laws of the colony being obliged, to 
take up arms for its defence, it shall 
not tend to prejudice those people. 

Ans. Granted. 

Art. 16. The governor Van An- 
gelbeck, the commander of Gale, 
Fretz, and all the other political or 
commercial servants, not required 
in their official capacities for the 
purposes mentioned in article 3, 
shall have permission to remain as 
private individuals at Colombo, 
Gale, or other place on the island, 


[79 


orto betake themselves elsewhere. 
In the first case, a reasonable means 
of subsistence shall be allowed to 
each, according to his rank. In 
the last, they shall be permitted to 
carry their effects along with them, 
without payment of any tax or 
duty whatever, but then all al- 
Jowance to cease. 

Ans. Granted, with this ex- 
ception, that as the commanders of 
the British forces befure Colombe 
are not authorized to grant the sub- 
sistence required, this subject must 
be referred to the decision of the 
government of Fort St. George. 

Art. 17. The respective vendue 
masters here and at Gale shall be 
maintained during the collection 
of the outstanding balances, in 
right of the preference granted 
those people by the company. 

Anos. Granted, for all balances 
now outstanding, 

Art. 18. The clergy and other 
ecclesiastical servants shall continue 
in their functions, and receive the 
same pay and emoluments as they 
had from the company. 

Ans. Granted under the same 
exception annexed to the 16th 
article. 

Art. 19. The citizens and other 
inhabitants shall be allowed to 
follow their employments, and en- 
joy all the liberties and privileges 
as the subjects of bis majesty. 

Ans. Granted. ; 

Art. 20, The native servantsin the 
different departments shall be con- 
tinued in their employs during their 
good bebaviour. 

Ans. Granted; subject to such 
regulations as the British govern- 
ment may hereafter judge ne- 
cessary. 

Art, (21. The eastern princes 
Tommogoms, and other men of 
rank here as state prisoners, and 

who 


80] 


who receive a monthly subsistence, 
shall coniinue.to receive it accord- 
ing to the list which shall be given 
in. 

Ans. Granted while they remain 
in Ceylon. 

Art. 22. All notarial papers, 
such as wills, bills of purchase 
and sales, obligations, securities, 
bonds, &c. shall continue in force, 
and the registers of them be pre- 
sented by commissaries appointed 
on both sides for that purpose. 

Ans. Granted. 

Art. 23. All civil suits depend- 
ing in the council of justice, shall 
be decided by the same council, 
according to our laws. 

Ans. Granted ; but they must be 
decided in twelve months from 
this date. 

Art. 24. The deserters who are 
here shall be pardoned. 

Ans. All deserters from the Eng- 
lish service must be anconditionally 
given up. 

Art. 25. The above articles of 
capitulation shall be faithfully ful- 
filled and confirmed by the signa- 
tures of the officers commanding 
his majesty’s sea and land forces, 
Colonel James Stuart, and Captain 
Alan Hyde Gardner ; and in case 
of any thing appearing obscure, it 
shali be faithfully cleared up ; and 
if any doubts shall arise, it shal! be 
construed for the benefit of the 
besieged. 

Ans. Granted. 

Art. The garrison shall mareh 
out, agreeably to the 9th article, at 
ten o’clock tosmorrow morning, 
when the gate of Delft shall be de- 
livered to a detachment of the 
British troops. The governor Van 
Angelbeck will order an officer to 
point out the public magazines, 
posts, and public stores, that 
guards may be placed for their se- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


curity, and the preservation of 
order in the garrison. 
Done in Colombo, this 15th 

day of February, 1796. 
(Signed) J. Gran. ANGELBECK; 
(Signed) P. A. AGNEw, adj. gens 
Approved and confirined, 
(Signed) J. Sruarr. 

A. H. Garpner. 


Articles of Capitulation which 
licutenantegeneral sir Ralph 
Abercromby, K. B, commander 
in chief of his majesty’s forces 
in the West Indies, grants to 
the French government in St; 
Vincent’s, the 11th of June; 1796. 
Art. l. The garrison of the Vigie 

and its dependencies to march out 

thisday at twelve o'clock, and lay 
down their arms. 

2. The negroes, &c. are to return 
to their respective proprietors. 

3 The rest of the garrison be- 
come prisoners of war. The offi- 
cers are allowed to retain their 
swords, and all are allowed to 
keep their private effects. 

4. Such persons as have been 
guilty of murders, or of buroing 
houses or estates, must be subjeét to 
the judgment of the laws of the 
island. 

5. The commanda@mt of the 
French troops shall cause to be 
given up, as soon as. possible, all 
the posts which the French troops 
are.in possession of in this island ; 
and the said troops are to become 
prisoners, upon the conditions 
granted to the garrison of the Vigie. 

6. The commandant of the 
French troops shall be responsible 
that all artillery, ammunition; 
and stores, of every kind, shall 
be delivered up to the British 
troops in the order they are now 
in, and any injury or waste com-~ 
mitted on them from this time will 
be considered as @ breach of faith. 

7. By 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


7. By the fourth article it is un- 


derstood that all persons, except 
such as come under the meaning of 
that article, are for this time par- 
doned for having departed from 
their allegiance to his majesty. 

8. In addition to the first article, 
the commander in chief consents 
that the garrison should march out 
with the honours of war. 

(Signed) R. Apercromsy, 

T. Wo ttey. 


We, the undersigned, adminis- 
trators of the French army in this 
island, accept the above articles of 
capitulation, subjeét to the sanc- 
tion of the delegated commissary, 
and of the military committee. 


Cu. Sucue, admi- 

(Signed) nistrator. 
G.Aupisert. Bouny, comman- 
com, del. dant en second. 
(For the command- 
er in chief of the 


republican army, 

Marinier.) ! 

D. Victor, aid- 
de-camp. 


Terms of Capitulation agreed upon 
by major-general Oliver Nicolls, 
commanding his majesty’s forces 
in the island of Grenada, and 
captain Jossey, commanding the 
troops of the French republic 

- in the same island. 


Art. 1. The posts under the 
command of the above comman- 
dant Jossey, viz. Mabonia, or Du- 
galdstone, the Vigie, or the hill of 
Gouyave, and Dalincourt, shall be 
surrendered to the arms of his Bri- 
tannic majesty. 

2. The battalion, of which the 
said captain Jossey is commandant, 


the artillery, and the commissariat 


Vou. XXXVI, 


[81 


of the French republic, compre- 
hending, however, no person not 
formerly free, shall be prisoners of 
war, and remain so till exchanged. 
3. The garrison of each post 
shall march out with the honours 
of war, and lay down their arms in 
such place as will be pointed out 
to them, after which they will be 
conducted to the most convenient 
place till they can be embarked. 


4. All guns, ordnance stores, 
commissary’s stores, public papers, 
and effects, belonging to the French 
republic, or actually in the posts 
occupied by their troops, are to be 
delivered up faithfully to the proper 
officers who will be sent to receive 
them. 

5. The officers will retain their 
swords, and both officers and men 
their baggage. 

6. The post of Mabonia will be 
taken possession of as soon as the 
capitulation is signed ; and of Gou- 
yave an hour afterwards ; the post 
of Dalincourt at four o’clock this 
afternoon, 

(Signed) Oxtver Nicoxts, 

major-gen. 
JossEY. 


London Gazette Extraordinary. 
Parliament-Street, Nov. 3, 1796. 


A Dispatch, of which the follow- 
ing is a copy, was this day re- 
ceived by the right hon. Henry 
Dundas, one of his majesty’s 
principal secretaries of state, 
from major-general Craig, coms 
manding his majesty’s troops at 
the Cape of Good Hope, dated 
Camp, on the shore of Saldanha 
Bay, August 19, 1796. 

G 


83] 
Sir, 


I have great satisfaction in res 
porting to you the event of an at- 
tempt which has been made by the 
enemy, and which has terminated 
to the honour of his majesty’s arms, 
in the entire capture of the squa- 
dron of Dutch ships of war, destin- 
ed for the purpose of retaking this 
settlement. 

Having made. every arrangement 
within my means, by the establish- 
ment of a small post, and the lay- 
ing the road by asufficient number 
of the few men which J had been able 
to mount, for watching Saldanha 
Bay, I received a report on the 3d 
instant, transmitted in fourteen 
hours, that nine ships had appeared 
off that coast, on the preceding 
afternoon, which I immediately 
communicated to vice-admiral sir 
George Keith Elphinstone. By the 
same report there appeared to be 
the strongest probability that his 
majesty’s brig the Hope had been 
captured by them; and as there 
was no further- account of them 
that day, I concluded that the in- 
formation which they had received, 
by that means, of our strength 
here, had induced them to con- 
tinue their route, and that they 
would stand far to the westward 
before they doubled the Cape, to 
avoid. sir George’s fleet, which had 
put to sea as soon as was possibie 
after the, receipt of the intelli- 
gence. 

In order, however, to omit-no 
precaution, I sent up Lieut. M’Nab, 
with a few mounted men, to watch 
the Bay more narrowly ; and from 
him I received a report, on Satur- 
day night the 6th instant, at twelve 
o’clock, that the same number of 
sh ps which had formerly been re- 
ported had anchored that morning 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


in the Bay, and that there was no 
doubt of their being enemies. [ 
lost not a moment in sending die 
reétions to Simon’s Town, from 
whence, by the general willing- 
ness and afétivity which prevailed 
amongst all ranks, five vessels were 
dispatched by nine o’clock, in quest 
of the admiral, with the informa. 
tion. 

As it fortunately bappened that 
the 25th and 27th light dragrvons, 
with part. of the 19th, and the 
whole of the 33rd regiments, were 
in Simon’s Bay, I could be under 
no apprehension for the safety of 
the colony from any force which 
could be landed from nine ships of 
war. It became, however, an ob« 
ject of infinite importance to the 
welfare of the settlement, to pre- 
vent any body of the enemy from 
throwing themselves into the coun- 
try. At the same time the security 
of the Cape Town became an object 
of particular attention, both from 
the reasonable expectation, that the 
enemy would not have come with 
sueh a force, without a prospect 
of a junétion with some other ar- 
mament, and from the possibility 
of the admiral being prevented 
from doubling the Cape by the 
north westerly winds which usually 
prevail at this season, and which 
would carry the enemy in six hours 
from Saldanha to Table Bay. It 
was therefore with particular sa- 
tisfaétion that I found myself pos- 
sessed of a force adequate to both 
these objects. 

No time was lost in making the 
necessary arrangements in a coun- 
try totally unused to a movement 
of this nature. ‘The troops began 
their march on Sunday morning, 
necessarily by divisions, on account 
of subsistence, The burgher se- 

3 nate 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


nate was assembled, to whom I 
exposed my intentions, to which 
they expressed the most ready com- 
pliance. Waggons were every 
where demanded by them, and 
furnished with cheerfulness. Ca- 
valry was necessary, but the ap- 
pointments of the 28th were on 
board a ship which had sailed in 
guest of the admiral. Those of 
the 25th were also on board ship in 
Simon’s Bay, and we had not above 
fifty horses. The, appointments 
were brought up, and I did not 
scruple, on such an occasion, to 
require all saddle horses, without 
exception, to be brought in, which 
were valued by two members of the 
court of justice, and two officers 
of the 28th dragroons, and paid for 
on the spot, to the entire satisfac- 
tion of the owners. 

By these means, sir, leaving ma- 
jor-general Doyle in the command 
of the troops at and about Cape 
Town, amounting to near 4000 
men, and brigadier-general Camp- 
bell in the immediate command of 
the town, I, on the morning of 
the 16th instant, reached Saldanha 
Bay, at the head of the advanced 
guard, consisting of the light in- 
fautry, a body of Hottentots, and 
filty of the 25th light dragoons, 
assisted by brigadier-general M’Ken- 
zie, the remainder of whose corps, 
consisting of the grenadiers, the 
78th and 80th battalions, fifty 
more of the 25:b, and one hundred 
of the 28th light dragoons, in all 
about 25000 men, with two howit- 
zers and nine field pieces, arrived 
there also in an bour after. 

' In the mean time, the admiral 
had returned to False Bay, and on 
there receiving the first accounts 
of the enemy being in Saldanha 
Bay, had put to sea again with the 


[83 


utmost expedition ; and we had the 
satisfaction, from the heights from 
whence we descended to the shores 
of the Bay, to see him, with all 
his sails crowded, advancing with” 
a fair wind directly to the mouth 
of the harbour, though still at 
some distance. One of the ene- 
my’s frigates, which lay near the 
shore to cover their watering, cane 
nonaded us very briskly as we de- 
scended the heights, though withe 
out effect, and we returned their 
fire with as little, having at that 
time only three-pounders with us; 
but a howitzer being brought up, 
a few shells were thrown with 
great precision by captain Robert- 
son, who probably would have 
destroyed her; but perceiving that 
our fleet. was then entering the 
Bay, and that there was no pos- 
sibility of her escaping, I desisted 
from firing, thinking it more for 
his majesty’s interest that she should 
share the fate of the remainder of 
the squadron, the capture of which 
appeared to me to be inevitable, 
than that we should risk the de- 


Stroying her, from a vain punctilio 


of obliging her to strike to us. 
We then employed ourselves in 
making the necessary dispositions 
for affording such assistance as 
might be in our power, in the event 
of the obstinacy of the enemy, 
obliging the admiral to attack 
them, as well as such as would be 
expedient in case they should run 
their ships on shore, neither of 
which, however, I thought pro» 
bable. I was accordingly inform- 
ed, by a letter from sir George the 
following morning, that the whole 
had surrendered themselves to him. 

The means by which this event 
has been accomplished, sir, has not 
afforded ‘any opportunity to his 

G2 majesty’s 


84] 


majesty’s troops of displaying that 
bravery in his service, which I am 
confident they would have shewn, 
had the occasion presented itself ; 
but if the utmost alacrity and cheer- 
fulness, under almost every priva- 
tion, except that of meat, during 
a march of ninety miles, through 
so bargen a country that there exist 
but five houses in the whole line, 
have any merit, I can with truth 
present them to his majesty’s 
troops. 

This march, sir, has never yet, 
I believe, been attempted by any 
body of troops, however small, 
and, permit me to assure you, has 
‘been attended with such uncom- 
mon difficulties, that it never could 
have been accomplished but by 
the display of the qualities T have 
mentioned in the troops, and a 
union of extraordinary exertions in 
all the departments concerned. 
In these, all have equal claim to my 
acknowledgments; but I cannot 
dispense without  particularising 
the intelligence and activity with 
which, regardless of the uncom- 
mon fatigue which attended it, 
Lieutenant M’Nab, of the 98th 
regiment, with about twenty of his 
mounted men, performed the ser- 
vice allotted to him of watching 
the enemy, and preventing any 
communication with them, from 
the first moment of their coming 
into the Bay, till our arrival. 

It is, sir, with very particular 
satisfaction that I have further to 
report that I have received, on this 
occasion, every possible assistance 
from his majesty’s subjects of the 
colony. - 

The burgher senate have dis- 
charged the duty imposed upon 
them with the greatest readiness, im- 
partiality, and activity, whilst their 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


requisitions and orders on the ine 
habitants for their waggons, cattle, 
and horses, having been complied 
with with a cheerfulness which 
could, I am satisfied, only proceed 
from a conviction of the preference 
to be given to his majesty’s mild 
and paternal government over the 
wild system of anarchy and con- © 
fusion from which they were fure 
nishing the means of being effect. — 
ually defended. 

This will be delivered to you, sir, — 
by my aidede camp captain Baynes, — 
who has been in this country, since 
the first arrival of his majesty’s troops 
under my command, and to whose 
intelligence and active assistance I 
have been, on every occasion, 
highly indebted. I beg leave, sir, 
most humbly to recommend him 
to his majesty’s notice. 

T have the honour to be, 

With the greatest respect, 
Sir, &c. &e. 
J. H. Crate. 


Admiralty Office, Nov. 3, 1796. 


Dispatches, of which the following 
are copies, (brought by captain 
John Aylmer, of his majesty’s 
ship Tremendous) were this day 
received from the hon. vice-ad- 
miral sir George Keith Elphin- 
stone, K. B. 


Monarch, Saldanha Bay 

Sir, Aug. 19, 1796. 

I have the honour to inclose a list 
of a Dutch squadron, under the 
command of rear-admiral Engel 
bertus Lucas, sent hither for the 
reduction of this colony, but which 
were compelled to surrender by 
capitulation, on the 17th instant, 
to the detachment of his majesty’s 
ships under my command, named 
it 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


in No. VII. on the terms also in- 
closed. For further particulars I 
beg leave to refer you to the ac- 
companying detail of the proceed- 
ings of the squadron from the 4th 
to the 18th instant, and I hope the 
lords commissioners of the admi- 
ralty will approve the measures I 
have taken, so essential to the Bri- 
tish commercial interests in the 
East. 

The ships are all coppered, and in 
good condition, excepting the Castor, 
whose rudder is defective. 

In justice to the officers and men 
Ihave the honour to command, it 
is my duty to observe, that, in 
consequence of the most violent 
tempestuous weather I ever be- 
held, and the very unpleasant situa- 
tions in which the squadron was 
at times placed, they cheerfully, 
and much to their credit, under- 
went a degree of fatigue harldly 
credible. 

Captain Aylmer will have tbe 
honour of presenting these dis- 
patches. I beg leave to mention 
him to their lordships, as a res- 
pectablegentleman and an active 
officer. 

I have the honour to be, 

With great esteem, sir, 
Your most obedient, 
humble servant, 
G. K. ELPHINSTONE. 
Evan Nepean, Esq. 


Monarch, Saldanha Bay, 

Sir, Aug. 19, 1796. 

I have the honour to inform you, 
that intelligence was received at 
Cape Town, on the 3d instant, of 
a numberof ships having been seen 
in the offing, at Saldanha Bay, 
which was confirmed on the 5th. 
In consequence of this every pre- 
paration was made for putting to 


[85 


sea immediately, with the squadron 
under my command; but from the 
Monarch’s main-mast being out, 
and the tempestuous weather, I was 
not able to quit the anchorage in 
Simon’s Bay until the 6th; when we 
proceeded to sea. 

On getting under weigh an officer 
from the shore came on board to in- 
form me, that a number of sails had 
been seen the preceding night in the 
offing, near False Bay; I then ree | 
solved to steer to the southward and 
west, in expectation of their having 
taken that course. 

The squadron continued cruizing 
inthe most tempestuous weather I 
have ever experienced, which da- 
maged many of the ships, and at 
one time the Ruby had five feet 
waterin her hold: we were joined 
at sea by his majesty’s ship Stately, 
Rattlesnake, and Echo sloops. On 
the 12th Ireturned, with a fresh 
breeze blowing from the south east, 
and, upon anchoring in Simon’s 
Bay, the master attendant came off 
with information that the ships 
seen, consisting of nine sail, had 
put into Saldanha Bay on the 6th, 
the same day on which I had pro- 
ceeded to séa; that they remained 
there by the last advice, and that 
four ships bad been dispatched in 
quest of me to communicate this 
welcome intelligence. 

I immediately made the signal to 
sail, butthe Crescent had gotashore; 
the wind blew strong, and increased 
on the following day to a perfect 
tempest, in which the Tremendous 
parted two cables; drove, and was 
in great danger of being lost, so 
that, notwithstanding every exertion, 
and the most anxious moments of 
my lifey we could not get out until, 
the 15th. 

On the 16th the squadron arrived 

G3 of 


86]” 


off Saldanha Bay at sun-set, and 
the Crescent, which had been or- 
dered a-head to discover informa= 
tion and to report, made the signal 
for the enemy, consisting of three 
ships of the line, three frigates, 
and other ships, being moored in 
the Bay. 

The squadron stood on into the 
Bay in the order of sailing, but the 
night coming on, and the rear be- 
ing too far extended for action, I 
judged it expedient to come to an 
anchor within shot of the enemy’s 
ships, and, perceiving their num- 
bers very inconsiderable in compa- 
rison with the force «ander my 
command, I considered it my duty, 
and an incumbent act of humanity, 
to address the Dutch officer in coms 
mand, and consequently forward- 
ed the letter to him, of which the 
inclosure No. III. is a copy, by 
Lieutenant Coffin, of the Monarch, 
with a flag of truce; to this] re- 
ceived a verbal return, that a posi- 
tive reply should be sent in the 
morning at day-break, 1 was fear- 
ful the enemy might attempt to 
injure the ships, and therefore 
ordered Liewtenant Coflin, to re- 
turn immediately with my letter 
No. IV. to which he brought back 
the reply No. V. 

On the 17th, at nine in the 
morning, a Dutch officer came on 
board with a flag, and presented 
proposals of terms for capitulation, 
which you will observe in the cor- 
respondence, with my remarks and 
definitive letter; and at five P. M. 
the terms contained in the inclosed 
copy.were ultimately agreed upon, 
but it was impossible to take pos- 
session of the ships until the 18th, 
on account of the stormy weather. 

It affords me the highest satis- 
faction, therefore, to communicate 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


to my lords commissioners of the 
admiralty, thata squadron of ships 
belonging to the United States, 
under the command of his ex- 
cellency rear-admiral Engelbertus 
Lucas, has surrendered to the Bri- 
tish force under my command, 
consisting of three ships of the 
line, two fine frigates, two of 28 
guns, and a sloop of 18 guns, all 
completely coppered, stored, and 
victualled, together with a large 
ladened store ship, the names of 
which are described in the inclo- 
sure No. VI. and the British ships, 
to whom they are prizes, in the in- 
closure No. VII. 

The consequent joy of this for- 
tunate event is much augmented 
from the consolatory reflection on 
its accomplishment without effu- 
sion of human blood, or injury to 
either of the enemy’s or British 
ships, not a single shot having been 
fired. 

I must, however, beg leave to 
observe, that any resistance on the 
part of the enemy could only have 
occasioned the wanton sacrifice of 
a few lives; and I doubt not, that 
had their numbers been adequate 
to the contention, their conduct 
would have confirmed the acknow- 
ledged merit at all times recorded 
tothe martial spirit of subjects of 
the United States ; and I can with 
similar confidence assure you, that 
the officers and men under my 
command, would have exhibit- 
eda conduct equally creditable to 
themselves. 

The repeated advices communi- 
cated in- your letters, respecting 
the enemy’s forces destined to this 
quarter, agreed so correctly with 
the intelligence I obtained by other 
means, that I have long been ex- 
pecting their arrival, and was 

thereby 


. APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


thereby enabled to be perfectly 
prepared to receive them, and con- 
stantly to keep a vigilant look- 
out. 
I have the honour to be, 
With great esteem, sir, 
Your most obedient, 
Humble servant, 
G. K. Expxtnstone. 
Evan Nepean, Esq. 


No. III.—To his excellency the 
admiral, or the officer command- 
ing the ships of the United 
States now lying in Saldanha 
Bay. 

Sir, : 

It is unnecessary for me to detail 
the force Ihave the honour to com- 
mand, because it is in your view, 
and speaks for itself; but it is for 
you to consider the efficacy of a re- 
sistance with the force under your 
command. 

Humanity is an incumbent duty 
onall men, therefore, to spare an 
effusion of human blood, I request 
a surrender of the ships under your 
command, otherwise it will be my 
duty to embrace the earliest mo- 


‘ment of making a serious attack on 


them, the issue of which is not dif- 
ficult for you to guess. 
I have the honour to be, &c. 
(Signed) G.K. Expuinstone. 
His majesty's ship Monarch, Sal- 
danha Bay, Aug. 16, 1796. 


No. IV.—To his Excellency the 
Rear-admiral, commander in 
chief of the Dutch ships lying in 
Saldanha Bay. 

Sir, : 
Iam this instant honoured with 
your verbal answer to my letter of 
this date, arid delivered to me by 
lieutenant Coffin, of the Monarch. 


[87 


If I understand him right, it is, 
that a flag of truce subsists bétween 
your excellency, on the part Of the 
States General, and myself, on bee 
halfof bis Britannic majesty, and 
as was démionstrated by my display. 
ing a flag of truce before I disse 
patched the first ietter delivered 
to you by lieutenant Coffin, and 
which truce is to continue until 
day-light in the morning. It is, 
therefore, my duty~ to require a 
positive assurance, that no damage 
shall be done to any of the ships or 
vessels of war, public stores, of 
effects, that may be placed under 
your command, otherwise I shall 
not consider myself in duty bound 
to restrain an immediate attack, or 
to treat such prisoners as may fall 
into my hands in a manner suitable 
to my general inclinations or his 
majesty’s orders in sifmlar cases. 
I havethe honour to be, &c. 
(Signed) G, K. EvPHInsTone, 
His majesty’s ship Monarch, Sal. 
dunha Bay, dug. 16, 1796. 


No. V.—To his excellency admirai 
G. K. Elphinstoie, commander 
in chief of his Britannic majesty’s 
squadron. 


Excellency, 

The two letters delivéred to me 
by your officer, from want of an 
interpreter, have taken a long time 
to translate. 

Your excellency may rest ase 
sured of receiving a positive answer 
to-morrow morning, and that dur- 
ing this time no damage whatever 
shall be done to the vessels of my 
squadron, which I promise you 
upon my honour. 

This time is necessary to call & 
my aid the captains of the frigates 

G4 detached 


88] 


detached at the bottom of the Bay, 
in order to hold a council of war, 
whom I am obliged to assemble on 
account of responsibility. ‘ 
~ [have the honour to be, &c. 
(Signed) EnceLBERTUsS Lucas. 
On board the Dortrecht, 
Aug. 16, 1796. 


Tohis Excellency vice-admiral sir 
G. K. Elphinstone, &c. &c. &c. 


.Excellency, 

Agreeably to my promise, I send 
you a copy of terms of capitulation, 
which I doubt not you will grant. 
In this hope I am 

Your excellency’s obedient 
servant, 

(Signed) Encersertus Lucas, 


Dortrecht, at anchor in Sal- 
danha Bay, Aug. 17, 
1796, second year of the 
Batavian republican li- 
berty. 


Articles of capitulation agreed upon 
in Saldanha Bay this 17th of 
August, 1796, between his excel- 
lency Rear-admiral Engelbertus 
Lucas, commander in chief 
of the squadron of the United 
States now lying in Saldanha 
Bay, and the hon. sir George 
Keith Elphinstone knight of 
the most honourable and mi- 
litary order of the Bath, vice- 
admiral of the blue, and com- 
mander in chief of his Britannic 
majesty’s ships and vessels in the 
Indian seas, at the Cape of Good 
Hope, and of those now lying in 
Saldanha Bay. 


Art:¥. Rear-admiral Lucas’will 
@eliver up to vice-admiral Elphin- 
stone the squadron: under his com- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. - 


mand, upon the conditions of the 
capitulation underwritten. 

Ans, The vice-admiral is aétuated 
by principles of humanity to prevent 
the effusion of human blood, and 
considers the surrender of the Dutch 
squadron asa matter of necessity 
and not of choice. 

2. The British admiral shall ap- 
point two ships as cartels, the frigates 
the Braave and Sirene, in which the 
rear-admiral, his officers and mid- 
shipmen, and ship’s crew, shall be 
permitted to proceed, without hin- 
drance, to Holland, and the officers 
shall keep their side arms. 

Ans. Inadmissible, by reason that 
the cartel ships sent from Toulon 
and various other places, under si- 
milar circumstances, have been de- 
tained, and their crews imprisoned, 
contrary to the laws and usage of 
war, and the general good faith of 
nations ; but officers becoming pri- 
soners shall be allowed to keep and 
wear their swords and side arms, 
so leng as they behave with be- 
coming propriety, and shall be 
treated with the respect due to their 
rank. 

Ill. The Dutch admiral, his 
officers and crew, shall retain their 
private property without being 
searched, and the remainder of the 
crew who cannot be received on 
board the frigates are to be sent to 
Holland in such manner as the Bri- 
tish admiral shall judge proper. 

Ans. Private property of every 
denomination will be secured to 
the proprietors to the fullest ex- 
tent, in consequence of British aéts 
of parliament and his Britannic 
majesty’s positive orders, as well as 


-from the general known disposition 


of British officers to treat with the 
utmost liberality those who become 
their prisoners. 

IV. They 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


IV. They shall be proyided with 
such quantities of provisions as 
‘ may be necessary for those who 
embark on board the iwo frigates, 
and to be so provided from the 
Dutch ships. 

Ans. Answered by sixth article. 

V. These cartel ships, on their 
arrival in Holland, shall be sent to 
England, and there delivered to his 
Britannic majesty. 

Ans. Already answered by the 
second article. 

VI. The crew shall be permit- 
ted to go on shore for refreshment 
after their long voyage. 

Ans. This must depend upon 
the major-general commanding the 
troops on shore, but the comman- 
der in chief will use his utmost ex- 
ertions to render the situation of 
every individual as comfortable as 
possible, as to viétualling, lodging, 
and every accommodation, either 
on board or on shore, as can be 
procured or reasonably expeéted ; 
and he will dispose of such as be- 
come prisoners as similarly to their 
inclinations as his duty to his so- 
vereign and the interests of his 
country will admit. 

The sick shall be received into his 
majesty’s hospitals, and taken care 
of equatly with the British sick. 

It is furthermore the comman- 
der in chief’s duty and inclination 
to send such to Europe as become 
prisoners, by the most speedy and 
convenient conveyances. 

VII. The national flags of Bata- 
via shall continue to be displayed 
onthe Dutch ships so long as their 
crews remain on board, 

Ans. The Batavian colours must 
be struck so soon as the ships are 
taken possession of by his Britannic 
majesty’s officers. 

(L.S.) G, K. Evpurnsrone. 

Encerpentvus Lucas. 


[89 


Joun Jackson, Secretary to the 
British commander in chief. 
Cxyemens BeENEDICTUS, secre« 

tary to the commander in 
chief of the Dutch. squa- 
dron. 

To his excellency rear-admiral 
Engelbertus Lucas, commander 
in chief of the squadron of the 
United States, now lying in Sal- 
danha Bay. 

Sir, ; 

I have had the honour to receive 
your letter, with the proposals of 
capitulation, and I have now the 
honour to inclose you my letters 

and answers thereunto, which f 

hope will be acceptable. I have 

mentioned to captain Clarisse my 
inclination to accommodate your 

Excellency, and the other officers 

inclined to return to Europe upon 

their parole, with the Maria store 
ship, or in British vessels, of which 
there are many at the Cape; but 
any of the public armed ships I dare 
not presume to permit to depart. 
Your excellency may rest assures 
ed of every good office within my 
reach. Should the inclosed articles 
not meet with your approbation, 
you will be pleased to order the 
flag of truce to be hauled down, as 


‘a signal that either party may com. 


mence hostilities. 
I have the honour to be, 
With great respeét, sir, 
Your most obedient, 
Humble servant, 
G, K, E.puinstone. 

His Britannic majesty’s ship 

Monarch, Saldanha Bay, 
Aug. 17, 1796. 

No VI.—A list of ships late be« 
longing to the United States, 
under the command of his excel- 
lency rear-admiral Engelbertus 
Lucas, which surrendered on the 
17th of Angust, 1796, to a de. 

tachment 


90] 
tachment of the squadron of his 
majésty’s ships under the com- 
mand of the hon. sir George 


Keith Elphinstone, K. B. in 
Saldanha Bay. 


Dortrecht, Rear-admiral Lucas, 
66 guns, 370 men. 

Revolution, captain Rhnebende, 
66 guns, 400 men. 

Admiral Tromp, captain Valken- 
burg, 54 suns, 280 men. 

Castor, captain Clarisse, 44 guns, 
240 men. 

Braave, captain Zoetmans, 40 
guns, 234 men. 

Bellona, captain Valk, 28 guns, 
130 men: 

Sirene, captain DeCeri, 26 guns, 
130 men. 

Havik, captain Bezemer, 18 guns, 
76 men. ‘ 

Maria (storeship), wo EZ 
men. Total 341 guns, and 1972 
men. 

N. B. Many of the guns are 
brass, besides which they are well 
furnished with caronnades, 

They have four field pieces of 
Jand artillery on board. The 
troops are under the command of 
the rear-admiral; lieut. colonel 
Henri is. adjutant-general, and 
mons. Grandecourt, commandant 
of artillery. 


G. K. Erruinstone. 
Monarch, Saldanha Bay, 
August 19, 1796, 


No. VII.—A list of bis majesty’s 
ships of the detachment of the 
squadron under the command of 
the hon. sir George Keith El- 
phinstone, K. B,. to which the 
Dutch squadron, under the com- 
mand of his excellency Engel- 
bertus Lucas, surrendered on the 
17th of August, 1796, in Saldanha 
Bay. 

° 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Monarch, .74 guns, 612 meny 
vice-admiral the hon. sir George 
Keith Elphinstone, K, B. captain 
John Elphinstone. 

Tremendous, 74 guns, 590 men, 
rear-admiral Thomas Pringle: cap- 
tain John Aylmer. 

America, 64 guns, 491 men, 
commodore John Blanket. 

Stately, 64 guns, 491 men, cap- 
tain Billy Douglas. 

Ruby 64 guns, 491 men, capfain 
Jacob Waller. 

Sceptre, 64 guns, 491 men, cap- 
tain W. Essington. 

Trident, 64 guns, 491 men, cap- 
tain kK, O. Osborne. 

Jupiter, 50 guns, 343 men, cape 
tain George Lossack. , 

Crescent, 36 guns, 264 men, cap- 
tain Edward Buller. 

Sphynx, 24 guns, 155 men, cap- 
tain Andrew Tod. 

Mosell, 16 guns, 121 men, cap- 
tain Charles Brisbane. 

Rattlesnake, 16 guns, 121 men, 
captain Edward Ramage. 

Echo, 16 guns, 121 men, captain 
Jobn Turner. . 

Hope, sloop, captain Thomas 
Alexander. 

Monarch, Saldanha Bay, 

August 19, 1796. 


London Gazette, Nov. 29, 1796. 
Parliament-street, November 29, 
A dispatch from the governor and 
Council of Madras, dated Fort 
St. George, June 22, 1796,. of 
which the following is a copy, 
has been received by the Court 
of Direétors of the East India 
Company, and by them commu- 
nicated to the right hon. Henry 
Dundas, one of his majesty’s 
principal secretaries of state. ' 
Honorable Sirs, ; 
We have particular satisfaétion 
in 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


in offering to you our sincere con- 
gratulations on the complete suc- 
cess which. has attended the opera- 
tions of rear-admiral Rainier in tte 
eastern seas; ‘and judging that an 
early communication of this event 
might be of material use to his 
Majesty’s ministers, we have deter- 
mined to forward this letter by 
the route of Bussorah. 

It appears by the rear admiral’s 
dispatches, dated the 27th of March 
and 11th of April last, and which 
. reached us on the 18th instant, by 

the Orpheus frigate, that the British 
troops were in possession of the 
islands of Amboyna and Banda, 
-with their several dependencies, 
comprising, as it was thought, the 
whole of the Dutch islands, except- 
ing Fornate, yielding cloves, nut- 
megs, andmace. This acquisition 
has been attained without the 
smallest Joss on our side. 

Amboyna and its dependencies 
were delivered up on the 16th of 
February, and Banda and its de- 
ender on the 8th of March. 

opies of the capitulations are in- 
closed. 

The admiral speaks in the hand- 
somest manner of the activity and 
alacrity with which every duty 
was performed by the forces under 
his command, both naval! and mili- 
tary, and dwells particularly on 
‘the perfect harmony which all 
along subsisted between the officers 
and men in both services. It be- 
_hoves us on this occasion to convey 
to you the high sense we entertain 
of the able and spirited conduct 
displayed by rear-admiral Rainier, 
whose hearty co-operation with us 
in every measure conducive to the 
public weal demands our warmest 
acknowledgments; and, whilst we 
feel assured of your entire approba- 


19,587 pounds of mace, 


[91 


tion of all the means em?!oyed by 
this government, to give effect to 
the arrangements framed by his 
majesty’s ministers for securing the 
Dutch settlements in India, it is, 
nevertheless, incumbent upon us 
to declare, that the accomplish. 
ment of this great object has been 
chiefly obtained by the zealous and 
cheerful support which we have 
had the good fortune to experience 
from the officer entrusted with the 
execution of it. 

We shall do ourselves the ho- 
nour of transmitting, by the first 
sea conveyance, copies of all the 
papers received from the admiral, 
which will enable you to. form 
an accurate opinion of the value 
of those islands. At present we 
can only give you a summary of 
his proceedings. 

The admiral found in the treasu- 
ry at Amboyna 81,112 rix dollars. 
and in store 515,940 pounds weight 
of cloves; in the treasure at Banda 
66,675 rix dollars, and in store 
84,777 pounds of nutmegs, and 
besides 
merchandize and other stores at 
each place, upon which no value 
had been then put. 

We are preparing to send a re- 
inforcement of troops for the better 
protection of those valuable islands ; 
and, as the admiral has advised 
us that he is short of provisions, 
and in want of supply of naval 
and military stores, it is our inten- 
tion to forward an adequate stock of 
every necessary article, 

We have great pleasure: in ac- 
quainting, you, that the company’s _ 
possessions on this coast are in a 
state of perfect tranquillity; and 
that we have no reasoh to. believe 
that any designs are in agitation 

by 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


by the native powers hostile to your Capitulation agreed upon betweeit 


92} 

interests. 
We have the honour to be, &c. 
(Signed) Hosarr. 


ALURED CLarke.- 
Epw. SaunpDers. 
G. W. FaLiorieyp. 
Capitulation of Amboyna, trans- 

Jated from the original Dutch, 

Feb. 16, 1796. 

NOT finding ourselves equal to 
withstand the great force with 
which we have been surprised, we 
the undersigned governor and coun- 


cil do hereby give up this settle-, 


ment, with all its dependencies, 
and place the same under the pro- 
tection of his Britannic majesty, 
upon the conditions mentioned to 
us in the letter of the right hon. 
the governor of Madras; and that 
is, upon condition that we may 
keep all our private property, and 
be allowed a reasonable subsistence ; 
that the inhabitants be guaranteed 
in the secure possessiong of their 
private properties; and that the 
senior and junior servants of the 
civil establishment, the clergy, the 
military, and marine, receive their 
usual pay. 

{tis upon the above conditions 
that we shall, to-morrow morning, 
give over all the guards of the fort 
to the troops of his Britannic ma- 
jesty, after receiving the ratifica- 
tion of this instrument by his excel- 
lency the commodore. 

Done at Amboyna, in the castle 
of Viétoria, on the above date. 

(Signed) A. CornnaBE. 

B. Smissarr. 
{Dutch co-seal) T. OstRowsk1. 
Eneas Mackay. 
Eron Fyzanat. 
Approved of and acceded to, 

(Signed) P, Rarer. 

(English seal) W.C. Lennon, 
Secretary, 
A 


— 


his excellency Peter Rainier, 
esq. commodore, commanding 
the sea and land forces of his 
Britannic majesty in these seas, 
and F. Van Boeckholtz, governor 
of Banda, &c, &c. 


IN consideration of our great 
want of provisions, and the great 
force with which the British have 
appeared before this settlement, 
and to resist which would bring de- 
struction and desolation on the 
harmless inbabitants of this place, 
we therefore think it prudent, for 
the sake of humanity, and from our 
confidence in the honour and ges 
nerosity of the English, to accept 
ofthe terms offered to us, and to 
deliver into their hands this fort 
and settlement, with all its depen- 
dencies, upon the following condi- 
tions, Viz. 

That private property be kept 
secure to every individual of this 
settlement, whether in or out of the 
company’s service; that the ser- 
vants of the company, civil and 
military, be kept in their respective 
stations; as far as may be thought 
necessary for the administration of 
justice; and the civil government 
of the place, the governor alone 
particularly excepted, as the go- 
vernment must, of course, be vest- 
ed in the English; that the mili- 
tary continue to receive their pay, 
and are not to be forced into the 
British service contrary to their 
wishes; and the civil servants also 
to be continued on their present 
pay ; and such an allowance made 
for the provision of the governor as 
his excellency the commander of 
the British forces may think ade- 
quate. ‘The governor, however; 
and any other servants of the com- 

pany, 


_ 


* APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


\ 

pany, shall be permitted to retire 
from the service, either to Batavia 
or elsewhere, whenever a conve- 
nient opportunity shall offer. 
Upon these conditions we, the 
undersigned, consent to deliver up 
‘Fort Nassau, the settlement of Ban- 
da, and all its dependencies, to the 
troops of his Britannic majesty to- 
morrow morning, upon receiving 
a copy of this capitulation, ratified 
and signed by his excellency the 
British commander. The keys of 
all the public property, and all 
accounts properly authenticated, 
shall be immediately delivered over 
to the British, and the government 
entirely vested in them. 


Fort Nassau, Banda Netra, March 8, 


1796. 
(Signed) T. Van Borcxnottz. 
A. H. Vunece. 
(L.S.) F. Sa1cane. 
E. Mazer. 
(L. S.) P.D. Haay. 


M. WaLtruoo. 
Approved and accepted of, 


(Signed) 

(L. 8.) P, RarInier. 

True copies. 

(Signed) W. C. Jackson, Sec. 


Copy of a circular letter te the 
lieutenants of counties on the sea 
coast, dated Whitehall, Novem- 
ber 5, 1796. 


My Lord, 

As it would materially add to the 
difficulties which already oppose 
themselves to any attempts, which 
it is possible the enemy may be 


' induced to make upon our coast, 


if the live and dead stock of indi- 
viduals residing near the sea-coast 
was capable of being instantly re- 
moved and secured, for the benefit 
of the proprietors, I am command- 


{93 


ed to recommend it to your lord« 
ship to exert your influence in 
causing to be made out, as speedily 
as possible, an account of live and 
dead stock, in such of the parishes 
of the county of Sussex as are with- 
in ten or twelve miles of the sea. 

With respect to the mode of mak- 
ing out the account required, I 
take this opportunity of transmit 
ting to your lordship the form in 
which it has been executed by the 
voluntary exertions of the gentle- 
men of the county of Dorset; and 
shall beg to submit it for your 
lordship’s consideration and adop- 
tion, ualess where it may be found 
necessary to deviate from it, in 
consequence of local circumstances 
and situations. 

With respeét to the mode in 
which it is proposed to remove 
such live and dead stock, in case 
it should be necessary, your lord~ 
ship will communicate with the 
commander in chief of the district 
in which the county of Sussex lies, 
and will concert with him such 
previous measures for this purpose 
as may he judged requisite. 

The meeting which I have desir- 
ed your lordship to call on the 
subject of my circular letter of this 
day’s date, will afford you an ope 
portunity of submitting this letter 
to the consideration of the deputy- 
lieutenants and the magistracy of 
the county of Sussex, and will 
consequently lead to the immediate 
adoption of such measures as shall 
be necessary to enable the return 
to be made, which | am persuaded 
your lordship will be of opinion is 
so much to be wished for. 

I am further to inform your 
lordship, that the lords commis- 
sioners of the.treasury have receiy- 
ed his majesty’s pleasure, that they 

should 


94] 


should take such previous measures 
as may be necessary for defraying 
any expences which may arise, in 
consequence of such possible remo~ 
val of live and dead stock as I have 
supposed, as well as of any particu 
lar losses which may eventually be 
occasioned thereby. 

Although this circumstance is 
such as must obviate every possible 
objection to the measure, I am 
nevertheless confident, that all those 
whom it may concern would, ex- 
clusively of every personal conside- 
ration or motive, join with the utes 
most alacrity in the execution of a 
measure which has for ity object 
the general safety of the country, 

I have the honour to be, &c. 
PortLanp, 


Copy of a letter from the chancellor 
of the exchequer to the lord 
mayore . 


Downing- street, 1st Dec. 
My Lord, 

I TAKE the liberty of transmit- 
ting to your lordship a copy of a 
letter which I have thought it my 
duty to write to the governor and 
deputy governor of the bank, and 
of the memorandum therein refer- 
red to, which it is their intention 
to lay before a court of proprietors 
this day, Ihave the satisfaction of 
thinking that the plan therein 
suggested is likely to receive the 
greatest countenance from many 
- great mercantile bodies and respec 
table houses in the metropolis. 

The repeated proofs which the 
citizens of London have given of 
their zeal and public spirit, leave 
me no doubt, that, if it appears 
likely to promote the interests of 
the country at thisimportant crisis, 
it will receiye their cheerful sup- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


port in their individual capacity, 
as well as that of the corporate bo- 
dy, and of the different public com 
panies. Jt is wnnecessary for me to © 
State the effect which such an ex- — 
ample would produce throughout 
the kingdom. With this view [ 
would request your lordship, if you 
see no impropriety in the measure, 
to take as speedily as possible such 
stéps as you may think most advisee 
able for bringing the subject under 
the consideration of the common 
council, and of the different public 
companies, and for ascertaining 
to what extent they may be ine 
clined to contribute to the success 
of the plan, in the event of its re~ 
ceiving the approbation of parliae 
ment. 
I have the honour, &c. 
W.. Pity, 


Copy of the chancellor of the ex. 
chequer’s letter read at the Bank. 


THAT under the present. cir- 
cumstances it seemed peculiarly 
necessary that provision should be 
made for the services of the ensu= 
ing year, without having recourse 
to the accustomed way of raising 
money by a loan, at the present 
price of the funds. It was there- 
fore in contemplation to propose 
to parliament that one-fourth of 
the income of individuals of a 
certain class should be applied to 
that purpose, to be repaid accord- 
ing to the terms. specified in the 
inclosed memorandum. There 
were strong reasons to believe that 
many gentlemen would voluntarily 
subscribe a larger proportion than 
what might be required of them, 
but the extent of contribution 
greatly depended cn the examples 
that might be given, particularly 

OR 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


on that which might be held out 
‘by the bank of England. He there- 
fore earnestly hoped that the court 
of directors of the governor and 
company of the bank of England, 
and the proprietors, impressed with 
that zeal which they had always 
manifested for the public good, 


[95 


and convinced of the importance 
ofthe present crisis, would be in- 
duced to take the lead ina measure 
so highly conducive to the main- 
tenance of public credit, and which 
would strongly tend to the accele- 
ration of a permanent and honour- 
able peace, 


eR Te ea ee aman REET GLI en Le ee 


Account of the total net p 
~ 


roduce of ail 
ing October 


Customs 
Excise 
Stamps 


— — 
— — 
— ome 


— 
— 


the permanent tases for one year, end- 
10th, 1796. 
ee sd. 


3,232,345 17 1% 
6,461,908 10 7} 
1,212,669 7 6 


— ——— 


£10,906,623 15 3 


— 


INCIDENTS. 


Consolidated letter money 

—— Duties on Salt 
Seizures since 25th Oétober, 1760 
Profers 


+——____— 


Letter money Do. 
Alum mines Do. 
Rent of alight house Do. 
Alienation duty ‘Do. 
Compositions Do. 


6d per lb. on pensions 
1s. per 1b, on do. —- 
Houses and windows since 10th Oéto 
Inhabited houses Ann. 1778 
Hawkers and Pedlars, since 24th Jun 
Hackney coaches Ann. 1711 


— 


Ditto = 1784 
Male servants 1785 
Four wheel carriages Do. 
Two wheel do. Do. 
Horses — Do, 
First fruits _— 
Tenths -—- — 


Arrears of duties repealed 


” 


156,000 


a) 


lar iil 


40,905 
30,763 
349,336 
140,803 
4,410 
10,700. 
12,700. 
95,730 
161,727 
Al #6021 
120,311 
3,771 
9,938 
1,994 


£&. 1,891,703 19 115 


— rr 


heote lee ae 


| 


ber, 1766 


ela 


e, 1710 


b] els el mei 


vie 


WarmwOeWOOOONAREAOROOCWOHSD 


Se eS ee se 


pj a 


DUTIES 


96] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 
DUTIES, Anwo 1791. 


Sugars = — — _— 194,470 8 18 
British spirits  — a — _ 18,128 0 O 
Foreign do. ~ — — — 123,718 O O 
Bills and receipts = _ _ VZV ATA 2BA9 
Game duty — —_ — —- 15,488 1 4 
£. 10 per cent. on assessed taxes  — — 86,123 12 4 


Arrears of duty on malt 


£. 615,099 6 3 
DUTIES, Anno 1794. 
British spirits = — an ‘ 


i% Bre 18,505 0 O 
Foreign do. — — — ae 127,795 O O 
Spirit licences — -- — 44,000 0 O 
Glass — —- — — 43,222 0 0 
Brick and Tiles (Customs) = — 245 11 7 
Ditto — (Excise) — — 59,345 0 0 
Paper — (Customs) ae — 4,383 14 3 
Ditto — (Excise) — — 167,975 O 0 
Slates and Stones o— -- — 16,756 12 8 
Attorneys articles — — —_ 18,574 2 9 
‘ <, 500,802'°1" 3 
DUTIES, Anno 1795. 
British spirits — — 9013060 0 
Foreign do. ~ — 128,485 0 O | 
Wines — — aes — 541,897 0 O.@ 
Tea — — — — 205,999 0 O 
Cocoa and Coffee nats sos ae 14,3904 0 O. 
Fruit, Silk, &c. = oe — 111,764. 4 6 
Stamps — — = = 46,404 13 7 
Ship policies — ~ _ 91,543 4 1 
Hair powder certificates —— — — 183,736 3 0O 
Sweets — — a =) 9,726 0 O 
Receipts — _— — — (9001-56: I 
Coals ——— = —_ — TVH060" "7 =7, 
£. 1,372,366 18 10 
DUTIES, Anno 1796. 
Tobacco and Snuffs aa — — 119,378 O O 
Salt ~ = oe ce 24,000 0 0 
Morse dealers’ HeeMces _ — _— 589 12° O 


Additional 


APPENDIX tothe CHRONICLE. [97 


Additional 101. per cent. =~ — L..20,355, |0» 0 
Wines (Custems) — — 44,270 3 1 
Do. (Excise) — _ 851 0 O 
Sweets — _— 1,340 0 0 
Legacies — _ 1,894 0 .O 
Horses — — 400 0 QO 
2s. duty on ditio — — 1,300 0 O 
Hats / _ —_ 1,395 0 O 


£&.215,772 15 15 


Total in the Year, ending O&. 10, 1796. 


_ Of customs _ —_ 3,232,345 17 12 
Of excise _ — 6,461,608 10 7% 
Of stamps — = 1,212,669 7 6 
Of incidents — — 1,891,703 19 11£ 
Ofduties . 1791 — — 615,099 6 3 
Of do. 1794 —_ — 500,802 1 3 
Of do. 1795 _ _ 1,372,366 18 10 

| \ 115,286,596 1 62 
Of duties 1796 — _ 215,772 15 It 
Exchequer, Oct. 17, 1796. James FISHER. 


In order to shew a comparative state of the above duties, with those of 
the year ending on the 10th of October, 1795, we subjoin the totals of 
that year. 

TOTAL OF DUTIES IN 1795. 


SRS aR Ih BY 
Of cusioms — : — 9, 1575645 11 “42 
Of excise ~ — — 7,166,635 11 92 
Of stamps _ ~ 1,207,951 12 "7 
Of incidents — _— 1,821,740 15 82 
Of duties 1791 — = 699,954 14 9 
. Of do. 1794 — — 596,648 15 32 
Of do. . 1795 -~ — 1,015,696 10 112 


— 


L. 15,665,873 12 0 


A comparative View of certain public Circumstances in the respective Periods 
of 1783-4 and 1795-6. 


Price of the 3 per cent. Consols Jan. 27, 1784, 55 
Ditto. — _ May 2, 1796, 66 
Vor. XXXVIII. H Price 


983] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Price of India stock, — Jan. 27, 1784, L 121 
Ditto. —_ =_ May 2, 1796, 209 
Total value of imports, — 1783, + 13,325,000 
Ditto (including prize-goods to the amount 
of L. 907,000) —_ 1795, 22,175,000 
Total value of exports, — 1783, 14,741,000 
Ditto, — — 1795, 27,270,000 
Value of British manufactures exported, 1783, 10,409,000 
Ditto, 1795, 16,526,000 
Foreign produce exported, —_ 1783, 4,332,000 
Ditto, ——. 1795, 10,743,000 
Cotton-wool imported, on the average of five bb. 
years, to 1783 inclusive, 5,000,000 
Ditto, to 1795 inclusive, 30,000,000 
Value of British merchandise exported to the a 
East Indies, _ 1783, 621,921 
Ditto, 1795, 2,229,444 
Nett revenues of the different settlements of 
the East India company above the charges, 1783, None. 
Ditto, — 1795, »2,600,000 
Amount of East India company’s sales, 1783, 3,363,800 
Ditto, 1795, 6,191,894 
Vessels, Tons. 
British ships entered inwards, 1783, 7,690 812,960 
Ditto, = 179%, 10,174 1,262,568 
British ships cleared outwards, 1783, 7,729 870,270 
Ditto. arin 1795, 10,133 1,164,910 
Total number of shipsbelonging Vessels, | Tons, Men. 
to the British empire, 1783, 14,310 1,395,074 108,962 
Ditto, —_ 1794, 16,802 1,589,162 119,194 
Amount of permanent taxes on a three years’ ‘ L. 
average, to the 5th of January, 1784 _— 9,876,000 


Amount of the same taxes, after making all 
allowances for the intermediate changes 
and arrangements of the revenue, ona 
three years’ average, to 5th of Janu- 


ary, 1795, — 12,381,000 
Navy-debt, outstanding and unprovided, Dec. 1783, 15,510,767 
Ditto, May 2, 1796, 2,300,000 
Bank advances, ‘Real 5, 7783, —_ — 61,279,000 


Ditto, May 2, 1796, L.11,132,000 
Of which last sum provision 
has actually been made 
for funding — 5,030,000 : 
Pekes 6,102,000 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. [99 
Amount of out-standing debts and demands, 
and floating and unfunded debt, in Ja- 


nuary, 1784, (exclusive of two millions 
to American sufferers, the debentures 


_ for which have since been discharged ),— 27,000,000 
Ditto, May 2, 1796, — _ ath: None. 

Sinking Fund, _ -— 1783, None. — 
Ditto — — May 2, 1796, 2,400,000 


Amount of revenue (including the land and 
!i malt) below the computed expenditure, 
on a peace-establishment of 15 millions, 
in 1783. eS £ 2,000,000 
Amount of revenue (inctuding the land and 
malt) above the computed expenditure, 
on asimilar peace-establishment, with the 
‘addition of increaséd charges for the debt 
incurred by the present wary in 1795,— 3,400,000 


An Account of all the Wheat sold in the Corn Market, in Mark- Lane, from 
Christmas 1795, to Christmas 1796. 


From Jan. 7. English. Foreign. 
to Qrs. Qrs. 
Sept. 26. 104,011 287,772 
Oct. ...- 5: 2,695 6,385 
10. 1,981 5,046 
17. 3,710 6, 061. 
24. 1,894 4,732 
3I. 3,477 1,751 
Nov. 7. 3,991 1,728 
14. 4,089 2,161 
21, 3,184 5,418 
eS reget 4,444 2,322 
Dec. . 5. 3,526 1,511 
12, 5,290 525 
19. 4,000 gl 
26. 338 190 
Wednesdays 
and 28,510 27,411 
Fridays. J 
175,140 354,954 
175,140 


Total 530,094 Qrs. sold in the 
H 2 year 1796. 


Prices 


100] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Prices of Bread per Quartern Loaf, during 1796. 


January. 
¢ Bi aids 

7 — ee 1 3 
14 ey as wre 
20000— _— 1.3 
28 — lind 
February. 

4 ome! — 1.3 
Bi — —— lax? 
18 _ — 1 3 
25 — — 1 3 
March. 

TOON ten oe motel Be 
17 — — Bong 
24 mae —- 1 8 
31 ene —_ 1 gr! 
April. 

a — — i ee 
1 aR ae 1 of 
Qt _— ~~ 0 10 
28 —_ — O 10 
May. 

Ome — ~~ “0 10 
12 _ _ Oo 10 
i9 _ _ 0 10 
26 —_- — 0 10 
June 

2 — = O 102 
9. shes —: O 103 
160 ee _ 011 
23 — — oO ll 
30 mie O11 


July. 
te Send 
7 — aah 011 
14 _ = O 11 
21 pal at O 102 
Beeahicts ws 0-102 
August. 
4 - - 0 10; 
11 a — O 102 
18 —_ —_ 0 102 
25 —- — oO % 
September. +: 
8 — 9,60 e:B5 
15 - oy | 04 8 
22 pee ag OT ate 
29 — — O 8% 
October 
6 — 1 ae 
13 _ - O 8% 
20 _ ante yy Dy Bg 
27 ae ae 0 Be 
November. 
3 _ peg Oe 
‘10 — ~- 0 8} 
17 —" — o 8 
24 — ate 0 8t 
December. a 
1 —_ — 0: 8 
8 — = 0 8: 
15 a ert Oi? Ge 
22 _ ef) toe Be 
29 —_ _ QO 8% 


A general 


, 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. [101 


A general Bill of Christenings and Burials from December 85 1795, to 
December 13, 1796. 


>» THE DISEASES AND CASUALTIES OF THIS YEAR. 


ABORTIVE and 


Fever, malignant |Piles...s.sessoes AV BLT tc ascapsancbop cece 16 
still born.......761| Fever,Scarlet Fe-|Pleurisy.......0. . 14|Dropped down 
SEISCRES, scccseneseans g4| ver, Spotted Fe-|Quin$y.......c0r0s000 Ay) Aad, .scceon : 
BEC csescsroasaset 997 ver, and Pur-  |Rash’.......4........ 1|Drowned......... 10125 
MREE cestadeocnoneies « SOr.  pleeeas Nas 1547|Rheumatism..... 4|Eaten by Lice.. 1 
Amputation...... 1 Fistula... 3\Rickets.......... 8/Excessive Drink- 
Apoplexy ......... 113 )|Floxstecachscnke BISCULVY s....cnesseeeed Sl) MNGéscrdvegersosvecs 11 
Asthma and French Pox....... 22'Small Pox........ 35.18|Executed* .... 12 
Phthisic....,.... 316|Gout........cssseoeees 109\Sore Throat....... 21\Found dead,..., 8 
Bedridden......... 9\Gravel, Stran- Sores and Ul- {Fractured....... 1 
Bleeding........ .« 15} guary, and GOES. a setcaastacts O|Frighted -..2...0. sss 
Bursten and rup- LOWES epcesssests= 32|Spasm........cess . 1Killed by ere} 
EHIEE scstenescenca- aol Greta ease 6iSpitting blood... 4) We. eceseeee 56 
MNEET A eAai...ss. 65|Head-Ach............4)5t. Anthony’s Killed byacow 1 
Chicken Pox..... 1)/Headmouldshot, Piresiiecsin . 4\Killed by Fight- 
Childbed......... 202} Horshoehead, |Stoppageinthe Sto-| ingsree..ecoe 5 
MONS x 05c0-0ers0000 . 11} and Water in TDAH scissvadesste 9|\Killed them- 
Cholic, Gripes, the Brain...... 70|/Suddenly......... 112] selves.......... 23 
ROUNE S fowisesess cocres« 13|Jaundice......... . TASwelling......ses . 38/Murdered....... 6 
Consumption..4265|Jaw-locked....... alSwine Pox ......0:. 1|Poisoned.....008 1 
Convulsions....3798|[mposthume ....  3/Teeth......... ce 362\Scalded.......... 7 
Cough & Hoop- __|[nflammation....368/Thrush..,........... HOSHOte.-20dssecees! it 
ing-Cough..,,.536|Lethargy........:... 4/fumourinwomb 1)Smothered...... 2 
Croup we-seneeeeeee 23)Livergrown...... 2|Vomiting and Stabbed........0 oy 
DI OpSy, corereeosseeee 727 | Lunatic... 87| Looseness....., 1|Starved isu. 2 
RIVA otepesiceastsesesece Measles,.....s..100° 307 |W ormns..,...+-se000 12/Strain........ scans 2 
Falling Sickness....1| Mortification.....207/Bit bya mad dog 2/Suffocated....... 1 
AISY..ecersceodanesbee 73)Broken Limbs... 2\Tooth aeh......... 1 
. Total... fee tiie 288 
The Males......9648 . Males......9882 
Christened haesecerb ery: 18826. Buried ‘| Females..9406 19288. 


* There have been executed in Middlesex and Surry, 32; 8 of which number were for murder 
and of the whole number (12 only) have been reported to be buried (as such) within the bills 
of mortality. 


WHEREOF HAVE DIED. 


Under 2 years ........6772 | 30 and 40.......1537 | 80 and 90........357 
Between... 2 and 5........ 2840 | 40 and 50........1114] 90.and 100...... 55 
5 and 10........ 900 | 50 and 60........ PS25 MIO. crecitinaos .. t 

10 and 20........ 621 | 60 and 70........ UT | LOSS atenseceseeescs 1 

20 and 30........1211 | 70 and 80........ 892) 14. die) I 


BECREASED\IN THE BURIALS THIS YEAR 1891. 


Substance of the act for the more ef- except any mecting of any county, 


Sectually preventing seditious meet- 
ings and assemblies. 


1. NO meeting of any descrip- 
tion of persons, exceeding the 
number of 50 persons (other than 


riding, or division, called by the 
lord. lieutenant, custos rotulorum, 
or sheriff, of such county; or a 
meeting called by the convener of 
any county or stewartry in that 
part of Great Britain called Scot- 

H3 lang 


102] 


land; or any meeting called by 
two or more justices of the peace 
of the county or place where 
such “meeting shall ‘be holden ; 
or any meeting of any city or 
borough, or town corporate, called’ 
by the mayor or other head officer 
of such city, or borough, or town 
corporate ; or any meeting of any 
ward or division of any city or 
town corporate, called by the al- 
derman or other head-officer of 
such ward or division ; 

meeting of any corporate sayy 
shall be holden, for the purpose or 
on the pretext of considering of or 
preparing any petition, complaint, 
remonstrance, or declaration, or 
other address to the king, or to 
both houses or either house of par- 
Jliament, for alteration of matters 
established in church or state, or 
for the purpose, or on the pre- 
text of deliberating upon any 
grievance in church or state, unless 
previous notice be given by seven 
householders ~ in some newspaper. 
The notice not to be inserted, un- 
less the authority to do so be writ- 
ten at the foot thereof. The no- 
tice and authority is to be preserved, 
and produced to a justice if requir- 
ed; and a penalty of 50), for in- 
serting notice without such autho- 
rity, &c. 

2. Notice may be given to the 
clerk of the peace, who shall forth- 
with send a copy to the Justices. 
Such notice to be effectual. 

_ 3. Meetings without notice to 
be deemed unlawful assemblies. 

. If twelve or more persons, as- 
sembled contrary to this aét, shall 
continue together one hour after 
being required by a justice, &c. to 
disperse, they shall suffer.” 

’ 5, Proclamation to be made in 
the following form: = | 3 


‘ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


“ Our sovereign lord the ‘king 
chargeth and commandeth all pere 
sons being assembled, immediately 
to disperse themselves, and peacea- 
bly to depart to their habitations 
or to their lawful business, upon 
the pains contained in the act, 
made in the 36th year of king 
George the third, for the more 
effectually preventing seditious meete 
ings and assemblies. God save the 
king.” 

* 6. If, in meetings holden pursu- 
ant to notice, any matter shall be 
propounded or deliberated upon, 
purporting that any thing by law 
established may be altered except 
by authority of king, lords, and 
commons, &c. a magistrate may 


‘order them to disperse ; and if 12 


or more persons shall continue to- 
gether an hour thereafter, they shall 
suffer death. 

7. Justices at meetings on notice 
may order persons,, propounding 
or maintaining propositions for al- 
tering any thing by law established, 
except by authority of the thie, 
lords, and commons, &c. to be ta- 
ken into custody ; and in case of 
resistance may cause proclamation 
to be made as aforesaid; and, if 
12 or more shall continue together 
an hour thereafter, they shall suffer 
death. 

8. Magistrates may resort to as- 
semblies, and act ; and may require 
the ‘assistance of peace officers.’ 

9, Persons not dispersing with- 
in an hour after proclamation may 
be apprehended ; and, if killed or 
maimed by reason of ‘their resist- 
ance, the magistrate, Ke. indemni- 
fied. 

10. Persons obstructing magis- _ 

trates attending, or going to attend, 

meetings, or obstructing persons 
proclaiming, 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE, 


‘proclaiming, to suffer death, Per- 
sons assembled, to whom procla- 
mation ought to have been made 
if the same had not been hindered, 
continuing together to the number 
of 12 or more, for an hour after 
such hindrance, to suffer death. 
Persons at such assemblies opposing 
the taking offenders into custody to 
suffer death. 

11. Sheriffs depute, &c. in Scot- 
land, to have the same power as 
justices, in England. Persons con- 
viéted of felonies in Scotland, to 
incur the pain of death and confis- 
cation of moveables. 

12. Places for leétures or debates 
concerning supposed public griev- 
ances, where money is paid for ad- 
Mission, unless previously licensed, 
to be deemed disorderly places ; 
and the persons opening or using 
them, to forfeit 100].&c. And the 
persons managing the proceedings, 
and the persons paying or receiving 
money for admission, or deliverin 
or receiving tickets, to forfeit 100]. 

13. Persons appearing as master, 
&c. of such places liable to prose- 
cution, 

14, Magistrates who, by infor- 
mation on oath, have reason to sus- 
pect that any place is open for de- 
livering lectures, &c. may demand 
to be admitted ; and, in case of ree 
fusal, the place to be deemed dis- 
orderly, and the person refusing ad- 
mittance to forfeit 100]. 

15, Magistrates may demand ad- 
mittance to any licensed place at 
the time of delivering lectures, &c. 
and, if refused, it shall be deemed 
disorderly, and the person refusing 
admittance shall forfeit 1001. 

16, Justices may license places 
for delivering lectures ; and may 
revoke them. 


[103 


17. Forfeitures to be recovered 
by action of debt inany of his ma- 
jesty’s courts of record at Westmin- 
ster, or in the courts of justiciary 
or exchequer in Scotland: provided 
that, if any action or suit shall be 
brought against any person for any 
thing done in pursuance and in 
execution of this act, the defendant 
may plead the general issue ; and if 
a verdict pass for the defendant, 
or the plaintiff discontinue his or 
her action, or be nonsuited, or 
judgment be given against the 
plaintiff, then such defendant shall 
have treble costs. 

18. Nothing in this act to extend 
to any. lectures or discourses to be 
delivered in any of the universities 
of these kingdoms, by any member 
thereof, or any person authorized 
by the chancellor, vice-chancellor, 
or other proper officers of such © 
universities respectively, 

19. No payment made to any 
school-master or other person by 
law allowed to teach and instruct 
youth, in respect of any lectures or 
discourses delivered by such school- 
master or other person, for the in- 
struction only of such youths as 
shall be committed to his instruce 
tion, shall be deemed a payment of 
money for admission to such lectures | 
or discourses within the intent and 
meaning of this act, 

20. Act not to abridge any law 
for the suppression of punishment 
of offences herein described. 

21. Aet to be openly read at 
every epiphany quarter-session of 
the peace, and every leet or law 
day, 

22. No person to be prosecuted 
by virtue of this act, unless the 
prosecution shall be commenced 
within six calender months after 
the offence committed; and no 

H4 action 


104] 
action to be brought for any of 
the penalties imposed by the act, 
unless brought within three calendar 
months next after the offence com- 
mitted. 

23. The act to commence and 
have effect within the city of Lon- 
don, and within twenty miles there- 
of, from the day next after the day 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of passing it; to commence and 
have effect within all other parts 
of the kingdom, from the expiration 
of seven days next after the day of 
passing it; and to continue in force 
for three years from the day of pass- 
ing, and until the end of the then 
next session of parliament. 


Average Prices of Corn for the Year 1796. 


Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans. 

January | I 6 4°8 3. 02 5 5k 
February TUBS 4 ~8¥ Su 202 5 6i 
March 12 64 4 11% 3 cu 5 7% 
April yonoe i lae 4 8k 2 103 5 33 
May 9 5% 4 33 29 5 0 
June 10 02 4 3 2 8 4 10% 
July 10%" 4 3 2 8 4 9 
August 9 5 4 3% 2) 8% 4 92 
September 8 0 422 2 6 A 2 
October OT. 4 2 25 4 2 
November yt 8 4 5 D eG 4 2 
December 7 A 4 6 2 3% 4 Of 
Gen. Average 9 7% 4 5% 2 8 4 10 


STATE 


STATE of the BAROMETER, 


January 


November * 
December 


Whole Year 


THERMOMETER 


without. 


xreatest| Least | Mean 
height | height | height. 
Deg. Deg. Deg. 


55 38 A7,5 
D5 DN md OsO | MAI 7. 
59 97 41,4 
68,5 -| 39. $1,4 
64 4.4, 54 

78 49 59,8 
70,5 | 50 62 

so 52 63,7 
78 46 61,4 
59 32 48,9 
57 29 42,2 
49 5 Bon 


THERMOMETER, 


THERMOMETER 


» and HYGROMETER, 


Sea, BAROMETER. 

within. 
Greatest} Least | Mean |}Greatest] Least | Mean 
height. | height. | height. || height. | height. | height. 
Deg. Deg. Deg. |) Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 
62 51 LW Mey 30,32} 29,00} 29,72 
58,5 bi ao 30,31} 29,05} 29.81 
60 47 54 50,44} 20,50] 30,03 
64,5 55 59,8 30,32} 29,08 | 30,04 
63 57 60,4: 30,22 | 28,94.|° 29,73 
68,5 | 59 62,2 || 30,31] 29,44] 29,96 
67 60 64,1 |} 30,18] 29,37 | 29,79 
02 64 67,2 || 80,41] 29,71} 30,06 
72 61 66,1 |] 30,28] 29,46] 29,96 
61 54,5 | 57,8 || 30,55] 29,17] 29,94 
60 50 54,3 30,29! 29,18] 29,83 
53 A3 | 47,5 30,51] 29,24] 29,83 


29,89 


for 


the Year 1796, 


HYGROMETER,. |}RAIN. 
Greatest] Least | Mean 
height. | height. | height. 

Deg. Deg. Deg Inches. 
86 73 79,3 21,28 
86 66 76,3 1,443 
84 58 70,7 0,074 
82 59 70,4 0,302 
85 63 | 71,4 || 2,301 
83 59 |. 69,7 0,536 
86 61 |} 71,2 |}-1;904 
83 59 Vga aos 0,529 
88 65* | 75,1 1,541 
86 65 77,2 1,803 
88 68 | 80,9 |} 1,209 
90 73 81,9 1,309 
== S21 7h 14,779 


en et 


106 | ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


SUPPLIES granted by Part1aMENT 
for the Year 1796. 


NAVY. 
Nov. 6,.1795. Cot fea 
Foe 10,000 men, including 18,000 marines, 5,720,000 O O 
Dec. Te : 
Yrdinary, — —— 624,152 1 8 
ixtra, — ‘“—— 708,400 0 0 
May 10, 1796. 
Cowards discharging the navy debt, —_———— 500,000 0 0 
7,552,552 1 8 
AR MY. 
Dec. 2, 1795. Le fe Oy 
‘or 49,000 men as guards and garrisons, —————_ 1,358,624 2 9 
Forces in the plantations, ne 1,466,900 3 6 
Difference between British and Irish pay, —— 40,195 4 9 
Additionals to troops in the East Indies, -_—— 8,345 16 2 
Recruiting land forces, contingencies,&c. -———— 360,000 0 O 
Subsistence paid to innkeepers, &c. ——__— 120,000 0 O 
General and staff officers mane — 103,642 1 3. 
Staff officers, &c, on general Clarke’s expedition, 9,259 18 6 
Full pay to supernumerary officers 127,779 14 11 
Allowance to the paymaster-general, éc. 145,490 13 § 
Reduced officers of the land forces and marines, 118,873 18 6 
Reduced horse guards, Seana eee 126 1 6 
Officers late in the service of the states-general, 1,000 0 O 
Reduced officers of British American forces, 52,500 Q O 
Allowances to several officers of ditto, — 7,500 0 Q 
Embodied militia and fencible infantry, —— 917,294 14 1 
Contingencies for ditto, a —— 210,000 0 Q 
Clothing for the militia, —— 108,538 17 1 
Fencible cavalry, —— —— 470,636 19 8 
Allowances for ditto —_— — 115,000 O O 
Dec. 4 
Extraordinaries, i —_——— 2,646,990 19 10 
Aprit 26, 1796. 
Extraordinaries nana — 885,673 19 10 
May 2. , 
Scotch military roads and bridges, — 4,500 0 QO 
May 3. 
Subsidy to the king of Sardinia, 200,000 Q 0 
May 7. 
Chelsea pensioners, ——SS 146,057 4 2 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. [107 


Yidows’ pensions, — = 10,933 16 9 
May 10. 

Extraordinaries for 1796, 1,350,000 0 QO 

Foreign troops, _ _ 438,035 3 2 

Completing barracks, — os 290,000 O O 


#.11,911,899 9 10 


ORDNANCE, 


Dec. 2, 1795. £. 8.0 

Land service for 1796, — _ 875,488 14 1 
Ditto, previous to Dec. 31, 1783, — 279 4 A 
Ditto, unprovided for in 1794, —_ _ 45,656 O 5 
ea service, ditto, = —_— 61,000 8 9 
Land service not provided for in 1795, — 762,046 13 6 


APRIL 26, 1796, 
Services previous to Dec. 31, 1795, not provided for, 210,194 15 11 


—_——. 


£.1,954,665 17 © 
MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES. 


Dec. 2, 1795. ae Sa) 

Civil establishment of Upper Canada, _— 7,100 0 O 
itto, Nova Scotia, — —_ - 5,415 O O 
Ditto, New Brunswick, — —~ 4,550 0 90 
aii St. John’s Island, _ — 1,900 0 oO 
itto, Cape Breton, — Pa 1,800 0 0 
Ditto, Newfoundland, == — 15232, 10-1 0 
Ditto, Bahama Islands, — _ 4,200 0 O 
Salary of the chief justice of the Bermuda Islands, 580 0 O 
Ditto, of Dominica, a _ 600 0 O 
Civil establishment of New South Wales, — 5,241. O O 
To discharge exchequer bills, — — 3,500,000 0 O 

Fes. 11, 1796. 
To discharge exchequer bills, — — 2,500,000 0 0 
Vote of credit, — -- — 2,500,000 0 0 
7h May 2. 

To satisfy navy, viétualling, and transport bills, 4,531,141 14 10 
His majesty’s service abroad, _ — 233,485 4 10 
French Refugees, —_ — 129,350 O O 
Allowance to American sufferers, —_ + 28,500 0 Oo 
Prosecution, &c. relating to the coin, —_ 2,966 4 6 
Printing journals of the house of peers, — 1,858 12 § 
Publishing weekly returns of the average price of sugar, 1,334 7-0 
Mr. Whittam for attendance on a committee, — 384 7 0 


= 
2 


108] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Mr. Gunnel, for ditto oo — \ “61 50 
Address money, — 2 29,921 12 6 
Convicts on the Thames, eae —_ 8,685 11 4 
Ditto at Langston and Portsmouth, — 125072) «2 6 
Expences on account of New South Wales; _ 15,088 7 10% 
Ditto, on account of Mr. Hastings’ prosecution, 5,000 0 0 
Purchase of the parliament office, — 2,741 16 oF 
Superintendance of the Alien Act — — 2,232 14 4% 
Stationary shipped for Upper Canada, _ 306 19 0} 
For reduction of the national debt, — 200,000 0 O 
American and East Florida sufferers = 197,803 5 52 
DNioh Se ai ae 53,387 7 @ & 
African forts, — — 20,000 0 O 
Turkey company, a _ 5,000 0 0. 
Board of Agriculture, — _ 3,000 O O 
British Museum, — — 3,000 0 O 
May 10. 
Veterinary college, -~ — 1,500 0 0 
£. 13,821,430 1 2 
DERICIENCY. 
May 2, 1796. 

Deficiency in grants in 1795, _ 2,347,954 10 92 

Navy, — 7,552,552 1 8 

Army, — 11,911,899 9 10 

Ordnance, “ae 1,954,065 17 0. 

Miscellaneous Services, 13,821,430 1 2% 

Deficiency, — 2,347,951. 10, 22 


2. 37,588,502 O 62 


Ways and Means for raising the Supplies for 1796. 
Nov. 40, 1795. 


Land and malt-tax, — — 2,750,000 
- Dec. 8. 
Annuities — — — 18,000,000 
Frs. 11, 1796. 
Exchequer Bills, — — 3,500,000 
Fes. 15. 
Ditto, = _ ~— — 2,500,000 
Aprit 19. 
Annuities, — —_ — 7,500,000 
: May 2. : 
Profit of a Lottery, 600,000 tickets, at 13}. — 280,000 
May 7. 
Surplus of the consolidated fund, — 3,500,009 


£, $8030,000 


0:0 
Public 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


Public Acts passed in the Sixth 
Session of the Seventeenth Par- 
liament of Great Britain. 


Nov. 23, 1795- 

Land and malt bills. 

Anact to prohibit the exporta- 
tion of corn, meal, &c. and to pet- 
mit the ‘importation thereof, for a 
‘limited time. _ 

- Dec. 1. 

An act to prohibit for a limited 
time, the making of starch, hair- 
powder, &c. from wheat and other 
articles of food, and for lowering 
‘the duty on the importation of 
“starch, &c. 

An aét to prohibit the exporta- 
tion of candles, tallow and soap for 
a limited time. 


__ Dec. 18. 

An aét for the safety and pre- 
servation of his majesty’s person 
and government, against treason- 
able and seditious practices and at- 
tempts. 

An aé& for the more effectually 
preventing seditious meetings and 
assemblies. 

‘An aét for the better relief of the 
poor in the hundreds, towns, and 
districts in England, incorporated 
for their better maintenance and em- 
ployment. 


Dec. 19. 
An aét for raising eighteen mil- 
lions by way of annuities. 


[109 


Dec. 24. 

Mutiny bill- 

Anat to permit bakers to make 
and sell certain sorts of bread. 

An a@ to amend so much of an 
aét, make in the gth year of Geo. lL. 
entitled, ‘‘ An att for amending the 
Jaws relating to the settlement, em-= 
ployment, and relief of the poor,” 
as prevents the distributing occasion- 
al relief to poor persons in their own, 
houses, under certain circumstances 
and in certain cases. 


March 7, 1796. 

Marine mutiny bill. 

An at for increasing the rates 
of subsistence to be granted to inns 
keepers and others, on quartering 
soldiers. 


May 14. 
An aét for the better regulation of 
mills. 
An act for the further support 
and maintenance of curates within 
the church of England. 


May 18. 

An at for continuing the en- 
couragement and rewards of persons 
making certain discoveries for find= 
ing the longitude at. sea, or making 
other useful discoveries and ime 
provements in navigation. 

An aét to exempt dairies, and 
cheese and butter warehouses, kept 
solely assuch, from the duties on 
Window lights. 


PRICES 


‘'N.B. The highest and lowest Prices of each 


~~ eng 


Stock, in the Course of any Month, are put down in that Month. 


-_—Vay Seem RF kew Ae 


Bank | per Ct {3perCt|& prCt} 5 per | Lon ‘Short ; India| India |S. Sea} Old } Ne “Navy | Exchequer |[mp.3|Imp.]} Lott 
Stock | Reduc.{ Con. }-Con. ox. an vet a Omnium. Stock. Bends. |Stock.| Ann. ‘har Bille “Bills, : sie a Tickets 
Jan. - {180 | 671} 71 | 855 1041/1 95 84-111 pr. 12194] 5 dis. 7s. dis. {05% |121 [14 18 0 
1733} 69% | 673) 834|/1003/1945) 854] 74 jatet16 Q's.  J055 [1Qiz4 7 0 
Feb. 11761 69% 694) S4Z!1OO$193 | SFe{11 pr. |215$| 6 dis. dis. 055 123 1415 Oo 
1734] 67% | 074) 833} 903)1945' 8321 73 = 12113113 16s. O35 |124¢|13 18 0 
March.j!79 | 683 | 70 | 852)1003)193 | 84 11 ¥ pr.j220 | 4 dis. 23s. dis. [6063 |12%— 
173 | 68 | 674) 844) 9931191 | 83 | 83 = |Qag314 103. 645 |1235 
April. 1176 | 664 693} 854)100411974| 84,|10 fpr.j217 | 3 dis. 23s. dis. |654 1121 
163 | 642 | 664) 817)"9831183 | 73 | 6 2084) 6 Qs. = {65 fad 
4May. {164 | 655 | 674) 83 | O8Hi8h | 743) 5, [210 j21 dis. 4s. dis. }60% |113 
147 | 604 | 603} 783) 943\173 | 72, 2 Pi*/192 18 dy) 574 ig Eee 
fJune. {157 | O4 | 652) 81 | 9534/1844) 741) par 1987117 dis. 4s. dis. |60% |113 |12 13 06 
1524 614 | 624) 791) 941/173 |-74,) 44 dis.|1903 Is. 574 [112 |12 8 O6 
uly. [1543] 62% | 64 | 801) 92 1173 | 73,|.74 dis.J195 [16 dis. 10s. dis. {583 |114 [12 8 6/6 
1503} 593 | 594) 772) 8831612) 7$ |. 23 11803118 par. 555 [11 {12 16 615 
August{153 | 614 | 603) 791} 8931/1774, 74 [13 dis.)183} par. 57% |112 412 1 O|6 
142 | 56 | 551) 744) 85416 11.6 1744 Qs. dis. 53; [102 J11 16 6/5 
ept. {1481} 564 | 583) 75 | 854/104 | 74 |164dis. 1804) 7 dis. 5s. dis. [55 |107,/11 13 O15 
1333) 55% | 533) 721) 81311543) 62 | 9 4712/10 Se, 514 ]104 JIL 4 O15 
Oct. {153 | 60% | 60 | 733) 903 | 7 {124dis181 | 3 dis. Qs, dis, (28 |L9z:|11 17 616 
144.) 554] 57 | 73.| 844 | Obs 6 E742|184 “1548 (107411 4 615 
Nov. |1463) 565 | 573) 733) 8741042) 74,|13 dis.1782),, 410. dis.{ par. {534 |11072|12 12 O16 
42 | 54% | 553) 713) 831/153 [-613) 7% = | 4724 1k 33. dis. 1523 |101 {11 16 6/6 
Dec, | 1454 ; 7\ 6-2 73 dis £774] 4 dis. 621 3s. dis. 1034]12 11 0 
143 5 erie Is, 


Trish 


Ditto. 


eooonoooanaoconoecse 


ee 


¢ 


APPENDIX to the CHRONICLE. 


Trialof Mr. William Stone, for 
High Trecson. 


THURSDAY, Jan. 28, came on 
in the court of king’s bench ‘the 
trial of Mr. W. Stone, who has 
been under confinement for two 
years, on a charge of high treason: 
About eighty names were called 
over before the jury was formed as 
follows : 

J. Leader, gent. | W. Summer, sil- 


J. Mayhew, esq. versmith 
J. Etherington, | J- Larkin, oil- 
teaman man 
_ T. Cole, brewer | Peter Taylor, 
Cha. Minier, block-maker 


seedsman W. West, brewer 
Dan. Dyson,esq. | I. Dimsdale, 
T. Burnett, esq. coach-maker. 

Mr, Barlow read the indictment, 
which consisted of two counts, in- 
cluding fourteen overtacts of trea- 
son; charging the prisoner with 
traitorously conspiring with his 
brother John Hurford Stone (then 
in France) to destroy the life of the 
king, and to raise rebellion in his 
realms; with holding correspon- 
dence with the persons in power 
in France, and collecting the sense 
of the people of this country, in 
order to ascertain whether an in- 
yasion might be successfully at- 
tempted, and with sending such in- 
formation to the enemy. He was 
further charged with traitorously 
Corresponding with the rev. Mr. 
Jackson (some time since capitally 
convicted of high treason, who 
died before the day of execution), 
in learning the probable success of 
invading Ireland ; and with having 
sent intelligence and various useful 
articles to the enemy. 

The attorney general then stated 
the circumstances of the case at 
full length; the leading features 


f11i 


of which appeared to be, that Stone 
had a brother, J. H. Stone, settled 
at Paris, who considered himself, 
in fact, as a Frenchman ; which ap- 
peared particularly from one of his 
letters, in which he said ** We have 
declared war against you. Holland 
willsoon be in our possession, and 
England will afterwards follow.” 
With this brother, by means of 
Jackson lately convicted of high 
treason in Ireland, Stonekept up a 
correspondence, and gave him all 
the information he could procure, 
to be communicated to the Frenck 
government, as to the probability 
of success which might attend an 
invasion of England by France. In 
the course of this enquiry it ap- 
peared that Stone had communi- 
cations with Mr. Sheridan, lord 
Lauderdale, William Smith, esq. 
M. P. and others; and that from 
the information he obtained he be- 
came satisfied that from the general 
loyalty of the people here an inyae 
sion was by no means likely to suc- 
ceed. But that in Ireland success 
was more probable. Jackson was 
accordingly sent there, and supplied 
with money by Stone to obtain such 
intelligence; and to lay such plans 
as might tend to assist the views 
of the French, It appeared that 
Stone communicated to his bro- 
ther the litle prospect of the success 
of an invasion here, in order to 
dissuade those exercising the powers 
of government in France from un- 
dertaking a scheme likely to be so 
fatal to their interests. 

The attorney-general alluded to 
several letters between the prisoner 
under the fictitious name of Enots 
(Stone reversed) his brother, Jack- 
son (in the name of Popkins), 
Horne Tooke, and others; all 
tending to shew the criminality of 

the 


112] 


the prisoner ; concluding a very able 
and argumentative speech by ob- 
serving, that the counsel for the 
prisoner might say, that he had 
acted for the interest of England, 
inasmuch as, instead of promoting, 
he had prevented an invasion! 
But how could that be said? for if 
he knew of an intention of invae 
sion, and had not communicated 
his knowledge to those most bound 
and most competent to counteract 
it, he prevented his country from 
gaining a decisive advantage, by 
the loss that would accrue to the 
enemy from their failure; and by 
forewarning them, he proved him- 
self equally their friend, and the 
enemy ef England : if he had been 
for England, the way was very 
short 5. but his conduct clearly 
shewed he had been for France. 
It therefore remained with the de- 
fendant to make his innocence ap- 
pear. His property, his honour, 
and his life, depended now on his 
convictionor his acquittal. The jury 
were invested with avery solemn 

and very important duty. They 
' were called upon to grant equal 
justice to the defendant, and to 
society. As they must guard them~- 
selves against any impressions 
which the misrepresentations. of 
the prosecutors might make upon 
their minds, so must they have an 
equal guard against any false im- 
pressions made by the counsel for 
the defendant. In the deliverance 
they were to make, if the evidence 
was inconclusive, they would rea- 
dily acquit him; but if the proofs 
were satisfactory the country call- 
ed for bis conviction. 

William Smith, esq. M. P. Mr. 
Sheridan, and lord Lauderdale, 
were called as witnesses to relate 
some conversations they had with 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Stone on the subject of the state 
of this country; the general result 
of which appeared to be, that they 
considered him as a weak enthu- 
siast, who was desirous of bringing 
about a peace, for the sake of fa- 
vouring what he considered prin- 
ciples of freedom. 

Having proved the conspiracy 
between Jackson and Stone, seve- 
ral letters of the former were pro- 
duced, particularly one which 
pointed out the particular parts of 
Ireland most favourable to an in- 
vasion by the French, and Mr. 
Cockayne, the evidence against 
Jackson in Ireland, was called, 
and stated the whole of his connec- 
tion-with Jackson, nearly the same | 
ashe did on that trial. 

At half past ten the court, with 
consent of counsel, adjourned to 
nine o’clock the next day. And at 
nine on Friday morning, the court 
proceeded on the trial. 

The first evidence produced was 
a parcel of letters from the prisoner 
to Mr. Pitt; in which Stone pre- 
tended to make some discoveries, 
as to the designs of the French, by 
garbled extracts from his brother’s 
letters, which were themselves pros 
duced, to shew the unfairness of 
the prisoner’s conduct in this parti-« 
cular. A letter from Mr. Pitt was 
read, expressing his doubts as to the 
authenticity of the prisoner’s in- 
formation. 

The counsel for the crown then 
proved the correspondence be- 
tween the prisoner and Jackson in 
Ireland; which being read, closed 
the evidence for the prosecution. 

Mr. Serjeant Adair then rose to. 
open the: evidence for the prisoner, 
and to observe on that for the pro- 
secution. The former consisted 
only of evidence to pat ne 

the 


APPENDIX 


‘the latter the learned serjeant: en- 
tered into a long and accurate dis- 
cussion, ina very elaborate, feeling, 
and interesting manner. He be- 
gan by observing, that the jury 
were called upon to discharge a 
most important, sacred, and awfal 
‘duty. They were entrusted, on the 
one hand, with the vindication of 
the laws of their country, and the 
safety of the community, of which 
they themselves formed a part; 
while the fortune, the chara¢ter, 
and the life of a fellow-subjeét, were 
eommitted to their deliberation on 
the other. The dearest interests 
of the unfortunate man at the bar 
were in their hands! He must call 
him unfortunate, for whether guilty 
or innocent of the crime with 
which he was charged, no man in 
his situation, and having submitted 
to the sufferings to which he had 
been subjeét, let the innocence of 
his heart be as pure as it might, 
could be called fortunate. The 
verdict of the jury might put his 
life out of danger, and restore to him 
that liberty to which he had long 
been a stranger; but no verdict of 
their’s could place him in the situ- 
ation he was in on the day before he 
was apprehended. 

After endeavouring to explain 
the motives which might proba- 
bly actuate the prisoner, as arising 
from vanity or affectation of con- 
sequence, Mr. serjeant Adair pro- 
‘ceeded to state what he considered 
as the outline of the facts of the 
case, in the following close and 
| ingenious way—‘‘ A person of the 
name of Jacksén came over from 
France by the way of Hull, in the 
character of an American mer- 
| chant, with letters of recommend- 
) ation from Mr. J. H. Stone, to Mr. 
W. Stone, the prisoner. Mr. Stone, 
' Vor. XXXVIIF. 


to the CHRONICLE. 


firs 


during. his® residence in London, 
shewed him some civilities, and 
advanced him money on his brother's 
account. + ‘ 
“« Soon Jafter he went dver _to 
Ireland}? 'wliere he was tried and 
convitted of high treason, and died; 
and during his Tesidence i in Ireland, 
Mr. Stone furnished him with 
some statements of the internal si- 
tuation of this kingdom. The 
question for the decision of the 
jury then was, whether, © under 
these facts, they were persuaded, 
from what Stone knew of Jackson, 
that he gave Jackson these state- 
ments as information for the ene- 
my, with the criminal intention 
stated in the indictment; or for the 
purpose of averting an impending 
calamity from his country? The 
facts were clear as sunshine, and 
this was the only question that 
arose upon them. He called upon 
them, therefore, to consider, whe- 
ther there was sufficient evidence 
ef an overt act of treason, and if 
there was, it was not the encourag- 
ing of an invasion, but the preven. 
tion of that event, from which so 
much evil would have been conse- 
quent. Jackson was convicted of 
high treason, in persuading the 
French to invade this country ; 
whereas the prisoner was accused 
of high treason, and the overt act 
with which he was charged was pre- 
venting an invasjon. But if the mo= 
tive for causing an invasion was cri-~ 
minal, how could the motive for 
preventing an invasion be criminal 
also? 
|The learned serjeant then went 
at length into the evidence pro 
duced ; and concluded by calling 
several witnesses to prove the pub- 
licity with which’ Mr, Stone com- 
i municated 


] 


114) 


municated the correspondence . of 
‘his brother, not only, to friends, 
but to strangers ;——a circumstance 
totally incompatible with that 
ae with which he was charged. 
He also called very: ,respectable 
evidence, that so far from his har- 
bouring treason to the country, he, 
on the reverse, was loyal to his 
king, and a firm friend to the con- 
Stitution, Several persons were then 
called, all of whom gave evidence 
to the prisoner’s good character, 
and some to the circumstance of 
the publicity used relative to his 
correspondence with his brother. 

~ Mr, Erskine then addressed the 
jury considerably at length on the 
whole of the case; as did also the 
solicitor-general in reply, on behalf 
of the crown; but our limits will 
not allow us to lay them before 
our readers, 

Lord Kenyon summed up the 
evidence. He was for tempering 
justice with mercy; but this maxim 
could not sanction the court in suf- 
fering @ criminal to escape, if it 
were proved that be had grossiy 
offended the law. He rested whol- 
ly on the second count, which 
stated an adhering to the enemies 
of the crown. He quoted the 
opinion of the late Lord Mansfield, 
that letters sent to q power at war, 
instructing them how to shape 
their efforts, came under this branch 
of the statutes, and are an overt 
act of high treason. His lordship 
read to the jury what he called 
the two empbatically important 
papers ; the letters of Mr. Smith 
and Mr, Vaughan. There was no 
criminality, he admitted, in either 
of those letters ; the only guilt was 
in transmitting them. to the enemy. 
His lordship, Went ever the whole 
witbsremarks, and concluded a 
strong and warm charge, by put- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ting:those papers into the bands of 
the jury, leaving it to them to 
judge of the intention of the pri+ 
soner from the overt aéts. 

Mr. justice Lawrence remarked, 
it was for the consideration of the 
jury, whether the information sent 
through Jackson to France, bad for 
its object a design of serving the 
French, or averting an invasion. 

About eight o’clock the jury 
took some refreshment, and then 
retired to consider of their verdict. 

The judges, except Mr. justice 
Ashburst, who retired, took some 
refreshment on the bench, where 
they remained till eleven o’clock ; 
when the jury returned, bringing in 
the prisoner——NOT GUILTY. 

The words were scarcely pro- 
nounced, when an instantaneous 
and unanimous shout arose in the 
court, which was loudly joined by 
a numerous crowd in the haif. A 
gentleman, named Richard Thom- 
son, was observed to have joined 
in the shout, and was immediately 
ordered by his lordship into the ~ 
custody of Mr. Kirby. Mr. Thom- 
son apologised to the court, by say~ 
ing, that his feelings on the joytul 
occasion were such, that if he had — 
not given utterance to the joy — 
which arose within his breast, he 
sbould have died on the spot. 

Lord Kenyon replied, that it was 
his duty to suppress the emotions 
of such tumultuous joy, which 
drew contempt on the dignity of 
the court. His lordship ordered 
that he should pay a fine of 201. for 
his misconduét, and remain in cus-— 
tody ull payment. 

Myr. Thomson tendered his check 
for the sum, but this was refused, 
and be was taken into custody. 

The crowd without caught the 
spirit of those within ; and»the ball, 
as the judges retired, was filled with 
acelamations of joy. A des 


APPENDIX ‘tothe’ CHRONICLE. 


A detainer was lodged) against 


Mr. Stone-for a’ considerable debt, 


immediately ‘after bis’ acquittal. 
He was, *however, liberated from 
his confinement in Newgate on 
Saturday the 13th of February 
following. 


Petition of Sir Fancis Blake to the 
House of Commons, presented by 
Mr. Grey, 8th February, 1796. 

To the Honourable the Commons 
of Great Britain in Parliament 
assembled. 

The humble Petition of the sub- 

scribing party, 
Prayeth, 

That your petitioner may be per- 
mitted by this honourable house to 
sketch, for their consideration, the 
outline of an arrangement, which 
takes for its aim the political sal- 
vation of this country, the happi- 
ness of the community at large; 
and of every individual, and which 
proposes to work its effeét by means, 
which are apparently, both easy, 
certain, safe, and honourable. And 
your petitioner further prayeth, 
that it may be permitted him to 
State to this honourable house, for 
the purpose of their more ready 
determination, the reasons which 
have influenced him to suppose the 
arrangement in ‘question to be 
fraught ‘with the benefits suggested 
by him—which are briefly as 
follow : 

That from sources of informa- 
tion the best within his reach, it 
has appeared to the complete sa- 
tisfaétion of your petitioner—That 
trade is not an object, which by any 
possible human contrivance can 
be made amenable to the payment 
of any tax, that can affect the 
parties concerned in its manage. 
ment, inasmuch as the parties 


[ris 


so)concerned, can always contrive 
to relieve themselves by shifting the 
weight, which in that case must 
ultimately and principally fail upon 
the proprietors of land, who have ne; 
such means of shifting the weight. 

That uniformly as the trade of the 
nation has more or less flourished, 
the territorial rental has, in like 
manner, and in some such propors 
tion, been observed to advance. 

That in the year sixteen hundred, 
the territoria! rental did not éx- 
ceed six millions per annum. 

That from the year sixteen hun- 
dred and eighty-eight, under all the 
difficulties and distresses of the in 
tervening space, the trade of the 
country increased, and the rental 
advanced from six to fourteen milli- 
ons per annum. sf 

Computing, therefore, by the 
vast increase of trade, from the 
period last named to the present 
time, comprising: a series of years 
for the most part favourable, the 
final result must be, that the pre 
sent rental cannot reasonably: be 
supposed to fall short of fifty milli- 
ons per annum; which led of course 
to the following conciusions: 

That the way to advance the land 
is to give every possible encourage~ 
ment to trade. ‘i 

That the way to depress the land 
is to burden trade. 

That to burden trade is, in effeét; 
to burden land besides depressing it. 

Taking, therefore, the present 
territorial rental at fifty millions 
per annum; the funded rental at 
ten millions; the two, together at 
sixty millions per annum; the pre- 
sent payments to government at 
fifteen millions per annum; the 
pressure of those payments on the 
rental named, as authorised by ge 
neral acknowledgment, at fifteen 
shillings in the pound, your. petis 

12 tioner 


116] 


tioner proceeded to reason upon 
those data as follows: 

Ifit be true that the territorial 
and funded rental is sixty millions 
per annum, 

Then is it true, also, that five 
shillings in the pound, on such a 
rental, will raise a revenue of fifteen 
millions. 

- If it be true that we now pay ten 
shillings in the pound to raise a 
revenue of fifteen millions, 

- Then is it true also, that we pay 
five shillings in the pound more 
than we have any occasion to’pay. 

If it be true that the trading 
part of the nation can always con- 
trive to create for themselves an 
exemption from state burdens, 

Then it is true also, that the 
Janded and funded proprietors are, 
and have all alorig, to ‘their irre- 
parable loss, been the principal, if 
not the sole paymasters of all im- 
posts, and consequently that little 
or'no injury will be done to that 
body of men, but that great and 
lasting advantage will accrue to 
them, and to their posterity, by 
changing the mode, as here propos 
ed, of colleéting the revenue. 

Your petitioner, therefore, most 
humbly prays, that he may be per- 
mitted and authorised to charge his 
real’ estates with the payment of 
thirty thousand pounds, or with the 
payment of such other sum, be 
the same more or less, as may be 
ascertained by this honourable 
house, to be his proportionate 
share: of the public debt, sup- 
posing the said public debt to be 
parcelled out for payment among 
the several proprietors of lands, 
houses, mines, waters, tythes, rents, 
in any way arising therefrom, mo- 
ies so secured, and public funds. 

And your peutioner further 
prays, that his said estates may be 


ANNUAL REGISTER, ‘1796. 


made subjeét to the payment of 
interest on the sum to be so charged 
as above, at the rate of four pounds; 
per cent, or any other rate of. inter 
est, be the same more or less, which 
may appear to this. honourable 
house to be his proportionate share 
of the annual charge of the said 
public debt, supposing the same to 
be transferred as aforesaid, 

And your petitioner further prays, 
that he may be permitted and autho- 
rised to pay in future his proportion« 
ate share of the civil list and peace 
establishment, by an annual pound 
rate, the quantum of which pound 
rate to be ascertained by this ho- 
nourable house, in like manner as 


_before has been mentioned. 


And your petitioner further prays, 
that as often as the exigencies of go- 
vernment may provide a further aid, 
he may be permitted and authorised 
to pay his proportionate share of . 
the same, by such an additional 
pound rate as may be ascertained by 
this honourable house to be sufficient 
to accumulate the sum which would 
fall to his lot of payment, supposing 
the whole annual supply to be rais- 
ed within the year, and parcelled 
out for payment among the several 
proprietors aforesaid. 

And your petitioner further 
prays, that he may be permitted 
and authorised to make such tem- 
porary and such permanent pay- 
ments, as have been severally 
named and assented to on his part, 
by half yearly instalments, and that 
the same may be declared to be 
accepted in full satisiaétion of his 
proportionate share of all taxes, 
customs, duties, and parliamentary © 
imposts, laid already, or which may ~ 
be laid on the subjeéts of this 
country, or their concerns, And 
your petitioner shall ever pray. 

Francis BLaKE.. 
STATE > 


117] ey Sa 


STATE PAPERS. 


His Majesty’s most gracious Speech 
to both Houses of Parliament, 19th 
May, 1796. 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

HE public business being now 

concluded, [ think it proper.to 
close this session, and at the same 
_ time toacquaint you with my inten- 
tion of giving immediate direétions 
for calling a new parliament. 

The objeéts: which haye engaged 
your attention during the present 
session, have been of peculiar im- 
portance; and the measures which 
you have adopted, have manifested 
your continued regard to the safety 
and welfare of the people. 

The bappiest effeéts have been 
experienced from the provisions 
which you have made for repress- 
ing sedition and civil tumult, and 
for restraining the progress of prin- 
ciples subversive of all established 
government. 

The difficulties arising to my 
subjeéts from the high price of 
corn, have formed a principal ob- 


jeét of your deliberation; and your, 


assiduity in investigating that sub- 
jeét, has strongly proved your anx- 
ious desire to omit nothing which 
could tend to the relief of my 
people, in a matter of such gene- 
ral concern. 1 have the greatest 
satisfaction in observing that the 
pressure of those difficulties is in 
@ great degree removed. 
_ Gentlemen of the House of 
Commons, 
I must in a more particular man- 


ner return you my thanks for the 
liberal supplies which you have 
granted to, meet the exigencies of 
the war.—While I regret the ex~ 
tent of those demands. which the 
present circumstances necessarily 
occasion, it is a great consolation 
to me to -observe the increasing 
resources by which the country 
is enabled to. support them. These 
resources are particularly manifest- 
ed in the state of the different 
branches of the revenue, in. the 
continued and progressive state: of; 
our navigation and commerce, in 
the steps which have been taken 
for maintaining and improving the 
public credit, and in the additionak 
provision which has been made 
for the reduétion of the national 
debt. 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

I shall ever refleét with heartfelt 
satisfaétion on the uniform wise 
dom, temper, and firmness which 
have appeared in all your proceed- 
ings since I first met you in this 
place. Called to deliberate on the 
publi¢ affairs of your country in a 
period of foreign and domestic 
tranquillity, you had the happiness 
of contributing to raise this kings 
dom to a state of unexampled prose 
perity. You were suddenly com- 
pelled to relinquish the full ad« 
vantages of this situation, in order, 
to resist the unprovoked aggression 
of an.enemy whose hostility was 
direéted against all civil society, 
yl more ‘particularly against the 


3 happy 


118] 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


happy union of order and liberty His Majesty's. most gracious Speech 


established in these kingdoms. 
The nature of the system introduc- 
ed into France, afforded to that 
country, in the ‘midst of its cala- 
mities, the means of exertion be- 
yond the experience of any former 
time. Under the pressure of the 
new and unprecedented difficulties 
arising from such a contest, you 
have shewn yourselves worthy of 
all the blessings that you inherit. 
By your counsels and conduét, the 
constitution has been preserved in- 
violate against the designs of foreign 
and domestic enemies ; the honor of 
the British name has been asserted ; 
the rank and station which we have 
hitherto held in Europe has been 
maintained ; and the decided sue 
periority of our naval power has 
been established in every quarter of 
the world. 
«You have omitted no opportunity 
to prove your just anxiety for 
the re-establishment of . general 
peace on secure and honourable 
terms, but you have at the same 
time rendered it manifest to the 
world, that while our enemies shal] 
persist in dispositions incompatible 
with that objeét, neither the re- 
sources nor the spirit of English~ 
men will be wanting to the sup- 
port of a just cause, ‘and to the des 
fence of all their dearest interests. 
A due sense of this conduét is 
deeply impressed on my heart. I 
trust that all my subjects are ani- 
mated with the same sentiment, 
and that their loyalty and public 
spirit will ensure the continaance 
of that union and mutual confi- 
dence between me and my parlia= 
ment,” which best promote the true 
dignity and glory of my crown, 
and the genuine happiness of my 
people. 


to both Houses of Parliament, 6th 
October, 1796. — 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

IT is a peculiar satisfaétion to 
me, in the present conjuncture of 
affairs,, to recur to your advice, 
after the recent opportunity which 
has been given for colleéting the 
sense of my people, engaged in a 
difficult and arduous contest, for 
the preservation of all that is most 
dear to us. 

‘I have omitted no endeavours 
for setting on foot negotiations to 
restore peace to Europe, and to se- 
cure for the future ‘the general - 
tranquillity. The steps which I 
have taken for this purpose have 
at length opened the way to an im- 
mediate and direét negotiation, the 
issue of which must either produce 
the desirable end of a just, ho- 
nourable, and solid peace for us, 
and for our allies, or must prove, 
beyond dispute, to what cause alone 
the prolongation of the calamities of 
war must be ascribed. 

I shall immediately send a per- 
son to Parisy with full powers to 
treat for this obje¢t, and it is my 
anxious wish that this measure may 
lead to the restoration of general 
peace: but you must be sensible 
that nothing can so much contri- 
bute to give eflect to this desire, as 
your manifesting that we possess 
both the determination and the re- 
sources tu oppose, with increased 
activity and energy, the farther 
efforts with which we may have to 
contend. 

You will feel this peculiarly neces- 
sary at a moment when the enemy 
has openly manifested the intention 
of attempting a descent on these 
kingdoms. It cannot be doubted 
3 what 


STATE PAPERS. 


what would be the issue of such an 
enterprize; but it befits your wis- 
dom to neglect no precautions that 
may either preclude the attempt, 
or secure the speediest means of 
turning it to the confusion and 
Fuin of the enemy. 

In reviewing the events of the 
year, you wiil have observed that 
by the skill and exertions of my 
havy, our extensive and increasing 
commerce has been protected to a 
degree almost beyond example, and 
the fleets of the enemy have, 
for the greatest part of the year, 
been blocked up in their own 
ports. 

The operations in the East and 
West Indies have been highly ho- 
nourable to the British arms; and 
productiye of great national. ad- 
‘vantage; and the valour and good 
conduct of my forces, both by sea 
and land, have been eminently con- 
spicuous. 

The fortune of war on the cons 
tinent has been more various; and 
the progress of the French armies 
threatened, ut one period, the 
utmost danger to all Europe; but 
from the honourable and dignified 
perseverauce of my ally the Em. 
peror, and from the intrepidity, 
discipline, and invincible spirit of 
the Austrian forces, under the aus- 
picious conduét of the archduke 
Charles, such a turn has lately 
been given to the course of the 
"war, as may inspire a well-grounded 
confidence that the final result of the 
‘campaign will prove more disas- 
trous to the enemy than its com. 
mencement and progress for a time 
were favourable to their hopes. 

‘The apparently hostile disposi- 
tions dnd conduét of the court of 
Madrid have led to discussions, of 
which I am not yet enabled to acs 


- 


[i1g 


quaint you with the final result; 
but I am confident that whatever 
may be their issue, I shall have 
given to Europe a farther proof of 
my moderation and forbearance ; 
and [ can have ne doubt of your 
determination to defend against 
every aggression, the dignity, rights, 
and interests, of the British em- 
pire. 


Gentlemen of the house of 
Commons, 

I rely on your zeal and public 
spirit for such supplies as you may 
think necessary for the service of 
the year. Itis a great satisfaction 
to me to observe, that, notwith- 
standing the temporary embarrass- 
ments which have been experienc- 
edy the state of the commerce, 
manufactures, and revenue, of the 
country, proves the real extent and 
solidity of our resources, and fur- 
nishes you with such means as 
must be equal to any exertions 
which the present crisis may res 
quire. 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

The distresses which were in the 
last year experienced from the 
scarcity of corn, are now, by the 
blessing of God, happily removed, 
and an abundant barvest affords 
the pleasing prospect of rejiei in 
that important article, to the la- 
bouring classes of the community, 
Our internal tranquillity has also 
continued undisturbed; the genera! 
attachment of my people to the 
British constitution has appeared 
on every occasion, and the endea~ 
yours of those who wished to in- 
troduce anarehy end confusion into 
this countrys have® been repressed’ 
by the energy one wisdom of the’ 
laws. * : 

14 To 


0] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


To defeat all the desigus of our 
enemies, to restore to my people 
the blessings of a ‘secure and ho- 
nourable peace, to maintain invio- 
late their religion, laws, and liber- 
ty, and to deliver down unimpaired 
to the latest posterity, the glory 
and happiness of these kingdoms, 
is the constant wish of my heart, 
and the uniform end of all my ac- 
tions. In every measure that can 
conduce to these objects, I am 
confident of receiving the firm, 
gealous and affectionate support of 
my parliament. 


Protest of Earl Fitzwilliam against 
the Address of the House of Lords 
to the Throne on his Majesty's 
Speech announcing the opening of a 
Negotiation for Peace with the 
French Republic. 

Dissentient, 

Ist. Because, by this address, 
amended as it stands, the sanction: 
of the lords is given to.a series of 
measures, as ill judged, with re 
gard to their object,’ as they are 
derogatory from the dignity of his 
majesty’s crown, and from the ho- 
nour of this kingdom. The reite- 

ration of solicitations for peace to a 

species of power, with whose very 

existence all fair and equitable ac- 
commodation is incompatible, can 
have no other effect than that 
which it is notorious all our soli- 
~citations have hitherto had. They 
must increase the arrogance and 
ferocity of the common enemy of 
all nations; they must fortify the 
eredit, and fix the authority of an 
odious government over an enslaved 
people; they must impair the con- 
fidence of all, other powers in the 
egnanimity,.! consiancy, and fi. 
delity .of the British eauncils ; and 
ig is much to be epprehended it will 


: 


1 


inevitably tend to break the spring 
of that energy, and to lower that 
spirit which has charaGierised in- 
former times this high-minded na- 
tion, and which, far from sinking 
under misfortune, bas even risen’ 
with the difficulties and dangers 
in which our country has been in- 
volved. 

2d. Because no peace, such .as 
may be capable of recruiting the 
Strength, cconomising the means, — 
augmenting the resources, and pros 
viding for the safety of this king~ 
dom, and its inseparable con. 
nections and dependencies, can be 
had with the usurped. power now 
exercising authority in France, 
covsideripg the description, the 
charaéter, and the conduét, of 
those who compose that govern 
ment; the methods by which they 
have obtained their power, the po 
licy by which they hold it, and the 
maxims they have adopted, openly 
professed, and uniformly aéted ‘on, 
towards the destruétion of ‘all go- 
vernments not formed on their 
model, and subservient to their 
domination. 

3d. Because the idea that this 
kingdom is competent to defend 
itself, its laws, liberties, and relie 
gion, under the general subjuga~ 
tion of all Europe, is presumptuous 
in the extreme, contradiétory to 
the supposed motives for our pre- 
sent eager solicilations for peace, 
and is certainly contrary to the 
standing policy both of state and 
commerce, by which Great Britain 
has bitherto flourished. 

Ath. Because, while: the, come 
mon enemy exercises jhis«power 
over the several. states of, Europe 
in the way we have seen, . itis, im- 
possible long to preserve our trade, 
ory what cannot exist without it, 

our 


S PA PTE.» APE RS, 


ournaval power, This hostile system 
seizes onthe keys ef the dominions 
of these powers, without any con- 
sideration of their friendship, their 
enmity, or. their neutrality ; pre- 
scribes, Jaws to them as {to con- 
quered provinces ; mulets and fines 
them at pleasure; forces them, 
Without any particular.,.quarrel, 
into direct hostility with this king- 
dom, and expels us from such ports 
and markets as she thinks. fit; in- 
somuch that (Europe. .remaining 
under, its. present slavery, theye is 
no harbour which we can .enter 
without her permission, either in a 
commercial or a ‘naval characier. 
This general interdict cannot be 
begged off; we must resist it by our 
power, or we are already ina state 
of vassalage. 

5th. Because, whilst this usurped 
power shall.continue thus consti- 
tuted, and thus disposed, no se- 
curity whatever can be hoped for 
in our colonies and plantations, 
those\invaluable sources of our na- 
tional wealth and our naval power. 
This war has shewn thatthe power 
prevalent in France, by intention- 
ally disorganizing the plantation 
system (which France had in com- 
mon with all other European na- 
tions), and by inverting the order 
and relations therein established, 
has been able, with a naval force, 
altogether contemptible, and with 
very inconsiderable succours from 
Europe, to bafilein a great measure 
the most, powerful armament ever 
sent from this country intothe West 
Indies, and.at.an expence hitherto 
unparalleled, and has, by. theorce 
of example, ayd bythe effects of 
ber, machinatiyns,,, produced, at 
little .or no. expence to,, herself 
either of blood, or. treasure, uni- 
versal desolation and ruing. by. the 
general destenetian of every thing 
gtizo: 


{121 
valuable and necessary for cultiva- 
tion, throughout severa! ef our 


islands,, lately ameng the most 
flourishing and productive. The 
new system, by which these things 
have been effected, leaves our co- 
lonies equaliy endangered in peace 
asin war. It is therefore with this 
general system (of which the West 
India scheme is but.a ramification) 
that all ancient establishments are 
essentially at war for the sake of 
self-preservation. 
6th. Because it has been des 
clared from the throne, . and in 
effect the principle has been adopted 
by parliament, that there was-no 
way likely to obtain a peace, com- 
monly safe and honourable, but 
through the ancient and legitimate 
government long established in 
France. | That government in its 
lawful succession has been solemnly 
recognized, and assistance and pro~ 
tection as solemnly promised to 
those Frenchmen who should exert 
themselves in its restoration. The 
political principle upon which this 
recognition was made is -very far 
from being weakened by the con- 
duct of the newly invented govern. 
ment. Nor are our obigations ot 
good faith, pledged on such strong 
motives of policy to those who have 
been found in their allegiance dis 
solved, nor can they be so, until 
fairly iicaten efforts have been 
made to secure, this great funda- 
mental point.. None have yet, been 
employed with the smallest degree 
of vigour and perseverance. 
7th. Because the example of the 
great change made-by the usurpa- 
tion in the moral and_ political 
world (more dangerous ‘than all her 
conquests), is by the present: proce. 
dure confirmed in all its force. It 
is the first successful example, fur. 
nished PY, history of the subversion 
; of 


122 
of the ancient government of a 
greatcountry, and of all its laws, 
orders, and religion, by the cor- 
ruption of mercenary armies, and 
by the seduction of a multitude 
bribed by confiscation to sedition, 
in defiance of the sense, and to the 
entire destruction of almost the 
whole proprietary body of the na- 
tion. The fatal effects of this 
example must be felt in every 
country. New means, new arms, 
new pretexts, are furnished to am- 
bition ; and new persons are intoxi- 
cated with that poison. 

8th. Because our eagerness in 
suing for peace may induce the per- 
sons exercising power in France 
erroneously to believe, that we act 
from ‘necessity, and are unable to 
continue the war; a_ persuasion 
which, in the event of an actual 
peace, will operate as a temptation 
to them to renew that conduct 
which brought on the present war, 
neither shall we have any of the 
usual securities in peace. In their 
treaties they do not acknowledge 
the obligation of that law, which 
for ages has been common to all 
Europe. They have not the same 
sentiments nor the same ideas of 
their interest in the conservation 
of peace, which have hitherto in- 
fluenced all regular governments ; 
they do not in the same manner feel 
public distress, or the private 
misery of their subjects ; they will 
not find the same difficulty on the 
commencement of a new war to 
call their whole force into sudden 
action, where, by the law, every 
citizen is a soldier, and the person 
and properties of all are liable at 
once to arbitrary requisitions. On 
the other hand, no attempt: has 
been made to shew in what manner, 
whether by alliances, by force, 
military or naval, or by the ims 
provement and augmentation of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


our finances, we shall be’ better 
able to resist their hostile attempts, 
after the peace, than at the present 
hour. If we remain armed, we 
cannot reap the ordinary advantage 
of peace in ceconomy ; if we dis- 
arm, we shall be subjeét to be 
driven into a new war, under every 
circumstance of disadvantage, un- 
less we now prepare ourselves to 
suffer with patience and submission 
whatever ‘insults, indignities, ' and 
injuries, we may receive from that 
insolent, domineering, and | unjust 
power. 

9th. Because the’ inability of 
humbling ourselves again to solicit 
peace, in a manner, which is a re- 
cognition of the French republic, 
contrary to all the principles of 
war, the danger of peace if ob= 
tained, the improbability of its 
duration, and the perseverance of 
the enemy throughout the interval 
of peace in their misckievous  sys- 
tem, is not conjeéture, but cer- 
tainty. Ithas been avowed by the 
actual goyernors of France, at the 
very moment when they had before 
them our application fora passport. 
They chose that moment for pub- 
lishing a state paper, breathing the 
most hostile mind. In it they stimu- 
jateand goad us by language the most 
opprobrious and offensive. They 
frankly tell us, that itis not our 
interest to desire peace, for that 
they regard peace only as the op- 
portunity of preparing fresh means 
for the annihilation of our naval 
power. By making peace they do 
hot ‘conceal that it will be their 
objeét—“ to wrest from us our ma- 
ritime prepondérancy—to resesta= 
blish ‘What * they invidiously calf 
ithe freedom of the seas; to give 
a new impulse to the ‘Spanish, 
Dutch, and French’ marines ; and 
to carry to the ‘highest’ degree of 


prosperity 


— eS —- ese | aS | 


prosperity the industry and com- 
merce of those nations,’”? which 
chey state to be our rivals, which 
hey charge us with ‘ unjustly 
Attacking, when we can no longer 
ape,” and which they throughout 
ontemplate as their own depen- 
encies, united in arms, and. fur- 
ishing resources for our future 
umiliation and destruction... They 
esort to that well known and con- 
tant allusion of their’s to ancient 
uistory, by which 
‘ France as modern Rome, and 
ngland as modern Carthage,”’. they 
ccuse us of national perfidy, and 
old England up, ‘‘ as an objectto be 
blotted out from the face of the 
earth.” ‘Tbey falsely assert that the 
paglish nation supports with impa- 
tience the continuance of the war, 
and has extorted all his Majesty’s 
vertures for peace ‘* by complaints 
and reproaches ;” and, above all, 
not only in that passage, but 
throughout their official note, they 
shew the most marked adherence 
to that insidious and intolerable 
policy of their system, by which 
they, from the commencement of 
the revolution, sought to trouble 
and subvert all the governments in 
Europe. They studiously disjoin 
the English nation from its so- 
vereign. 

' 10th. Because, having acted 
throughout the course of this aw- 
ful and momentous crisis upon 
the principles herein expressed, 
and afier having, on the present 
occasion, not only fully reconsi- 
dered, and jealously examined their 
soundness and validity, but gravely 
attended to, and _— scrupulously 
weighed the merits of all those 
argumeuts which have been offered 
to induce a dereliction of them, 
conscientiously adhering to, and 


- 
- 


S; TiAl EF ELPA PEAR B 


represenung 


[193 


firmly ‘abiding by them, 1 ‘thus’ so- 
lemnly> record them, in ‘justifica- 
tion of my own conduct, “and in 
discharge of the duty I owe to my 
king, my country, and general 


‘interests of civil society. 


WentTwertH Firzwitiram. 


Message from his Majesty to the 

House of Lords 12th Dec. 1796. 

George R. 

HIS majesty is concerned’ to ac- 
quaint the house of lords that his 
endeavours to preserve peace with 
Spain, and to adjust all matters in 
discussion with that court by an 
amicable negotiation, -have been 
rendered ineffectual by an abrupt 
and unprovoked declaration of war 
on the part’ of the Catholic king. 

His majesty, at the same time that 
he sincerely laments this addition to ‘ 
the calamities of war, already ex- 
tended over so great a part of Eu-' 
rope, has the satisfaction to reflect 
that. nothing has been omitted on 
his part which could contribute to 
the maintenance of peace, on 
grounds consistent with the honour 
of his crown, and the interest of 
his dominions ; and he trusts, that, 
under the protection of divine Pro- 
videiice, the firmness. and wisdom 
of bis parliament will enable him 
effectually to repel this unprovoked 
aggression, and to afford to all 
European additional proof of the 
spirit and resources of the’ Biitish’ 
nation. . 4. 


G.R. 


Message from ‘lis Majesty'to the 
House of Lords, 17th Dec. 1796. 
Ri a4 e fo er 

HIS Majesty thinks proper to 
acquaint the bouse of: ‘peers; that 
he 1s:at present engaged: in‘ concert- 
ing ‘twoasures*’ with his “allies, in 
order 


124] 


order to'be fully prepared for the 
vigorous and effectual prosecution 
of the war, if the failure of his ma- 
jesty’s.earnest endeavours to effect a 
general peace, on secure and ho- 
nourable terms, should unfortu- 
nately render another campaign 
unavoidable, And his majesty will 
not fail to take the first opportunity 
to communicate the reSult of these 
discussions to the house. In the in- 
terval, his majesty conceives that it 
may be.of the greatest importance 
to the common cause, that his ma- 
jesty should be enabled to continue 
such temporary advances for he 
service of the emperor as may be 
indispensably necessary, with a view 
to military operations being prose- 
cuted with vigour and effect at an 
early period; and his majesty re- 
commends it to the house to cen- 
sider of making such provision as 
may appear to them to be most ex- 
pedient for this purpose. 

G.R: 


Message from his Majesty to the 

House of Peers, 26th Dec. 1796. 

George R. 

IT is with the utmost concern 
that bis majesty acquaints the 
house of lords, that bis earnest en- 
deavours to effect the restoration of 
peace have been unhappily frus- 
trated, and that the negotiation in 
which he has been engaged has 
been abruptly broken off by the 
peremptory ‘refusal of the French 
government to treat, except upon 
a basis evidently inadmissible, and 
by their, having in consequence 
required his majesty’s plenipoten- 
tiary to quit Paris within 48 
hours, + 

His majesty has directed thn: se- 
veral memorials and papers which 
have been exchanged in the course 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


aT 


of the’ late discussion, and th 
account transmitted to his majes 
of its final result, to be laid befor 
the house. 

From these papers, his majesty 
trusts, it will be proved to t 
whole world that his conduct has 
been guided bya. sincere desire to 
effect the restoration of peace on 
principles suited to the relative 
situation of the belligerent powers, 
and essential for the pérmanent in« 
terests of his kingdom, and the ge- 
neral security of Europe: whilst 
his enemies have advanced ‘pre- 
tensions at once inconsistent with 
those objects, unsupported even on 
the grounds on which they were 
protessed to rest, and repugnant 
both to the system established by 
repeated treaties, and to the pria- 
ciple and practice which have hi- 
therto regulated the intercourse of 
independant nations, 

In this situation his majesty has 
the consolation of reflecting, that 
the continuance of the calamites 
of war can be imputed only to the 
unjust and exorbitant views of 
his enemies ; and his majesty look- 
ing forward with anxiety to the 
moment when they may be disposed 
to act on different principles, 
places in the mean time the fullest 
reliance, under the protection of 
Providence, on the wisdom and 
firmness of his parliament, on the 
tried valour of his forces by sea and 
land, and onthe geal, publie 
spirit, and resources of his king- 
doms, for vigorous and effectual 
support in the prosecution of a.con~' 
test, which it does not depend on 
his majesty to terminate, and which” 
involves in it the security and pere 
manent interests of this country, 
and of Europe, ; 
G.R. 
Note, 


| Note, transmitted to M.' Barthelemi 
V\by Ar. Wickhman, Marck 8,1796. 
IQ 2 


THE undersigned, ‘his Britannic 
| majesty’s minisier plenipotentiary to 
tithe Swiss Cantons, is authorized 
‘}to cohvey to monsieur Barthelemi, 
‘the desire of his court to be made 
Nacquainted, through him, with the 
dispositions of France, in regard 
to the object of a general pacifica- 
tion, He therefore requests mon- 
sieur Barthelemi to transmit to 
‘thim in writing, ( and after having 
made the necessary enquirfes) his 
answer tothe following questions ‘ 

1. Is there the disposition in 
France to open a negotiation with 
his majesty andhis alliesfor the re- 
| establishment of a general peace, 
J upon just and suitable terms, by 
sending, for that purpoSe, ministers 
toa congress, at such place as may 
hereafter be agreed upon? 

2. Would ‘there be the disposi- 
tion to communiéate to the under- 
sigtied, the general grounds ofa 
pacification, such as France would 
be willing to propose; in order 
that his majesty and his allies 
might thereupon examine, in con- 
cert, whetber they are such as 
might serve as the foundation of a 
hegoliation for peace ? 

3. Or would there be a desire 
to propose any other way whatever, 
for arriving at the same end, that 
of a general pacification ? 

The undersigned is authorized to 
receive from monsieur Barthelemi 
the answer to these questions, and 
to transmit to his court: buthe is 
not authorized to enter with him 
into negociation or discussion upon 
these subjects. 

Berne, March 8; 1796. 

Signed) W. WickHam. 

2 


Pras 


Note, transmitted to Mr. Wickham, by 
M. Barthelemi, March 26, 1796. 


The undersigned, ambassador of 
the French republic to the Helve- 
tic Body, has transmitted to the. 
executive directory the note, which 
Mr, Wickham, his Britannic ma- 
jesty’s minister plenipotentiary to 
the Swiss Canton, was pleased to 
convey to him, dated the Sth of 
March. He has it in command té 
answer it by an exposition of the 
sentiments and dispositions of the 
executive directory. 

The directory ardently desires to 
procure forthe French republic a 
just, honourable and solid peace. 
The step token by Mr. Wickham 
would have afforded to the direc- 
tory a real satisfaction, if the decla- 
ration itself, which that minister 
makes, of his not having any order, 
any power to negotiate, did not 
give room todoubt of the sinceri- 
ty of the pacific intentions of his 
court. In fact, if it was true, that 
England began to know her real 
interests ; that she wished to open 
again for herself the sources of a- 
bundance and prosperity; if she 
sought for peace with good faith, 
would she propose a congress, of 
which the necessary result must be, 
to render all negociation endless? 
ot would she confine herself to the 
asking, ina vague manner, that 
the French government should 
point out any other way whatever, 
for attaining the same object, that 
of a general pacification ? 

Is it that this step bas had no 
other object than to obtain for the 
British government the favourable 
impression which always accompa- 
nies the first overtures for peace? 
may it not have been accompanied 

with 


2 


126] 


with the.hope that they. would -pro= 
duce no effect? a 

However that may be, the exe- 
cutive directory, whose policy has 
no other guides than openness and 
good faith, will follow, in its ex- 
planations, a conduct. which shall 
be wholly conformable: to ‘them. 
Yielding to the ardent desire by 
which it is animated, to procure 
peace for the French republic, and 
for all nations, it will not fear to 
declare itself openly. Charged by 
the constitution with the execution 
of the laws, it cannot make,.or 
listen to, any proposal that would 
becontrary to them. The consti- 
tutional aét does not permit it to 
consent to any alienation of that, 
which, according to the existing 
laws, constitutes the territory of 
the republic. 

With respect to the countries occu- 
pied by the French armies, and which 
have not been united to France, 
they, as_ well as other interests, 
political and commercial, may be- 
come the subject of a negociation, 
which will present to the directory 
the means of proving -how much 
it desires to attain speedily to a 
happy pacification. 

Basle, the 6th of Germinal, the 
4th year of the French repub- 

lic, 26th of March, 1796, 

(Signed) BarTHEeLemt, 


Note of observation.—The court of 
London has received from its minis- 
terin Switzerland, the answer made 
to the questions which he had been 
charged to address to monsieur Bar- 
thelemi, in respect to the opening 
of a negociation for the re-esablisb- 
ment of general tranquillity. 

This court has. seen, with regret, 
how far the tone and spirit of that 
answer, the nature and extent of 


ANNUAL: REGISTER, 1796. 


the demdads\which it :contain®, My 
andthe, \mather , of announcin}| *- 
them, are remote from any dispo| *— 
sition for peace, vy te 

The inadmissible: pretension, ij] 
there avowed, of appropriating t/ hoe 


France all that the laws attually 
existing there may have comprized| 
under the denomination of Frenell| 
territory. To a demand such all "’ 
this is added an express declaral| 
tion, that no proposal contrary. td) 
it will be made, or even listene 
to: And this, under the pretenc: 
of an mternal regulation, the pro. 
visions of which are wholly foreigt| ws 
toall other nations. vu 

While-these dispositions shall be 
persisted in; nothing is left for the) 
king but to prosecute a war equally, ™ 
just and necessary. yr 

Whenever his enemies shall} 
manifest. more pacific sentiments, 
his majesty will at all times be}it! 
eager to concur in them, by lend. 
ing himself, in concert with his} # 
allies, to all such measures as shall] 1 
be best calculated to re-establish} # 
general tranquillity, on conditions|] ™ 
just, honourable and permanenty} 
either by the establishment of aj) © 
congress, which has been so often, 
and so-bappily, the means of rey 
storing peace to Europe; or by a 
preliminary discussion of the prin-| 
ciples which may be proposed, on} 
either side, asa foundation of a} 
general pacification ; or, lastly, by! 
an impartial examination of ‘any 
other way which may. be pointed 
out to him for arriving at the samé 
salutary. end. : 

Downing-strect, April 10, 1796. | 


Explanatory Article, framed by the 
Commissioners for carrying into 
effect the Treaty between Great 
Britain and America. 


WHEREAS 


SE AcE 


WHEREAS, by the third article 
of the treaty of amity, commerce, 
and navigation, concluded at Lon- 
don on the nineteenth day of No- 
vember, one thousand seven hun- 
dred and ninety-four, between his 
Britannic majesty and the United 
States of America, it was agreed 
that it should at all times be free 
to his majesty’s subjects, and to 
the citizens of the United States, 
and also to the Indians dwelling 
ov either side of the boundary line 
assigned by the treaty of peace to 
the United States, freely to pass 
and repass, by land or inland na- 
vigation, into the respeétive terri- 
tories and countries of the two 
contracting parties on the conti- 
nent of America (the country 
within the limits of the Hudson 
Bay Company only excepted), and 
to navigate all the lakes, rivers, 
and waters thereof, and freely to 
carry on trade and commerce with 
each other, subjeét to the pro- 
visions and limitations contain- 
-ed in the said article: And 
whereas, by the eighth article of 
the treaty of peace and friendship, 
concluded at Grenville, on the 
third day of August, one thousand 
seven hundred and ninety-five, be- 
tween the United States. and the 
Nations or tribes of Indians, called 
the Wyandots, Delawares, Sha- 
wanoes, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pu- 
tawatimies, Miamies, Eel River, 
Weeas, Kickapoos, Piankashaws, 
and Kaskaskias, it was stipulated 
that no person should be permit- 
ted to reside at any of the towns or 
hunting camps of the said Indian 
tribes as a trader, who is not fur- 
nished with a license for that pur- 

se, uoder the authority of the 

ited States; which latter sti- 
pulation has excited doubts whether 


| 


PAPERS. 


[127 


in its operation it may not interfere 
with the due execution of the said 
third article of the treaty of amity, 
commerce, and navigation: and it 
being the sincere desire of his Bri- 
tannic majesty, and of the United 
States, that this point should 
be so explained as to remove all 
doubts, and promote mutual sa- 
tisfaction and friendship: and for 
this purpose his Britannic majesty 
having named for his-commissioner, 
Phineas Bond, esq. his majesty’s 
consul general for the middle and 
southern. states of America (and 
now his majesty’s charge d’affaires 
to the United States); and, the 
president of the United States hav- 
ing named for their commissioner 
Timothy Pickering, esq. secretary 
of state of the United States, to 
whom, agreeable to the laws of 
the United States, he hus entrust- 
ed this negotiation: they, the said 
commissioners, having communi- 
cated to each other their full pow. 
ers, have, in virtue of the same, 
and conformably to the spirit of 
the last article of the said treaty of 
amity, commerce, and navigation, 
entered into this explanatory are 
ticle, and-do by these presents ex. 
plicitly agree and declare, that no 
stipulations in any treaty subse- 
quently concluded by either of the 
contracting parties with any other 
State-or nation, or with any Indian 
tribe, can be understood to dero. 
gate in any manner from the rights 
of free intercourse and commerce, 
secured by the aforesaid third arti- 
ticle of treaty of amity, commerce, 
and navigation, to the subjects of 
his majesty, and to the citizens of 
the United States, and to the In- 
dians dwelling on either side of the 
boundary line aforesaid; but that 
all the said persons shall remain at 

full 


128] 
full liberty freely to pass and re- 
pass, by land or inland navigation, 
into the respeétive territories and 
countries of the contraéting parties, 
‘on echer side of the said boundary 
Tine, and freely to carry on trade 
and commerce with each’ other, 
according to thé stipulations of the 
said third article of the treaty of 
amity, commerce, and navigation. 
This explanatory article, when 
the same shall have been ratified 
by his majesty ‘and by the president 
_ of the United States, by and with 
the advice and consent of their 
senate, and the respective ratifica- 
tions mutually exchanged, shall 
be added to’ and make a part of the 
said treaty of amily, commerce, 
and navigation, and shall be per- 
manently binding upon his majesty 
and the United States. 
In witness ‘whereof we, the 
said commissioners of his ma- 
jesty the king of Great Bri. 
tain and the United States 
of America, have signed 
this explanatory article, aud 
thereto affixed our seals. 
Done at Philadelphia, this 
fourth day of May, in the 
year of our Lord one thou- 
sand seven hundred and 
nibety-six. 
P. Bonn, (L. S.) 
Timoruy Picxerine. (L. S.) 


And whereas the said explana- 
tory article has‘by me, by and 
with the advice and consent of the 
senate of the United States on the 
one part, and by his Britannic 
‘majesty on the other, been duly 
approved and ratified, and the ra- 
tifications have since, to wit, on 
the sixth day of O€tober last, been 
duly exchanged; now, therefore, 
to the end that the said explana- 
tory article may be executed and 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. - 


‘observed with punctuality and the 


‘mises ; and enjoin and require all 


most sincere regard to good faith 
on the part of the United States, 
I hereby make known the pre- 


persons bearing office, civil or mi- 
litary,, within the United’ States, 
and all others, citizens or imbabi- 
tants thereof, ‘or being within the 
same, to execute and observe the 
said explanatory article accord- 
ingly. 

In testimony whereof I have 
caused the seal Of the United 
States to be affixed to these} 
presents, and signed the same} 
with my hand. 

Given at the city of Philadel- 
phia, the fourth day of No} 
vember, if the year of our}, 
Lord one thousand seven} 
hundred and ninety-six, and 
of the independence of the}. 
United States of America the 
twenty-first. 


ae ae ee oe ane Ga an uae o 


ee 


(L. S.) Gro, WasnineTon. 
By the President, 
TimotTHy PIcKER1NG, 
Secretary of state. 


Treaty between his Britainic Majesty 
and the Landgrave of Hesse 
Darmstadt, signed at Frankfort, 
the 10th day of June, 1796. 


Be it known to those whom it 
may concern, that his majesty the 
king of Great Britain, and his 
serene highness the Landgrave of 
Hesse Darmstadt, in consideration 
of the strict ties which unite their 
interests, and having judged that, 
in the present situation of affairs, 
it would contribute to the recipro- 
cal welfare of Great Britain, and of 
the dominions of Hesse Darmstadt, 
to cement and strengthen, by a new 
treaty of alliance, the connection 

which 


Soh. Ae By PA: PLE QRYS: 


which subsists between them, his 
Britannic majesty, in order to re- 
gulate the object relative to this 
treaty, has thought proper to nomi- 
nate Charles Craufurd, his envoy 
at the imperial and royal armies ; 
and his serene highness has nomi- 
nated, on his part, for the same pur- 
pose, the baron Charles of Bark- 
haus, his privy counsellor, and di- 
rector of the council of war; who, 
being furnished with the necessary 
full powers, have agreed to take 
for basis of the present treaty, the 
one formerly concluded between 
Great Britain and Hesse, the fifth 
of October, one thousand seven 
hundred and ninety-three, to adopt 
such parts of it as may be applica- 
ble to the present circumstances, 
or to settle, by new articles, those 
points which it may be necessary 
to regulate otherwise :/and as it is 
not possible to specify each particu. 
lar case, every thing which shall 
not appear to be determined in a 
precise manner, either in the pre- 
sent treaty or in the former treaty, 
|shall be settled with equity and 
‘faith, in conformity to the same 
rinciples which bave been adopted 
in former instances. 
Arr. 1. There shall be, there- 
ore, in virtue of this treaty, be- 
‘tween his majesty the king of Great 
ritain and his serene highness the 
andgrave of Hesse Darmstadt, 
heir heirs and successors, a strict 
iendship, and a sincere, firm, and 
onstant union, so that the one 
hall consider the interests of the 
Mither as his own, and shall strive 
‘lo promote them with good faith 
‘ks much as possible, and to prevent 
‘}nd removeal! disturbance and in- 


it 
t 
i 


f 


« His majesty the king of Great 
‘britain desiring to have in his ser- 


“| Vor. XXXVIII. 


[129 


vice a body of troops, to be employ- 
ed wherever he may think proper, 
excepting in the East Indies, or on 
board the fleet; and his serene 
highness, wishing for nothing more 
than to give his majesty this fresh 
proof of his attachment, engages, 
by virtue of this article, to set on 
foot three battalions .of infantry, 
forming a body of two thousand 
two hundred and eighty-four men, 
according to the annexed specifica- 
tion. These troops shall be ready 
to passin review before his Britan~ 
nic majesty’s* commissary the four- 
teenth day of July of the present 
year, at Darmstadt, and to begin 
their march the following day for 
the place of theirdestination. The 
general whom his Britannic majes- 
ty shall appoint. commander in 
chief in the countries where these 
shall serve, shall bave authority to 
employ them, either together or in 
detachments, and even to disperse 
them amongst the different islands 
or districts of his command, in the 
manner which he shall judge the 
most advantageous for his majesty’s 
service. It being, notwithstanding, 
well understood, that these troops 
shall always remain under the im- 
mediate orders of their own chiefs, 
—The said corps shall consist of 
men disciplined and exercised, and 
well armed and equipped. 

3. In order to defray the ex. 
pences to which theserenelandgrave 
shall be put for the equipment of 
the said corps of troops, his Britan., 
nic majesty promises to pay to his 
serene highness for each man thir- 
ty crowns banco, the crown being 
reckoned at fifty-three sols of Hole 
land, or at four shillings and nine» 
pence three farthings English mo- 
ney, of which payment shall be 
madeimmediately after the review, 
K and 


130] 


and according to the effeétive state 
as shallj then be verified.’ All the 


camp necessaries, as likewise all 


the horses, waggons, draft-horses, 
valets de bat, and waggoners, who 
may be necessary for the troops,as 
well for transporting the equipages, 
provisions, ammunition, utensils, 
sick, and other objeéts of every 
kind, as for the field+pieces, with 
theirimplements, and artillery men, 
shall be furnished by his Britannic 
majesty wherever they may be 
wanted. 

4, Besides the levy-money stipu- 
lated in the preceding article, his 
Britannic majesty shall cause to be 
paid to every officer, as also to every 
one employed, not a fighting man 
of equal rank, the sum of three 
months pay according to his rank, 
and upon the same footing as his 
national troops, in order to facili- 
tate the expence of his private 
equipment, which payment shall 
be made immediately after the sig- 
nature of the present treaty. 

5. His majesty the king of Great 
Britain engages himself, in like 
manner, to pay tothe serene Land- 
grave an annual subsidy during the 
six years this treaty is to continue. 
‘This subsidy shali commence from 
the day of the signature, and it 
shall be paid at the rate of eighty 
thousand crowns baneo per annum. 
The payment of this subsidy shall 
be made regularly, without abate- 
ment, every quarter, to the agent 
of his highness in London. 

«4. These troops shall remain in 
the service and at the disposition of 
his Britannic majesty during six 
years, and his majesty shall allow 
them during this term—12. Every 
thing that is necessary for their 
Subsistence; namely, pay, bread, 
forage, and, in general, all emo- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


luments, as well ordinary as exe 
traordiuary, attached to every rank 
on the same footing that be allows 
them to his British troops in the dif- 
ferent places of their destination ; 
and for this purpose the statements 
of payment shall be annexed to the 
present treaty. 2. Medicines and 
sustenance forthe sick and wound- 
ed, with a place and the necessary 
means of conveyance wherein they 
may be treated and taken care of, 
precisely on the same footing as the: 
national British troops, by their own 
physicians and surgeons. The pay 
shall commence from the day of 
the review, according to the effec- 
tive state in which the said corps 
shall be delivered, which shall be 
verified by a table, signed bv the 
respective ministers of the high 
contracting parties, which shall 
have the same force as if it had 
been inserted .word for word in the 
present treaty- 

7. As in the before-mentioned 
table the strength of each compa- 
ny, of which four make a battalion, 
amounts to one hundred and sixty- 
three soldiers, it must be observed, 
that in this pumber are comprised 
seven men unarmed, intended, ac- 
cording to the established custom 
in the Hessian service, to serve as 
servants to officers, andit is agreed 
upon that these men shall nevers 
theless pass muster as soldiers im 
every respect. 

8. As itis to be feared that, not~ 
withstanding the care made use of, 
it will not be possible entirely to 
prevent desertion until the arrival 
of the troops at the place of em- 
barkation, and his serene highness 
promising to employ every means 
in his power that the said corps 
shall be embarked complete, it is 
agreed upon, that there shall be ‘# 

the 


SP AE: A PAR RS. 


the said review ten-supernumerary 
men per company, to supply the 
place of deserters on the march ; 
so that, in case, on the arrival of 
the corps at the port, the number 
of supernumeraries shall exceed 
that of the deserters, the remainder 
may be distributed amongst the 
battalions,and added to the amount, 
in order to increase, in such case, 
the levy money, pay, &c. and his 
highness engages himself moreover 
to cause the said corps to be escort- 
ed by a detachment of cavalry, in 
order to pick up deserters, procure 
quarters, &c. &c. it being well un- 
derstood that the expences, as well 
of the march as of the return. of 
the detachment of cavalry, shall be 
defrayed by his majesty. 

9. All the objects of pay and 
maintenance shall be calculated ac- 
cording to the table of the annual 
review, so that the vacancies hap- 
pening from one review to another 
shall not make any alteration inthe 
state of payment. His majesty 
shall cause these objects to be paid 
in advance from two to three 
months, either by assignments pay- 
able in favour of the Hessian com- 
missioner upon whatever chest of 
his majesty may be nearest to the 
said commission, or in ready mo- 
ney to his serene highness’s agent in 
London. 

10. A fresh review shall take 
place regularly every year. His 
_ majesty shall give three months no- 
tice of the number of recruits ne- 
cessary to complete the corps, which 
number shall be fixed according to 
the official report of the first day of 
April, so that the recruits shall be 
ready to be delivered tothe English 
commissary the Ist day of July, at 
the place of the first review, or one 
month after, at such port in Ger- 


(131 


many, or at such place on the fron 
tiers of the empire, as his majesty 
may chuse for their reception. The 
form of ‘their delivery shall be 
deemed to be that of the new re- 
view, and the total of the number 
of effective men remaining, accord- 
ing to the report of the month of 
April, added to that of the recruits 
delivered to the British commissary, - 
shall be considered as the effective 
state of the new period, and shall 
not vary until the review of the 
following year. 

11. There shall be paid, for each 
recruit, armed, equipped, disci- 
plined, and exercised, the sum of 
twenty crowns banco; and _ his 

_highness the Landgrave takes upon 
himself the expences of transport 
to the place of embarkation, as 
well as of escort, which are to be 
reimbursed by his Britannic majes- 
ty. 

12, As during the continuance 

of this treaty, it will necessarily oc. 
cur, that officers or soldiers, either 

for family reasons, on account of ° 

preferment, or for sickness, will be 
obliged to return home, his majes- 
ty takes upon himself the expences 
of their transport in the two former 
cases, as far as the frontiers of the 
empire, and in the latter to their 
own country; his highness pro- 
mises, in return, to replace the non- 
commissioned officers and soldiers 
to whom he may give permission 
to return for any other reason than 
that of sickness, at his own expence, 
and without requiring the conside- 
ration for recruits fixed in the pre- 
ceding article, reserving to himself 
nothing but the transport from the 
frontiers of the empire unto the 
place of their destination.— More. 
over, his highness will never recal 
an officer or soldier without urgent 

K 2 cause, 


132} 


cause, or without baving acquaint- 
ed his majesty thereof; and he will 
take care that the number of offi- 
cers shal! be always complete. 

13. The most serene Landgrave 
being at the charge of furnishing 
the said corps with arms and cloath- 
ing, in consequence: of the pay up- 
on the footing of English troops, as 
agreed upon in these articles, his 
majesty shall cause indemnification 
to be made for such loss only in 
cloathing, arms, and accoutrements, 
as shall be occasioned by some acci- 
dent of war or voyage; as well as 
for every expence incurred in the 
transport of the several articles to 
the troops, and also of every thing 
they may standin need of. It be- 
ingwell understood that the afore- 
said articles shall be delivered to 
the English commissary at the 
same time as the recruits of the 
year, in order that the same vessel 
may convey both. 

14. In case an officer sh Il lose 
his equipage, either on his rout or 
by some accident of war, his majes- 
ty shall grant him the same indem- 
vification as Kuglish officers are 
allowed in similar cases. 

15. As svon as his serene high- 
ness shall have put the corps in a 
state to march, wihin the term 
agreed upon, he shall be considered 
as having fulfilled his preliminary 
engagements ; so that the payment 
of the levy money, subsidy, and 
pay shall take place according to 
the aforesaid determination, even 
in case his majesty, on account of 
some unforeseen event, should not 


think proper to have the corps re-* of the present treaty. 


viewed, or to cause it to march or 
embark. 

16. If before the. period of the 
review, his Britannic majesty sball 
find himself disposed. to renounce 
this treaty entirely, hi serene high- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ness shall receive, under the title 
of indemnification ; Ist. the levy 
movey. 2d. The equipage money 
allowed to the officers. 3d. Three 
months pay for the whole of the 
troops, according to the table an- 
nexed to the second article, &c- 
4ih. One year’s sudsidy. 

17. At the end of six years, bis 
Britannic majesty shall send back 
the corps at the disposal of bis high- 
ness, in the same state in which it 
was taken into his service, and be- 
ing at the entire expence of trans- 
port until their arrival at Darm- 
stadt. {It being understood that 
his majesty shall not pay the levy 
money for the men who may be 
wanting at that time, except in the 
case where he shall bave. failed to 
inform the serene Landgrave of it. 
six months before hand, in order to 
save his highness the expence of a 
new completion. If by accident 
the return should be retarded, the 
treaty shall be tacitly prolonged for 
one year, in every respect, and a 
certain sum shall be agreed upon 
as an equivalent for levy money, 
in proportion to the present ar- 
rangement. 

18. lf his majesty should think 
proper, after the expiration of the 
six years fixed forthe duration of 
this treaty, to keep the said corps 
for some years longer, his highne-s 
consents to it beforehand ; and as 
it will be then only necessary to 
make an arrangement respecting 
the levy and equipage-money for 
the officers, which will be calcu- 
lated according to the proportions 


19. His serene highness reserves 
to himself the jurisdiction over his 
troops, as well as all dispositicns 
respecting promotion, discipline, 
and interior administration. 

20. His 


STA Ta? “Pea Pen RSs 


20. His Britannic majesty grants 
to his highness the sum of 15,000I. 
sterling, to answer the first expen- 
ces of equipping this corp3; pay- 
ment of which shail be made im- 
mediately after the signature of this 
treaty, and shall be carried to the 
account of levy-money. 

_ 21. Deserters shall be faithfully 
delivered up on both sides, and 
Neither the soldiers, nor any other 
persons belonging to the corps of 
Hesse Darmstadt, shail be permitted 
to settle in the dominions of his 
Britannic majesty. 

In witess whereof, we the un- 
dersigned, authorized by the full 
power of his majesty the king of 
Great Britain on one side, and of 
his serene highness the reigning 
Landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt, on 
the other, have signed the present 
treaty, and have caused the seals 
of our arms to be affixed thereto. 

Done at Frankfort, this 10th day 

of June, 1796. 
(L.S.) C. Cravrurp. 
(L.S8.) C. B. De Barxuavys. 


Letter from Sir Gilbert Elliot, Vice- 
roy of Corsica, to the governor of 
Porto Ferrajo. 


Srr, Bastia, July 6. 
THE French troops have taken 
possession of the city of Leghorn, 
the cannon of the fortresses have 
been directed against the ships of 
the kingin the road, and the pro- 
perty of his majesty’s subjects at 
Leghorn has been violated, not- 
withstanding the neutrality of his 
royal highness the grand duke of 
Tuscany, and the reiterated pro- 
testations of the French to respect 
it. 
There is likewise reason to be- 
lieve, that the French have the 


[133 


same design upon the fortress of 
Porto Ferrajo, hoping, by such 
means, to facilitate the designs 
that they meditate against the king- 
dom of Corsica. These circum- 
stances have determined us to pre- 
vent the designs of the enemies of 
the king, who are equally ‘hostle 
to his royal highness, by placing 
at Porto Ferraju, a garrison capable 
of defending that place; our only 
intention being to prevent that for- 
tress, and the whole island of the 
Elbe, from being taken possession 
of by the French. We invite and 
request you, sir, to receive the 
troops of his majesty, which will 
appear befure the place, under the 
following conditions : 

1- Porto Ferrajo and its depen- 
dencies shall remain under the go- 
vernment of the grand duke. ~The 
Tuscan flag shall not cease to be 
respected, and the administration 
shall not be altered ia any respect ; 
persons, property, and the religion 
of all the inhabitants shall be re- 
spected. The English commanders 
shall be careful that their troops 
observe striét discipline. 

2. The officers and soldiers com. 
posing the Tuscan garrison shall 
continue to do duty, if they think 
proper. All persons employed in 
civil or military capacities shall be 
continued in their employments, if 
they conduct themselves properly. 

3. The’ preceding conditions 
shall be exactly observed, and with 
the utmost good faith, as far as 
shall be consistent with the safety 
of the place. 

4. We promise, in the name of 
his majesty, in the most solemn 
manner, to let his majesty’s troops 
retire, and to put the place into 
the hands of bis royal highness in 
its present statey when a peace 

K 3 takes 


134] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


takes place, or immediately after 
all danger of a French invasion is 
at an end. 

If you refuse, sir, to agree to pro- 
positions so conformable to the in- 
terest of his royal highness, and 
which are so just and necessary to 
our safety, the officer who is charg- 
ed with the expedition has orders 
and power suffigent to force the 
place; in which case the possession 
of it will not be limited by any 
condition. 

Not. doubting but that pru- 
dence and attachment to the true 
interests of his royal highness will 
induce you to consent to the only 
expedient which can save Porto 
Ferrajo, and preserve the island of 
the Elbe from the most cruel 
scourge, 

I have the honour, with the ut- 
most regard and esteem, &c. 


Articles proposed by the Governor 
and Town of Porto Ferrajo, and 
eccepted the 10th of Fuly by the 
commander of the English troops. 


Art. 1. The English troops shall 
be received into the place, and the 
conditions, regulated by his excel- 
lency the viceroy, Elliot, shall be 
fully observed, so that nothing may 
alter the law of neutrality imposed 
upon Tuscany, and which should 
be inviolably maintained. 

2. Whenever troops or ships of 
nations at war shall appear before 
the city or port, neither the garri- 
son nor any inhabitant shall be 
bound to takeup arms, either in 
favour of the English or any other 
party. 

3. The island of the Elbe, and 
especially Porto Ferrajo, being in 
want of provisions, the comman- 
ders of the English troops shall take 


care tosend all necessary provisions 
forthe inhabitants to purchase, in 
order that they may not be exposed 
to perish by famine. 

4. The people of Porto Ferrajo 
being very numerous, and having 
but few houses, it will not be pos- 
sible to lodge the English soldiers 
in. private houses.- They flatter 
themselves the: commarders will ‘ 
have the goodness to take this ob- 
jeét into consideration. 

5. As the arrival of the Britan- 
nic troops bas been suddenand un- 
foreseen, the commanders are en- 
treated to agree io a convenient 
time for preparing quarters and ne- 
cessary lodgings. 


Proclamation by Gordon Forbes, nnd. 
Jor general and commander in chef 
of allhis Britannic Majesty’s for- 
ces at St. Domingo, to all theplan- 
ters of the Spanish part of th® 
said Island. 


SpanisH PLANTERS, 

YOUR king has ceded to the 
aétual government of France the 
vast and rich territory occupied and 
cultivated by your forefathers and 
you upwards of three centuries, 
This treaty is on .the point of being 
carried into execution ; commisa 
sioners sent by the executive direc- 
tory are already arrived in your 
colony, and prepare the destruction 
of your property in the same man-~ 
ner as they have effected it in the 
rich French colony contiguous to 
yours. Beware, brave Spaniards, 
of the treacherous insinuations of 
those enemies of all moral and re« 
ligious principles, which form the 
basis of social lifee High minded 
loyal, and generous, like your fore- 
fathers, you want but a hint of 
what awaits you. Zealously attach- 

ed 


SUE A TED PiA PE RS. 


ed to the worship of the true God, 
and the august blood of your kings, 
you, no doubt, prefer the loss and 
sacrifice of your property to the 
misfortune and disgrace of sub- 
mitting to the yoke of these new 
masters of your territory. Follow 
then, gallant Spaniards, that noble 
impulse of reason, honour, and 
feeling. Depart! the dominions 
of the Spanish monarch are open 
for you: go, honourably to live 
and die there in the shade of your 
altars, and under the protection of 
your king. But if any among you, 
chained down by necessity to the 
soil they cultivate, should not be 
able to leave it, let them not be 
uneasy : his majesty lends them his 
powerful and protecting hand. I 
wish they would, for their own 


happiness, fully rely on the gene-_ 


rosity and beneficence of so great 
amonarch. What other sovereign 
has fought with more zeal and glory 
for the sacred cause of religion, 
royalty, and humanity, against the 
fool-hardy innovators, who are bent 
on exterminating them from the 
whole surface of this globe. Ihave 
read, brave Spaniards, the ostensi- 
ble instructions given by the direc- 
. tory to the commissioners of the re- 
public; I have perused the procla. 
mations of those hypocritical and 
perverse agents, whose first mission 
to St. Domingo was marked with 
insurrections, with the firing of 
the plantations, and the assassina- 
tion of their owners. The choice 
of such men sufficiently shews the 
misfortunes you have to expect. 
Read and consider, brave Spaniards, 
the papers I have just quoted: com- 
pare the promises which they hold 
out with those the republic has 
made to every nation it wished to 
seduce. What advantages did it 


{135 


not hold-out to its own,colonies, to 
Savoy, Belgium, Holland ; in short, 
to all countries wherein it has 
established its’ strange regime,/-— 
Well, contemplate the horrid and 
deplorable situation to which are 
now reduced those provinces, once 
so populous and_ flourishing, and 
judge, brave Spaniards, what would 
be the result of your creduiity. 
Impressed with. your dangers, and 
feeling for your misfortune, -1 offer 
you my support., A faithful inter- 
preter of the beneficent disposition 
of his majesty, I promise and gua- 
rantee to you, under his banners, 
safety to your persons and property. 
Whatever is sacred to you, your 
religious worship, your priests, your 
laws, your customs, your privileges, 
shall be preserved to you, and you 
shall® also enjoy the advantage of - 
the most extensive and flourishing 
commerceinthe world. You have 
frequented our posts, and know 
the liberty, good faith, and plenty 
which reign there. Calculate the 
extent of those advantages, and 
prepare yourselves to-receive the 
only power able to grant them, 
As soon as the protection of your 
king shall be withdrawn from 
you, and you are given up to 
the new masters of your territory, 
arm against them, and, on the first 
signal you give me of your deter 
mination, I will fly to your assig- 
tance, and unite my whole force 
with yours, to repel and extermi- 
nate our common enemy. 

Given in the king’s house, at 
Port-au-Prince, the 12th of July, 
in the year of our Lord 1796, and 
the 35th of his majesty’s reign. 

G. Forsxs. 

By order of bis excellency, 
James EstxN, secretary. 
des 


K 4 


136] 


Vinal Council of the third up e4 
tember. , 

AT the court at Way shouts the 
3d of September, 1796, present the 
King’s’ most excellent majesty in 
council, 

Whereas an act passed in the 
thirty-third year of his majesty’s 
reign, intituled, ** An act more 
effectually to prevent, during the 
present war between Great Britain 
and France, all traitorous corres= 
pondence with, or aid or assis- 
ance being given to his majesty’s 
enemies ; ;” and another act passed 
in the thirty-fourth year of his 
majesty’s reign, intituled, ** An act 
for preventing money or effects, 
in the hands of his majesty’s sub- 
‘jects, belonging to or disposable by 
persons resident in France, being 
applied to the use of the persons 
exercising the powers of yovern- 
mentin France, and for preserving 
the property thereof for the benefit 
of the individual owners thereof.” 

And whereas another act, passed 
in the thirty-fourth year aforesaid, 
jntituled, “* An act for more effec- 
tually preserving money and ef- 
fects, in the hands of his majesty’s 
subjects, belonging to or disposable 
by persons resident in France, for 
the benefit of the individual owners 
thereof.” 

And-whereas it is expedient that 
such licence and authority should 
be granted as is herein after given 
and granted; his majesty, taking 
the same into his royal consi- 
deration, is pleased, by and with 
the advice of his privy-council, by 
this order to grant, and according- 
ly, with such advice, by this order, 
doth grant licence, according to 
the authority given by the said 
acts, respectively, or some of them, 
to all persons residing or being in 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


Great Britain, either on their own 
account’°or credit, or om the ‘ace 
count or credit, or by the direction 
of any’ other’ person or persons 
whomsoever, or wheresoever resi- 
dent or being, to sell, supply, deli- 
ver, or send for the purpose of being 
sold, supplied, or. delivered, and 
to” agree to sell, ~supply, deli- 
ver, or send for -such purpose, 
and either on their own account or 
‘credit, or on the account or credit, 
‘or by the direction ef any other 
person or persons whomsoever and 
wheresoever resident or being, to 
cause or procure to be sold, sup- 
plied, delivered, or sent for such 
purpose as aforesaid, or to autho- 
rise or direct any other person or 
persons whomsoever, or whereso- 
ever resident or being, to sell, 
supply, deliver, or send as aforesaid ; 
or to aid or assist in so selling, sup- 
plying, delivering, or. authorising 
or directing to be sold, supplied, 
delivered or sent; and also to buy 
or procure, or contract or agree to 
contract or procure, or cause to 
be bought or procured, or authorise 
or direct any other person or per= 
sons whomsoever, or wheresoever 
resident or being, to buy or pro- 
cure, or to contract or agree to, 
buy or procure, or aid or assist in 
buying or procuring, or authoris- 
ing or directing to be bought or 
procured, any goods, wares, mer- 
chandizes, or effects, mentioned in 
the said acts, or any other goods, 
wares, merchandizes, or effects, (ex- 
cept such as are herein after men- 
tioned) whether of the growth, 
production or manufacture of this 
kingdom, or of any foreign coun- 
try, to or for the use of any persons 
residing in the territories of the 
United Provinces, or in the Aus-. 
trian Netherlands, or in any part 
of Italy, or for the purpose of be- 


ing 


Sop ACT BD P A PARR S 


ing sent into any part or place 
within the same respectively. 

Provided nevertheless, that all 
such goods, wares, merchandizes, 
and effects, be exported from this 
kingdom, and in ships or vessels be- 
longing to persons of some state or 
country in amity with his majes- 
ty, and that such exportation be 
made under the usual conditions 
and regulations; and that such 
security be given by bond, in such 
penalty, by such persons, and in 
such manner as shall be directed 
by the commissioners of his ma- 
jesty’s customs, and that the said 
goods, wares, merchandizes, and 
effects, shall be exported to the 
places proposed, and to none 
other; and that a certificate sball 
be produced, within six months 
from the date of the bond, under the 
hand of the British consul or vice- 
consul residing at the port or place 
at which such goods or commodities 
shall be landed ; and if no yice- 
consul shall be there resident, then 
under the hands of two known 
British merchants residing there ; 
and if no British merchant shail 
Teside there, then under the hand 
of the chief magistrate of the place, 
testifying that the said goods have 
been all duly landed at that port or 
place, 

Provided also, that nothing herein 
before contained, shall be construed 
to licence the exportation, sale,send- 
ing, supplying, or delivering of, or 
in any manner to relate to any arms, 
ordnance, ordnance stores, gunpow- 
der, bullets, pitch, tar, hemp, masts, 
timber, sail-cloth, cordage, salt- 
petre, or any naval or military 
Stores whatsoever, nor to relate to 
any store or article whatsoever, 
intended for the use of the armies, 


TEL S7 


troops, fleets, ships, or vessels of 
the enemies of his majesty; or any 
articles which are specially prohi- 
bited by any other act or acts of par- 
liaments, other than the acts before 
mentioned, to ‘be exported, sold, 
supplied, or delivered, as aforesaid : 
or in any manner to affect the pro- 
visions of any otheract or acts of 
parliament ; or to heence or au- 
thorize the several acts, matters, 
and things aforesaid, further or 
otherwise than as the same might be 
affected by the several beforemen- 


tioned acts of parliament. 


Provided also, that every person 
who shall take the benefit of this 
licence and authority, shall take 
the same upon condition, that if 
in case of any proceeding, civil or 
criminal, under the provisions of 
any of the acts herein before men- 
tioned, or any thing alledged to 
have been done contrary thereto, 
any question shall arise whether 
the thing done was authorised by 
the licence hereby given, the proof 
that such thing was done under 
the circumstances, and according 
to the terms and conditions of this 
order, shall lie on the persons claim- 
ing the benefit hereof. 

And his majesty, with the ad- 
vice aforesaid, is hereby further 
pleased to order, that this licence 
and order sball remain and bein 
force and effect until the 25th day 
of December next ensuing, unless 
the same shall be sooner revoked. 

And the right honourable the 
lords commissioners of his majes- 
ty’s treasury, and the lords com- 
missioners of the admiralty, are to 
give the necessary directions herein, 
to them respectively appertain- 
ing. 

(Signed) W. FAwKener. 
Order 


138] 


Order of Council, at the Court at St. 
James’s, the 12th of October, 
1796, present’ the King's Most 
Excellent Majesty mn Council. 


WHEREAS his majesty has re. 
ceived intelligence that some ships 
belonging to his majesty’s subjects 
have been, and are detained in the 
port of Genoa; his majesty, with the 
advice of his privy-council, is there. 
upon pleased to order, and itis here- 
by ordered, that no ships or vessels 
belonging to any of his majesty’s 
subjects be permitted to enter or 
clear out for Genoa, or any port 
within the territory of the repub- 
lic of Genoa, until further orders: 
and his majesty is further pleased 
‘to order, that a general embargo, 
or stop, be made of all Genoese 
ships or vessels whatscever, now 
within, or which _ hereafter 
shall come into any of the ports, 
harbours, or roads, within the 
kingdom of Great Britain, toge- 
ther with all persons and effects 
on board the said ships and vessels ; 
but that the utmost care be taken 
for the preservation of all and 
every part of the cargoes on hoard 
any of the said ships, so that no 
damage or embezzlement whatever 
be sustained. 

And the right honourable the 
lords commissioners of his majese 
ty’s treasury, the lords commis- 
sioners of the admiralty, and the 
lord warden of the Cinque Ports, 
are to give the necessary directions 
herein as to them may respectively 
appertain. 

(Signed) W. FAwxener. 


Orders of Council at the Court at St. 
James's, the 9th November, 1790, 
present the King’s Most Excellent 
Majesty, 7x Council. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


WHEREAS his majesty has re- 
ceived information, that divers un- 
just seizures have been made in the 
ports of Spain of the ships and 
goods of his majesty’s subjects, and 
that acts of hostility and un- 
provoked aggression have been 
committed by the ships of his Ca- 
tholic majesty, on ships and ves- 
sels of his majesty and of his sub- 
jects: his majesty, therefore, being 
determined to take such measures 
as are necessary for vindicating 
the honour of the crown, and for 
procuring reparation and satisfac- 
tion for his injured subjects, is 
pleased, by and with the advice 
of his privy council, to order, and 
it is hereby ordered, that general 
reprisals be granted against the 
ships, goods, and subjects of the 
king of Spain, so that, as well 
his majesty’s fleets and ships, as 
also all other ships and vessels that 
shall be commissioned by letters of 
marque or general reprisals, or 
otherwise, by his majesty’s com- 
missioners for executing the office 
of lord high admiral of Great Bri- 
tain, shall and may lawfully seize 
all ships, vessels, and goods, be- 
longing to the king of Spain, or 
his subjects, or others inhabiting 
within the territories of the king 
of Spain, and bring the same to 
judgment in any of the courts of 
admiralty within his majesty’s do- 
minions ; and to that end, his ma- 
jesty’s advocate-general, with the , 
advocate of the admiraity, are 
forthwith to prepare the draught 
of a commission, and present the 
same to his majesty at this board, 
authorising the commissioners for 
executing the office of lord high 
admiral, or aby person or persons 
by them empowered and appoint- 
ed, to:issue forth and grant eer 

Q 


SRA DT. BPR AP. Ey ® 5: 


ef marque and reprisals, to any of 
his majesty’s subjects or others 
whom the commissioners — shall 
deem fitly qualified in that behalf, 
for the apprehending, seizing, and 
taking the ships, vessels and goods 
belonging to Spain, and the vassals 
and subjects of the king of Spain, 
or any inhabiting within his coun- 
tries, territories or dominions ; and 
that such powers or clauses be in- 
serted in the said commission as 
have been usual, and are accord- 
ing to former precedents. And his 
‘Majesty’s said advocate-general, 
with the advocate of the admiral- 
ty, are also forthwith to prepare a 
draught of a commission, and pre. 
sent the same to his majesty at this 
board, authorizing the said com- 
missioners for executing the office 
of lord high admiral, to will and 
require the high court of Admi- 
ralty of Great Britain, and the 
lievtenant and judge of the said 
eourt, his surrogate or surrogates, 
as also the several courts of admi- 
ralty within his majesty’s domini- 
ons, to take cognizance of, and 
judicially proceed upon, all and 
all manner of captures, scizures, 
prizes, and reprisals of all ships 
and goods that are or shall be 
taken, and to hear and determine 
the same; and, according to the 
course of admiralty and the laws 
of nations, to adjudge and con- 
demn all such ships, vessels, and 
goods as shall belong to Spain, 
or the vassals and subjects of the 
king of Spain, or to any others 
ishabiting within any of his coun- 
tries, territories, and dominions ; 
and that such powers and clauses 
be inserted in the said commission 
as have been usual, and are accord- 
ing to former precedents ; and 
they are likewise to prepare and 


£139, 


lay before his majesty, at this board, 
a draught of such instructions as. 
may be preper to be sent to the 
courts of admiralty in his majesty’s 
foreign governments and planta- 
tions, for their guidance herein ; 
as also another draught of instruc. 
tions. for such ships as shall be 
commissioned for the purposes ae 
fore-mentioned. 


Order of Council relative to Trade 
to and from the Cape of Good Hope. 


At the Court at St. James’s, the 
28th of December, 1796, present 
the King’s Most Excellent Ma- 
jesty in Council. 

WHEREAS by an act passed in 
the present session of parliament, in- 
tituled, ‘* An act to authorise his 
majesty, for a limited time, to 
make regulations respecting the 
trade and commerce to and from 
the Cape of Good Hope,” it is en- 
acted, that it shall and may be. 
lawful for his majesty, by and with 
the advice of his privy council, by 
any order or orders to be issued 
from time to time, to give such 
directions, and make such regula- 
tions, touching the trade and com. 
merce to and from the settlement 
of the Cape of Good Hope, and 
the territories and dependencies 
thereof, as to his majesty in coun- 
cil shall appear most expedient and 
salutary, any of the acts of parlia- 
ment therein referred to, or any 
usage, law or custom, to the con- 
trary notwithstanding, 

And whereas during the time 
the said settlement, with the terri- 
tories and dependencies thereof, 
were in the possession and under 
the government of the states ge- 
neral of the United Provinces, or 
of the honourable the general East 

India 


140] 


India company in the Nether- 
Jands, it was’ usual to admit the 
ship and vessels belonging to the 
subjects of countries in amity with 
said United Provinces into the ports 
of the said settiement, and of the 
territories and dependencies there- 
of, for repair and_ refreshment, 
and with that view, to permit the 
said ships and vessels to carry on 
trade with the inhabitants of the 
said settlement, and of the terri- 
tories and dependencies thereof : 
his majesty is hereby pleased to 
order, by and with the advice of 
his privy council, in pursuance of 
the powers vested in his majesty by 
the above recited act, and it is 
hereby ordered, that it shall be 
lawful, until further order, for all 
ships and vessels belonging to the 
subjects of any country or state in 
amity with his majesty, to enter 
into the ports of the said settle. 
ment ef the Cape of Good Hope, 
and of the territories and depen- 
dencies thereof, and to carry on 
trade and traffic with the inhabi- 
tants of the said ¢cttlement, and of 
the territories and dependencies 
thereof, and to import and export 
to and from the ports of the settle- 
“ment and of the territories and 
dependencies thereof, any goods, 
wares, or merchandise whatsoever, 
subject to the following exceptions, 
and subject also to such duties, 
rules, regulations, and restrictions, 
7s shall be established by his ma- 
jesty, or by the governor ofthe said 
setilement, and of the territories 
and dependencies thereof, by vir- 
tue of authority derived from his 
majesty ; and in the mean time 
subject to such duties, rules, re- 
gulations, and restrictions, as sub- 
sisted and were in force before and 
at the time ‘of the conquest of the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


said settlement by the arms of his 
majesty, with such alterations as 
have been since made under the 
authority of the commander in 
chief of his majesty’s forces at the 


said settlement: but it is his ma-|}. 


jesty’s pleasure, that no goods, 
wares or merchandise, which shall 
be imported into the said settle- 
ment, or the territories or depen- 
dencies thereof, from any part of | 
his majesty’s dominions shall be 
subject to any duty. 

And it is his majesty’s pleasure, 
that no goods, wares, and mer. ff 
chandise the growth, produce, or 
manufacture of the countries to 
the eastward of the Cape of Good 
Hope, be imported into the said 
settlement, or the territories or de- 
pendencies thereof, except by the 
United Company of merchants 
trading to the Kast Indies ; and 
that no such goods, wares, or mer- 
chandise, be permitted to be ex-: 
ported from thence, except for sea 
stores only, or by the United Com- 
pany of merchants of England 
trading to the East Indies, or by 
their licence. 

But it ishis majesty’s pleasure, 
that nothing in this order contain. 
ed shall extend to prevent ships or 
vessels employed in the southern 
whale fishery from carrying, on 
the same, in such and the same 
manner as might have been done 
if this order had not been made. 

And it is also his majesty’s pleas 
sure, that no arms or artillery, 
gunpowder or ammunition, of any 
sort, be allowed to be imported 
into the said settlement, or the ter- 
ritories or dependencies — thereof, 
except by the said’ United Com- 
pany of merchants of England 
trading to the Kast Indies, or by . 
licence from his majesty. 

; And 


And it is‘bis majesty’s further 
pleasure, that the trade and com- 
merce to and from the said settle- 
ment, and the territories and de- 
pendencics thereof, shall be sub- 
ject to such of the laws of trade 
and navigation as would have ai- 
fected the same if this order had 
not been made, except so far as 
such laws are contrary to this pre- 
sent order. 

And the right honourable the 
lords commissioners of his majesty’s 
treasury, and the lords commission- 
ers of the Admiralty are to give the 
necessary directions herein as to 
them may respectively appertain. 

STEPHEN COTTRELL. 


Answer of the British Government 


War. 

THE open aggressions of Spain, 
the violences committed against 
the persons and property of kis ma- 
jesty’s subjects, and the unprovoked 
declaration of war on the part of 
that power, have at length com- 
pelled his majesty to take the ne- 
essary measures for repelling force 
by force, and for vindicating the 
diguity of bis crown, and the rights 
and interests of his people. 

At the moment of adopting 
these measures, his majesty feels 
it due to himself to remove every 
doubt which can be thrown on 
the indisputable justice of his cause, 
and it will be easily proved, from 
the very reasons adduced by the 
court of Madrid in support. of its 
declaration of war, that all the 
calamities which may ensue are 
solely to be attributed to the con- 
duct of his enemies, . 

A simple reference to that de- 
claration and a bare enumeration 


SPAT EDP viP E/RyS: 


to the Spanish Declaration of 


[14d 


of the vague and frivolous charges 
which it contains, would indeed 
be sufficient to satisfy all reasonable 
and impartial minds, that no. part 
of the conduct of Great Britain to- 
wards Spain has afforded the 
smellest ground of complaint, 
much less any motive sufficiently 
powerful for adding to the present 
calamites of Europe all the evils 
of a new and complicated war. 

The only dificulty of a ‘detailed, 
reply arises not from the strength 
and importance of the complaints 
aliedged, but from their weakness 
and futilty—from the confused 
and unintelligible shape in which 
they are brought forward, and 
from the impossibility of referring 
them to any established principle 
or rule of justice, to any usual 
form or topic of complaint between 
independent governments, or to 
any of those motives which can 
alone create the painful duty of an 
appeal toarms. 

The acts of hostility attributed to 
his majesty in the manifesto of 
Ppa, consist either of matters 
perfectly innocent and indifferent 
in their nature, or of impuied opi- 
nions and intentions of which no 
proof is adduced, nor any effect 
alledged 5 or, lasuly, of complaints 
of the misconduct of unauthorised 
individuals ; respecting all which 
his majesty has never failed to ine 
stitute Inquiry, wheie inquiry was 
necessary, and to cause justice to 
be done in the regular course of 
judicial proceedings. The very 
nature of such complaints affords a 
sufficient answer to the conclusion 
attempted to be drawn from them 
by Spain; and his majesty might 
have been well justified in declining 
all further discussion on points, 

on 


143] 


on whith it was manifested that no 
just motive of hostility could be 
grounded. 

Such, however, was not his con- 
duct, Anxious to avert from both 
kingdoms the calamites of war, 
he bas. repeatedly and vainly pro- 
posed to adjust, by friendly dis- 
cussion, all points of difference 
Which could subsist between the 
governments of two nations whose 
xeal interest were the same, and 
who had an equal concern in op» 
posing the progress of a common 
enemy. 

This discussion having always 
been studiously avoided by the 
court of Madrid, it now remains 
only for his majesty to vindicate in 
this public manner his own cause, 
and to prove the futility of those 
pretences by whichthat court now 
seeks to colour its aggression, 

The first point brought forward 
to support an accusation of ill faith 
is the conduct of the king’s ad- 
miral at Toulon; who is charged 
with having destroyed those ships 
and naval stores of the enemy, 
which he could not carry away with 
him; and with having afterwards 
undertaken an expedition to Cor. 
sica, without the knowledge or 
participation of the Spanish ad-« 
miral, To an accusation of such a 
nature, alledged as a ground for 
war between two great nations, it 
can hardly be expected that a se- 
tious answer should be given. It 
is perhaps the first time that it has 
been imputed as a crime to one of 
the commanding officers of two 
powers acting in alliance, and 
making @ common cause in war, 
that he did more than is proportion 
of mischief to the common enemy. 
‘Aud if it be really true that such @ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


sentiment was entertained at Maa 
drid, certainly no other justifica- 
tion can be necessary for not invit= | 
ing the officers of that court to join 
in subsequent expeditions against 
the same enemy: at all events, | 
it cannot be pretended that a coa 
operation between two: allies (how- 
ever cordial and sincere) in any 
one particular enterprize, could 
afterwards restrain either of them 
from undertaking separately any 
other, to which his own forcé 
appeared in itself to be adequate. 

The second instance of ill-faith 
attributed to his majesty, is the 
conclusion ofatreaty of amity and 
commerce with the United States 
of America; a power with whom 
both Great Britain and Spain were at 
peace: with whom the king, as well 
as his catholic majesty, was perfectly 
free to contract any such engage. 
ments; and with whom the court 
of Madrid has actually concluded 
a similar treaty, with this difference 
only, that the stipulations of thé 
British treaty can give no ground 
of offence or injury to any other 
power, while the Spanish treaty 
contains an article (that respecting 
the navigation of the Mississippi) 
which if it could have any force 
or effect at all, would be, on the 
part of Spain, a direct breach of 
treaty with Great Britain and a 
gross violation of the important 
and unquestionable rights of his 
majesty and his people. 

The same ill-faith is said to have 
been manifested in the unwilling= 
ness shewn by the British govern- 
ment to adopt, the plans proposed 
by Spain for hastening the con- 
elusion of the war with France, 
(but what these plan were, is not 
stated) and also in omitting to com- 


ply 


S DLA) ay ePaAL Paks & IS. 


ply with an application made by 
Spain fer pecuniary succours, as 
necessary to enable her to act against 
the common enemy. ‘The failure 
of such an application cannot cer-~ 
tainly be matter of surprise to any 
one who considers the situation 
and conduct of Spain during the 
war. It can hardly be alledged, 
even as an excuse for the preci- 
pitate peace concluded by Spain, 
not only: without the knowledge 
of her allies, but in contradiction 
to repeated and positive assurances ; 
but it is difficult to conceive how 
such a refusal can be made the 
ground of hostility towards Great 
Britain, or with what consistency 
the inability of Spain to prosecute 
the former contest without pecu- 
niary aid from its ally, can have 
become a motive of engaging gra- 
tuitously in all the expences and 
difficulties of a new war against 
that very power. 

With regard to the condemnation 
ef the St. Jago, (a prize taken 
from the enemy by his majesty’s 
naval forces) his majesty has only 
to reply to the injurious assertions 
on that subject in the Spanish 
manifesto, that the claims of all 
the parties in that cause were 
publicly heard and decided accord- 
ing to the known law of nations, 
and before the only competent 
tribunal ; one, whose impartiality 
_ is above all suspicion. q 

The conduct of his majesty re- 
‘specting the naval stores, which 
were claimed by Spain on board 
Dutch vessels, has been in like 
manner exempt from all blame, 
nor was any unnecessary delay in- 
terposed respecting those cargoes till 
the unequal conduct of Spain, and 
the strong and just suspicion of her 
hostile dispositions, made it im- 


[143 


possible for his majesty to consent 
to supply her from the ports ofhis 
dominions with the means of acting 
against himself. 

The next charge relates to the 
alledged misconduct of some mer- 
chant ships in landing their crews 
on the Coasts of Chili and Peru, 
with a view of carrying on there an 
illicit commerce, and of recon- 
noitring the country. On this it is 
to be observed, that those views are 
not supported by any fact what. 
ever; that ifany act was in truth 
committed by individuals in those 
territories against the laws of the 
government established there, those 
laws might have been enforced upon 
the spot, and the court of London 
has always been open to receive and 
redress all complaints of that na- 
ture. But that what is assigned in 
the manifesto as a mere cover and 
pretext for fraud; namely, the ex- 
ercise of the whale fishery by the 
English in those parts, is not,-as 
there asserted, a right which the 
English ‘‘ claim under the cons 
vention of Nootka.” It is one 
which was not’ then for the first 
time established, but solemnly re- 
cognized by the court of Madrid, 
as having always belonged to Great 
Britain, and the full and undis- 
turbed exercise of which was 
guaranteed to his majesty’s sub« 
jects in terms so express as to ads 
mit of no doubt, and in a trans- 
action so recent, that ignorance of 
it cannot be pretended. 

Such, it seems, were the offences 
of the British government, and 
such the jealousies and apprehen- 
sion of Spain during the time when 
the courts of London and Madrid 
were united in the bands of alli- 
ance, and engaged in a common 
cause ; and itis on motives as fri- 

2 yolous 


144] 


volous as these, that the court of 
Madrid began to project an offen- 
sive alliance with the king’s ene- 
mies ; a design which it now Pio; 
fesses.to have entertained from the 
moment when it separated itself 
from the common cause, but which 
was long after that period disguised 
under the most positive and explicit 
assurances of neutrality, 

' It is insinuated, that the good 
offices of his catholic majesty for 


bringing about a general pacifi-. 


cation, had been tendered to 
Great Britain, and had been re- 
fused. . What degree of impar- 
tiality could have been expected 
from such a mediation, the dispo- 
sitions which Spain now avows 
herself to have entertained at that 
period sufficiently shews ; his ma- 
Jesty exercised bis undoubted right 
of judging for himself and for bis 
people, how far a negotiation com- 
menced under such auspices was 
likely to contribute to the honour 
and interest of his dominions; and 
he now finds the propriety of his 
decision confirmed beyond a doubt, 
by the conduct and ayowals. of 
Spain. 

Itis next stated, that in the pro- 
secution of the war, in which 
Great Britain is engaged, her 
views seem uniformly to bave been 
directed to the annoyance of the 
Spanish possessions in America. 
In support of this accusation are 
adduced an expedition directed 
against St. Domingo, the conquest 
of the Dutch colony of Demerary, 


and the supposed etablishment of 


British commercial companies on 
the banks oi the Mississippi, formed 
with a view of bie Saleh to the 
South Sea. 

‘This latter point is one to which 
it is impossible to make @ specific 


ANNUAL REGISTER; 


1796. 


answer, because the British govern- 
ment has no knowledge. of any 
fact to which it can refer. Within 
the Spanish territory, the Spanish, 
government eertainly possess both 
the right and the power to prevent 
individuals from trading. Within 
the American territory, his ma- 
jesty’s subjects have by treaty a 
right to settle and to trade; and 
they have also an express right 
freely to navigate the Mississippi, 
by which the territories of Spain 
and of the United States are divided 
from each other. Unless, there- 
fore, itcan be shewn that the Bri- 
‘sh government has authorised any 
settlement on the Spanish territory, 
this complaint can afford no pre- 
tence for hostility against his ma- 
Jjesty. 

With regard to the expedition 
against St. Domingo, and to the 
conquest of Demerary, it is im- 
possible to refrain from remarking 
that however highly the rights of 
neutral nations ought to be respect- 
ed, and whatever delicacy his ma- 
jesty might be disposed to feel to- 
wards those of a power so lately his 
ally, and not yet become his enemy 
—it is a-new and hitherto un- 
heard of claim of neutrality, 
which is to be circumscribed by 
no bounds, either of time or place ; 
which extends equally beyond the 
date, and beyond the limits of 
possession, and isto attach not to 
the territories of a neutral power 
itself, but to whatever may once 
have belonged to it, and to what- 
ever may be situated in its neigh- 
bourbood, although in the pus- 
session of amactual enemy. 

The subject, however, of St. 
Domingo, deserves to be more par- 
ticularly adverted to, because the 


attempt on the part of Spain to 
cede 


STAT EsPAPE RS.) 


cede apart of thatisland to France, 
is a breach of that solemn treaty un- 
der which alone the crown of Spain 
holds any part of its American 
possessions. The conclusion of 
such an article, without the know. 
ledgé of an ally so deeply con- 
cerned as Great Britain in that sti- 
pulation, both in right and in- 
terest, was therefore an aét, such 
as would have justified any mea- 
sures to which the court of London 
could have recourse ; yet so earnest 
was the king’s desire to maintain 
peace with Spain, that he repeat. 
edly endeavoured to fix, by an 
amicable discussion with that court, 
the period when the right of Spain 
to the territory so ceded was to 
cease, in order that any operation 
which it might become expedient 
for his troops to undertake there, 
might be directed against the French 
alone. And although no explana- 


tion could ever be obtained from : 


the court of Madrid on this sub- 
ject; his commanders on the spot 
were restrained from acting, and 
did not aét against the Spanish part 
of the island, till the cession aétu- 
ally took place, by which, it be- 
came, as far as the aét of Spain 
could make it, a part of the ter- 
ritories of France. 

- To the accusations which make 
up the greater part of the re- 
mainder of the manifesto, respect- 
ing the detention or capture of 
merchant ships, or the violation of 
territory therein mentioned, it is 
sufficient to reply, that in every 
case of such a nature which has 
been brought to the knowledge of 
the British government, the most 


efiectual measures have been in- 
stantly taken for instituting in- 


quiry into the particulars of the 
transaction, for collecting | the 


Vor. XXXVIII. 


[145 


proofs necessary to ascertain the 


faét on which the charge. is 
founded, and for submitting the 
whole to that regular course of 


proceeding in which justice is to be 
rendered in these cases, according 
to the established practice through- 
out Europe, and to. the express sti« 
pulations of the treaties between 
Great Britain and Spain. 

Amidst the wide and compli- 
cated operations of a naval wary 
extended over every quarter of the 
globe, it is not improbable. that 
some disorders and irregularities 
may have taken place, which the 
utmost vigilance of the govern. 
ment could not immediately dis« 
cover or repress ; and that in the 
exercise of the undoubted right of 
a power at war, tosearch out and 
seize the property of the enemy, 
the rights of neutral nations may, 
in some instances, have been un- 
intentionally exposed to temporary 
molestation. ‘The same _ observa- 
tion was not less applicable to Spain 
in her war with France; and the 
short interval that has elapsed since 
her declaration against Great Bri- 
tain has amply shewn that similar 
complaints will arise from her con- 
duct in the present war. 

The utmost that can’ be de- 
manded in such cases of a power at 
war, is, that it should shew itself 
ready on all occasions to listen to the 
remonstrances and reclamations of 
those whom it may have aggrieved, 
and prompt and expeditions in re- 
dressing their injuries, and in re= 
storing their property: and to the 
readiness. of the British governs 
ment to fulfil these duties, in every 
case where they have been called 
upon todo ‘so, even Spain- herself 
may safely be called to bear wit- 
ness» Nor would it be easy to 

L cite 


146] 


cite amore striking proof of the 
friendly disposition of the king’s 
government, and of the particular 
attention manifested towards the 
rights and interest of Spain, than 
arises from an impartial examina- 
tion of the detail of what has passed 
on this subject. It will be found 
that the causes of complaints, 
whether well or ill founded, which 
have been brought forward, are 
much fewer than ever have occurred 
within the same period in former 
times. And the court of Spain, 
when called upon to specify par- 
ticulars on this head, is obliged to 
have recourse toan allegation of 
the depredations of Corsican pri- 
yateers. 

There remains but one ground 
upou which the court of Spain 
pretends to account to the world 
for the rash andperfidious step 
which it has taken in declaring 
war against England, and to ex- 
euse to Europe the calamities 
which cannot fail to result from 
sucha measure ; the supposed de- 
cree of arrest asserted to have issued 
against the Spanish ambassador at 
the court of London. The faét, to 
which this relates, must haye been 
grossly mistaken before it could be 
made to appear, even in the eyes 
of Spain, a fit motive for the 
slightest representation or com- 
plaint, much more a justifiable 
cause of war between the two 
kingdoms. 

By the stress which is laid upon 
this transaction, who is there that 
would not be led to imagine that 
the lawesuit commenced against the 
Spanish ambassador, was attended 
with some peculiar circumstances 
of personal indignity ? That the 
result was intentional, and ori- 
ginated with the British govern- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 
} 


ment.? or that; on being appriged 
of the offence, the court of Lon- 
don had shewn some unwill’ngness 
or delay in proceeding to the.prose« 
cution of the parties. concerned 
in it? 

Who but would be astonished 
to learn that the process itself was 
no more than a simple citation to 
answer at law-fur a debt demanded? 
that the suing this process was the 
mistaken act of an individual, who 
was immediately ‘disavowed by the 
government, and. ordered to be 
prosecuted for his conduét, and who 
made, (but made in vgin) repeated 
and submissive applications to the 
Spanish ambassador for forgives 
ness and interference on his be- 
half? that. cases of the same nas 
ture have frequently arisen in 
England from the ignorance of in 
dividuals, and from the ready ape 
peal to the laws which the happy 
constitution of the country admits 
and authorizes, without the pre» 
vious intervention or knowledge 
of any branch of the executive 
government ; and _ that in all si- 
milar cases, and particularly in one 
which had occurred only a few 
weeks before, precisely the same 
measures had been pursued by the 
government to vindicate the pri- 
vileges of foreign ministers, and 
have uniformly, and without ex-: 
ception, been accepted as com- 
pletely adequate to that object, 
and satisfactory to the dignity and 
honour of the sovereign whom the 
case concerned? 

Such then are the frivolous mo- 
tives, and pretended wrongs, which 
Spain bas chosen to assign as the 
justification of her declaration. of 
waragainst Great Britain. Such are 
the topics of complaint upon which 
his majesty has repeatedly offered 

the 


1 


SPA TE 
the most unequivocal explanation ; 
upon which he has long and 
earnestly endeavoured to persuade 
the court of Madrid to enter into a 
full and amicable discussion, for 
the purpose of averting from his 
own subjects, from those of his 
Catholic majesty, and from Europe, 
the extremities of war. 

When upon grounds of such a 
nature, and with the offer of 
negotiation repeatedly presented to 
its choice, a power has wilfully 
and wantonly chosen a_ war, 
in which its prosperity, its hap- 
piness, and its safety, are hazarded, 
and in which it will have as much 
to fear from the success of its al- 
lies as from that of its enemies— 
it surely is not too much to pre- 
sume, that, even in its own eyes, 
that power is not justified for the 
proceeding which it adopted, and 
that there must be some unassigned 
motive of irresistible necessity, 
which induces it to pursue measures 
alike inconsistent with its interest 
and with its honour. 

It will be plain to all posterity— 
it is now notorious to Europe, 
that neither to the genuine wishes, 
hor even to the mistaken’ policy of 
Spain, her present conduét is to be 
attributed; that not from enmity 
towards Great Britain, not from 
any resentment of past or appre~ 
hension of future injuries, but from 
a blind subserviency to the views of 
his majesty’s enemies, from the do- 
minion usurped over her councils 
and actions by her new allies, she 
has been compelled to actin a quar- 
rel, and for interests not her own; 
to take up arms against one of those 
powers in whose cause. she had pro, 
fessed to feel the strongest interest ’ 
and even to menace with hostility 
another, against whom no cause of 


PAPERS. [147 


complaint is pretended, except its 
honourable and faithful adherence 
to its engagements. 

Under these circumstances, his 
majesty forbears to enumerate the 
several grounds of just complaint 
which he has had occasion, on his 
part, to prefer to the court of 
Madrid, since the conclusion of the 
peace between France and Spain; 
the many and gross instances of un- 
just partiality towards his enemies, 
of undue protection afforded to their 
ships, and of injuries committed, 
and allowed to be committed, on 
those of his majesty and his sub« 
jects. 

Confident of having acquitted 
himself to the world of any share 
in originating the present war, he 
finds, in the manifest and unpro- 
voked aggression of the enemy, a 
sufficient cause for calling forth the 
resources of his kingdoms, and the 
spirit of his subjects; and he com- 
mits to the Divine Providence the 
issue of a Contest, which it was to 
the last moment his earnest en- 
deavour to avoid, and which he 
now ardently desires to bring to a 
speedy and honourable termina- 
hon. 


Official Correspondence, published by 
the British Government, relating 
to the Negotiation for Peace be- 
tween the French Republic and 
Great Britain. 

No. 1. 
Sir, ; 


IN obedience to the orders of 
the king my master, I have the ho- 
nour to transmit to you the en 
closed note, and to request of you 
that you will forward it to his Da- 
nish majesty’s minister at Paris, to 

. be 


148] 


* be by him communicated to the 
executive directory. 
The sentiments of your court are 
too well known to the king to 
admit of his majesty’s entertaining 
any doubt of the satisfaction with 
which his Danish majesty will see 
the intervention of lis ministers 
employed on such an occasion, or 
of the earnestness with which you, 
sir, will concur in a measure which 
has for its object the re-establish- 
‘ment of peace. 
I have the henour to be, with 
the most perfect consideration, 
Sir, 
Your most humble, 
And most obedient servant, 
GRENVILLE. 
. To the count Wedel Jarls- 
berg, &c. Fe. He. 


No. 2. 

Note-—-HIS Britannic majesty, 
animated with the same desire, 
which he has already: manifested, 
to terminate, by just, honourable, 
and permanent conditions of peace, 
-a war which has extended itself 
throughout all parts of the world, »is 
willing to omit nothing on his part 
which may contribute to this objeét. 

It is with this view tbat he has 
thought it proper to avail himself 
of the confidential intervention of 
-the ministers of a neutral power, 
to demand of the executive direc- 
tory, passports for a person of con- 
fidence whom his majesty would 
send to Paris with a commission to 
discuss, with thé government there, 
all the means the most proper to 
produce so desirable an end. 

And his majesty is persuaded that 
he shafl receive, without delay, 
through the same channel, a sa- 
usfactory, answer to this danond, 
which cannot fail to place in a still 

Glearer light the just and pacific 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


_proceeding to Paris,” 


dispositions which he entertains in 
common with his allies. 


GRENVILLE, 
Westminster, Sept. 6, 1796. 
No. 3. 
My Lord, 


I HAVE the honour to inform 
your excellency, that the note ad- 
dressed to the executive directory 
of France, in date of the 6th of} 
the present month, was transmit~- 
ted by M. Koenemann, charge 
d’affaires of his Danish majesty, 
to M. Delacroix, minister for fos 
reign affairs at Paris, who promis- 
ed that an answer should be return- 
ed to it after it had been submitted 
to the consideration of the govern- 
ment. Three days having elapsed 
in expeGtation of this answer, Mr. 
Koenemann went a second time 
to the minister above mentioned, 
who gave him to understand, that 
the executive direétory had not 
permitted him to return an answer 
in writing, but that he was direéted 
to express himself verbally to this 
effect : 

‘¢ That the executive direétory 
of the French republic would not, 
for the future, receive or answer, 
any overtures or confidential pa- 
pers transmitted through any inter- 
mediate channel from the enemies 
of the republic; but that if they) 
would send persons furnished with 
full powers and official papers, 
these might, upon. the frontiers, 
demand the passports necessary for 


I have the honour to be, with 
the most perfect respect, 
My lord, 
Your excellency’ s most humble, 
And most obedient servant, 
_ (Signed) Comre pe WEDEL 
JARLSBERG, 
London, Sept. 3, 1796, 
No. 4, 


SD ADE 


tar No. 4. 
Sir, Paris, Sept. 6, 1796. 

I WAS indisposed at my coun- 
try house when your excellency’s 
courier brought me_ the 
which your excellency did me the 
honour to write to me on the 7th in- 
stant, together with the note of lord 
Grenville inclosed therein. I set 
off for Paris on the following day, 
where, after demanding an audience 
of citizen Delacroix, minister for 
foreign affairs, I presented the note 

- abovementioned, accompanied with 
another in my own name, in which 
I explained the motives that had 
induced *me to undertake a mea- 
sure for which I had no autho- 
rity from my court. He promised 
to submit the two notes to the in- 
spection of the government, and to 
return me an answer immediately. 
Having waited for three days 
without receiving an answer, I 
went a second time to wait upon 
the minister, who, in a very dry 
tone, informed me, that the exe- 
cutive directory had not permitted 
him to return an answer in writ- 
ing, but that he was directed to 
express himself verbally to this 
effect : 

‘¢ That +the executive directory 
of the French republic would not, 
for the future, receive or answer 
any confidential overtures or pa- 
pers transmitted through any in- 
termediate channel, from the ene- 
mies. of the republic; but that if 
they would send persons furnished 
with full powers and official papers, 
these might, upon the frontiers, 
demand the passports necessary for 
proceeding to Paris.” 

Such, sir, is the result of a mea- 
sure which I have taken at your 
request. I wish, for the sake of 


letters. 


PAPERS. r149 


humanity, that we may meet with 
better success at some future period ; 
but I fear that this period is still\at 
a great distance. 
I have the honour to be, with 
respectiul attachment, 
Sir, 
Your excellercy’s most humble, 
‘And most obedient servant, 
i KornEMAN. 
To his excellency the count 
Wedel Jarlsberg, §¢. 


Sc. Sc. Fs 


Nios ae 

IN demanding of the executive 
direétory of the French republic, 
through the intervention of the 
ministers of a neutral power, a 
passport for a confidential person 
to be sent to Paris, the court of 
London accompanied this demand 
with the express declaration, that 
this person should be commissioned 
to discuss. with the government all 
the means the most proper for con- 
ducing to the re-establishment of » 
peace. 

The king, persevering in the 
same sentiments, which he has al- 
ready so unequivocally declared, 
will not leave to his enemies the 
smallest pretext for eluding a dis- 
cussion, the result of which will 
necessarily serve either to pro- 
duce the happiness of so many na- 
tions, or at least to render evident 
the views and dispositions of those 
who oppose themselves to it. 

It is therefore in pursuance Of . 
these sentiments, that the under- 
signed is charged to declare, that 
as soon as the executive directory 
shall think proper to transmit to. 
the undersigned the necessary pass= 
ports (of which he, by this note, 
renews the demand already. made) 
his Britannic Majesty will send to 

L3 " Paris 


150] 


Paris a person furnished with full 
powers, and official instructions, 
to negotiate with the executive 
directory on the means of termi- 
nating the present war, by a paci- 
fication, just, honourable, and solid, 
calculated to restore repose to Eu- 
rope, and to ensure, for the time 
to- come, the general tranquil- 
lity. 
(Signed) GRENVILLE, 

Westminster, Sept. 27, 1796. 
To the minister for forcign af~ 

fairs, at Paris. 


Le No, |G. 

I HAVE the honour to trans- 
mit to lord Grenville a copy of 
the decree of the executive direc- 
tory of the French republic, in 
answer to his note of the 27th Sep- 
tember, 1796, (OQ. S.) 

He will there see a proof of the 
earnest desire of the French govern: 
ment to profit of the overture that is 
made to them, in the hope that it 
may lead to peace with the go-= 
vernment of England. 

I have the honour to send him,-at 
the same time, the passports requir- 
ed for the minister plenipotentiary, 
whom his Britannic majesty pro- 
poses to name, to treat: and I re- 
quest lord Grenville to accept the 
assurance of my personal wishes 
for the success of this negociation, 
as well as that of my most. perfect 
consideration. 

(Signed) Cu. Deracrorx. 
Paris, 11 Vendemiaire, 5th 
year of the French republic. 


No. 7. 
Extract from the Register of the 
Decrees of the Executive Directory. 
The 9th Vendemiaire, 5th 
year of the French Repub- 
lic, one and indivisible. 
| THE executive directory, upon 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796, 


consideration of the note addressed 
to the minister for foreign affairs 
by lord Grenville, dated Septem- 
ber 27, 1796, wishing to give a 
proof of the desire which it enter- 
tains to make peace with England, 
decrees as follows: 

The minister for foreign affairs 
is charged to deliver the necessary 
passports to the envoy of England, 
who shall be furnished with full 
powers, not only for preparing and 
negotiating the peace between the 
French republic: and that powery 
but for concluding it definitively 
between them. 

True copy. 
(Signed) L.M. Reverciere. 
Lrpravux, president, 
By the executive directory. 
For the secretary general. 
(Signed) Le Tou RNEUR, 

Certified true-copy. 

The minister for foreign affairs, 

me Cu. Devacrorx. 

By the minister. 

J. GuIRAUDET, sc, gen. 


No. 7. 

LORD Malmesbury, who is ap- 
pointed by the king to treat with 
the French government for a just 
and equitable peace, calculated to 
restore peace to Europe, and to 
ensure the public tranquillity for 
the time to come, will have the 
honour of delivering this letter from 
me to M. Delacroix. 

The distinguished rank and merit 
of the minister of whom his ma- 
jesty has made choice on this oc- 
casion, makes it unnecessary for 
me to say any thing in his re- 
commendation; at the same time 
that it furnishes a fresh proof of 
the desire of his majesty to con- 
tribute to the success of this negoti- 
ation : fér which object I entertain 
the most sanguine wishes. 

Monsieur 


STATE 


Monsieur Delacroix will have 
the goodness to accept from me 
the assurance of my most perfect 
consideration. 

(Signed) GRENVILLE. 

Westminster, Oct. 13,1796. 
To the minister for foreign af- 

fairs, gt Paris, 


No. 8. 

LORD Malmesbury, named by 
his Brittannic majesty as his pleni- 
potentiary to the French republic, 

e the honour to annouce, by 
is secretary, to the minister for 
foreign affairs, his arriva) at Paris ; 
and to request of him, at the same 

. time, to be so good as to appoint 
the hour at which he may wait 
upon him, for the purpose of com- 
municating to him the object of 
his mission. 

Paris, October 22, 1796. 

To the minister for foreign affairs, 


No. 9. 

THE minister for foreign affairs 
learns with satisfaction the arrival 
of lord Malmesbury, plenipoten- 
tiary of his Britannic majesty. He 
will haye the honour to receive 
him to-morrow at eleven o’clock 


in the morning, or at any later. 


hour that may suit him, till two 

o'clock. He hopes that lord 

Malmesbury will forgive him for 

thus limiting the time, on account 

of the nature and the multiplicity 
of his occupations. 
1st Brumaire, An 5. (Octos 
ber 22, 1796.) 

To lord Malmesbury, minister 
plenipotentiary from his Bri- 
tannic majesty to the French 
republic, at Paris. 


No. 10. 
LORD Malmesbury has the ho- 


PAPERS, 


nour to thank the minister for 
foreign aflairs for the obliging an, 
swer which he has just received 
from him. 

He accepts with pleasure the 
first moment proposed, and will 
wait upon him to-morrow morn 
ing, at eleven o’clock precisely. 

Paris, Oct. 22. 

To the minister for foreign) affairs. 


151 


No. li. 

THE minister for foreign affairs 
has the honour to apprize lord 
Malmesbury, commissioner pleni- 
potentiary of his Britannic majes- 
ty,. that he has received from the 
executive directory the necessary. 
powers for negotiating and cone 
cluding peace between the repube 
lic and his majesty. 

To morrow, if lord Malmesbury 
pleases, the respective powers shall 
beexchanged. The minister for 
fereign affairs will then be ready 
to receive the propositions, which 
lord Malmesbury is commissioned 
to make to the republic on the 
part of his Britannic majesty. 

The minister for foreign affairs 
requests lord Malmesbury to accept 
the assurances of his high conside- 
ration. 4 

(Signed) Cu. DELAcRoIx. 
2 Brumaire, An. 5. 


~ (Oct. 22, 1796.) | 


: No. 12. 

LORD Malmesbury has the ho-~ 
nour to present his acknowledg- 
ments to the minister for foreign 
affairs for the communication which 
he has just made to him, and he 
will have the honour to wait upon 
him to-morrow, at the sour which 
he shall have the goodness to aps 
point, to receive the copy of ihe 
tull powers with which he is fur- 

L4 nished 


152 


nished on the part of the executive 
directory ; and as soon as they shall 
have been exchanged, he wil! be 
ready to commence the negotiation 
with which he is charged. 


He requests the minister for fo- 


reign affairs to accept the assur- 
ances of bis high consideration. 

(Sigzned)  Masmeszury. 
Paris, October 23rd, 1796. 


No. 13. 


Extract from the Register of the De- 
crees of the Executive Directory. 


2 Brumaire, (22 Nov.) 
5th year of the French 
republic, ane and indi-~ 
visible. 

THE executive directory, after 
having heard the report of the mi- 
nister for foreign affairs. 

The citizen Charles Delacroix, 
minister for foreign affairs, is charg- 
ed to negotiate with lord Malmes- 
bury, commiussoner plenipotentiary 
of his Britannic majesty, furnished 
with full powers to prepare. and 
negotiate peace between the French 
republic and that power, and to 
conclude it definitively between 
them. The directory gives to the 
said minister all powers necessary for 
concluding and signing the treaty 
of peace to take place between the 
republic and his Britannic majesty, 
He shall conform himself to the 
instructions which shall be given 
him. He shall render a_ regular 
account, from time to time, of the 
progress and of the issue of the ne- 
gotiation. 

The present decree shall not be 
printed at this time. 

A true copye 

(Signed) L, R. REVELLIERE. 

LEPEAUX. 


a 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


"no restitution to demand of France, 


‘majesty can be the less indifferent, 


1796. 


By the executive directory. 
The secretary general. 
(Signed) La Garpe. 
Copy. 
‘The minister for foreign affairs, 
(Signed) Cu. DELACROIX, 
By the minister 
(L.S.) J. Guirauper, sec. gen- 


No. 14. 


Memoria?.—IIS Britannic majes~ 
ty desiring, as he hasalready declar- 
ed, to contribute, as far as depends 
on him, tothe re-establishment off” 
public tranquillity, and to ensure 
by the means of just, honourable, 
and solid conditions of peace, the 
future repose of Europe ; his ma- 
jesty 1s of opinion, that the best 
means of attaining, with all possi- 
ble expedition, that salutary end, 
will be to agree, at the beginning 
of the negotiation, on the general — 
principle which shall serve as a’ 
basis for the definitive arrange- 
ments. 

The first object of negociations 
for peace generally relates to the 
restitutions and cessions which the 
respective parties have mutually 
to demand in consequence of the 
events of war. 

Great Britain, from the uninter- 
rupted success of her naval war, 
finds herself in asituation to have 


from which, on the contrary, she 
has taken establishments and co- 
lonies of the highest importance, 
and of a value almost incalcula- 
ble. 

But, on the other hand, France 
has made, on the continent of 
Europe, conquests to which his 


as the most important interests of 
his people, and the most sacred en- 
gagements 


S "EVA, T Ey »P As Bi ERAS), 


gagements of his crown are essen- 
tially implicated therein. 

The magnanimity of the king, 
his inviolable good faith and his 
desire to restore repose to so many 
nations, induce him to consider 
this situation of affairs as affording 
the means of procuring forall the 
belligerent powers just and equi- 
table terms of peace, and such as 
‘are calculated to ensure for the 
time to come the general tranquil. 
lity. . 

It is on this footing, then, that 
he purposes to negotiate, by offer- 
ing to make compensation to 
France, by proportionable restitu- 


tions, for those arrangements to. 


which she will be called upon to 
consent, in order to satisfy the 
just demands of the king’s allies, 
and to preserve the pohtical balance 
of Europe. 

Having made this first overture, 
his majesty will, in the sequel, ex- 
plain himself more particularly on 
the application of this principle to 
the difierent objects which may be 
discussed between the respective 
parties, 

It is this application which will 
constitute the subject of those 
discussions, into which his ma- 
jesty has authorized his mini- 
ster to enter, as soon as the prin- 
ciple to be adopted as the gene- 
ral basis of the negotiation is 
known. 

But his majesty cannot omit to 
declare, that if this generous and 
equitable offer should not be ac- 
cepted, or if, unfortunately, the 
‘discussions which may _ ensue, 
should fail to produce the desired 
efieét, neither this general proposi- 
tion, nor those more detailed which 
may result from it, can be regard- 


[153 


ed, in any case, as points agreed 
upon or admitted by his majesty. 
(Signed) Matmeuspury. 
Minister plenipotentiary from his 
Britannic majesty. 
Paris, Oct. 24, 1796. 


No; 15. 

Extract from the register of the 
deliberations of the executive di- 
rectory. 

Paris, 5 Brumaire, 5thyear 
of the republic, one and indi- 
visible. 

THE executive directory orders 
the minister for foreign affairs to 
make the following answer to lord 
Malmesbury : 

The executive directory sees with 
pain, that at the moment when it 
had reason to hope for the speedy 
return of peace between the French 
republic and his Britannic majesty, 
the proposal of lord Malmesbury 
offers nothing but dilatory or very 
distant means of bringing the nego- 
tiation to a conclusion. 

The directory observe, that if 
lord Malmesbury would have 
agreed to treat separately, as he was 
formally authorized by the tenorof 
his credentials, the negotiations 
might have been considerably 
abridged; that the necessity of ba- 
lancing with the interests of the 
two powers those of the allies of 
Great Britain, multiplies the com- 
binations, increases the difficulties, 


‘tends to the formation of a con- 


gress, the forms of which it is 
known are always tardy, and re- 
quires the accession of powers 
which hitherto have displayed no 
desire of accommodation, and have 
not given tolord Malmesbury him- 
self, according to his own declara- 
tio, any power to stipulate for them. 

Thus 


154] 


Thus, without prejudging the 
jntentions of lord Malmesbury; 
without drawing any conclusion 
from the circumstance of his de- 
claration not appearing to accord 
with his credentials; without sup- 
posing that he has received any se- 
¢cret instruétions which would de- 
stroy the effect of his ostensible 
powers; without pretending, in 
short, -to assert, that the British 
government have had q double ob- 
je&t in view—to prevent, by gene- 
ral propositions, the partial propo- 
sitions of other powers, and to ob- 
tain from the people of England 
the means of continuing the war, 
by throwing upon the republic the 
odium of delay occasioned by them- 
selves; the executive direétory can- 
not but perceive, that the proposi- 
tion of lord Malmesbury is nothing 
more than a renewal, under more 
amicable forms, of the propositions 
made last year by Mr. Wickham, 
and thatit presents but a distant 
hope of peace. 

The executive direétory farther 
observe, with regard to the princi- 
ple of retrocessions advanced by 
ford Malmesbury, that such a prin- 
ciple, presented in a vague’ and 
isolated manner, cannot serve as 
the basis of negotiation; that the 
first points of consideration are, the 
common necessity of a just and so- 
lid peace, the political equilibrium 
which absolute retrocessions might 
destroy, and then the means which 
the belligerent powers may possess 
—the one to retain conquests made 
at a time when it was supported 
by a great number of allies, now 
detached from the coalition; and 
the other, to recover. them ata 
time when those who were at first 
its enemies, have almost all, become 
either its allies, or at least neuter. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


Nevertheless, the executive di- 
reétory, animated with an ardent 
desire of putting astop to the scourge 
of war, and to proye that they will 
not reject any means of reconcilia- 
tion, declare, that as soon as lord 
Malmesbury shall exhibit to the 
minister for foreign affairs sufficient 
powers, from the allies of Great 
Britain, for stipulating for their 
respective interests, accompanied by 
@ promise on their part to subscribe 
to whatever shall be concluded in 
their names, the executive direéto- m 
ry will hasten to give an answer to 
the specific propositions which shalt 
be submitted to them, and that 
the difficulties skall be removed, 
as far as may be consistent with the 
saféty and dignity of the French re- 
public. 

A true copy. 
(Signed) L. M. Reve..iere: 
Lrpeavx, president. 
By the executive direétory. 
(Signed) LaGARDE, sec. gene 
A true copy. 
The minister for foreign affairs, 
Cu. Devacrorx. 
By the minister. 

The secretary general, 

. GUIRADDET. 


No. 16, 
yote.—The undersigned has not 
failed to transmit to his court the 
answer of the executive direétory 
to the proposals which he was 
charged to make, as an opening to 
a pacific negotiation. 

With regard to the offensive and 
injurious insinuations which are 
contained in that paper, and which 
are only calculated to throw new 
obstacles in the way of the accom- 
modation which the French go- 
vernment professes to desire, the 
king has deemed it far beneath his 
3 dignity 


1S TIA ESP 


dignity to permit an answer to be 
made to them on his part in any 
manner whatsoever. 

_ The progress and the result of 
the negotiation will sufficiently 
prove the principles by which. it 
will have been direéted on each 
side ; and it, is neither by revolting 
reproaches wholly destitute of 
foundation, nor by reciprocal in- 
veétive, that a sincere wish to ace 
complish the great work of pacifi- 
cation can be evinced. 

_ The undersigned passes, there- 
fore, to the first objeét of discussion 
brought ferward in the answer of 
the executive direétory ;—that of 
a separate negotiation, to which it 
has been supposed, without the 
smallest foundation, that the un- 
dersigned was authorized to ac- 
cede. 

His full powers, made out in 
the usual form, give him all ne- 
cessary authority to negotiate and 
to conclude the peace; but these 
powers prescribe to him neither the 
form, the nature, nor the conditions 
of the future treaty. 

Upon these points, he is bound 
to conform himself, according to 
the long established and received 
custom of Europe, to the instruc- 
tions which he shall receive from 
his court; and accordingly he did 
not fail to acquaint the minister for 
foreign affairs, at their first con- 
ference, that the king his master 
had expressly enjoined him to lis- 
ten to no proposal tending to sepa- 
rate theinterests of his majesty from 
those of his allies, 

There can be no question then 
but of a negotiation which shall 
combine the interests and pretensi-, 
ons of all the powers who make a 
common cause with the king in the 
present war. 


APERS, [155 


In the course of such a negotia- 
tion, the intervention, or, at least, 
the participation of these powers 
will doubtless become absolutely 
necessary; and his majesty hopes 
to find at all times the same dispo- 
sitions to treat, upon a just and 
equitable basis, of which his ma- 
jesty, the emperor and king, gave 
to the French government so strik- 
ing a proof at the very moment of 
the opening of the present cam~ 
paign. ; 

But it appears, that the waiting 
for a formal and definitive authori- 
ty on the part of the allies of the 
king, before Great Britain and 
France begin to discuss, even pro- 
visionally, the principles of the ne- 
gotiation, would be to create a very 
useless delay. 

A condué wholly different has 
been observed by those two powe- 
ers on almost all similar occasions ; 
and his majesty thinks, that the 
best proof which they can give, at 
the present moment, to all Europe, 
of their mutual desire to put a stop, 
as Soon as possible, to the calami- 
ties of war, would be to settle, 
without delay, the basis of a coms 
bined negotiation, inviting, at the 
same time, their allies to concur in 
it, in the manner the most proper 
for accelerating the general pacifi- 
cation, ; 

It is with this view that the un- 
dersigned was charged to propose 
at first, and at the very commence- 
ment of the negotiation, a princi< 
ple, which the generosity and good 
faith of his majesty could alone 
dictate to him—that of making com 
pensation to France, by proportion- 
able restitutions, for the arrange- 
ments to which she will be required 
to corisent, in order to satisfy the 
just pretensions of the king’s allies, 

and 


156] 


and to preserve the political balance 
of Europe. 

The executive direétory has not 
explained itself in a precise man- 
ner, either as to the acceptance of 
this principle, or as to the changes 
or modifications which it may de- 
sire to be made in it; nor has it, in 
short, proposed any other principle 
whatever to answer the same end. 

The undersigned, then, has or- 
ders to recur to this point, and to 
demand, on that head, a frank and 
precise explanation, in order to 
abridge the delays which must ne- 
cessarily result from the difficulty of 
form which has been started by the 
executive direétory. 

Ile is authorized to add to this 
demand the express declaration, 
that his majesty in communicating 
to his august allies every, successive 
step which he may take, relative to 
the object of the present negotia- 
tion, and in fulfilling, towards 
these sovereigns, in the mest effica- 
cious manier, all the duties of a 
good and faithful ally, will omit 
nothing on his part, as well to dis- 
pose them to concur in this nego- 
uation, by the means the most pro- 
per to facilitate its progress, and 
insure its sucecess, asto induce them 
always to persist in sentiments con- 
formable to the wishes which he 
entertains for the return of a gene- 
ral peace, upon just, honourable, 
and permanent conditions. 

(Signed) MAtmEsBuRY; 
Paris, November, 12, 1796. 


Now Ze 

THE undersigned is charged, by 
the executive directory, to invite 
you to point out, without the small- 
est delay, and expressly, the ob- 
jects of reciprocal compensation 
which you propose. 

He is, moreover, charged to de. 


ANNUAL REGISTER,’ 1796. 


mand of you, what are the dispo- 
sitions to treat, on a just and equi- 
table basis, of which his majesty, 
the emperor and king, gave to the 
French government so striking a 
proof at the very commencement of 
the campaign. The executive di- 
rectory is unacquainted with it. 
It was the emperor and king who 
broke the armistice. 

(Signed) Cu. DELAcrorx, 
Paris, 22 Brumaire, (Nov. 12,) 

5th year of the French re= 

public. 


No. 18. 
THE undersigned does not hesi- 
tate a moment to answer the two 


. questions . which you have been in- 


structed by the executive directory 
to put to him. 

‘The memorial presented this morn- 
ing by the undersigned proposes, 
in express terms, on the part of bis 
majesty the king of Great Britain, 
to compensate I'rance, by propor- 
tionable restitutions, for the ar- 
rangements to which she will be 
called upon to consent, in order to 
satisfy the just pretentions of the 
king?s allies, and to preserve the 
political balance of Europe. 

Before the formal acceptation of 
this principle, or the proposal, on 
the part of the executive directory, 
of some other principles which 
might equally serve as the basis of 
a negociation for a general peace, 
the undersigned cannot be autho- 
rized to designate the objects of re- 
ciprocal compensation. 

As to the proof of the pacific dise 
position given to the French gow 
vernment by his majesty, the empe- 
ror and king, at the opening of the © 
campaign, the undersigned con- 
tents himself with a reference to 
the following words contained in 
the note of baron Degelman, on 
the 4th of June last. ’ 

The 


S PACT EO.PvA PER 


The operations of the war will 
in no wise prevent his Imperial 
majesty from being ever ready to 
concur, agreeably to any form of 
_ negotiating which shall be adopted, 
in concert with the belligerent 
powers, in the discussion of proper 
means for putting a stop to the far- 
ther effusion of human blood. 

This note was. presented after 
the armistice was broken. 

MaLMeEszBury. 

Paris, November 12, 1796. 

No. 19. 

THE minister plenipotentiary of 
his Britannic majesty requests the 
minister for foreign affairs to inform 
him, whether be is to consider the 
official note, which he received 
from him yesterday evening, as the 
answer to that which lord Malmes- 
bury. delivered yesterday morning 
to the minister for foreign affairs 
by order of his court. He applies 


for this information, that the de-. 


parture of his courier may not be 
unnecessarily delayed. 
MaLMEspury. 
Paris, November 13, 1796. 
No. 20. 

THE undersigned, minister for 
foreign affairs, declares to lord 
Malmesbury, minister plenipoten- 
tiary from his Britannic majesty, 

that he is to consider the official 
note sent to him yesterday as the 
answer to that which lord Malmes- 
bury had addressed to him on the 

pperoine of the same day. 
Cuarres DeLacroix. 

23 Brumaire, 5th year. 

November 13, 1796. 

No. 21 

LORD Malmesbiiey has just re- 
ceived the answer of the minister 
for foreign affairs, in which be de- 
clares that the official note which 
hesent to him yesterday is to be 


(157 


considered as the answer to that 
which lord Malmesbury addressed 
to him on the morning of the same 
day. 

Lord Malmesbury will transmit 
it, this day, to his court, 


MALMESBURY. 
Paris, November 13, 1796. 
No. 22. 


THE undersigned, in reply to 
your second note of yesterday, is 
ordered, by the executive directory 
to declare to you, thathe has no- 
thing to add to the answer which 
has been addressed to you. He is 
alse instructed to ask you, whether, 
on each official communication 
which shall take place between you 
and him, it will be necessary for 
you to send a courier to receive spe~ 
cial instructions ? 

Cuartes DeLacrorx. 

Paris, 23 Brumaire, (Nov. 13,) 

5th year, 
No. 23. 

THE undersigned will not fail 
to transmit to his court the note 
which he has just received from 
the minister of foreign affairs. He 
declares, likewise, that he shall dis- 
patch couriers to his court as often 
as the official communications 
made to him may require special 
instructions. 


(Signed) MA.LmeEsgvry. 
Paris, Nov.13,1796.; — * 
No. 24. 


Note.—The court of London, 
having been informed of what has © 
passed in consequence of the last 
memorial, delivered, by its order, 
to the minister for foreign affairs, 
does not think it necessary to add 
any thing to the answer made by 
the undersigned to the two questions 
which the directory thought pro- 
per to address to him. 

That court waits therefore, and 

2 with 


58] 


with the greatest anxiety, for an 
explanation of the sentiments of 
the directory, with regard to the 
principle it has ‘proposed, as the 
basis of the negotiation, and the 
adoption of which appeared to be 
the best means of accelerating 
the progress ef a discussion so im- 
portant to the happiness of so many 
nations. 

The undersigned has, in conse- 
quence, received orders to renew 
the demand ofa frank and precise 


answer on this point, in order that" 


his court may know, with certain- 
ty, whether the directory accepts 
that proposal; or desires to make 
any change or modifications - what- 
ever in it; or lastly, whether it 
would wish to prepose any other 
principle that may promote the 
same end: 

MA.mrsBury. 

Paris, November 26, 1796. 


No. 25. 

IN answer to the note delivered 
yesterday, November 26, by lord 
Maimesbury, the undersigned mi- 
nister for foreign affairs is instruct- 
ed by the directory to observe that 
the answers made on the 5th and 
22d of last Brumaire contained an 
‘acknowledgment of the principle 
of compensation, and that, in order 
to remove every pretext for farther 
discussion on that point, the under- 
signed,im the name of the execu- 
tive directory, now makes a for- 
mal and positive declaration of such 
acknowledgment. . 

In consequence, lord Malmesbu- 
ry is again invited to give a speedy 
and categorical answer to the pro- 
posal made to him-on the 22d of 
last Brumaire, and which~was con- 
ceived in these terms: the under- 
signed is instructed by the execu- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


tive directory to invite you to desig 
nate, without the least delay, and 
expressly, the objects of reciprocal 
compensation which you have to 
propose. 
Cn. Denacrorx. 
Paris, November 27, 


No, 26. 

THE undersigned minister ples 
nipotentiary of his Britannic mas ~ 
jesty, in answer to the note dated 
this morning, which was sent to 
him by the minister for foreign 
affairs, hastens to assure him, that 
he will not delay a moment in 
communicating it to his court, from 
which he must necessarily wait for 
further orders, before he can ex- 
plain himself upon the important 
peints which it contains. 

(Signed) MALMESBURY. 

Paris, 27 November, 1796. 


No. 27, 

Note.—The undersigned is charg- 
ed to transmit to the minister for 
foreign affairs the enclosed memo- 
rial, containing the proposals of his 
court, with respect to the applica- 
tion of the general principle already 
established as the basis of the nego- 
tiation for peace. 

He will, with the utmost readi- 
ness, enter with that minister in- 
to every explanation which the 
state and progress of the negotiation 
will allow, and he will net fail to 
enter into the discussion of these 
proposition, or of any counter-pro- 
jet which may be transmitted to 
him on the part of the executive 
directory, with that frankness and 
that spirit. of conciliation which 
correspond with the just and pacific 
intentions of his court. 

Signed MALMESBURY- 

Paris, Deeember 17, 1796. 

No. 28 


S RAITT EP A BP ee se 


No. 28. 
Confidential memorial, on the princi- 
pal objects of restitution, compen- 
sation and reczprocal arrangement. 


THE principle, already establish- 
ed as the basis of negotiation, by 
the consent of the two governments, 
is founded on restitutions to be 
made by his Britannic majesty to 
France, in compensation for the 
arrangements to which that’ power 
may consent, in order to satisfy the 
just pretentions of the allies of the 
king, and to preserve the political 
balance of Europe. 

Tn order to accomplish these ob- 
jects, in the manner the most com- 
plete, and to offer a fresh proof of 
the sincerity of his wishes for the 
re-establishment of general tranquil- 
lity, his majesty would propose, 
that there should be given to this 
principle, on each side, all the la- 
titude of which it may be suscepti- 
ble. 

I. His majesty demands there- 
fore, 

1. The restitution to his majes- 
ty, the emperor and king, of all 
his dominions, on the footing of 
the status ante bellum. 

2. The re-establishment of peace 
between the Germanic-empire and 
France, by a suitable arrangement 
conformable to the respective in- 
terests and the general safety of 
Europe. This arrangement to be 
negotiated with his Imperial majes- 
ty, as constitutional head of the em- 
pire, cither by the intervention of 
the king, or immediately, as his 
imperial majesty shal! prefer. 

3. The evacuation of Italy by 
the French troops, withan engage. 
ment not to interfere in the internal 

-affairs of that country ; which 
should be re-established, as far as 


‘ 


[159 


possible, upon the footing of the 
status ante bellum. 

In the course of the negotation, 
a more detailed discussion nay be 
entered into of the further measures 
which may be proper to acopt res 
specting the objects of thée three 
articles, in order to the »roviding 
more effectually for the/u®ire se- 
curity of the respective limits or 
possessions, and for the naintenance 
of general tranquillity. 

II. With regard tc the other 
allies of his Britannic majesty, his 
majesty demands, tha there be re- 
served to her majesy the empress 
of all the Russias zfull and unli- 
mited power of taling part in this 
negotiation wherver she may 
think fit, or of aceding to the de. 
finitive treaty, an/ thereby return. 
ing to a state of eace with France: 

III. His majsty also demands, 
that her most fithful majesty may 
be comprehened in this negotia. 
tion, and may€turn to a state of 
peace with Tance, without any 
cession or }irthensome condition 
on either si¢- 

IV. Onaese condition his nia- 
jesty offergo France the entire and 
unreserver restitution of all the 
conquestswhich he has made on 
that pow in the Kast and West 
Indies, ‘oposing at the same time 
thata miual understanding should 
be estalshed as to the means of 
securin for the future, the tran- 
quillitof the two nations, and of 
consolating, as much as possible, 
the a/antages of their respective 
posseions. His majesty offers, in 
like anner, the restitution of the 
islais of St. Pierre and Miquelon, 
andf the fishery of Newfoundland, 
onie footing of the status ante bel. 
lun 

ut if, in addition to this, his 

majesty 


7 


160] 


majaty were to wave the right 
given to him by the express stipu- 
lation: of the treaty of Utrecht, 
of opposing the cession of the Spa- 
nish pert of St. Domingo to France, 
his maesty would then demand, 
in retun tor this concession, a 
compenstion, which might secure, 
at least i1 some degree, the main- 
tenance 0 the balance of the re- 
spective pyssessions in that part of 
the world. | 

V. In alithe cases of cessions or 
restitutions which may come in 
question in be course of this nego- 
' tiation, there should be granted 
on each side » all individuals the 
most unlimitet right to withdraw 
with their famies and their pro- 
perty, and to sl] their land and 
other moveablepossessions ; and 
adequate arrangments should be 
also made, in the-:ourse of this ne- 
gotiation, for th removal of all 
sequestrations, an for the. satis- 
faction of the jusiclaims, which 
individuals on eithe side may have 
to make upon the aspective go- 
yernments. 

(Signed) lamesnuRY. 
No. 29. 
Confidential Memorialn the Peace 

with Spain and Hiland. 

THE allies of Francaot having 
hitherto expressed any Sire or dis- 
position to treat withthe king, 
his majesty might haveforborne 
to enter into any dvtaion their 
account ; but in erder to oid any 
delays prejudicial to the at ob- 
ject which the king has | view, 
and.to accelerate the workf a ge- 
neral peace, his majesty W not 
refuse to explain himself 1 the 
first instance on the points yhich 
concern those powers. If th the 
Catholic king should desire) be 
comprehended in this negotiion, 


. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


or to be allowed to accede to the 
definitive treaty, this would meet 
with no obstacle on the part of his 
majesty. Nothing having hitherto 
been conquered by either of the two 
sovereigns from the other, no other 
point could, at the present moment, 
come into question but that of the 
re-establishment of peace, simply, 
and without and restitution or com- 
pensation whatever, ‘except such 
as might possibly result from the 
application of the principle declared 
at the end of the fourth article of 
the memorial already delivered to 
the minister for foreign affairs. 

But if, during the negociation, 
any alteration should take place 
in the state of thingsin this respect, 
it will then be proper to agree upon 
the restitutions and compensations ~ 
to be made on each side. 

With regard to the republic of 
the United Provinces, his Britannic 
majesty and his allies find them- 
selves too nearly interested in the 
political situation of those pro- 
vinces to be able to consent in her 
favour to the re-establishment of 
the status ante bellum as with re- 
spect to the territorial possessions, 
unless France could, on her part, 
reinstate them in all respects in the 
same political situation in -which 
they stood before the war. 

Ifat least it were possible to 
re-establish in those provinces, 
agreeably to what is believed to be 
the wish of a great majority of the 
inhabitants, their ancient consti- 
tution and form of government, 
his majesty might then be disposed 
to relax, in their favour, from a 
very considerable part of the con- 
ditions on which the present state 
of things obliged him to insist. 

But if, on the contrary, it is: 
with the republic of Holland, in its) 

; present 


STATE PAPERS. 


present state, that their Britdinie, 
and Imperial majesties will have to 
treat, they will feel themselves 
obliged to seek in territorial ac- 
quisitions those compensations and 
that security which such a state of 
things will have rendered indispen- 
sable to them. 

Restitutions of any kind, in fa- 
vour of Holland, could in that case 
be admitted in so far only as they 
shall be compensated by arrange- 
ments calculated to contribute to 
the security of the Austrian Ne- 
therlands. The means of accom- 
plishing this object will be found 
in the cessions which France has 
exacted in her treaty of peace with 
Holland, and the possession of 
_which by that power would in any 
case be absolutely incompatible 
with the security of the Austrian 
Netherlands in the hands of his 
Imperial majesty. 

It is on these principles that his 
Britannic majesty would be ready 
to treat for the re-establishment of 
peace with the republic of Hol- 
land in its present state.—The de- 
tails of such a discussion must ne- 
cessarily lead to the consideration 
of what would bé due to the inte- 
rests and the rights of the house of 
Orange. 

No. 30. 
My Lorp, 
Paris, December 20, 1796. 

MR. ELLIS returned here from 
London on Thursday last the 15th 


| instant, at five P. M. and delivered 


to me the dispatches No. 11 and 
12, with which he was charged by 
your lordship. 

Although nothing can be clearer, 
more ably drawn up, or more satis- 
factory than the instructions they 
contain, yet as it was of the last 
importance that I. should be com. 

Vou. XXXVIII. 


[161 


pletely master of the subject before 
I saw the French minister, I de- 
Jayed asking for a conference tll 
late on Friday evening, with a view 
that it shouid not take place ull 
Saturday morning. 

He appointed the hour of eleven 
A.-M. on that day, and it was near 
one before we parted. Although 
what is said by M. Delacroix be- 
fore he has communicated with the 
directory cannot be considered as 
officially binding, and probably 
may, in the event, be very different 
from what I shall hear when he 
speaks to me in their name, yet as 


it is impossible they should not 


nearly conjecture the nature of the 
overtures I should make, and of 
course be prepared in some de- 
gree for them, itis material that 
your lordship should be accurately 
acquainted with the first impressions 
they appear to make on M. Dela- 
croix. 

I prefaced what I had to com- 
municate with saying, that I now 
came authorised to enter with him 
into deliberation upor one of the 
most important subjects that per- 
haps ever was brought into dis- 
cussion——that as its magnitude for- 
bade all finesse, excluded all pre- 
varication, suspended all preju- 
dices, and that as I had it in com- 
mand to speak and act with free- 
dom and truth, I expected that he, 
on his part, would consider these 
as the only means which could or 
ought to be employed if he wished 
to see a negotiation, in which the 
happiness of millions was involved, 
terminate successfully. That, for 
greater precision, and with a view 
to be clearly understood in what [ 
was about to propose, I would give 
him a confidential memorial, ac- 
companied by an official note, both 

M which, 


162] 


which, when he had perused them, 
would speak for themselves. The 
memorial contained the conditions, 
on the accomplishment of which his 
majesty considered the restoration 
of peace to depend. The note was 
expressive of his majesty’s readiness 
to enter into any explanation re- 
quired by the directory on the 
subject, or to receive any contre. 
projet, resting on the same basis, 
which the directory might be dis- 
posed to give in. That, moreover, 
I did not hesitate declaring to him, 
in conformity to the principles 
which I had laid down, and from 
which I certainly never should de- 
part at any period of the negotia- 
tion, that I was prepared to answer 
any questions, explain and elucidate 
any points, on which it was possible 
to foresee that doubts or muiscon- 
ceptions could arise on the consi- 
deration of these papers. And 
having said thus much, I had only 
to remark, that I believed, in no 
similar negociation which had ever 
taken place, any minister was 
authorised, in the first instance, to 
go so fully into the discussion as I 
how was—That I was sure neither 
the truth of this remark, nor the 
manifest conclusion to be drawn 
from it, would escape M. Dela- 
croix’s observation. 
I then put the two papers into 
his hands. He began by reailing 
the note, on which of course he 
could only express satisfaction. 
After perusing the confidential me- 
morial with all the attention it de- 
served, he, after a short pause, 
said, that it appeared to him to be 
liable to insurmountable objections ; 
that it seemed to him to require 
much more than it conceded, and, 
in the event, not to leave France'i ina 
situation of proportional greatness 


ANNUAL, REGISTER, 1796. 


to the powers of Europe He said, 
the act of their constitution, accord- 
ing to the manner in which it was 
nterpreted by the best publicists, (and 
this phrase is worthy remark) made 
it impossible for the republic to do 
what we required» The Austrian 
Netherlands were annexed to it; 
they could not be disposed of with 
out flinging the nation into all the 
confusion which must follow a con- 
vocation of the primary assemblies 5 
and he said, he was rather sur- 
prised that Great Britain should 
bring this forward as the governing 
condition of the treaty, since he 
thought he had, in some of our 
late conversations, fully explained 
the nature of their constitution to 
me. I replied, that every thing I 
had heard from him on this point 
was perfectly in my recollection, as 
it probably was in his 5 that though 
I had listened to him with that at- 
tention I always afforded to every 
thing he said, yet I had never made 
any sort of reply, and had neither 
admitted nor controverted this opi- 
nion; that although I believe 
I could easily disprove this opie 
nion from the spint of the French 
constitution itself,y et the discussion 
of that constitution was periectly 
foreign to the object of my mission; 
since, even allowing his two posi- 
tions, viz. that the retrocession of 
the Austrian Netherlands was in- 
compatible with their laws, and 
that we ought to have known that 
beforehand, yet that there existed a 
drcit public in Europe paramount to 
any droit public they may think 


. proper to establish within their own 


dominions ; and that if their con- 
stitution was publicly known, the 
treaties existing between his ma- 
jesty and the emperor were at least 
equally public, and in these it was 

clearly 


Ro 


Bib ATR) Pod B RURGS, 


clearly and distinctly announced, 
that the contracting parties reci- 
procally promise not to lay down 
their arms without the restitution 
of all the dominions, territories, &c. 
which may have belonged to either 
of them before the war. That the 
date of this stipulation was pre- 
vious to their annexing the Austrian 
Netherlands to France; and the 
notoriety of this ought, at the very 
moment when they had passed that 
law, to have convinced them, that, 
if adhered to, it must prove an in- 
surmountable obstacle to peace. I 
applied his maxim to the West 
India islands, and to the settlements 
in the East Indies; and asked him, 
whether it was expected that we 
were to wave our right of possession, 
and be required still to consider 
them asintegral parts of the French 
republic which must he restored, 
and on which no value was to be 
set in the balance of compensation. 
I also stated the possible case of 
France having lost. part of what she 
deemed her integral dominions, in- 
stead of adding to them, in the 
course of the war, and whether 
then under the apprehension of sull 
greater losses, the government, as 
it was now composed, should 
consider itself as not vested with 
powers sufficient to save their coun- 
try from the impending danger, by 
making peace on the conditions of 
sacrificing a portion of their domi- 
nions to save the remainder, M. 
Delacroix said, this was stating a 
case of necessity, and such a mode 
of reasoning did not attach to the 
present circumstances. I readily 
admitted the first part of this pro- 
position, but contended, that if 
the power existed in a case of 
hecessity, it equally existed in 


[163 


all others, and particularly in 
the case before us, since he him- 
self had repeatedly told me that 
peace was what this country and its 
government wished for, and even 
wanted, ) 
M. Delacroix, in reply, shifted 
his ground, and, by a string of 
arguments founded on premises 
calculated for this purpose, ate 
tempted to prove that from the re 
lative situation of the adjacent 
countries, the present government 
of France would be reprehensible 
in the extreme, and deserve im- 
peachment, if they ever suffered 
the Netherlands to be separated 
from their dominions; that by the 
partition of Poland, Russia, Austria, 
and Prussia had increased their 
power to a most formidable degree ; 
that England, by its conquests, 
and by the activity and judgment 
with which it governed its colonies, 
had redoubled its strength.—Your 
Indian empire alone, said M. De- 
lacroix with vehemence, has enas 
bled you to subsidize all the powers 
of Europe against us, and your mo- 
nopoly of trade has put you in 


‘ possession of a fund of inexhaustible 


wealth. His words werg, ‘* Votre 
empire dans / Inde vaus a fourni les 
moyens de salarier toutes les puise 
sances contre nous, ef VOUS ALEZ UCCAO= 
paré le commerce de maniére que 
toutes les richesses du monde sé 
versent dans vos coffres.”” 

From the necessity that France 
should keep the Netherlands and 
the left bank of the Rhine, for the 
purpose of preserving its relative 
situation in Europe, he passed to 
the advantages which he contended 
would result to the other powers 
by such an addition to the French 

M2 dominions. 


164] 


dominions. Belgium (to use his 
word) by belonging to France, 
would remove what had been the 
source of all wars for two centuries 
past, and the Rhine, being the na- 
tural boundary of France, would 
ensure the tranquillity of Europe 
for two centuries to come. I 
did not feel it necessary to combat 
this preposterous doctrine; I con- 
tented myself with reminding bim 
of what be had said to me in_one 
of our last conferences, when he 
made a comparison of the weakness 
of France under its monarchs, 
and its strength and vigour under 
its republican form of government. 
“¢ Nous ne sontmes plus dans la dé- 
crépitude de la France monarchique, 
mais dans toutela force dune Repub- 
lique adolescente,” was his expres- 
sion; and I inferred from ,this, ac- 
cording to his own reasoning, that 
the force and power rancehad ac- 
quired by its change of government 
was much greater than it could de- 
rive from any acquisition of terri- 
tory ; and that it followed if France, 
when under a regal form of govern- 
ment, was a very just and constant 
object of attention, not to say of 
jealousy, to the other powers of Eu- 
rope, France (admitttng his axiom) 
was a much more reasonable object 
of jealousy and attention under its 
present constitution than it ever 
had yet been, and that no addition 
to its dominions could be seen by 
its neighbours, but under im- 
pressions of alarm for their own 
future safety and for the general 
tranquillity of Europe. M. De- 
Jacroix’s answer to this was so re- 
markable that I must beg leave to 
insert it in his own words—* Dans 
le tems revolutionatre tout ce que vous 
dites, my lord, etoit vrai—rien wega- 
loit notre puissance ; mais cetems n’ex- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


iste plus. Nous ne powvons plus lever 
la nation en masse pour woler au se- 
cours de la patrie en danger. Nous ne 
pouvons plus engager nos concitoyens 
douvrir leurs bourses pour les verser 
dans le tresor national, et de se priver 
meme du necessaire pour le bien de la 
chose publique’’—And he ended by 
saying, that the Freneh republic, 
when at peace, necessarily must be- 
come the most quiet and pacific 
power in Europe. Lonly observed, 
that in this case the passage of the 
republic from youth to decrepitudg 
had been very sudden; but that still 
I never could admit that it could be 
a matter of indifference toits neigh- _ 
bours, much less of necessary secu- 
rity to itself, to acquire such a very 
extensive addition to its frontiers, 
as that he had hinted at. 

This led M. Delacroix to talk of 
ofiering an equivalent to the Em- 
peror tor the Austrian Netherlands, 
and it was to be found, according 
to his plan, in the secularization 
of the three ecclesiastical electorates, 
and several bishopricks in Germany 
and in Italy. 

He talked upon this subject as 
one very. familiar to him, and on 
which his thoughts had been fre- 
quently employed. 

He spoke of making new elec- 


‘tors, and named, probably with a 


view to render his scheme more 
palatable, the stadtholder and the 
dukes of Brunswick and Wurtem- 
berg, as persons proper to replace 
the three ecclesiastical electors 
which were to be reformed. 

It would be making an ill use 
of your lordship’s time to endea- 
vour to repeat to you all he said 
on this subject; it went in sub- 
stance (as he himself confessed) to 
the total subversion of the present 
constitution of the Germanic body ; 

and 


iS TA MEOR AP EURYS 


and as it militated directly against 
the principle which both his ma- 
jesty and the Emperor laid down 
so distinctly asthe basis of the 
peace to be made for the empire, 
I contented myself with reminding 
him of this circumstance, parti- 
cularly as itis impossible to discuss 
this point with any propriety tll his 
Imperial majesty becomes a party 
to the negociation. I took this op- 
portunity of hinting, that if on all 
the other points France agreed to 
the proposals now made, it would 
not be impossible that some in- 
crease of. territory might be ceded 
to her on the Germanic side of her 
frontiers, and that this, in addition 
to the duchy of Savoy, Nice, and 
Avignon, would be a very great 
acquisition of strength and power. 
M. Delacroix here again reverted 
to the constitution, and said that 
these countries were already con- 
stitutionally annexed to France. I 
replied, that it was impossible, 
in the negotiation which we were 
beginning, forthe other powers to 
take it up from any period but 
that which immediately preceded 
the war, and that any acquisition 
or diminution of territory which 
had taken place among the belli- 
gerent powers since it first broke 
Out, must necessarily become sub- 
ject matter for negotiation, and be 
balanced against each other in the 
final arrangement of a _ general 
peace. You then persist, said M. 
Delacroix, in applying this prin- 
ciple to Belgium ? I answered, most 
certainly; and1 should not deal 
fairly with you if I hesitated to de- 
clare, in the outset of our negotia~ 
tion, that on this point you must 
entertain no expectation that his 
majesty will relax or ever consent 
to see the Netherlands remain a 
- part of France. 


upon 


[165 


M. Delacroix replied, he saw no 
prospect in this case of our ideas 
ever meeting, and he despaired of 
the success of our negotiation. He 
returned again, however, to his 
idea of a possible equivalent to be 
found for the Emperor ; but as all 
he proposed was the alienation or 
the dismemberment of couptries 
not belonging to France even by 
conquest, 1 did not consider it as 
deserving attention, and it is cer- 
tainly not worth repeating to your 
lordship. 

T need not observe that all the 
equivalents proposed, however in- 
adequate 10 the exchange, were 
offered us a return for our Consent 
that the Netherlands should remain 
a part of France, of course the ad- 
mitting them in any shape would 
bave been in direct contradiction to 
my instructions. 

M. Delacroix touched — very 
slightly on Italy ; and in the course 


‘of our conversation did not bring - 


this part of the subject more into 
discussion. 

I must add, that whenever I 
mentioned the restoration. of the 
Netherlands to the Emperor; I 
always took care it should be 
understood that these were to 
be accompanied by such further 
cessions as should form a competent 
line of defence, and that France 
could not be permitted to keep 
possession of all the intermediate 
country to the Rhine ; and. I par. 
ticularly dwelt on this point, when 
I held out the possibility of admit. 
ting an extension Of the limits of 
France onthe side. of Germany, 
But as the French minister no less 
strenuously opposed the restitution 
of the Netherlands to the Em- 
peror than I tepaCiously insisted 
it, the further extension 

of 


M3 


166] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of my claim could not of course 
become a subject of argument. 

I believe I have now, with a to- 
Jerabie degree of accuracy, in- 
formed your lordship of all that 
the French minister said on my 
opening myself to him on that part 
of my instructions which more im- 
mediately relates to peace between 
Great Britain, his Imperial ma- 
jesty and France. It remains with 
me toinform your lordship what 
passed between us on the subject of 
our respective allies. 

On the articles reserving a right 
to the court of St. Petersburg, and 
to that of Lisbon, to accede te the 
treaty of peace on the strict status 
ante bellum, the French minister 
made no other remark than by 
meationing the allies of the re- 
public, and by inquiring whether 
J. was prepared to say any thing 
Telative to their interests; which 
certainly the republic could never 
abandon. This. afforded me the 
opportunity of giving in the con- 
fidental memorial B. relative to 
Spain and Holland, and I pre- 
faced it by repeatung to him the 
substance of the first part of your 
lordship’s, No 12. 

Although I had touched upon the 
subject of the Spanish part of St. 
Domingo, when! had been speak- 
ing to M. Delacroix on the peace 
with France, yet as it did not be- 
come a matter of discussion between 
us ull l came to mention the peace 
with Spain, I thought it better to 
place all that passed on the sub- 
ject in this part of my dispatch ; 
itwas the only point on which he 
entered; but I by no means infer 
from bis not bringing forward some 
claims for Spain, that we are not 
to hear of any in the course of the 
Negotiation; on the contrary, I 


have little doubt that many, and 
most of them inadmissible, will be 
made before it can end. He, 
however, was silent on them at this 
moment, and confined all he had 
tosay to combating the idea that 
Spain was bound by the treaty of 
Utrecht not to alienate her pos- 
sessions in America. I had the ar- 
ticle copied in my pocket, and I 
read it to him. He contessed it was 
clear and explicit, but that circum- 
stances had so materially altered 
since the year 1713, that engages 
ments made then ought not to be 
considered as in force now. I said 
that the spirit of the articie itself 
went to provide for distant con- 
lingencies, not for what was ex- 
pected to happen at or near the 
time when the treaty was made 
and that it was because the altera- 
tion of circumstances healluded to 
was foreseen as possible, that the 
clause was inserted; and that if 
Spain paid any regard to the faith 
of treaties, she must consider her- 
self as no less striétly bound by this 
clause now than at the moment 
whenit was drawn up. I went on 
by saying that it did not; however, 
appear quite impossible that point 
might be settled without much 
difficulty ; and that means might 
be devised that his Catholic ma- 
jesty should not break his faith 
and both England and France be 
equally satisfied. I then held out 
to him, but in general terms, that 
either Spain might regain her pos- 
session of St. Domingo, by making 
some considerable cession to Great 
Britain and France, as the price of 
peace, or that, in return eee 
the whole of St. Domingo to France 
we should retain either Martinico 
or St. Lucia and Tobago. M. De- 
lacroix listened with a degree of 
attention 


S:TiAL Pe) BA PERS. 


attention to these proposals, but he 
was fearful of committing himself 
by any expression of approbation, 
and he dismissed the subject of the 
court of Madrid, by observing, 
that France never would forsake 
the interests of its allies. 

Our conversation on those of its 
other ally, Holland, was much 
longer, as the wording of the me- 
morial inevitably led at once deep 
inte the subject. 

M. Delacroix affected to treat 
any deviation from the treaty of 
peace concluded: between France 
and that country, or any restoration 
of territories acquired under that 
treaty to France, as quite imprac. 
ticable. He treated as equally im- 
practicable any attempt at restor- 
ing the ancient form of government 
in the Seven United Provinces, 
He talked with an air of triumph 
of the establishment of a national 
convention at the Hague, and with 
an affectation of feeling, that by it 
the cause of freedom had extended 
itself over such a large number of 
people. He, however, was ready 
to confess, that from the great 
losses the Dutch Republic had sus- 
tained in its colonies, and particu- 
larly from the weak manner in 
which they had defended them, it 
could not be expected that his ma- 
jesty would consent to a full and 
complete restitution of them, and 
that it was reasonable that some 
should be sacrificed ; and he asked 
me if I could imform him, how far 
our views extended on this point ? 
J said I had reason to believe that 
what his majesty would require 
would be possessions and_settle- 
ments which would not add either 
to the power or wealth of our In- 
dian dominions, but only tend to 
secure to us their safo and unmo- 


* 
[167 
lested possession. You mean by. 
this, said M. Delacroix, the Cape 
and Trincomale. I said they cer 
tainly came under that description, 
and I saw little prospect of their 
being restored to the Dutch. M. 
Delacroix launched forth on this 
into a most laboured dissertation 
on the value of the ape of Good 
Hope, which he did not consider 
at all as a port de relache, but as a 
possession which, in our hands, 
would become one of the most 
fertile and most productive colo-« 
nies in the east ; and, according to 
his estimation of it, he did not 
scruple to assert, that it would ul- 
timately be an acquisition of infi- 
nitely greater importance to Eng- 
land than that of the Netherlands 
to France ; and, if acquiesced in, 
should be reckoned as a full and 
ample compensation for them. He 
added, if you are masters of the 
Cape and Trincomale, we shall 
hold all our settlements in India, 
and the islands of France and Bour- 
bon, entirely at the tenure of your 
will and pleasure: they will be 
our’s only as long as you choose we 
should retain them. You will be 
sole masters in India, and we shalk 
be entirely dependent upon you. 
Irepeated to him, that it was as 
means of defence, and not of of- 
fence, that these possessions woul 
be insisted on, and that if the mat- 
ter was fairly and dispassionately 
discussed, he would find that they 
offered us a great additional secu- 
rity, but no additional power of 
attack, even if we were disposed 
to disturb the peace of that part of 
the world. If these, and perhaps 
some few other net very meterial 
settlements belonging to the Dutch, 
were to be insisted upon, and if 
he would be pleased to enumerate 
M4 all 


168] 


all we should still have to restore to 
them, while they had nothing to 
restore to England, it was impos- 
sible not to consider the terms on 
which his majesty proposed peace 
to Holland as generous and liberal. 

M. Delacroix was not at all dis- 
posed to agree with me on this 
point, and said, Holland, stripped 
of these possessions, would be ru- 
ined. 
if the idea had just crossed his 
mind, the. possibility of indemni- 


fying the Dutch for their losses in, 


India, by giving them a tract of 
territory towards the Meuse, (f 
could not find out whether he 
meant Aix la Chapelle, Liege, or 
. the countries of Juliers and Berg) 
and hinted, that if this was not 
to be done, an additional sugar 
Island might, perhaps, be ceded to 
the Dutch Republic. If told him 
all thismight become a subject of 
future discussion, and I conceived, 
that if we could agree upon the 
more essential points, the treaty 
would not break off on these secon- 
dary considerations. Our conver- 
sation had now been extremely 
long, and M. Delacroix ended by 
saying, that although he had taken 
upon himself to enter with me 
thus far upon the subject, yet I 
must not consider any thing he said 
as binding, or as pledging the re- 
public, till such time as he had 
jJaid the papers { had given him 
before the Directory ; and in order 
. to do this with more aceuracy, he 
agaiu asked me, whether in his re- 
port he was to state the disuniting 
Belgium from France as a sine qud 
non from which his majesty would 
not depart. Lréplied, it most cer- 
_ tainly wasa sire qué nun from which 
his majesty would not depart ; and 
that any proposal which would 
rae the Netherlands anresed te 


He then held out, but as- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Fraace, would be attended with 
much greater benefit to that power 
and lost to the allies, than the pre- 
sent relative situation of the belli- 
gerent powers could entitle the. 
French government to expect. 

M. Delacroix repeated his con- 
cern at the peremptory way in 
which I made this assertion, and 
asked. whether it would admit of 
no modification? I replied, . if 
France could, in a. contre projet, 
point out a practicable and ade. 
quate one, still keeping in view 
that the Netherlands must not be 
French, or likely again to fall into 
the hands of France, such a pro- 
posal might certainly be taken into 
consideration. 

M. Delacroix by no means en- 
couraged: me to explain myself 
more fully ; he repeatedly said, 
that this difficulty relative to the 
Netherlands was one which could 
not be overcome. 

Just as I was ee leave of 
him, he begged of me to explain 
what was meant by the words in 
the memoire (A) in the 4th para- 
graph, beginning de s’ entendre mu- ° 
tuellement surles moyens d’assurer, 
and ending at eur possessions respec~ 
tives. I told him, it referred to 
the destructive system adopted by 
France in the West Indies, and 
went to express a wish, that the 
two powers should agree on some 
general and uniform system of in- 
ternal police in the settlements 
there; which would contribute to 
the security of these possessions 
to the respective countries, and at 
the same time to the bappiness of 
every description of inhabitants in 
them. 

-M, Delacroix, a little hurt at my 
expression relative to the system 
adopted by France, endeavoured 
to reeriminate on us ; but he ended 


by 


_ hot in substance. 


‘eo 


Sa Pe) PAPERS, 


by saying, that they should cer- 
tainly be willing to concur in any 
arrangement relative to the ne- 
groes, which did not miliiate a- 
gainst the principles of their con- 
stitution. Here our conference 
ended, and as, during the whole 
course of it, I bore in my mind 
‘the possibility, that although this, 
our first, might be the only favour- 
able opportunity I should ever have 
of speaking on the general princi- 
ples on which his majesty was dis- 
posed to treat, [ endcavoured, by 
adverting more or less to almost 
every point in my instructions, to 
enable M. Delacroix (if he reports 
faithfully) to state to the Directory 
what [ said, insuch a manner as to 
put it out of their power to mis- 


- conceive what were his majesty’s 


intentions, to remove all possibi- 
lity of cavil on this case, and to 
bring them to a clear and distinct 
answer, whether they would agree 
to open a negotiation on the prin- 
ciple of the states ante bellum, or 
on one differing from it only in form, 
I hope in at- 
tempting to do this I did not, in 
the first instance, commit myself, 
or discover more of my instructions 
than it became me to do; and that 
in the conversation with M. De- 
lacr0ix nothing escaped me which 
might, at some subsequent period, 
hurt the progress of the negotia- 
tion. Ihave, 1 believe, given this 
conference nearly verbatim to your 
lordship ; and 1 was particularly 
anxious to do this correctly and mi- 


nutely, as well that you may judge: 


on the propriety of what | said 
myself, as that what M. Delacroix 
said to me may be accurately 
known, and remain on record. 

It must, however, be remem- 
bered (as 1 observed in the begin- 


[169 


ning of this dispatch) that he 
spoke for himself, as minister in- 
deed, but not under the immedi- 
ate instructions of the Directory, 
and this consideration will take a 
little away from the singularity of 
some of the positions he advanced. 
I confess, my Lord, from the 
civility of his manners, and from 
his apparent readiness to discuss 
the subject, the impression which» 
remained on my mind on leaving 
him was, that the negotiation 
would go on, but be liable to so 
many difficulties, and some of them 
so nearly insurmountable, that 
knowing as I do the opinion of the 
Directory, I saw little prospect of 
its terminating successfully. But 
I didnot expect the conduct of the 
Directory would immediately be 
such as to evince a manifest incli- 
nation, and even determination, to ~ 
break off on the first proposals ; 
and I was not a jittle surprised at. 
receiving, on Sunday at three 
P. M. the enclosed letter A. from 
M. Delacroix: he sent it by the 
principal secretary of ‘his depart. 
ment (M. Guiraudet) who commu- 
nicated to me the original of the 
arrete of the Directory, of which 
this letter, abating the alteration 
in the form, isa literal copy. Af. 
ter perusing it, I asked M. Guirau- 
det whether he was informed of 
its contegts, and this led to a short 
conversation onthem. I told him 
that both the demands were so un. 
expected that [could not reply to 
them off hand : that as to the first, 
it was quite unusual to.sign memo. 


‘rials which were annexed toa note 


actually signed, and that [ scarcely 


‘felt myself authorised to. depart 


from what, was, I believe, an in. 
variable rule. ‘That as to the se. 
cond. demand, made in so ‘pe. 

2 _ remptory 


170} 


remptory and unprecedented a way, 
I could, without much hesitation, 
say at once that it could not be 
complied with. M. Guiraudet la- 
mented this much, and said, that 
this being the case, he feared our 
principles of negotiation would 
never coincide. I agreed with him 
in my expressions of concern. We 
conversed together afterwards for 
some time, but nothing passed at 
all worthy remark, I told him I 
should send my answer the next 
day. On reflecting more atten- 
tively on the request that I would 
sign the two memorials which I 
had given in, it struck me that the 
eomplying with it pledged me to 
nothing, and that it was merely 
gratifying them ona point insisted 
on peevishly, and that the doing it 
would put them still more in the 
wrong. 

As to the strange demand of an 
ultimatum, it was perfectly clear 
what it became me to say, and I 
hope that in the enclosed answer B. 
(which I sent yesterday morning 
at twelve o’clock) to M. Delacroix, 
I shall be found to have adhered as 
closely as possible to the spirit of 
my instructions, 

Yesterday evening, at half past 
nine, M. Guiraudet brought me 
the note C. to which I immediately 
replied by the note D. They re- 
quire no comment ; and as I in- 
tend leaving Paris to-morrow, and 
travelling with all convenient speed, 
I shall so soon have it in my power 
to say the little which remains to 
say relative to this sudden, though 
perhaps not unlooked for, close to 
my mission, that I need not tres. 
pass further on your lordship’s 
patience. 

T have the honour to be, &c. 

(Signed) MaAtmeEsBury, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


P. S. I thought it would be pro- 
per for his majesty’s minister at 
Vienna to receive the earliest intel- 
ligence of the negotiation being 
broke off, I therefore have dis- 
patched a messenger to Vienna 
with a copy of the several papers 
which have passed between me and 
M. Delacroix since our conference, 
and also asuccinct account of what 
passed on it. ‘The messenger left 
this place to-day at three, P. M. 

Right Hon. Lord Grenville; M. 


&c. &c- Fe. 


No. 31. 
Paris, 28th Frimaire, 
Sir, (Dec. 18,) 5th year. 
THE Executive Directory has 
heard the reading of the official 
note signed by you, and of two 
confidential memorials without sig- 
natures, which were annexed to 
it, and which you gave in to me- 
yesterday. I amcharged expressly 
by the Directory to declare to you, 
that it cannot listen to any confi- 
dential report without a signa- 
ture, and to require of you to give 
into me, officially, within four and 
twenty hours, your ultimatum, 
signed by you. 
Accept, Sir, the assurance of my 
high consideration. | 
(Signed) Cu. Detacnorx. 


No. 32. 4 
Paris, 19th December, 1796. 
COPY. (B.) 

LORD Malmesbury, in answer 
to the letter which the minister for 
foreign affairs had the goodness 
to transmit to him, through the 
hands ef the secretary general of 
his department, must remark, that 
in signing the official note which 
he gave in to that minister, by 
order of his court, he Shaugh He 

a 


: SUPA Ti Pr PB Res 


had complied with all the usual for- 
malities, and had given the necessary 
authenticity to the two confidential 
memorials which were annexed to 
it. Nevertheless, to remove all 
difficulties, as far as hes in his 
power, he willingly adopts the 
forms which are pointed out by 
the resolution of the Executive 
Direétory, and hastens to send to 
the minister for foreign affairs the 
two memoria!s signed by his hand. 

With respeét to the positive de- 
mand of an ultzmatum,LordMalmes- 
bury observes, that insisting on 


- that point in so peremptory a man- 


ner, before the two powers shall 
have communicated to each other 
their respective pretensions, and 
that the articles of the future treaty 
shall have been submitted to the dis- 
cussions which the different interests 
which are to be adjusted necessa- 
ily demand, is to shut the door 
against all negotiation. He, there- 
fore, can add nothing to the assu- 
rances which he has already given 
to the minister for foreign affairs, 
as well by word of mouth, as in 
his official note ; and he repeats 
that he is ready to enter with that 
Minister into every explanation of 
which the state and progress of the 
hegotiation may admit, and that he 
will not fail to enter into the dis- 
cussion of the proposals of his court, 
or of any counter project which may be 
delvoered to him, on the part of the 
Executive Direétory, with that can- 
dour and that spirit of conciliation 
which correspond with the just and 
pacific sentiments of his court. 

Lord Malmesbury requests the 
minister for foreign affairs to ac- 
cept the assurances of his high con- 
sideration, 

No. 33. 
THE undersigned minister for 


[171 


foreign affairs is charged by the 
Executive Direétory to answer to 
Lord Malmesbury’s two notes of 
the 27th and 29th Frimaire (17th 
and 19th December, O. S.) that 
the Executive Direétory will lise . 
ten to no proposals contrary to the 
constitution, to the laws, and to 
the treaties which bind the Repub- 
lic. 

And as Lord Malmesbury ane 
nounces at every communication, 
that he is in want of the opinion of © 
his court, from which it results that 
he acts a part merely passive in the 
negotiation, which renders his pre= 
sence at Paris useless ; the under- 
signed is further charged to give 
him netice to depart from Paris in 
eight and forty hours, with all the 
persons who have accompanied and 
followed him, and to quit, as expe- 
ditiously as possible, the territory 
of the Republic. 

The undersigned declares more- 
over, in the name of the Executive 
Directory, that if the British cas 
binet is desirous of peace, the Exe, 
cutive Directory is ready to follow 
the negotiations, according to the 
basis laid down in the present note, 
by the reciprocal channel of cou-~ 
riers. 

(Signed) Cu. Deracroix, 
Paris, 29th Frimaire (19th Dec.) 
5th year of the French Republic, 
one and indivisible. 


No. 34. 
BA his 
LORD Malmesbury hastens te 
acknowledge the receipt of the note 
of the minister for foreign affairs, 
dated yesterday. He is preparing 
to quit Paris to-morrow, and de- 
mands, in consequence, the necese 
sary passports for himself and his 


suite. 
He 


172] 


He requests the minister for fos 
reign affairs to accept the assure 
ances of his high consideration. 

Paris, 20th December, 1796. 


. Credentials of Lord Malmesbury. 
Georcius R. 

GEORGIUS Tertius, Dei gra- 
tid Magne Brntannie, Francie, 
et Hibernie Rex, Fidei Defensor, 
Dux Brunavicensis et Luneburgen- 
sis, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi- 
Thesaurarius et Princeps Elector, 
etc. omnibus et singulis ad quos 
presentes hz litterze pervenerint, sa- 
lutem : 

Cum belli incendio jam nimis diu 
diversis orbis terrarum partibus fla- 
grante in id quam maxime incum- 
bamus, ut tranquillitas publica 
tot litibus controversiisque rite 
compositis, reduci et stabiliri pos- 
sit; cumque, e& de causa, virum 
guemdam tanto negotio parem nos- 
tra ex parte plenad auctoritate ad 
hoc tam magnum onus conficiendum 
Munire decrevimus, sciatis igitur 
quod nos fide, indusiria, ingenio, 
perspicacia, et rerum usu fidelis et 
dilecti consiliarii nostri Jacobi Ba- 
ronis de Malmesbury, honoratissimi 
ordinis Balnei equitis plurimum: 
confisi, eumdem nominavimus, feci- 
mus et constituimus nostrum verum, 
certum, et idubitatum commis- 
Sarium et plenipotentiarium, dan- 
tes et concedentes eidem omnem et 
omnimodam potestatem,facultatem, 
anctoritatemque necnon mandatum 
generale pariter ac speciale (itu 
tamen ut generale speciali non de- 
roget nec 4 contra), pro nobis, et 
nostro nomine, cum ministro vel 
Ministrisy commissariis vel pleni- 
petentisris Reipublice  Gallice 
par auctoritate sufficienter instruc- 
to vel tnstructis, cumque ministris, 
commissails, vel plenipotentiariis 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


aliorum principum et  statuum, 
quorum inter esse poterit, suffici- 
enti itidem auctoritate instructis, 
tam singulatim ac divisim, quam 
aggregatim ac conjunctim, congre- 
diendi et colloquendi, atque cum 
ipsis de pace firma et stabili, sinces 
raque aimicitia et concordia quan- 
tociés restituendis, conveniendi et 
concludendi ; eaque omnia que ita 
conventa et conclusa fuerint, pro no- 
bis, et in rostro nomine subsignan= 
di; superque conclusis tractatum 
tractatusve vel aliainstrumenta quos- 
quot et qualia necessaria fuerint, 
conficiendi mutuoque tradendi, re- 
Cipiendique omniaque alia que ad 
onus supra dictum feliciter exe- 
quendum pertinent _ transigendi, 
tam amplis modo et forma ac. vi 
effectuque pari, ac nos si interessi- 
mus, facere et prestare possemus, 
spondentes et in verbo regio pro 
mittentes nos omnia et singula, 
quecumque a ditto nostro plenipo= 
tentiario transigi et concludi conti« 
gerint, grata, rata, et accepta 
omni meliori modo habituros, ne- 
que passuros’ unquam ut in toto, 
vel in parte a quoniam violentur, 
aut ut lisin contrarium eatur. In 
quorum omnium majorem fidem et 
robur, presentibus manu _ nostra 
regia signatis, magnum noetrum 
Magne Britannie sigillum appendi 
fecimus. Que dabantur in palatio 
nostro Divi Jacobi die decimo ter- 
tio mensis Oétobris, anno Domini 
millenimo septengentesimo nonage= 
simo sexto, regnique nostri trige- 
SIMO Sexto. 


Translation of the Credentials given 
to Lord Malmesbury. 


George Rex. 
GEORGE, by the grace of God, 
king of Great Britain, France and 
Ireland, 


S TA TER OPA BIE BS. 


Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. 
to ali to whom these presents shall 
come, greeting.—Seeing that the 
flame of war bas for a long time 
raged in the different parts of the 
globe; deeply occupied with the 
project of terminating regularly so 
many quarrels and dissensions, of 
resioring and consolidating the 
public tranquillity; resolved for 
this purpose to chuse a man capable 
of a negociation of this importance, 
and to invest him with full autho- 
Tity to complete so great a work, 
be it known, that the fidelity, 
talents, genius, perspicuity and ex- 
perience of our faithful and dear 
counsellor, James, Baron Malmes- 
bury, knight of the most honour- 
able order of the Bath, inspiring us 
with full confidence, we have 


hamed him, and he is appointed. 


and constituted our true, certain, 
and accredited commissary and ple- 
nipotentiary, g giving and conceding 
him, in all respects, full and en- 
tire power, faculty, and authority; 
charging him besides with our ge- 
neral and special order to confer 
on our part, and ip our name, with 
the minister or ministers, commis- 
sioners, and plenipotentiaries, of 
the French republic, sufficiently 
invested with equal authority, as 
well as with the ministers, com- 
missioners, or ple>potentiaries of 
the other princes and states who 
may take part in the present nego- 
ciation, also invested with the same 
authority ; to treat either separately 
r togetber; to confer upon the 
Means of establishing a solid and 
durable peace, amity, and sincere 
concord ; and to adopt all resolu. 
tions and conclusions ; to sign for 
us, and in our name, all the said 
conventions or conclusions; to 
make, in consequence, every treaty 


[173 


or treaties, and all other acts, as 
heshall judge necessary ; to deliver 
and receive mutually all other ob- 
jects relative to the fortunate exe- 
cution of the above-mentioned 
work; to transact with the same 
force and the same effect as we 
should be able to do if we assisted 
in person; guaranteeing, and on 
our royal word promising, that all 
and each of the transactions and 
conclusions which shal! be made and 
determined by our said plenipoten- 
tiary shall be made and agreed 
upon, ratified, accepted, and 
adopted with the best faith ; that we 
shall never suffer any one, either 
in whole or in part, to infringe and 
act contrary to them ; and in order 
to give to every thing more security 


Sand force, we have signed the pre- 


sent with our royal hand, and al- 
fixed to it the great seal of Great 
Britain. ; 
Given in our palace at St. James’s 
~13th October, year of grace 
1796, and of our reign, 37th. 


Manifesto of the British Government 
against France. 

THE negociation which an anx- 
ious desire for the restoration of 
peace had induced bis majesty to 
open at Paris, having been abrupt- 
ly terminated by the French go- 
vernment, the king thinks it due 
to himself and to his people to state, 
in this public manner, the circum. 
stances which have preceded and 
attended a transaction of so much 
importance to the peneral interests 
of Europe, 

It is well known that early in 
the present year, his majesty, laying 
aside the consideration of many cir- 
cumstances of difficulty and dis- 
couragement, determined to take 
such steps as were best calculated 

te 


174] 


to open the way for negotiation, if 
any corresponding desire prevailed 
on the part of his enemies. He 
directed an overture to be made in 
his name, by his minister in Swis- 
sertand, for the purpose of ascer- 
taining the dispositions of the 
French government with respect to 
peace. The answer which he re- 
ceived in return was at once haugh- 
ty and evasive; it affected to ques- 
tion the sincerity of those dispo- 
sitions of which his majesty’s con- 
duct afforded so unequivocal a 
proof; it raised groundless objec- 
tions to the mode of negotiation 
proposed by his majesty (that of a 
general congress, by which peace 
has so often been restored to Eu- 
rope); but it studiously passed over 
in silence his majesty’s desire to 
learn what other mode would 
be preferred by France, It at the 
samme time’ asserted a_ principle 
which was stated as an indispen- 
sible preliminary to all negaciation 
—a principle under which the 
terms of peace must have been re- 
gulated, not by the usual conside- 
rations of justice, policy, and reci- 
procal convenience; but by an im- 
plicit submission, on the part of all 
the powers, to a claim founded 
on the internal laws and separate 
constitution of France, as having 
full authority to supersede the trea- 
ties entered into by independent 
states, to govern their interests, to 
conirol their engagements, and to 
dispose of their dominions. 

A pretension in itself sO extra- 
yagapt, could in no instance have 
been admitted, or even listened to 
for a moment. Its application to 
thé present case led to nothing 
less than that France should, as a 
preliminary to all discussion, retain 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


nearly all her conquests, and those 
particularly in which his majesty was 
most concerned, both from the ties 
of interest,and the sacred obligations 
of treaties: that she should in like 
manner recover back ali that had 
been coi quered from her in every 
part of the world; and that she 
should be left at liberty to bring 
forward such further demands on 
all other points of negotiation, as 
such unqualified submission on the 
part of those with whom she treated 
could not fail to produce, 

On such grounds as these it was 
sufficiently evident that no nego- 
ciation could be established; nei- 
ther did the answer of his majesty’s 
enemies afford any opening for 
continuing the discussion, since 
the mode of negociation offered 
by his majesty had been peremp- 
torily rejected by them, and no 
other had been stated in which 
they were willing to concur. 

His majesty was however not 
discouraged even by this result 
from still pursuing such measures 
as appeared to him most conducive 
to the end of peace ; and the wishes 
of his ally the emperor correspond. 
ing with those which his ma- 
jesty had manifested, sentiments 
of a similar tendency were ex- 
pressed on the part of his Imperial 
majesty at the time of opening 
the campaign; but the continu. 
ance of the same spirit and prin- 
ciples, on the part of the enemy, 
rendered this fresh overture equally 
unsuccessful. f 

While the government of France 
thus persisted in obstructing every 


measure that could even open the | 


way to negociation, no endeavour 
was omitted to mislead the public | 
opinion throughout all Europe 

with 


Sir A TES PAA PPE Res: 


-with respect to the real cause of 
the prolongation of the war, and 
to cast a doubt on those dispositions 
which could alone have dictated 
the steps taken by his majesty and 
his august ally. 

In order to deprive his enemies 
of all possibility of subterfuge or 
evasion, and in the hope that a 
just sense of the continued cala- 
mities of war, and of the increas- 
ing distresses of France herself, 
might at length have led to more 
just and pacific dispositions, his 
majesty renewed, in another form, 
and through the intervention of 
friendly powers, a proposal for 
opening negotiations for peace. 
The manner in which this inter- 
vention was received indicated the 
most hostile dispositions towards 
Great Britain, and at the same 
time afforded to all Europe a strik- 
ing instance of that injurious and 
offensive conduct which is observed 
on the part of the French go- 
vernment towards all other coun- 
tries, The repeated overtures made 
in his majesty’s name were never- 
theless of such a nature, that it 
was at last found impossible to per- 
Sist in the absolute rejection of 
them, without the direct and un- 
disguised avowal of a determina- 
tion to refuse to Europe all hope 
of the restoration of tranquillity. 
_Achannel was therefore at length 
indicated, through which the go- 
vernment of France professed itself 
willing to carry on a negotiation, 
and a readiness was expressed 
(though interms far remote from 
any spirit of conciliation) to receive 
a minister authorised by his ma- 
Jjesty to proceed to Paris for that 
purpose, ha 

Many circumstances might have 
been urged as affording powerful 


[175 


motives against adoptin gthis sug- 
gestion, until the government of 
France had given some indication 
of a spirit better calculated to pros 
mote the success of such a missiong 
and to meet these advances on 
the part of Great Britain. The 
king’s desire for the restoration of 
general peace on just and honours 
able terms, his concern for the in- 
terests of his subjeéts, and his de- 
termination to leave to his ene 
mies no pretext for imputing to 
him the consequences of their own 
ambition, induced him to overlook 
every such consideration, and to 
take a step which these reasons 
alone could justify. 

The repeated endeavours of the 
French government to defeat this 
mission in its outset, and to break 
off the intercourse thus opened, 
even before the first steps towards 
negotiation could be taken; the 
indecent and injurious language 
employed with a view to irritate, 
the captious and frivolous objec- 
tions raised for the purpose of ob- 
structing the progress of the dis- 
cussion ; all these have sufficiently 
appeared from the official papers 
which passed on both sides, and 
which are known to all Europe. 

But above all, the abrupt ter- 
mination of the negotiation has 
afforded the most conclusive proof, 
that at no period of it was any real 
wish for peace entertained on the 
part of the French government. 

After repeated evasion and de- 
lay, the government had at length 
consented to establish, as the basis 
of the negotiation, a principle pro- 
posed by his majesty, liberal in its 
own nature, equitable towards his 
enemies, and calculated to provide 
for the interests of his allies, and 
of Europe. It had been agreed 

that 


176] 


that compensation should be made 
to France, by proportionable resti- 
tutions from his majesty’s con- 
quests on that power, for those 
arrangements to which she should 
be called upon to consent in order 
to satisfy the just pretentions of his 
allies, and to preserve the political 
balance of Europe. At the desire 
of the French government itself 
memorials were presented by his 
majesty’s minister, which contain- 
ed the outlines of the terms of 
peace grounded on the basis so es- 
tablished, and in which his majesty 
proposed to carry to the utmost 
possible extent the application of a 
principle so equitable with respect 
to France, and so liberal on his 
majesty’s part. The delivery of 
these papers was accompanied by 
2 declaration expressly and re- 
peatediy made, both verbally and 
in writing, that his majesty’s mi- 
nister was willing and prepared to 
enter, with a spirit of conciliation 
and fairness, into the discussion of 
the different points there contain. 
ed, or into that of any other pro- 
posal or scheme of peace which the 
#rench government might wish to 
Substitute in its place. 

In reply to this communication, 
he received a demand, in form the 
most offensive, and in substance 
the most extravagant, that ever 
was made in the course of any ne- 
gotiation. It wag peremptorily re- 
quired of him that in the very out- 
set of the business, when no answer 
had been given by the French go- 
vernment to his first proposal, 
when he had not even learnt, in 
any regular shape, the nature or 
extent of the objections to it, and 
much less received from that go- 
vernment any other offer or plan 
of peace, he should in twenty-four 


ANNUAL ‘REGISTER, 1796. 


hours deliver in a statement of the 
final terms to which his court, would 
in any case accede—a demand 
tending evidently to shut the door 
to all negotiation, to preclude all 
discussion, all explanation, all pos- 
sibility of the amicable adjustment 
of points of difference—a demand 
in its nature preposterous, in its 
execution impracticable, since it is 
plain that no such ultimate resolu- 
tion respecting a general plan -of- 
peace evcr can be rationally formed, 
much‘less declared, without know- 
ing what peints are principally ob- 
jected to by the enemy, and what 
facilities he may be willing to 
offer in return for concession in 
those respects. ° Having declined 
compliance with this demand, and 
explained the reasons which ren- 
dered it inadmissible, but having, 
at the same time, expressly renew- 
ed the declaration of his readiness 
to enter into the discussion of the 
proposal he had conveyed, or of 
any other which might be com- 
municated to him, the king’s mi- 
nister received no other answer 
than an abrupt command to quit 
Paris in forty-cight hours. If, in 
additions tosuch an insult, any fur- 
ther proof were necessary of the 
dispositions of those by whom it 
was offered, such proof would be 
abundantly supplied from the con- 
tents of the note in which this. 
order was conveyed. The mode 
of negotiation on which the French 
government had itself insisted, is 
there rejected, and no practicable 
means left open for treating with 
effect. ‘The basis of negotiation, 
so recently established by mutual 
consent, is there disclaimed, and, 
in its room, a principle clearly in- 
admissible is reasserted as the only 


ground on which France can con- 
sent 


SAA Te 


sent to treat: the very same prin- 
ciple which had been brought for- 
ward in reply to his majesty’s first 
overtures from Switzerland, which 
had then been rejected by his ma- 
jesty, but which now appears never 
to have been, in fact, abandoned 
by the government of France, 
however inconsistent with that on 
which they had expressly agreed to 
treat. 

It is therefore necessary that all 
Europe should understand, that the 
rupture of the negotiation at Paris 
does not arise from the failure of 
any sincere attempt on the part of 
France to reconcile by fair discus- 
sion the views and interests of the 
contending powers. Such a dis- 
cussion has been repeatedly invited 
and even solicited, on the part of 
his majesty, but has been, in the 
first instance, and ahsolutely, pre- 
cluded by the act of the French go- 
vernment. 

It arises exclusively from the de- 
termination of that government 
to reject all means of peace—a de- 
termination which appeared but 
toostrongly in all the preliminary 
discussions; which was clearly ma- 
nifested in the demand of an ulti- 
matum made in the very outset of 
the negotiation, but which is prov- 
ed beyond all possibility of doubt 
by the obstinate adherence to a 
claim which never can be admit- 
ted—a claim that the construction 
which that government affects to 
put (though even in that respect 
unsupported by the fact) on the 
internal constitution of its own 
country, shall be received by all 
other nations as paramont to every 
known principle of public law in 
Europe, as superior to the obliga. 
tions of treaties, to the ties of com- 
mon interest, to the most pressing 


' Vou. XXXYVIII. 


PIA PED RSS: 177 


and urgent considerations of gene- 
ral security. | 
On such grounds it is that the 
French goverument has abruptly 
terminated a negotiation, which 
it commenced with reluctance, and 
couducted with every inclination to 
prevent its final success, On these 
motives it is that the further effu- 
sion of blood, the continued cala« 
mities of war, the interruptions of 
peaceable and friendly intercourse 
among mankind, the prolonged 
distresses of Europe, and the ac- 
cumulated miseries of France itself, 
are by the government of that 
country to be justified to the 
world. 
His majesty, who had entered 
into the negotiation with good 
faith, who has suffered no impe- 
diment to prevent his prosecuting 
it with earnestness and sincerity, 
has now only to lament its abrupt 
termination ; and to renew, in the 
face of all Europe, the solemn de- 
claration, that, whenever his ene- 
mies shall be disposed to enter on 
the work of a general pacification, 
in a spirit of conciliation and equi- 
ty, nothing shall be wanting on 
his part to contribute to the ac- 
complishment of that great object, 
with a view to which he has al- 
ready offered such considerable 
sacrifices on his part, and which 
is now retarded only by the exor- 
bitant pretensions of his enemies. 
Westmister, 27th Dec. 1796. 


Speech of Earl Camden, Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, to both Houses 
of Parliament, Jan. 21, 1796. 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

I HAVE received his majesty’s 
commands to meet you in parlia- 
ment. 

N 


178] 


It gives me the most sincere sa- 
tisfaction to be authorized to in- 
form you, that notwithstanding 
the advantages which the enemy 
possessed at the commencement of 
the Jast year, and the successes 
which attended their operations 
in the former parts of the cam- 
paign, the general situation of 
affairs is on the whole most essen- 
tially improved. 

The continued and brilliant suc- 
cesses of the Austrian armies upon 
the Rhine ; the important captures 
of the Cape of Good Hope and of 
Trincomale by his majesty’s forces, 
and the decided superiority of his 
fleets, are circumstances of the 
utmost importance to the common 
cause; and their effect is strength- 
ened by the internal distresses, the 
ruined. commerce, and increasing 
financial embarrassments of the 
enemy. : 

The crisis lately depending in 
France has led to an order of things 
in that country, such as will in- 
duce his majesty to meet any dispo- 
sition to negotiation on the part of 
the enemy with an earnest desire to 
give it the fullest and specdiest 
effect, and to conclude a treaty of 
general peace when it may be 
effected on just and suitable terms 
for himself and his allies. 

The treaty of commerce between 
his majesty and the United States 
of America haying been mutually 
ratified, | have ordered copies of 
it, by his majesty’s command, to be 
laid before you. 

I have the pleasure to announce 
to you, that her royal highness 
the» princess of Wales has been 
happily delivered of a princess : 
an event, which, by giving addi- 
tional stability to his majesty’s 
august house, cannot fail to afford 
you the highest satisfaction. 


ANNUAL’ REGISTER, 1796, 


Gentlemen of the House of © 
Commons, 

I observe with the sincerest plea~ § 
sure that notwithstanding the con- — 
tinued pressure of the war, the 
commerce and revenues of this 
kingdom have not in any degree 
fallen from that flourishing state 
of advancement, which in the last 
session of Parliament was a subject 
of such just congratulation. ‘This 
circumstance affords a decisive proof 
that your prosperity is founded on 
a solid basis, and leads me to 
indulge the flattering hope, that 
whatever additional burthens you. 
may find it necessary to impose, 
will not be materially felt by the 
people. 

L have ordered the public 
accounts and estimates for the en- 
suing year to be laid before you, 
and have no doubt of your readi- 
ness to provide such supplies asa 
due sense of the exigencies of the 
kingdom shall suggest, and _ the | 
wise policy -of strengthening his 
majesty’s exertions for procuring a 
solid and permanent peace shall 
appear to render necessary. 

My Lords and Gentlemen, 

It is with regret that I feel 
myself obliged to advert to those 
secret and treasonable associations, 
the dangerous extent and malig- 
nity of which have in some degree 
been disclosed on several trials, and 
to the disturbances which have 
taken place in some parts of the 
kingdom. It has at the same time 
been a source of great satisfaction 
to me to observe the successful and 
meritorious exertions of the magis- 
trates in several parts of the king- 
dom, and the alacrity which his 
Majesty’s regular and militia forces 
have universally manifested in ai 
of the civil power, whenever the 
have beencalled upon for the pre- 

2 servation 


‘ 


STATE PAP ER Ss: 


servation of the peace, and support 
of the laws. It remains for your 
prudence and wisdom to devise 
such measures as, together with a 
continuance of those exertions, and 
the additional powers, which, by 
the advice of the privy counci), [ 
have thought it necessary to esta-. 
blish in different counties, will 
prevent the return of similar ex- 
cesses, and restore a proper reve- 
rence for the laws of the country. 

The superior and increasing im- 

portance of the agriculture and ma- 
nufactures, and particularly of the 
linen manufacture of the kingdom, 
will command your utmost support. 
Under the present situation of Eu- 
rope you cannot fail-to attend with 
peculiar vigilance to the general 
state of provisions: and if circum- 
Stances shall at any time render 
your interposition advisable, I have 
no doubt of your adopting such 
measures as shall best apply to the 
existing necessity of the times. 
‘ Tam desirous of pointing your 
attention to the protestant charter 
schools, and other institutions of 
public charity and improvement. 

Your unanimity and zeal can 
never be of more importance than 
at the present crisis, in order to 
impress the enemy with a thorough 
conviction of the resources of his 

Majesty’s kingdoms and to pro- 
cure a favourable termination to 
your honourable efforts. His Ma- 
jesty has the fullest reliance on 
your firmness and attachment, and 
on the fortitude, spirit, and perse- 
yerance of his people. 

It will be my ambition, as it is 
my duty, to represent your zeal to 
his majesty’s service ; and it will 
be my personal and most anxious 
wish toco-operate with your efforts 
in the common cause in which we 


[179 


are all equally engaged and inte- 
rested, and my utmost endeavours 
shall be used to secure the happi- 
ness and prosperity of this king- 
dom, and to protect and maintain 
its most excellent constitution, 


Speech of the Lord Lieutenant of Tre- 
land to both Houses of Parlias 
ment, April 15, 1796. 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

IN releasing you from farther ata 
tendance in parliament, I am pe- 
culiarly commanded by his majes. 
ty to thank yor for that conspicu- 
ous zeal and unanimity, so honours 
able to yourselves and so impressive 
on our enemies, which have mark. 
ed your conduct through the whole 
session, in promoting by your ener- 
gy and temper the interests of your 
country, and in supporting by your 
spirit and liberality the common 
cause of the empire. 

His majesty has taken the steps 
which appeared most proper for 
setting on foot a negotiation for 
general peace, if the enemy should 
be disposed to enter into such ne- 
gotiation on grounds consistent 
with the safety, honour and inte- 
rest of his majesty’s kingdoms and 
of his allies. 

If his majesty’s views in this re- 
spect should fail, he has no doubt 
that the valour of his subjects, the 
resources of his kingdoms, and the 
exertions of the powers engaged 
with him, will ultimately produce 
this desirable end. 


Gentlemen of the House of 
Commons, 

I am to thank you, in his majes. 
ty’s name, for the cheerfulness and 
liberality with which you have pro. 
vided for the current services of 

N 2 the 


180] 


the year, and it affords me the 
highest satisfaction to reflect that 
these objects have been attained 
by burthens, so judiciously imposed, 
that they can scarcely affect the 
lower orders of the people. It is 
equally satisfactory to observe that 
your strength and prosperity re- 
main undiminished, notwithstand- 
ing the pressure of the war, and it 
will be my endeavour to cherish 
your resources, and apply your li- 
berality with cconomy and pru- 
dence. 
My Lords and Gentlemen, 

The inquiries I had ordered to 
be made with regard’ to the pro- 
duce of the last harvest, and the 
measures taken by you to prevent 
the export of grain, must relieve the 
public mind from an apprehension 
of scarcity. If any illicit means 
should be attempted, to evade the 
provisions of the laws, which have 
been enacted upon this important 
subject, I shall not be inattentive 
in exercising those powers with 
which J am entrusted. 

The vigorous measures you have 
adopted for the suppression of in- 
surrection and outrage, and the 
wise provisions you have made for 
preventing the extension of similar 
offences, must have the most salu- 
tary effects. 

The new regulation of licences 
under the superintendence of ma- 
gistrates, will tend to promote tran- 
quillity and sobriety. The esta- 
blishment of more frequent sessions 
of the peace will afford an easy 
and expeditious administration of 
justice in the different districts 
throughout the kingdom. ‘The li- 
beral increase of the salaries of the 
judges, and the alteration of the 
civil bill jurisdiction, for the con. 
venience of the lower ranks of the 
people, will ensure the constant 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


and regular attention of his majes- 
ty’s judges to the civil and criminal 
business that will remain to be done 
on the circuits, Ip 
These measures cannot but de- 


monstrate to the people at large © 
the firmness and the temper of — 
parliament, which, whilst itis de- — 


termined to repress the excesses of 
licentionsness and outrage, is at 
the same time anxious to ensure to 
the country those permanent ad- 


vantages of security, peace and © 


good order, which are to be deriv. 
ed froma prompt and upright ad- 
ministration of justice. 

I cannot too strongly recommend 
it to you to give effect to these be- 
nefits by your example and pre- 
sence, and I am confident, that 
when you are relieved from your 
duty in parliament, all ranks an@ 
descriptions of his majesty’s faithful 


subjects will feel themselves pro-- 


tected by your exertions and autho- 
rity in your different counties. 
Your kind declarations in favour 
of my administration make the 
deepest impressions upon my feel- 
ings. If I have any claim to your 
confidence and good opinion, it 
arises from the fidelity with which 
I have represented to his majesty 
your loyalty and zeal, and from the 


sincere desire I feel to conform my — 
conduct to your sentiments. —Great — 


Britain and Ireland form one em- 
pire; they areinseparably connect- 
ed; they must stand or fall to- 
gether ; and weare all equally engag- 
ed, because we are all equally in- 
terested in the common cause of de- 
fending and upholding our religion, 
our laws, and our constitution. 


Speech of Earl Camden Lord Lieut. 
of Ireland to both Houses of Pars 
liament, October 13, 1796. 


My 


a 


T 


Se ee ee 


—_— ee 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

Ihave his majesty’s commands 
to acquaint you, that hehas thought 
it necessary to require your attend- 
ance in parliament at this early 
period, and to resort to your deli- 
berative wisdom at a time when 
the ambitious projects of our ene- 
mies have threatened to interrupt 
the happiness and prosperity of his 
people, by making a descent on 
this kingdom and Great Britain. 
And although his majesty looks 
forward with the utmost confidence 
to the spirit, loyalty, and ability 
of his faithful people of Ireland to 
repel such an attack, it will yet 
become your wisdom to neglect ne 
precautions which may preclude 
the attempt, or secure the speediest 
means of turning it to the confusion 
of the enemy. bs 

His majesty has been graciously 
pleased to direct an addition to be 
made to the regular forces in this 
kingdom, by troops sent from 
Great Britain, the greater part of 
which is already arrived ; and in 
pursuance of his majesty’s com- 
mands, I have also encouraged the 
loyalty and zealous disposition, 
which has generally displayed it- 
self, to associate in arms, under his 
majesty’s authority, for the better 
security of property, aud the pre- 
servation of tranguillity and good 
order. 
_ In consequence of the steps which 
his majesty has taken to restore 
peace to Europe, and secure its 
future tranquillity, a way has at 
length been opened for an imme- 
diate and direct negotiation ; and 
J am commanded to acquaint you, 
that itis his majesty’s intention to 
senda person to Paris, with full 
powers to treat for the restoration 
ef gencral peace. 


STATE PAPERS. 


1st 


The apparently hostile disposi. 
tions and conduct of the court of 
Spain has led to discussions, of 
which I am not able to acquaint 
you with the final result; but, 
whatever may be their issue, they 
cannot but afford to Europe a 
further proof of his majesty’s mo- 
deration and forbearance, and can- 
not fail to animate your utmost ex- 
ertions in defending the dignity, 
rights, and interest of the empire 
against every aggression. 

In reviewin; the events of this 
year, it mustatiord you the greatest 
satisfaction to observe, that by the 


Spirit and exertions of his majesty’s 


navy, the commerce of this king-~ 
dom has been protected in a degree 
almost beyond example ; and in no 
part more completely, than by the 
skill, activity, and bravery of the 
squadron stationed on the coasts of 
this kingdom. 

The success of his majesty’s arms 
in the East and West Indies has 
been highly honourable and ad- 
vantageous to the empire; and 
evinces, in the strongest manner, 
the valour and good conduct of his 
forces both by sea and land. 

The steady and dignified conduct 
of the emperor, and the intrepidi- 
ty of the Austrian forces under the 
command of the archduke Charles, 
have given so essential a change to 
the aspect of affairs on the conti- 
nent, as to inspire a well-grounded 
confidence that the final result of 
the campaign will be such as ma- 
terially to promote his majesty’s 
endeavours to obtain a safe and 
honourable peace for himself and 
his allies. - 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 
The expediency of the vigorous 
measures which you have adopted 
; in 


182] 


in the last session of parliament, 
has been amply proved by the out- 
rages, which they were intended 
to suppress. having ina great mea- 
sure subsided. lam, however, to 
jament, that in one part of the 
country good order has not yet 
been entirely restored, and that in 
other districts a treasonable system 
of secret confederation, by the ad- 
ministering of illegal oaths, stil] 
continucs, although no means with- 
in the reach of government have 
been left untried to counteract it. 


Gentlemen of the House of 
Commons, 

I have ordered to be laid before 
you an account of such articles of 
expence as are not included in the 
estimate of the current year, and 
which the present circumstances 
have rendered necessary ; and when 
you consider the great interest for 
which we are engaged, and the ob- 
jects for which we are contending, 
I doubt not that you will grant the 
supplies which may be requisite for 
them with your accustomed cheer- 
fulness and liberality ; and when 
the ordinary accounts and estimates 
for the ensuing year shall be laid 
before you, I trust you will then 
proceed with the zeal you have 
always manifested in proyiding for 
the exigencies of the state, and the 
honourable support of his majesty’s 
government. 

You will not fail at a proper 
time to continue your attention to 
the manufactures, the agriculture, 
and the commerce of the country, 
and to extend your accustomed be- 
nevolence to the protestant charter- 
schools, and the other institutions 
of education and charity which 
have been so long fostered by your 
liberal encouragement. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


The prosperity and resources of | 
the kingdom, so highly improved 
by your meritorious care, still re- 
main unimpaired by the pressure of 
war ; and | trust to your unremit- 
ting attention for the further ad- 
vancement of your national pros™ 
perity. 

You have learnt the steps which 
his majesty has taken to procure 
the blessings of general peace upon 
a solid and permanent basis. Should 
these gracious endeavours of his 
majesty not be followed by the suc- 
cess which he has every reason to 
expect, he is satisfied that the af- 
fections, courage, and perseverance 
of his people, will enable him to 
frustrate the designs of our enemies, 
and to maintain the honour and 
dignity of his crown. 

It will afford me the highest sa- 
tisfaction to be aided at this im. 
portant crisis by your advice, and 
I rely with a confidence you have 
taught me to indulge, upon your 
liberal interpretation of my con- 
duct, and upon that support I have 
so amply experienced since I re- 
ceived his majesty’s commands to 
repair to this country; and it will 
be peculiarly gratifying to me, if 
I should have the good fortune; in 
the administration of the king’s 
government, to impress upon your 
minds the full extent of his majes- 
ty’s paternal care of this kingdom, 
and of my own anxiety to promote, 
by every means, its interests its 
safety, and its prosperity. 


A Proclamation by the Lord Lieu- 
tenant and Council of Ireland. 


Camden, ~ 
WHEREAS by an act of parlia- 
ment passed in this kingdom, in 
the 56th year of his majesty’s reign, 
entitled 


a PAV ERORIA' PH. 


entitled, ‘‘ An aét more effectually 
to suppress insurrections, and to 
prevent the disturbance of the pub- 
lic peace,” it is enacted, that it 
shall be lawful forthe justices of 
the peace of any county, assembled 
ata special sessionin manner by 
the said aét direéted, not being 
fewer than seven, or the major 
part of them, one of whom to be 
of the quorum, if they judge fit, 
upon due consideration of the state 
of the county, to signify by me- 
morial, by them signed, to the 
Jord lieutenant, or other chief go- 
vernor, or governors of this king- 
dom, that they consider their coun- 
ty, or any part therecf, to be in a 
state of disturbance, orin imme- 
diate danger of becoming so, and 
ptaying that the lord leutenant 
and council may proclaim such 
county, or part thereof, to be in 
a state of disturbance, thereupon it 
shall be lawful for the lord lieutenant 
or other chief governor or gover- 
nors of this kingdom, by and with 
the advice of his majesty’s privy 
council, by proclamation, to de- 
clare such county, or any part of 
such county, to be in a state of 
disturbance, or in immediate danger 
of becoming so, and also such parts 
of any adjoining county or counties 
as such chief governor or governors 
shall think fit, in order to prevent 
the continuance or extension of 
such disturbance. 

And whereas twenty-four jus- 
tices of the peace of the county of 
Down, (several of whom being of 
the quorum) being the major part 
of the justices of the peace duly 
assembled, pursuant to the said act, 
at a special session of the peace, 
holden at Hillsborough, in the said 
county, on Friday the 11th day 
of November instant, have, by 


[183 


memorial by them signed, signi- 
fied to his excellency the lord lieu- 
tenant, that certain parts of the 
said county are in a state of dis- 
turbance, and have thereby prayed 
that the lord lieutenant and coun- 
cil may proclaim the parishes of 
Tullylish, Aghaderg, Donaghcla- 
ney, Moira, Maralin, and Seapa- 
trick, being parts of the said coun- 
ty of Down, to be in a state of 
disturbance, of which all justices 
of the peace and other magistrates 
and peace officers of the said coune 
ty, are to take notice. 

Given at the council chamber in > 
Dublin, the 16th day of Novem- 
ber, 17906. 


Decree of the National Assembly of 
the United Provinces for the Aboli- 
tion of a privileged Church. 

1. THERE cannot, nor shall be 
longer any reigning or peculiarly 
privileged church permitted in the 
United Netherlands. 

2. All placards and resolutions 
of the former states-general, tend- 
ing to oppress the dissenting 
churches, are revoked and render- 
ed void. 

3 No distinctive dress shall be 
worn, or church ceremonies be ex- 
hibited except within the respective 
buildings of either religious per- 
suasion- Nor shall any bells be 
rung in future, for the service 
of the church. 

4, A commission shall be ap- 
pointed, as speedily as possible, to 
investigate all those difficulties, 
which are the remains of a predoe 
minant church; to examine into 
the funds of payment, and to de. 
vise regulations, in some wise, for 
the future subsistence of teachers 
and others connected with the 
church. - 

N4_ 5. A 


184] 


5. A circular missive shall be 
dispatched throughout all quar- 
ters of the republic, exhorting the 
proper persons to remit and do 
away all personal suppressive bur- 
dens laid on those of the dissenting 
churches, and requesting their im- 
mediate answer, for the satisfac- 
tion of this assembly. 

13th August. 


Proclamation of the National Assem- 
bly of the Batavian People against 
the Importation of British Manu- 
Sactures. 

The National Assembly, represent- 
ing the Batavian People, to the 
Batavians, Health and Fraternity. 

THE British minister issued on 
the 3d of this month a royal pro- 
clamation, by which, ‘ the free 
navigation of Great Britain to the 

United Provinces is granted, as 

well as the exportation of all kinds 

of merchandize, except military 
and naval ammunition, provided 
they be exported under a neutral 
flag.” France, however, is except- 
ed. This is an artifice which the 
Batavian people see and properly 
appreciate— a lure which they dis- 
dain. Have we not sketched to 
the eyes of all Europe, in our ma- 
nifesto of the 2d May of jthe pre- 
sent year, the perfidious traits of 
the condu& of this same minister ? 

Did we not evince’ in the most 
evident manner how this minister 
completed bis want of faith, when 
on the flight of the last Stadtholder 
he seized more than a hundred 
ships richly laden, and several 
ships of war; when, deaf to every 
fepresentation, he dared to appro- 
priate this booty; when, by false 
advices, he enticed into the Eng- 
lish ports several ships which were 
then at ‘sea; when, violating the 
rights of nations, and considering 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


as nothing the most solemn treaties, 
he changed the protection which 
be had promised, into a declaration 
of good and legal capture of the 
Dutch ships ; when he endcavour- 
ed to get possession of our colonies 
in the most traitorous manner ; 
when he effectively established 
himself in several of our most im- 
portant possessions; when he fur- 
nished money to the unnatural 
emigrants who were more influ- 
enced by love for the orange party 
than for their country, and whom 
he continually excited to come 
and tear down the standard of li- 
berty in their own country, aud to 
waste it with fireand sword ? In 
a word, isnot the British minister 
the sworn enemy to the well-being 
of the United Provinces, and is 
not he furious that the republic 
still exists ? Let him delude bim- 
self with the artificial calculation 
of the consequences of the pre- 
sent measure! Let him imagine- 
that his lure of the love of gain 
may either open a source of finance, 
or in case the Batavian republic 
disdain it, may sow discord, inflame 
the spiritof party, and alienate the 
hearts of the people from the legi- 
timate government! But your repre- 
sentatives, oh, Batavian people ! are 
and will remain, notwithstanding, 
faithful to their destination; theywall 
not engage in a measure which would 
render the most essential service to 
the enemy of the nation, check 
the wise and great project of their 
grand ally, and retard that peace 
whichis the object of cur. wishes. 
The English people are on the 
eye of awaking, and of forcing the 
minister to accept: an equitable 
and speedy peace. To avoid care- 
fully every thing that may prolong 
the most terrible war of which hi - 
tory makes mention, is our most 
sacred 


; § TA Tye 


sacred duty: and to spare no 
means that may hastenthe moment 
of a peace suitable to the interests 
of the Batavian people, of their 
faithful ally, of the British nation 
itself, and of humanity—such is 
our most serious object. 

The momentary advantage of 
the few, must not be balanced 
against the well-being of the public, 
the well-being and prosperity of 
the public which you wish, fel- 
low-citizens, is our principal ob- 
ject. We know that the British 
“Minister at this moment wants spe- 
cie and circulating capital. He 
has wasted millions of money and 
riyers of blood; the present mea- 
sure evinces his embarrassment. 
The glorious victories of the 
French have shut up several ports 
against the English, and will shut 
up still more. England, on the 
other hand, is full of her manu- 
factures, of pillaged merchandize, 
particularly of those articles with 
which our rich ships returned from 
the East Indies have furnished 
him. The British minister must 
besides make at this period his 
usual contracts in the Baltic for the 
Maintenance of his marine, and for 
the supplying of his other wants: 
and without drawing upon the 
Dutch merchants, it appears, that 
he could not succeed im this. —Good 
faith, Batavian glory, feel all your 
dignity ? 

What Batavian heart is not fill- 
ed with indignation, on consider- 
ing, that the enemy of our country 
would offer us for sale those very 
effeéts which he has robbed us of 
so shamefully ? and is it permit- 
ted tous’ to hesitate a single me- 
ment, in consoling ourselves for 
this loss of gain, and in frustrating 
the grand object of this enemy? 
Citizens, his object is no other than 


PAPERS. [iss 


to exchange for money innuUera- 
ble British merchandize; the fa- 
culty of being able to dispose of 
the price of these purchases to his 
own advantage: to put an end to 
the just murmurs of the English 
people; to prolong the war, and, 
above all, to excite the indignation 
of the French republic, which the 
proclamation excludes from the 
free navigation. It is therefore, in 
virtue of all these motives, that we 
have thought proper to determine 
upon what follows, as we do deter- 
mine by these presents. 

Article 1. It shall not be per- 
mitted to import into the United. 
Provinces any British manufac- 
tures whatever, any British mer- 
chandize in general, and _particu- 
larly any effects of whatever nature 
they are, which proceed from the 
effeéts laden on board the ships of 
the Hast India company, seized or 
carried to Great Britain, in any 
manner, or under any pretext, whe- 
ther the said effeéts come directly 
from Great Britain, or by any‘ 
other channel. 

2. Upon the importation of all 
effects of this kind, ‘they shall be 
first confiscated to the profitof the 
Batavian people, and deposited in 
proper magazines, in order to re= 
main there in depot, and not to be 
sold until it shall be ulteriorly de. 
manded on the part of the Batavian 
people. 

3. All persons who may have 
participated directly or indirectly 
in such importation, or who may 
have favoured it, or to whose con- 
signment such effects may have 
been addressed and expedited with 
their knowledge, shall be not 
only responsible, independently, 
and besides confiscation of the 
effects, but shall be proceeded 
against before the judge of their do- 

micile 


186] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


micile, as haying entered into a 
connection with the enemy, to the 
ruin of the country, in case it ap- 
pears, that after the promulgation 
of the proclamation they have had 

y knowledge of it, and have not 
informed the office of convoys 
and licences within twenty-four 
hours, or have not informed the 
administration of the place where 
they dwell. 

4. It is also forbidden, under the 
same penalties, to the inhabitants 
of this republic, to accept or pay 
any bills of exchange drawn from 
Great Britain. 

5. The exact execution of our 
present serious resolution is confid- 
ed to our committee for the affairs 
of the marine, with the particular 
injunction to neglect no means to 
watch Over such an importation, 
with the authority to establish in 
the necessary places, either in the 
towns or in the flat countries, such 
extraordinary surveyors, receivers, 
or clerks, as they shall judge ne- 
cessary, in order to fulfil our in- 
tentions. 

6. The committee for the affairs 
of the marine is qualified, in case 
of the seizure of the effects pro- 
hibited in Art. 1. to order de plano 
(without form of process) upon its 
responsibility, the confiscation, and 
to effect the deposit in the neces- 
sary magazines mentioned in Art. 
3. Inconsequence, in this respect, 
the ordinary form of proceeding is 
suspended in cases of frauds com- 
mitted with regard to the marine 
rights, and to every contravention 
of the placards issued on that sub- 
ject, which shall remain suspended 
with respect to those who shail pre- 
sent themselves as defenders in “the 
affairs above-mentioned. 

7. The present proclamation 


shall be published and stuck up. 
We direct and entreat the supreme 
authorities to make the necessary 
dispositions, in order that our pre- 
sent object may be duly effected ; 
and more especially to direct all 
the municipalities in each pro- 
vince, to lend every assistance to 
the committee for the affairs of the 
marine, and to support it against all 


‘opposition to the accomplishment 


of the duties imposed on our 
committee, by our present procla- 
mation. 

8. This proclamation shall be 
sent to ‘the committees for the 
affairs of the marine, and for the 
Kast India trade, in order to serve 
as information and advice to them. 

Done in the national assembly at 
the Hague, Sept. 16, 1796, se- 
cond year of Batavian liberty. 

(Signed) J.J. CAMBIER, 
D. Van Larr. 


Proclamation of the States General 
of the United Provinces. 


THE states general of the United 
Provinces to all those who may 
see or hear these presents, health 
and fraternity: Be it known, that 
in compliance with the’ wish and 
desire of the Batavian people, and 
the approbation of the respective 
confederates, we have passed an 
aét, according to which a general 
national assembly for the admini- 
stration of foederal affairs, as well 
as to form the plan of a constitu- 
tion for all the republic, to be sub- 
mitted to the approbation or refu- 
sal of the Batavian nation, should 
be convoked and put in aétivity : 
that this important work, of so 


great an interest for our country, 


has been conduéted actually, under 
the divine benediction, by the 
choice 


5 A Eee PA 2? EUR Ss 


choice of the citizens having the 
right of suffrage in all the republic, 
to the point that the members who 
will compcse this general national 
assembly, and who will represent 
together all the Batavian people, 
have been effectively elected, or 
will be elected, are ready to begin 
their labours. - In ° consequence 
whereof, we entreat and charge the 
elected members, forasmuch as 
they are not yet arrived here, at 
the Hague, to repair there imme- 
diately, in order to assemble on 
Tuesday, the first of March next, 
at the place destined, by eleven 
o’clock in the forenoon, that they 
may be enabled, by a commission 
to be named by us, conformably to 
the act passed to open their as- 
sembly; that thus on the point of 
terminating our proceedings, at 
the moment when this assembly 
shall be constituted, we have 
thought it our duty solemnly to 
inform, by our present proclama- 
tion, our fellow-citizens thereof, 
and to testify, in the first place, 
our gratitude to the Supreme Be- 
ing, that in the midst of all the 
difficulties which have weighed 
down this republic since the re- 
volution of the month of Jan. 1795, 
and which have menaced even the 
total loss of its liberty and of its 
independence, we behold at last 
the desired issue of our continual 
cares, that our political liberty and 
independence have been confirmed, 
and that also the nation will 
see itself perfectly and really repre- 
sented by an assembly elected by 
herself, and which will be in ef-s 
fect honoured with her confidence, 
@ circumstance which never yet 
happened to our ancestors; for 
which reason we may with good 
cause expect from it such a plan of 


[187 


a constitution, under the appro. 
bation of the whole people as may 
be proper to regulate and establish 
its happiness on a stable footing, 
and may also assure ourselves firm- 
ly that this assembly will employ 
the power and authority which 
have been trusted to it, in such a 
manner as may be necessary for the 
safety and well-being of our coun- 
try; by means of which all and 
each will be able to enjoy indivis 
dual liberty, under the protection 
of the law to defend their own in- 
terests in union with the general 
interests, and to assist the prospe- 
rity of the republic to advance in 
such a manner as that she may be 
restored to her ancient splendour, 
and that her importance abroad 
may be re-established and defended 
as in former times, 

We pray and require, therefore, 
the representatives of the people in. 
the respective provinces, the coun- 
try of Drenthe and Batavian Bra- 
bant, to publish and affix our pre- 
sent proclamation in all places 
where it is the custom to make’ 
such publication and affixing: we 
order, at the same time, all and 
every one whom it may concern, 
to acknowledge the said national 
assembly as such, and to obey it - 
according to the act passed before ; 
and we inform by the present, the 
military as well as others, that as 
soon as this national assembly shall 
be solemnly constituted, they will 
pass immediately into the service 
of the said assembly, and will be 
obliged to pay it the same obedi- 
ence they have until now owed 
us: forasmuch as we declare, by 
our present proclamation, publicly 
and solemnly, that all authority 
which may have belonged to our 
assembly will then pass, with our 

consent, 


188] 


consent, into the hands of the 
above-named national assembly. 
Done and decreed in the above- 

mentioned assembly of the lords of 

the states general of the United 

Provinces, at the Hague, this 19th 

day of February, 1796. 

(Signed ) By order, 

Hougert, Vr. 
W. QUARLES. 


Proclamation of the Dutch National 
Convention for manning the Navy, 
published at the Hague, March 16. 


CITIZENS OF THE NETHERLANDS! 
Dear Countrymen, 

THE unjust and destructive war 
in which we have been involved — 
by the British ministry cannot but 
attract our whole attention. It is 
the first object of our solicitude, 
that by our courage and prudence 
in the conduct of it, we may pro- 
cure an honourable peace, firmly 
establish our freedom, and maintain 
the independence of the state, and 
the glory of our ancestors, Our 
navy, under divine providence, is 
the natural and only means to set 
bounds to the immeasureable inso- 
lence of the Briush ministry, and 
to defend our country against their 
treacherous conduct and cruel treat- 
ment. To this object the endea- 
vours of the best patriots have been 
uniformly directed since the time 
when our heavy chains were broken 
by the assistance of our French 
brethren, since the day when the 
Stadtholder left the Batavian shores, 
the day when we began to breathe 
a freer air, and were at liberty to 
exert ourselves for the improvement 
of the sources of our prosperity, 
our trade, our fisheries, our navi. 
gation, our colonies, and our ma. 
nufactures. By their navy, fellow~ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


citizens, did our ancestors become 
great. The Batavian flag was 
known, feared, and honoured, in 
each of the four quarters of the 
world. Under our late government 
it was insulted, and became the 
ridicule of nations. It is therefore 
our first duty to restore our marine. 
The zeal of the committee of ma- 
rine has done much, where nothing 
scarcely had before been done, 
Its exertions were incessant. ° But 
in the present state of our navy, al] 
hands seein to have lost the habits, 
and all hearts the inclination nes 
cessary for the service. ‘The Bata- 
vian youth are no longer accustom- 
ed to the labour requisite on board 
the armed fleets of their country. 
Is our nation then less brave, less 
indignant against its enemies; or 
do we less Jove our native land than 
in the time of a Ruyter or a Tromp? 
—No, fellow-citizens, no; far from 
us be such a thought! We rely 
with confidence on your patriotism, 
and cannot doubt but you will ace 
with vigour in the present critical 
situation of our country; for why 
should we conceal that such is our 
situation, when to make it known 
must procure the remedy? Our 
ships, which are very numerous, 
and more than sufficient to secure 
us a superiority in our seas, and to 
cut off from the enemy all supplies 
of provisions and stores from the 
north, and thus compel them to 
peace—our ships are in want of 
meu. The recruitings proceed with 
languor, and the measures hither- 
to taken have had little effect. 
Nor should this excite our wonder ; 
they were of a partial nature, and 
not In consequence of the expression 
of the will of the assembly, repre- 
sentative of the whole Batavian re- 
public. This will is now. made 

known ; 


. 


stituted authorities 


STATE PAPERS. 


known: supported by you it shall 
deliver our country, Letthe people 
be called together in all the towns 
and villages. of the Netherlands. 
Let the example of Haerlem be 
proposed to them; that town so 
zealous for liberty, that it has al~ 
ready raised two hundred young 
men for the navy. Let-all the con- 
remind the 
Batavian youth, that their country 
looks up to them for her defence ; 
they will not be deaf to her call. 
The time of oppression is past. The 
fleet of the republic is under the 
command of true patriots, who do 
not consider their comrades as 
slaves, but as fellow cilizens.— 
The attention of the representatives 
of the people will be continually 
directed to provide for the wants of 
the mariner, and they will consider 
the rewarding of heroism and faith- 
ful service, as the most pleasing part 
of their great Jabours, Let, there- 
fore, fathers exhort their sons; 
sisters, their brothers; and the 
people in general, the youth of the 
country, to acts of heroism, and 
to engage in the naval service, to 
maintain the honour of the Bata- 
vian flag, and defend their native 
land. When they shall thus nobly 
have fulfilled their duty, they will 
find their reward in our tender care 
for them and their relatives, in the 
approbation of every noble mind, 
and the congratulations and grati- 
tude of all their countrymen. 

Van ve CasTezELe. 


Manijesto against Great Britain, by 
the National Assembly representing 
the Batavian Nation. 


THE Batavian nation, once more 
unjustly attacked by the kingdom 
of Great Britain, has just taken up 


[189 


arms. This nation, so often ill 
treated, oppressed, trod upon, and 
pillaged, under the mask of friend- 
ship, new animated and excited by 
liberty, and at length breathing 
for the first time after so long an 
interval, resumes the primitive 
energy of its brave and valorous 
character, courageously rears its 
head, and will no longer suffer its 
prosperity to be undermined by en- 
vious neighbours. {t will no long~ 
er allow ‘itself to. be dragged in the 
dust ; and it will cease to be the 
sport of the infamous and ambitious 
ministers of England, who, by the 
dazzle of piratical treasures, blind 
the English nation, which fancies 
itself to be free, with respect to 
the terrible calamities they have 
brought on Europe, and on the 
whole of the human race. The 
Batavian people will defend their 
rights and their independence; 
they will save their country from 
the ruin by which it is threatened. 

Will Europe still doubt, that the 
Batavian republic has not rightfule 
ly drawn the sword from the 
sheath, when she is constrained to 
a just defence? Will Europe still 
doubt that the Batavian republic 
has been led to the very brink of 
utter destruction, by the disastrous 
policy of the same ministry? Will 
Europe still doubt that the regene- 
rated Batavian republic will not, 
with the help of its illustrious ally, 
vigorously repel the arrogant domi- 
nation of the English cabinet, and 
will not consolidate the liberty so 
dearly and perilously acquired, at 
the expence even of all by which 
she is interested ? 

When England attempted, by 
the force of arms, to subjugate her 
American colonies, which she had 
driven to a just insurrection, and 
3 when 


190] 


when the scourge of war extended 
to other empires the states general 
of the United Provinces were care- 
ful to observe a strict neutraiity ; 
they did not suffer Dutch vessels to 
transport any other commodities to 
America, those excepted which 
were declared free by the express 
terms of treaties. The most effica- 
cious precautions were carefully tak- 
en to prevent war-like stores from 
being conveyed to the American co- 
Jonies, as well as to prevent any frau- 
dulent commerce from being carried 
on with them ; precautions which did 
not a little shackle and injure our 
own commerce to the West Indies. 

It availed the republic, however, 
but little, to observe the conditions 
of treaties with exactness, as to 
what was by them prohibited; the 
English ministers consulting mere- 
ly their temporary convenience, 
went so far as to dispute what these 
very treaties allowed; they would 
not suffer the republic to enjoy 
those very advantages of treaty 
which England herself had enjoyed 
in a similar case; but violating the 
rights of nations, they condemned 
the cargoes as prizes to the crown, 
and employed ,the materials in the 
royal arsenals; other vessels were 
forfeited by the arbitrary sentences 
of partial courts of justice. The 
privateers and armed ships of 
England, seeing that their piracies 
were legalized, multiplied their 
depredations, and the merchant- 
vessels of Holland daily became 
the victims of their brutalities. 
Finally, the atrocities of the British 
ministers were carried to such a 
point, that they no longer respected 
the flag of the states, but carried 
a convoy of Dutch vessels into the 
ports of England, declaring ships 
richly laden to be lawful prizes, 
and violating, as well in Europe, 


ANNUAL REGISTER; 1796. 


as elsewhere, our neutral territory. 
The only mode which could be 
adopted to put a stop to these un- 
precedented injuries, without, 
however, breaking with the king- 
dom of Great ‘Britain, was employ- 
ed by their high mightinesses.— 
This mode consisted in joining 
with all possible speed the alliance 
of the three northern powers, con- 
certed by the empress of Russia, 
and destined to protect, by the force 
of arms, the rights of the neutral 


nations, each of them more or less 
violated by England. 

ir high mightinesses, we say, 
would have acceded to this treaty, 
had tot an obstacle been thrown 
in the way by the perfidious ma- 
chinations of the English cabinet. 
This was the signal which led 
England to break every tie, to dis- 
tribute letters of marque for mak- 
ing reprisals on the inhabitants 
of the republic and their possessions, 
and to declare open war against the 
United States. A ministry to 
which all means were alike, could 
not want pretexts for that purpose. 
It was not at the same time difficult 
for their high mightinesses to de« 
monstrate the frivolity of all these 
pretended grievances; but what 
purpose could this answer with a 
rapacious, obstinate, and unjust 
ministry, which was desirous to re- 
venge on a peaceable ally the loss 
of the British colonies, and to ap- 
pease, for a time at least, by the 
booty obtained by an unforeseen 
attack, the murmurs of the English 
nation ? 

It was soon after learned, that 
the squadrons and armed vessels of 
England captured, by virtue of or- 
ders already furnished, the Dutch 
vessels they fell in with beyond seas 
without the smallest suspicion on 
our Side; and against the faith of 

treaties« 


5 TAYT Eo PAP ERS: 


treaties. We learned the cruel 
manner in which the istand of St. 
Eustatia was devastated, by seizing 
on the possessions of the merchants, 
which, when collected, formed 
‘treasures ; while richly laden vessels 
returning from the ocean, were sur- 
prised unawares in the channel by 
small vessels, which readily. made 
them their prey. By such vile means, 
unworthy ofa generous nation, did 


‘the British ministers dishonour the 


flag of their king ; for can it be 
considered in any other point’ of 
view, than that of aéting, under 
the royal flag, the part of pirates ? 

The Batavian republic was at 
length, after so many losses, forced 
to provide for her defence, to main- 
tain her rights and independence 
by the dint ofarms, and to protect 
her commerce and her possessions. 
Ah! if she could then have com- 
bated under the banners of liberty, 
how would the English ministry 
have repented of its rashness and 
perfidy! But the English cabinet 
knew all its influence in this coun- 
try. It was aware that it could 
succeed in shackling within the re- 
public the preparations of war: it 
was certain of finding in Holland 
partizans who would contrive to 
put into his possession our ships of 
war, and who would find the means 
to prevent the display of all our 
strength. The event soon proved 
that the English ministers were not 
mistaken. They mocked our fee- 
ble efforts, which, even before 
they were carried into effect, 
were paralized in their outset b 


the adherents they had in this, 


country. These adherents suppli- 
‘ed them with intelligence of all 
that was concerting here, Sup- 
ported by the Stadtholderian influ- 
ence, they even contrived to render 


[194 


nugatory the orders given by their 
high mightinesses for the junction 
of the Batavian squadron with the 
French fleet. Jt was easy for the 
English ministry, after such tred= 
sons, to obtain successes in that 
war. And this is what they call 
glory! But when a particular oc- 
casion presented itself—when a 
fleet belonging to the states “acci« 
dentally met with an opportunity 
to display its courage and its valour 
the Batavian mariners, although 
novices in fighting, proved ‘that 
they had not degenerated from the 
bravery of their ancestors. They 
drove the English fleet, covered 
with confusion and shame, into 
its own port, without having lost 
one of the merchant vessels’ they 
had under convoy. . 

A war carried on in such a way 
necessarily terminated in a treaty of 
peace burthensome to the States. 
Instead of being indemnified for 
the incalculable losses they had 
sustained in their commerce, they 
considered themselves as fortunate 
to be enabled by the speedy assist- 
ance of the French forces, which 
checked the English in the two 


‘Indies, to save apart of their pos- 


sessions ; while they found them- 
selves obliged to yield to the enemy 
the important faétory of Negapat- 
nam on the coast of Coromandel ; 
and to allow toBritish vessels the free 
navigation of the coasts of the Mo- 
lucca islands, notwithstanding it 
might have been foreseen that the 
navigation of the English in those 
seas would tend to nothing less than 
the complete destruction of our 
trade in the East Indies. 

We shall not enter into details 
concerning what passed in the see 
quel, when the Batavian nation, 
seeing how much its interests were 

constantly 


192 


constantly every where sacrificed 
to those of its ancient rival, even 
by the persons appointed to defend 
its rights, meditated a fundamental 
regeneration in the form of the go- 
wernment. We shall not retrace 
how England, knowing that the 
limitation of the scandalous usur- 
pation of power and influence, 
on the part of the Stadtholder, 
would also diminish its influence 
in this republic. How, we say, 
the British ministry, far from inter- 
ceding for the Batavian nation, or 
coming to itssuccour, when legions 
of foreign troops seized on these 
countries, commiiting the most 
atrocious disorders, pillages, and 
violences, considered, on the con- 
trary, this devastation and this op- 
pression with a malignant satisfac- 
tion; and concurred, when the 
mischief was completed, in gua- 
ranteeing, in a solemn manner, the 
system of a tyranny which resulted 
from it. : 

When the French nation, wearied 
with the insupportable tyranny 
of kings, shook off its yoke, and 
formed itself into an independent 
republic, the British ministers 
thought that they could not have 
a better opportunity to dismember 
a part of that fine empire. They 
accordingly, united in the treaty 
concluded at Pilnitz, on the 27th 
of August, 1791, by the princes 
of Germany. The French republic, 
well knowing that that of the 
United Provinces of the Nether- 
lands would be constrained by 
England to take a part in this plot 
against its liberty, declared war 
against the British ministers, as well 
as against their subject William V. 
stadtholder of the Seven United 
Provinces, and his partizans,—It 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


is thus that the Batavian nation 
was once more drawn against its 
will into this bloody war by its de- 
pendence on those same ministers : 
its treasures were lavished, and its 
arsenals nearly emptied, to aid the 
extravagant ‘plans of Pitt and his 
cabal. Auxiliary English troops 
were sent to this republic, and 
when a defeat, sustained near the 
Meuse by a part of the French 
army, had procured a momentary 
advantage, the army of the States 
was forced to pass the limits of our 
frontiers, and those of France, and 
to wage an offensive war on the 
French territory. Soon, bowever, 
the viétorious French repulsed their 
enemies on all sides, and from day 
to day the armies of Engiand and 
the States retrograded towards our 
frontiers. The republic found 
itself on the brink of its ruin, 
since appearances pointed out that 
the theatre of war would be re- 
moved to the very heart of its 
provinces, and all the country 
inundated, Never were the States 
in so critical a position since the 
war with Spain ; but this danger 
brought about their deliverance ; 
Provitience defeated the perfidious 
plans of its enemies, who were 
desirous rather that the republic 
should be destroyed than that it 
should be free. When the frost 
permiited the crossing of the rivers, 
the valorous French. troops drove 
before them the English bands 
with so much speed, that the latter 
had not time to effeét their infernal 
design; they fled, but their road 
was traced by fire and pillage. It 
was nothing but their speedy and 
precipitate retreat that preserved 
the republic from a total devasta- 
tion. We soon witnessed the ex- 
traordinary 


§-TiA Teh IP A P. ERS: 


traordinary spectacle which the 
_ citizens presented on all sides, hold 
‘ing out. their arms to their con- 
| querors as to their only deliverers. 
7 We saw the allied troops sack and 
| pluni:er, and those who were called 
our enemies respect public and 
private properties. 
It was thus that the Netherlands 
were delivered from their most 
- dangerous enemies» ‘The © stadt- 
holder abandoned, in a dastardly 
¥ way, his country and his_ friends, 
; and sought an asylum at the court 
of the king of England. ‘The 
_ standard of ‘liberty was planted in 
all places, while the French re- 
_ public declared the Batavian nation 
free, and re-established it in its 
_ ‘primitive nghts. 
__ , The British ministers, enraged at 
seeing this republic still exist with- 
: out being in their hands, attempted 
at least to destroy it another way, 
‘ by totally undermining its extensive 
_ commerce. Upwards of one hun. 
_ dred ships, the greater -part richly 
Jaden, which, either through foul 
- winds, or as a measure of precau- 
tion, had sought shelter in British 
ports, as well as several Dutch 
ships of war, were laid under em- 
 bargo, as if to prevent them from 
falling into the hands. of the 
rench. Their high mightinesses, 
is trae, sent commissioners 
‘ Lendon to claim them, de- 
_Monstrating, by the most solid 
proofs, that the Batavian republic 
was. no longer under the dominion 
of France, since the solemn decla- 
_ ration of its independence, and that 
England ought to conduct. itself 
towards the Batavian nation, as to- 
wards a free people; they added, 
that the Dutch merchants would 
not risque the entry of their vessels 
into the ports of the republic, if it 
Vou. XXXVIII. 


[193 


was for no other purpose than to 
surrender them to the French. 
The British ministers had, however; 
already made up their minds to ap 
propriate this booty to themselves ; 
and to augment it, they dissemi« 
nated on all sides false rumours 
touching tbe situation of affairs in 
this country, to the end that they 
might, in the same way, allure into 
their ports the merchant vessels be= 
longing to the republic; which 
were still at seas They have since 
entirely violated the rights of na- 
tions; and all the Dutch vessels, 
tormiich . his majesty the king of 
Great Britain had granted his high 
protection, were, in violation ‘of 
the treaty of Breda, perfidiously 
declared lawful captures. 

But what puts the seal to the 
acts ‘of hostility and bad faith 
which the present British ministers 
have exercised against this republic, 
is the treacherous mode in which 
they have endeavoured to make 
themselves masters of her colonies. 
For this purpose they sent letters, 
signed by the Prince of Orange, and 
dated at Kew, the 7th of Feb. 1795, 
to’ several of the colonies of the 
republic of the Netherlands in the 
Exst Indies and to the Cape of 
Good Hope. In these letters, this 
perfidious and ci-devant minister 
and commander in chief of these 
States, after having abandoned all 
his posts, ordered, on his individual 
authority, the respective governors 
to put the colonies of the States 
under the protection of the British 
arms; that is to Say, in the artful 
and customary language of the 


English ministry, to surrender 
them to England. Notwithstands 


ing this felonious stratagem bas 
failed in the greater. part of the 
colonies, through th¢ fidelity of 

O their 


194] 


their governors, it: was impossible 
to preveat the Cape of God Hope 
from falling into the hands of 
the English ; and several important 
possessions of these States, in the 
Kast Indies, have shared the same 
fate. 

While all this was taking place, 
the British ministry conceived the 
plan of attacking also by land this 
free republic, and of employing tor 
that purpose those soldiers, who, 
being more attached to the prince 
of Orange than to their country, 
emigrated on the flattering pro- 
mises of England.—The fugitives 
were not only well received in the 
States of his Britannic Majesty in 
Germany, but were even kept in 
the pay of England; and if the de- 
sertion of the greater part of the 
army of the republic could have 
been brought about, there is no 
doubt but they would have been 
Jed against their country under 
English commanders, for 
purpose of renewing here, if the 
fact were possible, the scenes of 
1787: of kindling up, as in La 
Vendée, a disastrous civil war, and 
of thus destroying the Batavian 
republic by intestine commotions. 

Is it therefore surprising that the 
Ratavian nation, now free, seeks 
to reinforce itself against such un- 
precedented and numerous out- 
rages, by an intimate alliance with 
a republic which snatched it from 
the gripes of its enemies? A treaty 
of peace and alliance was accord- 
ingly concluded at the Hague, on 
the 16th of May, 1795, between 
the two free republics of France 
and Holland. That treaty of mu- 
tual defence by which the inde- 
pendent Batavian nation, supported 
by a powerful neighbour, and un- 
shakeu by the influence of a foreign 

‘ 


the. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


minister, will be put into a con- 
dition to employ for the future its. 
forces against its aggressors, and of 
paying them in their own coin, 
has also been cemented. 

His majesty, the king of Great 
Britain, after so many _ hostilities 
have been exercised, was at length 
pleased to proclaim, on the 19th of 
September, 1795, by his council of 
state, a manifesto of war against 
the republic, but in which no 
ground of complaint was alledged. 
His majesty, it is true, says in this 
manifesto, ‘‘that for some time 
divers acts of outrage, contrary to 
the honour of his majesty’s crown, 
and of the legitimate rights of his 
subjects, had been committed in 
the United Provinces, and that the 
ships of war which sailed from the 
ports of the United Provinces, had 
received orders to take and sink all 
British vessels.” The actscontrary 
to the honour of his majesty’s crown, 
which have been committed in the 
Netherlands, are the acts of his ma- 
jesty’s own troops, and the English 
nation will, undoubtedly, sooner 
or later, punish their authors; and 
with respect to the orders given to 
the ships of war of the republic, to 
repel violence by violence, has not 
the independent republic, so cru- 
elly treated, a right of resistance? 
His majesty had forgotten that the 
Netherlands were no lounger under 
the stadtholderian yoke, and that 


his majesty’s ministers had Jost for’ 


ever, as we trust, for the safety of 
the country, all influence over the 
independent Batavian republic. 

It is, therefore, with a perfect 
confidence in that love of the 
country, in that energy, and in 
that courage with which liberty 
alone can inspire a nation, for a 
long time insulted and SEprerss 

that 


Sis TRIPs PERS. 


_ that the independent Batavian na- 
tion solemnly declares in the face 
ofEurope, through the organ of 
its legitimate representatives, that, 
obliged to defend itself against the 
acts of perfidy and violence of the 
neighbouring kingdom of Great 
Britain, it will repel every act of 
aggression on its liberty, its inde- 
pendence, its rights, and its legi- 
timate possessions; and thatit will 
put in execution all possible means 
to receive satisfaction and indem- 
nity for the incalculable losses it 
has sustained through a perfidious 
ally :—in the firm hope that Divine 
Providence, who has so miracu- 
lously preserved this country from 
a total ruin, will bless its arms, 
and will not alluw violence and 
oppression ever to fix their fatal 
abode on its free territory. 
Done at the Hague, May 2, 1796, 
second year of Batavian tree- 
dom. 


Manifesto of Spain against Great 
Britain. 
Madrid, October 11, 

IS Majesty bas transmitted to 
all his councils a decree of the fol- 
lowing tenor : 

One of the principal motives that 
determined me to make peace with 
the French republic, as soon as 
its government had begun to as- 
sume a regular and stable form, 
was the manner in which Eng- 
land behaved to me during the 
whole of the war, and the just 
mistrust which I ought to feel for 
the future from the experience of 
her bad faith, which began to be 
manifested at the most critical mo- 
ment of the first campaign ; in the 
manner with which Admiral Hood 
treated my squadron at Toulon, 
where he was employed solely in 


[195 


ruining all that he could not carry 
away himself; and afterwards in 
the expedition which he undertook 
against the island of Corsica—an 
expedition which he undertook 
without the knowledge, and which 
he concealed with the greatest 
care from Don Juan de Langara, 
while they were together at Tou- 
lon. 

This same bad faith the English 
minister has suffered clearly to ap- 
pear by his silence upon the sub- 
ject of all his negociations with 
other powers, particularly in the 
treaty concluded on the 19th No- 
vember, 1794, with the United 
States of America, without any 
regard to my rights, which were 
well known to him. I remarked 
it again in his repugnance to the 
adoption of my plans and ideas 
which might accelerate the termi- 
nation of the war, and in the vague 
reply which lord Grenville gave 
to my ambassador, the Marquis del 
Campo, when he demanded suc 
cours of him to continue it. He 
completely confirmed me in the 
certainty of his bad faith, by the 
injustice with which he appropri- 
ated the rich cargo of the Spanish 
ship le St. Jago, or Achille, at 
first taken by the French, and af- 
terwards retaken by the English 
squadron, and which ought to have 
been restored to me according to 
the convention made between my 
Secretary of Ssate and Lord St. 
Helens, ambassador from his Bri- 
tannic Majesty; afterwards by the 
detention of all the ammunition 
which arrived in the Dutch ships 
for the supply of my squadrons, by 
affecting always different difficul- 
ties to put off the restitution of 
them. Finally, I could no longer 
entertain a doubt of the bad faith 

O02 of 


196] 


of England, when I learnt the 
frequent landing from her ships 
upon the coasts of Chili, in 
order to (carry on a _ contra- 
band trace, and to reconnoitre the 
shore under the pretence | of 
fishing for whales, a_ privilege 
which she pretended to have grant« 
ed her by the convention of 
Nootka. Such were the proceed- 
ings of the British minister to ce- 
ment the ties of friendship and re- 
viprocal confidence, which he had 
engaged to maintain according to 
eur convention of the 25th May, 
1793." 

Since I have made peace with 
the Frénch Republic, not only 
have [I had stronger motives for 
supposing an intention on the part 
of England to aitack my possessions 
in America, but I have also re- 
ceived direct insults, -which per- 
suade me that the Enghsh minister 
wishes to oblige me to adopt a 
. part contrary to the interests of hu- 
manity, torn by the bleody war 
which ravages Europe, for the tere 
mination of which I have not 
ceased to offer my good offices, 
and to testify my constant soli« 
citude. 

In fact, England has developed 
her intentions, has ciearly evinced 
her projeé of getting possession of 
my territories, by sending to the 
Antilles a considerable force, and 
particularly destined against St. 
Domingo, as the proclamations of 
her general in that island clearly 
demonstrate. She has also made 
known, her intentions by the esta- 
blishments’ which her commercial 
companies have formed upon the 
banks of the Missouri, in South 
America, with a design of pene- 
trating through those countries to 
the South Sea. Finally, by the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


conquest which she has made of the 
colony of Demerary, belonging to 
the Dutch, and whose advantages 
ous position puts her in a condition © 
to get possession of posts sull more 
rmportant. 

But there can no longer remain 
any doubt of the hostile nature of 
these projects, when I consider the 
frequent insults to my flag, the 
aéts of violence committed in the 
Mediterranean. by her frigates, 
which have carried away soldiers 
coming from Genoa to Barcelona, 
on board Spanish ships to coms 
plete my armies; the piracies and 
vexations which the Corsican and 
Anglo«Corsican corsairs, protected 
by the English government of that | 
island, exercise against the Spanish 
trade in the Mediterranean, and 
even upon the coasts of Catalonia, 
and the detention of different 
Spanish ships, laden with Spanish 
property, and carried to England, 
under the most frivolous pretences, 
and especially the rich cargo of the 
Spanish ship the Minerva, on which 
an embargo was laid in the most 
insulting manner to my flag, and 
the removal of which could not be 
obtained, though it was demon- 
strated before the competent tri- 
bunals that this rich cargo was 
Spanish property. 

The attack committed upon my 
ambassador, Don Simon de las 
Casas, by a tribunal of London, 
which decreed his arrest, founded 
upon the demand of a very small 


sum, which was claimed by the 


undertaker of an embarkation. 
Finally, the Spanish territory has 
been violated in an_ intolerable 


manner upon the coasts of Galicia, 
and Alicant, by the English ships 
the Cameleon and the Kanguroo. 
Moreover, Captain George Vaughan 
3 commodore 


STATE, PAPERS 


commodore of the Alarm, behaved 
in a manner equally insolent and 
scandalous in the island of Trinidad, 
where he landed with drums beat- 
ing and flags flying, to attack the 
French, and to avenge the injuries 
which he pretended to have re- 
ceived, disturbing, by the viola- 
tion of the rights of my sovereignty 
the tranquillity of the inhabitants of 
the island. 

By all these insults, equally deep 
and unparalleled, that nation has 
proved to the universe, that she 
recognizes no other laws than the 
aggrandisement of her commerce ; 
and by her despotism, which has 
exhausted my patience and mode- 
ration, she has forced me, us well to 
support the honour of my crown, 
as to protect my people against her 
attacks, to declare war against the 
Kirlg of England, his kingdom and 
vassals, and to give orders to take 
the necessary measures for the de- 
fence of my domains and my sub- 
. jeéts, and to repulse the enemy. 

Signed by the King, and the Se- 

cretary of the Gouna of War. 
Done at the Palace of St Lau- 
renzo, Oct. 5, 1796. 

On Saturday, the 8th of October, 
war was proclaimed at Madrid in 
the usual form. 


Letter of General Beaulieu, sent to 
the Genuese Government on enter- 
ing the Genoese Territory. 
~ Head Quarters, March 30, 1796. 
Most Serene Republic, 

THE circumstances of the war, 
and, above ali, the insolence of an 
enemy whose unjust pretensions 
know no bounds, compel me, at 
length, to enter your territory, 
with a part of that force which has 
been entrusted to my command by 
his Lmperial Majesty, 


[197 


Iam persuaded, that after what 
has passed at Genoa, your Republie 
will consider the Imperial troops as 
friends. Far be it that they should 
do you the least injury ; their ob. 
ject is only to prevent the enemies 
of good order from invading your 
states, the defence of which 1s com- 
mitted to me. 

The republic may be assured that 
IT shall consider its territories as a 
friendly country, and that the 
strictest discipline shall be main- 
tained. All provisions, wood, and 
straw, shall be paid for in ready 
money. I require only quarters 
and a free passage for my troops ; 
and I trust the most Serene Repub- 
lic will issue proper orders that 
the troops of his Imperial Majesty 
may meet with no obstacle, and 
that every occasion of dispute may 
be avoided. 

(Signed) Baron Beau rev, 
General of Artillery. 


Address of the French Minister Fay- 
poult, at Genoa. 
Mos: Serene Doge, 

THE executive direétory of the 
French Republic have made choice 
of me to reside at the Republic of 
Genoa in quality of minister pleni- 
potentiary. 

On their part I assure the most 
serene government of Genoa, of 
the lively interest the Republic of 
France takes in the prosperity and 
salety of the Genvese nation. 

This sentiment is merely the 
consequence of the natural and re« 
ciprocal esteem of two people sige 
nalised by their courage and en- 
ergy in the defence, and for the 
recovery of their liberty.” Other 
powerful considerations ought to 
contribute to cement for ever ‘the 
good harmony that subsists between 

O08 Genoa 


198] 


Genoa and France, the proximity 
of the two countries, the indus- 
trious aétivity of the inhabitants, 
the antiquity of their commer- 
cial and political conneétion, and, 
in fine, the remarkable situation of 
the Genoese territory, bordering on 
two nations who have long medi- 
tated to divide it between them, 
and France who could reap no ad- 
vantage in aggrandizement at her 
expence. 

‘The Genoese nation, and its most 
serene government, may rely on a 
constant succession of good offices 
on the part of the French nation, 
and reciprocally the French nation 
has a right to expect a Joyal 
and sincere return on the part 
of tke most serene government of 
Genoa. They havea right to think 
the latter will never give protection 
to those perfidious French, who 
are the contempt of the whole 
universe, to those emigrants who 
cowardly fled their country to 
conspire against it. The executive 
direétory feel the full extent of 
the duty imposed on them by the 
confidence of a great nation, from 
a free, a generous, and magnani- 
mous people. . 

The executive directory are 
about to.crush the remains of those 
enemies who disturb the tranquil- 
lity of France, while their ener- 
getic measures have already gua- 
ranteed to Kurope their immovable 
stability, and announce to all that 
the national power confided to them, 
ought and will be faithful and sin- 
cerein respect to foreign nations. 

Truth and justice are the only 
basis of their diplomatica. In 
fine, they trust they are worthy of 
that greatness and national gene- 
yosity, not merely to limit their 
cares to the interest of France 


ANNUALREGISTER, 1796. 


alone, but also to extend’them to 
the happiness of those nations 
which have shewn themselves the 
sincere friends of ithe French. 
They may henceforward regard 
their equity and power, as forming 
the tutelary guide of their preser- 
vation. 

I have the honour to present my 
credentials to the most Serene 
Doge, and to assure him, that in 
the exercise of my function, I shall 
ever be animated with an ardent 
desire to be personally agreeable 
to the serene government of Genoa, 
and to obtain the confidence and 
the esteem of the Genoese nation. 


Copy of the Note of the Envoy Ex- 
traordinary and Plenipotentiary of 
the French Republic, dated 22. 
Messidor (July 10), fourth year, to 
the Secretary of State. 

FOR several days past movements 
have manifested themselves among 
the inhabitants of Genoa and its 
environs, the cause of which could 
not escape the undersigned, because 
it is injurious to the French Repub- 
lic. It is falsely insinuated to the 
people, that the French wish to 
take away their property, their 


‘arms, their churches. 


Under: the eyes of the most se- 
rene government the priests deviate | 
from the spirit of peace, which 
should be peculiarly charicteristic 
of their speeches and actions ; they 
inflame the imaginations of the 
people by religious ceremonies, 
grounded on the danger which the 
Genoese nation is supposed to run. 
The women collect in great num- 
bers, and repair in crowds to the 
churches, praying Heaven to pro- 
tect them against the banditti who 
are come from the mountains, 
These movements have been di- 

2 rected 


; SSA Tet PA PERS. 


rected against the French, in such’ 


a manner, that last Wednesday, 
July 6, a band of women assailed, 
on the bridge of Lavignano, two 
Frenchmen, who were peaceably 
taking a sketch of the bridge. 

The undersigned cannot believe 
that the most serene government 
is provoking by any particular 
measure this alarm, which has no 
foundation, since the French Re- 
public is the friend of nations 
that are at peace with her; since 
she respects their liberty, their 
commerce, and their property. 
_ These truths must be demonstrated 
to the senate of Genoa ; and it can 
not but be by some base perfidy 
that the instigators of the present 
ferment speak to the people of the 
just fate of Arquata, and divers 
places which the insurrection in 
Lombardy had changed into dens 
of assassins and robbers. 

As it is important to stop in its 
growth an evil which might prove 
fatal in. its consequences, the un- 
dersigned requests the most serene 
government to take the measuresin 
its power to undeccive the people, 
respecting the false impressions en- 
deayoured to be made on them. 
The men who mislead them are 
known; the Genoese government 
ean no longer suffer their plots and 
insolent declamations against the 
French, without offending the 
French Republic, and becoming 
responsible for the misfortunes 
which might attend upon a reci- 
procal irritation of minds. It ought 
to deprive the impostors of the fa- 
eulty of deceiving, by all the ex- 
aggerations which they do not cease 
to devise and to circulate, by in- 
forming the people of the demands 
which General Buonaparte and 
he undersigned have really ad- 


[199 


dressed to the senate, and of the 
general motives on which they were 
founded. 

The undersigned begs the most 
serene government to communi- 
cate to him the effective measures 
which, in its wisdom, it shall 
resolve on, to prevent the conse-~ 
quences of the present ferment, in 
order that he may beable to ac- 
quaint the Executive Directory, 
and the general of the army of 
Italy, with its real dispositions, 

(Signed) Fayroutt. 


Letter from the Commissary Direce 
tor Sucy, tothe Commandant of 
Fort La Lauterne. 

St. Pierre d’ Arena, 25 Fructidor. 

Sir, 

THE agents of the government 
here have guaranteed our landing 
goods in the harbour of St. Pierre 
d’Arena, nevertheless two English 
sloops have gone out of port, and 
passed before your post, in order to . 
carry off our vessel, and it was not 
till the sloops were at a distance 
with their prize that you’ com- 
menced firing, which you did not 
keep up, and which you discon- 
tinued when the English ships 
were within reach. Yet you can- 
not be ignorant of the fact, because 
we fired more than thirty times be- 
fore you were disposed to oppose 
this violation of neutrality. 

You will, Sir, acknowledge the 
receipt of the present, 

(Signed) S. Sucy. 
BBP Loy, 
Commissary Director, 

THE commandant of Fort Lau- 
terne has the honour to acquaint 
you that he could never have ima- 
gined that the English sloops of 
war which came out of the har- 

04 bour 


400] 


bour would be guilty of a violation 
of neutrality, and the rather, as 
they had given their word of ho- 
hour not to make reprisals for 24 
hours after their departure; and 
éven then not within cannon shot 
of the garrison. 

For these reasons I could not in. 
terdict the departure of the sloop 
alluded to from this harbour. 

As soon as | received the ac« 
counts of ‘the violence committed 
on the French tartan, I gave di- 
rections for my batteries to pre- 
vent the accomplishment of the 
attempt began on the said tartan, 

.and at the same time to maintain 
our neutrality. 

If the effect of these directions 
has not answered my expectation, 
the miscarriage is not to be ascrib- 
ed to any neglect of mine. 

1 have the honour to be, 

With the most sincere esteem, 
sit, 
Your obedient humble servant, 
Bepian1, Lieutenant-colonel. 
Fort Lauterne, 12th Sept. 1796. 


Letter from his Excellency M. Bar- 
thelemy, Ambassador of the French 
epublic, to the Burgomasters, 
Chief Megistrates, Landantman, 
and Council of the Twelve Sziss 

Cantons. 

Magnificent lords, 

THE- executive directory having 
thought proper to renew the cre- 
,dentials of several of the envoys 
of the French republic to foreign 
powers, has just transmitted to me 
those by which it has been pleased 
to accredit ‘me ‘to the very respec- 
table Helvetic body, in quality of 
‘ambassador of the French republic. 
T’enclose them in this. 

I ‘flatter ‘myself, ‘magnificent 
Tords,thattheknowledge'you already 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


have of my sentiments for all the 

members of the illustrions Helve. 

tic confederation, will leave you 
no doubt of my zeal to cultivate 
the confidence of which you have 
already given me such satisfactory 
proofs ; and | also hope, magnifi- 
cent lords, that you will be per- 
suaded beforehand, that, as the | 
faithful interpreter of the constant- 

ly amicable dispositions of the 

French government to your coun. 

try, I shall not cease to exert my- 

self zealously in concurring to the 
success of its views, in whatever 
may be the best calculated to streng- 
then the indissoluble ties which 
constitute the happiness of the two 
nations, and to secure the tran- 
quillity and prosperity of the Hel- 
vetic body. 

i pray God, &c.: 

(Signed) BarTHELEMY. 

Basle, March 2, 1796. 

Letter of the Executive Directory 
tothe Highly Respectable Helve- 
tic Body. 

Very dear, great a allies, 

and confederates, 

THE wish we entertain to keep 
up and cultivate a friendship and 
good understanding with you, in-" 
duces us to appoint citizen Bar- 
thelemy to reside in Switzerland in 
quality of ambassador of the 
French republic. 

The knowledge we have of the 
principles and sentiments of citi- 
zen Barthelemy, authorises us to 
think that ‘the choice we have 
made of bim to fill this important 
post, cannot but be agreeable to 
yeu. It is with this persuasion 


that we pray you, very dear great 


friends, allies, and confederates, 
to grant him a full confidence in» 
whatever he may be charged to say 
to you from us, and more particu- 
iarly 


SiTAAUT EP iB ALP, B RB, 


larly when he shall express to you 
- our wishes for the prosperity of the 
Helvetic body, our anxiousness to 
concur in whatever may contribute 
to its satisfaction, and tq strengthen 
the bonds which unite the two re- 
4 publics. 
* Given at Paris, vader the seal of 
the French republic, 15 Pluviose, 
fourth year of the French republic, 
one and indivisible. 
Revuswet, President. 
By the executive directory. 
The secretary general. 
La Garoe. 
By the minister of external relations, 
Cu. Denacrorx. 


_ Declaration of the Executive Direc- 
tory, dated Paris the 16th Germinal 
(5th April) to the Senate of Basle. 
THE executive directory is cre- 
dibly informed, that last year a 
Fre was formed to attack the 
rench frontiers, by marching the 

- corps of emigrants commanded by 
the prince of Conde, first into the 
Frickthal, and from thence through 
the territory from Basle, against 
the department of the Upper 
Rhine, the Mont-terrible, Doubs, 
*and Jura; that this plan, so far from 
being laid aside, is again resum- 
_ ed; and that preparations are ac- 
tually making to carry it into ef. 
fect. This plan is supported" by 
- several inhabitants of Switzerland, 
_ who employ all their interest and 
influence to facilitate its execu- 
tion. The known sentiments of 
Several magistgates of Basle, and 
other inhabitants of note, are by 
no means qualified to appease the 
Solicitude of the directory on this 
head, it being notorious that they 
treat with as much aversion the 
friends of the French republic, as 

_ they shew predilection for what- 


[201 


ever concerns the Imperial armies, 
and the interest of the emperor. 

Thus it must be supposed, that 
if, in the execution of that 
plan, the enemy violated the 
territory of the canton-of Basle, 
the magistrates who compose the 
government of this city would 
endeavour, by pleading the im- 
possibility of resistance, to ward off 
the consequences of the violated 
neutrality of the canton ; of course, 
there does not exist at present, suf. 
ficient security that its neutrality 
will be respected. Under these 
circumstances, the directory finds 
itself obliged to declare to the ma- 
gistrates of the city and canton of 
Basle, that, unless they, adopt vi- 
goreus, sufficient, and unsuspicious 
measures for the defence of their 
own territory, “and the mainte- 
nance of the respect due to their 
neutrality, # is resolved to take 
every step that shall be requisite for 
the protection of the frontier de- 
partments against every kind of in- 
sult ; and the directory renders them 
answerable forall the unhappy con- 
sequence that may result from the 
military operations which circum- 
stances may require. 


Letter from the Sovereign Council of 
Basle to his Excellency M. Barthe- 
lemy, Ambassador from the French 
Republic in Switzerland. 


WE have received, with your 
excellency’s letter of the 16th Ger- 
ninal, (5th April) a paper, coming 
from the executive directory, and 
as it appears extracted from their 
registers—we pass over this unu- 
sual form, because if is to be sup. 
posed that it was through mistake 
that the paper was so transmitted, 
tous, and that without doubt the 

intention 


902] 


intention of the directory was sole- 
ly to transmit to us, through the 
medium of the minister for foreign 
affairs, the result of their delibera- 
tions. But if the form surprised 
us, the contents of the paper ex- 
cited our surprise in a much great- 
er degree ; of this our reply will 
convince your excellency. 

The executive directory an- 
nounce to us, that the corps of emi- 
grants meditates an invasion of our 
territory. It does not belong to 
us to call in question the proofs 
which the directory say they have 
received ; we shall confine our- 
selves to observe, that at the open- 
ing of each campaign mention has 
always been made of a project of 
this kind, and that nevertheless it 
has never been carried into execu- 
tion ; so that we are still to know, 
whether the reports that are spread 
are merely a trick of war, or whe- 
ther such a design has been re- 
nounced cither from the uncer- 
tainty of decisive success, or the 
want of accordance with other 
events that were to concur with it ; 
or finally whether, and much more 
probably, it be because the em- 
peror, faithful to his engagement 
to respect our neutrality, has for- 
bidden the peace of an indepen- 
dent people to be disturbed, who 
for several ages, contented with 
their limits, have taken no part 
in the dissensions of the great 
powers of Europe. In short, we 
can assure you that at present the 
danger, if danger does exist, does 
aot appear to be imminent. ‘The 
corps of emigrants is at too great 
a distance from our frontiers; it does 
not form a sufficient force to dare 
to attempt an invasion, and we do 
not perceive yet preparations which 
are the forerunners of hostilities, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


and indispensable to the execution 
of hostilites, 

Thesecond point of the note of 
the executive directory concerns 
the defence of our territory and 
the demand of a sufficient gua- 
rantee. No people can givesuch a 
guarantee. If belligerent powers, 
with their fortresses, their arms, 
their efforts in every sensc,. can- 
not procure the guarantee, that 
their territory shall not be vio- 
lated, much less can a_ neutral 
state procure and assemble forces, 
whose mass would perhaps afford 
more umbrage than it would in- 
spire security. Besides the ex- 
pence of such a force, and the 
provisions that it would require, 
are above our means, which 
the circumstances of the times 
weaken more and more. But there 
is another kind of guarantee, which 
we deem more sure than a great 
assemblage of troops ; it is the 


firm resolution of all the govern. - 


ments of Switzerland, not to de_ 
part from the principles of neu. 
trality which they have inherited 
from their ancestors, and of which 
all our neighbours havea positive 
conviction ; it is the sacred word 
which the members of the Helve- 
tic body, either separately or uni- 
ted, in solemn diet, have given. 
It is the local difficulties that would 


attend a passage through our terri- 
ritory, without being exposed to — 


a certain loss from the measures 
of prudence, which the attacked 
canton might take, and without 
renouncing every hope of retreat, 
by thearrival of contingents from 
our confederates as zealous te 
avenge the outrages offered to 
neutrality, as religious in the ob- 
servance of the duties of neutrality. 
It is the dispositions taken to be 

warned 


~- a 3 3 = 


a 


es = Ss 


STA T.E? PAP ERS. 


warned in time of every species of 
danger, to circulate the alarm, and 
‘to be in a condition even to repel 
‘and punish aggression when the 
‘danger should have made its ap- 
pearance. Finally, it is the ex- 
perience and the success of those 
dispositions, during four years of 
a@ war the most bloody of which 
modern history has preserved the 
remembrance. 

We proceed to the accusations, 
which the executive directory have 
made against certain magistrates and 
private persons of our canton and of 
the other states of the Helvetic 
body. So vague an accusation, 
and of such a kind, is probably 
without example. ‘The moral per- 
son of the sovereign in republics 

is manifested only by resolutions 
emanating from the council of the 
state, and not from the particular 
opinions of individuals ; and what- 
ever be the difference of opinion 
amongst the latter, there is a first 
opinion, which is as general as it 
js essential and fundamental; itis the 
‘love of our country, and the deep 
and universal conviction, that neu- 
trality is the basis of our political 
existence: It unites all minds, all 
counsels, all governments. We 
invite the executive directory to 
consider here only the assembly. We 
are to be gained by proceedings of 
‘justice, benevolence, and friend- 
ship ; our hearts are* to be alienat- 
ed by indefinite reproaches and 
random suspicions. What if these 
suspicions should perhaps be found- 
ed only on documents, dictated by 
men, whose reprehensible views 
either of vengeance or malevo- 
lence, of ambition or cupidity, 
should have led them to exaggerate 
what is insignificant, to blacken 
what is bnnocent ; and to disguise 
what our political aétions in their 


[203 


true point of view would disclose ? 

Finally, the executive diredory 
render us responsible for the fata} 
efleéts which may result from mi- 
litary operations. Governments, 
we know, are responsible for the 
faults which they commit with 
the intention of violating their 
duties. But tranquillized by our 
principles, and proud of the sense 
of the purity and equity of our 
measures, we accept this responsi- 
bility. We are one for all in the 
bosom of our councils, and it is in 
the same sense that we rely not 
only upon all our own resources, 
but upon all the members of the 
Helvetic confederation. ‘Respon. 
sibility can only alarm those who 
breaking the ties which have unit. 
ed for several ages the tWo na- 
tions, should prepare evils of which 
human prudence cannot calculate 
the issue to their authors. 

Very different sentiments have 
animated your excellency during 
the course of your pzinful mission. 
The executive directory have tes- 
tified in the renewal of your cre- 
dentials their just and honourable 
satisfaction. We have no doubt 
that they will receive with favour- 
able dispositions the answer which 
we have the honour to address to 
your excellency, after baving deli« 
berated in concert with the Hel- 
vetic representatives. 

We pray God to take you into 
his holy and powerful keeping. 

(Signed) ‘The burgomasters and 
council of the city 
and canton of Basle. 

Basle, April 9, 1796. 


‘Letter of M. Barthelemy, Ambassa- 


dor from the French Republic, to 
the Canton of Basle, 20th Eloreul, 
(May 9), 1796, Fourth Year of 
the French Republic. 

Magnificent 


204,| 


Magnificent Lords, 
THE orders of the executive di- 
rectory of the French republic 
oblige me to recall the attention of 
your honourable canton to the cir- 
cumstances and motives which 
dictated the declaration of the di- 
rectory, I was charged to transmit 
to you, on the 16th of Germinal 
last: ‘The answer you have made 
has not been such as was expect- 
ed. Charged with the care of the 
defence of the territory of the re- 
public, and of its glory, the exe- 
cutive directory was bound to look 
forward to events, and to render 
abortive, by denouncing to you, 
the projects of the enemies’ of 
France, and of its republican con- 
stitution. It was bound to invite 
you to take measures capabie of 
removing its apprehensions, and 
making its neutrality respected ; 
and it has demanded of you what 
were these measures. 

If the terms of its declaration 
were severe, it was because the 
object of it was serious: it was 
secause experience of the attempts 
and projects of our enemies, al- 
ready more than once denounced, 
gave it reason to conccive inquie- 
tude and suspicion. lt was be- 
cause positive reports announced 
that these projects were about to 
be renewed. It was because it 
was then necessary to be certain, 
as to the more than equivocal sen- 


timents of many of the Helvetiev 


states, some of whom had not 
dreaded to throw a doubt. on the 
existence of the French republic, 
by refusing to pronounce on the 
‘acceptance of the credentials of its 
ambassador, and deferring the 
epoch of their determination by 
insulting and ridiculous delays. 
Vhena eae pea sO power- 
ful as thet of the French» republic _ 


"ANNUAL REGISTER, 


‘be misundersteod, 


‘tions of kindness 


1796. 


is thus unacknowledged; wh 
this neglect is founded on the re- 
gard which is thought due to cri- 
minal fugitives, whose whole pro. 
ceedings tend anly to harass thei 
country, against which they ar 
in a permanent conspiracy, whil 
their measures tend only to involy 
in their fall the states blind enoug 
to be misled by them ; when th 
Swiss Cantons, the ancient allies 
of France, dare to hold a conduc 
so reprehensible, it is very surpris- 
ing that the executive director 
should, for a moment, withhold 
the aspect of kindiress, to assum 
towards you that of inquictude ? 
There are still other considerations, 
on which I believe | need not en 
large here. ‘They are, doubtless, 
painful, and belong to the guaran. 
tee, that the French republic ex- 
pects to find in the sentiments and 
affections of the governments ap. 
people of neutral states. 

Such are the views which have 
animated and still animate the 
executive directory. They expect 
from you, with the least delay, a 
frank and amicable explanation, 
capable of dissipating the doubts 
and reviving in our government 
the sentiments of good will. It 
has given me orders for my. ulti- 
mate conduct, in case that your an- 
swer shoud not fulfil this end. 


Oo 


i 

Answer of the Canton of Basle to M. 
Barthelemy, Ambassador of the 
French» Republic, May 11, 1796. 
WE see with real pain, by your 
excellency’s letter of the 20th Flo. 
real, that our sentiments seem to 
and that we 
have reason to apprehend the exe- 
cutive: directory of the French res 
public may suspend their disposi- 
towards us. 
When the war commenced, we de~ 
clared 


ST ATE PAPER'S. 


clared for a neutrality, to preserve 
which has since that time been the 
constant objeét of our cares, of our 
Zeal, and of our solicitude ; and 
‘no sacrifice has been avoided for 
‘maintaining it in proportion to 
the dangers to whcib it was in cer- 
tain epochs exposed. Nothing af- 
flicts us more profoundly, than 
when. the fidelity of our conduét 
and the purity of our intentions 
‘seem to be doubted, since these 
form the most solid basis of our 


happiness, independence, be tran-" 


quiliity. 4 
_ We pray your excellency to as- 


“sure your government that we shall 
“never depart from the principles 
that have been transmitted to us 
from our predecessors,and that 
our greatest ambition is to convey 
the deposit unimpaired to those 
who shall succeed us. This is the 
first duty of our situations, and the 
true means of conciliating the con- 
fidence and the gratitude of our 
fellow-citizens, It is, however, 
necessary to observe, that s:nce our 


letter of the 9th of April, we have’ 


not confined ourselves to mere 
wishes for the maintenance of our 
neutrality. Our uneasiness rela- 
tive to this objeét having been com- 
municated to the minister of his 
Imperial majesty, he has written 


‘tous, by order of the emperor, 


that certainly he had not the least 
thought of ating, nor of permit- 
ting the emigrants to aét against 
the cantons, in any manner which 
Might disturb the tranquillity of 
their territory. We have prepared 
our signals and our alarm guns, 
which, on account of the armistice 
and the winter season, had been 
neglected ; and it is generally 
known that by these means a very 
great force can be assembled in a 


[205 


few days. We have exercised our 
troops, and they are ready to march 
on the first signal. They will be 
added to the contingents of the 
other cantons» which assemble in 
ours, and are direéted to redouble 
their vigilance in the posts confided 
to them, The representatives of 
the Helvetic body, deputed to us 
for considering the state of affairs, 
for aéting in the name of the whole 
confederation, and informing their 
constituents of every danger which 
may approach our states, allow no 
means to escape them of consolida- 
ting the repose © of the common 
country. We have written to our 
co-allies, to remind them of the 
treaties which unite us, and we 
have received the unanimous as- 
surance that all are ready to fly to 
our assistance and defend our fron- 
tiers. 

We conclude by praying your 
excellency to transmit those details 
to the direétory ; and, above all, 
to fortify them against the exagge- 
rated reports that an excess of zeal 
may have occasioned. 


Official Note, transmitted by Mr. 
Wickham, Minister Plenipotentia- 
ny from his Britannic Majesty to 
the Senate of Berne, the 26th of 
June 1796. 

Macniricent AND Power- 
FuL Lorps, ; 


__ IN consequence of the resolution 


agreed to and published by your 
state, respecting all the French in- 
discriminately who’ have taken re- 
fuge in yourcountry, several of the 
heads of families of these unfortu- 
nate viétims to their attachment to 
the ancient laws of their country, 
have addressed themselves to me, 
to obtain the means to repair to 
England, where they hope at last 

to 


206 | 


to find repose, anda secure asylum 
against the cruelty of their persecu- 
tors. 

It is with extreme concern, 
magnificent lords, that I find my- 
self obliged to refuse their request, 
aud to declare to all of them that 
J cannot grant a passporttoary of 
them until I have received orders 
from my court. I think it neces- 
sary, magnificent lords, to commu- 
nicate to you my resolution upon 
this subjeét, in order that the per- 
sons, to whom it relates, may not 
be suspected of any negleét or tar- 
diness in obeying the ordonnance 
made respecting them. God for- 
bid that, in taking such a resolue 
tion, Ishould pretend to set bounds 
to the munificence of my sovereign, 
or the generosity of his subjects, 
which I hope will exist as long as 
the monarchy itself. We have 
always, magnificent lords, a con- 
fidence that our means will be in- 
creased by divine favour, in pro- 
portion as they are employed in 
assisting the unfortunate. 

But it is my duty, in this unfore- 
seen case, to take no steps without 
having previously communicated 
to my court all the circumstances 
which have preceded, accompa- 
nied, and followed this measure, 
and entreated his Majesty to give 
me the most distinct orders for the 
regulation of my conduct in all 
that relates to this business. 

I do not hesitate to avow that T 
have not been without hope that 
the delay, which might be caused 
by my resolution in the execution 
of the order against those who have 
no other asylum but England, 
would have offered to your lord- 
ships an opportunity of considering 
of every mitigating circumstance, of 
which this case is capable. Perhaps 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


also this delay may lead those 
persons, who have urged this mea 
sure, to think deliberately both up- 
on its nature and the consequences 
which may ensue from it. 
Whatever may be the event, 
magnificent lords, in adopting and 
communicating this resolution to 
your lordships, if I can be the 


means of saving any one of those | 


respectable families from exbaust- 
ing their Jast resources in taking a 
long and dangerous voyage, 1 shall 
think that 1 have performed my 
duty to my God and my king ; and 
I dare answer, that whatever may 
be the affection and friendship 
which the king, my master (after 
the example of his august prede- 
cessors) feels for your lordships, 
these sentiments must be much 
strengthened, when I shall have 
laid before hima fresh act of your’s 
—of that generous and enlarged 
humanity which forms the distin- 
guished character of his reign, and 
which our two nations have former- 
ly exercised to the unhappy refugees 
from that same country. 

With thé sincerest wishes for 
the prosperity and happiness of 
your state, I am, 

Magnificent and powerful lords, 

your lordship’s most devoted 
servant, 
(Sigued) W. Wicknam. 
Articles of the Concordat agreed 
upon among the different Parties 
in Geneva, as well as the Resolu- 
tion taken by the Syndics and 

Council on this Subject. 

‘Art. 1. RESPECT to the law, 
obédience to the magistrate, en- 
gage both parties united, to main- 
tam the government at'the risk of 
their lives, with dispatch, and en- 
tire readiness, as oftenas necessity 

shall 


ee eee ee ee 


ee eee 


oe! 


SE ACE 


shall require it, to suppress every 
aét of insubordination or violence ; 
to cause the legitimate authority to 
be respected, and the free and im- 
partial administration of justice and 
the laws. 

2. Afull and entire abrogation 
of all the sentences pronounced by 
the revolutionary tribunals, and 
the sincere and loyal abjuration of 
all public and personal vengeance 
passed against any individual what- 
ever. Such persons so proscribed, 
may restassured of an inviolable 
asylumin the bosom of the union 
of all the citizens, for which we 
now labour, and of which we shall 
give an example—This surely 
shall be. pronounced by the nation, 
as the firstarticle of the prelimina- 
ries upon which that union shall 
be founded. 

3. A sincere mutual return, and 
inviolable attachment of both par- 
ties thus united in the three fun- 
damental principles, already con- 
secrated by our primitivelaws, and 
the present constitution; namely, 
political equality, removal from 
public offices, and the separation 
of powers. 

4, The citizens who have hither- 
to expressed a dislike to the revolu- 
tion of 1792, declare, ** That with 
respect to the new legislation, now 
ina state of formation, they will 
confine themselves in demanding 
that a more moderate application 
should be made, with respect to 
the removal from office, and the 
Separation of the powers, than 
that which exists at present; as 
also the re-establishment .of the 
forms of our ancient govern- 
ment, which are not incompatible 


with the three fundamental prin, 


ciples announced above. The citi- 
zens attached to the revolution of 


PAPERS. [407 


1792, acknowledge that these de- 
mands accerd with the true inte- 
rests of the republic, and receive 
that declaration with pleasure; they 
consider it as inviolable and sacred, 
and declare, on their part, that 
they will formally adhere toit. 

5. The assembly decree, that 
this address shall be printed, made 
public, and sent to the syndics and 
administrative council, desiring, 
that, in their wisdom, they will 
incessantly consider of the means 
adapted to the public interest, and 
of solemnly consecrating the re- 


ciprocal engagements contained 
therein. r 
(Signed) L, A. ConsTANTINE. 


Bianc. 

Geneva, 31, August, 1795, 

Fourth Year of the. Ge- 
nevese Equality. 

Extract from the registers of the 
administrative council.—Mon- 
day, August 51, 1795, fourth 
year of the Genevese equality. 


Oficial Note of Count Bernstorff, 
Danish Minister of State. 

THE system of his Danish Ma- 
jesty, uninfluenced by passions ‘and 
prejudices, is merely governed by 
reason and truth,andconstantly such 
modifications are adopted as are ren= 
dered both just and unavoidable by 
the obvious change in the posture of 
public affairs. So long as no other 
than a revolutionary government 
existed in France, his majesty could 
not acknowledge the minister of 
that government; but now that 
the French corstitution is com- 
pletely organized, and a regular 
government established in France, 
his majesty’s obligation ceases in 
that respeét, and.M. Grouvelle will 
therefore be acknowledged in the 
usual form. For the rest, this step 
remains 


208] 


remains an isolated measure, be- 


Ing neither more nor less than the, 


natural consequence of circumstan- 
ces, and an additional proof. of the 
complete and truly impartial neu- 
trality of the king. ? 
_ February, 1796. 


Citizen Grouvelle, Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary from the French Republic 
yn Denmark, to his Excellency 
Count de Bernstorff, Minister of 
the Council of State to his Danish 
Majesty, and of the Department 
for Foreign Affairs. 

Copenhagen, 27th Ventose, 

Ath Year of the Republic. 

THE German papers, sir, have 
inserted the extract of an instruc- 
tion, which appears to have been 
addressed in a circular manner by 
you to the ministers of Denmark, at 
the different courts, and which 
concerns the resolutions adopted 
by his majesty, to give to the cha- 
racter of minister plenipotentiary 
from tbe French republic, in which 
characier I have resided for two 
years and a half at this court, 

2 suitable publicity by admitting 

me toa private audience. I have 

every reason to consider this ex. 
tract as authentic, and in this cha- 
racterI feel myself bound to address 
you. Of whatever reflections the 
principle, and spirit of that extract 
may be susceptible, my design is not 
to comment upon it all. The go- 

vernment, whose representative I 

am, possesses, as well as myself, a 

scrupulous respect for the indepen- 

dence of governments, and evena 
regard for their private convenience, 

The tyrannical and_ intriguing 

system of asking on every subject 

official explanations, would be as 
contrary to their principles as. to 
my own character. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


incident ofa phrase, to attach a di+ 
plomatic importance to each word, 
to render the slightest’ discussion 
personal, to season with arrogance 
the ennui of a laborious epistolary 
Controversy, is a part which we 
have lately seen played by certain 
agents, who quarrel for want of 
business, who know fot how to 
serve their courts, but by insulting 
others, and who represent nothing 
more than the vices of their nations; 
ridicule and contempt are attached 
to them; their example is fit to be 


_recollected, only because it is pro- 


To make an. buting the publication 


/ 


perio be avoided. As the Frenck 
republic makes it her glory to fols 
low a contrary system to that of 
the powers who acknowledge such 
ministers, I honour myself for 


being a contrast to them in all my 


proceedings. 

But, sir, ] cannot dispense with 
fixing my attention upon the con- 
clusion ofthe extract of your in« 
struction above mentioned, and 
seeing that the result is announced 
in terms which by their too general 
accepiation, may lead to abusive - 
interpretation, I have thought that 
it is necessary to have an amicable - 
understanding with you. 

In speaking of my admission, 
and of the public acknowledgment 
of my character, you say, that this 
step isisolated, and means nothing 
but what is in itself. Do you not 
apprebend that the disaffected will 
see, in this mode of expression, @ 
sort of restriction, of implicit re- 
serve ; that they may go so far as 
to suppose that itallydes to I know 
not what ether declaration orante. 
rior measure which may have been 
adopted to the same courts to which 
your ministers may have held this 
official language ? That even attri- 
to you 

they 


S TAs Tee Or A PEFR S. 


they may give a-sort of credit to 
the inductions ? Undoubtedly you 
will see with pain that the public 
receives them ; for however forced 
they may be, they injure the idea 
which the court of ‘Denmark 
wishes always to give of the frank- 
ness of its proceedings. That after 
having so long delayed a measure, 
become necessary to her own con- 
‘sideration, as well as to the dig- 
nity of the republic, she might be 
again suspected of wishing to de- 
stroy the good effect secretly, and 
to weaken whatever advantage the 
measure might produce to Fraace. 
Would not this bea real inconve- 
nience? Ionly wish to point out 
what in this concerns your own 
reputation. 

On the other hand, sir, the 
French government, now  esta- 
blished on a new constitution, re- 
sSumes its rank among the other 
European powers. It will of course 
‘be extremely cautious notto incur 
the charge of inconsistency, nor to 
suffer any stain to attach onits dig- 
nity, nor in any respect to sanction 
by injustice the detraction of its 
calumniators. The government 
well know the influence of public 
Opinion, and will not fail so set 
themselves right in the estimation 
of the world, when their adversa- 
ries are busily employed in corrupt- 
ing it. 

Although they feef themselves 
far superior to flattery and ostenta- 
tion, and direct all their operations 
with that confidence which arises 
from the wisdom of their councils, 
and the energy of their measures ; 
yet the value they set upon their 
connection with Denmark, renders 
it impossible for them to behold, 

with an eye of indifference, a 
circumstance waich conveys a harsh 

Vor. XXXVIII. 


[209 


reflection on their conduct. The 
abuse that might be made of your 
note, gave them much concern, 
and it was with extreme satisfaction 
that they received a testimony of 
the rectitude of your intentions. 
A loyal government stoops not to a 
disavowal, becauseit asserts nothing 
but thetruth. A wise government 
ought to contemn false reports, 
but a benevolent government, . or 
only an impartial one, will not ree 
ject overtures to an explanation, 
especially if it is demanded with 
amicable views. ; 
It is with this view, sir, that I 
now discharge this important duty, 
a duty which, though painful, is 
still necessary to prevent an inter- 
ruption of the existing harmony 
between our respective states, which 
ought to be united more closely 
than ever. If personal considera- 
tion were of any weight, J should 
give my opinion that this is not an 
unimportant abject, and perhaps 
the occurrences, which preceded 
my admission, were not of the most 
conciliatory nature, and may pro- 
duce same embarrassments in the 
event, at Jeast with respect to this 
court. The first observation £ 
submit to your wisdom, and the 
latter remark to your delicacy, _ 
(Signed) GROUVELLE, 


Answer of Count Bernstorff. 
Sir, 

I AM very sensible and grateful 
for the sentiments expressed in the 
letter which I have had the honour 
to receive from you. They increase 
my esteem, and though I cannot 
add any thing fo that which I have 
verbally pronounced to you, I enter 
with pleasure into your wishes ; 
and I do not hesitate to give you 
friendly explanations, even on the 

P objects 


. 


210] 


objects which do not admit of mi- 
nisterial discussions. The instruc- 
tions which I gave to some of the 
king’s ministers at different foreign 
courts are of this kind: it is be- 
come public without our know- 
ledge ; it is nothing like a decla- 
ration to these courts. We have 
made no declaration ; it is a simple 
Official instruction, only designed 
for the information of those to 
whom it is addressed, and which 
relates to the anterior correspon- 
dence, and which breathing only 
the justice rendered to the present 
French constitution, could not 
surely involve usin a dispute with 
her, but rather with those who do 
not love that constitution. This is 
soclearly evident, that I should 
only weaken it by further explana- 
tion. 

You know, besides, that your 
admission has been without the 
smallest reserve, absolutely in the 
usual and most solemo forms that 
we know. We never do things by 
half, and as you are witness of our 
conduct and proceedings, I should 
Jove to chuse you yourself as judge, 
and | depend upon your imparti- 
ality. In the same manner | en- 
treat you to believe in the high con- 
sjderation with which I am, &c. 

: BerNsToRFF,. 


Copenhagen, March 19, 1796. 


Proclamation of the Queen of Por- 
éugal for making Lisbon a free Port. 
Donna Maria, by the Grace of 
“God, Queen of Portugal and 
the Algarves, &c. &c. .. 

BEit known to all to whom this 
Jaw shell come, that taking into my 
royal consideration the many and 
very important advantages: which 
would necessarily result to the com- 
merce of the subjects of these king. 
doms and their dominions, by the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


establishment of a free port; and 
well aware, that the port of Lisbon, 
from its situation, security, and 
facility of navigation. wih the 
ocean, is preferable to those of 
other nations which have adopted 
similar establishments ; conforming 
myself to the opinion of my royal 
board of commerce, agriculture, 
minufactures, and navigation, of 
those kingdoms and their domi- 
nions, and of others of my council, 
very learned and zeaious for the 
good of my royal service, and of 
the public utility—It is my will, 
and I am pleased to create and 
establish, at Junquiera, joining to 
the city of Lisbon, a free port, to 
take entire and due effect from the 
first day of January, in the year 
next ensuing of 1797, having des- 
tined for its exercise and the 
deposit, the houses and warehouses 
of Fort St. John, with the ground 
adjoining, whereon to build the 
further necessary accommodations, 
there to receive and deposit all 
goods and merchandize, of what- 
ever quality or kind they may be, 
as well for foreign countries, (ex- 
ccpt for the present sugar and toy 
bacco) as from national ports situate 
beyond the Cape ef Good Hope, 
for the purpose, at the option of 
the proprietors of the said goods, of 
disposing of them for the internal 
comsumption of the kingdom, pro. 
vided they are entitled to lawful 
entry, and on paying the customary 
duties, at the respective custom- 
houses; or to be exported to foe 
reign ports, or national ones be- 
yond the said Cape of Good Hope, 
on paying only towards the benefit 
of my royalrevenue, for protection 
and deposit, the duty of 1 per 
cent. on the amount of their value, 
calculated on the invoice to be 
produced by the captains of the 

vessels, 


STAT EXSPAPESRS. 


vessels, or their consignees, by 
them signed and certified on oath ; 
the liberty of franquin still, how- 
ever, to remain as heretofore, for 
ali vessels that shall require it, 
according to therules as established 
by the custom-house of this city ; 
suppressing all other duties, and 
revoking all and whatever dispo- 
sitions that may oppose or infringe 
on the liberty and freedom, which 
are to constitute the advantages of 
the establishment. 

Further to animate and promote 
in this capital, a concurrence and 
abundance of articles of the first 
necessity, I am pleased to declare 
that all qualities of grain, meat, 
and food, which are free from 
paying duties inward, shall not 
only enjoy the free liberty of ex- 
portation, but shall be also free 
from payment of the aforesaid con- 
tribution imposed on other goods, 
and continue to be received and 
dispatched through the same de- 
partments as heretofore. 

In case it should happen that the 
crown of Portugal should enter into 
war (which God forbid) with any 
power whose subjects might be 
interested in goods in the free 
port, in which condition it is to 
be understood the aforesaid grain, 
meat and food, are included, no 
arrest, embargo, sequestration, or 
reprisal, shall on that account be 
made thereon ; ‘but on the contrary, 
they shall remain in the utmost 
freedom and security, as if each 
individual had them placed in his 
own house, to dispose of them as 
he may judge most suited to his 
interest. 

The administration of the afore- 
_ said free port shall be constituted 
under the superintendance of a 
general comptroller, with the ne- 


[211 


cessary officers under him that I 
may be pleased to appoint ; and 
it is my will to order, that he shall 
be independent of all and every 
jurisdiction, and only subordinate 
to the tribunal of the royal board of 
commerce, through which will 
be forwarded the necessary orders 
to meet occurring circumstances, 
and bring up to my royal presence 
all representations tending to main- 
tain, and preserve inviolate, the 
good faith of this establishment, ia 
due conformity to the particular 
regulations which I have ordered 
to be formed for the government of 
the aforesaid administration, and 
officers employed in conducting it 5 
and also to serve as a guidance to 
all captains of ships and their con- 
signees, for their conduct on the 
entry and shipping of all goods 
claiming the benefit of this insti- 
tution. 

Dated at the palace of Queliez, 

May 13, 1796. 


Manifesto, or Declaration of the 
Queen of Portugal, aguinst the 
Republic of the United States of 
the Netherlands. 

WHEREAS the Portuguese en- 
voy extraordinary with the repub- 
lic of the United States of the Ne- 
therlands, has, in his report of the 
15th of June, transmitted to her 
majesty the copy of a letter which 
he received from the committee lor 
foreign affairs of the republic, in 
which has been notified to him the 
fixed resolution of abstaining from 
all political communication with 
him, as representative of her ma- 
jesty, the queen of Portugal, till 
the conclusion ofa peace with the 
French republic. 

Besides which, the said envoy 
ultimately signifies, in his letter, 

2 that 


912] 


that all commercial transactions had 
also been suspended ; her majesty 
has therefore resolved, under the 
present circumstances, to suspend 
in alike manner, on her part, all 
commerce with the states general 
of the Netherlands, to prohibit her 
subjects all transactions, of mercan- 
tile connections, with the subjects 
of the republic, and to forbid them 
all navigation to the harbours of the 
said states. 

Her majesty has been farther 
pleased to ordain, that all trans- 
action in the interior of her domi- 
nions with the subjects of the 
United Provinces be suspended ; 
and that their capitals shall, under 
no pretence, be carried’ out of the 
kingdom. 

The departure of all Dutch 
ships, which are in the harbours 
under the dominion of her majesty, 
is also entirely stopped, because 
there they must remain under em- 
bargo till further orders. 

That this resolution may reach 
the knowledge of every one, and 
be put in force, it has been pub- 
licly posted up. 

The secretary of the tribunal 
of commerce. 
(Signed) Ricosono Gomes. 
DE CARVALHO. 
Lisbon, July 19, 1796. 

‘The above manifesto was revok- 
ed two days after it was issued ; 
and the Portuguese minister, M. 
Pinto, transmitted a letter on the 
23d of July upon the subject to the 
Dutch ambassador at Lisbon, citi- 
ven Geldemeester. In this letter 


M. Pinto declares, ‘‘ that the em-. 


bargo laid on the Dutch ships in 
the Portuguese harbour had been 
taken off, that her majesty the 
queen of Portugal, wished for no- 
thing more than to preserve peace 
and friendship with the Batavian 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


republic ; that she hoped there sub- 
sisted no other cause of disagrec- 
ment between both states, and 
that the Dutch government would 
observe reciprocity with regard to 
the commercial connections; and. 
that the temporary embargo had 
been occasioned by the measures 
manifested in Holland against Por- 
tugal, and her majesty thought it 
very Strange that Portugal should 
not have been considered like other 
friends of France who were at 
peace with the Batavian republic.”’ 


Copy of the Letter sent bythe King of 
Naples to the Marquis del Vasto, 
who, after the receipt of it, set out 

for Rome as Ambassador Extraor- 

dinary, and concluded there the 
offensive and defensive Treaty be- 
tween N, aples and the Pope. 


HIS holiness acquaints me by 
Jetter of his determination to re- 
ject the unjust and execrable con- 
ditions of the French, on which 


_ account he demands of me, though — 
Not. | 


rather late, speedy succour. 
withstanding this is against my ori- 
ginal plan, I hesitate not a moment 
to grant it to him, as it concerns 
our holy religion, to which I have 
constantly been deyoted. As his 
holiness demands of me, at the 
same time, to send some person 
with whom he may consult on our 
common affairs, | have appointed 
you, the marquis del Vasto, for this 
purpose. Depart immediately, and 
have atheart the honour of God 
and the holy chureh, the good of 
the state, and the tranguillity of my 
subjects, who daily give fresh proofs 
of their attachment and fidelity to 
me. 
Done in the camp of 
St. Germano. 
Frrprnanpo Rex. 
Proclamation. 


sui | 


= 


oe = ee ee a | or oe |e 


a 


S TATEIP AP. EAR’S: 


Proclamation of the King of Naples. 


THE long war which still deso- 
lates Europe, which afllicts so ma- 
ny uations, and costs so much blood, 
and so many tears, is not amere po- 
litical contest, but a religivus war. 
Our enemies are the foes of chris. 
tianity ; not content with destroy- 
ing it in the breasts of their own na- 
tion, they would also banish it from 
every quarter of the globe, and re- 
place it by atheism or enthusiastic 
idolatry. Religion openly repro- 
bates their projects. ‘They aim at 
the overthrow of all princely go- 
yernment, and to attain this, they 
disturb the peace of nations, stimu- 


_ kate them to revolt against their 


lawful sovereigns, plunge them in- 
to the most dreadful anarchy, and 
sink them in an abyss of confusion 
and misery. Belgium, Holland, 
and so many German and Italian 
provinces have become the wretch- 
ed victims of their seduction, and 
thirst for plunder. ‘Those unfortu- 
nate countries groan and lament, 
but in vain, under the vain despo- 


tism of their oppressors, while the - 


calls of justice and humanity are 
unattended to. It was necessary 
that religion, the most powerful 
obstacle of their horrid projects, 
sheuld be removed and destroyed, 
in order that this fence being once 


broken down, all laws, both divine 


and human, might be violated 
without shame or reserve. 

Religion, whilst it informs us of 
our duties, ought also to inspire us 
with courage. The religious citi- 
zen well knows that he was born 
for himself and for others ; that at 
the moment of his birth he con- 
tracts the obligation to love his 
native land, to protect it in times 
of distress, and even to hazard his 


ae ’ od 


[2a3.. 


life in the defence of the country 
where he reposes in safety, and 
finds a livelihood for himself and 
his family, especially when that 
country is invaded by an enemy, 
who spares neither law nor proper- 
ty, neither life nor religion ; who, 
wherever he makes his appearance, 
insults, profanes, and destroys -the 
churches, breaks down the altars, 
persecutes the priests, and tram- 
ples under foot the most sacred em- 
blems of the church of Christ. It 
is.impossible that a citizen, devot- 
ed to the cause of religion, should 
remain unconcerned at. the dan- 
gers which threaten his country ; 
prompted by the impulse of his con- 
science anda proper sense of his 
own welfare, he will hasten to its 
defence, join the military foree, 
and co-operate in a vigorous resist- 
ance ; he will place his confidence 
inthe God of Hosts, who often 
strikes an unexpected blow, and 
disperses his enemies like chaff be- 
fore the wind. 

I myself willset you the exam- 
ple of zeal and courage ; I will put 
myself at the head of my dearly be- 
loved subjects, assembled for the 
defence of their country, fully re- 
lying onthe protection of the King 
of Kings, and the Lord of Lords, 
who guides the counsels of princes, 
and enlightens their minds, if with 
sincerity they implore his holy - 
name. Yet at the same time [ 
shall neglect no proper means for 
procuring peace and tranquillity to 
the people whom Divine Provi- 
dence has entrusted to my care. 
But in order to obtain this end, we 
ought not to neglect the necessary 
precautions, that we may be pre- 
pared for every event. _ Negocia- 
tions for peace shall occasionally 
be set.on foot, but they must be 

P3 carried 


214] 


catried on with arms in our hands, 
that we may not be obliged tosubmit 
to destructive and disgraceful con- 
ditions, which this enemy, so apt to 
avail himself of the weakness of 
his adversaries, might choose to 
dictate, For this purpose lend me 
your assistance, ye prelates of the 
realm, ye who are the depositaries 
and first defenders of our holy re- 
ligion, and support my exertions 
with a zeal worthy of your aposto- 
lic mission. Summon the inhabi- 
tants of your dioceses to join me 
and my troops, to repell the ene- 
my, if he should dare to approach 
our frontiers. Explain to them 
the justice and im portance of our 
cause, and convince them that it is 
their bounden duty to concur in its 
defence. Let the voice of the 
church be heard through her mini- 
sters. and invite her children to 
support the cave of God, and to 
offer up prayers to him, that, in 
his mercy, he may grant us either 
a just peace, ora glorious triumph. 

(Signed) a FERDINAND. 
Naples, May 18, 1796, 


Edict of his Mujesty the King of Na- 
ples and the two Siciles, addressed 
to his Subjecis. 


We, Frrpinanp IV. by the 
Grace of God, &c. &c. 

SINCE the time when peace was 
interrupted in Europe, we redou- 
bled our care to preserve the public 
tranquillity, and to put the state 
in a safe condition of defence. We 
were, therefore, disposed to aug- 
ment our. land and sea forces, and 
to raise a considerable host of brave 
warriors on the frontiers of. this 
kingdom. Weafterwards put our- 
selves at the head of our.courageous 
troops, firmly resolved to use all 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


the means in our power, and even 
to sacrifice our royal person. These 
effective preparations, added to 
lawful and becoming steps to ob- 
tain peace, give us hopes that our 
dominions will forthwith enjoy tran- 


quillity. At the same time we 


ought not to conceal, that in order 
to gain the proposed end of our de- 
signs, itis absolutely necessary to 
double the said preparations for 
the defence of the state, and the 
acceleration of a lasting and honour~ 
able peace, and to. station a still 
greater force than the present on 
the frontiers of our kingdom, We 
address ourselves to all the classes 
of our beloved subjects, and here- 
by do require them to contribute 
with all their power to the speedy 
augmentation of the army stationed 
in cantonments. We expect, a- 
mongst others, thatthe brave young 
men who have enrolled themselves 
for the defence of religion the 
throne, and the country, will now 
repair without delay to the fron- 
tiers, in order to put themselves 
under our immediate and personal 
command, with their brave com- 
rades ; and we hope that, in con- 
sequence of this, other volunteers 
will, in greater number, repair to 
the cantonments, that we may 
bring together a formidable army, 
and be enabled to secure the safety 
and tranquillity of the state, either 
by a permament peace, or by brilli- 
ant victorious. 
Done at Naples, Sept. 12,1796. 


Proclamation issued at Petersburgh, 
relating to Dutch Ships. 


WE, count Alexander: Nikola- 
zenwitsch, dohereby give directions 
for the immediate release and de- 
— of all the Dutch vessels, 

together 


eaen3ts 


we we 


§ Te Aged 
together with their respect: ve crews, 
on which an embargo was laid last 
year; but we also prohibits by 
this proclamation, the entry of any 
vessel from that country into our 
ports, and such as do arrive shail 
be treated the same as French 
ships- In other respects they shall 
not be molested. 

The original was signed by her 
majesty, 

CATHERINE. 
Zarskoselo, May 20, 1796. 


Copy of a Dispatch from Count Oster- 
man, Chancelior to the Empress of 
Russia, to M. Bulzow, Russian 
Charge d’ Affaires at Madrid, dat- 
ed Petersburgh, December 25, 
1795. 

SrR, 

THE empress was already in- 
formed, through the public prints, 
of the treaty of peace concluded 
between Spain and the French, and 
the unpleasant sensations which 
this unexpected and disagreeable 
transaction bad produced in her 
Imperial majesty’s mind, were 
greatly increased when this intelli- 
gence was confirmed by the minis« 
ter of his Catholic majesty. The 
empress, however, has during the 
new conneétion which so happily 
subsists between ber and his Catho- 
lic majesty, met with too many op- 
portanites of learning the true sen- 
timents of that prince; not to be 
thoroughly convinced that the con- 
currence of the most imperious cire 
‘cumstances «an alone have deters 
mined him to aét im direét opposi- 
tion to his principles» No doubt it 
has been: for him a task infinitely 
hard; to enter inte negrciations 
with those, who with their own 
hands murdered the chief of his il» 
bustrious family and to conclude a 


PAPERS. [215 


peace with thoSe disturbers of the 
tranquillity and safety of all Eue 
rope. No one knows better than 
her Imperial majesty to Value and 
appreciate all the difficulties and 
obstacles, which his Catholic mas 
jesty must have had to surmount, 
before he could prevail upon hime 
self so adopt a measure, which to 
all appearance has been brought 
about through the most urgent nes 
Cessitys and the most threatening 
danger. 

Her Imperial majesty being at a 
loss to account for the motives 
which can have determined his Ca= 
tholic majesty thus to insulate his 
interest from that of the coalitiong 
cannet but persevere in the opinie« 
on, that notwithstanding this sud 
den change, his Catholic majesty 
will continve sincerely to interest 
himself in the success of the opes 
rations of the evangelic powers 3 
and so. far from throwing any obs 
stacle in the way of the new meas 
sures which those powers may find 
it necessary to pursue, rather sup« 
port them by every means, which 
the system of neutrality he mays 
perhaps, think proper to adopt, 
does not preclude. 

His Catholic majesty cannot yet 
have forgutten the high importance 
of the cause for whith the coatesced 
powet's are contending—to ree 
store order and tranquillity; to lead 
the nations back to a sense of their 
duty, aud to shteld all Europe from 
the most dangerous infeétion.— 
These are the important motives 
which have induced thé coalesced 
powers to unite their counsels, and 
exert their joint efforts to render 
them triumphant. 

It is for this purpose, that the 
three courts have just nowy, by 
means ofa solemn treaty of alliances 

P4 strengthened 


916} 


sttengthened the ties by which they 
were united. Their reciprocal in- 
terest is therefore so intimately con- 
neéted and interwoven, and their 
determination so firm, that it 
would be impossible to obstruct the 
operations of one of them, without 
forcing the’ others most warmly to 
embrace his cause. Of this de- 
’ scription is especially the situation 
*of her Imperial majesty with respect 
to the king of Great Britain; so 
that in case of need, her Imperial 
majesty would be obliged to assist 
-and support him to the utmost ex- 
tent of her power, but fortunately 
such connections subsist between 
his Catholic majesty and the king 
of Great Britain, ‘in consequence of 
several treaties renewed in the year 
1793, as can never cease to be dear 
to his Catholic majesty, and neither 
ther-conveniency nor usefulness of 
which can have been lessened by a 
change of affairs produced by the 
- most imperious circumstances. 
This important consideration, in 
addition to that which proceeds 
fromthe favourable disposition of 
his Catholic majesty towards the 
common cause, cannot but render 
her Imperial majesty perfectly easy 
with ‘respect to the conduét which 
“his Catholic- majesty is likely to 
~ pursue. Her Imperial majesty is 
‘of opinion, that it will be both 
candid and sincere, and it would 
be painful for her to suppose, that 
in any case whatever his Catholic 
majesty could favour measures tend- 
ing to obstruct and oppose the 
avowed purposes of the three allied 
courts. ‘i 
‘You, sir, will adopt the most 
proper means officially to commu- 
nicate to the ministry of his Catho- 
lic majesty the tenor of this dis- 
patch, aud to make it the subject 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of-a conference you are to request 
of the Prince of Peace. 
(Signed) Count OsTERMAN. 


The Answer of his Excellency’ the 
Prince of Peace to M. de Bulzow, 
dated Santa Cruz,March 17,1796, 
I HAVE received your letter 

of the 22d of February, with a 

copy of the dispatch, which you, 

Sir, have received from your court 

by the last courier from London, 

and must return you in answer, 
that the King, my master, has 
with much pleasure learned the 
friendly terms, in which, on the 
part of her Imperial Majesty, he 
has been acquainted with the close 
alliance concluded with the courts 
of Vienna and London, which cer- 
tainly cannot have been the result of 
the circumstances which existed in 
Poland, at the time when the forces 
of her Imperial Majesty might have 
been employed at a point, where all 
those monarchs who united for the 
preservation of their existence, and 
the mutual support of their rights, 
rallied.. At that period, the King, 
my master, gave the strongest 
proofs of his grief at the misfortune 
of a beloved cousin, and foresaw 
that his dominions were drawing 
near that universal. corruption, 
which .results from. madness with- 
out bounds.: He waged war against 
tyrants, but was unable to learn 
who they were, for he did not 
know, following the capricious 
dictates of their levity, who were 
the good Frenchmen that defended 
the cause of their king. He was 

only able to discern, that but a 

few, victims of their sense of hos 

nour, were his true adherents, 
who followed him to the grave. 

The desire of the King, my master, 

was, however, so earnest, that 

note 


SITATIE) PUA P ER 5. 


notwithstanding the _ ill-founded 
hopes held out by the combined 
powers, he prosecuted the most 
vigorous and most expensive war. 
There was no. sovereign but the 
King endeavoured to prevail 
upon, by the most advantageous 
proposals, to join his Majesty ; 
notwithstanding this request was 
addressed to the Empress at differ- 
ent times, since the last months of 
179t, and during the year 1792, 
- by M. de Galvez, Spanish minister 
in Russia, and M. de Zinowief, 
who resided in the-same quality at 
Madrid, but especially in October 
1792, and December 3793, when 
M. de Amat, then Spanish charg 
@’affaires at Petersburgh, and soon 
after M. de Oris,. minister of his 
Catholic Majesty, had long confer- 
ences on this subjeét, the former 
with count Osterman, and the lat 
ter with count Besborodko. Not- 
withstanding all this, there did not 
exist the least circumstance which 
promised an active co-operation on 
' the part of the Empress, nor does 
it appear that the occupation of 
Poland could have prevented her 
from co-operating in favour of the 
common cause. It was under these 
circumstances that the King, my 
master, no doubt from fear and ap- 
prehension of sinister consequen- 
ces for his kingdom, resolved to 
make peace, convinced, that if he 
were left without assistance in the 
war, that support, which might 
be promised him for the attain- 
ment of peace, would prove still 
less efficacious. This is the true 
situation of Spain, and his Catho- 
lic Majesty obliges himself to ful- 
fit whatever he has promised for 
the benefit of the common cause, 
dn which, at the same time he must, 
for the future, decline participa 


2 


sembly, 


[217 


tion in any measuTe, which has no 

certain and consistent object. 
(Signed) Tue Prince or Peace, 

Note sent by Baron de Budberg, 

Chargé d Affaires from Russia, at 

Stockholm, to the Foreign Minis- 

ters, relative to the non-admission 

of M. de Schwerin, who went to 

Petersburg for the Purpose of noti- 

fying the Marriage about to take 

place between his Swedish Majesty 
and the Princess of Mecklenburgh 

Schwerin. 

THE Empress having given 
orders to M. the Count d’Oster- 
mann, to acquaint the Swedish 
ambassador, that the mission of M. 
de Schwerin not being agreeable 
to her Majesty, be could not be ad- 
mitted ; the chargé d’affairs (M. de 
Budberg) has received orders to 
declare that the motive of this re- 
fusal was founded as much on the 
unfriendly proceeding of the Rea 
gent, as on the principles of his 
political conduct with regard to 
Russia. Both the one and the 
other being diametrically opposite 
to those ties of affection, of friend- 
ship, and of good neighbourhood, 
which originally have been the 
basis of this sort of missions, and 
which have never been adopted 
between courts that were not unit- 
ed by similar ties, or being so, 
have not taken care to cultivate 
and fulfil the duties of them. That 
this was the situation, as to Russia, 
in which Sweden had been placed, 
since the Duke de Sundermania, 
who holds the reins of government, 
not content with having formerly 
insulted her Majesty the Empress, 
in endeavouring to surprise her by 
insidious and delusive overtures 
and propositions, entered into a 
public treaty with the French as- 
with those men who 

solemnly 


218] 


solemnly insulted the memory of 
the late King, by ereéting a mo- 
nument to the memory of his exes 
crable assassin. That her Majesty 
the Empress was neither ignorant 
of the motives nor the object of 
those treaties. That it was noto- 
rious that the Regent had recently 
received from the French a sum of 
money to be employed in arma- 
men's, and that he was now in 


full negotiation with them fir a 


treaty of alliance, the principal sti- 
pulations of which are direéed 
against-Russia ; so that her Majesty 
the Empress had every reason to ex- 
pect an approaching rupture on the 
part of Sweden, unless the King’s 
coming of age (which, happily for 
the repose of that kingdom and of the 
north, was anevent not far distant,) 
should put.a stop to it, and thereby 
avoid this lamentable extremity. 

Tenor of the Letters of Convocation 
addressed by the King of Prussia, 
as Duke of Magdebourg, and of 
the Duke of Brunswick, as Co- 
Director of the Circle of Lower 
Saxony, to the different: States 
destined to enjoy the Advantages of 
the Neutrality. 

We, by the Grace of God, Fre- 
deric William, King of Prussia, 
&c. Charles William, Duke of 
Brunswick, &e. 

The apprehension of a speedy 
opening of a new campaign with 
France, and the new dangers to 
which Germany will be exposed by 
the chance of a war that has al+ 
ready been so fatal to her, have des 
termined us, the King, in conse- 
quence: of our solicitude and pa- 
triotic attachment, and) in conse- 
quence of the pacific relations 
which we maintain with France, to? 
distribute as much as possible to our 
co-estates of the north, the inestim- 
able: blessing of repose and security 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


from the troubles and misfortunes 
of war; that is to say, as far as 
these states will, on their pait, ace 
cord with our intentions, which 
are of general utility. To this end’ 
negociations have already been ens 
tered into with the French governs 
ment, relative to a new ine of 
neutrality, and in order to be able 
with the more efficacy tu assure that 
neutrality; and to afford protecs 
tion and safety to the states coms 
prised within it, we, the King, 
are ready to march a considerable: 
army; and we, the Duk 5 have 
also taken a resolution ‘to reintorce 
that army with our troops, the 
Eleétoral Court of Brunswick Lu« 
nenburg having also manitested the 
same intentions. These combined 
troops being therefore to proteét 
the neutrality of the north of Ger 
many, it Is as just as it is absolurely 
indispensable, that they shculd be 
provided and provisioned by the 
states which shall enjoy this advane 
tage, and that each, individually 
should hasten in proportion to its 
means, to procure them the neces= 
sary provisions: But ths obje& 
requires, on account of the urgency 
of circumstances, the most speedy 
dispositions. The most proper 
means for attaining this end is by 
the convocation of a common and 
extraordinary assembly of all the 
Upper States of the Circles of 
Lower Saxony, with the States: of 
the Lower Rhine and of Westphas 
lia, as well as of the other States 
that shall be comprised in‘ the line 
of neutrality, in order that we may 
be able to deliberate upon this subs _ 
ject, and to regulate the distribue 
tion of the maintenance of the 
troops upon an equitable, footings 
proportioned to: the faculties of eack 
state ; for, on the speedy furnishing 
of the objeéts necessary for this 

é main= 


G Diy TAB RA PAE #46. 


maintenance will alone depend the 
maintenance of the common Safety 
of the north of Germany. 

Those, therefore, whose terri- 
tory is comprised in the said lihe 
of neutrality, and which, conse- 
quently, will enjoy the benefit of 
this protection, being principally 
implicated in. this case, we have, in 
our quality of Prince and Direétor 
of the Circle of Lower Saxony, 
addressed to them conjointly the 
present letter of Convocation, in 
order to unite them to assemble, 
by their deputies, furnished with 
the necessary instructions on the 
20th of the month of June, in. the 
town of Hildeshein. We have no 
doubt that they acknowledge, in 
its full extent, the. urgency of the 
case, and of the actual conjunctions, 
as well as of tbe importance it is 
to procure to the north of Germany 
security and repose ; and. that in 
ecnsequence they will adhere and 
contribute every thing that can at- 
tain the common end, sufficiently 

~ in time to avoid being surprised by 
danger. 

We, the King, shall depute to 
the common assembly of the States, 
ourintimate Counsellor Von Dohm, 
directorial minister to the Circle of 
the Lower Rhine and Westphalia, 
and plenipotentiary to the Electoral 

court of Cologne, furnished with 
necessary powers; and we entreat, 
very amicably, this assembly to give 
from this time faith and confidence 
to all that he may prepose on our 
part, upon the subject of the affairs 
in question. 

April 22. 

Roya Puusstaw Epicr. 
Frederick William, by the Grace 
of God, &e. 

WE. have signified to the am- 

bassador of the French republic, 
Caillard, by a note from our ca- 


[219 


binet ministry, that we will per 
mit such national Frenchmen, who 
reside in oar dominions as our tems 
porary subjects, (Subditi temporarii) 
and who have real right to the pro- 
tection of the French nation, and 
wish to preserve those rights, to 
get their names inscribed in @ 
register which will be opened 
for that purpose by the said ame 
bassador, but in such a manner, 
that all those subjects shall, the 
same as before, remain our tem-~ 
porary subjects, (Subditi temporarii) 
that they likewise shall submit to 
our laws, ordinances, and jurisdic= 
tion, and not make the least pre- 
tentions to any immunities granted 
by the law of nations only to ame 
bassadors, and the persons actually 
belonging to embassies. 

We have further given orders to 
inform the said Caillard, that the 
national Frenchmen, qualified as 
above, are at liberty to wear the 
French national cockadein our do- 
minions,,.but the wearing of the 
said cockade is hereby rigidly for- 
bidden to all other persons. It 
therefore results from these pre- 
mises 

1. That the wearing of the 


cockade;shall be confined to French- 


men of the afore-mentioned de- 
scription, ‘together with the am- 
bassador, and the persons belong- 
ing to the embassy, 

2. That national Frenchmen 
shall,,all, be entitled to. have 
their names registered, the regis- 
tering to -relate only to their con- 
nection with France, and to leave 
them subject, as before, to our 
laws, ordinances, and jurisdiction, 
as our temporary subjects. 

3. Thatall persons belonging to 
the French colonies established. in 


-ourdominions,; farther, all French- 


men in our service, by oath of 
allegiance 


620] 


allegiance and duty, even if they 
do not belong to the above-menti- 
oned colonies ; as likewise all those 
jn general who are described by 
this article as our perpetual subs 
jects, (Subditi perpetur) shall not 
have a right to have their names 
inscribed in that registers or to 
wear the French national cockade. 

Berlin, 16 July. 

Dectaration of the King of Prussia, 
put against the Gates of the City 
of Nuremburg, July 5. 

HIS majesty the king of Prussia, 
our most gracious Lord, makes 
known by this public notice to all 
magisterial persons, burghers and 
subjects, and most graciously de« 
clares, that in taking possession, by 
virtue of the judgments of the 
Aulic council of the empire, given 
in the years 1583 and 1587, re- 
specting his territorial sovereignty, 
as far as the gates of the Imperial 
city of Nuremburg—all private 
property shall remain inviolate ; no 
person be opposed in the exercise 
of his well-acquired rights and 
privileges, but that he rather shall 
be protected therein by his Majesty ; 
and every possession shall quietly 
remain in the enjoyment of all ter- 
ritorial and feudal imposts and du- 
ties. 

His Majesty will only exercise 
the rights of sovereignty to him be- 
Jonging, and grant farther to the 
inhabitants of the suburbs of Nu- 
remburg, his sovereign assurance, 
that they and those who belong to 
‘them, shall be exempt from all mi- 
litary duty and levy. 

In other respects, every one is 
hereby cautioned to demean him- 
self quietly and calmly, and to 
shew the more respect to the mili- 
tary, as they will observe the best 
discipline on their part, and avoid 
every excess. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


By his majesty’s most gracious 
and special command. 
HaRDENEERG: 
Anspach, Fuly 3d, 1796. 

Nuremberg, August 16. 
Submission of the Imperial City of 
Nuremberg,tothe King of Prussia. 
OUR magistrates have, under 
the present circumstances, applied 
to the Prussian minister of state, 
Baron Von Hardenberg, testifying 
to his excellency the general wish 
of the citizens to live in future uns 
der the beneficent laws of his 
Prussian majesty. His excellency 
did not hesitate to intercede for us 
with the French commander in 
chief, general Jourdans to obtain 
a fixed contribution in lieu of all 
requisitions; which has been grante 
ed accordingly until the pleasure 
of the French Directory shall be 
known: In other respects, Baron 
Von Hardenberg made answer to 
our deputies, that it was beneath 
the dignity of his sovereign to take 
advantage of our present situation, 
that his majesty would defer mak- 
ing known to us his real sentiments 
till we shall be fully at liberty to an- 
nounce our wishes according to the 

forms of our present constitution. 
Declaration delivered to the Magis- 
trates of Nuremberg on the 29thof 
September, 1796, by the Prussian 
Minister, Baron Von Hardenberg, 
relatice to the Proposal of its being 
united with the King’s Dominions. 
THE undersigned has the honour, 
inthe name of the king, his most gra- 
cious master, to declare to the most 
worshipful the magistrates and 
burghers of the city of Nuremberg, 
that the proof of confidence and at- 
tachment which it gave to his ma- 
jesty, by the voluntary offer of 
submitting to his sceptre, made in 
so solemn and decided a manner, 
has been received by his majesty 
with 


STATE PA PERS: 


with true pleasure and _ grateful 
approbation, and willbe esteemed 
in its full value; but that his majesty 
_ according to the situation of matters 
cannot as yet resolve himself to ac- 
ceptofthat voluntarysubmission,and 
to ratify the annexed agreement of 
subjection and exemption, but that 
hismajesty will nevertheless find suf- 
ficent motives in that unequivocal 
mark of the confidential attach- 
ment of the city, to make it expe- 
rience, by preference, his favour 
and benevolence, and is already 
prepared to do every thing in his 
power to promote the welfare and 
fafety of the city; while his ma- 
jesty, after a farther developement 
of circumstances and events, will 
also never have any objection to 
answer as much as possible to the 
farther wishes of the city. 
The said minister delivered a 
similar declaration to the cities of 
Weissenberg and Winsheim, 


Rescript, published by Order of the 
King of Prussia, respecting the 
Prussian Territories on the left 
Bank of the Rhine. 

_ Frederick William. 

WE having been informed that 
an opinion has been propagated 
through a_ part of our state of 
Westphalia, situated on the left 
bank of the Rhine, to wit, the 
provinces of Cleves, Meurs, and 
Gueldres, in the actual possession 
of the French troops, that suffici- 
ent remonstrances and protestations 
had not been made on our part 
against the various innovations 
and oppressions which the French 
commissaries and agents exercise 
over our faithful subjects ; we have 
therefore thought it good to make 
this public declaration, by means 
of our regency, jointly with our 


[221 


chamber of war and of territory 5 
and we do publicly deciare, that 
we have never ceased, nor shall 
we ever cease, to interest ourselves 
in behalf of our said subjects, by 
the intervention of our envoy to 
the French republic; and that it 
is far from our intention to de- 
part from the basis of the treaty of 
Basle respecting the civil or finan- 
cial administration of those coun- 
tries, 

In concluding the treaty, by 
which the war between our state 
and the French republic was put 
an end to, it was never our inten- 
tion to’ grant them more than 2 
mere military possession of our pro- 
vinces on the left side of the Rhine, 
till peace should be conctuded 
with the emperor: and this inten- 
tion, which has been taken as @ 
basis :n the negotiation 1s suffici- 
ently manifest by the tenor of the 
5th article, which expressly de- 
clares, ‘¢that the troops of the 
republic shall occupy these coun- 
tries belonging to us.” 

The difference between pro- 
vinces conquered from an enemy, 
and those which belong to a power 
in allance, and which have ben 
merely conceded for a temporary 
military occupation, is sufficiently 


_evident, and it is obvious that they 


ought not to be treated in the same 
manner. 

It is therefore impossible for us 
to believe that the French govern 
ment, considering the amicable 
ties subsisting between us aiid ity 
will still oppose such evident rea- 
soning. It cannot fail to con- 
ceive, that neither sequestration 
nor confiscation of the gvods of 
the clergy, nor the projected sale 
of woods, nor the enormous con- 
tribution of three millions imposed 

ou 


222) 


on the country between the Meuse 
and the Rhine, which would en- 
tirely ruin the country, can take 
place with any regard to appear- 
ance of justice. 

It has already in effect given our 
envoy at Paris the most positive as- 
surance, that the measures taken 
with respect to the clergy should 
be put an end to, and that the 
ecclesiastics should remain in quiet 
enjoyment of their goods. and 
revenues : we therefore constant- 
ly expect the revocation of the 
order for the sale of woods, and, 
in general, a renunciation of all 
those destructive innovations rela- 
tive toour dominions, 

We shall not by any means re- 
cognize as valid the sale of woods, 
which has already taken place, to 
our great astonishment; and we 
are positively determined to have 
secourse to the purchasers for res- 
titution in kind, or for the value 
at which the property sold shall be 
estimated by our agents, and for 
the damages which shallresult from 
the waste committed on these woods. 

In those cases where the pur- 
chasers cannot be found, we shall 
exercise our severity on all those 
who are employed by these last for 
cutting and carrying wood. We, 
in consequence, exbort our faith- 
ful subjects in the said provinces 
to remain assured of our last- 
ing and efficacious protection, and 
to wait with confidence, for the 
return of that ancient order of 
things so’ highly to be desired. 

At Wesel in our chamber of war 
and territory, 20th December, 
1796, in the name and on the 
bebalt of his majesty. 

. Baron pz STE, 
Furst President. 
Given at Emuierick, in our re- 
gency, the 29th December, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


1796, in the name and on the 
behalf of his majesty. 
Evsers. 


Treaty of Peace between the Duke of 
Wurtemberg and the French Re- 


THE French republic and his 
serene highness the duke of Wur- 
temberg and Teck, equally ani- 
mated with desire of terminating 
the war in which they have been 
engaged, and for renewing that 
intercourse of commerce and of good 
neighbourhood which must be re- 
ciprocally advantageous to_ them 
both, have appointed the under- 
named plenipoteniiaries; the di- 
rectory, in the name of the French 
republic, citizen Charles Dela- 
croix, minister of external rela- 
tions ; and his serene highness the 
duke of Wurtemberg and Teck, 
baron Charles Woepwart, minister 
of state and president of the 
chamber of finances, and Abel, 
counsellor of legislation, who, af- 
ter having respectively interchang- 
ed their full powers, agreed on 
the following articles : 

Arr. 1. There shall be peace, 
amity, and good understanding, 
between the French republic and 
his serene highness the reigning 
duke of Wurtémberg and Teck : 
consequently all hostilities sball 
cease between the contracting 
powers from the date of the pre- 
sent Lreaty. 

2. The duke of Wurtemberg res 
vokes all adherence,. consent, and 
accession, open or secret, given by 
him to the armed coalition against 
the French republic, or any treaty 
ot alliance, oftensive or defensive, 
which he may have contracted 
with it.» In future he shall with- 
hold from the powers at wat with 
the republic any contingent or 

aid 


STATE PAPE RS. 


aid in men, horses, provisions, 
money, warlike stores or otherwise, 
under whatever title they may be 

- demanded—even though he should 
be catled up »n as member of the 
Germanic « mpire. 

3. The troups of the French re- 
pubic shall have free passage into 
the states of his royal highness, 
and permission to reside and to oc- 
cupy all the military posts neces- 
Sary for their operations. 

4. His serene hizhness the duke 
of Wu-temberg and Teck re- 
Aounces in favour of the French 
Tepudlic for himself, his succes- 
so‘, and all who have any claim, 
all bis rights to the principality 
of Mo theliard, the lordships of 
Hericourt, Passavant, and other 
dependencies, in the county of 
H»bourg, also the lord-hips of 
R quewir and Osthein, and gene- 
rally cedés toi, all the property, 
rights and landed revenue, which 
“he possesses on the left bank of 
the Rhine, and the arrears due to 
him. He renounces all right a- 
gainst the republic for all claims 
he might pretend to have against 
the French republic, for the priva- 
tion hitherto of the said righis and 
Tevenues; and any other claim of 
whatever den mination anterior to 
the present treaty. 

5. His serene highness engages 
not 1o permit the emigrants and 
priests, banished from the French 
sepublic, to reside in his states. 

6. There shall immediately be 
concluded between the two pow- 
ers, a treaty of commerce on 
groun)'s reciprocally advantageous. 
In the mean time all commercial 
relations*shall be renewed on the 
same footing as before the present 
war. All articles and commo- 
dities belonging to the soil, the 
manufactures, the colonies or fis 


[223 


sheriesof France, shall enjoy in 
the states of his royal highness, 
liberty of transit, exempted from 
all duties except the tolls on care 
riages and horses. French drivers 
shall, with respect to the payment 


-of the said tolls, be treated as the 


most favoured nation. 

7. The French republic, and his 
serene highness the duke of Wur- 
temburg, respectively. engage to 
remove the sequestration of all ef- 
fects, revenues, or goods, se'zed, 
confiscated, detained, or sold, be- 
longing to French citizens on the 
one band, and to the inhabitants 
of the dutches of Wurtembery and 
Teck on the other; and to admit 
them toa legal exercise of their 
Tespective engagements and rights. 
, 8. All the prisoners respective) 
made shall be delivered up within 
a month reckoning, from the ex- 
change of the ratifications of the 
present treaty, on paying the debts 
they may have contracted during 
their captivity. The sick and 
wounded shall still be taken care 
of in their respective hospitals, 
and shall be delivered up immedi- 
ately on their cure, 

9. Conformably to the sixth 
article of the treaty concluded at 
the Hague, on the 27th Floreal of 
the third year, the present treaty 
of peace and amity 1s declared to 
be common with the Batatian ree 
public. 

10. It shall be ratified, and the 
ratincation exchanged within a 
month, reckoning from the signa- 
ture, and sooner 1f possible. 

Paris,20ton Thermidor, fourth year 

of the French republic, one 
and indivisible. 
(Signed) Cu. Devacrorx. 
Cuartes, baron de 
Woepart, 
ABEL, 
The 


224] 


“ The directory agrees upon and 
signs the present treaty of peace 
with the duke of Wurtemburg, ne- 
gociated in the name of the French 
republic by the minister of exter- 
nal relations, named by the exe- 
cutive directory, by an arret of the 
11th Thermidor, (present month) 
and charged with instructions for 
that purpose, at Paris, 21st Thermi- 
dor, 4th year of the French repub- 
lic, one and indivisible. 

(As an authentic copy) 
(Signed) Reverumere Lereaux, 
president. 

LAGARDE, secretary 
general. 

This treaty was ratified by the 
legislative body. 

Treaty of Peace between the French 
Republic and the Margrave of 
Baden. 

THE French republic, and his 
serene highness the Margrave of 
Baden, desirous of re-establishing 
between both countsies the relations 
of friendship and good neighbour- 
hood which existed between them 
before the present war, have ap- 
pointed as their plenipotentiaries, 
namely, theexecutive directory, in 
the name of the French republic, 
citizen Charles Delacroix, minister 
of foreign affairs, and his serene 
highness the margrave of Baden, 
the baron de _ Reitzenstein, his 
chamberlain, and great baliff of 
Lorrach, who, after having ex- 
changed their respective powers, 
have resolved on the following ar- 
ticles: 

Art, 1. There shall be peace 
and good understanding between 
the French republic and bis serene 
hizhnessthe margrave of Baden. 
In consequence, all hostilities shall 
cease between the contracting par- 
ties, to reckon from the ratifica- 
tion of this present treaty. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


2. The margrave of Baden te- 
vokes all adherence, consent and 
access, public or secret, by him 
given to the coalition armed against 
the French republic, every contin- 
gent or succour, in men,horses, pros 
visions, money, ammunitien, or 
other stores, under any pretence 
whatever, even if hé should be re- 
quired as member of the Germa- 
nic empire. ; 

3. The troops of the republic 
shall pass freely through the do- 
minions of his serene highness, re= 
side there, and occupy all military 
posts necessary for their opera- 
tions. 

4. His serene highness the mar- 
grave of Baden, for himself and 
his successors, cedes tothe French 
republic all the rights that may 
belong to him upon the lordships 
of Rodemachern and Hesperingen, 
in the ct-devant duchy of Luxem- 
burgh ; the portion belonging to 
him in the county of Sponheim, 
and his rights upon the other por- 
tion; the lordship of Grevenstein, 
the bailiwicks of Beinheim and 
Rhod, and generally all the terri- 
tories, rights, and revenues, which 
he possessed, or pretends to have a 
right to possess on the left bank 
of the Rhine. He renounces all 
demands upon the republic respect- 
ing the arrears ofthe said rights 
and revenues, and for every other 
cause anterior to the present trea- 
ty. 
5. His serene highness, ~ the 
reigning margrave of Baden, as 
well in his own name, as in that of 
his two sons, the princes Frederick 
and Louis of Baden, for whom he 
interests hinself strongly, cedes 
and abandons, with entire gua- 
rantee te the French republic, the 
two-thirds of the manor of Kut- 
zeaohausen, situate in the cé-devant 

province 


STATE PAPERS. 


province of Alsace, with all its 
rights and dependencies, together 
with the arrears of the said rights 
and revenues, which might remain 
due, renouncing all demands upon 
the republic thereto relating, and 
for every other cause anterior to 
the present treaty. 

6. His serene highness the mar- 
grave of Baden also cedes for him- 
self and his successors, all the 
islands of the Rhine which may 
beiong to him, all the rights to 
which he may pretend upon the 
said islands, as likewise upon the 
course and the different branches 
of that river; especially the rights 
of tolls, high jurisdiction, direct 
lordship, civil or criminal justice, 
-or police. 

There shall not be included, un-= 
der the denomination of the different 
arms of the Rhine, the small 
branches, and the dead or stagnant 
waters left in conSequence of the 
inundations of the ancient course 
of the river, and known to the 
watermen by the names of Alt- 
-wasser, Alt Rhine, or Old Rhine. 

7. Each of the contracting par- 
ties shall be at liberty to finish the 
work of the dykes, which may be 
thought necessary for the preser- 
vation of ‘his territory; but this 
is to be done so as not to injure the 
country on the opposite bank. All 
disputes which may arise from this 
object, as also from the establish- 
‘ment and preservation of the tow- 
ing path, shall be decided by juri- 
dical means, between the respective 
governments. 

8. His serene highness engages 
to leave, or cause to be left, on the 
right bank of the Rhine, a space 


of thirty-six feet broad, to serve” 


as a towing-road in the navigable 

parts, or in those which may be- 

come so. Thisroad shall be cleared 
Vou. XXXVIII. 


[295 


of every thing that may injure its 
usage. It is, however, agreed, that 
the houses which stand on the 
ground which it is to take up, or 
which would be necesSary for con- 
tinuing it, shail not be demolished 
without paying a just and previous 
indemnity to the owner. 

9. The punishment of offences 
relative to navigation, which may 
be committed on the said towing- 
road, shall belong to the French 
republic. 

10, The portions of that road, 
as likewise the islands on that 
river, which belonged by special 
right to his serene highness, or 
which were possessed by ecclesias- 
tical bodies or commonalties, are 
ceded, without reserve, to the ree 
public. The lay or private com- 
munities shall continue to enjoy, 
under the sovereignty of the repub- 
lic, the portions which were in 
their possession. It is however 
agreed, that the said sovereignty 
shall not be exercised over houses 
depending on tbe margraviate, 
which may be deemed necessary 
for continuing the towing-way, 
but only on their sites, after they 
shall have been demolished in exe- 
cution of Art. 8. 

11. The navigation of the: river 
shall be free for the citizens and 
the subjects of both contracting 
parties. 

12. The tolls gathered on that 
part of the river Rbine which 
flows between the dominions of the 
contracting parties are abolished 
for ever. There shall be none 
established hereafter on the natural 
bed of the river. 

13. The stipulations contained 
in the preceding treaties between 


France on the one part, and_ his 


serene highness the margrave of 
Baden, or the emperor and the 
empire, 


926] 


empire, on the other, relative to 
the course of the Rhine, its navi- 
gation, the works to be con- 
structed for the preservation of its 
bed and its banks, shall continue 
to be executed jn as far as they are 
mot contrary to the present treaty. 

14, His serene highness en- 
gages not to permit the emigrants, 
and the priests transported from the 
French republic, to reside in his 
territories. 

15. There shall be concluded, 
without delay, between the two 
‘powers, a treaty of commerce on 
grounds of reciprocal. advantage. 
Meanwhile all commercial rela- 
‘tions shall be re-established, such 
as they were before the present 
war. 

All commodities and merchan- 
dise, being the produce of the 
French soil, manufactories, colo- 
nies, and fisheries, shall enjoy in 
the territories of his serene high- 
ness. the liberty of transit and 
staple, exempted from all du- 
ties, except those of the tolls upon 
waggons and horses. 

The French waggoners shall be 
treated, with regard to the pay- 
ment of those duties of toll, like 
the most favoured nation. , 

16. The French republic and 
his serene highness the margrave 
of Baden, respectively engage to 
grant replevy on the sequestration 
of all effects, revenues, or estates, 
confiscated, detained, or sold from 
French citizens on one part, and 
on the other, from the inhabitants 
of the margraviate of Baden, and 
‘to admit them to the legal exercise 
of the actions and tights which 
may belong to them. 

17. All the prisoners of war 
‘respectively taken shall be delivered 
up within one month, to count 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


from the exchange of the ratifi- 
cation of the present treaty, on 
paying the debts which they may 
have contracted during their cap- 
tivity. 

The siek and wounded shall cons 
tinue to be taken care of in the 
respective hospitals; they shall be 
given up immediately after their 
recovery. 

18. Conformable to the treaty 
concluded at the Hague, the 27th 
Florea] of the third year, the pre- 
sent treaty of peace and friendship 
is declared common with the Bata- 
vian republic, 

19. It shall be ratified, and the 
ratifications exchanged at Paris, 
within one month, to reckon from 
its signature, and sooner if practi- 
cable, 

Paris, 5 Fructidor, of the fourth 
year of the French republic, 
one and indivisible, : 

(Signed) 

' Cuartes DeLacrorx, 
Sicismunp Cnaruirs Joun 

Baron de RexrzEnvTELN. 

The Executive Directory resolve 
and ratify the present treaty of 
peace with the margraye of Baden, 
negotiated in the name of the 
French republic by the minister for 
foreign affairs, appointed by the 
Executive Directory by the resoe 
lution of the 28th of last Thermidor, 
and charged with their instructions 
for that purpose. 

Paris, 8th Fructidor, fourth year 
of the French republic, one 
and indivisible. 

(Signed) Z 
RevELLIERE LepeaAux, presi, 

By the Executive Directory, 

(Signed) La Garneg, sec. gen. 

The Council of Ancients ap- 
proved of the above treaty on the 
ist of August. 


Set Aye OB AP Ee Rs 


Treaty of Peace between the French 
Republic and the King of the Two 
Sicilies. 

THE French republic and his 
majesty the king of the Two Sicilies, 
equally animated with the desire 
to make the advantages of peace 
succeed to the miseries inseparable 
from war, have named, Viz. the 
Executive Directory, in the name 
of the French republic, the citizen 
Charles Delacroix, minister for 
foreign affairs; and his majesty the 
king of the Two Sicilies, the 
prince Belmonte Pignatelli, gen- 
tleman of the chamber, and his 
envoy extraordinary and minister 
plenipotentiary to his Catholic ma- 
_ jesty, to treat, in their name, the 
clauses and conditions proper to re- 
establish good understanding and 
friendship between the two powers, 
who ‘after having exchanged their 
respective full powers, have agreed 
on the following articles : 

Art. 1. There shall be peace 
friendship, and good understand- 

g, between the French republic 
and his majesty the king of the 
Two Sicilies: in consequence, all 
hostilities shall definitively cease, 
reckoning from the day of the 
exchange of the ratification of the 
present treaty. Meanwhile, and 
till that period, the conditions sti- 
pulated by the armistice concluded 
on the 17th Prairial of the 4th year 
(5th of June, 1796) shall continue 
to have full power and effect. 

2. Every interior act, engage- 


ment, or convention, on the one- 


part or the other of the two con- 
_tracting parties, which are con- 
trary to the present treaty, are 
revoked, and shall be regarded as 
null, and of no effect; in conse- 
quence, during the course of the 
present war, neither of the two 


[927 


powers shall furnish to the enemies 
of the other, any succours of troops, 
ships, arms, warlike stores, pro- 


visions, or money, under what- 
ever title or denomination that 
may be. 


3. His majesty the king of the 
Two Sicilies shall observe the most 
strict neutrality towards all the bel- 
ligerent powers; in consequence, 
he pledges himself to prevent in- 
discriminately access to his ports to 
all armed ships of war belongin 
to the said powers, which shall ex- 
ceed four, according to the regu~ 
lations acknowledged by the said 
neutrality. All stores or merchan- 
disey known by the name of con- 
traband, shall be refused them. 

4. All security and protection 
shall be granted against all persons 
whatever, in the ports and roads of 
the Two Sicilies, to all French 
merchaotmen, of whatsoever num- 
ber they may be, and to all the 
ships of war of the republic, not. 
exceeding the number specified 
in the above article. 

5. The French republic and the 
king of the Two Sicilies engage to 
take off the sequestration from all 
effects, revenues, goods seized, con- 
fiscated, and kept from the citizens 
or subjects of both powers, in con- 
sequence of the present war, and 
to admit them respectively to the 
legal exercise of all civil rights that 
may belong to them. 

0. All prisoners made on one 
side or the other, comprising ma- 
riners and sailors, shall be recipro- 
cally restored within a month, 
reckoning from the exchange of 
the ratification of the present 
treaty, paying the debts which 
they may have contracted during 
their captivity; the sick and 
wounded shall continue to be taken 

Q2 care 


998] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


care of in their respective hospi- 
tals, and shall be restored upon 
their recovery. 

7. Togive a proof of his friend- 
ship for the French republic, 
and of bis sincere desire to main- 
tain the most pertect harmony 
between the two powers, his ma- 
*jesty the king of the Two Sicilies 
cousents to set at liberty every 
‘French citizen who may have been 
arrested and detained in his sta‘es, 
op account of bis political opinions 
re-pecting the French revolution ; 
all goods and proper'y, moveable 
or immoveable, which may have 
been sequestrated on the same ac- 
‘count, shall be restored to them. 

8. From the same motives which 
dictated the preceding articles, 
his majesty the kirg of the Two 

_ Sicilies engages to cause all proper 
search.to be made for discovering, 
by legal means, ard for giving up 
to the rigour of the laws, the per- 
sons who stole, in 1795, the papers 
belonging to the laie minister of 
the French republic. 

9. The ambassadors or ministers 
of thetwo contracting powers shall 
enjoy in their respective states, the 
same prerogative and precedence 
which they enjoyed betore the war, 
excepting those which were allowed 
thein as family ambassadors. 

1. Every French citizen, and 
all persons belonging to the house- 
hold of the ambassador or minister, 
or to that of the consuls and 
other authorised and acknowledged 
agents of the French republic, shall 
enjoy, in the states of his majesty 
the king of the Two Sicilies, the 
same freedom of religious worship 
as is enjoyed by the individuals of 
those nations, not Catholics, which 
are the most favoured in that 
respect. 4 , 


11. There shall be negotiated 
and concluded, without delay, a 
treaty of commerce between the 
two powers, founded on the basis 
of mutual utility, and such as shall 
insure to the French nation ad- 
vantages equal! to all those which 
are enjoyed in the kingdom of the 
Two Sicilies by the most fayoured 
nations. Until the completion of 
this treaty, the commercial and 
consular relations shall be recipro- 
cally re-established on the same 
footing as before the war. 

12. In conformity with “the 
sixth article of the treaty concluded 
at the Hague on the 27th Floreal, 
in the third year of the republic 
(16th of May, 1795, old style,) the 
same, peace friendship, and good 
understanding, that are stipulated 
in the present treaty between the 
French republic and bis majesty 
he king of the Two Sicilies, shall 
subsist between his majesty and the 
Batavian republic. 

13. The present treaty shall be 
ratified, and the ratifications ex- 
changed, within forty days from 
the date hereof. 

Done at Paris 19th Vendemiaire, 
in the 5th year of the French 
republic, one and indivisible, 
corresponding with the 10th 
October, 1796, (old style). 

(Signed) Cuarits DELAcrorx. 
The Prince of BELMONTE 
PIG NATELLI. 


Offensive and Defensive Treaty of 
Alliance between the French Re- 
public and Spain. 

THE executive directory of the 
French republic and his Catholic- 
majesty the king of Spain, ani- 
mated by the wish to strengthen 
the bonds of amity and good un- 
derstanding happily re-established 

between 


ST AF Es PRAT. ES RS. 


‘between France and Spain by the 
treaty of peace concluded at Basle 
on the 4th Thermidor, and the 
third year of the republic, (July 
22, 1795) have resolved to form an 
offensive and deiensive treaty of 
‘alliance for whatever concerns the 
advantages and common defence 
of the two nations ; and they have 
charged with this important nego- 
tiation, and have given their full 
powers to the under-mentioned 
os namely the Executive 
irectory of the French republic to 
citizen Dominique Catherine Pe- 
rignon, general of division of the 
republic and its ambassador to his 
Catholic majesty the king of Spain ; 
and his Catholic majesty the king 
of Spain, to his excellency Don 
Manuel de Godoi, prince of peace, 
duke of Aicudia, &c. &c. &c. who, 
after the respective communication 
and exchange of ther full powers, 
have agreed on the following 
articles : ‘ 

Art. 1. There shall exist for ever 
an offensive and defensive alliance 
between the French republic and 
his Catholic majesty the king of 
Spain. 

2. The two contracting powers 
shall be mutual guarantees, with- 
out any reserve or exception, in the 
most authentic and absolute way, 
of all the states, territories, islands, 
and the places which they possess, 
and shall respectively possess. And 
if one of the two powers shall be 
in the sequel, under whatever pre- 
text itmay be, menaced orattacked, 
the other promises, ‘engages and 
binds itself to help it with its good 
offices, and to succour it on_ its 
requisition, as shall be stipulated in 
the following articles : 

3. Within the space of three 
months, reckoning from the mo- 


[299 


ment of the requisition, the power 
called on shall hold in readiness, 
and place in the disposal of the 
power calling, 15 ships of the line, 
three of which shall be three 
deckers, or of 80 guns, twelve of 
from 70 to 72, six frigates of a 
proportionate force, and four sloops 
or light vessels, all equipped, 


armed, and victualled for six 
moriths and stored for a year. 
_These naval forces ‘shall be as- 


sembled by the power called on in 
the particular port pointed out by 
the power calling. 

4. In case the requiring power 
may have judged it proper for the 
commencement of hostilities to con- 
fine itself to the one-half thesuccour, 
which was to have been given in 
execution of the preceding article, 
it may, at any epoch of the cam- 
paign, call for the other half of 
the aforesaid succour, which shall 
be furnished in the mode and 
within the space fixed. The space 
of time to be reckoned from the 
new requisition. ; 

5. The power called on shall in 
the same way place at the disposal 
of the requiring power, within 
the space of three months, reckon- 
ing from the moment of the re- 
quisition, eighteen thousand, ine 
fantry, and six thousand cavalry 5 
with a proportidnate train of ar- 
tillery, to be readily employed in 
Europe, and for the defence of the 
colonies which the contracting 
powers possess in the Gulf of 
Mexico. 

_ 6. The requiring power shall be 
allowed to send one or several 
commissioners for the purpose of 
assuring itself whether conforma- 
bly to the preceding articles, the 
power called on has put itself in a 
state to commence hostilities on the 
Q 3 day 


230] 


day fixed with the land and sea 
forces. 

7. These succours shall be en- 
tirely placed at the disposal of the 
requiring power, which may leave 
them in the ports and on the ter- 
ritory of the power called on, or em- 
ploy them in any expeditions it may 
think fit to undertake, without be- 
ing obliged to give an account of 
the motives by which it may have 
been determined. 

8. The demand of the souccours 
stipulated in the preceding articles, 
made by one of the powers, shall 
suffice to prove the need it has of 
them, and shall bind the other 
power to dispose of them, without 
its being necessary to enter into any 
discussion relative to the question 
whether the war it proposes be 
offensive or defensive ; or without 
any explanation being required, 
which may tend to elude the most 
speedy and exact accomplishment 
of what is stipulated. 

9. The troops and ships de- 
manded shall continue at the dis- 
posal of the requiring power during 
the whole duration of the war, 
without its incurring in any case 
any expence. The power called 
on shall maintain them in all 
places where its ally shall cause 
them to act, as ifit employed them 
directly for itself. It is simply 
agreed on, that during the whole 
of the time when the aforesaid 
troops or ships shall be on the terri- 
tory or in the ports of the requiring 
power, it shall furnish from its 
magazines. er arsenals whatever 
may be necessary to them, in the 
same way and at the same price as 
it supplies its own troops and 
ships. 

10. The power called on shall 
immediately replace the ships it 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


furnishes, which may be lost be 
accidents of war or of the sea. | 
shall also repair the losses the troop: 
it supplies may suffer. 

11. Jf the aforesaid succours 
are found to be, or should become’ 
insufficient, the two contracting 
powersshall put on foot the greatest 
forces they possibly can, as well by 
sea as by land, against the enemy 
of the power attacked, which shall 
employ the aforesaid forces, cither | 
by combining them, or by causing 
them to act separately, and this | 
conformably to a plan concerted 
between them. 

12. The succours stipulated by 
the preceding articles shall be 
furnished in all the wars the con- 
tracting powers may haye to main- 
tain, even in those in which the 
party called on may not be directly 
interested, and may act merely as 
a simple auxiliary. 

13. In the case in which the mo- 
tives of hostilities being prejudicial 
to both parties, they may declare 
war with one common assent against 
one or several powers, the limita- 
tions established in the preceding | 
articles shall cease to take place, | 
and the. two contracting powers | 
shall be bound to bring into action 
against the common enemy the 
whole of their land and sea forces, 
and to concert their plans so as to 
direct them towards the most con- 
venient points, either separately or: 
by uniting them. They equally 
bind themselves, in the cases point- 
ed out in the present article, not 
to treat for peace unless with one 
common consent, and in such a 
way as that each shall obtain the 
satisfaction which is its due. 

14, In the case in which one o 
the powers shall act merely as an 
auxiliary, the power whichal one 

shall 


STATE PAPERS: 


Shall find itself attacked may treat 
for peace separately, but so as that 
no prejudice may result from thence 
tothe auxiliary power, and that it 
may even turn as much as_ possible 
toits direct advantage, For this 
purpose advice shall be given to the 
auxiliary power of the mode and 
time agreed on for the opening and 
sequel of the negotiations. 

15. Without any delay there 
shall be concluded atreaty of com- 
merce on the most equitable basis, 
and reciprocally advantageous to 
the two nations, which shall secure 
to each of them, with its ally, a 
marked preference for the preduc- 


tions of its soil or manufactures, . 


or at least advantages cqual to 
those which the most favoured na- 
tions enjoy in their respective states. 

The two powers engage to make 
instantly a common cause to repress 
and annihilate the maxims adopted 
by any country whatever, which 
may be subversive of their present 
principles, and which may bring 
into danger the safety of the neu- 
tral flag, and the respect which is 
due to it, as well as to raise and 
re-establish the colonial system of 
Spain on the footing on which it 
has subsisted, or ought to subsist, 
confermably to treaties. 

16. The character and juris« 
diction of the consuls shall be at the 
same time recognized and regulated 
bya particular convention. Those 
anterior to the present treaty shall 
be provisionally executed. 

17. To avoid every dispute be- 
tween the two powers, they shal] 
be bound to employ themselves im- 
mediately, and without delay, in 
the explanation and developement 
of the 7th article of the treaty of 
Basle, concerning the frontiers 


(281 


conformable to the instructions, 
plans; and memoirs, which shall 
be communicated through the mes 
dium of the plenipotentiaries who 
negotiate the present treaty. 

18. England, being the only 
power against which Spain has 
direct grievances, the present alli- 
auce shall not be executed unless 
against her during the present war $ 
and Spain shall remain neuter with 
respect to the other powers armed 
against the republic. 

19, The ratifications of the pre- 
sent treaty shall be exchanged 
within a month from the date of 
its being signed. 

Done at IIldephortso, 2 Fructidor, 
(Aug. 19) the 4th year of the 
French republic, one and in- 
divisible. 

(Signed) Prrienon, and the 
PRINCE of PEACE. 

The executive directory resolves 
on and signs the present offensive 
and defensive treaty of alliance with 
his Catholic majesty the king of 
Spain, negotiated in the mame of 
the French republic by citizen Do- 
minique Catherine Perignon, ge- 
neral of division, founded on 
powers to that effect by a resolution 
of the executive directory, dated 
® Messidor, (Sept. 6) and charged 
with its instructions. 

Done at the National Palace of 
the Executive Directory, the 
fourth year of the French re- 
public, one and indivisible. 

Conformable to the original.’ 

(Signed) 

Revercirere Lepeaux, presi. 
By the Executive Directory, 
Lacarpe, secretary general. 

This treaty was ratified on the 
26 Fructidor, (Sept. 12) by the 
Council of Elders. 


Q4 Treaty 


232) 


Treaty between France und Prussia. 

HIS majesty the king of Prussia 
and the French republic having 
deemed it proper to modify, in a 
Manner agreeable to existing cir- 
cumstances, the stipulations rela. 
tive to the neutrality of the north- 
ern part of Germany agreed upon 
by the treaty of Basle, the 5th of 
April, 1795, and by the convention 
of the 17th of May ; they named, 
to concert on that subject, viz. his 
Prussian majesty, Sieur Chretien 
Henry Count de Haugwiltz, his 
minister of state for the war depart- 
ment; and the French republic, 
citizen Antoine Bernard'Caillard, 
its minister plenipotentiary at Ber- 
Jin, who, having mutually exchang- 
ed their powers, have agreed on the 
following articles : 

The French republic will abstain 
from extending the operations of 
the war, and from sending troops, 
either by land orsea, into the states 
included in the following line of 
demarcation : 

This line to begin from the part 
of the Duchy of Holstein, situated 
on the North Sea, extending down 
the coast of that sea, on the side of 
Germany, and including the terri- 
tory in which the Elbe disembogues 
itself, together with the Weser and 
the Ems, as well as the islands situ. 
ated in those districts, as far as For- 
cum, from thence to the frontiers of 
Holland, as far as Anholt, passing 
Herenberg, and including the 
Prussian possessions near Sevenaer, 
as faras Bair on the Ysel ; it will 
then continue down that river to 
the place where it mixes its waters 
with the Rhine ; the line will then 
go up the latter river as far as 
Wesel, aud farther on, td the place 
where the Roer throws itself into 
fhe Rhine; it will then extend 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. - 


along the Jeft bank of the Roer ta 
its source ; after which, leaving 
the city of Nedebach to the left, 
it will take its direction towards 
the Eder, the course of which it 
will follow until that river meets 
the Fuld, and then it will go up 
that river as far as its source, 

The French republic will consi- 
der as neutral states all those in the 
line, on condition that they observe 
on their side a strict neutrality ; the 
first point of which will be to fur- 
nish, for the future, for the con- 
tinuation of the war, no pecuniary 
contributions of any kind what- 
ever ; to order back immediately, 
if they had not already done so, 
their respective contingent troops, 
and that in the space of two 
months, from the signing of the 
present treaty ; and not to contract 
any new engagement, which may 
authorize them to furnish troops to 
the powers at war with France. 
The states which do not act agree- 
ably to these conditions, shall be 
excluded from the benefit of the 
neutrality. 

As for that part of the country 
of La Marck, which, being on the 
left bank of the Roer, is not in- 
cluded in the above line, it will 
nevertheless enjoy the benefits of 
this treaty in the fullest extent: 
but his Prussian majesty consents to 
allow the troops of the belligerent 
powers to pass through it, on con- 
dition that they do not there esta- 
blish the theatre ef war nor possess 
themselves of entrenched positions, 
&e. &e. 

Given at Berlin, August 5th, 

1796, old style, and the 18th 
Thermidor, 4th year of the 


French republic. 
(Signed) Curetizn HavewiLta, 
Anroing CalLtarp. 


2 Treaty 


Sa TiE) “PLA PvE ORS. 


Freaty of Peace between the French re- 
public and the Infant Duke of Par- 
ma, Placentia, and Guastalla. 
THE French republic and his 

royal highness the infant duke of 

- Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, 

desiring to re-establish the ties of 

amity which formerly subsisted be- 
tween the two states, and to put 
an end, as much as in their power, 
to the calamites of war, have ac- 
cepted, with eagerness, the medi- 
ation of his Catholic majesty, and 
have named for the plenipotenti- 
aries, that is to say, the executive 
directory, in the name of the French 
republic, the citizen Charles Dela- 
croix, minister of foreign affairs, 
and his royal highness the infant 
duke of Parma, Messieurs the count 

Pierre Politi and Don Louis Boll ; 

who, after having exchanged their 

respective powers, have determined 
upon and concluded definitively the 
following articles, under the medi- 
ation of his Catholic majesty, exer- 
cised by the marquis del Campo, 
his ambassador to the French re- 
public, who has also presented his 
full powers. 

Arr. 1. There shall be peace 

_ and amity between the French re- 

public and his royal highness the 

infant duke of Parma; the two 

. powers shall carefully abstain from 

every thing that may alter the good 

harmony and union established be- 
tween them by the present treaty. 

' 2. Every act, engagement, or 

anterior convention, on the part of 

one or other of the two contracting 
powers, which might be contrary 
to the present treaty, shall be con- 

- sidered as null and void. In conse- 

quence, during the course of the 

present war, neither of the two 
powers shall furnish to the enemies 


[239 


of the other any succours in troops, 
arms, warlike ammunition, provi- 
sions, or money, under whatever 
title and denomination it may be. 

3. The infant duke of Parma 
engages not to permit the emi- 
grants, or banished persons of the 
French republic, to stop or sojourn 
in his state. 

4. 'The French republic and his 
royal highness the infant duke of 
Parma engage to remove the se 
questration froim all the effects, re- 
venues, or goods, which may have 
been seized, confiscated, detained, 
or sold, from the citizens or sub- 
jects of the other power, relative 
to the present war, and to admit 
them to the legal exercise of the 
actions or rights belonSing to them. 

5. The contributions stipulated 
in the convention of armistice, 
signed at Placentia on the 20th of 
last Floreal, between general Buo- 
naparte in the name of the French 
republic, and the marquises Pelle- 
viene aud Phillippo delle Rosa in 
the name of the infant duke of Par- 
ma, shall be fully discharged. 
There shall neither be levied nor 
exacted any other ; if there have 
been levied any contributions in 
money, or required any supplies in 
provisions, beyond what is settled 
by the said convention, the contri- 
butions in money shall be reimburs- 
ed, and the provisions paid for at 
the current price at the time of de- 
livery. There shalJl be named on 
each part, if necessary, commissa- 
ries to execute the present article. 

6. From the signature of the pre- 
sent treaty the states of his royal 
highness the infant duke of Parma 
shall be treated as those of friendly 
and neutral powers ; if there shall 
be supplied any necessaries to the 

troops 


934) 


troops of the republic, by his royal 
highness or his subjeéts, they shall 
be paid for at a price agreed upon. 

7. The troops of the republic 
shall enjoy a free passage through 
the states of the infant duke of 
Parma. 

&. One of the contracting powers 
shall not grant a free passage to the 
troops of the enemy of the other. 

9. The French republic and his 
royal highness the infant duke of 
Parma desiring to establish and aug- 
ment by stipulations, reciprocally 
advantageous, the commercial re- 
lations that existed between their 
citizens and respective subjects, de- 
termined as follows: 

10. Silks, grain, rice, olive oil, 
cattle, cheese, wines, and other 
articles, the produce of the estates 
of his royal highness, shall be ex- 
ported to the territories of the re- 
public without any restriétions be- 
yond those which the exigencies of 
the country may render necessary. 
The said restrictions shall never 
attach solely and especially upon 
the French citizen. There shall 

“even be granted every degree of 
preference for the purchase of the 
objeéts (mentioned or alluded to in 
the present article) of which cir- 
cumstances may suspend or restrain 
the exportation. 

11. Allarticles being the produce 
of the republic, its colonies or 
fisheries, shall be imported, free of 
duty, into the states of his royal 


highness, and exported from France, ’ 


subjeét only to such restriétions as 
local circumstances may render ne- 
cessary. 

12. All articles of French manu- 
facture shall likewise be imported 
to the states of his royal highness, 
unless he may deem it expedient, 
for the prosperity of his own ma- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


nufaétures, to impose certain re« 
strictions or prohibitions; but these 
restrictions shall in no case operate 
against French manufactures exclu- 
sively, to which his royal highness 
even undertakes to give all the pre- 
ference he can consistently with the 
prosperity of the manufactures of 
his own states. 

The above articles shall be exe- 
cuted with the most scrupulous re- 
ciprocity for the introduction of 
the manufactures of his royal high- 
ness’s states into France. . 

13. The mutual duties on ex- 
ports and imports shall be regulated 
by a separate convention : in case 
that such convention should not 
be ratified by the republic, it is 
expressly agreed that the said du- 
ties shall be reciprocally ascertain- 
ed and collected in the mode ob- 
served with the countries the most 
favoured by the republic, 

14. The produce of the lands of 
the republic, her colonies and fish 
eries, shall be conveyed freely 
through the states of his royal high- 
ness, or lodged in warehouses on 
their way to the other states of Italy, 
without the payment of customs, 
and liable only to a certain toll on 
their passage, for the support of the 
highways; which shall be regulated 
with all possible dispatch, and 
founded on a moderate footing bes 
tween the contracting parties, at 
so much per quintal per league. 
The toll shall be payable at the 
first office for entering the goods. 

The above article shall also be in 
force in all parts of the republic ; 


_and all goods‘and merchandize the 


produce of the states of his royal 
highness the infant duke of Parma 
shall be subject to the same regula 
tionsasabove. And, . 

As the right of toll above mene 


tioned 


STAITE PAPERS: 


. tioned has been retained only with 
a view to contribute to the support 
of the bridges and highways, it is 
expressly stipulated that the goods 
and merchandize conveyed by the 
rivers and navigable canals shall be 
reciprocally exempt from duties of 
every description. 

The contraéting parties respec- 
tively shall adopt the necessary mea- 
sures for the due execvtion of the 
present and preceding articles. 

15. In ‘conformity to the sixth 
article of the treaty concluded at 
the Hague,the 22d F loreal, 3d year, 
the peace concluded by the present 
treaty isdeclared common with the 
Batavian Republic. . 

16, The present treaty shall be 
ratified, and the ratifications ex- 
changed in-one month at most from 
the present day, exclusively. 

Done at Paris, inthe 5th year of 

the French republic, one an 
indivisible. g 
(Signed) Cu. Deracroix. 
Count Pour. 
- Louis Botta. 


SEPARATE ARTICLE. 

His royal highness stipulates to 
grant a remission of one-fourth of 
the rights of importation on the 
goods and merchandize, being the 
produce of the republic, her colo- 
nies, fisheries, and .manufac¢tures, 
destined for the home consumption 
ofthe states, and also the right of 
exportation on the goods and mer- 
chandise, the produce of the statés, 
and destined for the foreign poses- 
sions of the republic; provided the 
French republic agree to a recipro- 
cal diminution of duties, 

I, On the goods and merchan- 
dise arising from the states of his 
royal highness, at their entry on 
the territory of the republic. 


[235 


II. On all goods and merchane 
dise, the produce of the republic 
on being exported for the states of 
his royal highness. 

Done at Paris, the day and year 

as above. 
(Signed) Cu. Detacrorx. 
Cownt Pouiti+ 
Louis Boris. 


‘A Proclamation by F. Santhonax,J. 


Raymond, M. Giraud, G. Leb- 

lanch, and P. Romme, Commis- 

stoners delegated by the French 

Government to the Windward 

Islands of St. Domingo, 

To all the Citizens of the colony, 
and to all those who compose the 
Land and Sea Forces destined for 
1ts defence. x 

Citizen 

AFTER so many storms and 
critical emergencies, inseparable 
concomitants of a revolution, 
France enjoys at least a constitution 
worthy of a people whe know how 
to value liberty. 

Already under a truly republican 
government, the French people 
begin to rest from their long and 
arduous toil, and to enjoy the 
happy effects of the liberty which 
they have attained. 

Firmly resolved to cause the con. 
stitution to be executed, the exe. 
cutive direétory is constantly ems 
ployed in searching out means to 
lave it established in all parts o 
the Republie. j 

The sixth article of the consti-« 
tion states, That the French colo- 
nies are inseparable parts of the 
Republic, and subjected to the 
same constitutional law. 

It is particularly for the execution 
of that article, that we have re- 
ceived from the government the 
honourable mission intrusted to us; 
and at the same time,'to let you 
3 . know 


e236] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


know all the means you ought to 
employ to preserve liberty and 
equality; which are the fundamen- 
tal laws of the constitution. 

Citizens rally at the voice of the 
delegates of the republic, since it 
is inher name, and forher dearest 
interests, that they are going to 
address you. 

The ancient government of the 
colonies had distinguished three dif- 
ferent classes—the whites, the co- 
loured people, and the slaves. To 
those different classes, now united 
and honoured with the name of 
French citizens, we are going to 
speak alternately. We shall first 
address that portion of the people of 
the colony, which has most suf- 
fered under the tyrannic order 
which has been abolished, and we 
shall say tothem: By the republican 
constitution, which the French na- 
tion has just adopted, you have re« 
covered your primitive rights ; but 
you must know the proper means 
to preserve them without trouble, 
and to transmit them without in» 
terruption, to your remotest pos- 
terity. Those ships, the warriors 
whom they bring to you; all those 
formidable preparations are design- 
ed against the English, who are the 
most cruel enemies of your liberty ! 
They dare to indulge the hope of 
framing new chains for you. See 
these blood-thirsty tigers bending 
still your brethren under their ho« 
micidal whips. We cannot suffer 
any longer so dismal an object ; 
join the forces which France sends 
to you, expel from the territory of 
the French republic those tyrants of 
mankind, pursue them even to 
their haunts, and destroy the last 
of them! What! is it not incum- 
bent on you to revenge your bree 


thren, whom they keep fettered itt 
the surrounding islands? Yes} ci- 
tizens, every thing ought to ims 
press you with an implacable hatred 
for those tyrants, whose most lu- 
crative trade is, reducing you to 
slavery, misery, and death. What 
can withhold your vengeance? Rush 
on this impious race ;_ make it dis- 
appear from that sacred spot, which 
toolong has been the theatre of its 
crimes and depredations. 

Labour and instruction, citizens, 
are necessary to the preservation of 
the people, and the constitution 
imposes them asa duty upon all 
citizens. ‘The 15th article of the 
second title contains these words. 
Young men cannot be inscribed in 
the civic register, if they do not 
prove that they can read, write, 
and follow a mechanical branch of 
business. That clause, citizens, 
can and ought to take place only 
agreeably to the constitution, after 
the first day of the 12th year of the 
republic. 

The manual operations of agri- 
culture belong to the mechanic 
arts. 

Yes, labour and agriculture par- 
ticularly, is absolutely necessary to 
him who wishes to preserve his 
rights, and enjoy his liberty. 
Through labour we procure the 
necessary things to our existence 
and enjoyment; through labour 
only we can preserve our liberty. 

Had your ancestors; the inha- 
bitants of Africa; devoted them- 
selves to the culture of their fruit- 
ful lands, they most assuredly 
would not have debased themselvés 
by reciprocal bloody wars; of 
which greedy Europeans have 
availed themselves to reduce them 


to the most intolerable and degrad- 


ing 


STATE PA PERS. 


ing slavery. What remains for 
you to do, in order to avoid all 
the misfortunes which are inse- 
tei concomitants of idleness ? 

othing, ut to devote your- 
selves to the culture of the rich 
productions of the colony you in- 
habit! Many of you have been to 
France; they will tell you, that 
the people are there constantly 
oecupied at useful labours, and 
agriculture in particular IJmitate 
that active people, who adopts you 
‘as brethren, and you will establish, 
by that means, a trade of exchange 
-with them, which will cement 
-and strengthen your brotherly re- 
lations. 

Instruction isas useful to you as 
labour; by it you will transmit 
your rights to your children; by 
it you will learn how to fulfil the 
duty of good citizens: finally, by 
instruction you will attain that de- 
gree of morality, which distin- 
guishes the civilized from the sa- 
vage man, the honest from the per- 
verse Citizen. 

The government will omit no- 
thing to attain an object so inte- 
resting, and so worthy of its soli- 
citude. Public schools will be 
established throughout all the co- 
lonies ; your children shall there 
“receive instruction ; imbibe a taste 
for labour and morals, which are 
to accomplish their full generation. 
The republic will extend farther 
her cares for your children, for she 
“wishes that a certain number of 
those who shall have produced a 
‘greater disposition and zeal for in- 
structon be sent to Fraace, with 
the consent of their parents, there 
to study-in a more perfect degree 
those sciences or arts, to which 
they may have shewn a more de- 
cided inclination. 


[237 


The same resources are likewise 
offered to the children of the 
whites, and of the coloured peo- 
ple; for the primary schools, which 
will be established, will be open- 
to all individuals, born in the co- 
lonies,of whatever colour they may, 
be. ALL MEN ARE EQUAL IN 
RIGHTS. 

To you, Citizens, whom a bar- 
barous custom had made formerly 
proprietors of slaves, we shall ob 
serve, that in consequence only of 
the most strange subversion of what 
is know under the name of justice 
and humanity, the most sacred 
rights of man had been forsaken 
in the former order of things, 
which allowed them to be reduced 


‘to the most insufferable and abje& 


slavery ; we shall tell you that a 
state so contrary to nature, though 
apparently favourable to your in- 
terests, was of too violent a nature 
to last long. How could the mas- 
ter shake off the thought of the 
dangers with which he wasinces- 
santly threatened? Does not the 
experience \of ages and nations, 
transmitted by history, inform us, 
that tyranny has always fallen a 
victim to its own crimes? Une 
doubtedly, six hundred thousand 
slaves, unjustly and cruelly tortured 
in almost every instance of their 
lives, could not afford a great dee 
gree of security to the small num- 
ber of their masters. They were 
most assuredly disturbed by the 
most cruel enormities. 

Instead of the violent state in 
which lingered the late proprietors 
of slaves, liberty and equality, 
which flow from the constitution, 
offer to them nothing but true en- 
joyments and perfect security to 
their lives and fortunes. 

In addressing those formerly dis- 

tinguished 


238] 


tinguished as whites, and people of 
colour, without’ possessions, we 
would sayto them, that ina frae 
state, all hands ought to be employ- 
ed; that everyone ought to make 
a choice of a kind of labour which, 
inconcurring to the general wel- 
fare, would procure to the labeurer 
not only existence, but the conve- 
-biencies of life; that the colonial 

ystem being altered, they must no 
more establish their hopes of for- 
tune on sLAVERY, for it is FoR 
EVER ABOLISHED on the whole 
territory of Franée. Let every one, 
therefore, make the best of his in- 
dustry, devote himself to agricul- 
ture. Let not any ill founded 
shame keep him _ in inactivity, 
which is as dangerous to himself, 
as it is ruinous to the common- 
weal. Let him be convinced, that 
no occupation debases man ; let 
him know, that with the wisest 
people of antiquity, agriculture 
was considered as the first of all 
occupations. Let them, therefore, 
yenounce that state of vagrancy 
which the laws of the republic will 
punish. 

In fine, we would repeat to 
them, that asall the inhabitants of 
the colony from this instant will 
form but one class, every citizen 
will have the same rights, aud 
enjoy the same advantages; and 
that the republic establishes no 
other distinction among them, 
than those of virtue and vice, of 
talents and ignorance. 

In the name of the republic, in 
the name of humanity, in the name 
of the sacred love of our country, 
we invite all citizens to concur 
wiih us in the restoration of, order 
and agriculture; we invite them to 
forget their respective wrongs and 
quarrels 5, to makeit now theirysole 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


business to expel the enemies of 
the republic from the territory they 
have invaded, and soon to repair 
the evils and devastations which 
have been occasioned by hatred, 
passion, and civil war. 

Done at the Cape, the 25th Flo- 
real (May 15) the fourth year 
of the French Republic ; one 
and indivisible. 

The president of the commission, . 
SANTHONAX. 
The general secretary, 
PascHat. 


Proclamation of the Executive Dis 
rectory to the Armies of the Sam- 
bre and Meuse. 

New cries of war are heard on 
the banks of the Rhine. What 
rageis it thus goads on our cruel 
enemy, who, amidst his disasters 
and our triumphs, has the temerity 
of breaking an armistice which he 
himself demanded, and you granted 
him, in hopes of a speedy peace ? 
—Guided by the ferocious English, 
he receives their gold and con- 
tempt as the price of hissubmission, 
and of the blood of his bravest 
warriors. Let then the republican 
bayonet reach the tottering thrones 
of the monsters coalesced against 
the human race, and strike terror 
into their bosoms ! let your irresis- 
tible valour within a few days put 
a period to that struggle of the li. 
berty of the people against tyranny, 
which has lasted but too long ; and 
let the haughty despots, who still, 
dare to fight against that liberty, 
at last bow submissive at the aspect 
of the republican banners ! 

May 29. 


Proclamation by General Buonaparte 
and commissary Salicetti, dated 
the 30th of Floreal (19th ee 

i 


STATE PAPERS. 


THE French republic, while it 
has sworn hatred to tyrants, has 
, Sworn fraternity to nations. 
_ This principle, sanétioned by the 
constitution of the republic, is as 
much a principle of the army. 
The despotism which for so long a 
time has held Lombardy under its 
yoke, has been the cause of great 
calamities to France; but the 
French know that the cause of 
kings is not the cause of the people. 

The viétorious army of a mo- 
narch are insolent, and spread ter- 
ror among the nations where ‘they 
carry their victories; but a repub- 
lican army, though forced to carry 
on a deadly war against the kings 
with whom it contends, promises 
friendship to the people whom its 
victories deliver from tyranny. 
Respect for the persons and pro- 
perty, and respect for the religion 
of the people, are the sentiments 
which’ aétuate the government of 
the French republic, and their vic- 
torious army in Italy. Of this the 
good order which they have ob- 
served from the first moment of 
their entry into Lombardy, is no 
unequivocal proof. 

If the viétorious French consi- 
der the inhabitants of Lombardy 
‘as brethren, the latter ought to 
entertain a reciprocity of affection. 
The army must pursue its victories, 
and driye entirely out of Italy that 

despotism which has held Lom- 
bardy in chains. ‘The indepen- 
dence of this country, and its good 
fortune, depend upon the success 
of the French enterprizes. Lom- 
bardy then ought to second them 
by all the means in its power. To 
assure the march of the troops 
provisions are necessary, which 
they cannot receive from France, 


{239 


from which they are separated 5 
they ought to find then these in 
Lombardy, where they are making 
their conquests. The rights of war 
give them security for obtaining 
them, and friendship ought to be 
eager to offer them. 
Twenty millions of French money 
are imposed as a contribution for 
this purpése ; the division will be 
made among the different pro- 
vinces of Austrian Lombardy. The 
terms of payment, which admit of 
the least possible delay, will be 
fixed by particular instruétions. It 
is certainly a moderate contribu- 
tion for so fertile a country, parti- 
cularly when we reflect upon the 
advantages which must result from 
it. The division might have been 
settled by agents of the French go- 
vernment, and this. mode would 
certainly have been reasonable ; 
but the French republic, not wishes 
ing to reserve to itself this right, 
has left it to the local authorities, 
and to the assembly of the state. 
It only points out to you, as the 
basis upon which you ought to levy 
this contribution, that it ought to 
be proportionably divided among 
those provinces which formerly 
paid imposts to the tyrant of Aus- 
tria, and that it ought to fall upon 
the rich and the. ecclesiastical bo- 
dies, who too long thought theme 
selves privileged, and withstood all 
taxation ; do not oppress the poorer 
class. If some requisitions be 
made in kind, the general in chief, 
and the commissary of the govern- 
ment, declare, that there shall be 
no surcharge upon the contribu- 
tion. They will afterwards settle 
the price of the articles required, 
which they will pay to the venders 
with the produce of the contrt- 
bution 


940] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


‘bution fixed as above, or with the 
receipts which they will give, instead 
of ready money. 


Proclamation of CommissarySalicetti. 


Art. 1. THE council establish. 
ed on the 9th May last by the 
“archduke, at the moment of his 
flight, on which he dévolved, by 
an ediét, the exercise of the su- 
preme power, is suppressed. The 
president of the supreme tribunal, 
the two presidents of appeal and of 
the first instance, and the president 
of the magistracy, who were ap- 
pointed by the archduke to com- 
pose this council, are prohibited 
from continuing their funétions. 

2. The general council of de- 
curions, concentrated into privi- 
leged classes, whose funétions were 
reserved for extraordinary o€¢ca- 
sions, having become useless by 
present circumstances, is also sup- 
pressed : and the same prohibition 
is extended to the nobles and patri- 
cians who compose it. 

3. Fhe magistracy, known by 
the name of magistrat politique dela 
chambre, whose complicated func- 
tions having also become useless, 
tend only to throw obstacles in the 
way of the simple course of go- 
vernment, is likewise suppressed ; 
and those who exercised the office 
are forbidden to assemble, except 
it be to replace, after receiving 


other instructions, the members of- 


this body, when their funétions 
shall be readered subservient to 
the happiness of the people. 

4. The authorities thus suppress- 
ed shall be provisionally replaced by 
a military agency, composed of 
citizens Maurin, Reboul, and Pa- 
train. 

5. The assembly of the state, 


. 


_ons are also retained in all the com- 


composed of thirteen members, to 
whom the government of alt Lom- 
bardy is committed, is provisionally 
retained in the functions allot- 
ted to it by itsinstitution. It shall 
exercise these functions in the 
name of the republic of France, 
under the inspection and: controul 
of the military agents to whom it 
shall be accountable. 

6. The municipal administrati- 


munes of Lombardy. 

7. The municipal assembly exist- 
ing at Milan, composed of thirteen | 
members and a syndic, is also pro- 
visionally retained under the name 
of the municipality of the town of 
Milan. 

8. The commandant of the fort 
of Milan shail be president of the 
municipal council, and shall exer- 
cise in it a military police, and 
also all the functions delegated by 
the French laws to the comman- 
dants of forts in a state of siege. 

9. The members composing the 
municipality of Milan are Francois 
Viscanti, Antoine Caccianini, Ga- 
leas Serbelloni,’ Felix Laticada, } 
Charles Bignami, Antoine Cor- 
betta, Fidele Sopransi, Gatean 
Porro, Pierre Verri, Joseph Viol- 
tini, Jean Baptiste Sommarina, 
Paul Sangiorgio, Antoine Crespi, 
Cesar Pelagata, Charles Ciani,§ 
Charles Parea. prvbis 

10. The aéts and deliberations 
of all the authorities created or pre-§ 
served by the present decree, shallf 
be in the name of the French re- 
public. 


Proclamation by Buonaparte, Com-} 
mander in Chief of the Army of: 
Italy, to his Brothers mm Arms, 
dated Head Quarters at Milan, 
Prairial 1, (May 20.) 

SOLDIERS 


STATE PAPERS. 


SOLDIERS, you have precipi- 
tated yourselves like a torrent from 
the heights of the Appenines; you 
have routed and dispersed all who 
have opposed your progress : Pied- 
mont, delivered from Austrian ty- 
ranny, displays its natural senti- 
ments of peace and friendship for 
France. Milan is our’s, and the 
republican flag flies over all Lom- 
bardy. ‘Lhe dukes of Parma and 
Modena owe their political exist- 
ence to your generosity. The 
army that with so much pride 
threatened you, has no barrier of 
protection against your courage: 
the Po, the Tessin, the Adda, have 
been unable to stop you a single 
day ; those boasted bulwarks of 
Italy have been insufficient to de. 
lay your progress ; you have sur- 
mounted them as rapidly as you 
passed the Appenines. So mach 
success has carried joy to the bo- 
som of our country; your repre- 
sentatives have ordered a féte, 


dedicated to your victories, which « 


will be celebrated in all the com- 
munes of the republic. Your fa- 
thers, your mothers, your wives, 
your sisters, your lovers, will en- 
joy your success, and boast with 
pride that they belong to you. Yes, 
soldiers, you have done much; but 
does there remain nothing more to 
be done ? Though we have known 
how to vanenish, we have not 
known: how to profit of our yicto- 
ries. Postericy will’ reproach us 
with having terminated our course 
in Lombardy ; but already I see you 
run to arms; a slothful repose fa- 
tigues you. Let us depart! We 
have yet forced marches to make, 
enemies to subdue, laurels to ga- 
ther, injuries to revenge. Let 
those tremble who have whetted 
the poniards of civil warin France, 


Vout. XXXVIIL. 


-TOpe. 


[241 


who have basely assassirlated our 

ministers, and burnt our ships at 

Toulon: the hour of vengeance 

and retribution is near at hand. 

But let the people remain tran- 

quil; we-are friends to all the peo. 

ple, and more particularly the de. 
scendants of Brutus, of Scipio, and 
the great men we have taken for 
our models. Re-establish the ca- 
pitol, and place there, with ho- 
nour, the statues of the heroes 
that rendered it celebrated; awa- 
ken the Roman people ; debased by 
many centuries of slavery; such 
will be the fruit of your vito. 
ries; they will form an. epoch 
for posterity ; you will have the 
immortal glory of changing the 
face of the finest country in Eu. 
The free French people, re- 
spected by the whole world, will 
give to Europe a glorious peace, 
which wiil indemnity them for the 
sacrifices they have made during six 
years; you will then return to your 
homes, and your fellow-citizens | 
will say, shewing you, this man was 
of the army of Italy, 
(Signed) 

The Deputies of the People of Albe, to 
Citizen Buonaparte, General in 
Chief of the French Army, to pron 
cure Liberty to Italy, 


BuoNAPARTE, 


Citizen General, 

LIKE Frenchmen we wish to be 
free. Yo live under no king or 
tyrant of any title. We wish for 
civil equality, and that the feudal 
monster should be thrown to the 
ground, 

For this purpose we have taken 


‘up arms at the approach of your 


victorious troops, and we come to 
implore your assistance, to break 
the chains which have for a long 
time retained us in bondage. 


R- Worn 


242] ‘ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Worn down by the yoke of iron 
which presses on our heads, we 
never should have been able to 
succeed in relieving ourselves. Al- 
ways courageous, and yet always 
debased, we have lived in expec- 
tation of the happy moment of 
your atrival. 

Oh! most delightful moment ! 
The time. is at iength arrived. 
Here are Frenchmen, our brothers 
and our friends; in our arms, in 
our houses, they are willing cor- 
dially to partake of our joy, io ra- 
tify our vows, and to fly with us 
to the destruction cf the infamous 
throne of our tyrant. 

The proclamation to the people 
and clergy of Piedmont and Lom- 
bardy, and to the Neapolitan and 
Piedmontese troops, prove to you 
our republican spirit, and the right 
which we have toa well-founded 
reliance on your generous protec- 
tion. 

Citizen general, behold all Italy 
extending forth its arms to your 
embrace, and calling you its deli- 
verer. In giving it the blessings 
of liberty, you grant to this beau- 
tiful part of Europe its greatest lus- 
tre; your name will be rendered 
elorious and immortal in its history. 

Our sons, an our latest poste- 
rity, will have it engraven in their 
hearts; and they will not have in 
their mouths a namé more deur 
than that of general-Buonaparte, 

Respect, health, and fraternity, 
(Signed) Icnrace Bonxaroux, 

Albe, 
Jean ANTOINE, 
Ramea of Verseil, 
Deputed commissaries. 


Buonoparte tothe Republic of Venice. 
Bretcia, 10 Prairtal (May 29). 


IT is to deliver the finest coun- 


try in Europe from the iron yoke 
of the proud house of Austria, that 
the French army has braved ob- 
stacles the most difficult to sur- 
mount. Vittory, in union with 
justice, has ‘crowned its efforts. 
Lhe wreck of the enemy’s army 
has retired beyond the Mincio. 
The French army, in order to fol- 
low them, passes over the territory 
of the republic of Wenice; but it 
will never forget, that ancient 
friendship unites the two republics. 
Religion, government, customs, 
and property, shall be respected. 
That the people may be without 
apprehension, the most severe dis- 
cipline shall be maintained. All 
that may be provided for the army 
shall be faithfully paid for in money. 
Lhe general in chief engages the 
officers of the republic of Venice, 
the magistrates, and the priests, to 
make known these sentiments to 
the people,,in order that confi. 
dence may cement that friendship 
which has so long united the two 
nations faithful in the path of ho- 
nour, as in that of victory. The 
French soldier is terrible only to 
the enemies of his liberty and his 
government. 
‘ (Signed) BuonaPaRTE£, 
The general of division, 
chief of the etat-major 
of the army of Italy. - 
(Signed) Atex. BERHTIER. 
Prcclamation by. Geveral Buonapartey 
Commander in Chief of the Army 
af Italy, to the People of the Mi. 


lanese . 


THE nobles, the priests, .and 
the agents of Austria have misled 
the people of these fine countriés’; 
the French army, as generous as ~ 
it is powerfal, will treat with: fras 

ternity 


STATE PAP,E.RS. 


ternity the peaceable and tranquil 
inhabitants; but they will prove 
as terrible as the fire of heaven to 
the rebels, and the villages which 
protect them. - 

Art. 1. In consequence, the 

‘commander in chief declares as 
rebels, all the villages which have 
notconformed to iis order of the 6:h 
Prairial. The generals shall march 
against such villages the forces ne- 
cessary for subduing them; setting 
them on fire, and shooting all 
those taken with arms in their 
hands. All the priests and nobles 
‘who remain in the rebel com- 
munes, shall be arrested as hos- 
tages, and sent into France. 

2. Every viliage where the toc- 
sin shall be sounded, shali be in- 
stantly destroyed. The geuerals 
are responsible for the execution of 
this order. 

3. Every village on the territory 
of which any Frenchman shall be 
assassinated, shall be fined in a:sum 
amounting to a third part of the 
contribution they pay annually to 
the archduke, unless they make 
known the assassin, arrest him, 
and send him to the French army. 

4. Every man found with a mus- 
ket, and ammunition of war, 
shall be immediately shot by ihe 

- Order of the general commandant 
oa duty. 

5. Every field wherein shall be 
found concealed «rms, shall be 
condernned to pay one-third more 


than its actual reveane, by way of 
amends, Every house in which 
shall be found a crusket, shall be 


burnt, unless the proprictor de- 
clares to whom such musket be- 
longs. 

Ail the nobles, or rich people, 
who shail be convicted of having 
stirred up the people to revolt, 


[243 


whether by dismissing their demes- 
tics, or by designs against the 
French, shail be arrested as hos. 
tages, sent into France, and the 
half of their estates confiscated. 
(Signed BuoNnapaRTE. 


10 Prairial, (29th May.) 


Proclamation issued by the Municipality 
of Milan, for abolishing the Noe 
bility. 


Art.1. The order of nobility 
is abolished for ever. 

2. No one shall bear any title 
of nobility, but shall be designed 
by the appellation of citizen, add. 
ing theicro the name of his em- 
p-vyment or profession. 

3. All the nobles shall, within 
the space of eight days, bring their 
patents of novility to the com. 
mune, where they shall be burnt. 

4. Every feudal authority, and 
all game laws are henceforth abo. 
lished. 

5. Allarmorial bearings, liveries, 
and every distinétion of nobility, 
shall likewise be suppressed within 
eight days. 

6. Every corporation which ex- 
aéts a proot ot nobility as a quali. 
fication is abolished. 

7. ‘those who shall contravene 
the present proclamation, will be 
regarded as convicted of aristocra- 
cy, aod as enemies to the people. 


June 2. 


Buonasarte, Commander in Chief of 
the Army of Italy, to the Inhabi- 
tants of [yral. 


Head Quarters ct Tortora, 26 Prai- 

ri l ( Funet4), 4th year. 
BRAVE Tyrotians, Lam about 
to pass through your territory, to 
force the courtot Vienna to a peace, 
Re 2 as 


244] 


as necessary to Europe, as it is to 
the subjects of the emperor. The 
cause I am about to defend is your 
own. You have been long vexed 
and fatigued by the horrors of a 
“war, undertaken not for the in- 
terest of the people of Germany, 
but for that of a single family. 

The French army respeéts and 
loves all nations, more especially 
the simple and virtuous inhabitants 
of the mountains. Your religion, 
your customs will be every where 
respected. Our troops will main- 
tain a severe discipline ; and no- 
thing will be taken in the country 
without being paid for in money. 

You will receive us with hospi- 
tality, and we will treat you with 
fraternity and friendship. 

But should there be any so little 
acquainted with their true interests 


as to take up arms, and treat us as © 


enemies, we will be as terrible as 
the fire from heaven: we will burn 
‘the houses, and Jay waste the terri- 
‘tories of the villages which shall 
take a part in a war which is fo- 
reign to them. 

Do not suffer yourselves to be 
Jed into an crror by the agents of 
Austria, Secure your country, 
already harassed by five years of 
war, from new miseries, In a lit- 
‘tle time the court of Vienna, forced 
to a peace, will restore to the na- 
tives their privileges which it has 
usurped, and to Kurope the tran- 
quillity it has disturbed. 

The commandcr in chief, 
(Signed) Buonaparte. 


Buonaparte, Commander in Chicf of 
the Army.cf Italy, ta the Grand 
Duke of Tuscany. 


Head-quarters at Piitoja,— 


Sune 26. 
- "THE flag of the French repub- 
“ite j is constantly insuited in the port 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 
of Leghorn. The property of the 


French merchants is violated there ; 
every day is marked by some at- 
tempt against France, as contrary 
to the interests of the republic as to 
he law of the nations. The exe- 
cutive directory have repeatedly 
preferred their complaints to the 
minister of your royal highness at 
Parts, who has been obliged to avow 
that it is impossitle for your royal 
highness to repress the English, and 
to maintain a neutrality in the port 
of Leghorn. 

This confession immediately con- 
viaced the executive directory, that 
it was their duty to repel force by 
force, to make their commerce re- 
spected, and Aoi ordered me to 
send a division of the army under 
my command to take posszssion of 
Leghorn. 

I have the honour to inform 
your royal highness, that on the 7th 
inst. ( 
army entered Leghorn: their con- 
dué there will be conformable te 
those principles of neutrality which 
they have been sent to maintain, 

The flag, the garrison, the pro- 
perty, and your royal highness and 
your people, shall be scrupulously 
respected, 

Iam, moreover, instro€icd to as- 
sure your roval highness of. the de. 
sire of the French government, to 
witness a continuation of the friend. 
ship which unites ihe two states, 
and of their convittion that your 
royal highness, conscious of the 
excesses daily committed by the 
English ships, which you cannot 
prevent, will appland the just, 
useful, and necessary ineasures 
adopted by the executive directory. 

[ am, ‘ 
With esteem and dagniitetation, 
Your Royalbighness’s, &c. 
BvuONAPARTE, 
Answes 


25th june) a division.of the 


a eee 


ee ee 


See ee 


Oat as 


STAT B PA P. EBS. 


Answer to the above Leiter. 


HIS royal highness is conscious 
of having nothing to reproach him- 
self with relative ta his frank, ean- 
did, and friendly conduct, towards 
the French republic and its sub- 
jets. A sovereign in friendship 
with the republic cannot but regard, 
with the most extraordinary sur- 
prise, the orders given to your ex- 
cellency from the directory. His 
royal ‘highness will not resist the 
execution of them by force, but 
will preserve the good understand. 
ing with the republic, still flatter- 
ing himself with the hope that your 
excellency will, on better infor- 
mation, revoke your present re- 
‘solves. 


~ Should it not be in your excellen- | 


cy’s power to delay the entrance of 
your troopsinto Leghorn till further 
orders, the governor of that place 
has full powers to agree with you 
upon’ terms. This I am ordered, 
by my sovereign’s express com- 
mand, to communicate to you, 
with that respeét in which I have 
the honour to remain, &c. 

(Signed) Vittorio Fossom- 
FRONI. 


Florence, Fune 26, f 796. 


Head-quartersat Leghorn, Fune <9, 


General Buonaparte ty the Grand Duk 
; ff Luscu Wy 
Roya Hicuness, 

‘AN hour beiore we entered Lez- 
horn, an English trigate carried otf 
two French ships, worth 500,000 
livres. ‘he governor suffered them 
to be taken under the fire of his 
batteries, which was contrary to 
the intention of your royal high- 
ness, and ihe neutrality of the port 
of Leghorn. 

_ I prefer a complaint to your roy- 


[245 


al highness against this- governor, 
who, in his whole condu@, dis- 


‘plays a decided hatred against the 


French. 

He yesterday endeavoured, at the 
moment of our arrival, to make 
the people rise up against us: there 
is no kind of il! treatment that he 
did not make our advanced guard 
experience. I should, doubtless, 
have been justified in bringing him 
to trial before a military commis- 
sion; but from respect for your 
royal highness, intimately convinc- 
ed of the spirit of justice which di- 
reéts all your actions, I preferred 
sending him to Florence, where I 
am persuaded, you will give or- 
ders to have him punished severely. 

I must, at the same time, return 
my thanks to his royal highness, 
for his goodness in appointing ge- 
neral S:raraldo to supply the army 
with every thing that was necessary. 
He has acquitted himself with 
equal zeal and success. 

BuonaPaRte, 


Answer if the Grand Duke of Tuscany. 
GENERAL, ~ 

GENERAL Spannochi arrested 
by your order has been brought hi- 
ther, It is a point of delicacy to 
keep him in arresc, until the mo. 
tives of this step, which I presume 
to be just, are known to me, in or. 
der to giye you, as well as the 
Freoch republic and ali Europe, 
the greatest proof ofequity, confor- 
mabiy to the laws of my country, 


“to which I have always made it my 


duty to submit myseif. 

i send this letrer by the marquis 
Manfredini, my majordomo, whom 
I request you to inform in what 
Spannochi has been culpable. You 
may besides repose full confidence 
in him relative to all the objects 

R3 interesting 


246] 


interesting to the repose of my sub- 
jects. 

I ardently cesire to receive a 
letter written by yourself,. which 
in the present circumstances may 
render me completely tranquil, and 
at the same time assure the repose 
of all Tuscany. 

(Signed) FEerDINAND. 
Paris, 13 Thermidsr ( Fuly 31) 42h 
Year of the French republic. 


The Executive Directory ta Citizen 
Buonaperte, Commander in Chief 
of the Army of Ital;. 


THE executive dirc€tory, who 
cannot but praise, citizen general, 
the indefatigable aCtivity with 
which you combat the enemies of 
liberty ; the executive directory, 
who patticipate with all the good 
citizens, with all the true friends 
of their country, with all the sin- 
cere republicans.in the admiration 
which ihe great military talents you 
display inspire, aud which give 
you a just claim to national grati- 
tude, see with indignation the ef- 
forts which libellers, under diffe. 
rent masks, are daily making to 
mislead the public, and to second 
the enemies of our country, by ru- 
moovrs which can have no ether end, 
than to disseminate dissention a. 
mong the friends of order and peace. 
The directory see with indignation 
the perfidy with which those con. 
federate libelilers have dared to at- 
tack the loyaliy, the constant fide- 
lity of your services; and they owe 
to themselves the formal denial 
which they give to the sbsurd ca- 
lumnies which the necessity of fos- 
tering malignity has msde them 
hazard, by accounts which tended 
to prove a stimulus to the directory 
to read their produétions, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Someavowrd royalists, Hatly cir. 
culate a fa'schood ; others, calling 
themselves prime patriots, but pur-” 
suing the came end, comment upon 
it, and eke it out in theirown way, 
under the pretence of combating 
their pretended antagonist. Both 
parties are thus at work to stop the 
progress of order, which is establish- 
ing ; both second the enemies of 
the revolution; both wish to sow 
discord, and to disorganise the 2r- 
mies; both wish thus to sport’ 
with the good faith of their readers, ° 
of these who afford them subsist- 
ence, and indecently present to — 
them, as faéts, accounts which are 
nothing but the fruit of a disorder- 
ed imagination. 

No, citizen general, never have 
the friends of Austria been able to: 
prepossess the dire€tory against you, 
because the friends of Austria have 
neither access to, nor influence over 
the direétory ; because the direfto- 
ry known your principles, and your 
inviolable attachment to the repub- 
lic. No, never kas your recal been 
the question; never have any of 
the members wished to give a suc- 
cessor to him who so gioriously 
leads on our republicans to victory. 
The libeller, who would feign to 
be your defender, dares assert thet 
he knows the intrigues hatched 
against you,.and ot which some 
money affair was only the pretence : 
who assuming a virtue noi his own, 
dares add, that delicacy made him 
pass in silence events which would 
enly have made our enemies laugh ; 
such a man imp@ses upon, such a 
man deceives the public; and is 
evidently unworthy. their confi. 
dence. If this well-in/irmed man, 
who, lke his fellow calumniators, 
wishes to give himself an air of 
importance, pretending to know 

all 


all the secrets of state; if this 
man knows of aa ee of such 
a nature as Ite states; let him dis- 
cover it; let him make it known 
to the directory: it is impor- 
tant’ enough; it has, no doubt, 
sufficient interest for the public 
welfare. The march of our armies 
—for him who can bring it to 
light, not to dispense himseif from 
denouncing it to those whom it is 
destined to lead into error. But 
the silence of that man, his silence, 
which. will be his condemnation, 
will open the eyes of the public 
respecting the confidence. they 
ought forthwith to give to his insi- 
nuations. You possess, citizen ge- 
neral, the confidence of the di- 
rectory ; the services you render 
every day entitle youto it; the 
considerable sums which the re- 
public owes to your vittcries, 
proves that you at once occupy 
yourself with the glory and the in- 
terest of your country ; all the good 
citizens agree on this point: you 
will not find it difficult to consign 
the boasts and calumnies of the rest 
to the contempt they-from them. 
selves merit, and still more from 

the spirit that diates them. 

(Signed) 

REVELLIERE LEPEAUX, president, 

LaGarpe, secretary general, 
The Ambassador of Sweden to the Ci- 
tizen Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
Paris, August 2, 4796. 

Citrzen Mixisrer, 

IT is by theexpress order of my 
court that I have the honour to 
renew, before the directory, the 
steps I had ‘already taken for the 
admission of M. de Rehausen, in 
the quality of chargé d’affaires of 
his majesty with thé French re- 
public. 

Inviting you; citizen minister, 


6 


STATE PAPERS. 


[247 


to take again into consideration a 
step so conformable to the good, 
intelligence which subsists between 
the two countries, I beg you will 
permit me to make some observa- 
tions which I submit to the di- 
rectory. 

The confidence which friendly 
and allied powers reciprocally owe 
each other, the respect which is its 
result, has always been indiscyimi. 
nately granted to the person chosen 
by his sovereign to represent him ; 
it is even inseparable from it. 
Both have, however, been neg- 
leéted in the person of M. de Ke- 
hausen. His private sentiments 
can the less give umbrage to the 
government, as he would certainly 
sacrifice them in the exercise of 
his funétions, if they could be con- 
trary to the instru¢tions he has re- 
ceived; and if in his condaét, or 
in his language, he could be want. 
ing to the treaty which subsists be- 
tween Sweden and France. And 
it is in this case only, if a misun- 
derstanding should take. place be. 
tween the two governments, that 
his recal would become necessary. 
Bur since this is not the case, his 
sentiments cannot he considered as 
a valid motive of exclusion, and 
the refusai becomes consequently 
less an injury done to M. de Re- 
hausen than a want of respect to his, 
sovereign, 

J must likewise remark, that M. 
de Rehausen being at Paris, has 
acon appointed to attend ad interim 
to che affairs of Sweden, at atime 
when a rupture with Russia. was 
every jnstant expected, and when 
the Swedish ambassador at that 
court was on the eve of quitting 
his post. His appointment could 
not, therefore, have been. influ- 
enced by the empress of Russia, to 

R4 whom 


248 | 
whom he is otherwise an utter 
stranger. 

It is for these reasons, citizen 
minister, that ] am unable to at- 
tribute to the person of M. de Re- 
hausen the refusal of the directory 
to acknowledge him in his public 
character. ‘This refusal appears 
evidently to announce the intention 
of disobliging, in the face of Eu- 
rope, the most ancient friend of 
France. I hesitate to pronounce 
a more decisive supposition ; it is 
too repugnant to the known wishes 
of the Swedes and the French 
themselves, as likewise to their re- 
spective interests; and at the same 
time, it would be difficult for the 


enemies of both countries, not to’ 


find great satisfaftion in the dis- 
union of which the French repub- 
lic may have given the signal. It 
is prescribed to me to declare, that 
if M. de Rehausen be not acknow- 
ledged, his majesty will be obliged, 
in support of his dignity, to use 
reciprocity with regard to citizen 
Perrochel. This necessity will 
otherwise have no influence on the 
desire which his majesty will al- 
ways have to strengthen the bands 
of friendship and good understand- 
ing which ought ever to subsist be. 
tween the two powers. Please, 
citizen minister, to accept the .as- 
surance of my most sincere attach- 
ment, 


(Signed) 
E. N. Stag. pe HoLsrein. 
Cu. DELACRO?IX, 


Resolution of the 18th Thermidor, 
( August 5) Fourth Year. 


THE executive dire@tory hav- 
ing seen the efficial note presented 
by Mons, the baron de Stael, am- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


bassador of Sweden, dated August 
2, 1796, old stile, 
Resolves, 

Article I. The execative direc. 
tory persisting in their refusal of 
admitting M. de Rehausen; they 
consequently charge the minister 
of general police to notify to him 
the laws of the republic concerning 
foreigners. 

Il. The executive direétory re. 
cal citizen Perrochel, chargé d’af- 
faires, and citizen Marivaux, se- 
cretary of legation, and formerly 
chargé d’affaires in Sweden. : 

Ill. The executive director 
protest, nevertheless, that the 
Swedish nation may always rely 
on their sentiments of affection. 

IV. The ministers of foreign re- 
lations and of general police, are 
charged, each in his capacity, with 
the execution of the present -reso- 
lution, which shall be printed with 
the note. 

(Signed) 
REVELLIERE LEPEAUX, president, 
By order of the executive dire¢tory, 
(Signed) Lacarpse, secretary. 


(A true copy.) 


Official Note from the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs io the Ambassador 
(Barthelemy) in Switzerland. 


THE French government 1s in, 
formed that the English, after 
having stopped, during the war, 
under the most frivolous pretexts, 
every neutral vessel, have just given 
the most positive orders to the 
commanders of their ships of war, 
to seize, indiscriminately, all the 
cargoes which they may suppose to 
be destined for the French, 

Whatever injury France may 
have sustained from this conduét, 
she has, nevertheless, continued 

( to 


ST. ATE) PoA PERS: 


to give the only example of the most 
inviolable respect for the law of 
Nations, which constitutes. the 
pledge and security of their civili- 
sation, But after having long to- 
lerated the offence of this Machia- 
velian system of policy, she at 


length finds herself compelled, by : 


the most urgent motives, to have 
recourse to reprisals against Eng- 
land. 

The executive directory, there- 
fore, orders all the political agents 
of the French republic to intorm 
the different governments, that the 
squadrons and privateers of the re- 
public will aé against the ships of 
every country, in the same manner 


in which those governments suffer 


the English to aét against them. 
This measure ought not to sur- 
prise them, since it would be very 
easy to demonstrate that it is im- 
periously prescribed by necessity, 
and is only the effe&t of a lawiul 
defence. If these powers had 
known how to make their com. 
merce respected by the English, 
we shouid have had no occasion to 
have recourse to this afflicting ex- 
tremity. an 
They will recolle@, that the 
French republic, ever generous, 
proposed io all the belligereni 
powers to respect commerce ; but 
that this proposition, honourable 
to the government which made it, 
and ditiated by a most _ perfect 
philanthropy, was rejected with 
pride, by a government accustomed 
to treat with contempt the most 
sacred laws of humanity, &c. 
20th Termidor ( August 7). 
Proclamation of the General in Chief 
of the Army of Italy. 
Head-quarters at Castigliona, 19 
Thermidor ( August 6), fourth 


Year. 


[249 


SOLDIERS, 

YOU have conquered Jtaly a se- 
cond time! In fivé days you have 
gained two pitched battles, and 
five inferior uétions; you have 
taken fifteen thousand prisoners, 
three generals, eighty pieces of 
cannon, two hundred waggons, 
and ‘six stand of colours. ‘hose 
fierce Hungarians, triumphant last 
year on the Rhine, are now in 
your chains, or fly before you. 
You have crushed in an instant 
the principal enemy of the republic. 
So many high exploits ought not to 
make you proud, but to inspire 
you with confidence; they ought 
to teach you never to count your 
enemies, however numerous they 
may be. The conquerors of Lodi, 
ot Lonado, of Castigliona, ought 
to attack and destroy them. You 
renew the boasted examples of 
Marathon and Platea; like the 
brave Greek phalanxes, the bri- 
gades of the army of Italy shall 
be immortal, 

Receive then, soldiers, the mark 
of the satisfaction of your general ; 
it only precedes that of the whole 
country, and of rising posterity. — 

Brave soldiers, be always impe. 
tuous in combats, and vigilant on 
your posts. Death shrinks trem. 
bling from the agile and resolutely 
brave: how often have yeu march. 
ed to meet it, how otten have you 
scen it fly before you and enter the 
hostile ranks! It often overtakes 
the dastard, but never strikes the 
brave till his hour is come. 

» (Signed) BuonaParre, 


Address transmitted bythe French Am. 
bassador at the Hague to the Dutch 
Convention, tke 20th Thermidor, 
(th August), 

BurGHERs 


250] ANNUAL RE 


Burcuers Representatives 

The undersigned minister ple- 
nipotentiary of the French Repub- 
lic has the honour to intimate, that 
occasions do not offer so frequently 
as he could wish of giving you 
publicly a repetition of those as- 
surances of esteem and _ regard 
which he daily receives from the 
executive directory, as well to. 
wards your assembly as the peo. 
ple which you represent. This 

‘esteem is not limited to those pub- 

lic atiestations which France has 
given to all Europe; nor to those 
less generaliy known, to which 
your commission for the manage. 
ment of foreign affairs can also 
testify. 

The executive airecioty § is sfea- 
dily vigilant, is unceasingly busy; 
and the maxim applied to great 
undertakings—that all which is 
done must be estcemed trivial, 
while any thing remains to be ac- 
complished, secms to kave been 
adepred by the French government 
in the ratification of her engagé. 
ments with the Batavian Republic. 
In that moment, when, icles the 
winter, it maturely and wisely re- 
gulated the operations of war, and 

emoved hostilities far from yourdo- 
minions, it negle¢ted in no manner 
to do away your slightest anprehen- 
sions; and the powertul interven- 
tion of the French government 
banished a remaining but insigni- 
ficant shadow of counter-revolu- 
tionary designs, which being fan- 
ned in your vicinity, afforded some 
cause of disquictude. ‘That go- 
vernment now directs its most ar- 
dent and zealous endeavours to se- 
cure the politica! existence of Ba- 
tavia, and to procure it again a 
place among potentates, with .the 


. 
. 
~ 


GISTER, 1796. 


rank to which it can with justice 
aspire. 

But it views a government wisely 
and solidly formed, as one of the 
most’ certain means of attaining 
speedily this desired end ; and the 
executive dire&ory cannot conceal 
its opinion, that it is time by a 
powerful and lasting band, to 
fasten together again the bundle 
which runs the risk of being dis- 
persed, and lost for want of these 
properties. Such would quickly 
be the inevitable consequence of an 
order of things, which should per- 
mit the burgher to adore exclu- 
sively his city or his province, 
looking on the country at large as 
a step- -mother for whom'he has 
no Jove, to whom he owes no al. 
Jegiance, and whose lawful rights 
he misconceives. 

‘* Tt is time’?—these are are the 
words of the executive direétory,— 
‘< it is*time, for the interests of the 
Batavian Republic, and for our 
contraét with her, that the new 
order of things, expected by all 
the friends and lovers of liberty, 
should take place ; and that all op- 
posite pretensions should give way 
and disappear before a constitution 
triumphing over federalism and 
aristocracy. And it falls within 
the pale of our department to Ja- 
bour, in concert with the Batavian 
people, to establish their indepen- 
dency, by hastening the approaches 
of their revolution to the object 
which is its ultimate aim. These 
sentiments of the executive directory 
might be easily explained by ex- 
amples which the national his- 
tory affords—yes, by what has hap. 
pened under our own ‘eyes—were 
it not likely to produce the most 
painful recellettions, They afford 


bal yous 


STATE “PAPE RS. 


you, burghers representatives, the 
too certain proof that an unequal 
combination of particular. powers 
never ‘orm a bulwark of ona. 
tional strength. 

Let the burghers, then, who are 
animated by a sincere wish to see 
the cause of liberty trium;h, re- 
ceive this most positive assu- 
rance, that the French govern- 
ment will applaud and encourage 
their endeavours,’ and will consi- 
der itself indebted to them, as it 
were, for anew ally, whenever it 


shall feel the auxiliary aid of a state 
constituted on the immoveable 
basis of harmony and indivisibility 
—of astate, which she can, with 
more confidence present to her 
friends and her enemies ; particu- 
larly to the treacherous English, 
with whom we must quickly con. 
tend; who, viewing with indif- 
ference the miseries of Europe, 
under shelter of the advantages of 
their commerce, for these last four 
years, have, by their dealings with 
rage-blinded Austria, rather con- 
spired their own destruction than 
 our’s, 

Place yourselves, then, in acon- 
dition, burghers representatives, 
from this time henceforward, to 
defeat the chance-computations of 


\ their infamous politics ; and intro- 


duce a constitution which will de- 
velope your national strength, and 
succeed federal anarchy, which 
destroys power by dividing it: a 
form of government the most de- 
fective and calam:tous which your 
greatest enemy could wish to im- 
pose on you. 
iby, t E. Noeu. 


Message fromthe Executive Dire@ory 
fo the Council of Five. Hundred 
on the 6th Fruétidor ( August 23d). 
Read in a Secret Committee. 


Citizens LeGisLArors, 

THE dtreétory can no tonger 
leave you ignorant of the afflicting 
details which they receive from all 
parts, relative to the situation of the 
troops stationed in the interior of 
the republic. For several months 
has their constancy been put to the 
test by the most painful privations; 
and bewailing their distress, the 
direCtory have admitted more than 
once that resignation with which 
French soldiers forget their wants,’ 
when those of their country are put 
before their eyes, As long 4s the 
directory could flatter» themselves 
with seeing the end of so critical a 
situation in the amelioration of the 
finances, they propped up the 
courage of the troops by hopes, 
and shut up in their own bosom all 
uneasiness ; but the evils are too 
great to be any longer concealed ;. 
and howeyer painful such a dis- 
closure may be, tt is impossible any 
donger to deny it to the alarming 
circumstances by which it is ex- 
atted. Pay, that sacred debt of 
the republic to those who de- 
vote themselves for her, has not 
been made for several months, re- 
gardiess of the urgent requests 
of government: the treasury could 
not secure that part so interesting 
to ifs service, and the penury 
of its means ought dlone to be 
reproached. AH the bargains are 
suspended by the impossibility un- 
der which the treasury labours to 
fuifil the engagements made with 
contra¢tors: provisions begin to be 
exhausted, and there remains no 
hope of renewing them: every 
where almost it has been forced 
to have recourse to requisitions; 
but this measure, the use of which 
is fatal, furnished but insufficient 
resources, and to execute them is 
dangerous above all in those depart- 
ments, 


252 | 


ments, where civil war has only 
left to agriculture great ravages to 
repair. In several parts ot the 
republic, the subsistence of the 
troops was compromised; the 
distributions were rarely made. in 
the proportions determined by the 
law: and often were they sup- 
pressed for several days; the ser- 
vice of the magazines, which has 
only been supported til] now by the 
officers of that branch, is on the 
point of failing in all the depart- 
ments. In short, this is the. con- 
fession most painful to the direétory. 
There are hospitals where it has 
been found necessary to deny the 
sick soldiers the nutriment necessary 
for the recovery of their health. 
Discouraged by the disorganiza- 
tion of all branches of the service, 
the officers abandon their posts, to 
fly from the complaints which per- 
secute them, and which they are 
unable toanswer. In several places, 
funds designed for other purposes 
were carried off by force from the 
public treasury to supply the wants 
- of the troops, and those illegal 
measures found an excuse in the 
imperious law of necessity. Every 
day courier follows courier,’ to 
bring to. the direétory and to the 
minister at war the intelligence of 
some misfortune, or the fear of 
some. new danger. The directory 
conjure you, citizens representa- 
tives, to bestow the whole of your 
attention upon the afflicting pic- 
ture which they present to you, and 
to occupy yourselves respecting the 
sources for supplying the public 
treasury with the m2ans necessary 
for the subsistence of the troops in 
the interior; the exactest economy 
shall dire. the use of those funds, 
and some reforms which the di- 
ectary prepare, will soon diminish 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


the consumption and the wants. 
The «armies, supported by victory, 
engage no longer the attention of 
the government but by the ac- 
counts of their success: all their 
solicitude ought therefore to be 
confined to the troops in the inte- 
rior, who are not Jess entitled to the 
gratitude of the country, and who 
may expect from it the»succours 
which it owes to its defenders. 
(Signed) . 

REVELLIERE LEPEAUX, president, 
LAGARDE, secretary general. 


Proclamation of the Executive Direc- 
tary relative to the Events that 
occurred during the Night of the 
tith and 12th #r¥acidor ( Aug. 285 
and 29). 


(12 Fru@idor, August 29). 

LET true patriots, let the friends 
of order rejoice! It isin vain that 
anarchy and royalism unite. their 
efforts to shake the firebrands of 
discord, and to dissolve the repub. 
lican government. Their endea- 
vours shall be fruitless. 

Some -hundred villains, trans. 
ported with rage at being prevented 
from exercising their robbery and 
their domination, no longer hoping 
to excite the people to insur- 
rection, but by alarming them 
for liberty,’ have last night spread 


through the streets badges of aristo- 


cracy, and stuck up royalist pro. 
clamations. Armed with sabres, 
guns, and pistols, they meanwhile 
scoured the various parts of this 
great commune. They attempted 
to excite alarms by the sound of 
fire-arms. They every where ex- 
claimed that the royalists had ral. 
lied to massacre all the patriots. 
They invited) the’ people to rheir 
assistance. ‘hey imagined that, 
in the midst of this disorder, they 

should 


* 


. 
4 


ss 
‘ 


STATE PAPERS. 


should save their guilty accom- 
plices, who had all departed at this 
very moment to the place where 
the legislative body had convoked 
the high court of justice; they 
were then to have indulged them- 
selves in all the horrors which they 
had conceived in devising the con- 
spiracy of Babceuf. 

But the people, acquainted with 
their true interests, shewed oniy 
their attachment to the republic, 
and the constitution by which it is 
secured. They destroyed all the 
badges of despotism, which the 
most perfidious cunning had disse- 
minated. They bestowed upon the 
monsters, who again wished to open 
the career of guilt, all the horror 
and contempt which they deserved. 
Confiding in a government with 
the real and sincere intention of 
which they are acquainted, ail the 
citizens ‘remained in the most pro- 
found tranquillity. 

’ Thanks to the wisdom of the 
people, and to the courage and 
ood conduct of the troops, to the 
indefatigable zeal of the magistrates 


_ appointed to watch over the public 


security, and to that of the brave 
tepublican generals, the tranquil- 
lity of Paris was preserved, and 


‘the designs of anarchy suppressed. 

_ They all have a right to the public 

" gratitude. 

Let the enemies of France at 
lernigth discover the inutility of their 


efforts to mislead the mass of the 


people. Let its friends rally round 
the constitution, which secures at 


“once oar repose and our liberty, and 


Tet them second the efforts of a go- 
-vernment resolved to maintain it 
with equal firmness against the at. 


wr th of all parties. 
(Signed) 
Revertirre Lereavx, pres. 
By order of the NireGory, 
Lacaxpe, secretary, 


[253 


General Buonaparte to the Executive 
DireGory. 
Head Quarters at Modena, 
; 26 Vendemaire (O.17). 
YOU will find subjoined, citizens 
dire¢tors, the letter I have received 
from General Gentili. According 
to it, the Mediterranean is now 
free. Corsica, restored to the re- 
public, will afford resources for our 
marine, and even the means of 
recruiting our light infantry. The 
commissioner Salicetti departs this 
night for Leghorn, to sail from 
thence to Corsica. General Gen- 
tili is to command provisionally the 
troops. I have provisionally au- 
thorised him to pat in requisition 
several coiumns, in order to enable 
the government commissioner to 
occupy the fortresses till the arrival 
of French troops. 
I shall send thither an officer of 


artillery, and one of engineers, for 


exganizing affairs. The expulsion 
of the English tom the Mediterra. 
nean will have great influence on 
the success of our military opera. 
tions in Italy. 
(Signed) BUONAPARTE. 
¥ Leghorn ;24thVendemaire(O4.is). 
A. Géeatili, “General of Diwisien, 
commanding the Expedilivn, to Ge= 
neral Busnaparte. 
Long’ live the republic !—ou 


.country is rendered free ! 


THE Viceroy haying announced 
that he was goine to evacuate 
Corsica, ‘the commune at Bastia 
formed in consequence a commit- 
tee, which sec at liberty all the re. 
publican prisoners, and has formed 
a deputation, which has arrived 
with that of Corsica, and othe 
cantons, to renew, in’ the name ¢f 
all the citizens, the oath of fidelity 
to the republic. I only waita fa. 
yourable wind to put to sea, and 

secure 


254] 


secure to the republic the most im- 
portant posts in the island, Bastia, 
its forts, and St. Fiorenzo, are al- 
ready guarded by their inhabitants, 
conjointly with the English, who 
cepart in three days. 

I hope we shall find artillery and 
magazines, 

(Signed) GENTILE, 
Gentili to the French Commizsizners. 
Leghorn, 24Vendemaire( O81 a 

THE plan long ago settied by our 
compatriots to deliver Corsica from 
the ‘tyranny of the English, the 
movements of the interior pre pared 
by the republicans, the dispositions 
taken here by the patriots for sup- 
porting them, the debarkation al- 
ready effeéted on the island, of a 
great many of our fellow citizens, 
and the numbers preparing here to’ 
follow them, have strack terror 
into the hearts of the English. 
They were sensil:le that they could 
not long maintain: themselves in a 
country conquered by treason: 
Elliot is therefore evacuating Cor- 
sica, and re-embarking all the 
English troops. 

At this moment, when we are 
about to put to sea, a numerous 
deputation of the communes of 
Bastia, and other places, have ar- 
rived, to give to us this happy 
news, which we are desirous of 
communicating to you. 

The town of Bastia, faithful to 
its vows and attachment to France, 
has formed a provisional committee, 
which has named a deputation to 
come and offer the oath of fidelity 
to the French republic. Bastia, 
and its ferts, as well as St. Fio- 
renzo, are guarded by the citizens. 
We are assured that in three days 
there will be no more English in 
the country, Hasten to give the 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


orders to go and “occupy it; and 


render it back to ‘the mother 
country ! 
(Signed ) GENTILI, 


Message of the Executive DiveGory 
to the Council of Five presenta 


Vendemaire 25 (Od. 16), Fi ob 
Year. 

Citizens Hosen 4 Oy 
THE British cabinet, for the 


purpose of inducing the parliament 
to grant the necessary supplies for 
the ensuing campaign, has adopted 
two measures: the one has for its 
object to open the way for an im. 
mediate and dire& negotiation with 
the republic; and the other, to re- 
store the course of exchange be- 
tween Holland -and London, and to 
authorize the exportation of Eng- 
lish merchandize to the ports of 
the United Provinces, and the coun. 
try which it still affetts to describe 
as Austrian Flanders. . 

The Batavian government, sen. 
sible of its real interests, has already 
seen the latter measure in its truc 
light. It has rejected the pre- 
tended favour, and by an energetic 
proclamation has taken the neces- 
sary precautions to prevent the in. | 
troduction of English merchandize, 
and to look upon those who shall 
purchase or use them as enemies to 
their country, a circumstance which 
has spread consternation over the 
English commerce and manufac. 
tories, 

The executive directory, on-its 
part, has published in the nine 
united departments, the 1, 2, 35 5» 
and 6th articles of the roth of - 
the 2d year, and has roused, by 
particular orders, the attention of 
the officers of the customs in every 
part of the republic, who have al- 
ready made many. y-scizures end con. 

fiscations. 


eS TAT BORA P E\RS, 


fiscations. But it isin vain that 
every effort is made to hinder the 
introduction of English merchan- 
dize, if no\steps are token to pre- 
vent their consumption: in the in- 
terior of the republic. 

The fourth article of the above- 
mentioried law specified, that every 

rson who introduced or sold 
such merchandize, should be deem- 
ed suspected persons, and punished 
accordingly, pursuant to the de- 
eree of the 17th September. This 
law can no longer be in force ; it 
is for your wisdom, citizens repre- 
sentatives, to substitute sume others 
in its stead. 

in England, the public execute 
severe justice on those who affect 
to prefer the produce of foreign 


to their own national manufacto- . 


ries. Can there be found in France, 
men, who are so far the enemies 
of their own country, as to oppose 
a measure so essentially necessary 
to the industry and prosperity of 
the nation, and which tends—to 
lessen those resources ‘we furnish 
our enemies for prolonging the 
war they have excited against us ? 
You have still, citizens represen- 
tatives, legislative a¢ts to form 
against those, who, in despite of 
the law, have, by their speculation 
of mercantileavidity, obtained stores 
of English merchandize. If youdo 
not think it proper they should in- 
cur the penalty of confiscation, and 
the other punishments prescribed 
by the law, you may at least ap- 
point a short period for their re- 
exporting the gocds, which they 
ought not to have introduced, and 
that under such penalties as you 
may. dictate. Yes, citizens repre- 
sentatives, the safety of the repub- 
lic, perhaps, depends on the rigour 


_peace, 


[255 


and promptitnde of the measures 
you shall take on this occasion. 
Do you desire to re-animate your 
commerce, to relieve your manu- 
factories, and to re-establish your 
trade? Would you deprive our 
enemies of their gteat resources 
for carrying on war against us? 
Would you force the British go. 
vernment to treat sincerely for 
and would you have it 
brought to a conclusion? One of 
the most powerful means of pro- 
moting this great end of public 
prosperity, would be to take the 
most efficacious measures for pro- 
hibiting, until the return of peace, 
the sale or consumption of English 
merchandize in every part of the 
republic. 
The executive direétory invites 
you to take this object into imme- 
diate consideration. 
(Signed) 
ReveLLIERE LEPEAUX, 
president. 
Lacarbe, sec. general, 


On the 26thof OBober, the Executive 
Dire@ory of the French Republic 
presented a second Message upon the 
subjeB to the Council of Five Hun- 
dred. . 


Citizens representatives, 

IT is of*moment that the exe. 
cutive direftory should not conceal 
from you, that, by the official cor- 
respondence of its agents, and by 
private informations which they 
receive from all parts, they are 
certain, that if the legislative body 
does not take speedy measures to’ 
prevent the importation and sale 
of English goods in France, the 
Batavian convention will not delay 
revoking the decree which it en- 


- acted, 


256] 


acted, to extend the same prohi- 
bition of Holland. 

The executive directory ought 
to enable you to observe at the 
same time, that the uncertainty 
respecting the resolution you wiil 
deem proper to take on that sub- 
je, stops the progress of the hap- 
py effects, which had been produced 
by the sole proposition of seconding 
the measures taken by the Dutch, 
by reducing a pound sterling to 21 
livres, 10 sous, which had been 
raised at that epoch to 24 livres, 
5 sous, by the exchange. 

They ought finally to remark, 
that if the prohibition they request 
is not decreed soon, if the delays 
on that point, or the modifications 
which destroy the main etd of the 
ptincipal object, shovld occasion 
the revocation of the measures 
taken by the Dutch, England will 
soon see vanish the embarrassment 
she feels to procure the supplies 
she stands in need of, if she wishes 
to prosecute the war, and that the 
British commerce would even then 
feel a mighty interest to see it pro- 
longed. 

_The determination which you 
ate about to take, citizens repre- 
sentatives, will thus have a most 
striking influence on the success of 
the negotiations which occupy 
that government at ‘kis moment 
for thesestoration of peace. 
(Signed) Revenriere Lipraux, 

president. 
LaGarbe, sec, general, 


7 the ad of November, the Courcil of 
Five Hundred passed tke following 
Reseluttons. 


Art. I. All articles manufac. 
sured in Engiand, or in Engtish 
establishments, shall continue te be 


Ba 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706, | 


prohibited throughout the whole 
of the republic, From the date 
of the publication of this law, all” 
persons are forbidden to expose- 
such articles to sale, or to give no- 
tice that they are to be sold. 

II. Noarticle, containing articles 
of English manufacture, shall, un- 
der any pretext, enter the ports of 
the republic. 

ILI. Whe necessity of putting inte 
a port shall not furnish a plea for 
any deviation from the preceding 
article, where the vessel exceeds 
ten tens in burden. 

IV, With respect to vessels above: 
ten tons, proved to have been 
forced into port, the captain, on 
the moment of his arrival, shall 
produce to the commissioners of 
the customs an exat statement of 
the quantity, quality, and value 
of English merchandize according 
to the inventory; it shall be de- 
posited in a magazine with three 
keys; one to be kept by the cap- 
tain, the other by the commis. 
sioners, and the third by*the mu. 
nicipal agent of the commune ;. 
and the ship shall not depart till 
the captain has proved that they 
have been all re-embarked exaétly 
as they were delivered. 

V. Articles of English manufac. 
ture in vessels taken from the ene- 
my, or shipwrecked, or those 
which arise from confiscation, shall 
be deposited in magazines till they 
are again exported. 

VI. Every person who shall have 
occasion to visit a magazine where 
English manufaétures are deposited, 
shall, within three days after the 
publication of the law, give in te 
the municipal administration af the 
canton a detailed account of their 
quantity, quality, and value. 

VII, Within the extent of three 

leagues 


STATE -PA PE R'S. 


leagues fiom the frontiers, by land 
or sea, the preceding declaration to 
be made to the nearest office of 
customs, and the goods deposited 
in magazines appointed for the 
purpose. 

VIII. After the expiration of the 
peried fixed to make the declara- 
tion, the officers of the customs, 
accompanied by a municipal admi- 
nistrator, may visit the houses sus- 
petted to contain or conceal articles 
fabricated in England. Visits dur- 
ing the day may also be made by 
the proper officers, to discover whe- 
ther any articles prohibited by this 
decree are concealed in magazines ; 
and if any such are found, the whole 
house of the owner of the magazine 
may be searched, 

_ 1X. All military corps stationed 
on the frontiers, and all public 
fun@ionaries, are enjoined to stop 
any article of English manufaéture 
found on the territory of the re- 
public. 

_ X. Violations of this decree to 
be punished with arrest (the cri. 
minal to be brought before the tri- 
bunal of corve¢iional police) and 
confiscation of the goods, vessels, 
carriages, horses, and beasts of 
borden; and the delinquent, be- 
sides, to be condemned. to pay 
not less than double the value of 
the objet seized; and imprison- 
ment for a period not less than five 
days, nor more than three months. 
In case of a repetition of the of- 
fence the fine to be double, and the 
imprisonment for the space of six 
months. 

XI. The value of the goods con- 
fiscated shall be given as a reward 
to the seizers, or to those who 
have assisted in the arrest. 

A sixth of the confiscation is 
granted as an indemnity to’ the 


Vou. XXXVIII. 


[257 


municipal administrators and com- 
missioners of the executive direc. 
tory, in all cases where their pre. 
sence is appointed by the law. 

XII. Of English © manufacture 
are considered ail goods, whether 
dire&tly brought from England, or 
coming indireétly from other coun- 
tries. 

1. All kinds of cloth and stuffs 
of wool and cotton, or mixtures of 
these materials; tamboured nan- 
keens, muslins, striped woollen and 
cotton cloths, and English tapestry. 

2. All kinds of cotton or wool. 
len caps, simple or mixed. 

3. Buttons of every kind. 

4. All kinds of metal; all 
wrought iron, cutlery, clock.work, 
steel, copper, tin, white iron, po. 
lished or rough, pure or mixed. 

5. Tanned leather, dressed hides, 
or plain for carriages or boots, har- 
ness, and all sadlery wares. 

6. Ribband, hats, gaazes, known 
as English wares. 

7. All kinds of skins for gloves 
or breeches, and these articles in a 
manufactured state. 

8, All kinds of glass and crystal, 
except vases of glass used in chy- 
mistry, and glasses for spectacles 
and watches. 

g. Refined sugars. 

10. Ali kinds of pottery known 
by the name of pipe-clay. 

XIII. The refined sugars com- 
prehended in the preceding arti- 
cle aétually in the interior, are 
not subject to these declarations, 
and to be lodged in the maga- 
zines according to the preceding 
articles. 

XIV. All the objeéts of foreign 
manufaéture different from those 
pointed out in Article XII. of 
which the import is not prohibited 
by former laws, shall not be ad- 

} mitted 


258] 


mitted unless accompanied with 
certificates, that they are the pro- 


duce of countries, at peace with 
France. 
XV. Certificates shall be deli- 


vered by the French consuls, or by 
the public offices; they shall con- 
tain a formal attestation that the 
articles have been manalactured in 
the said country, and shail menticn 
the name of the artist. 
_- XVI. In addition to the penal- 
ties above pronounced, the names, 
sirnames, ages, professions, and 
places of abode of the violators of 
the law and of their agents, shall 
by the special interference of the 
minister of the interior, be stuck 
up in all public places, and inserted 
in the periodical papers, under the 
eneral title of brokers of Eng- 
aie destroyers of French industry. 
For this purpose the commissioners 
of the executive direfory, with 
the tribunals of correctional police, 
shall be bound to send to the mi- 
nister of the interior the names, 
sirnames, ages, professions, and 
places of abode, of all those against 
whom they shall have pronounced 
sentence in conformity to the pre. 
sent law. 

XVII. All the reguintions of 
the former laws, contrary to the 
present, are repealed. 

The above resolutions were af- 
terwards sanctioned py the council 
of ancients, 


Message of the Executive DireGory | 


to the Council of Five Hundred. 


20 Frimaire, Dec. 10. 
THE multiplied wants of the 
republic call imperiously upon you 
to display and employ all her re- 
sources. You are not ignorant, 
that every branch of the public 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


service experiences the utmost dis- 
tress. The pay of the troops re- 
mains unsettled; the defenders of 
the country suffer all the horrors 
of nakedness ; their courage is de- 
creased by the. painful sense ‘of 
their wants; the disgust arising 
from them naturally occasions de- 
sertion ; the hospitals are in want 
of fuel, medicines, and all other 
necessaries ; the public alms and 
workhouses experience the same 
want, and for this reason they re- 
jet the needy and infirm citizens, 
who usually found an asylum in 
them, The creditors of the state, 
the contra€tors, who daily supply 
the wants of the armies, with 
great difficulty obtain only a small 
part of the sums due to them, and 
the distress which they experience 
on this account deters others who 
might supply these wants with 
more exattness, and on terms more 
advantageous for the republic. The 
public roads are impassable, and 
the communications interrupted. 
The salaries of the public func. 
tionaries remain unpaid. From 
one end of the republic to the 
other, the judges and administra- 
tors are reduced to the dreadful 
dilemma, cither to expose them- 
selves and their families.to the ut- 
most misery, or disgracefully to 
sell themselves te intriguers. The 
disaffected agitate every part of 
the republic; murder and assassi- 
nation are organized in many 
places, and the administration of 
police, without activity and with- 
out force from want of provisionary 
means, is unable to check these dis. 
orders. : 

It is in your power to make this 
affiictive pifture disappear ; you 
can diffuse new life through all 
the parts of the public administra- 

tion, 


STATE PAPERS, 


tion, and re-establish the social 
harmony, the springs of which are 
impeded, but not destroyed. 
An important work, a simple 
work, but which tends dire@ly to 
the end which you will wish to 
propose to yourselves, has already 
heen presented to you on this sub- 


jet, and you have adopted it. 


Wise principles, equitable bases, 
have been submitted to you for the 
establishment of contributions, and 
means sufficient to provide for the 
ordinary and extraordinary ex- 
pences, which the consolidation of 
the republic and the happiness of 
the people require. 

- But until the laws which you 
are to lay down on those bases are 
enacted, until the reimbursements 
are in aétivity, until by a certainty 
of receipts the necessary order can 
be established for giving an invari- 
able application to every branch 
of the public revenue; waiting the 
happy instant which is near, if you 
choose, you ought by a provisional 
resource to foster and re-animate 
all; you must restore motion to 
the divers departments of admini- 
stration, which all hold together, 
and second each other, and which 


_ it becomes indispensable to extri« 


cate from the dangerous state of de. 
cline in which they are plunged. 
(Here the directory points out 
the employments of the arrears 
due upon the last fourth part of 
the national domains sold by the 
law of the 28th Ventose, as the 
means of obtaining that desirable 
end; every purchaser of national 
domains, by virtue of the said law, 
who has not paid the whole amount 
of his purchase, is to pay the same 
in bills payable to order, and in 
ready specie, ten days after the pro. 


[259 


mulgation of a law to be passed for 
the purpose, in his department ; 
those sums are to be paid at the 
expiration of each term of payment 
stipulated, unless the purchaser will 
come forward sooner with his pay- 
ments, and thus benefit his capital 
by receiving interest. The bills or 
securities are to be mortgaged upon 
the property bought by the pur- 
chaser, who, in case of default, is 
to suffer forfeiture; the estate is, 
of course, to be put up.to sale by 
auction, If any administration neg- 
lects to enforce this payment, by 
putting up the estate to sale, its 
members are to be personally res 
sponsibie. The bills thus issued’by 
the purchasers‘of national domains 
as aforesaid, are not to have any 
forcible circulation, but they are 
to pass by confidence, at the re. 
sponsibility of the drawers and en. 
dorsers, for metallic specie, their 
actual and natural value being 
mortgaged and secured upon the 
value of the estates in payment of 
which they were issued), 

Barras, President. 


Proclamation published by Citizen 
Salicetti, the Commitsary of Go. 
vernment with the Armies of Italy 
and the Alps, to the Citizens of 
the Department of Corsica. 

CiTIzENs, 

AFTER a train of events, as 
extraordinary as calamitous, you 
are at length restored to the unity 
of the republic. I am now, in the 
name of the government, to bear 
to you the tidings of peace and 
consolation ; the constitutional ad, 
which the people of France have 
accepted, will soon be presented 
to you, and your happiness will 
depend only on your execution of 

S 2 . 


- 


260 | 


it. It is by submission to the law 
that you are to find your liberty 
secured, the destruction of faction 
accomplished, and the conclusion 
of ‘your miseries. 

Profit at length by the lessons of 
experience ; let the sources of divi- 
sion among you, which have been 
the spring of all your miseries, be 
dried up; and the spirit of party, 
which has been ever the forge in 
which your fetters have been form- 
ed, give place to the bonds of fra- 
ternity ; and, above all things, let 
what has passed teach you not to 
give credit to men, unless when 


they. speak the language of prin-) 


ciple; and let him, who would 
hereafter substitute his will for law, 
be considered as a traitor, and a- 
bandoned to the vengeance of free. 
men. 

It was a boundless confidence re- 
posed in one of your fellow-citi- 
zens; who was far from deserving 
it, that misled you so much as to 
cause you to betray your dearest 
interests, to detach yourself from 
your mother-country, not only at 
the moment when she was bestow- 
ing on you the estimable boon of 
liberty, but while she was lavish- 
ing her treasures for the increase of 
your industry, for the formation of 
your havens, and for the cultiva- 
tion of your fields. It was a blind 
obedience to the will! of a mean, 
ambitious man, that led you to 
the commission of the most atroci- 
ous crime that republicans could 
commit, that of submitting to a 
king. - 

Citizens, you have great crimes, 
for which you should make repara- 
tion. The stigma with which you 
ate branded can only be done away 
by a conduct such as.to justify the 

generosity with which the French 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


republic has treated you, in restor- 
ing you to the plenitude of your 
rights. May you make such use 
of this indulgence, as is worthy o 
men who wish for freedom, with- 
out acquiring it by the horrors of 
anarchy ! who are disposed to sub-] 
mit, without meanness, tothe laws, 
and to acknowledge no other au- 
thority than that which may ema- 
nate from the republic. . 

The fatal error, of which during}, 
three years you have been the vic-}) 
tims, should instruct you how far: 
you ought to give credit to the pro- 
fession of those who are the ene- 
mies of the republic. The English: 
could not prevail on you to betray 
your duty bit by a promise to pre- |) 
serve your liberty ; ; and yet, while 
they loaded you with contempt, 
they plunged you in slavery. They 
were bound to have prevented 
crimes by the punishment of those 
who committed them; yet they 
encouraged every wickedness, by 
giving impunity toassassins. They 
had sworn to defend you against 
the French, whose just indignation: 
you had provoked ; yet, when their 
interest called them elsewhere, they 
abandon:d you to the mercy of 
the republic, which you had mis- 
trusted. 

What a contrast does the gene- 
rous eonduct of republicans form 
to that of their enemies! They re- 
turn to you with the olive-branch 
of peace in their hands—they for- 
get the injuries which they have suf- 
fered—and if ever the recolleGion. 
of them crosses their minds, it is 
only when they-are anxious to 
caution you against new errors, by 
which new attempts may be made 
to seduce you from your duty. 
Let not those days of horror and of. 
calamity pass from before your 

sight, 


SPATE Ee 


sight,,in which 'the general council 
of the department lighted the torch 
of civil war, and reared the stand 
ard of rebellion in the si: disaw? as- 
sembly of Worsica. If youhad then 
been commanded by energetic pa- 
triots, they would, by enlightening 
the people, have neurralized the 
influence of the traitor, who, while 
preaching liberty, sought only the 
means of ens aving you ; and, if the 
administrators had then done their 
duty, they would have prevented 
those evils which have been the 
necessary result of this first aét of 
‘rebellion,: and you would not now 
have had occasion to blush at those 
disastrous events which have been 
the consequence of the errors into 
which by degrees you were mis- 
led. 
The constitution insured to you 
not only the free exercise of your 
Civil and political rights, but,also 
that of reiigion, which has been so 
strangely abused for the purpose of 
deceiving you. The Engiish had 
become the friends, the protectors 
of the pope; thus men without 
probity, and without virtue, de- 
plored the decay of religion, and 
the ery of impiety was raised by 
those whose days were numbered. 
only by the crimes they had com- 
mitted, and by the immoral ac- 
tions which disgraced them. 

Ye ministers of religion! the 
constitution secures to you the free- 
dom of worship; the goyernment 
respects those who profess the doc- 
trines of the gospel; and the con- 
sciences of citizens are a sacred 
asylum into which the eye of its 
agents does not penetrate ; but 
those who would preach discord in 
the name of the God of peace ; those 
who would abuse the sacred mini- 
stry which they are called to fill, 


PiA PERS. [261 
and who would corrupt public opi- 
nion by the poison of fanaticism ; 
such are men to whom the rigour of 
republican laws extends its severest 
punishments-—a rigour enjoined 
both by policy and by respect for 
religion, 

Ye numerous patriots, who dur- 
ing three years have groaned un- 
der the rod of those proud masters 
to whom you were sold, while you 
sighed for the moment in which 
you might take up arms to vindi- 
cate your rights; and above all, 
ye who, to secure the happiness of 
your country, have preferred exile 
to the shame of obeying a king; 
whose generons devotion to the ser- 
vice of your country has overcome 
all obstacles, has endured all wants, 
and has braved all dangers—it is 
your's to give the first example of 
civic virtue. 

“At the approach of the arms of 
the republic, those traitors; who 
had been most guilty, disappeared ; 
no longer would they tread the 
ground they had sought to. disho- 
nour. without finding death at 
hand; and should any be found to 
remain in the country, the law will 
speedily overtake them; but in 
others it behoves you to see mis- 
taken brethren, who, returning to 
their right reason, will merit by 
republican conduét your virtue and 
your esteem. Be united ; forget 
your divisions, and unanimously 
swear on the altar of your country, 
and by the manes of your compa- 
nions in danger and in glory, who 
died in battle in defence of the re- 
public, eternal hatred to riyalty. 


Givenat Bastia, the 24th of Nov. 
sth year of the republic, one 
and indivisible. 

SALICETTI. 


S 3 Treaty 


Treaty of Peace, concluded beteween 
the King of Sardinia and the 

French Republic. 

THE French republic and his 
majesty the king of Sardinia, equally 
animated by the desire of making 
a happy peace succeed to the war 
which divides them, have appoint- 
ed, viz. the executive dire€tory, in 
the name of the French republic, 
citizen Charles Delacroix, minister 
of foreign affairs, and his majesty 
the king of Sardinia, M.M. the 
Chevaliers de Revel and de Tonzo, 
to negot ate the clauses and con- 
ditions proper for re-establishing 
and consolidating good harmony 
between the two states, who, after 
having exchanged their full and re- 
spective powers, have agreed to the 
following articles : 

I. There shall be peace and good 
neighbourhood between the French 
sepublic and the king of Sardinia. 
All fostilities shall cease between 
the two powers, reckoning from 
the time of signing the present 
treaty. 

Il. The king of Sardinia reyokes 
all adhesion, consent, or accession, 
public or secret, given by him to 
the armed coalition against the 
French republic ; and all the trea- 
ties of alliance, offensive and defen- 
sive, which he may have concluded 
against the said republic with any 
power whatsoever. He shall not 
furnish any contingent in men or 
money to any powers armed against 
France, upon any pretence, or un- 
der any authority whatscever. — 

III. The king of Sardinia fairly 
and entirely renounces fer ever, for 
himself or his successors, in favour 
of the French republic, all the 
rights which he can pretend to have 
to Savoy, and the counties of Nice, 
Tenda, and Breuil, — is 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


IV. The limits between the states. 
of the king of Sardinia and the de- 
partments of the French ‘republic 
shall be marked by a line through 
the most advanced points of the 
fronticr of Piedmont, the summits, 
plateaux (flat tops of hiils) moun- 
tains, and other places hereafter 
described, as well as the intermedi- 
ate summits and ploterux, viz. from 
the point where the frontiers of 
ci devant Francigny, Duchy of 
Aoste and Valais, unite to the ex. 
tremity of the Glaciers, or Monts- 
Maudits. 

ist, The summits or plateaux of 
the Alps at the rising of the Col- 
mayor. 

zd, Little Saint Bernard, “and the 
hospital situated there. 

3d, The summits or plateaux of 
Mont-Alban, of the Col-de-Cre- 
sance, and of Mont-Iseran, 

4th, Turning a little toward the 
south, the summits or slateaux of 
Cerat and of Gros-Ceval. 

sth, Great Mont-Cenis, and the, 
hospital which stands to the south. 
east of the lake of that mountain. 

6th, Little Mont-Cenis. 

7th, The summits or plateaux 
which separate the valley of Bardo. 
nach from the Val-des-Pres, 

8th, Mont-Genevre. 

gth, ‘The summits or plateaux 
which separate the valley of Quires 
from that of Vaudois. 

toh, Mont-de- Vaudois, 

11th, Mont-de- Viso. 

12th, Mont de-l’ Argenterie. 

13th, Thesourceof the Abayette 
and the Sture. 

14th, ‘The mountains between 
the vallies of Sture and Gesso, on 
one part ; and those of Saint Etienne, 
or Tinea, of Saint Martin, or Ve- 
zubia, of Tenda, or of Roya, on 
the other. 
is 15th, 


STATE PAPERS. 


r§th, Leroche-Barbon, on the 
“confines of the state of Genoa. 

If some communes, habitations 
or portions of territories of the said 
communes, actually in friendship 
with the French republic, fall with- 
out the line of frontiers above de- 
scribed, they shall continue to make 
part of the republic, notwithstand- 
ing any inference that may be made 
to the contrary from this article. 

V. The king of Sardinia engages 
not to permit emigrants or persons 
transported from the French repub- 
Jic to stop or reside in his domini- 
ons. Hemay, however, retain in 
his service the emigrants of the de- 
partments of Mont Blanc, and of 
the Maritime Alps, so long as they 
give no cause of complaint by en- 
terprises or manoeuvres tending to 
oppose the internal safety of the re- 
public. 

VI. The king of Sardinia re- 
nounces all demand of recovery, 
or personal claim which he might 
pretend tg exercise against the 
French republic for causes anterior 
to the present treaty. 

VII. There shali be immediate- 
ly concluded between the two pow- 
ers, a treaty of commerce on equi- 
table basis, and such as may secure 
to the French nation advantages, 
at least equal to those enjoyed in 
the dominions of the king of Sardi- 
nia by the most favoured nations, 

In the mean time, all communi- 
cations and commercial relations 
shall be re-established. 

VIII. The king of Sardinia obli- 
ges himself to grant a full and en. 
tire amnesty to all his subjeéts who 
have been prosecuted for political 
Opinions. Every process which 
may have been'raised on this sub- 
: et, as wellas the judgments which 

ave intervened, are abolished. 


[263 


All their property, moveable and 
immoveable, or the value thereof if 
it has been sold, shall be festored 
without delay. It shall be lawful 
for them to dispose of it, to return 
and reside-in the dominions of the 
king of Sardinia, or to retire there. 
from. 

1X. The French republic and 
his majesty the king of Sardinia en- 
gage to supersede the sequestration 
of all effects, revenues, or proper-. 
ty, seized, confiscated, detained, or 
sold, belonging to the citizens or 
subje&ts of either power, relative 
to the actual war, and to admit 
them respectively to the legal exer. 
cise of the aétions or rights which 
may belong to them. 

X. All the prisoners, respective- 
ly made, shall be restored in one 
month, reckoning from the ex- 
change of the ratifications of the 
present treaty, on paying the debts 
which they may have contracted 
during their captivity. 

The sick and wounded shall cons 
tinue to be taken care of in the re- 
spective hospitals. They shall be 
restored when cured. 

XI. Neither of the contracting 
powers shall granta passage through 
irs territory to the troops of any 
enemy of the other. 

XII. Besides the fortresses, of 
Coni, Ceva, and Tortona, as, well 
as the territory which the troops of 
the republic occupy, or ought to 
occupy, they shall occupy the for- 
tresses. of Exiles, Assiette, Suza, 
Brunette, Chateau, Dauphin, and 
Alexandria; for which last place 
Valence shall be substituted, -2f the 
general in chief of the French re. 
public prefer it. 

XII{. Lhe fortresses and territo- 
ries above described shall be restor- 
ed to the king of Sardinia upon the 

S. 4 conclusion 


264] 


conclusion of the treaty of com- 
merce between the republic and 
his majesty, of general peace, and 
the establishment of the line of 
frontiers; 

XIV. The country occupied by 
the troops of the republic, and 
which should be definitively restor- 
ed, shell remain under the civil 
government of his Sardinian ma- 
jesty, but shall be liable to levies 
of military contributions, and fur- 
nishing provision on forage which 
have been, or may be enaéted for 
the supply of the French army. 

XV. The fortifications of Bru. 
nette and Suza, as well as the in- 
trenchments formed zbove that 
town, shall be demolished, and de. 
stroyed, at the expence of bis Sar- 
dinian majesty, at the direCction of 
commissioners appointed by the ex- 
ecutive directory. 

The king of Sardinia shall not be 
permitted to establish or repair any 
fortification on this part of the 
frontier. — 

XVI. The artillery of occupied 
places, the demolition of which is 
not stipuiated by the present treaty, 
shal! be employed for the service of, 
the republic, but shall be restored 
with the other fortresses at the 
same epoch to his Sardinian majes- 
ty. The stores and provisions 
which may be there shall be con- 
sumed, without recovery, for the 
service of ihe republican army. 
~ XVII, The French troops shall 
have free passage through the states 
of the king of Sardinia, ip entering 
er returning from the interior of 
Italy. 

XVIII. The king of Sardinia ac- 
cepts the mediation of the French 
republic for definitively terminat- 
ing the differences which have 
long subsisted between his majesty 


- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


and the republic of Genoa, and for 
deciding on their respective claims. 

XIX. Conformable to the sixth 
article. of the treaty concluded at 
the’ Hague, on the 27 Floreal, 3d 
year, the Batavian republic is 
included in the present treaty. 
There shall be peace and friendship 
between that republic and the king 
of Sardinia. Every thing shall be 
established between them on the 
same footing as before the: present 
War. 

XX. The king of Sardinia shall 
disavow, by his minister to the 
French republic, the proceedings 
employed towards the. last ambas- 
sador of France, 

XX1. The present treaty shall 
be ratified, and the ratifications ex- 
changed in less than one month, 
reckoning from the signing of the 
present treaty. 

Done and concluded at. Paris, 
the 25th Floreal, 4th year 
of the French republic, one 
and indivisible, answering 

to the 15th of May, 1796, 

(Signed) Cuartes DeLacrorx, 
Le CHEVALIER DEREVEL, 
Lo CHevaLier pe Tonzo, 

The executive directory decree 
and sign the present treaty of peace 
with the king of Sardinia; negotiat_ 
ed in the name of the French re. 
public .by the minister of foreign 
affairs, appointed by the executive 
directory, by a decree of the 22d 
Floreaj, and charged with instruc. 
tions to that effect. 
~ At Paris, the 28th Flareal, 4th 

year of the French republic, 
one and indivisible. - 
(Signed) Lerourneur, 
ie REWBELL, 
Carnot, 

P. Barras, 

KAM. Reveruuers Lereavx. 
a ok da Message 


STATE PAP E/R’S. 


Message of the Executive Dire@ory 
to the Ciuncil of Five Hundred, 
in Fan. 1796. 


Citizens Legislators, 

THE executive directory can no 
longer defer to call the most serious 
attention of the legislative body to 
the emigrants in the colonies. 

The national’ convention thought 
proper to adjourn this discussion of 
the greatest urgency and import- 
ance; on the 25th Messidor, third 
year, when the committee of public 
safety proposed, in a report con- 
cerning the state of St. Domingo, 
to enforce the execution of the 
laws respecting emigrants in the 
colonies, as well as in the mother 
country. The moment is arrived 
when the legislators of the republic, 
sensible of the mischief of too much 
indulgence, ought to crush with 
their anathema the most irrecon- 
cileable enemies of liberty and 
equality. It is necessary that the 
emigrants, in whatever place the 


reside, or whatever disguise they, 


assume, should no longer be able 
to, elude the sentence of the law 
pronounced against them, 

Any ‘distinction between the 
emigrants of France and those of 
the colonies would be extremeiy 
unjust and impolitic. It would 
occasion the loss of our colonies, 
whom liberty alone can attach to 
us, and along with the loss of our 
colonies, would destroy every hope 
of re-establishing our commerce, 
and of procuring to the republic an 
inexhaustible source of real opu. 
lence and prosperity. 

The national convention was for 
a long time led into an error in 
consequence of the prevalence of a 
faftious and unfounded opinion, 


‘265 


They retained an idea, that it was 
possible to dispense with nature and 
justice with respect to the freedom 
of the blacks, and to save our 
colonies; by committing a criminal 
outrage against the rights of man. 

Some legislators, deceived by the 
artifices ot the colonial aristocracy, 
were ignorant of the real causes of 
those calamities which desolated 
our colonies; but the report ot the 
commission appointed to investi- 
gate the truth, whichso much in-~ 
trigue had been employed to con~ 
ceai, could not fail to open their 
eyes, 

Will the protectors, the de- 
fenders of the emigrant colonists, 
who have successively been dema- 
gogues, royalists, and moderés, 
according to the different periods 
of the revolution, still be able to in- 
terest your compassion, by repre 
senting to you the loss of their 
fortune, and destitute situation in 
which they are placed. 

But have not the clergy and no. 
bility of France, and all the emi- 
grants in Europe, cause to regret: 
the loss of the privileges on which 
they founded the slavery of the 
people? And have they not been 
the authors of their own wretched. 
ness and disgrace? 

They also appeal to the com. 
passion of the French people—they 
also style themselves the viGtims of 
a revolution, which has compelled 
them to abandon their homes,’ 
and yet the constitution for ever 
interdiéts all of them. from return. 
ing to the country. 

Will these emigrant colonists say 
that they only retired to the United 
States to avoid the horrors of war, 
and that they have remained in a 
neutral country ? 


But 


266] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


But did not a great number of 
those very emigrants from France, 
who occasioned so many mischiefs 
to the country, resort to a neutral 
country? Why did not these co- 
Jonists, always rebels to the laws, 
take up arms to defend them, 
as well as the magistrates, who 
were their organs? It can now be 
no longer doubted, from letters 
that have been intercepted, and the 
official reports of the agents of the 
republic, that Philadelphia was 
the seat of an English committee, 
which without doubt, eluded the 
vigilance of the American govern- 
ment, and of which the colonists 
were the agents in the same manner 
as the Austrians at Basle were the 
more ostensible agents of an Aus. 
trian committee. 

Even supposing that the emi- 
grant colonists were only so cow- 
ardly as to withdraw themselves 
from the evils of the war, which 
they provoked by their resistance 
to the Jaws respecting the emanci- 
pation of the blacks, and that they 
only sought an aslyum in the 
United States, ought they nor to 
have taken the first safe and ho. 
gourable opportunity which pre- 
sented, in order to return to the 
French territories? Yet in vain 
did the ministers of the republic, 
in America, invire them by official 
intimations, by journals and by 
placards, to return to France, of- 
fering them a free passage aboard 
the ships of the republic, They 
still refused, hoping that the tri- 
umphs of England and of Spain 
would speedily facilitate their re- 
turn to their native soil again, 
polluted by slavery, and would 
enable them to carry along with 
them the pride of dominion, inso- 


Jence, and death. Men who call 
themselves refugees, and vi@tims 
of persecution, to whom the re- 
public siretches out her arms when 
she has the right to be severe, and 
who rather chuse to keep at a dis- 
tance during that revolution, which 
calls for the united efforts of all, 
are not such in reality emigrants ? 
After this statement, is it possible, 
without criminality to mak» any 
distin¢tion between the emigrants 
of France, and those of the colo- 
nies? Undoubredly, citizens le- 
gislators, you never can be of that 
opinion, and your justice will never 
be disarmed by the arts of per- 
fidious men, who now basely and 
hypocritically cringe before the tri- 
umphs of the republic. 

Their property, justly forfeited 
to the republic, will amount to 
two milliards of crowns, when it 
shall have been restored to its pro- 
per value by wise and discreet ma- 
nagement. You wil! thus, by en- 
forcing the just severity of thelaws, 
find a new fund for the expence of 
several Campaigns, which the wis. 
dom and moderation of the peopte 
may not he able to avoid, or, in 
case of peace, a particular resource, 
which will raise to the highest pitch 
the prosperity of the republic. 

The executive directory, im- 
pressed with the importance of the 
object which they have now sug. 
gested, propose ta the legislative 
body to take their message into the 
most serious consideration, and to 
declare, that the laws respecting 
emigrants shall be sent and exe- 
cuted in alk the colonies, as well 
as in France. 

(Signed) 
REwseEvt, Presi. 

By the Executive Directory, 

Lacarpe, Sec. 
Message 


STAT EPA P E RS, 


Message from the Wirectory, addressed 
to the Council of Ancients, dated the 
5th Pluviose ( fan, 25) and read 
in a Secret Committee. 

Citizens LEGISLATORS, 

The enemies 
spoken of peace, but it was to relax 
our preparations, while they them- 
selves redoubled their efforts for 
continuing the war; they wish to 
weaken the courage of our defend- 
ers, by lulling them with the hopes 
of approaching peace, which they 
themselves do not cease to elude by 
the most evasive forms, and the 
most frivolous pretexts. This per- 
fidy on their part is not new, and 
the reports they have affeéted to 
circulate on this subject, since the 
commencement of hostilities, have 
always been seized and believed 
by the foreign faction which they 

Maintain among us. But these 

manceuvres have never been coun- 

tenanced by the executive direc. 
tory, who in offering peace to the 
coalesced powers on conditions as 
moderate as are consistent with the 

National dignity, have neglected 

nothing for assuring new triumphs 

to the republican arms. 

- The French should know that 

they never can have peace with 

their enemies till they shall have 
rendered it impossible for them to 
pursue their disastrous projects, 

This epoch i isnot far off; it must 

crown a vigorous campaign, and we 

have reason tothink that that which 
is about to be opened will yield in 
nothing to that of the third year. 

The government already acquires 

strength every day, and the hopes 

_ of the enemies of the interior, of a 

disagreement between the legisla- 

tive body and the directory, dis- 
appear every day ; the circulation 
of provisions begins to be re-esta. 


of France have. 


[267 


blished ; the young citizens are de- 
sirous of rejoining their colours ; 
the general a¢tivity contributes to 
second the salutary and decisive 
measure of the torced loan; the 
certainty, in short, of seeing all 
the ta¢tious punished, whether their 
royalism be open or concealed, or 
whether they dissemble it under the 
last forms of anarchy ; every thing, 
in short, announces, that if we 
are forced by our implacable ene- 
mies to cover still their bloody 
plains with our soldiers, it will be 
to gain soon new laurels, to enjoy 
from henceforward the unalterable 
repose that is assured by the consti- 
tution, sworn to by all Frenchmen, 
and the return of morality and jus- 
tice, the love of labour and ceco- 
nomy. Citizens legislators, you are 
aware of what renders the service so 
painful in the ‘present moment, 
notwithstanding the prodigious 
resources which are still to be found 
in the Republic, is the absence of 
representative signs of exchange, 
swallowed up by that avarice which 
renders it impossible to provide the 
nessary supplies for the armies, 
We must devise some substitute, 
and the directory can perceive no 
other except that of raising articles 
in kind, at least-those which are 
at present most necessary and in- 
dispensable, such as horses for car. 
riages and for the use of cavalry. 
The principal cause of the little 
success of portes campaign was 
the deficiency”of the means of con. 
veyance, and the superiority of our 
enemies’ cavalry. The evil in- 
creased every day, and we are 
obliged to tell you, citizens legisla. 
tors, that if there is not taken, in 
this respeét, a measure prompt and 
efficacious, we must expect defeats. 
The direétery requests that yeu 
will 


268] 


will authorize it to raise the thir- 
tieth horse in every part of the re- 
public. Experience assures the 
success of this measure; al! others 
will only have doubtfui conse. 
quences, slow, and attended with 
much expence, and the celia out 
2 prodigious quantity of specie. 
The directory had determined 
not to make to the legislative body 
the proposition of an extraordinary 
levy of horses till after the subject 
had been. long considered, and it 
shall-be sensible that there exist no 
other means of assuring the service, 


This levy shall be made hy the — 


administrative bodies. The legis- 
lative body mav itself state the 
mode of the execution, or leave it 
to the direétory, who will follow 
the most ceconomical and the least 
vexatious to the citizens ; whatever 
‘decision you may make in this 
respect, circumstances require that 
this measure may not be deferred. 
Citizens legislators, thedirectory 
invites the council to take the ob- 
ject of its demand into the most se- 
rious and the most prompt con- 
sideration. 
REWBELL, President. 


Messog> of the Executive Direfory 
of France to the Council of Five 
Hundred, respecting the Emission 
of Mandats Territoriaux. 

Citizens LeGisLatTors, 

YOUR resolution of the zath of 
this month relative to the creation 
of ‘ Territorial Mandats,” payable 
to the bearer, is one of those gram 
and happy measures, which at the 
most critical zras of the revolution, 
have operated to the welfare of the 
republic. But it would be fatal 
if you did not hasten to make an 
addition which is indispensable, 
by giving to those mandats a com. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


- Such would be the case, if it wer 


1796. 


would boch fall into equal 
preciation. The stock, jobbers 
would seize upon both, they woul 
plunder the nation of its demesnes, 
and the government of its re 
sources. 

Certainly when paper money hash 
but a remote, a doubtful, or insufp 
ficient security, nothing short off 
despotism can force its currency, 


intended to recall the assignats to} 


mass was reduced to the amount of 
the national property at the dispo- 
sal of government. But it would 
be a weak abandonment of the} 
rights of the people, to leave taf 
malignity and avarice to fix the} 
value of a mandat, which can be im. } 
mediately converted into real pro. 
perty at the choice of the bearer, 
amongst the best possessions of the 
republic. The citizens may be de- 
ceived as to their real interests by 
the cruel manceuvres of stock. 
obbing. They have been de. 
ceived, and will be so still, unless | 
their repensentatives foresee and 
warn them of the danger. 

Have you not been compelled to 
pronounce certain penalties against 
those who refused the republican 
money, though it was evidently of 
more value than that which bore 
the royal stamp? why should you 
hesitate to take the same part 
against those wha may wish to de~ 
preciate a paper which has more 
need of confidence, as it is not di- 
visible into small portions, and 
therefore less fitted for ordinary 
transactions? If you do not take 
this step, this paper must fall, 
and with its own, will infallibly 


cause the ruin of the assignats. > 
It 


STATE PAPERS. 


It is in your power, on the con- 
trary, to raise the one through the 
other, and to breathe thus new life 
through all the ramifications of the 
body politic, robust in itself, but 
weakened and dried up through 
the want ef circulation. _ ; 

There are those, however, who 
seem to descry in this paper the 
annihiletion of the assignats. This 
is an error to which stock-jobbers 
will labour ro give credit as wishing 
to monopolize this representative 
sign, and to possess themselves of 
the pubiic fortune. But it is evi- 
dent, that on the contrary stock- 
jobbing will fod its death in the 
compulsive circulation of — this 
paper, and that in twenty-four 
hours the government will triple 
the value of assignais. 

The assignat is now at the three 
hundredth part of its nominal va- 
lue. When the mandats shall be 
at par with money, the assignats 
are to be exchanged at every office 
in the republic for the hundredth 
part of their nominal rate. Thus 
is their value tripled. In a word, 
the assignats thus exchanged are to 
be burned, until there shail be no 
more than 3 milliards in circula- 
tion. The circylation will then be 
brought back to its usual course, 
and the paper to its natural propor- 
tion to the land which it represents. 
The mandat being on a par with 
money, and the reijation of the 
assignats with the former being 
prescribed by the laws, stock- 
Jobbing can no longer maintain its 

round. Je dies; and France is 
Sclivered from a scourge more hor. 
rible than all the infliciions of her 
combined enemies. 

This proportion of one to an 
hundred between the mandat and 
the assignat appears to.be more suit 


[269 


able for the present. It accords 
with the measures which have been 
taken for raising the forced loan. 
Tt leaves to the nation the resources 
which may be necessary for its 
occasions, until the system of con- 
tribution shall be settled, and the 
receipts collected regularly. In 
propertion as the circulating mass 
of assignats shall be diminished by 
burning those which are exchanged, 
the relative value of one hundred 
for one may be gradually ameli- 
orated until the equilibrium shall be 
restored, withoutany shock between 
the remaining* assignats and the 
demesnes. which form their se. 
curity. 

But it.is necessary Sor this pur. 
pose, that severe penalties shall be, 
decreed against those who attempt 
to make the smallest alteration in 
the relative value of republican 
money. ‘Lhose who | exchange 
mandats against money otherwise 
than at par, must be rigorously 
punished. It was by relaxing from 
this essential point that assignats 
have fzllen into their present state 
of depreciation, and that ir is im. 
possible to raise them suddenly to 
their primitive value, without 
passing beyond the value of the 
security, and stripping the nation 
of its last resource. 

It is solely from your firmness 
and fidelity in the adoption and 
execution of these, measures, that 
France can be saved and revivified, 
and that she can rise free, glorious, 
and happy, after ail the storms of 
the revolution. 1 

We invite you, therefore, citizens 
legislators, to give this message an 
immediate consideration, 

(Signed) Letourneur, Presi, 

LecarpeE, Sec. 


oie @ 
Proclamation 


270] 


Proclamation of the Executive Direc- 
tory of the French Republic. 


FrRENCHMEN, 

YOUR legislators have just 

created a new species of money, 
founded at once upon justice and 
the necessity of providing for the 
immense wants of the state; they 
have conciliated the interest of the 
republic with the interest of indi- 
viduals, or rather it is in this pri- 
vate interest even that they have 
found new and abundant resources 
for the government ; and such will 
be always the calculations of a true 
and only policy. In short, after so 
terrible a war, after so many vio- 
fent shocks, the nation is, all at 
orice, lifted by the creation of 
territorial mandats to the same 
state of fortune and of means which 
she possessed in the first period of the 
revolution. To render these means 
fruitful—to recover the same -de- 
gree of opulence and splendour, 
we must only have the same latitude 
of confidence’ in the representa. 
tives of the natton—the same obe- 
dience to the lawg—the sgme fra- 
ternal union between citizens. 
» Your fate, O Frenchmen! is 
thenentirely in your hands; let the 
law relative to. territoriz! man- 
dats be faithfully observed, and 
France will come out from the re- 
volution happy and triumphant ; 
if the law he despised, a profound 
abyss will be immediately dug un- 
der all our feet, 

The territorial mandats have a 
precious advantage which the as- 
signats had not—it was the want 
of it that occasioned their depre- 
ciation.—This advantage is the fa- 
culty attached to the mandat, of 
being realized in a moment, with. 
@ut hindrance, obstacle, or sale, 


call the bearers of bills. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


by the immediate and incontesti. 
ble transfer of the national do- 
main, upon which the bearer of 
mandats may have fixed his choice 
in the whole extent of the republic. 
It is a territorial bank, with funds 
well ascertained, whose notes may 
be exchanged in open market, 
and whose guarantee is fortified by 
the authority of the law which 
gives them the forced currency of 
money. It was necessary thus 
to prevent the criminal efforts of 
stock . jobbing and disaffection, 
which incessantly endeavouring to 
convert the most wholesome reme. 
dies into poison, would not have 
failed to have depreciated and mo. 
nopolized the new money before 
the mass of the citizens could have 
been informed of its real value. 
When, by his sordid avarice, 
the stock-jobber depreciates by one 
sol a note of 100 franks, it is not 
solely the one sol of which he has 
robbed the public credit, it is a 
Joss to the national treasury of so 
many sols as there are too franks in 
the treasury ; it is an immense sum 
which he has annihilated in the 
public banks, and in the hands of 
He has 
ruined his fellow-citizens, he has 
assassinated his country, and it is 
not therefore, by the smallness of 
his robbery in itself that we must 
measure his crime, it is by the enor- 
mity of misery which it produces. 
Never was it more evidently true, 
that the safety of a whole nation 
may reside, and, in fatt, does re- 
side, in the inviolable probity of 
all the members that compose it, 
Yes, morals and obedience to 
the laws, each day ought, French. 
men, to convince you, are the sole 
safeguard of free countries. The 


slightest attack made upon them 
shakes 


STATE PAPE RS. 


shakes the state to its foundation. 
All our evils arise from our dissen- 
tions, from the spirit of rapucity, 
the neglect of labour, from refusal 
to pay the contributions, from the 
depreciation of the national mo- 
ney. 

These evils cannot be cured but 
by a contrary regime, by the reci- 
procal esteem of citizens, by their 
eagerness to acquit themselves to 
the public treasury, by the resto- 
ration of industry, by the rigorous 
support of the integral value, and 


-without the least alteration; of the 


money established by the legisla- 
ture. 
The executive directory will 


‘know how to display on this im- 


portant occasion, the whole extent 
of the power deposited in their 
hands; they will make the na- 
tional will, expressed by the re- 
presentatives of the ‘people, be re- 
spected. 

It is to you, good citizens, 
friends of wisdom and liberty ; im- 
mense majority of Frenchmen! it 
is to you that it belongs to second 
the efforts of the government; form 
a sacred league to defend the consti- 
tutional edifice, which rests now 
upon the success of the mandats ; 
repel those who flatter you to draw 
you into a frightful abyss. You 
€an only save yourselves by austere 
truths. What have these operated 
for your good, who have laboured 
hitherto to render you immortal ; 
who have only irritated alternately 
and cherished your passions; who 
have sharpened hatred among you, 
and formed parties? What else 
have they done but favoured your 
external enemies, who long ago 
would have demanded peace of you, 
if they had not been enabled 
to set you against each other, and 


[271 


to make you tear out your entrails 
with your own hands ? 

It is against these externa! ene- 
mies that we must wake the ven_ 
geance of the staté. Cover with 
indignation and contempt their 
eternal advocates; those cowardly 
writers who connect themselves 
with traitors; who have nothing to 
present bat frightful portraits; who 
avail themselves of an obje@ eniy 
to make the citizens miserable, and 
divide to defame them. It is time 
that each of us should be proud of 
being Frenchmen! What are the 
crimes of some miserable men to 
the national glory, men whom na- 
ture has cast upon the territory of 
freemen? view the revolution with 
the same eyes that posterity wilf 
view it; with the same eyes which 
the foreigners whom you combag 
view it. Resume that proud ener- 
gy that produced vittory ; recoils 
le@ your triumphs, and let them 
be the pledge of new triumphs. 

Frenchmen, be assured of this 
great truth; it is, that the safety 
of all and each of you is in the 
rigid execution of the law relative 
to mandats. Already have the 
happy effeéts of their creation been 
felt by the bearers of assignats, 
which increase in value rapidly, 
although it has been pretended 
that it would complete their de- 
preciation. 

Let ro infringement be made 
upon this law, and soon a benefi- 
cent dew will vivify the happy soil 
that nature has adjudged to us. 
France will rise from that deplor- 
able languor, a devouring stock. job. 
bing will cease her ravages, adlivity 
in arts and commerce will succeed, 
the roads and canals will no longer 
be in ruins, the public fun¢tion. 
aries of the state will be indemni- 

fied 


oro} 
fied for their painful labours, the 
long sufferings of the creditors and 
pensioners of the state will be at 
an end, the melancholy lot of our 
intrepid brethren in arms will be 
ameliorated, and the national fe. 
licity, which a diabolical spirit had 
thought to be able to separate from 
public probity and the social vir- 
tues, will revive and afsume new 
life in those immortal and fruitful 
sources of all prosperity. 
(Signed) 
LeTrourNneEuR, President. 


The Executive Dire&ory to the Citi- 
xeus of Paris. 


ROYALISM, at Iength despair- 
ing of being able to seduce you in 
its own colours, now takes to bring 
you under its odious ycke, a way, 

‘perhaps, more winding, but far 
more ferfidious and less dangerous, 
For several days incendiary papers 
and placards have been profusely 
distributed. Seditious prepositions 
and menacing discourses are heard, 
and groups are formed in the public 
squares, The heads of the party 
no longer conceal their object; 
they audacionsly declare it. They 
-wish to overturn the republican 
constitution, to de: troy the national 
representation and the government ; 
10/ put i force the atrocious and 
mmpraGticable code, of 1793; and 
to efieét the pretended equal di- 
vision of all property, even in the 
most inconsiderable nature, such 
as little shops, &c. They are de- 
sirous of plunder. 

They are, in a word, desirous to 
re-elect scaffolds, and to bathe as 
Sormetly in your blood, gorging 
themselves with your riches. and 
the smuallest produce of your la. 
bours. The foreigner who pays 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


them knows very well that the pre» 
sent government. being once de- 
stroyed, the multitude wearied at 
length with. various agitutions, 
which must tend to augment their 
sufferings, will throw themselves 
into the arms of a king, ‘The mi- 
serabie agitators, whom he makes 
his instruments, must themselves 
desire this, to place their »lunders 
under the safeguard of an authority 
which would be their work, and 
to secure the means of committing 


fresh ones with impunity, by 
sharing in all employments. Who 


can indeed doubt but that they are 
in agreement with foreigners to roy 
alise France, or to reduce it toa 
state of debility and confusion, the 
inevitable consequence of which 
wou'd be its dismemberment? Do 
our most declared enemies hold 
another language and another con- 
duét? They say openly, that they 
will carry revenge and fire every 
where, rather than allow peace to 
be made; and at the same time 
they circulate a thousand lying re. 
ports to. discredit the national 
money, and thus deprive the go- 
vernment of the means of securing 
to our armies the faculty of hasten- 
ing, by new trials, a glorious and 
durable peace, which is the con-_ 
stant object of the views of the di- 
rectory, and the aim of all its 
labours.. To these odious ma- 
neeuvres they add atrocious calum- 
nies, to deprive the government. 
of the force it needs; they even 
assert that the executive directory 
has done nothing towards the con-— 
solidation of the republic. Well- 
intentioned men! go back to the 
moment of the installation of the 
diretory, and judge whether in a 
few months it could have done 
more., La Vendée has been dis- 

armed 


STATE. 


armed, and its chiefs either killed 
or taken. ¢ 
The revolt in l’Indre and le 

_ Cher was extinguished at the very 

moment when it broke out; and 
the war against the Chouans is 
carried on with activity and suc- 
cess, The armies which were in 
a complete state of dissolution are 
now re-organised, and are in a 
condition to cope with the enemy, 
and to fix victory on the standard of 
diberty. Severe measures against 

the refraétory priests and the emi- 
grants have been called for, and 
those which existed have been exe- 
cated with vigour. Administra- 
tors, whose patriotism was suspect- 
ed, have been replaced by ener- 
-,getic republicans; and, finally, 
subsistencies have been. procured, 
and their circulation, which was 
impeded on all sides, re-established. 

These emissaries of foreigners dare 
“to add, that the directory does not 
cherish the patriots, but abandons 
them to persecution. Certainly it 
‘does not cease to cherish them; it 
thas not desisted, and will not desist 
‘to support and defend the patriots, 
and will never suffer the errors into 
which they may have been led, by 
van ardent zeal for liberty, tobe con. 
founded with guilt. It has an. af. 
f#ettionate regard for those pure and 
sincere patriots, who unite wisdom 
tothe ardvur of a buraing civism ; 
who, impatient of every yoke but 
that of the Jaws, are equally averse 
to the establishment of their own 
nomination. It will always know 
show to distinguish these from the 
disguised parctizans of royalism, 
from the brigands who usurp the 
glorious title of patriots, merely to 
dishonour it. The direétory is:the 
warmest friend to patriots ; and is 
mot the fate of the patriots and 

Vor, XXXVILL. 


PAPERS. [o73 


that of the direftory intimately 
connected ? Are not their destinies 
common? Citizens, and you ge. 
nerous defenders of the country, 
instructed by a long experiencey 
you have repulsed, with contempt, 
these dastardly and atrocious mis- 
creants, You are not ignorant, 
brave warriors, that ifthe govern- 
ment is destroyed, the republic is 
lost. You will know how to pre. 
serve, by the wisdom and energy 
of your condué, a liberty secured 
by your triumphs. You, citizens, 


.who live by the fruit of your 


labours, will not forget the mag. 
nificent promises which’ the tyrantsy 
covered with a cloak of popularity, 
have so often made to you, and 
which have never had any other 
result than their own fortune, and 
the public misery. You will con- 
stantly perceive that a regular go- 
vernment, solidly established, can 
alone secure good order and tran- 
quillity, which on their side can 
alone procure the resources neces 
sary for the support of your fami- 
lies. You who are apprehensive; 
for your property, judge what you 
have to expect from the system now 
on foot, if instead of rallying round 
the republican constitution, you 
favour by your negleét the dissolus« 
tion of the government. As to'us, 
faithful to our duty, we will main- 
tain the republic and the constitu. 
tion with an unshaken firmness; 
we will cause public order to be 
respected ; we will keep a wate 
on those who attempted to disturb 
it, and will repress them with all 
the force of the laws, the execu- 
tion of which is confided to us. 
Incapable of being the accomplices 
or the instruments of any faction,. 
we will return with honour to the 
private life which awaits us, or will 
T perish 


174] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


perish with glory at the post to 
which we have been called. 
(Signed) 
LETOURNEUR, President. 


Address of the Executive Diveétsry to 
the French Armics, April, 1796. 


DEFENDERS of the country, 
the moment approaches when you 
are again to take up your victorious 
arms; the moment — approaches, 
when you are to qguit.a repose to 
which you consented, in the hope 
alone that it would jead to an ho- 
nourable peace; but the seas of 
blood which have flowed have not 
yet satiated the rage of your ene- 
mies, They unqucstionably ima- 
gine, that we are about to aban- 
don the fruits of our viétories, at the 
very moment when success is 
ready to crown them, ‘They ima- 
gine that we are about to demand 
of them as cowards a peace which 
we have offered them as generous 
enemies. Let them conceive these 
unworthy expectations: we will 
not be surprised; they have never 
combated for liberty—but what 
they cannot be ignorant of, is, that 
the brave armies with which they 
wish again to try their strength, 
are the same by which they have 
been so often subdued. No: they 
have not forgotten the prodigies of 
French valour; they still recollect 
with terror, both the réedoubts of 
Gemappe, and the plains of 
Fleurus, and the frozen rivers of 
Holland: they recollect that the 
Alps and Pyrenees have opposed to 
you bur feebie barriers, and that 
the peninsula of Quidecron became 
the comb of all the parricidal slaves, 
who in the hope ot subjecting you 
tu the yoke ofa master, dared to 
_ gt theig fest on the soil of the re- 


public. If they could have for. 
gotten all this, you will bring it to 
their recollections by blows still 
more terrible ; you will teach them 
finally, that nothing can resist the 
efforts of a great vation which des 
termines to be free. 

Brave warriors, you have afford. 
ed the example of a disinterestedness 
which cannot exist unless among 
republicans. Oftentimes, in the 
midst of the greatest scarcity of 
provisions, of an almost absolute 
want of the most indispensable ob- 
jets, you have displayed that he- 
roical patience, which joined to 
your impetuous valour, so emi- 
nently distinguishes you, and will 
signalize you to all nations, and to 
the eyes of posterity. Republican 
soldiers, you will preserve this 
great character; and at the mo- 
ment when your situation has been 
ameliorated, when with an unani- 
mous voice the representatives of 
the nation have taken measures to 
provide efficaciously for your wants, 
you will redouble also your vigour 
and courage, to put an end toa 
war which can be terminated by 
new victories alone. 

In vain has the French govern. 
ment manifested to all the powers 
which wage war against France, a 
sincere wish to restore at length the 
repose of exhausted Europe ; it has 
in vain made to them the most just 
and moderate propositions ; no- 
thing has been capable of remov- 
ing their deplorable blindness, 
Yes, brave warriors, we must still 
have viétories; and it is your 
energy alone that can put.a stop to 
this devastating scourge. | Prepare, 
therefore, for a last effort, and let 
it be decisive; let every thing yield 
to, let every thing bevdissipated by 
your phalanxes ; lee the new flags 


of 


£ §4 


STATE PAPERS. 


of your enemies, carried off by 
your triumphant hands, form, with 
the preceding ones, the trophy with 
which, in the name of France, 
always great in her misfortunes, 
always just inher prosperity, the 

equitable peace you will give to the 
world will! be proclaimed. 

And you, generous defenders, 
who shall have cemented that peace 
with your blood, you will soon re- 
turn to the bosom of your families 


' among your fellow citizens, to en- 


joy your glory—terrible still in 
your repose, to all the enemies of 
the republic. 


LerougneurR, President. 


Prolamation issucd by Scepeaux, in 
the Western Department, 


COMPANIONS in arms—as 
long as we thought it possible to 
attain our desired end, the free 
exercise of the religion of our fa- 
thers and the establishment of the 

. legitimate heir of the French mo. 
narchy, we have not ceased to 
combat at your head, and to ex- 
cite that courage and perseverance 
which you have displayed to the 
eyes of all Europe; but at present, 
convinced that fresh efforts will 
only draw new misfortunes on our 
already devastated country, in- 
formed that the most violent mea- 
sures of terror would be exercised 
against our relations, who would 
be imprisoned, and their prop rty 
entirely ravaged, we have not 
thought we could continue a war 
“which was become the scourge of 
the country we had hoped to de- 
fend, and did not think ourselves 
permitted any longer to risk the 
lives of those brave men who had 
confided to us the charge of con- 
ducting them to the field of ho- 


[275 


nour. © However painful the sacri- 
fice may be to our opinion, we in- 
vite you to give up, into the hands 
proposed for that purpose, the arms 
that we cannot any longer engage 
you to preserve, without becom- 
ing the executioners of your rela- 
tions and friends. This clause 
fulfilled, your persons and proper. 
ty will be under the safeguard of 
the laws: you will remain quiet at 


‘home: nor will you in any respect 


be troubled for the past. This as- 
surance concerning your fate has 
alone induced us to consent to a 
condu& contrary to the wishes of 
our heart, but dictated by the ne- 
cessity of the circumstance. 
Decreed 15th May, 1796. 
(Signed) Le Vicomte peScea 
PEAUX, general in 
chief. 
Count DE CHATILLON, 
Lieut. gen. of the army of 
St. Scepeaux. 
Le CHevaLjeR DE TurRPIN, 
Inspeétor general, 


Message to the Council of Five Hun- 
dred from the Dire&ory, relative ta 
La Vendés. ; 


28 Messidcr, (16 Fuly.) 

FOR this long time an intestine 
war, fostered by fanaticism, has 
d-solated’ one of the finest regions 
of the republic; we had even to 
dread, lest it should make progress, 
and expose France to the brink of 
her ruin; gold and provisions have 
been furnished by the English, 
But thanks to the brave army of 
the ocean and its general, all is re. 
turned to yood order. The inha- 
bitants..have delivered up_ their 
arms, and were they even disin- 
clined to preserve the tranquillity 
which has been restored to them, 
T2 they 


276) 


- they would find it impossible forth - 
with to excite a commotion. “At 
upresent we may ‘travel in safety 
- through the several departments of 
the west. 

If we have not always spoken of 
-ethe heroic feats which have signa- 
‘lized our ‘gallant soldiers, compos- 
‘ing the army of the coasts of the 
‘ocean, it was done in order not to 
‘disclose to our enemies, all the in- 
veteracy of the evil we had to 
cure; but at present, while there 
‘Is no “danger in promulgating their 
exploits, we are eager to declare, 
that noarmy has more well deserv- 
‘ed of its Country than that of the 
ocean. No doubt, citizens legis- 
lators, you will hasien to make 
- this declaration in a solemn manner. 


Decree published at Modena on the 
’ 18th of OAober, 1796. 


1. EVERY species of feudal 
“Gurisdi€tion is from this moment 
abolished. 

2. The feudal officers of every 
‘kind and rank shall be confirmed 
ufitil the new order of the com- 
mittee of government, who shall 
preserve them or suppress them 
after information taken upon them. 

4. All-feudal rights and re- 
‘venues received under the ancient 
‘government, or to be received, shall 
remain unti} the new order, in the 
‘ational treasury. 

With respect to the odious 
privileges of hunting and fishing, 
‘the committee will, immediately 
publish a proclamation to ' satisty 
the general impaticnceto see them 

- ‘Suppressed, 
at The allodial rights shall re- 
main to the founders in absalttte 
property. 
'@, Whatever concerns the im. 


ANNUAL REGISTER; 1706. 


mediate abolition of fiefs, and of 
every feudal jurisdition, shall ex. 
tend to, infeoffments made under 
a burthensome title. 


The’ Congress of Cispadana to the 
Pesple of Bologna, Ferrara, Me- 
dena, and Reggio. 


Reggios 10 Nivisey first year of 
the Republic of Cispadana, 
one and indivisible, Idee. 30, 
1796, (old style.) 

THE first stone of the founda- 
tion of your infant liberty was laid 
in the congress held at Modena 
last O&tober, thanks to the invin- 
cible French nation, which net 
only was so generous as to restore 
to you your natural rights, but also 
enabled you to exercise them in 
order to secure your future exist- 
ence; it was with this, view you 
formed the bounds of a. friendly 
confederation, which nothing could 
untie; you also wished for the 
means of drawing those bonds still 
closer, in order that the structure, 
once begun, might rise great and 
majestic. In fine, you called us.to 
the congress of Reggio, and we, 
strong in your commands, were 
proud of being able and authorized 
to give our concurrence to an en- 
terprise worthy of the honour of 
Italy, and which will be the ad. 
miration of future ages. 

Citizens, the congress is cager to 
inform you that your wishes are 
fulfilled, and that you are henee- 
forth but one people, or rather one 
family. The following is the te. 
nor of the resolution: 

‘© A motion having beeca ele 
in the congress to form the four 
nations into a republic, ong and in, 
divisible in every res spett so, con- 
structed, that the four natigns mity 

anly 


“STATE PAPERS. 


only form one peop le, one single 
family. 

** The congress mee put this 
motion to the vote Wi; Reach a- 
tion, they have all accepted it.’ 
"The people of Reggio were wit. 
nesses of the publication of this 
decree, in the same manner as we 
were witnesses of their joy: Our 
brave brethren’ who Came from the 
transpadanian regions to fraternize 
with us, took part in the universal 
joy. May they imitate us, since 
we ardently wish ft, and may they 
form so close an alliance with our 
republic, that tyranny may thence- 
forth lose all hopes of again enslav- 
ing Italy. 

It seems as if something would 
have been deficient in the - general 
enthusiasm, had not our invincible 
deliverers been present at so solemn 
an act. 

Citizen Marmont, sent express. 
ly by the commander in chief to 
watch over the safety and liberty 
of our union, assisted at the con- 
gress, and saw in us, and the whole 
people assembled, brothers not un- 
worthy of the love of his generous 
nation. He took it upon him to 
ot an account of this glorious 

vent to the commander in chief, 
We could have wished you all to 
have been present in that happy 
“Moment, certain that your joy 
would have joined in unison with 
that of your brothers ; but if dis- 
tance of places deprived us of this 
double joy, we make you amends 
for it, by imparting to you that 
glorious event, before ,your ‘dele. 
gates return again to their country. 
People of the republic of Cispa. 
dana, the great epoch is already 
marked, Reject far from you all 
ancient quarrels, and that rival- 


ship, which was fomented by am. 


[277 


bition, and despotism. Liberty,’ 
equality, virtue, let these be’your? 
mottos. ‘the powerful: republi¢! 
which has invited you'to the gréat: 
work of liberty wall proteéte:you,) 
doubt it not, with ali:her forces’ 
slavery is lying from these coung; 
tries. The tyrants, to whom you 
were an object of derision, shudder; 
and turn pile. The eyes, of the 
whole world are fixed upon :you, 
and Italy anxiously. expeéts that 
you w iil restore to her that pristine: 
spiendour which made her once‘ Tex 
spected by ali nations. 

(Signed) C. Facci, Piedibecad 
Prsrorint, Maccat, 
Lamperti, LEONELLI,y 

Secretaries, | 


Letter of his Holiness the Pope to-all 
the Cathilies faithful in Christ; 
having communion with the Aposs 
tolic See, and living in’ France, 
greeting and apostolic benediction.” 


Dear Children, e908 

The pastoral care which has 
been committed to our humility 
by our Lord Jesus Christ in. the 
abundance of his mercy, commands 
us to endeavour to administer com. 
fort to all the faithful in Christ, 
particularly those who are beset by 
great temptations, lest they be mi. 
serably seduced by carnal wisdom 5 
for he has’ sail to us, as to the 
prophet Isaiah, ‘Cry, and spare 
not; exalt thy voice like a~trums 
pet; declare aloud the crimes of 
my people.’ We should therefore 
be unmindful of our duty, if we 
did not seize every opportunity to 
exhort you to peace, and ‘to cound 
sel you to submission to the constis 
tuted authorities. 

le is a principle indeed of the 
Catholic religion, that powers are 

La the 


278] 


the work of divine wisdom, that 
things may not be conducted rash- 
ly and. at the pleasure of chance, 
and that nations be not agitated 
by.contrary waves.—Paul says, ac. 
cordingly, not with regard to a 
particular prince, but speaking of 
the subject in general, that ail 
power is of God, and that he who 
resists power, Eoaicts the will of 
God; beware, therefore, dear chil- 
dren, of going astray, and under 
appearance of piety afford to the 
authors of innovation, a pretext to 
defame the Catholic religion, for 
you would load yourselves with a 
great crime which would not only 
be avenged by the secular powers, 
but also, which is much more se- 
rious, would draw down upon yeu 
the severest vengeaice of God, for 
those who resist authority gain to 
themselves damnation. We ex- 
hort you then, dear children, by- 
our Lord Jesus Christ, to study to 
obey those who govern with ali the 
affeftion, all the ardour, and all 
the efforts of which you are capa- 
ble, for so you will render to God 
the obedience which is due; and 
those who govern, perceiving more 
and more that the orthodox reli- 
gion is by no. means so constituted 
as to involve the overthrow of civil 
Jaws, will be led to encourage it, 
and to defend it by the accomplish- 
ment of the divine precepts, and 
by the culture of ecclesiastical dis- 
cipline. In five, we desire to ap- 
prize you that you shou'd put no 
faith in those who shall publish a 
contrary doctrine as emanating 
from the Holy See. We heartily 
bestow upon you the apostolic be- 
nediGtion. 
Given at Rome, at St. Mary 
Major, under the fisher’s ring, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


the sth day of July, r7g6, and. 


1796. 


22d of our yontificate, 
(Signed R. Carp Brascui 
pi ONESTI. | 


Substance of the Edi& published by his 
Holiness, on the Reception which 
his Subjects. ought to give to the 
French. 

HIS holiness enumerates to slices 

a variety of motives which ought 

to induce them to respect and treat 

the French with the utmost kind. 
ness, such as ‘* the principles of 
our holy religion, the laws of na- 
tions, the interests of the people, 
the will of their sovereign,’ &c. 
le assures them that the cessa. 
tion of hostilities is the immediate 


gift of God; and reminds them of — 


the necessity of parting with a 
small portion of their worldly 
riches for the security of the rest, 
and, what is of more importance, 
for the preservation of the Catholic 
religion. He admonishes them not 
to listen to any perfidious insinua- 
tions tending to disturb the public 
peace ; and declares, that whoever 


shall insult by words or actions, in, 


the slightest manner, the French 
commissioners, their ageats, or do, 
mestics, shall. be punished . wit 
death, their goods confiscated, and 
their famrilies pronounced infas 
mous, as in cases of treason against 
the state. 

Those who shall by their harangues, 
writings, or counsels, provoke in- 
sults against the French, shall be 
liable ro the same punishment. 

Such as shall be spectators or 
participators in proceedings of the 
above description, and shall not 
announce the traitors before the 
‘ordinary tribunals, shall be con. 
demned to ten years slavery in the 

galleys. 


& TrAg Py OPA PE B|S. 


galleys, Such informants as can 
establish the fa&t of an insult, shall 
receive a reward of soo ducats on 
conviction of the offender. 
tribunals shall proceed against per- 
sons under an accusation of this 
species of treason in the most sum- 
mary manner allowed by the cri- 
minal jurisprudence of the country. 


Fulyrs. 


Note, by which M. Gal-ppi, Pleni- 
potentiary Minister of Pius VI. an- 
nounced tothe French Commissioners, 
Garrau and Salicetti, the Determi- 
nation of bis Holiness mst 10 accept 
the Conditions of Peace offered, or 
rather diated by the French Di- 
redory. 

THE undersigned plenipotenti- 
ary, minister of his holiness the 
pope Pius VI. has the honour to in- 
form Messrs. Garrau and Salicetti, 
‘commissaries of the executive di- 
retory with the French armies of 
Italy and the Alps, that having 
Jaid before his holiness the sixty- 
four articles proposed by their ex- 
cellencies, under the condition that 
they must all either be rejected or 
accepted to their full extent, his 
holiness, after having examined 
them, and taken the advice of the 
holy college, declares, that neither 
religion nor good faith do any ways 
allow him to accept them. 

It is with the utmost concern 
his holiness, has found, that besides 
the article already proposed at 
Paris, tending to oblige him to 
disapprove, revoke, and annul, all 
the bulls, rescripts, briefs, and 
apostolic mandats issued under the 
authority of the holy see, with 

‘respect to the affairs of France, 

Since the year 1789, there were se- 

veral others, which being equally 

prejudicial to the catholic religion 
and the sights of the church, are 


The — 


[279 


consequently inadmissible ; with. 
out entering into any discussion 
concerning those which are de. 
structive both to his. sovereignty 
and dominions ; pernicious to the 
happiness and tranquillity of his 
subjects, and evidently contrary to 
the rights of other nations and 
powers, towards whom the holy 
see would not even be able to 
maintain itself neutral. His holi-. 
ness hopes, therefore, that the ex. 
ecutive dire€tury, from its own 
sense of rectitude, as well as in cone 
sideration of the mediation of his 
maj<sty the king of Spain, will do 
justice to the powerful motives 
which have determined his holiness 
to give this refusal, which he is 
obliged to enforce at the hazard of 
his life. 
Given in Florence, the 15th of 
September, 1796. 
(Signed) GaLeprl, 
Minister plenipotentiary to his 
holiness the pope Pius VI. 


State Paper published at Dresden, 
Fuly 30. 

HIS most serene highness, the 
eleGior of Saxony, has taken no 
part in the present war, as a prin- 
cipal belligerent power. As a co 
estate of the empire, and in that 
charaéter only has he fulfilled those 
obligations which the Germanic 
constitution imposed on him as a 
duty ; and his electoral highness, 
being fully impressed with the wish 
of seeing the miseries of this deso- 
lating war teriainated, has often en~ 
deavoured to accelerate a pacifica- 
tion ‘by his vote in the Germanic 
diet, and by other means. These 
are facts of public notoriety. 

The measures which are diated 
by the present state of things, and 
by the precaution, of his elettoral 
highness, agree -with the princi. 

fit ples 


280) 


ples which he has uniformly mani- 
~ fested. He will in no respect de- 
viate from them ; and the resolution 
of collecting a corps of his troops 
on the frontiers of his territories, 
and those of the circle of Upper 
Saxony, which are now so conti- 
guous to the theatre of war, will 
prevent any misunderstanding with 
respect to his motives. %, 

In order, however, that no doubt 
may-remain on this subject, his elec- 
toral highness has thought prop=r 
hereby expressly to declare, that 
the assembling of those troops has 
no other object than to cover his 
territories, and those of the other 
states of Upper Saxony, against all 
foreign violence. 

They are, of course, mere mea. 
sures of defence unconnected with a 
design of a¢ting offensively with 
them against any power beyond the 
skirts of his territories, and of those 
of the said circle, whose first prince 
he is. | 

Given at Dresden, July 26, 1796. 

. By his most serene highness the 

’ elector of Saxony’s most graci- 
ous and special command. 


Declaration of the Ele#or of Hanover 
to the Diet of Katishon, on the Sub- 
je of the Imperial Rescript, of the 
17th of OGober, 1796. 

THE minister of Hanover has 
declared to M, de Hingel, the Im- 

rial commissioner, 

That his Imperial majesty had 
dire@tly required his majesty the 
king of Great Britain and elector of 
Hanover to furnish a new proof of 
his marked attachment to the Ger- 
manic constitution, by giving a 
great example, and acting effica- 
ciously in concert with the diet of 
Ratisbon, not only that he may be 
rated for a sufficient quantity of 


e 


q 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Roman months, but by paying up 
all that remains due of his quota, ’ 
It was declared at the same time 
that it was necessary the number’ | 
of Roman months should exceed a 
hundred. ' 

His Britannic majesty has replied 
to his Imperial majesty, that he’ 
would not, nor was he able to an. * 
ticipate the resolutions of his co- 
estates ; and that he was not at pre- 
sent in circumstances which pemite - 
ted him to answer the demand which 
was made—that since the periods 
when the Jast Roman months were © 
granted, the system of the war had 
completely changed—that different 
states, holding of the empire, had 
made a separate peace, to avoid the 
total ruin with which their coun. 
tries were threatened—that others 
had embraced neutrality for the 
protection of ‘their subjects; and» 
that the prosperity these states en- 
joyed proved that they had attained - 
a salutary objeét—that the affairs 
of the empire have assumed quite 
another aspect, and that the rela- 
tions of his Britannic majesty, in’ 
his quality of elector and prince of 
the empire, were well known to be’ 
inconsistent with the Imperial de. 


‘mands’; that he cannot of course 


consent to the granting of new 
Roman months (tor the ¢ontinaa.- 
tion of this unhappy ‘war) still far’ 
less can he contribute “direétly, 
since the negotiations commenced - 
at Paris, from which is expected 
a happy issue for the tranquillity of 


Europe. ; 
Proclamation of the Archduchess of 
Austria, Maria Elizabeth, to the 
Inhabitants of Tyrol. : 
Dearly and much beloved Subjects, 
THE desire you have manifested 
to take up arms for the good of 
bs “ - SOVEe~ 


STAT E 


sovereigns, and the defence of your 
country, has often compelled me to 
shed tears of gratitude. =] am un- 
able to recompense, as 1 wish, the 
brave men who devote themse! ves 
in a cause so loyal; but as an in- 
habitant of Tyrol 1 will, for the 
benefit of the defenders of the 
country, dispose of every thing su- 
thuous ; gold and silver watches, 
Eaives, medals, plate, &c. which 
I will distribute myself after the 
war, as acknowledgments to those 
brave Tyrolians who shall distin- 
guish themselves by their courage 
and brilliant ations. I entreat all 
the brave defenders of the country 
_ torbelieve, that they shall ever be 
“the objetis of my most anxious so- 
‘Hicitude, and that I will not negie& 
to make known to the emperor, my 
dear reiation, the services they shall 
have rendered, for the purpose of 
obtaining from him the rewards 
they may deserve. 
(Signed) Marie Evtzapetn. 
Done at our Court, at Insprack, 
the 30th of May, 1796. 


A Proclamation by His Imperial 
Majesty. 

We Francis Il. &c. &c. 

IN the present moment, when 
a coincidence of the most unex- 
pected events favours the rapid 
progress of the enemy, and calls 
for our redoubled care to afford as- 
sistance to our states menaced in 
this manner, we find this our re- 
solution strengthened, by consider- 
ing that Providence has put us at 
the head of a nation, which has 
given us on every occasion, the 
most effectual proofs of the great- 
ness of their zeal to support the 
measures taken for the defence of 
their country, of their laws, which 
render them happy, and of a prince 


* 


PiAPER'S.“A | foe 
who returns to their fidelity a love 
for every individual. . 

Though fear, and perhaps, inten- 
tional reports, mug nify the danger 
more than it in reality is, and pre. 
sent it as nearer at hand, we must 
not conceal from our faithful sub- 
jects that the sicuation of affairs is 
pressing, and does not allow us to 
remain satisfied with ordinary mea- 
sures, but imposes oa us, and all 
those who wish to see the welfire 
of the state secure, more than ex.' 
traordinary exertions. 

Much as the jong duration of a 
war, carried on under many «chan- 
ges of fortune, hus affected the 
powers of the nation, -yet the re." 
sources of so powerful a state-are 
far from being exhausted. Though 
government -continzes ‘to refrain 
with abhorrence from the violent 
measures which our enemies em- 
ploy for the oppression of our fel.4 
jow-citizens and the destruction of 
Europe; countries so well popu. 
lated, so fertile, and enriched by 
nature and industry, still offer in- 
numerable means of defence, by em.’ 
ploying which we would find our- 
selves enabled to meet every dan- 
ger. But we trust in the justice of 
our cause, and in the protection of 
the Almighty, who regards that 
justice, that the moment will not 
arrive in which the nation will be 
forced to have recourse to the most 
extraordinary means. 

In this persuasion, we shall al_ 
ways confine ourselves only to the 
measure of calling to arms those 
who are otherwise, agreeably to 
the military system, exempted from 
military service ; including also all 
foreigners, who have not acquired 
the-rights of citizenship in the Aus. 
trian dominions by residing in them 
for ten years, 


At 


282 | 


At the same time we promise to 
all those who shall willingly fol- 
low this our call, and who shall 
offer to their municipalities to serve 
in the army, 

1. That as soon as ever we shall 
have secured to the nation, agree- 
ably to our wish and desire an ho- 
nourable and permanent peace, they 
shall be dismissed at the termina- 
tion of the war. 

2. That during the war they 
shall be treated as volunteers. 

3. That they shall be at liberty, 
agreeably to their abilities and ca- 
pacity, to chuse and name the regi. 
ment in which they wish to serve; 
and that, 

4. As a just recompense on their 
return home, every possible assist- 
ance shall be given to them in their 
employments and settling ; and 
that, on all occasions, they shail be 
preferred. 

Though we can promise our- 
selves the principal operation of 
this proclamation, from. the une- 
quivocal sentiments of our faithful 
subjects, yet we think it our duty 
to impress upon their minds, that 
in following willingly this honour- 
able call of their country, they 
likewise protect their families and 
private property ; and that, if on 
the contrary they should neglect to 
join us for the general security, 
they would be forced in case of un- 
fortunate events, to carry parrici- 
dal arms against their native iand, 
and, as abused organs of the ene- 
my, to promote the ruin of public 
order, the destruction of their fel-. 
low citizens, and of their families, 
and to assist in the common de- 
struction. 

Behold, the still smoaking ruins 
of Italy, and the excesses and 
most inhuman cruelties committed. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


there! Behold. the devastations 
which the once flourishing territo- 
ries of Germany have suffered, in- 
undated by the armies of the ene-. 
my! And you cannot remain du- 
bious about the terrible fate which 
threatens every country, and every 
nation, on being invaded by such 
enemies. 


Dane at Vienna, 11th August, 1796. 
Proclamation by his Imperial Majesty « 


WE Francis II. by the grace off 
God, &c. &c. When we assuined: 
the government of this monarchy,. 
we fele it extremely grievous to 
find ourselyes involved in so hard 
a war as the present; great as our 
grief was, equally great was our’ 
wish of procuring a speedy and 
lasting peace to the country. Every 
body must be convinced, that all 
the powers and means possible to 
men, have hitherto been used for 
that purpose ; and it is highly pain- 
ful for us, that our paternal solici-. 
tude, added to so many patriotic 
contributions of our faithful gub- 
jects, and the valour of our troops}. 
sO repeatedly proved, could not, as 
yet, bring it so far as to effect a 
peace, honourable and not injuri- 
ous to the monarchy—nay, that it: 
rather seems to be our peculiar des-_ 


tiny, to be obliged, to our conti. 


nual mortification, to behold the: 
enemy constantly approach nearer’ 
to our German hereditary domt- 
nions, and especially to the fron- 
tiers of our beloved kingdom of Bo- 
hemia. In order, theretore, to pro- 
tect this kingdom, in the safest and. 
most perfeét manner, from ail hostile 
attacks, and it being, in other re. 
spects, no longer possible to con- 
quer solely with the army now ex~ 
isting, and to keep from off the 

frontiers, 


STATE PAPERS. 


frontiers of our kingdom of Bohemia 


an enemy like the present, who, from 


day io day, arms the major part of 


their nation, and leads them against 


us ;—we caused several plans to be 
laid before us, having for their ten- 
dency the particular security of the 
said kingdom of Bohemia ; and 
though we discover in every part 
of them patriotic benevolence—yet 
we thought proper to give the pre- 
ference and our approbation to the 
establishment of a national militia, 
particularly from the consideration 
of its combining with the defence 
of the country, effectual and ready 
for every emergency, all possible 
indulgence to the inhabitants. We 
do hereby ordain ;— 

1. That the measure of a national 
militia, for the particular defence 
of the kingdom of Bohemia, be im- 
mediately put in force, and that for 
this purpose every zoth head be en- 
rolled out of the population of the 
whole country. . 

2. That the men thus enrolled be 
immediately trained in the use of 
arms, and in every branch of the 
service for which they are destined, 
and to which end the staff of the 
Bohemian general officers shall ap- 
point the commissioned and non- 
commissioned officers. 

3- In order that the men, during 

such exercise, may be kept as near 
as possible to their places of resi- 
dence, the places of rendezvous shall 
be marked ont in such a manner, in 
the different circles, that each per- 
son enlisted shall only have to repair 
to some place little distant from his 
own abode. 
__ 4. The men enlisted shall, during 
their absence from home on account 
of their being exercised, receive the 
same tfeatment as the soldiers actu- 
ally serving in the field, 


. 


[283 


s- Should there be any occasion 
for calling any of the men. thus 
kept in readiness into attive ser- 
vice, they are to repair to the ren- 
dezvous pointed out to them, there 
to wait the farther orders of their 
commanders, 

6. Their sole destination is to 
cover the frontiers of the country, 
or to be employed within its limits : 
but they are by no means to serve 
against the enemy abroad, 

7. We will not only grant to 
those men, as long as they shall 
continue under arms, full pay and 
provisions in the same manner as 
the troops serving in the field, but 
we also order, 

8. That to those who shall dis- 
tinguish themselves by their valour 
on proper occasions, silver and gold 
medals shall be granted, in the same 
manner as to the real soldiers, and 
they shall every. where wear them, 
as honourable marks of services ren- 
dered to their country, and enjoy 
at the same time the annual pension 
during life. 

g- All those who shail serve in 
this’ militia, shall be for ever after 
considered as peculiariy meritori- 
ous, and where equity will permit, 
all due preference shall be given, 
and every possible indulgence shewn 
to them. 

We rely, therefore, on the tried 
fidelity of all our Bohemian sub- 
jects. and on that love of their 
country so particularly their own, 
that they will voluntarily and rea. 
dily submit to these our orders, and 
that every individual, whether high 
or low, will use his utmost exer- 
tions, in conjunction with those of 
his king, to defend the kingdom 
from every hostile invasion; the 
more so, as the present moment is 
most dangerous to the religion and 

property. 


284 | 


property of every ie in ‘this 
kingdom ; the welfare of 
every one of them requires that he 
should heip, with all his strevgth, 
to defend his family Ha the coun. 
try, we also place the greatest de- 
pendence on the. patristic zeal and 
readiness of our Bohemian subjctts 
in this measure of defence, since, 
as it has been stated pighas the 
term of service is but of short du- 
ration, and only necessary in the 
present emergency, both to defend 
the country, and to proteé their 
Own property, wives and children, 
and since by so doing, they will 
not only have the promised reward, 
but likewise render themselves wor- 
thy of the reputation of faithful 
subjects and real friends to their 
country, besidés gaining, in addi- 
tion, the esteem, the love, and grace 
of their king for ever. 

Done at Vienna, August 21,1796. 


and as 


Proclamation of the Emperor, 

BY the increasing and urgent 
necessity of prosecuting this expen. 
sive war with Vigour, his majesty 
the emperor sees himself cdigtrain- 
ed to demand extraordinary sup. 
port from his subjects, in ordér’not 
only to keep ‘of an all-desolating 
enemy from his frontiers, but also 
to obtain by force a peace so long 
desired’ in vain. But his Imperial 
majesty constantly diretiing his 
thoughts towards treating his’ he 
loved subjects with all p. ossible le- 
nity, and choosing always such 
means as are the least burdensome, 
expects that every good subjeé, 
equally convinced of his duty, and 
of the pressing exigencies of the 
State, will strive to alleviate those 
wants by contributions, voluntary 
and proportionate to their means, 
in money, grain, horses, oxen, come 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


mon clothes, linen, leather, iron, 
steel, lead, and arms, 
Vienna, 18th September, 


Rescript addressed to the Duke of Wir 
temberg, on the 10th of Fulys by 
the Imperial C-urt, on the Subje# 
of Peace. . 
We received the letter you wyote 

us upon the 23d of last month. 
You there present your good ad. 
vice with a respectful frankness. 
You observe that it only depends 
tipon us to secure the happiness and 
the safety of Santa that a 
speedy peace can alone dissipate the 
violent storm which impends over 
the country; that this alone can 
remove the dangers which in so 
many ways threaten the Geronanic- 
constitution; in fine, that this alone 
can puta period to those unparal- 
Jeled miseries under which huma- 
nity. so long has groaned. At the 
same time you acquaint us, that if 
in these difficult circumstances the 
danger approaches still nearer your 
states, you will have no’ resource 
but to submit to the law of neces- 
sity, and to make a separate peace 
with France.’ 

The empire, in truth, desires 
with ardour, and has long enter. 
tained this wish, the return of 
peace, but connected with the just 
feeling of its honour, its dignity, 
its independence. In this wish it 
only comprehends a peace, equita, 
ble, just, suitable, and worthy to 
be accepted, which rests upon the 
solid basis of the perfect support of 
its integrity and its constitution, 
agreeable to ancient treaties. At 
the same time, by a proper respect 
for these findamental laws, it ha $ 
never ceased to render its vidi 
and its resolutions upon this subject © 
subordinate to the rigorous condi- 

tion, 


STATE PAPERS. 


tion, that peace so ardently desired 
‘should not be concluded, but 
“agreeably to the Sons ttstion, ina 
‘most perfect and invariable concert 
between the emperor and the 
states, 
'_ The resolutions of the diet of the 
22d of December, 1794, and of 
july last year, become laws of the 
empire in virtue of our Imperial 
functions, very pointedly attest this 
‘reserve ; and the same spirit serves 
as a foundation to the full powers 
_and authorities for peace, which 
have been submitted for our ac- 
_ceptance, in virtue of the resolu- 
tion of the diet of the 7th of Oéto- 
ber, 1795, as well as for the annex- 
ed instructions to the deputies of 
the empire at the congress for 
peace ; instruétions which essenti- 
ally proceed upon the re-establish- 
“ment of peace, just, honourable, 
stable, permanent, and common to 
the whole empire, and which have 
»pointedly and expressly as their ob- 
je& the maintenance of the empire 
upon the footing on which it stood 
before the misunderstandings which 
arose with France, under the spe- 
cial recommendation to observe an- 
cient treaties, ; 

After having thus expressed, in 
a manner equally constitutional and 
-agreeable to the interests of the 
Germanic empire, its sentiments 
with regard to the re-establishment 
of peace, the general diet, full of 
respectful confiience in our pater- 
nal,solicitude for the comman ad- 
vantage of Germany, entreated us 
to negotiate, as well in our own 
“mame as in that of.the Germanic 
boy, the preliminaries oi peace. 

e were very well dispos-d to aét 
agreeably to these desires ; but the 
Sequel proved that the sa dis st 
bell ec of public safety, by which 


{285 


the foreign affairs of France then 
were governed, had very different 
views from coming to an amicable 
understanding with the empire, for 
the purpose of putting an end toa 
war into which the empire had been 
forced, and thus to reconcile them- 
selves with suffering humanity by 
sicrificing to peace their passion of 
conquest. 

All Germany has seen the an. 
swer of the comiittee of public 
safery, the contents of which were 
ordered to be published by our de- 
cree of the 1gth of November last. 
This piece coniains the most mani. 
fest proofs of the decided repug- 
nance ot France to listen to the pa- 
cific overtures desired by the em- 
pire, and of the clear determination 
of this power not to engage in im- 
mediate negotiations, till finding 
herself jn a situation imperiously to 
dictate the conditions of peace. to 
the empire, she could, to the eter- 
nal shame of the German name, 
leave her no other part in this mea- 
sure but a passive subscription of 
the treaty. Lhe empire being thus 
convinced of the refusal of the 
French government to make a suit- 
able return to the overtures which 
had been made, it had no other 
resource leit but that foreseen by 
the resolution of the 22d of De- 
cember, 1794, to assume an atti- 
tude wh.ch should oblige the ene. 
my to grant.that peace desired by 
the head ani by the members of the 
Gerinanic body under. the condi- 
tions ‘announced in the. resolutions 
of the diet. 

The directory, however, which 
has succecded the committee of pub- 
hie s.fety in the management of 
foreign affairs, has mot . adopted. 
more moderate sentiments. We 
find; on the contrary, in all their 

attions, 


286] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


aétions, and all the public papers 
which they have issued, the marks 
of the inflexible obstinacy of a con- 
queror inflamed with pride by the 
fortune of his arms. Upon this 
point we refer to the note addressed 
by the French ambassador to the 
plenipotentiary of his Britannic 
majesty, upon the 26th of May, 
this year. We remark, with regret, 
in this note, how much the spirit 
in which it is drawn up, the nature 
and extent of the demands which it 
contains, and the manner in which 
they are announced, are remote 
from a reciprocal desire of peace. 
We are not mistaken even in con- 
sidering this very note as a new 
proof of the aversion of the French 
government to enter into negotia. 
tions with the empire united under 
its constitutional head, since, in 
effeét. if we compare that note with 
the above-mentioned answer of the 
committee of public safety, we find 
that both absolutely announce the 
same political maxims; to which 
we must likewise add, that the 
note of the direCtory demands, as 
an invariable preliminary of peace, 
a status quo relatively to the coun. 
tries conquered by the enemy, and 
united in virtue of its decree, which 
cannot in any way be reconciled 
with the basis of peace laid down 
by the diet. 

To divide, to conquer, and to 
Tule, js the spirit of the egotist po- 
licy of France. But every division 
infers a diminution of strength in 
the measures of resistance of the 
whole, and which must necessarily 
lead to the dismemberment, to the 
devastation, to the dependance, to 
the subjection, and, in fine, more 
er less rapidly, to the decomposi- 
tioo of our respeftable constitution. 
Concord, on the contrary, firmness, 


the love of our country, and 


faithful observance of the laws 
are the first duties of society ; th 
dearest and more sacred duties 
every vassal of the empire, whe 
our common country is menaced, is 
the most eminent and essential ob- 
ject of all political societies, its 
safety and preservation. Such i 
the object of the fundamental con. 
stitution of the German empire, 
which renders all the individual 
means of resistance possessed by the 
states of the empire subordinate to 
the direction of one supreme autho. 
rity, and prohibits in the most for. 
cible manner the conclusion of a se- 
parate peace during a general war 
of the empire. But, independently 
of this consideration, it is not less 
certain that it is to a against all 
experience to reckon upon the very 
rare instance of the generosity of 
the enemy, and to expect only, from 
the magnanimity and love of justice, 
a peace that can be accepted, instead 
of constraining them to grant it by 
force of arms. In fine, we find a 
manifest contradiction in not ceasing 
to desire an object, and yet failing 
to proportion the means by which 
it is to be attained to the magni- 
tude of the dangers interposed. ‘he 
example of the invincible constancy 
and vigour with which the enemy 
exert themselves to execute their 
plans, ought to afford to the citi- 
zens of Germany a sufficient motive 
of emulation to excite them to the 
most obstinate resistance, and to 
the defence of their political and 
religious constitution, 

After this faithful disclosure of 
circumstances, we put it to your 
judgment to decide, whether, how- 
ever much we are disposed to re- 
store peace to the empire, as soon 
as it canbe established on an ho- 

nourable 


“STATE PAPERS,’ 


“noufable and solid basis, it depends 
entirely upon us to grant this bless- 
ing to Germany ; whether it con- 
sists with our authority as chief of 
the empire, to sanction a peace upon 
whatever terms, separately conclud- 
ed with the enemy of the empire? 
In fine, whether at a moment when 
we have to choose between the dis- 
memberment and the union of the 
empire, between the dissolution 
and the establishment of the consti- 
tution, between honour and shame, 
whether, in this critical situation, 
we are not rather warranted to re- 
quire, in the name of the country 
and the constitution, in the name 
of all the states which have been 
pillaged and laid waste, in virtue 
of oaths still subsisting, and pro- 
_mises frequently and solemnly re- 
newed by the electors, princes, and 
states of the empire; in fine, by 
out own example and the sacrifices 
which we have made for the public 
interest, whether, we say, we are 
not warranted justly to require the 
undivided co-operation of ali and 
every of the states of the empire in 
the defence of a cause so just, and 
for accelerating that peace which is 
so earnestly desired by the Ger- 
manic states ? 
. If a difference of sentiment ma- 
nifested in your letter of the end 
of last month was the cause to us 
of considerable auxiety, it was not 
long before our tranquillity was 
restored, by the news that when the 
dangers of war approached your 
‘states, you did not allow yourself 
to be betrayed by fear, nor »y the 
‘dictates of a deceitful policy, inco 
any unconstitutional measures ; but 
‘that, on the contrary, animated by 
sentiments of honour, and by acou- 
“ ¥-pe worthy of a Gc rman prince, you 
op» sed the danger with which you 


[287 


were threatened with the most ef. 
fe€tual means of resistance, both by 
sending against the common enemy 
a great part of the garrison of Stut- 
gard and Louisburg, and by giving 
instant orders to put the militia of 
Wirtemberg immediately in mo- 
tion, who made a body of 12,000 
men, in general well disciplined. 
Accept upon this subject the as. 
surances of our Imperial satisfac. 
tion and sincere regard. These. 
dispositions, so worthy of you, in- 
spire us with the confidence that 
no consideration will shake your 
sentiments, and that weighing con- 
scientiously the duties which, as 
a state of the empire, you have to 
discharge to us and to the law, you 
will persist in your patriotic reso- 
lution to continue, till the re-esta- 
blishment of a general peace for the 
empire, to support the common cause 
with all your force, By these means 
you will not only render essentia] 
service to Germany, but to the im- 
morte! honour of your house: you 
will deserve to have your name en- 
rolled in the annals of Germany 
among those princes who have most 
contributed to its lustre. ; 


Resolution presented to the Emperor by 
the States of Hungary, in Answer 
to bis Majesiy’s Propositions. 
THE propositions addressed on 

the part of his Apostolic majesty 


to the states, furnishes them a fresh 


proof of the confidence. which his 
majesty always reposed in the un. 
shaken fidelity of his faithful Hun- 
garian nation, in deigning to re- 
collect and confirm the bravery 
which their ancestors have always 
displayed in support of the august 
house of Austria: his majesty has 
given a farther testimony of his 
patesual coifideace, in zepresent- 


ang 


288] 


ing to the grandees and the states 
in diet assembled, the magnitude of 
the danger of the present war, in 
which a destructive enemy threat- 
‘ens the hereditary’ kingdoms and 
provinces ; the states, therefore, 
animated with the ¢xample of their 
ancestors, have resolved fully to re- 
alize “the expectation not only of 
the hereditary dominions, but. of 
all Europe. The states, wishing 
to follow the footsteps of their an- 
cestors, will neglect no means in 
their power to avert all future dan- 
_ ger, and to compe! the enemy to 
make a peace suitable to the dig- 
nity of his majesty, and to the ho- 
nour of the nation. 
It is very flattering to the states 
that his majesty deigned not, to 
question their’ devotion and fde- 
jity, when they have not long ago 
‘given assurances at the foot of the 
throne, where they made oath to 
sacrifice their blood and their lives 
for his majesty and the country. 
The same valour which inspired 
their ancestors in 1741 still lives 
in them, and with them alone it 
can ever perish. For the purpose 
of accomplishing the desires of his 
majesty, and to guarantee religion, 
the royal.prerogative, as well as the 
tights of the nobility, and of all 
otherfellow«citizens; rights which 
the enemy ,endeavours to destroy ; 
the states have resolved to offer 
to his majesty, as a voluntary 
eontribution for the prosecution 
.of the wary $0,000 recruits, all 
the agcessary grain for the sub- 
sistence of a force of 340,000 men 
uring a twelyemonth, which forms 
a total of 2,400,000 \ measures of 
Presburg, aud fer 80,000 horses 
$1760,0co measures of oats; far- 
other, 20,oco oxen, and rey 
horses; the whole, sowever, with. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


out infringement Of article 36, of 
the year 17416 0 © 

The states hope that that: agai 
cious enemy, who has lately been 
repulsed far beyond our: frontiers 
by the victorious armies under the 
command of his royal highness the 
Archduke Charles, will ultimately 
return to more moderate principles. 
Should the contrary happen, and 
the enemy persist in their exag- 
gerated and obstinate pretensions, 
and wish to continue the war, the 
states are well resolved to. take the 
field themselves to combat that 
enemy: and in this case they offer 
from this moment to prepare for 
rising in a mass for the future the 
whole kingdom, and all its pro- 
vinces comprised. 

The states conclude by. suppli- 
cating his majesty to be pleased to 
accept this offer, which has for its 
object the defence of his sacred per- 
son, of his august house, and of the 
citizens of the empire in general, 
with that paternal bounty which 
characterizes him; and that*he ‘be 
assured that the heart of the Hun-~ 
garians is the safest bulwark against 
every enemy of the house of Aus-~ 
tria. 


Substance of the Correspondence be- 
tween the Cabinet of Berlin and: 
the Court of Vienna, respecting the 
Line of Demarcatian established be- 
tween his Prussian Majesty , and 
the French Republic. 

AN official note, transmitted by 
‘M. the marquis Lucchesini to the 
minister of his Imperial majesty, 
acquainted the court of Vienna with 
** the intention of the court sof 
Berlin to. obtain from his Imperial 
-majesty ‘his appuebation of mea. 
sures adopted ifor sthe security of 
othat part cof ~Gegmany, by sie 

te) 


STATE PAPERS. 


of an armed neutrality; announcing 

to him, at the same time. that the 

security of these co intries was ihe 
fnotive in which the measures re- 
ferred to had originated. 

Substance of the Reply made to the 
ab-ve Note by the Court of Vienna. 
HIS Imperial mijesty, as su- 

preme head of the empire, cannot 


doubt that the states are obliged te 


concur in a war, fendered neces- 
sary from the pressure of circum. 
$tancés, and formally declared wih 
all their force, for the common de- 
fence. This obligation is derived 
from the principle of individual 
‘and general security, which is the 
most sdcred and the most essential 
basis of every constitution. It is 
ina particular manner blended with 
the substance of the Germanic con- 
stitution, and is recognized by se- 
veral of its laws in the most posi- 
tive terms. ; 

Such is the-result diated by the 
spirit of our constitution, which 
Subjeéts all the respective states, 
and all the nicans of defence, to the 
general controul of the sovereign 
power of the Getmanic empire. 
Such is the result of the oath of 
fealty, which the electors, princes, 
and states of the empire, in order to 
strengthen the social bond, take in 
their capscity of vassals; by which 
they swear, a¢tively to concur in 
‘every step which can tend to the 

onour, to the advantage, and to 
‘the pro-perity of his Imperial’ ma- 
Jesty and of the empire, and which, 
Dy consequence, imposes upon them 
“an-ebligation to second, with all 
‘their might, the measures adopted 
‘by the chief and the states of 
the empire, to avert the danger 
‘which threatens them with total 

‘destruction, 
~~ Wer, XXXVIIL, 


[289 


H's Imperial majesty sees with 
pain, that the appearanees of the 
war by no means answer“the ex- 
pectation which he had been Id 
to entertain ; but in considering the 
fundamental laws of every well 
organized constitution, and the 
principles recognized in the most 
positive terms in the laws of the 
empire; full of anxiety for the good 
of the country, his majesty cannot 
refrain from manifesting a desire 
that the corps, assembled at a crisis 
the most alarming and the most dan 
gerous, may be employed rather in 
aiding a most just defence, by op- 
posing the common enemy, than in 
stopping an invasion still at a dis. 
tance, and of which we apprehend 
only the possibility. 

‘These measures of security, con. 
sidered in themselves, do not ap. 
pear to be contrary to the basis and | 
the spirit of the constitution, pro- 
Vided that the arrangements, for 
the safety and the particular de. 
fence of the north of Germany, are 
not founded upon illegal imposi- 
tions, and provided they are not 
employed to sanétion the unconstt- 
tutional pretext of freeing thém 
from the obligations binding upon 
them by the register of the resolu- 
tions-of the empire, dgcreed for the 
purpose of the gerieral security of 
Germany. . 

If his Imperial majesty on the 
present occasion were to grant to 
this measure of security, as it is 
tetmed in the circular letter of the 
Prussian minister, in the letters of 
conyocation; and in the declara- 
tions of the plenipotentiaries of the 
king, an unlimited approbation, 
alt who should compare it with the 
tenor of the decree of ratification 
of the 29th of July, 1795, would 
accuse him oi adopting contradic. 

19) tory 


290} 


tory measures, and of making an 
arbitrary use of his power as head 
of the’ ‘empire, since the Jaws. re- 
newed in the present war, forbid 
the stateg to separate, on any occ ae 
sien, from the general associat:on, 
and any, armament, under the title 
of an armed neutrality, during the 
coitinuance of a War of the CTi- 
pire, .and interdict them in the 
most positive manner from arbitra- 
wily ‘renouncing, obligations former- 
ly imposed upon, them for the com- 
Ja0p defence. | 
- His Imperial majesty, in virtue 
of the sacred duties imposed upon 
him. by ‘bis high office, as supreme 
“head of the empire, onthe other 
thand, being, called upan,to deferd 
‘the rights of the Germanic consti- 
tution, agaiust every step andevery 
principle incompatible, with their 
tgafety, to preserve to the empire, 
and to every particular State, dts 
_jmmunities entire, and. to guard 
them against the prejudices which 
_may arise from tate measures, will 
_be disposed in the.,mean. time to 
»grant them his senabetioes if they 
_are. confined to the legal defence 
~of the countries, and ap they do 
not, depart from. the Re the 
forms, and, the obligations, pre- 
»scribed: by, the laws, aud, the consti- 
Sxation. 


. Message. of the President of the United 
_, States of America to Corgressy Fan. 
: 249 1796. 


. . .. Gentlemen of the § seal iy and. 


of the House of, Represen: 
vie tatives, 
, A LETTER from. the minister 
-plenipotentiary of the, French re- 
public, received on the 22d ‘of last 
month, covered an address, dated 
_the 21st of ORober, 1795, fr om the 


~ 


ANNUAL REGISTER 


the treaty with the King of Great 


, 4790. 


committee of public safetyy-to--the 
representatives of the United States 
in congress ; and also informed me, 
that he was instructed by the com. 
mittee to, present to) the United 
States the colours of France; I 
therefore proposed to receive them 
last Friday, the first day of the new 
year, a day of general.joy and con- 
gratulation. Gn that day the mi. 
nister of the French ‘republic de, 
livered the colours, with an ad. 
dress, to which I returned an an, 
swer, 

By, the latter the house will see 
that. 1) have, informed the minister, 
that, the colours will. be deposited 
with gché archives of ;the United 
States. But it seemed to me :pro- 
perjto exhibit to the two, houses of 
congress, these evidences ,.of the 
continued friendship of, the French’ 
republic, together with. the senti- 
ments expressed by, me om the oc- 

casion, in behalf of the United 
States: “They are herewith com. 
municated. 2 . 
“Wayeie Grorce Witteman: 
United Sides Fate Ay 1796+ 


Sbisees y ‘oft Gexeral W Lasbtngton toa 
R. solution passed by.the Souge of Re- 
presentalives which had for its Ob- 
je to pracure.a Copy oft the Lustruc- 
tions granted to Mr. Fogy relative 
29 Shea LD reaty with Gr eat, Britain. 


Gentlemen of she sid of | 
Representatives, 
WITH the utmast-attention I 
haye, considered your. resolution 
Séf the 24th instant, requesting me 
to lay before your house.a copy of 
the instruétions to the-minister of 
the United States, who: negotiated 


Britain, ‘together with the .corre- 
spondence and other documents re- 
«.. dative 


ee tee 
peers 


ee ee ee ee 


ee eee 


5 TAPS 


lative to that treaty, excepting such 
of the said papers as apy existing 
negotiation may zender improper to 
be disclosed. 

dij deliberating on this subject, 
it was impossible for me to lose 
sight of the principle which some 
have, avowed in its discussion, or 
to avoid extending. my views to 
the conszgvzices wnich must flow 
from the admission of that prin« 
ciple, ; 
I trust that no part.ef my con- 
du¢t has ever indicated a disposi 
tion to withhold any iniormation 
which the constitution has enjoined 
upon,the president.as a duty to give, 
or which could be required of him 
by either | ig of congress as a 
right; and with truth I affirm, that 
it has been, as it will continue to 
Ge while J. haye che hononr,to pre- 
side in the government, my con- 
stant endeavour to harmonize with 
the other branches thereof, so far 
as the trust delegated to me by the 
people of the United States, and 
ny sense Ri the obligation it im- 
poses, to ‘ preserve, protect, and 

efend the constitution,’ will per- 
mit. 

The nature of foreign negotia- 
tions requires caution; and their 
successes must often depend on se- 
crecy, and even when brought to 
a conclusion, a full disclosure of 
all the measures, demands,. or 
eventual concessions which may 
have been proposed er contem- 
plated, would be extremely, impo- 
_ditic; for this might have a per- 
Ricious influence on future nego- 
tiations, or produce immediate in- 
conveniences ; perhaps danger and 
mischief, in relation to other 
powers. The necessity of such 
€aution and secrecy was one cogent 


PA; Pie, eS: [291 
reason for vesting the power of 
making treaties in the president, 
with the advice and consent of the 
senate ; the principle on which 
that body was formed confining it 
to a small number of members. 
To admity then, a right in the 
house of representatives to demand, 
and to have as a matter of course, 
all the. papers respecting a nego- 
tiation with a foreign power, would 
be to estabiish a dangerous prece- 
dent. 

It does not oceur that the inspec- 
tion of the papers asked for ean be 
relative to any purpose under cog~ 
nizance of the house of representa-. 
tives, except that of an impeach-, 
ment, which the resolution has not 
expressed. L.repeat, that I have no 
disposition to withhoid any infor. 
mation which the duty of my sta- 
tion will permit, or the public 
good shall require to be disclosed ; 
and, 3 in fact, all the papers affect. 
ing the negotiation, with Great 

3ritain were laid before the senate, 
when the treaty itself was commu. 
nicated for their consideration and 
advice, ' 

The course which the debate has 
taken on the resolution of the 
house, leads. to some observations 
on the mode of making treaties 
under the constitution of the United 
States: 4, % 5 Las 

Having been a member of the 
general convention, and knowing ° 
the principles on which the con. 
stitution was formed, I have never 
entertained but one opinion on this 
subject ; and from the first esta- 
blishment of the government to 
this moment, my conduét has ex. 
emplified that opinion, that the 
power of making treaties is exclu- 
snely vested in the president, by 


o 


2 and 


292] 


and with the advice of the senate, 
provided two-thirds of the senators 
present concur; and that every 
treaty so made and promulgated, 
thenceforward becomes the law of 
the Jand. It is thus that the 
treaty-making power has been 
understood by foreign nations ; and 
in all treaties made with them we 
have declared, and they have be- 
lieved, that when ratified by the 
president, with the advice and 
consent of the senate, they became 
obligatory. In this constrvétion 
of the constitution, every house of 
representatives has heretefore ac- 
quiesced ; and until the present 
time, not a doubt or suspicion has 
appeared to my knowledge, that 
this construction was not a true ane. 
Nay, they have more than acqui- 
esced ; for until now, without con- 
troverting the obligation of such 
treaties, they have made all the re- 
quisite provisions for carrying them 
into effect, 

There is also reason to believe 
that this constragiion agrees with 
the opinigns entertained by the 
state conventions, when they were 
delaberating on the constitution, 
especially by those who objected to 
it, because there was not required 
in commercial treaties the consent 
of two-thirds of the whole senate, 
instead of two-thirds of the sena= 
tors present ; and becaiise in treaties 
respecting territorial and certain 
other rights and claims, the concur- 
rence of three-fourths of the whole 
number of the members of both 
houses respectively was not made 
necessary. 

\ It is a fa&t declared by the’ ge- 
neral convention, and universally 
understood, that the constitution of 
the United States was the result of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


“to the constitution, and to the duty 


a spirit of amity and mutual con. , 
cession. And it is weil known, 
that under this influence the smaller 
states were admitted to an equal 
representation in the senate with 
the larger states, and that this 
branch of the government was in- 
vested with great powers, for on 
the equal participation of those 
powers the sovereignty and politi- 
cal safety of the sinaller states were 
deemed essentially to depend. 

Vf other proofs than these, and 
the plain letter of the constitution 
itself, be necessary to ascertain the 
point under consideration, they 
may be found in the journals of the 
general convention, which I haye- 
deposited in the office of the de- 
partment of state. In those jour- | 
nals it will appear that a proposi- 
tion was made, ‘* that no treaty 
should be binding on the United 
States which was not ratified by a 
law,’’ and that the proposition wae 
explicitly rejected. 

As, theretore, it is perfe&tly clear 
to my understanding, that the assent 
ot the hovse of representatives is 
not necessary to the validity of a 
treaty, as a treaty with Great Bri- 
tain exhibits in itself all ihe ob. "f 
jets requiring legislative provi. 
sion, and on which these papers cal. 
led for can throw no light; and as 
it is essential to the due administra. 
tion of the government, that the 
boundaries fixed by the constitution 
between the different departments 
should be preserved—a jast regard 


of my office, under ail the circum. 
stances of this case, forbid a com. 
pliance with your request. 


Grorce WASHINGTON. 


United States, March 30, 1796. 
. Address 


STATE PAPERS. 


Address of Genéral Washington on bis 
retiring from the Office of President 


of the United States of America. 


TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED 
STATES. 
Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

THE period for a new electien 
of a citizen to administer the exe- 
cutive government of the United 
States being not far distant, and 
the time actually arrived when 
your thoughts must be employed 
in designating the person who is to 
be clothed with that important 
trust, it appears to me proper, es- 
pecially as it may conduce to a 
more distin¢t expression of the pub- 
lic voice, that I should now apprise 
you of the resolution] have formed, 
to decline being considered among 
the number of those out of whom 
a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to 
do me the justice to be assured, 
that this resolution has not becn 
taken without a striét regard to all 
the considerations appertaining to 
the relation which binds a dutiful 
citizen to his country, and that, 
in withdrawing the tender of ser. 
vice, which silence in my situation 
might imply, I am influenced by 
no diminution of zeal for your fu- 
ture interest; no deficiency of 
grateful respeét for your past kind. 
ness; but am supported by a full 
conviction that the step is compa. 
tible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continu. 
ance hitherto in the office to which 
your suffrages have twice called 
me, haye been an uniform sacrifice 
of inclination to the opinion of 
duty, and to a deference for what 
appeared to be your desire. I con- 
stantly hoped that it would have 
been much earlier in my power, 


{293 


consistently with motives which I 
was ot ut liberty to disregard, to 
return to that retirement from 
which I had been relu¢tantly drawa. 
‘The strength of my inclination to 
do this, previous to my last elec. 
tion, had even led to the prepara- 
tion of an address to declare it to 
you; but mature reflection on the 
then perplexed and critical posture 
of our affairs with fareign nations, 
and the unanimous advice of per. 
sons entitled to.my confidence, im- 
pelled me to abandon the idea, 

I rejoice that the state of your 
concerns, external as well as in- 
ternal, no longer renders the pur- 
suit of inclination incompatible with 
the sentiment of duty or propriety ; 
and am persuaded, whatever par- 
tiality may be retained for my sere 
vicesy that in the present circum. 
stances of our country, you will 
not disapprove my determination to 
retire. 

The impressions with which I 
first undertook the arduous trust 
were explained on the proper oc- 
casion. In the discharge of this 
trust I will only say, that I have, 
with good intentions, contributed 
towards the organization and ads 
ministration of the government, the 
best exertions of which a very fal. 
lible judgment was capable. Not 
unconscious in the outset of the 
inferiority of my qualifications, 
experience in my own eyes, per- 
haps still more in the eyes of others, 
has strengthened the motives to 
diffidence of myself; and every day 
the increasing weight of years ad. 
monishes me more and more, that 
the shade of retirement is as neces- 
sary to me as it will be welcome, 
Satisfied that if any circumstances 
have given peculiar value to my 
services, they were temporary; I 


U 3 have 


- 


294 


have the consolation to be lieve, 
that while choice and prudence in- 
vite me to quit the poli: ical scene, 
patriotism does not forbid it. 
‘© Tn looking forward to the mo- 
ment, ° which is intended to termi- 
nate the career of my public iife, 
my feelings do not permit me to 
suspend the deep acknowledgment 
of-that debt of gratitude which I 
owe to my beloved coun’ ty, for 
the many honours it has conferred 
‘upen me: still more for the sted- 
fast confidence with which ir has 
Supported me; and for the \oppor- 
tunities I have thence enjoyed of 
manifesting my inviolable atta¢h- 
ment, by services faithtul and per- 
severing, though in usefulness un- 
equal tomy~zeal. Ii benefits have 
resulted to our country from thesé 
services, let-it always be rétacm- 
bered to your praise, and as an in- 
structive example in our annals, 
that under circumstances in which 
th. passions, agitated in every di- 
reCtion, were ‘liable to mislead, 
ainiaae appearances sOmertimes iit 
bious, vicissitudes of fortune often 
discour. ging, in situations in which 
not unfrequently want of success 
has countenanced the spirit of cri- 
ticism, the constancy of your sup- 
port was the essential prop of the 
* efforts, and a guarantee of the plans 
by which they were effected. Pro- 
fonndly penetrated with this idea, 
{ ‘shall’ carry it with me to my 
gravé, as a’ strong ‘incitement to 
unceasing vows, that heaven may 
continue to you the choicest tokens 
of its beneficeuce, that your union 
and brotherly affection may be 
perpetual ¢ thar the’ free ‘constitu- 
tion, which is the work ‘pf your 
bands, may be sscredly maintained ; 
(iat its administration in every de. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


partment may be stamped with 
wisdom ard virtue; thar, in fine, 
the happiness of the people of these 
states, under the auspices of li- 
berty, may be made complete, by 
so careful a. preservation, and sa 
prudent a use of this blessing, as 
will acquire to them the’ glory. of 

ecommendiing it to the ar olause, 
the affection and adeption’ of every 
nation which is yet a stranger to 
it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop, 
But solicitude for your welfare, 
which cannot but end wth my 
life, «nd the apprehension of dan- 
ger, natural to that solieitude, urge 
me, on an occasion like the pre. _ 
sent, to offer to your solemn con- 
templaticn, and to recommend to 
your frequent review, some senti- 
ments, which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsider- 
able observation, and which appear 
to me all ‘important to the perma- 
nency of your felicity ‘as a people. 
‘These will be offered’ to you with 
the more freedom, as you can only 
see in them the disinterested warn. 
ings of a parting friend, who can 
possibly have no personal motive ta 
bias his counsel. © Nor’can J for- 
get, a8 an encouragement to it, 
your indulgent reception of my sen- 
timents on a former and not dissi. 
milar occaston. 

Interwoven as is the tak of li. 
berty with every ligament of your 
heart, no recommendation of mine 
is necessary to fortify or Soke 
the attachment. 

The unity of ‘goveriment, which 
constitutes’ you one people, 1s also 
now déear'to you. It is justly so; 
for it is‘a main pillar in the edifice 
of your real independence, the sup- 
port of ‘your tranquillity at home, 

your 


tS THA Te P A.B EURASE f [295: 
your peace abroad; of ycursafety; common cause fought and triumph- 
ef your presperity; of that very: ed together; the independence and 
liberty which you so-highly prize. liberty you possess are the work of 
Bout as il is easy to fo.esee, that joint councils and joint efforts, of 
from different causes, and from common dangers, sufferings, arl 
different quarters, much pains wiil successes. 

be taken, many artifices employed, Eut these considerations, how. 
to weaken in your miid, ‘tie con- ever powerfully they address them. 
vition of this truth; as this is the selves to your sensibility ,,are great- 
point in your political fortress ly outweighed by those which ape 
against which the batteries of in- ply. more immediately to your inte- 
ternal and external enemies will be rest, Here every portion of our 
most constantly and actively (though country finds the most.commanding 
covertly and insidious\y) directed, motives for carefully guarding 
it % of infinite moment that you and preserving the union of the 
should properly estimate the im- whoie. 

mense value of your national union Vhe north, in an unrestrained 
to your collective and individual intetcourse with, the south, pro- 
happiness ; that you'should cherish tected by the equal laws of a com- 
a cordial, habitual, and immove-. mon government, finds in the prce 
able attachment to it, accustom- duttions of the latter, great addi- 
ing yoursclves to think and speak tional resources of maritime ard 
of it as of the palladium of.your commercial enterprise, and pr 
political safety and prosperity ; cious materials of manufacturing 
watching for its preservation with industry, The south, in the same 
jealous anxiety ; discountenancing intercourse,» benefiting * by the. 
whatever may sugg’St even asus- agency of the north, sees its agri-+ 
picion that it can in any event be cuiture grow and its commerce ex« 
abandoned: andind gnantly frown- pand; tyrning partly into its own 
ing upon;the first dawning of any channels the seamen of the north, 
attempt to alienate any portion of ‘it fiuds its particular navigation 
our country. from the rest, or to invigorated; and while it contri- 


enfeeble the sacred ties which now butes in different ways, to nourish 


link together its various parts. 
For this you have every induce. 
ment of sympathy and interest. Ci- 
tizens by birth or choice, of a com- 
mon country, that country has-a 


and increase ‘the general mass of 
the national navigation, it looks 
{crward to the protection of a 
maritime strength, to which 
itself is unequally. adapted. The 


right to concentrate your affeGtions, east, ina like intercourse- with the 
The name of American, which west, already, finds, and in the 
belongs to you, in your national progressive improvement of inte. 
Capacity, must always exalt the rior communication by land and 
just pride of patriotism more than water, will more and more find.a 
any appellation derived from local yaluable vent for. the commodities 
discriminations. With slight shades which it brings from abroad, or 
of difference, you have the yame manufaétures at home, The west 
religion, manners, habits, and po- derives,from the east supplies re. 
litical {principles. ; You have ina quisite to its growth and comfort ; 
$ U 4 and 


a6] 


and, what is perhaps of still greater 
consequence, it must of necessity 
owe the secure enjoyment of indis- 
pensable outlets for its own pro- 
dnétions: to the weight, influence, 
and the future maritime strength 
of the Atlantic side of the union, 
dire&ted by an indissoluble commu- 
nity of interest as one nation. Any 
other tenure by which the west 
cam hold this essential advantage, 
whether derived from its own sepa- 
rate strength, or from an apostate 
and‘ unnaturai connexion with any 
foreign power, must be intrinsical- 
ly precar ‘ous. 

While every part of our country 
feels an immediate and particular 
jaterest in union, all the parts cgin- 
bined cannot fail to find, in the 
united mass of means and efforts, 
greater strength, greaier resource, 
proportionab'y greater segurity from 
external danger, a less frequent in- 

terruption of the:r peace by foreign 
nations, and what 1g of ines!imable 
value! they must derive from union 
ao exemption from those broils and 
wars between themselves, which 
so frequently affict neighbouring 
eountries, not tied together by the 
same government ; “which their 
own rivalghips alone would be suf- 
ficient to produce, but which op- 
posite foreign a }iunces, attach. © 
fnents and intrigues, would stimu- 
Jate and embitter. Hence, like- 
twise, they will avaid the necessity 
of those overgrown estabvishments, 
which, under any form of govern- 
Ment, are inauspicious to liberry, 
and which are to be regarded as 
pa cticularly hostile ‘to republican 
liberty 5 in this sense it js that your 
union ought to be considered as a 

main prop of your liberty, and that 
the love of the one onght to endear 
to you the preservation of the other. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


These considerations speak a per= 
guasive language to every reflect. 
ing and virtuous mind, and exhibits 
the coutinuance of the union as a 
primary object of patriotic desire, 
Is there a doubt whether a common 
government can embrace so large 
a sphere? Let experence solve it. 
To listen to mere spe ylations in 
such a case were criminal. We are 
authorized to hope that a proper 
organ'zation of the whole, with 
the auxiliary agency of govern. 
ments for the respective subdivi- 
sions, will afford a happy issue to 
the experiment. 
a fair and fuil experiment. With 
such powertal and obvious motives 
to union, affecting all parts of our 


country, while experience shall not: 


have demonstrated its impra‘ticabi- 
lity, there will always be reason to 
dstrust the patriotism of those, 
who in any quarter may endeavour 
to weaken its bands. 

In contemp'iting the causes 
which may disturb our union, it 
occurs as a matter of serious con- 
cern, that any 2 »round should have 
been furnished ioe characterising 
purties by geographical discrimina~ 
tions, northern and sou hern, At. 
lantic and western; whence design- 
ing men may eddeavibur to excite a 
bellef that there is a rea! difference 
of local interests and views. One 
of the expedients of party to acs 
quire influence, within particular 
distri€ts, 18 to misrepresent the 
opnions and aims of other districts. 
You cannot shield yourselves too 
much against the j alousies and 
heari-' vuraings which spring from 
the © misrepresentations ; they tend 
to render alien to cach other 
“those who ought to be bound to. 
gether by fraternal affetion. The 
inhabitants of our. western country 

have 


?Tis well worth 


=- re Se SE 


lO a eee |e See eee eee 


STAITE PAPE RS. 


haye lately had an useful lesson on 
this head; they have seen, in the 
negotiation by the executive, and 
in the unanimous ratification by 
the senate of the treaty with Spain, 
and in the universal satisfaction at 


the event throughout the United 


States, a decisive proof how un- 
founded were the suspicions, pro- 
pogated among them of a policy 
in the generai government, and in 
the Atiantic states, unfriendly to 
their interes in in regard to the Mis- 
Sissippi:; they have beer witnesses 
to the peak of two treaties, 
that with-Great Britain, and that 
with Spain, which secure to them 
every thing they could desire, in 
respect to our foreign relations, 
towards confirmirg their prospe~ 
rity. Will ic not be their wisdom 
to rely for the preservation of these 
advantages on the union by which 
they were procured? Will they 
not henceforth be deat to those ad- 
visers, if such there are, who would 
sever them {rom their brethren, and 
conneét with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency 
of your union, a government for 
the whole is indispensable. No 
alliances, however strict, between 
the parties, can be an adequate sub. 
stitute; they must inevitably ex. 
perience the infractions and inter- 
ruptions which all alliances in all 
times have experienced, Sensible 
of this momentous truih you have 
improved upon your first essay, by 
the adoption of a constitution of 
government betier calculated than 
your tormer for an intimate union, 
and for the efficacious management 
of your common concerns. This 
government, the offspring of our 
Own choice, uninfluenced and un. 
awed, adopted upon full investiga. 
tion, and mature deliberation, com. 


[207 


pletely free in its principles, in 
the distribution of its powers, 
uniting security with energy, and 
containing within itself a provision 
for its own amendment, has just 
claim cto ycur confidence and your 
Support. Respect for its authority, 
compliance with its laws, acquies~ 
cence in. its measures, are. duties 
enjoined by the tundamental max~ 
ims of true liberty, ‘Ihe basis of 
our political systems is the right of 
the people ro make and to alter thei 
constitutions of government ; but 
the constitution, which at any time 
exists, until changed py an explicig 
and authentic act of the whole 


‘people, is sacrediy oblizatory upon 
Peapiry P 


ail. The very idea of the power 
and the right of the people to esta- 
blish government, presupposes thg 
duty or every individual to obey 
the established government. 

Aii obstructions to che execution 
of the laws, ail combinations and 
associations, under whatever plau- 
sible chara¢ter, with the real de. 
sign to direct, controul, counieraét, 
or awe the regular de! iberation 
and action of the constituted autho. 
ritics, are destruCtive of this funda. 
mental principle, end of fatal ten. 
dency. ‘they serve to organize 
faétion, to give it an artificial and 
excraordinary force—to put in the 
place of the delegated will of the 
nation the will of a purty, often a 
smal] but ariful and enterprising 
minority of the community ; and, 
accord:ng to the alternate triumphs 
of different partics, to make the 
public administration the mirror of 
ihe 1i.cencerted and incongruoug 
proj: éts of faction, rather than the 
organ ot consistcut and wholesome 
plans, digested by common coun. 
cils, and modiiied by mutual in. 
terests, 


Howevee 


298 | 


However combinations or asso. 
eiations of the above description 
may, now and then, answer spopu- 
jar ends, they are likely, in the 
course of time and things, to be- 
come potent engines, by which 
cunning, ambitious, and unprinci~ 
pled inien will be enabled to subvert 
the power of the people, and to 
usarp for themselves the feiris of go- 
vernment ; destroying afterwards 
the very ehemies:which have lifted 
them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of 
your government, and the perma- 
nency of your present happy state, 
it is requisite, not only that you 
steadily discountenance irregular 
oppositions to its acknowledged 
authority, but also, that-you resist 
with care the spirit of innovation 
upon its principles, however speci- 
ous the pretexts. One method of 
assault may be to effect, in. the 
forms of the constitution, altera- 
tions which will impair the energy 
of the system, and thus to under- 
mine what cannot be dire@ly over 
thrown. In all the changes to 
which yon may be invited, remem- 
ber that time and habit are at least 
as necessary to fix the true cha- 
raCter of governments as of other 
human institutions—that experi. 
ence is the surest standard by which 
to test the real tendency of the 
existing constitution of a country 
——that facility in changes, upon 
the credit of mere hypothesis and 
opinion, exposes to perpe tual change, 
from the endless variety of hypo. 
thesis and opinion ; and remember, 
especially, that for the efficient ma- 
nagement of your common interests, 
in a country soextensive as our’s, a 
government of:as much vigour as 
is consistent with the perfect se- 
curity of liberty is indispensable. 
‘Liberty itself will find in such a go. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


vernment, with powers properly diss’ 
tributed and adjusted, its surest! 
guardian. Iris, indeed, little else: 
than a name, where the government: if 
is too feeble to withstand the enter 
prises of Soamsa to. confine each} 
member of the society within the 
limits prescribed by the laws, and 
to maintain aii in the secure and 
tranquil enjoyment of the rights of 
persons and property, 

I have already intimated to you 
the danger of parties in the state, ; 
with the particular reference to - 
the founding of them on geogra- 
phical discriminations. Let me 
now take a more comprehensive 
view, and warn you in the most 
solemn manner against the bane- 
ful effects of the spirit of party 
generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is in- 
separable from our nature, having 
its mots in the stfongest passions 
of the humanimind.. It exists under 
different shapes in all governments, 
more or less stifled, eontrouled; or 
oppressed; but in those of the po- 
puiar form it is seenin its greatest 
rankness, and it istruly their worst 
enemy. 

The alternate dominion of one 
faction over another, sharpened by 
the spirit of revenge natural to 
party dissention, which in diffrent 
ages and couutrits has _perpetrated 
the most horrid enormities,.is it- 
self a most horrid despotism. But 
tris leads at length to a more for- 
mal and : permanent despotism. 
The disorders and miseries which 
result, gradually incline the minds 
of men to seek security and repose 
in. the absolute. power of an indi- 
vidual ; and, sooner or later, the 
chief of some prevailing \ factions 
more able or more fortunate than 
his competitors, *turns this disposis 
tion to the purposes of his own ele- 

yation, 


STATE PAPERS. 


wation, on the ruins of public li- 


berty. 

Without looking forward to an 
extremity of this kind (which never- 
theless ought not to be entirely 
oat of sight) the common and con- 
tinued mischiefs of the spirit of 
“party are sufficient to make 1t the 
interest and duty of a wise people 
to discourage and restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the 
public councils and enfeeble the 
public administration. It agitates 
the community with ill-tounded 


_jealousies and false alarms; kindles 


‘the animosity of one part against 
another, foments occasionally riot 
and insurrection, It opens the 
door to foreign influence and cor- 
suption, which find a feciitated 
access to the government itself 
through the channels of party pas- 
sions, Thus the policy aud the wall 
of one country are-subjected to the 
policy and will of another. _ 
There is an opinion, that parties 
in free countries are useful checks 
upon the administration of the go- 
vernment, and serve to keep alive 
the spirit of liberty. This within 
€ertain limits is probably true; and 
in governments of a monarchical 
cast, patriotism may look with 
indulgence, if not with favour, 
upon the spirit of party. But in 
those of the popular charaGer, in 
governments purely elective, it is 
a spirit not to be encouraged. From 
their natural tendency, it is cer- 
‘tain there will always be enough 
of that spirit for every salutary 
purpose. And there being con- 


stant danger of excess, the effect 


ought to be, by force of public 
pinion to mitigate and assuage 
at. A fire not to be quenched: 
it demands.a uniform: vigilance to 
“prevent its: bursting into a flame, 


[209 


lest, instead of warming; it should 
consume. 

It is important likewise, that the 
havits of chinking in a free coun- 
try should inspire caution in those 
entrusted with its administration, 
to confine themselves within theit 
respective constitutional spheres, 
avoiding im the exercise of the 
powers of one department to en- 
croach upon another. The spirit 
of encroachment tends to consoli- 
date the powers of all the depart. 
ments in one, and thus to create, 
whatever the form of government, 
a real despotism. A just estimate 
of that love of power, and prone- 
ness to abuse it, which predomi. 
nares in the human heart, 1s suf- 
ficient to satisfy'us of the truth 
of this position. The necessity of 
reciprocal checks in the exercise 
ot political power, by dividing and 
distributing it into different depo- 
sitories, and constituting each the 
guardian of the public weal against 
invasions by the others, has been 
evinced by experiments ancient and 
modern; some of them in our 
country, and under our own eyes, 
To preserve them must be as ne- 
cessary as to institute them. If, in 
the opinion of the people, the dis- 
tribution or modification of the 
constitutional powers be in any 
particular wrong, let it be correct. 
ed by an amendment in the way 
which the constitution designates, 
But let there be no change by 
usurpation; for though this, in 
one instance, may be the inscru- 
ment of good, it is the customary 


weapon by which free governments 


are destroyed. The precedent 
must always greatly over-balance 
in permanent evil any partial og 
transient benefit which the use can 
at any time yield, 

OF 


300] 


Of all the dispositions and ha- 
bits which lead to political prospe. 
rity, religion and morality are in- 
dispensable supports. In vain would 
that man claim the tribute of pa- 
triotism who should labour to 
subvert these great pillars of hu- 
man happiness, these firmgst props 
of the duties of men and citizens. 
The mere politician, equally with 
the pious man, ought to respect 
and to cherism them. A volume 
could not trace all their connec. 
tion with privat e and public feli- 
city. Let it simply be asked, where 
is the security foe property, ibe re. 
putation, for life, if the sense of 
feligious obligation d-sert the oaths, 
which are the instruments of in- 
vestigation in Courts of justice? 
And let us with caution indulge 
the supposition that moral ‘ity can 
be maintained without religion, 
Whatever may be conceded to 
the influence of refined education 
on minds of- peculiar structure, 
reason and experience both forbid 
us to expect that national morality 
can prey vail in exclusion of religious 
ery ple. 

It is substantially true, that vir- 
tue or morality is a necessary spring 
of popular governments ‘Lhe rule 
indeed extends with more or less 
force to every species of free go- 
vernment. Who that is a sincere 
friend to it can look with indiffe- 
yence upon attempts to shake the 
foundation of the fabric? “ 

Promote, then, as an object of 
primary importance, institutions for 
the general diffusion of knowledge, 
In proportion as the structure oh 
government gives force to public 
opinion, it is essential that public 
opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of 
strength and security, cherish pub- 
lic credit. One method of preser- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


17096. 


ving it is to use as. sparingly as pos. 
sible ; aia occasions of ex. 
pence by cultivating. peace, but 
remembering also that timely dis- 
bursements to prepare for danger, 
frequently prevent muth greater 
disbursements to repel it; avoiding 
likewise the accumulation of debr, 
not only by shunning occasions of 
expence, but by vigorous exertions 
in time of peace to discharge the 
debits which unavoidable wars may 
have occasioned, not ungenerously 
throwing upon posterity the bur. | 
then which we curselves ought to. 
bear. The execution of these 
maxims beiong to your represen- 
tatives, but it is necessary that 
public opinion should co-operate. 
To facilitate to them the perform. 
ance of their duty, it is essential that 
you should practically bear in mind, 

that towards the payment of debts 
there mest be a revenue y that to 
have revenve there must be taxes ; 
that no taxes can be devised which 
are not more or less inconvenient 
and unpieasant; that the intrinsic 
embarrassmeng inseparable from the 
selection of the proper objects 
(which is always a choice of diff 
culties) ought: to be a de -cistve mo. 
tive fora candid construétioy of the 
conduét of the government in mak. 
ing it, and fora spirit of acquiescence 
in the measures for obtaining req 
venuc, which the public exigencies 
may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice 
towards all nations, cultivate peace 
and harmony with all; religion 
and morality enjoin this conduét'; 
and can it be that good policy does 
not equally enjoin "in? It will be 
worthy of a free, enlightened, and 
at no great distant period, a great 
nation, to give to mankind’ the 
magnanimous and too novel ex, 
ample of a people always guided by 

an 


STATE PAPERS, 


an exalted justice and benevolence. 
Who can doubt that in the courfse 
of time and things the fruits of 
such a plan would richly repay any 
| temporary advantages which might 
be lost by a steady adherence to it? 
Can it be, that Providence has not 
connected the permanent felicity of 
a nation with its virtues? The ex. 
periment, at least, is recommended 
by every sentiment which ennobles 
human nature. Alas! is it rendered 
impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, 
nothing is more essential than that 
the permanent, inveterate antipa- 
thies against particular nations, and 
passionate attachments for others, 
should be excluded; and that in 
piace of them, just and amicable 
feelings towards all should be cul- 
tivated. The nation which in- 
dulges towards anoiher an habi- 
tual hatred, or an habitual fond- 


ness, is in some degree a slave. 


It is a slave to its animosity or to 
its affettion, either of which is suf- 
ficient to lead it astray from its 
duty and its interest, Antipathy 
in one nation against another dis- 
poses each more readily to offer in- 
sult and injury, to Jay hold of 
slight causes of umbrage, and to 
he haughty and intra@able, when 
accidental or trifling occasions of 
dispute occur. Hence frequent 
collisions, obstinate, envenomed, 
and bloody contests: The nation, 
prompted by ill.will and’ resent- 
Ment, sometimes impels to war the 
government, contrary to the best 
calculations of policy. The go- 
‘vernment sometimes participates in 
the national propensity, and adopts, 
through passion, what reason would 
reject; at other times it makes 
the animosity of the nation sub- 


[301 


servient to projeéts of hostility, 
instigated by pride, ambition, and 
other sinister and pernicious mo- 
tives. The peace often, sometimes, 
perhaps, the liberty of nations, has 
been the victim. 

. So, likewise, a passionate attach. 
ment of one nation for another 
produces a variety of evils. Sym-~ 
pathy for’ the favourite nation, 
facilitating the infusion of an ima- 
ginary common interest, in cases 
where no real common interest 
exists, and infusing into one the 
enmities of the other, betrays the 
former into a participation in the 
quarrels and wars of the latter, 
without adequate inducement or 
justification. It leads aiso to cons 
cessions to the favourite nation, of 
privileges denied to others, which 
is apt doubly to injure the nation 
making the concessions ; by unne- 
cessarily parting with what ought 
to have been retained; and by ex- 
citing jealousy, ill-will, and a dise 
position to retaliate, in the parties 
from whom egual privileges are 
withheld: and it gives to ambiti- 
ous, corrupted, or deluded citizens, 
(who devote themselves to the 
favourite nation) facility to betray, 
or sacrifice the interests of their 
own country, without odium, some. 
times even with popularity; gilds 


‘ing with the appearances of a 


virtuous sense of obligation, a coma 
mendable deterence for public opis 
nion, or a laudable zeal for public 
good, the base or foolish complian- 
ces of ambition, corruption, of 
infatuation, 

As the avenues to foreign influ. 
énce are in innumerable ways, such 
attachments are-particularly alarm. 
ing to the truly enlightened and 
independent patriot, How many 


oppeta 


302 | 


opportunities do they afford to 
tamper with domestic fattions, to 
practise the arts of seduction, to 
mislead public opinion, to influence 
or awe the public councils? Such 
an attachment of a small or weak, 
towards a great or powerful nation, 

dooms the' former to béva satellite 
of the latter. 

Against the tstdious wiles of 
foreign influence (1 conjure you to 
believe me, fellow citizens) the 
jealousy of a free people ought to 
be constuntly awake; since history 
and experience prove, that foreign 
influence is one of the most baneful 
foes of a republican government. 
But that jealousy to be useful must 
be impartial; else it becomes the 
instrument of the very influence to 
be avoided, instead of a defence 
against it, Excessive partiality 
for one foreign nation, and: exces= 
give dislike of another, cause those 
whom they a¢iuate to see danger 
only on one side, and serve to veil 
and even second the arts of influence 
on the other. Real patriots, who 
may resist the intrigues of the fa- 
vourites, are liable to become sus- 
pected.and odious ; while its tools 
and dupes usurp the applause and 
confidence of the peoples to surren- 
der their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, 
in regard to foreign nations, is in_ 
extending our Ghinmebeial, relations, — 
to have ‘with them as little politi- 
cal connexion as possible, So far 
‘as we have already formed engage- 
ments, let them be fulfilled with 
perfeét good faithh—Here let us 
stop. 

Europe has a set of primary in- 
terests, which to us have none, or 
a very remote relation. Hence 
she must be engaged in frequent 
eontroversies, the causes of which 


ANNUAL REGISTER; 


1790. 


are essentially foreign to out cor 
cerns. Hence, therefore, it mus 
be unwise in us to implicate. our 
selves by artificial ties in the or. 
dinary vicissitudes of her politics, 
or the ordinary combinations and 
collisions of her bmencabips or en 
mities. : 


tion invites aid onblieed sus’ 
pursue a different course. If we 
remain one people, under an, effi< 
cient government, the period “is 
not far off when we may defy ma.|® 
terial injury from externsh annoys} 
ance ; when we may take such an} 
attitude as will cause the neutrality, 
we may at any time resolve upon 
to be scrupulously respected ;, when}, 
belligerent: nations, under the im= 
possibi lity of making acquisitions 
upon us, will not lightly hazard | & 
the giving us provocation; whea} 
we may choose peace or war, as Oug 
interest, guided by justice, shalk 
counsel. 
Why forego. the advantages of 
so peculiar a situation? Why quit 
our own ie stand - upon foreign 
ground?) Why, by interweaving 
our destiny with that of any part 
of Europe, entangle our peace and 
prosperity in the toils of Exropean 
ambition, rivalship, interest, hu 
mour, or caprice ? : 
’’ fis our true policy to steet clear 
of permanent alliances, with any 
portion of the foreign world ; 
far, I mean, as we are now at lie | 
berty to do it; for let me be not 
understood. as capable of patro- 
nising infidelity to existing engage. 
ments. I hold the maxim no less 
applicable. ta public, than to pri- 
vate affairs, that honesty. is always 
the best policy. I repeat it, there. 
fore, let those engagements be ob- 
served, in their genuine sense. 


But 


4 But in my opinion, it is unnecessary 
and would be unwise to extend 
| them. Taking care always to, keep 
yourselves, by suitable establish. 
ments, on a respettz ble defensive 
posture, we may s safely trust to tem- 


emergencies. 
, Harmony, liberal intercourse 
with ali nations, are recommended 
| by policy, humanity, and interest. 
But even our commercial policy 
should hold an equal and impartial 
hand; neither seeking not grant- 
ing eaclusive favours or preferences, 
consulting the natural course of 
things: diffusing and diversifying 
by gentle, means the streams of 
commerce, but forcing nothing ; 
establishing, with powers so dis: 
posed, inorder to give trade a 
staple course, to define the rights 
of our merchants, and to endlale 
the government to support them ; 
conventional rules of intercourse, 
the best that present circumstances 
and mutual, opinion will permit, 
-but temporary, and liable to be 
‘from time to time abandoned or 
varied, as experience and circum- 
,Stances “shall . ‘didtate ; constantly 
keeping i in view that it is folly in 
“one,nation to look for disinterested 
:favours trom another: that it must 
pay with, a proportion of its in- 
dependence for whatever it may 
“accept under that character 5, that, 
by such acceptance, it may place 
itself in the condition of having 
given equivalents for nominal fa- 
.vours, and yet of being reproached 
pwith ingratitude for not giving 
more. There can be no greater 
cerror than to expect or calcilate 
upon real ‘favours from nation to 
nation. It is an illusion ‘which 
ex rience must cure; which a 1 just 
pride bught to discard.’ 

In offering to you, my country. 


§; TsAsT E; oP A PE \R OS: 


porary alliances for extraordinary 


[303 


men, these counsels of an old and 
affectionate friend, I dare not hope 
they will make the strong and 
lasting impression 1, could wish : 
that they will controul the usail , 
current of the passions, or preveuc 
our nation from runing the course 
which has hitherto marked the 
destiny of nations. Butif I may 
even flatter myself that they may 
be productive of some partial be. 
nefit, some occasional good ; that 
they may now andrthen recur to 
moderate the fury of party spirits 
to warn against the mischiets ot 
foreign intrigue, to guard against 
the impostors of pretended pa- 
triotism,; this hope will be a tulJ 
recompense for the solicitude of 
your welfare, by which they have 
been dictated. 

How far in the discharge of my 
oficial duties I have been guided 
by the principles which have been 
delineated, the public records- ard 
other evadenecs of my conduct 
must witness to you and to the 
world. To myself the assurance 
of my own conscience is, that I 
have at least believed myself to be 
guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting 
war in Europe, my proclamation 
of the 22d of April, 1793, is the 
index to my plan. Santtioned by 
your approved voice, and by that 
of your -representatives in both 
houses of congress, the spirit of that 
measure has continually governed 
me, uninfluenced by any attempts to 
deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, 
with the aid of the best lights 1 
could obtain, I was well satisfied 
that our country, under all the 


‘circumstances of the-case, had a 


right to, take, and was bound ir 
duty and interest to take a neutral 
position, 


£04] 


position. Having taken it, I de. 
termined, as far as sroaid depend 
upon me, to Maintain it wrth mo. 
eration, perseverance: and firm. 
ness. 

The considerations which respect 
the ri; he to hold this conduct it is 
not necessary on this occasion te 
detail, I will only observe, that 
nccording to my uiderstanding of 
the matter, that righ*, sofar from 
being denied by any of the -belli. 
ger nt powers, has been virtually 
admitted by all. 

‘bhe duty of holding a neutral 
worduct may be interred, without 
any thing more, trom the obliga- 
tion which justice and hamanity 
impose on every nation in cases in 
which it is “free to a@, to maintain 
inviolate the reiations of peace and 
‘amity towards other nations. 

/ “She inducements of interest for 


ebserving that conduét will best be’ 


teferred to your own reflections and 
experience, With me a predomi. 
thant motive has been to endeavour 
‘to gain time to ovr country ‘to 
settle and mature its yet recent 
Anstitutions, and to progress with- 
out interruption, to that degree’ of 
strength and consistenty, which is 
necessary to give it, humanly speak. 
ing, the command of its own tor: 
tunes.” 

Though in reviewing the inci- 
dents of administration I am on- 
conscious of intentional error, I am 
nevertheless too sensible of my de- 
feGis, not to think it probable that 
J may have committed many errors. 
Whatever they may be, I fervently 
beseech the Almighty to avert @r 
mitigate the evils to which they 
may tend, TI shall also carry with 
me the hope that my country will 
never cease to view them with in- 
duigence ; and that after: forty. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


five vears of my life dedicated to 
its service, with an upright zeal, 
the faults of incompetent abilities 
will be consigned to oblivion, as 
myself must soon be to the mansions }, 
of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as 
in other things,:and actuated by 
that fervent love towards it, which 
is so natural to a man who views 
in it the native soi! of himself and 
his provenitors for several generas 
tions, IT anticipate with pleasing 
expettation that retreat, in whick | 
I promise mysclf to realizes without 
ailoy, the sweet enjoyment of pars 
taking, in the midst of my feilow 
citizens, the benign influence of 
good laws, under a free govern. 
ment, the ever favourite objet of 

1 
my heart, aid the happy teward, as 
J trust of our mucual cares, labours, 
and dangers. 
G, Wasi InGTONg 
United States, Sept. 17, 1796. 


Note frim the French Enwoy, Citizert 
Adet, to the Bxecutive Goverument 
of America. 

THE undersigned minister ple- |, 
nipotentiary of the French republic, 
in conformity to the order of his 
government, has the ‘honour ‘of © 
‘transmitting to the secretaty of 
state of the United States; a reso- 
lution taken by the executive go- 


‘vernment of the ‘French repsblic, | 
‘on the 14th Messidor, qth year, 


yelative to the condu& which the 
ships of war of the republic are to 
hold towards neuttal vessels; “The 
flag of the republic will -treat the 


flag of neutrais in’ the same manner 


as they shal] suffer it to be treate 
by the English. 
The sentiments which the Ame- 
rican government have manifested 
to the undersigned minister pleni- 


y potentiary, 


STATE” PAPER'S. 


potentiary, do not permit him to 
-doupt, that they will see in its 
true jight this measure, as far as it 
may concern the United States ; 
and that they will also feel, that it 
is diated by imperious circum- 
stances, and approved by justices 

Great Britain daring the war she 
has carried on against ihe republic; 
has not ceased using every means 
in her power to add to that scourge, 
scourges still more terr'ble. She 
has used the well-known liberality 
of the French nation to the detri- 
ment of that nation. Knowing how 
faithful France has always been in 
the observance of her treaties; 
knowing that it was a principle of 
the republic to respect the flags of 
all nations, the British government, 
from the beginning of the war, 
has caused neutral vessels, and in 
particular American vessels, to be 
detained, taking them into their 
ports, and dragged from them 
Frenchmen and French~ property. 
France bound by a treaty with the 
United States, could find only a 
real disadvantage in the articles of 
that treaty, which caused to be 
respected as Amefican pfoperty 
English property found on board 
American vessels. They had a 
right, under this consideration, to 
expect that America would take 
steps in favour of her violated neu- 


the undersigned, in July 1793, ap- 
ied on this subject to the go- 
ronment of the United States; 
ut he was not successful. Never- 
heless the national convention, 
0, by their decree of the gth of 
May, 1793, had ordered the sci. 
ure of enemy’s property on board 
eutral vessels, declaring, at the 
ame time, that the measure should 
se when the English should re. 
pect negtral flags, had excepted, on 
Vor, XXXVIII. 


trality. One of the predecessors of - 


[305 


the 23d of the same month, the 
Americans from the operation of 
this general order. But the, con- 
vention was obliged. soon to repeal 
the law which contained this ex. 
ception so favourable to Americans ; 
the manner in which the English 
conducied themselves, the mani- 
fest intention they had to stop the 
exportation of provision from Ame. 
rica to France, rendered it una. 
voidable. 
The national coriventioti by this 
had restored the equilibrium of 
neutrality which England had de- 
stroyed ; had discharged their duty 
if a manner justified by a thou- 
sand past examples, as well as by 
the necessity of the then existing 
moment; They might, therefore, 
to recall the orders they had given 


‘to seize the enemy’s property on 


board American vessels, have wait- 
ed till the British government. had 
first definitively revoked the same 
order, a suspension only of which 
was produced by the embargo laid 
by Congress the 26th of March, . 
1794. But as soon as they were 
informed that, under orders of the 
government of the United States, 
Mr. Jay was direéted to remonstrate 
against the vexatious measures of 
the English, they gave orders, by 
the law of the 13th Nivose, 3d 
year, to the ships of war of the 
republic to respeét American ves. 
sels ; and the committee of public 
safety, in their explanatory resolve 
of the 14th of the same month, 
hastened to sanction the same prin~ 
ciples. The national convention 
and the committee of public safety 
had every reason to believe, that 
this open and liberal conduct would 
determine the United States to use 
every effort to put a stop to the — 
vexations imposed upon their com. 
merce, to the injury of the French 
republic ; 


3006] 


republic; they were. deceived in 
this hope ; and though the treaty 
of friendship, navigation, and com- 
merce, between Great Britain and 
the United States hed been signed 
six weeks before France ‘adopted 
tle meastre I have just spoken ef, 
the English did nor abandon the 
plan they had formed, and conti- 
nued to stop and carry into their 
ports all American yessels bound 
to French ‘ports, or returning from 
them. 

This conduct was the subje&t of 
a note which the undersigned ad- 
dressed on the 7th Vendemiaire, 
4th year {zgth Septembery 1795, 
O.S.) to the secretary of state. 
The remonstranees which it con- 
tained were founded on the duties 
of neutrality, upon the principles 
which Mr. Jefferson had laid down 
in his letter to Mr. Pinckney, 
dated the 13th September, 1794. 

Yet this note has remained with- 
out an answer, though recalled to 
the ‘remembrance of the secretary 
of state by a dispatch of the gth 
Germinal, 4th year (29th March, 
1796, O. S.) ; and American ves- 
sels bound to French ports, or re- 
turning from them, have still been 
seized by the English. Indeed 
more ;. they have added a new vex- 
ation to those they had already 
imposed upon the Americans ; they 
have impressed scamen from on 


board American’ vessels, and have 


thus found the means of strength- 
ening their crews at the expence 
of the Americans, without the go- 
vernment of the United States 
having made known to the under. 
signed the steps they had taken to 
obtain satisfaction for this violation 
of neutrality, so hurtful to the in- 
terests of France, as the under. 


signed hath set forth in his dis. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


patches to the secretary of state 
of the gth Germinal, 4th year 
(29th March, 1796, O.S.), 19th 
Germinal (Sth April, 1796), and 
1st Fioreal (2oth April, 1796), 
which have remained without an 
answer, 

The French government then 
finds itself, with respeét to America 
at the present time, in. circum-~ 
stances similar to those of the year 
1795; and if it sees itself obliged 
to abandon, with respeét to them, 
and the neutral powers in general, 
the favourable line of conduct they 
pursued, and to adopt different 
measures, the blame should: falt 
upon the British government: it 
is their condu&t which the Frencle 
government has been obliged to 
follow, . 

The undersigned ntinister pleni-; . 
potentiary conceives it his duty to 
remark to the secretary of state, 
that the neutral governments, or 
the allies of the republic, have no. . 
thing to fear as to the treatment, of 
their flag by the French, since if, 
keeping within the bounds of their _ 
neutrality, they cause the rights of 
that neutrality to be respected by 
the English, the republic will 
respect them. But if through weak. 
ness, partiality, or other motives, 
they should suffer the English. to 
sport with that neutrality, and turn 
it to their advantage, could they 
then complain, when France, to. 
restore the balance of neutrality to 
its equilibrium, shall aét in the 
same mariner as the English? No, . 
certainly ; for the neutrality of 2. 
nation consists in granting to-bel. 
ligerent powers the same advan 
tages; and that neutrality no. 
longer exists, when,, in the course | 
of the war, that neutral nation 
grants to one of the belligerent 

powers 


powers advantages not stipulated 
| by treaties anterior td the war, or 
suffers thi, power to seize upon 
them. - The neutrd! government 
cannot then complain if the Other 
_belligéterit powet will enjoy ad- 
vantages whicli its enemy enjoys, 
or if it Seizes upon them 3 other. 
‘wise that neutral government 
would deviate, with respe& to it; 
from the line of neutfality, and 
would become its enemy. 

The undersigned minister pleni- 
potentiary thinks it useless further 
to develope these principles. He 
does not doubt that the secretary 
of state feels all thei force; atid 
that the government of the United 
States will maintain from all vio- 
lation a neuttality which France 
has always respected; and will al. 
ways respeét, when her eneitiies do 
fot make it turn’to her detriment. 

The undersigned minister pleni- 
potentiary embraces this oppor- 
tunity of reiterating to thesecretary 
of state the assurarice of his esteem; 
and informs him, at the same time, 
that ‘he will cause this note to be 
printed, in order to make publicly 
known the motives which; at the 
present juhéture, influence the 
French republic. 

Done at Philadelphia, 6th Bru- 
maire, sth year of the French 
Republic, one and indivisible. 
{z7th O&. 1796, O. S.) 

(Signed) P. A. Aver. 


~ 


Reply of the Executive Government 
of America 10 Citizen Adet’s Note; 
inclosing the Decree of the Dire&ory 
respecting Nentral Vessels, 

Str, - 

I HAVE the honour to acknow- 
ledge the receipt of your note, of 
the 27th ult. covering a decree of 
the executive dircétory of the 


STATE PAPERS. 


[307 


French republic, concerning the 
commerce of neutral nat ons. 

This decree makes no distin¢tion 
between neutral powers, who can 
claim only the rights secured to 
them by the law of nations, and 
others between whom and_ the 
French republic treaties have im. 
posed special obliga:iois. Where 
no treatis exist, the republic, by 
selzing and confiscating the ;ro- 
perty of their enemies found on 
board neutral vessels, would ouly 
exercise an acknowledged mnguat 
under the law of nations. If, to- 
wards such neatral nations, the 
French republic has forborne to 
execute this right, the forbearance 
has been perfectly gratuitous. The 
United States, by virtue of their 
treaty of commerce with France, 
stand on different ground. 

In the year 1778, France vo- 
juntarily entered into a commercial 
treaty with us, on principles of per. 
fect reciprocity, and expressly sti- 
pulating rhit free ships shoul! make 
Free guods, That 1s, if France 
should be at war with any nation 
with whom the United States 
should be at peace, the goods 
(except coritraband), and the per. 
sons of her enemies (soldiers in 
actual service excepted) found on 
board the vessels of the United 
States; were to be free from cap. 
ture. ‘that, on the other hand, 
if the United States should en. 
gage in war with any nation, while 
France remained at peace, then 
the goods (except contraband), and 
the persons of our enemies ‘soldiers 
in aétual service excepted) found 
on board French vessels, were also 
to be free from capture. This is 
plainly expressed in the 23d arti. 
cle of that treaty, and d/monstrates 
that the reciprocity thereby stipu- 

X 2 laced 


30s] ANNUAL REGISTER, 


lated was to operate at different 
periods ; that is, at one time in fa- 
vour of one of the contracting 
parties, and of the other at another 
time. . At the present time, the 
United States being at peace, they 

possess by the treaty the right of 
carrying the goods of the enemies 
of France, without subjeéting them 
to capture. But whatdo the spirit 
of the decree of the executive di- 
rectory and the current of. your 
observations require ?—That the 
United States should now gratui. 
tously renounce this right. And 
what reason is assigned tor denying 
to us the enjoyment of this right? 
Your own words furnish the 
answer: ‘* France, bound by treaty 
to the United States, csxld sind only 
a real disadvantage in the articles 
of that treaty, which caused to be 
respected, as American property, 


English property found on board | 


American vessels.’’ This requisi- 
tion, and the reason assigned to 
support it, alike excite surprize. 
The American government, Sirs 
conscious of the purity of its in- 
tentions, of its impartial observance 
of the laws of neutrality, and of its 
inviolable regard to treaties, can. 
not for a moment admit, that it 
has forfeited the right to claim a 
reciprocal observance of stipula- 
tions on the part of the French 
republic, whose friendship more- 
over it has every reason to cultivate 
with the most perfect sincerity. 
This right, formerly infringed by 
a decree of the national convention, 
was recognized anew by the repeal 
of that decree. Why it should be 
again questioned, we are af a loss 
to determine, We are ignorant of 
any new, restraints on cur com- 
merce by the British government ; 
on the contrary, we possess recent 


1796. 


official information, that 20 new or 
ders hawe bsen issued: 

The captures made by the British, 
of American vessels having French 
property on board, are warranted 
by the law.of nations. The: force 
and operation of this law was con.. 
templated by France and the 
United States, when they formed 
their treaty of commerce, and their 
special stipulation on. this poing, 
was meant as an exception to air 
updiversal rule; neither our weak- 
ness por our strength have any , 
choice, when the question concerns 
the observance of a known rule of 
the law of nations. 

You are pleased to remark, that 
the conduct of Great Britain, in 
capturing vessels bound to and 
from French ports, had been the~ 
subject of a note, which on the 
zgth of September, 1795, was ad- 
dressed to the secretary of state, 
but which remained without an 
answer. Very suflicient reasons 


_may be assigned for the omission. 


Lhe subject, in all its aspeéts, had 
been officially and publicly dis- 
cussed, and the principles and ul- 
timate. measures of the’ United 
States, founded on their indisputa~ 
ble rights, were as publicly fixed... 
But if the subject had not, by the 
previous discussions, been already 
exhausted, can it be a matter ‘of 
surprize that there should be a re- 
pugnance to answer a letter contain- 
ing such insinuations as these ? 

‘< Ft must then be clear to every” 


. man, who will discard prejudices, 


love, hatred, and, in a word, all 
the passions which lead the judg- 
ment astray, that the French re- 
public have-a right to complain, if 
the American government suffered 


‘the English to interrupt the com- 


ree relations which exist be-: 
tween 


STATE PAPERS. 


tween her and the United States ; 
if by a perfidious condescension it per- 
mitted the English to violate a 
right which it ought, for its own 
honour and interest, to defend ; if, 
under the cloak of neutrality, it 
presented to England a pontard to 
cut the throat of its faithful ally; 
if, in fine, partaking iz the tyran- 
nical and. homocidal rage of Great 
Britain, it concurred to plunge the 
people of France inte the horrors of 
famine!” For the sake of pre- 
serving harmony, silence was pre- 
ferred to a comment upon these ine 
sinuations. 

You are also pleased to refer to 
your letters of March and April 
lust, relative to impresses of Ame- 
rican seamen by British ships, and 
complain that the government of 
the United States had not made 
known te you the steps they had 
taken to obtain satisfa@ion. ‘This, 
Sir, was a matter which concerned 
enly that government. As an in. 
dependent nation, we are not bound 
to render an account to any ojher 
of the measures we deemed proper 
for the proteétion of our own citi- 
zens ; so long as there was not the 


slightest ground to suspect that the’ 


government ever acquiesced in any 
aggression. 

But permit me to recur to the 
subjeét of the decree of the execu- 
tive directory. 

As before observed, we are offi- 
cially informed that the British go- 
vernment have issued’ no new or- 
ders for capturing the vessels of 
the United States. We are also 
officially infermed, that on the ap- 
pearance of the notification of that 
deeree, the minister of the Unite 
Seates at Paris applied for informa- 
tion; £“ Whether orders were issued 
for the. seizure of neutral vessels, 
3 : 


[309 


and was informed, that no such 
order was issued, and further, that 
no such order would be issued, 
ia case the British did not seize 
our vessels.” This communica- 
tion from the minister of the 
United States, at Paris, to their 
minister at London, was dated the 
28th of August; but the decree 
of the directory bears date the 
14th Messidor, answering to the 
zd of July. ‘These circumstances, 
together with some observations 
in your note, leave the American 
government in a, state of uncer. 
tainty of the real intentions of 
the government in France. Allow 
me then to ask, whether, in the 
actual state of things, our com- 
merce is considered as liable to suf. 
fer any new restrictions on the part 
of the French republic? Whether 
the restraints now exercised by the 
British government are considered 
as of a nature to justify a denial 
of those rights which are pledged 
to us by our treaty with your 
nation? Whether orders have 
been a@ually given to the ships 
ef war of the French republic to 
capture the vessels of the United 
States? And what, if they exist, 
are the precise terms of those orders? 

‘Lhe questions, Sir, you will see, 
age highly interesting to the United 
States. It is with extreme concern 
that the government finds itself re- 
duced to the necessity of asking an 
explanation of this nature; and if 
it shall be informed that a new line 
of conduct is to be adopted towards 
this country, on the ground of the 
decree referred to, its surprize will 
equal its regret, that principles 
should now be questioned, which, 
aftér repeated discussions, both 
here and in France, have been de- 
monstrated to’ be founded, as we 

X 3 conceive, 


310] 


conceive, in the obligations of im- 
partial neutrality, of stipulations by 
treaty, and of the law of nations. 
“L hope, Sir, you will find it con- 
venien by an early answer, to fe. 
remove the suspense in which the 
government of the Unitrd States is 
now held on the question above 
Stated. 

I shall close this letter by one 
remark on the singularity of your 
causing the publication of your 
note. As it concerned the United 
States, i it was properly addressed to 
its government, to which alone per 
tained the right of communica: cing 
jt in such time and manner as it 
should think fit to the citizens of 
the United States. 

I am, sir, with great resped, 

your most obedient servant, 

‘ - Timotny PICKERING. 

United States, Philad Lybic, Nov. 3. 

qa M. Adet, Ministe + Pl ‘nipotentiary 
of the French Republi:. 


Substance of the memorial presented by 
Citizen Adet ca the American Secre- 
tary for Foreign Affairs, previous 
to his announcing that he was no 
Longer to be considered as the Mi- 
nist-r of the French Republic. 
THE minister of the French re- 

peblic,’ through the whole of his 

note, speaks as aéting | under the 

xpress orders from the executive 
dire€tory. © After expressing the at. 
tachment of his goreqaman for the 

American people, he ‘comp!: ains, In 

the name of the direftery, of a vio- 

lation on the part of our execu- 
tive of the 17th article of the trea. 
ty of 1778. The first part cf that 
article stipulates, that the French 
shall be at ‘iberty to bring their 
prizes into cur ports, wiihourt its 
beiny lawful for any of our officers 
to take cognizance of their, validity, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


In contempt of this stipulation, he 
states that several French pr zes 
brought into our ports have been 
seized, tried, and restored to their 
original owners, with various de. 
grees of delay, vexation, injustice, 
and injury. He complains, that 
the English were suffered to arm 
in Our ports in various instances, 
and that the complainis of the 
agents of the French republic ever 
proved i ineffectual in stopping them. 
Persons suspected of having assisted 
in arming French privateers were 
immediately thrown into prison, 
while those concerned in arming 
British vessels were never molested : 
the executive in these instances ex- 
hibiting an evident partiality for 
the English, and no regard for the 
Mainienance of their “neutrality. 
The second stipulation in article 
7th, prohibits’ all English ships 
that shall have made French prizes 
from entering our ports, Our ex- 
ecutive have, in their construétion 
of this stipulation, confined its pro. 
hibitory effet to British vessels at. 


tempting to come in with their 


prizes. The minister protests, in, 
the name of the director:, against 
the propriety of this construétion, 
He considers it as an attempt to 
add to, not to explain, the article, 
Even on. the supposition that the 
article is doubtful, he insists on the> 
improprie ty of an ex porfe construc. 
tioh, - He cites sundry examples of 
English ships of war having en. 
tered our ports, contrary to this sti- 
pulation, having made them con- 
venient stations the better to annoy 
the French, ‘and having, even con- 
trary to the forced interpretation 
given to the 17th article by our ex. 
ecutive, brought their prizes into 
our ports, and there refitted them 


to cruize against the French. 
; The 


_ SPATE PAPERS. 


The minister next adverts: to 
“Jay’s mission. He states, that 
France was deceived by the. decla- 
rations of our executive when that 
business was set on foor; and that 
the directory considers the British 
treaty as depriving France ofall 
the advantageous stipulations in- 
tended to be secured to her by the 
treaty ot 1778, as tending to render 
the neutrality of America advanta- 
geous to England to the detriment 
of France. This treaty abandons 
the modern law of nations, which 
even England had sanctioned in 
eleven treaties, and we in every 
prior commercial treaty with Eu- 
ropean nations. It gives the Eng- 
lish the facility of obtaining the 
transportation’ of naval stores and 
‘warlike implements whithersoever 
they please under the shelter of 
the American flag, while this faci- 
lity is denied to France; and thus 
it changes, during the war, the re- 
spective footing of the belligerent 

owers with respect to us, The 
treaty, he further states, cuts off the 
‘supplies of provisions, which France 
lcoked for from this country, by 
stipulating that the British may in 
every situation seize our provision 
vessels bound to the ports of their 
enemies. In short, he considers it 
as a breach of our neutrality, unless 
the French be allowed to partake 
in the advantages it holds out to 
Great Britain. He also claims this 
participation in pursuance of ghe 
second article of the treaty of 1778, 
which'grants the French all the ad- 
vantages of commerce and naviga- 
tion enjoyed by the more favoured 
nations. And in this point of view 
the orders to the French vessels of 
war to treat the American flag in 


every respect as we shall suffer it 


to be treated by the English, have 
been issued. 


[311 


The minister proceeds to protest, 
in the name and by the orders of 
the executive direGtory, against the 
violation of the 17th article. He 
claims replevy of all seizures, and 
the annulling of all judicial acts 
with respect to the French prizes, 
and protests against all opposition 
to the sale of prizes. He protests 
against the violation of the same 
articles by our admitting into, our 
ports British armed vessels, and 
against the interpretation put by 
our executive upon that article, 
He declares, that the dire¢tary con- 
siders our treaty with Britain asa 
violation of their treaty with us, 
and as equivalent to a treaty of al- 
liance with that nation; and, in 
consequence, orders ‘him to suspend 
his ministerial fun@tions here. The 
dire¢tory declare, that they do not 
wish this measure to be considered 
in the light of a rupture, but as a 
mark of their sense of injury, which 
is to last until they can obtain sa- 
tisfafion. They reiterate their ex- 
pressions of friendship for the peo- 
ple, notwithstanding the wrongs of 
the executive. 

The minister concludes by stat. 
ing, that the French republic al, 
ways had it at heart to cultivate 
hatmony by a mutual interchange 
of good offices ; but that our admi- 
nistration have as constantly en- 
deavoured “to break asynder the 
ties which conne&t the two na- 
tions. Early under the republic, 
the French colonies were opened to 
us ; the ports of France also on the 
same footing as to their own vessels. 
When England violated the neu. 
tral flag, France, obliged to make 
use of reprisals, exempted from the 
measure the Americans; and though 
forced, for a while, much against 
their inclination, to withdraw the 

exemption, 

X 4 


312] 


exemption, 
it, : 

_ While France was thus, even dur. 
ing the tempest of a revolytion, 
treating the Americans with mark- 
ed attention; what, asks the note, 
were the executive of the United 
States employed in? They wére 
questioning whether they would 
acknowledge the republic and‘ re- 
ceive their ambassador ; whether 
they should consider the treaty, 
the price of American liberty, as 
binding ? whether the envoys from 
exiled and rebellious princes should 
be received ; an ambiguous procla- 
mation of neutrality was framed; 
French privateers were harassed ; 
England was suffered to spost with 
our neutrality, and to cut up our 
commerce to the detriment of 
France; English ships of war were 
admitted in our ports; the advances 
of France for a renewal of the trea- 
ty of commerce were eluded under 
the most frivolous pretexts, while 
our executive coprted the British, 
and solicited a treaty, by which, 
prostituting our neutrality, we sa- 
¢rificed France to her enemies ; 
and this whilst a review of late 
events, whilst every object around 
still reminds us of the tyranny of 
Britain, and the generous assistance 
of France. 

The note concludes by calling on 
Americans to remerober, that, if 
generous minds are alive to inju- 
ries, they can forgive; and that 
the French, when they are treated 
as friends, will still be found faith. 
ful friends and generous allies. 


they. early renewed 


The Minister Plenipotentiary of the 
French Republic with the United 


States of America, ta the French 


Citizes whe reside or travel in the’ 


United States. 


ANNUAL- REGISTER, 1796. 


_ Citizens, ; 

FROM the dawn of our revolu- 
tion, the tri-coloured cockade has 
been the rallying point of those 
energetic men, whose generous et. 
forts gave the first blow to arbitra. 
ry power. At their cali, the French 
nation, bent for centuries under 
the yoke, shook off that long drow- 
siness ; twenty-four millions of men 
adopted that august symbol; they 
exclaimed, ‘* He shill be free,’’ and 
all opposition was deteated, and the 
throne tumbied down in the dust, 
and all Europe armed against them, 
has been vanquished, 

The republic decorates all her 
‘eitizens with those national colours, 
the sacred symbol of liberty which 
they have won. 

Frenchmen who are absent from 
their native land ought not, amidst 
nations allied with theirs, to lay 
aside the distinétive mark which, 
by making them known, secures ta 
them the protectian and reciprocal 
respect guaranteed by our treaties 
with those nations. 

Those who, from a guilty in. 
difference, should slight the right, 
exempt themselves from that duty 
——those could lay no claim to that 
protection, they would renounce 
the support of the agents of the 
republic. 

But, citizens, I am persuaded 
that at the call of the mjnister of 
the French republic, you will has- 
ten to put on the symbol of a liber. 
ty, which is the fruit of eight years 
toils and privations and of five 
years victories. 

Thus you will draw a line of 
demarcation between you and those 
contemptible beings, whose unfeel. 
ing hearts are calious to the sacred 
name of native land, to the noble 
pride with which the freeman is 
‘ animated 


STATE PAPERS. 


animated by the sense of his inde- 
pendence. 

Thus, you will signalize those 
still more degraded beings, who, 
being so:d to the enemies of the re- 
public, drag from clime to cliine a 
life overwhe!med with musery and 
eontempt—wretches, whom history 
will not cail to remembrance, ex- 
cept to perpetuate their disgrace. 

The use of the French chance- 
ries, the national protecticn will 
not be granted to any Frenchman 
but those who, perfectly sensible of 
the dignity attached to the title of 
citizen, shal] take a pride in wear. 
ing constantly the tri-coloured 
cockade. 
of the French repubiic have pro- 
nounced thus. Being the organ of 
their decisions, I~ communicate 
them with pleasure to my fellow- 
citizens. As for those who, al- 
though Frenchmen born, have ceas- 
.ed to be Frenchmen, I do not speak 

to them; the public voice will in- 
form them of their exclusion. 

Done at Philadelphia, the 12th 
Brumaire, the fifth year of 
the French republic, one 
and indivisible. 

{Signed ) P. A. Aber. 

Philadelphia, Nov. 7. 


Attested copy of a translation from a 
Nute published by the French mi 
nister at Philadelphia on the 15th 
of November. 

TRANSLATION, 

Citizen P. A. Adet informs his 
fellow.citizens, that, by order of 
the executive directory, he has to- 
day notified to the secretary of state, 
the suspension of the funétions of 
the minister plenipotentiary of the 
republic to the United States of 
America, and that, in consequence 
of such suspension, they must, from 


The executive directory. 


, 


[312 


this day, address their demands or 
claims to the consul general of the 
republic. 

At Philadelphia, the 25th 
Brumaire, the sth year of 
the French republic, one 
and indivisible—the 15th of 
November, 1796. 


Address of the President of the United 
States to Congress. 


December 7, 1796. 

Fellow Citizens of the Senate, 

and of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, 

IN recurring to the internal si- 
tvation of our country, since I had 
the pleasure to address you, I find 
ampie reason for a renewed expres- 
sion of that gratitude to the Kuler 
of the Universe, which a continued 
series of prosperity has so often and 
so justly called iorth. 

The aéts of the last session, which 
required special arrangements, have 
been, as far as circumstances would 
admit, carried into operation. - 

The meeting of the deputies from 
the Creek nation at QOolerain, in 
the state of Georgia, which had for 
a principal obje¢t the purchase of a 
parcel of their land by that state, 
broke up without its being accom- 
plished: the nation having, pre- 
vious to their departure, instructed 
them against making any sale; the 
occasion, however, has been im- 
proved, to confirm, by a new 
treaty with the Creeks, their pre. 
existing engagements with the 
United States, and to obtain their 
consent to the esiablishment of 
trading houses and military posts 
within their boundary, bv means of 
which their friendship, and the ge, 
neral peace, may be more effectually 
secured, 


As 


314] 


As soon as the governor-general 
of Canada could be addressed with 
propriety on this subject, arrange- 
ments were cordially and promptly 
concluded for their evacuation, and 
the United States took possess sion 
‘of the principal.of them, compre- 
hending Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, 
Michaliminac, a: d Fort Miami 
where such repairs and additions 
have been ordered to be made as 
appeared indispensable, 

The commissioners appointed on 
the part of the United States, 
agreeably to the seventh article of 
the treaty with Great Eritain, re. 
lative, to captures and conderana- 
tion of vessels and other property, 
met the commissioners ot his Bri- 
tannic majesty in London, in Au. 
gust last, when John Trumbull, 
Esq. was chosen by lot for the 
fifth commissioner, In Odtober 
following the board were to pro- 
ceed to business. As yet there has 
been no communication of com- 
missioners. on the part of Great 
Britain, to unite with those who 
have been appointed on the part 
of the United Siates, for carrying 
doto effect the sixth article of the 
treaty. 

The treaty with Spain required 
that the commissioners for running 
the boundary line between the 
territory of the United States and 


his Catholic majesty’s provinces of 


East and West Florida, should meet 
at the Natches, betore the expira- 
tion of six months after the ex- 
change of the ratifications, which 
was effected at Aranjuez on the 
25th of April, and the troops of 
a Catholic majesty, occupying any 
posts within the limits of the 
Gnited States, were within the 
same period to be withdrawn. The 
commissioner of the United States, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1706. 


therefore, commenced his journey 
from the Natches in September, 
and troops were ordered to occupy 
the posts from which the Spanish 
garrisons should be withdrawn. 
Information has been recently re. 
ceived of the appointment of a 
commissioner on the part of his 
Catholic majesty for running the 
boundary line, but none of any 
appointment for the adjustment of 
the claims ot our citizens, whose 
vessels were captured by the armed 
vessels of Spain. 

In pursuance of the ac&t of. con- 
gress, passed in the last session, for 
the protection and relief of Ame- 
rican seamen, agents were appoint- 
ed, one to reside in Great Britain, 
and the other in the West Indies. 
The effects. of the agency in the 
West Indies are not yet fully as- 
certained; but those which have 
been communicated afford grounds 
to believe the measure will be be. 
neficial, The agent destined to re. 
side in Great Britain declining to 
accept the appointment, the busi. 
ness has consequently devolved on 
the minister of the United States 
in London ; and will command his 
attention, ‘dntil anew agent shall 
be appointed. 

Alter many delays and disap. 
pointments, arising out of the Eu- 
ropean war, the final arrangements 
for fulfilling the engagements made 
to the Dey and regency of Algiers 
will, in all present appearance, 
be crowned with success; but un- 
der great, though . inevitable dis- 
advantage, in the pecuniary trans- 
actions, occasioned by that war; 
which will render a further provi- 
sion necessary. ‘The actual libera- 
tion of all our citizens who were 
prisoners in Algiers, while it gra- 
tifies every feeling heart, is itself an 

earnest 


aTAT SE PA PE RS, 


earnest of a satisfaGtory termination 
of the whole negotiation. 

Measures are in operation for 
effeGiing .eaties with the regen- 
cies of unis and Tripoli.- 

‘To an aétive external commerce 
the protection of a naval force is 
indispensable. This is manifest 
with regard to wars in which a 
state is itself a party; but besides 
this, it is our own experience, that 
the most sincere neutrality is not a 
sufficient guard against the depre- 
dations of nations at war. Tose. 
cure respect to a neutral flag re. 
quires a naval force, organized, 
and ready to vindicate it from in- 
sult or aggression. This may 
even prevent the necessity of going 
to war, by discouraging beilige- 
rent powers from committing such 
violations of the rights of the 
neutral party as may, first or last, 
receive no other option. From the 
best information I have been able 
to obtain, it would seem as if our 
trade to the Mediterranean, with- 
out a protecting force, will always 
be insecure ; and our citizens ex- 
posed to the calamities from which 
numbers of them have bat just 
been relieved. These considera- 
tions invite the United States to 
look to the means, and to set about 
the gradual creation af a navy. 
The increasing progress of their 
Navigation promises them, at no 
distant period, the requisite supply 
of seamen; and their means, in 
other respects, favour the under. 
taking. It is an encouragement, 
likewise, thgt their particular situa- 
tion will give weight and influence 
to a moderate naval force in their 
hands. Will it not then be ad- 
visable to begin, without delay, 
to provide, ard lay up the mate- 
rials for the building and equipping 


[315 


of ships of war; and to proceed in 
the work by degrees, in proportion 
as our resources shall render it prac- 
ticable, without inconvenience ; so 
that a future war of Europe may 
ngy find our commerce in the same 
unprotected state in which it was 
found by the present ? 

Congress have repeatedly, and 
not without success, directed their 
attention to the encouragement of 
manufaGtures. The object is of 
too much consequence not to en» 
sure a-continuation of their efforts, 
in every way which will appear 
eligible. As a general rule, ma- 
nutaéturers on a public account are 
inexpedient; but where the state 
of things in a country leave little 
hope that certain branches of ma- 
nufa@ure will, for a great length 
of time, obtain; when these are of 
a nature essential to the furnishing 
and equipping of the public force 
in the time of war, are not esta- 
blishments for procuring them on 
public account, 0 the extent of the 
ordinary demand for the public service, 
recommended by strong considera- 
tions of national policy, as.an ex-__ 
ception to the general rule? Ought 
our country to remain in such cases 
dependent on foreign supply, pre- 
carious, because liable to be inter. 
rupted? If the necessary articles 
should in this mode cost more in 
time of peace, will not the security 
and independence thence arising 
form an ample compensation? 
Establishments of this sort, com- 
mensurate only with the calls of- 
the public service in the time of 
peace, will, in time of war, easily. 
be extended in proportion to the, 
exigencies Of government, andeven 
perhaps be made to yield a sur- 
plus, for the supply of our citizens 
at large; so as to mitigate the pri- 

vateers 


316} 


watecrs from the interruption of 
their trade. If adopted, the plan 
ought to exclude all those branches, 
which are already, or likely soon 
to be established in the country, in 
order that there may be no danger 
of interference with pursuits wr 
dividual industry. 

It will not be doubted that, with 
reference either to individual or 
uational welfare, ‘agriculture is of 
primary importance. In propor- 
tion as nations advance in popula- 
tion, and other circumstances of 
maturity, this truth becomes more 
apparent, and renders the cultiva- 
tion of the soil more and more an 
objet of public patronage. In- 
stitutions for promoting it grow up, 
suprorted by the public purse ; and 
to what objet can it be dedicated 
with greater propriety ? Ihe means 


which have been employed to this | 


end, none have been attended with 
greater success than the establish- 
ment of boards, composed of pro. 
per characters, charged with col- 
le€ting and diffusing information, 
und enabled by premiums, and smail 
pecuniary aids, to encourage and 
asstst a spirit of discovery and im- 
provement. 

I have heretofore proposed to the 
consideration of Congress the ex- 
pediency of establishing a national 
aniversity, and alsoa military aca- 
demy. Vhe desireableness of both 
these institutions has so constantly 
increased with every new view [| 
have taken of thersubject, that I 
canmnct omit the opportunity of 
once for all recalling your attention 
to then. 

The assembly to which TP address 
myself is too enlightened not to be 
fully sensible how much a flourishs 
ing state of the arts and sciences 
contributes to national prosperity: 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


and reputation. True it is that 
our country, much to its honour, 
contains seminaries of learning, 
highly respe@able and useful; but 
the funds upon which they rest, 
are too narrow to command the 
ablest professors in the different 
departments of liberal knowledge, 
for the institution contemplated, 
though they would be excellent 
auxiliaries. 

Amongst the motives to such an 
institution, the assimilation of the 
principles, opinions, and manners 
of our countrymen, by the common 
education of a portion of our youth 
from every quarter, well deserves 
attention. ihe more homogene- 
ous Our citizens can be made, in 
these particulars, the greater will 
be our prospect of permanent 
union; and a primary object of 
such a national institution should 
be the education of our youth in 
the science of government. In a 
republic, what species of know- 
ledge can be equally important ; 
and what duty more pressing on its 
legislature, than to patronize a plan 
for communicating it to those who 
are to be the future guardians of the 
liberties of the country ? 

While in our external relations, 
seme serious inconveniences and 
embarrassments have been over- 
come, and others lessened, it is 
wich much pain and deep regret I 
mention, that’ circumstances of @ 
very unwelcome nature have lately 
eccurred, Our trade has suffered, 
and is suffering, extensive injuries 
in the West Indies, frovy the cruiz- 
ers and agents of the French re- 
public ; and communications have 
been received from its minister-here, * 
which indicate the danger ‘of a 
further disturbance in our commerce 
by its’ authority, and which are 

in 


STATE PAPERS. 


in other respects, far from agree- 
able. 

It has been my constant, sincere, 
and earnest wish, in conformity 
with that of our nation, to maintain 
cordial harmony and a_ perfectly 
friendly understanding with that 
republic. This wish remains un- 
abated; and I shall persevere in 
the endeavour to fulfill it, to the 
utmost extent of what shall be 
consistent with a just and indispen- 
sable regard to the rights and ho- 
nour ef our country ; nor will I 
easily cease to cherish the expetta- 
tion, that a spirit of justice, can- 
dour, and friendship, on the part 
of the republic, willeventually en- 
sure success. 

_ In’pursuing this course, however, 
I cannot forget what is due to the 
charaéter of our government and 
nation ; orto a full and entire con- 
fidence in the good sense, patriotism, 
self-respe@t, and fortitude of my 
countrymen. 

Grorce WasHINGeTON. 


“Answer to the above address presented 


by the Vice-president. 


WE thank you, Sir, for your 
faithful and detailed exposure of 
the existing situation of our coun- 
tty; and wesincerely join in sen- 
timents of gratitude to an over-rul- 
ing providence, for the distinguish- 
ed share of public prosperity and 
private happiness which the people 
of the United States so peculiarly 
enjoy. 

We observe with pleasure, that 
the delivery of the military posts 
lately occupied by the British for- 
ces within the territory of the 
United States, was made with cor- 
diality and promptitade, as soon as 
circumstances would admit; and 


[317 


that the other provisions of our ob- 
jects of eventual arrangement are 
now about being carried into effeét 
with entire harmony and good 
faith. 

We perfectly coincide with you 
in Opinion, that the importance of 
our commerce demands a= naval 
force for its protection against fo- 
reign insult and depredation, and 
our solicitude to attain that object 
will be always proportionate to its 
magnitude. 

The necessity of accelerating the 
establishment of cértain useful ma- 
nufactures by the intervention of 
legislative aid and proteétion, and 
the encouragement due to agricul. 
ture by the creation of boards (com. 
posed of intelligent individuals) to 
patronize this primary pursuit of 
society, are subjects which will 
readily engage our most serious at. 
tention. 

A national university may be 
converted to the most useful pur- 
poses. ‘he science of legislation 
being so essentially dependent on 
the endowments of the mind, the 
public interest must receive effec. 
tual aid from the general diffusion 
of knowledge, and the United 
States will assume a more dignified 
station among the nations of the 
earth, by the successful cultivation 
of the highest branches of litera- 
ture. 

We sincerely lament, that while 
the conduét of the United States 
has been uniformly impressed with 
the character of equity, moderation, 
and love of peace, in the mainte. 
nance of all their foreign relatioe. 
ships, our trade should be so ha. 
rassed by the eruizers and agents of 
the republic of France, throughout 
the extensive departments of the 
West Indies. 

We 


318] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796: 


We cordially acquiesce in the re- 
fleftion that the United States) 
under the operation of the federal 
governmen'; have experienced a 
most rapid aggrandizement and 
prospérity, as well political as coms 
mercial. 

Whilé contemplating the causes 
that produce this auspicious result, 
we must acknowiedge the éxcel- 
lence of the constitutional sys'en, 
and the wisdom of the legislative 
Provisions, but we should be de: 
ficient in gratitude and justice, did 
we not atir:bute a great portion of 
these advantages to the viftue, 
firmness, and talents of your admi- 
nistration, which have been con: 
spicuously displayed in the most 
trying times, and on the most cri: 
tical eccasions. It is, therefore; 
with the sincerest regret, that we 
how receive an official noiification 
of your intentions to retire trom 
the pub‘ employments of your 
country. 

When, we review the various 
scenes of your public life, so long, 
and so successfully devoted to the 
most arduous services, civil and 
military, as well during the strug- 
gles of the American revolution; 
as the convulsive pericds of a recent 
date, we cannot look forward to 
your retirement without our warm. 
est aff2ctions and most anxious re- 
gards accompanying you, and with 
out mingling with our fellow-citi- 
zens at large the sincerest wishes 
for your personal happiness that 
sensibility and attachnient can ex- 

ress. 

The most effectual consolation 
that can offer for the loss we are 
about to sustain, arises from the 
animating refleCtion, that the influ- 
ence of your example will extend 
to your successors, and the United 
States thus continue to enjoy an 


able, upright, and energetic admiz 
nistration. 

Joun Apams, Vice President 

of the United States, and 
President of the Senate. 


The following is the reply of the 
President. 
GENTLEMEN, 
IT affords me great Satisfaction 
to find in your ad {ress a concurrence 


in sentiment with me on the vari-, 


ous topics which I presented fot 
your information and deliberation ; 
and that the latter will receive from 
you an attention propoftioned td 
their respective importance. 


For the notice you take of my 
public services, civil and inilitary,, 


and your kind wishes for my per- 
sonal happiness; I beg /you to at- 
cept my cordial thanks. Those 
services, and greater, had I pos 
sessed ability to render them, were 
due to the unanimous calis of my 
country ; and its approbation is my 
abundaiit reward. : 

When contemplating the peridd 
of my retirement I saw virtuous 
and enlightened men, among whom 
I rested on the discernment and pa- 
triotism of my felldw-citizetis to 
make the proper choice of a suc- 
cessor ; mén who would require no 
influential example to ensure to the 
United States ‘* an able, upright, 
and energetic administration.’”” To 
such mén I shall cieerfully yield 
the palm of genius and talents, to 


serve our common country; but at. 


the same time I hope I may be in- 
dulged in expressing the consoling 
refleGtion (which consciousness sug- 


gests), and to bear it with me to_ 


the grave, that none can serve it 
with purer intentions than I have 
done, or with a more disinterested 
zeal, phe 
‘Grorce WASHINGTON. 
CHARACTERS. 


or a ee 


ee een 


[ 319 7] 


CHARACTERS. 


Partieulars of the earlitr years of Mr. 
Gibbon’s Life, and of the course of 
studies which laid the foundation of 
his subsequent celebrity. From me- 
moirs of himself in Lord Sheffield’ s 


edition of bis posthumous works. 


I_was born at Putney, in the 
county of Surrey, on the 27th of 
April, O. S. in the year one thou- 
sand seven hundred. and thirty- 
seven ; the first child of the mar. 
riage of Edward Gibbon, esq. and 
of fadith Porten. My lot might 
have been that of a slave, a savage, 
or a peasant; nor can I reflect with- 
out pleasure on the bounty of na. 
ture, which cast my birth in a free 
and civilized country, in an age of 
science and philosophy, in a family 
of honourable rank, and decently 
endowed with the gifts of fortune. 
From my birth I have enjoyed the 
right of primogeniture ; but I was 
succeeded by five brothers and one 
sister, all of whom were snatched 
away in their infancy. My five bro- 
thers, whose names may be found 
in the parish register of Putney, I 
shall not pretend to lament; but 
from my childhood to the present 
hour I have deeply and sincerely 
regretted my sister, whose life was 
somewhat prolonged, whom I re- 
member to have scen an amiable 
infant. The relation of a brother 
and a sister, especially if they do 


not marry, appears to me of a very 
singular nature. [t is a familia¥ 
and tender friendship with a female, 
much about our own age; an af- 
fection perhaps softened by the se« 
cret influence of sex, but pure from 
any mixture of sensual desire, the 
sole species of platonic love that 
can be indulged with truth, ané 
without danger. 

The death of a new born child 
before that of its parents may seem 
an unnatural, but it is strictly a 
probable event: since of any giver 
number the greater part are extins 
guished before their ninth year, 
before they possess the faculties of 
the mind or body. Without ac 
cusing the profuse waste or imper- 
fe& workmanship of ature, E 
shall only observe, that this unfa- 
vourable chance was multiplied 
against my infant existence. So 
feeble was my constitution, so pre- 
caricus my life, that, in the baptism 
of each of my brothers, my father’s 
prudence successively repeated my 
christian name of Edward, that, in 
cage of the departure of the eldest 
son, this patronymic appellation 
might be still perpetuated in the 
family. 

——Uno avulso non deficit alter, 
To preserve and: to rear so frail a 
being, the most tetider assiduity was 
scarcely sufficient; and my mo. 
ther’s attention. was somewhat di... 

verted 


320] 


verted by her frequent pregnancies, 
by an exclusive passion for her hus 
band, and by the d ssipation of the 
woild, in which his taste and au. 
thority obliged her toniirgle. But 
the maternal office was’ supplied by 
my aunt, Mrs, Catharine Porten; 
at whose name I feel a tear of gra 
titude trickling down my check. A 
life of celibacy transferred her va. 
eant affection to her sister’s first 
child : my weakness excited her 
pity ; her attachment was fortified 
by labour and success: and if there 
be any, as I trust there are some, 
who rejoice that I live, to that dear 
and excellent woman they must 
hold themselves indebted. Many 
anxious and solitary days did she 
consume in the patient trial of 
every mode of relief and amuse- 
ment. Many wakeful nights did 
she sit by my bed-side in trembling 
expeClation that, each hour would 
be my last. Of the various and 
frequent disorders of my childhood 
my own recollection is dark; nor 
do I wish to expatiate on so dis. 
gusting a topic. Suffice it to say, 
that while every pra¢titioner, from 
Sloane and Ward to the chevalier 
Taylor, was successively summon. 
ed to torture or relieve me, the 
care of my. mind was too frequent 
ly neglected for that of my health ; 
compassion always suggested an ex- 
cuse for the indulgence of the 
master, or the idleness of the pupil ; 
and the chain of my education was 
broken, ‘as often as I was recalled 
from the school of learning to the 
bed of sickness. 

As socn as the use of speech 
had prepared my infant reason for 
the admission of knowledge, I was 
taught the arts of reac_ng, writing, 
and arithmetic. So remote is the 
date, so vague is the memory of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


their origin in myself, that, were 
not th: error cotreéted by analogy, 
I should be tempted to conceive 
them as innate. In my childhood 
I was praised for the readiness 
with which E couid multiply and 
divide, by memory alone, two sums 
of severa! figures: such praise enz 
couraged my growing talent; and 
had I persevered in this line of aps 
plication, | might have acquired 
some fame in mathematical studies. 
After this previous institution 
at home, or at a day-school at Put- 
ney, I was delivered at the age of 
seven into the hands of Mr. John 
Kirkby, who exercised about eigh. 
teen months the ofice of my do- 
mestic tutor. His own words, 
which I shall here transcribe, in- 
spire in his favour a sentiment of 
pity and esteem.— During my’ 
abode in my native county. of 
Cumberland, in quality of an ins 
digent curate, I used now-and- 
then in a summer, when the: plea< 
santness of the season invited, te” 
take a solitary walk to the sea, 
shore, which lics about two’miles 
from the town where I lived. 
Here I would amuse myself, one 
while in viewing at large the as 
greeable prospect which surrounded 
me, and another while (confining 
my sight to nearer objeéts) in 
admiring the vast variety of beau- 
tiful shells, thrown upon. the 
beach; some of the choicest of 
which I always picked up, to di. | 
vert ny little ones upon my re- 
turn. One time among the rest, 
taking such a journey in my head, 
I sat down upon the declivity of 
the beach with my face to the 
sea, which was ‘now come up 
within a few. yards of my feet; 
when immediately the sad thoughts 
of the wretched condition of my 
family, 


Nov, CH AREA 


family, and the unsuccessfulness 
of all endeavours to amend it, 
came crowding into my mind, 
which drove me into a deep me- 
Jancholy, and ever and anon forc- 
ed tears from my eyes.’? Dis- 
tress at last forced him to leave the 
country. His learning and virtue 
introduced him to my father; and 
at Putney he might have found at 
least a temporary shelter, had not 
an act of indiscretion again driven 
him into the world. One day 
reading prayers in the parish church, 
he most unluckily forgot the name 
of king George: his patron, a loyal 
subje&t, dismissed him with some 
reluGiance, and a decent reward ; 
and Aow the poor man ended his 
days I have never been able to 
learn. 

In my ninth year (January 
1746), in a lucid interval of com- 
-parative health, my father adopted 
the convenient and customary mode 
of English education; and J was 
sent to Kingston upon Thames, to 
a school of about seventy boys, 
which was kept by Dr. Wooddeson 
and his assistants. Every time I 
have since passed over Putney com- 
mon, I have always noticed the 
spot where my mother, as we drove 
along in the coach, admonished me 
that I was now going into the world, 
and must learn to think and aé& for 
myself, ‘Che expression may ap- 
pear ludicrous : yet there is not, in 
the course of life, a more remark- 
able change than the removal of a 
child froin Juxury and frees 
dom of a wealthy house, to the fru- 
gal diet and siriGt subordination of 
a school; from the tenderness of 
parents, and the obsequiousness of 
servants, to the rude familiarity of 
his equals, the insolent tyranny 
of his seniors, and the rod, perhaps, 

Vor, XXXVIII. 


the 


ie 


CTE RS.” > 


of a cruel and capricious peda- 

gogue. Such hardships may steel 

the mind and body against the inju. 

ries of fortune: but my timid re. 

serve was astonished by the crowd © 
and tumult of the school; the want 

of strength and a¢tivity disqualified 

me for the sports of the play-field ; 

nor have I forgotten how often in 

the year forty-six I was reviled and 

buffeted for the sins of my tory an- 

cestors. By the common methods 

of discipline, at the expence of 
many tears and some blood, | pur- 

chased the knowledge of the Latin 

syntax: and not long since I was 

possessed of the dirty volumes of 
Phedrus and Cornelius Nepos, 

which I painfully construed and. 
darkly understood. 

My studies were too frequently 
interrupted by sickness; and af. 
ter a real or nominal residence at 
Kingston-school of near two years, 
1 was finally recalled (December 
1747) by my mother’s death, which 
was occasioned in her thirty-eighth 
year, by the consequences of her 
last labour. Iwas too young to 
feel the importance of my loss ; 
and the image of her person and 
conversation is faintly imprinted 
in my memory. The affectionate 
heart of my aunt, Catherine Porten, 
bewailed a sister and a friend ; but 
my poor father was inconsolable, 
and the transport of grief seemed 
to threaten his life or his reason. 
I can never forget the scene of our 
first interview, some weeks after the 
fatal event; the awful silence, the 
room hung with black, the mid-day 
tapers, his sighs and tears; his 
praises of my mother, a saint in 
heaven ; his solemn adjuration that 
I would cherish her memory and 
imitate her virtues; and the fervor 
with which he kissed and blessed me 

¥ as 


[321 


322] 


as the sole surviving pledge of their 
loves. The storm of passion in- 
sensibly subsided into calmer me- 
Jancholy. Ata convivial meeting 
of his friends, Mr. Ginbon might 
affeét or enjoy a gleam of cheer- 
fulness; but his plan of happiness 
was for ever destroyed ; and after 
the loss of his companion he was 
left alone in a world, of which the 
business and pleasures were to him 
irksome or insipid. After some 
unsuccessful trials he renounced the 
tumult of London and the hospita- 
lity of Putney, and buried hjmself 
in the rural or rather rusiic soli- 
tude of Buriton ; from which, dur- 
ing several years, he seldom emerg- 
ed. . 

As far back as I can remember, 
the house,. near Putney-bridge 
and church-vard, of my maternal 
grandfather, appears in the light of 

_my proper and native home. It 
was there that I was allowed to 
spend the greatest part of my time, 
in sickness or in health, during my 
school vacations and my parents’ 
residence in London, and finally 
after my mother’s death. | ‘Uhree 
months after that event, in the 
spring of 1748, the commercial ruin 
of her father, Mr. James Porten, 
was accomplished and declared. 
He suddenly absconded ; but as his 
effets were not sold, nor the house 
evacuated, till rhe Christmas follow- 
ing, I enjoyed during the whole 
year the society of my aunt, with. 
out much consciousness of her im- 
pending fate. I feel a melancholy 

Jeasure in repeating my obliga- 
tions to that excellent woman, Mrs, 
Catherine Porten, the true mother 
of my mind and health. Her na- 
tural good sense was improved by 
the perusal of the best books in the 

English language ; and if her rea-. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


son was sometimes clouded by pre- 
judice, her sentiments were never 
disguised by hypocrisy or affecta- 
tion. Her indulgent tenderness, the 


‘frankness of her temper, and my 


innate rising curiosity, soon remov- | 
ed all distance between us: like 
friends of an equal age, we freely 
conversed on every topic, familiar 
or abstruse; and it was her delight 
and reward to observe the first 
shoots of my young ideas. Pain 
and languor were often soothed by 
the voice of instruction and amuse- 
ment; and to her kind lessons fF 
ascribe my early and invincible love 
of reading, which I would not ex- 
change for the treasures of India. 
I should perhaps be astonished, were 
it possible to ascertain the date, at 
which a favourite tale was engrav- 
ed, by frequent repetition, in my 
memory : the Cavern of the Winds ; 
the Palace of Felicity ; and the fa~ 
tal moment, at the end of three 
months or centuries, when prince 
Adolphus is overtaken by ‘Time, 


who had worn out so many pair of 


wings in the pursuit. Before I left 
Kingston school I was well ac- 


-quainted with Pope’s Homer and 


the Arabian Nights Entertainments, 
two books which will always please 
by the moving picture of human 
manners and specious miracles: nor 
was I then capable of discerning 
that Pope’s translation is a portrait 
endowed with every merit, except. 
ing that of likeness to the original, 
‘The verses of Pope accustomed my 
ear to the sound of poetic harmony : 
in the death: of Heétor, and the 
shipwreck’of Ulysses, I tasted the 
new emotions of terror and pity; 
and seriously.disputed with my aunt 


“on the vices and virtues of the he- 


roes of the Trojan’ war, From 
Pope’s Homer to Dryden's Virgil 
was 


, 


CPP Si A ee RS: 


was an easy transition; but I know 
not how, from some fault in the 
author, the translator, or the reader, 
the pious neas did not so forcibly 
seize on my imagination; and I 
derived more pleasure from Ovid’s 
Metamorphoses, especially in the 
fall of Phacton, and the speeches of 
Ajax ard Ulysses. My grandfa- 
ther’s flight unlocked the door of a 
tolerable library ; and | turned over 
many English pages of poetry and 
remance, of history and travels, 
Where a title attraéted my eye; 
without fear or awe I snatched the 
volume from the shelf; and Mrs. 
Porten, who indulged herself in 
moral and religious speculations, 
was more prone to encourage than 
to check a curiosity above the 
strength of a boy. This year 
(1748), the twelfth of my age, I 
shall note as the most propitious to 
the growth of my intelle&tual stature, 

The relics of my grandfather’s 
fortune afforded a bare annuity for 
his own maintenance; and_ his 
daughter, my worthy ‘aunt, who 
had already passed her fortieth year, 
was left destitute. Her noble spirit 
scorned a life of obligation and de. 
pendence ; and after revolving se. 
veral schemes, she preferred the 
humble industry of keeping a board- 
ing-house for Westminster-school, 
where she laboriously earned a 
competence for her old age. ‘This 


singular opportunity of blending. 


the advantages of private and pub- 
lic education decided my father. 
After the Christmas holidays in Ja- 
muary 1749, I accompanied Mrs. 
Porten to her new house in Col- 
lege-street ; and was immediately. 
entered in the school, of which Dr. 
John Nicoll was at that time head- 
master. At first I was alone: but 
my aunt’s resolution was. praised ; 


[323 


her charaéter was esteemed; her 
friends were numerous and attive : 
in the course of some years she be= 
came the mother of forty or fifty 
boys, for the most part of family 
and fortune ; and as her primitive 
habitation was too narrow, she 
built and occupied a spacious man. 
sion in Dean’s yard. I shall al- 
ways be ready to join in the com- 
mon opinion, that our public 
schools, which have produced so 
many eminent characters, are the 
best adapted to the genius and con- 
stitution of the English people. A 
boy of spirit may acquire a previ- 
ous and practical experience of the 
world; and his playfellows may be 
the future friends*of his heart or 
his interest. In a free intercourse 
with his equals, the habits of truth, 
fortitude, and prudence will insen- 
sibly be matured. Birth and riches 
are measuted by the standard of 
personal merit ; and the mimic scene 
of a rebellion has displayed, in their 
true colours, the ministers and pa~ 
triets of the rising generation. Our 
seminaries of learning do not ex. 
attly ‘correspond with the precept 
of a Spartan king, * that the child 
should be instructed in the arts, 
which will be useful to the man ;? 


‘ since a finished scholar may emerge 


from the head of Westminster or 
Eton, in total ignorance of the bu- 
siness and conversation of English 
gentlemen in the latter end of the 
eighteenth century. But these 
schools may assume the merit of 
teaching all that they pretend to 
teach, the Latin and Greek lan. 
guages: they deposit in the hands 
of a disciple the keys of two valu. 
able chests; nor can he complain, 
if they are afterwards lost or ne- 
glected by his own fault. The ne. 
cessity of leading in equal ranks so 

bea many 


‘ 


324] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


many unequal powers of capacity 
and application, will prelong to 


eight or ten years the juvenile stu- 


dies, which might. be dispatched in 
half. that time by the skilful master 
of ‘a single pupil. Yet even the 
repetition of exercise and discipline 
contributes to fix in a vacant mind 
the verbal sciehce of grammar and 
prosody : and the private or volun- 
tary student, who possesses the sense 
and spir.t of the classics, may of- 
fend, by a false quantity, the scru- 
pulous ear of a well-flogged critic. 
For myself, [ must be content with 
a very small share of the civil and 
literary fruits of a public school. 
In the space of two years (1749, 
1750), interrupted by danger and 
debility, I painfully climbed into 
the third form; and my riper age 
was left to acquire the beauties of 
the Latin, and the-rudiments of the 
Greek tongue. Instead of auda- 
ciously mingling in the sports, the 
quarrels, and the connexions of our 
little world, I was still cherished at 
home under the maternal wing of 
my aunt; and my removal from 
Westminster long preceded the ap- 
proach of manhood, 

The violence and variety of 
my complaints, which had excused 
my frequent absence from. West- 
minster-school, at length engaged 
Mrs. Porten, with the advice of 
physicians, to conduct me to Bath: 
at the end of the Michaelmas va- 
cation (1750) she quitted me with 
reluGtance, and I remained several 
months under the. care of a.trusty 
maid-servant. A strange nervous 
affeGtion, which alternately con- 
tra@ed my Jegs, and produced, 
without any visible symptoms, the 
most excruciating pain, was inef- 
feQually opposed by the various 
metheds of bathing and pumping, 


&. 


From Bath I was transported to 
Winchester, to the house of a phy-. 
sician; and after the failure of his 
medical skill, we had again recourse 
to the virtues of the Bath waters. 
During the intervals of these fits, I 
moved with my father to Buriton 
and Putney; and a short, unsuc- 
cessful trial was attempted to renew 
my attendance at Westminsters 
school, But my infirmities could 
not be reconciled with the hours 
and discipline of a public seminary ; 
and instead of a domestic tutor, 
who might have watched the fa- 
vourable moments, and gently ad- 
vanced the progress of my learn- 
ing, my father was too easily con- 
tent with such cccasional teachers, 
as the different places of my resi- 
dence could supply. I was never 
forced, and seldom was I persuad- 
ed, to admit these lessons: yet £ 
read with a clergyman at Bath some 
odes of Horace, and several episodes 
of Virgil, which gave mean imper- 
fet and transient enjoyment of the 
Latin poets. It might now be ap- 
prehended that I should continue 
for life an illitcrate cripple: but, as 
I approached my sixteenth year, 
Nature displayed in my favour her 
mysterious energies: my constitu- 
tion was fortified and. fixed; and 
my disorders, instead of growing 
with my growth and strengthening 
with my strength, most wonder. 
fully vanished. I have never pos- 
sessed or abused the insolence of 
health: but since that time. few 
persons have been more exempt 
from. real or imaginary ills; and, 
till I am admonished by the gout, 
the reader will.no more be troubled 
with the history of my bodily com 
plaints. My unexpected recovery 
again encouraged the hope of my 
education; and I was placed at. 

Esher, 

' , 


CTF RACTE RS. 


Esher, in Surrey, in the house of the 
reverend Mr. Philip Francis, in a 
pleasant spot, which promised to 
unite the various benefits of air, ex- 
ercise, and study (January 1752). 
The translator of Horace might 
have taught me to relish the Latin 
poets, had not my friends disco- 
vered in a few wecks, that he pre- 
ferred the pleasures of London to 
the instruction of his pupils. My 
father’s perplexity at this time, ra- 
ther than his prudence, was urged 
to embrace a singular and desperate 
measure. Without preparation or 
delay he carried me to Oxford: 
.and I was matricalated in the uni- 
versity as a gentleman commoner of 
Magdalen college, before 1 had ac- 
complished the fifteenth year of my 
age (April 3, 1752).- 

The curiosity, which had been 
implanted in my infant mind, was 
still alive and aétive; but my rea- 
son was not sufficiently informed 
to understand the value, or to la- 
ment the loss, of three precious 
years from my entrance at West- 
minter, to my admission at Oxford. 
Instead of repining at my long and 
frequent confinement to the cham. 
ber or the couch, I secretly rejoiced 
in those infirmities, which deliver- 
ed me from the exercises of the 
school, and the society of my 
equals. As often as | was tolera- 
bly exempt from danger and pain, 
reading, free desultory reading, was 
the employment and comfort of my 
solitary hours. At Westminster, 
my aunt sought only to amuse and 
indulge me ; in my stations at Bath 
and Winchestér, at Buriton and 
Putney, a false compassion respected 
my sufferings; and I was allowed 
without controul or advice, to gra- 
tify the wanderings of an unripe 
taste. My indiscriminate appetite 


[325 


subsided by degrees in the historic 
line: and since philosophy has ex- 
ploded all innate ideas and natural 
propensities, I must ascribe this 
choice to the assiduous perusal of 
the Universal History, as the oc- 
tavo volumes successively appeared. 
This unegual work, and a treatise 
of Hearne, the Dudor historicus, re- 
ferred and introduced me to the 
Greek and Roman historians, to as 
many at least as were accessible to 
an English reader. All that I could 
find were greedily devoured, from 
Littlebury’s lame Herodotus, and 
Spelman’s valuable Xenophon, to 
the pompous folios of Gordon’s 
Tacitus, and a ragged Procopius 
of the beginning of the last cen- 
tury. The cheap acquisition of so 
much knowledge confirmed my 
dislike to the study of languxges ; 
and I argued with Mrs. Porten, 
that, were I a master of Greek and 
Latin, I must interpret to myself 
in English the thoughts of the ori- 
ginal, and that such extemporary 
versions must be inferior to the 
elaborate translations of professed 
scholars; a silly sophism, which 
could not easily be confuted by a 
person ignorant of any other lan- 
guage than her own. From the an- 
cient I leaped to the medern world: 
many crude lumps of Speed, Rapin, 
Mezeray, Davila, Machiavel, Fa- 
ther Paul, Bower, &c. I devoured 
like so many novels; and I swal- 
lowed with the same voracious ap- 
petite the descriptions of India and 
China, of Mexico and Peru. 

My first introduction to the 
historic scenes, which have since 
engaged so many years of my life, 
must be ascribed to an accident. 
In the summer of 1751, I accom. 
panied my father on a visit to Mr. 
Hoare’s in Wiltshire; but I was 

Y3 less 


326] 


less detighted with the heauties of 
Stourhead, than with discovering 
in the lib ary a common book, the 
Continuation of Echard’s Roman 
History, which is indeed executed 
with more skill and taste than the 
previous work. To me the reigns 
of the successors of Constantine 
were absolutely new; and I was 
immersed in the passage of the 
Goths over the Danube, when the 
summons of the dinner-be!l reluc- 
tantly dragged me from my intel- 
leGtual feast. This transient glance 
served rather to irritate than to ap- 
pease my curiosity ; and as soon as 
I returned to Bath I procured the 
second and third volumes of How- 
el’s History of the World, which 
exhibit the Byzantine period on a 
Jarger scale, Mahomet and his Sa- 
racens soon fixed my attention; 
and some instinét of criticism di- 
reéted me_to the genuine sources. 
Simon Ockley, an original in every 
sense, first opened.my eyes; and I 
was led from one book to another, 
till I had ranged round the circle of 
oriental history. Before I was six- 
teen, I had exhausted all that could 
be learned in English of the Arabs 
and Persians, the Vartarsand Turks; 
and the same ardour urged me to 
guess at the French of D’Herbelot, 
and to construe the barbarous La. 
tin of Pocock’s Abulfaragious. Such 
vague and multifarious’ reading 
could not teach me to think, towrite, 
or to att; and the only principle 
that darted a ray of light into the 
indigested chaos, was an early 
and rational application to the or- 
der of time and place. The maps 
ef Cellarius and Wells imprinted 
in my mind the pitture of ancient 
geography: from Stranchius I im- 
bibed the elements of chronology : 
the Tables of Helvicus and Ander- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


son, the Annals of Usher and Pri- 
deaux, distinguished the connexion 
of events, and engraved the multi. 
tude of names and dates in a clear 
and indelible series. But in the 
discussion of the first ages f over- 


leaped the bounds of modesty and 


use. In my childish balance I pre- 
sumed to weigh the systems of Sca- 
liger and Petavius, of Marsham 
and Newton, which [ could seldom 
study in the originals; and my 
sleep has been disturbed by the dif- 
ficulty of reconciling the Septuagint 
with the Hebrew computation, I 
arrived at Oxford with a stock of 
erudition that might have puzzled 
a dottor, and a degree of tgnorance, 
of which a school-boy would have 

been ashamed. rr 
To the university of Oxford I 
acknowledge no oligations ; and 
she will as eheerfully renounce me 
for a son, as I am willing to dis. 
claim her for a mother. I spent 
fourteen months at Magdalen Col- 
lege ; they proved the fourteen 
months the most idle and unprofita- 
ble of my whole life: the reader will 
pronounce between the school and 
the scholar; but I cannot affeé to 
believe that naturé had disqualified 
me for all literary pursvits. The 
specious and ready excuse of my 
tender age, imperfeét preparation, 
and hasty departure, may doubtless 
be alleged ; nordo I wish todefraud 
such excuses of their proper weight, 
Yet in my sixteenth year I was not 
devoid of capacity or application ; 
even my childish reading had dis- 
played an carly though blind pro- 
pensity for books ; and the shallow 
flood might have been taught to 
flow in a deep channel and a clear 
stream. In the discipline of a well 
constituted academy, under the 
guidance of skilful and vigilant pro- 
fessors, 


7 


CHARACTERS. 


fessors, I should gradually have 
risen from translations to originals, 
from the Latin to the Greek clase 
sics, from dead languages to living 
science; my hours would have been 
occupied by usetul and agreeable 
studies, the wanderings of fancy 
would have been restrained, and [ 
should have escaped the temptations 
of idleness, which finally precipi. 
tated my departure from Oxtord. 
The. first tutor into whose hands 
I was resigned appears to have 
been one of the best of the tribe : 
Dr. Waldegrave was a learned and 
- pious man, of a mild disposition, 
strict morals, and abstemious life, 
who seldom mingled in the polis 
tics or the jollity of the col- 
Jege. But his knowledg> of the 
world was confined to the univer- 
sity; his learning was of the last, 
rather than of the present age; his 
temper was indolent ; his faculties, 
which were not of the, first rate, 
had been relaxed by the climate, 
and he was satisfied, like. his fel- 
lows, with the slight and superfi- 
vial discharge of an important trust. 
As soon as. my tutor hud sounded 
the insufficiency of his disciple in 
school-learning, he proposed that 
we should read every morning from 
ten to eleven, the comedies of Te- 
rence. The sum of my improve- 
gent in the university of Oxford 
js confined to three or four Latin 
plays; and even the study of an 
elegant classic, which might have 
been illustrated hy. a comparison of 
ancient and modern theatres, was 
reduced to a dry and literal in. 
terpretation of the auythor’s text. 
During the first weeks I constantly 
attended these lessons in my tus 
tor's room; but as they apneared 
equaily devoid of profit and plea. 
sure, I was once tempted to try 


a 
© 


[327 


the experiment of a formal apo- 
logy. ‘The apology was aévepted 
withasmile. I repeated the offence 
with less ceremony ; the excuse was 
admitted with the same indulgence : 
the slightest motive of Jaziness or 
indisposition, the most trifling avo- 
cation at home or abroad, was al- 
lowed as a worthy impediment ; 
nor did my tutor appear conscious 
of my absence or negleét. Had the 
hour of Je¢ture been constantly 
filled, a single hour was a small 
portion of my academic leisure. 
No plan of study was recommended 
for my use ; no exercises were pre- 
scribed for his inspection; and, at 
the most precious season of youth, 
whole days and weeks were suf. ° 
fered to elapse without labour or 
amusement, without advice or ac- 
count. I should have listened to the 
voice of reason.and of my tutor; 
his mild behaviour had gained my 
confidence. I preferred his society 
to that of the younger students ; 
and in ourevening walks to the top 
of Heddington-hill, we freely cons 
versed on a varicty of subjects. 
Since the days of Pocock and Hyde, 
oriental learning has always been 
the pride of Oxford, and I once 
expressed an inclination to study 
Arabic. His prudence discouraged 
this childish fancy; but he ne- 
glected the fair occasion of directing 
the ardour of a curious mind. Dur. 
ing my absence in the summer va- 
cation, Dr. Waldegrave accepted 
a college living at Washington in 
Sussex, and on my return home I 
no longer found him at Oxford. 
From that tise I have lost sight of 
my first tutor; but at the end of 
thirty years (1781) he was still 
alive; and the praétice of exercise 
and temperance had e.titled him to 

healthy old age. 

Y4 The 


328] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


The long recess between the 
Trinity and Michaeimas terms 
‘empties the colleges of Oxford, as 
was as the courts of Westminster. 
I spent at my father’s house at Bu- 
ritor’in Hampshire, the tw6 months 
of Angust and September, It is 
whimsical enough, that as soon as 
I left Magdalen college, my taste 
for books began to revive ; but it 
was the same blind and boyish taste 
for the pursuit of exotic history. 
Unprovided with original learning, 
unformed in the habits of thinking, 
unskilled in the arts of composition, 
I resolved—to write a book. ‘The 
titlé of this first essay, The Age of 
Sesostris, was perhaps suggested 
by Voltaire’s Age of Lewis XIV. 
which was new and popular; but 
my sole object was to investigate 
the “probable date of the life and 
reign of the conqueror of Asia. I 
was then enamoured of Sir John 
Marsham’s Canon Chronicus ; an 
elaborate work, of whose merits 
and defeéts I was not yet qualified 
to judge. According to his spe- 
cious, though narrow plan, I settled 
my hero about the time of Solo- 
mon, in the tenth century before 
the Christian @ra. 1t was there- 
fore incumbent on me, unless I 
would adopt Sir Isaac Newton’s 
shorter chronology, to remove a 
formidable -objeétion ; and my so- 
lution,. for a youth of fifteen, is not 
devoid of ingenuity. In his’ ver- 
version of the sacred books, Mane- 
tho the high priest has identified 
Sethosis, or Sesostris, with the elder 
brother of Danaus, who landed in 
Greece, according to the Parian 
Marble, fifteen hundred and ten 
years before Christ. But in my 
supposition the high priest is guilty 
of a voluntary error ; flattery is the 
prolific parent of falsehood, Ma- 


netho’s Fiistary of Egypt is dedi. 
eated to Prs'emy 'Philad=Iphus, who 
derived ayfibulous or illegitimate 
pedigree from the “Macedonian 
kings of the race of Hercules: Da- 
naus is the ancestor of Hercules ; 
and afier the failure ef the eldet 
branch, his descendants, the Pro- 
lemies,'are the sole representatives 
of the royal family, and may claim 
by ipheritance the kingdom which 
they hold by-conguest. Such were 
my juvenile discoveries ; at a riper 
age, I no longer presume to connect 
the Greek, the Jewish, and the 
Egyptian antiquities, which are lost 
in a distant cloud. Nor is this the 
only instance, in which the belief 
and knowledge of the child are su- 
perseded by the more rational ig- 
norance of the man. During my 
stay at Buriton, my infant-labour 
was diligently prosecuted, without 
much inierruption from company or 


country diversions ; and I already 


heard the music of public applanse. 
he discovery of my own weakness 
was the first symptom of taste. On 
my return to Oxford, the age of 
Sesostris was wisely relinquished ; 
but the imperfect sheets remained 
twenty years at the bottom of a 
drawer, till, in a general clearance 
of papers (Novemper 1772) they 
were committed to the flames. 
After the departure of Dr. Wal- 
degrave, I was transferred with 
his other pupils, to his academi- 
cal heir, whose literary charaéter 
did not command the ‘respeét of 
the college. Dr. **** well remem: 
bered that he had a ‘salary to re- 
ceive, and only forgot that he had a 
duty to perform. Instead of guiding 
the studies, and watching over the 
behaviour of his disciple, I was 
never summoned “to attend even 
the ceremony of a’ leéture.; -and, 


excepting 


OH A R'A°O'TIE R S. 


excepting one voluntary visit to his 
rooms, during the eight months of 
his titular office, the tutor and 
pupil lived in the same college as 
strangers to each other. The want 
of experience, of advice, and of oc- 
cupation, soon betrayed me into 
some impropriety of conduét, ill- 
chosen company, late hours, and 
inconsiderate expence. My grow- 
ing debts might be secret ; but my 
frequent absence was visible and 
scandalous ; and a tour to Bath, a 
visit into Buckinghamshire, and 
four excursions to London in the 
same winter, were costly and 
dangerous frolics. They were, in- 
-deed, without a meaning, as with- 
out an excuse. ‘The irksomeness 
of a cloistered lite repeatedly 
tempted me to wander: but my 
chief pleasure was that of travel- 
ling; and I was too young and 
bashful to enjoy, like a manly Ox- 
onian in town, the pleasures of 
London. In all these excursions I 
eloped from Oxford ; I returned to 
college; in a few days I cloped 
again, as if I had been an inde- 
pendent stranger in a hired lodging, 
without once hearing the voice of 
‘admonition, without once feeling 
the hand of control. Yet my time 
was lost, my expences were multi- 
plied, my behaviour abroad was 
unknown ; folly as well as vice 
should have awakened the attention 
of my superiors, and my tender 
years would have justified a more 
than ordinary degree of restraint 
and discipline. 

It might at Jeast be expetted, 
that an ecclesiastical school should 
inculcate the orthodox principles of 
religion, But our venerable mother 
had contrived to unite the oppo- 
site extremes of bigotry and indif- 
ference ; an heretic, or unbeliever, 


[320 


was a monster in her eyes; but she 
was‘always, or often, or sometimes, 
remiss in the spiritual education of 
her own children. According to 
the statutes of the university, every 
student, before he is matriculated, 
must subscribe his assent to the 
thirty-nine articles of the church 
of England, which are signed by 
more than read, and read by more 
than believe them. My insufficient 
age excused me, however, from the 
immediate performance of this legal 
ceremony ; and the vice-chancellor 
directed me to return, as soon as [ 
should have accomplished my fif- 
teenth year; recommending me, in 
the mean while, to the instruétion 
of my college. My college forgot 
to instruct ; I forgot to return, and 
was myself forgotten by the first 
magistrate of the university. With. 
out a single leéture, either public or 
private, either christian or pro- 
testant, without any © academical 
subscription, without any episcopal 
confirmation, I was left by the 
dim light of my catechism to groye 
my way to the chapel and commu. 
nion-table, where I was admitted, 
without a question, how far, or by 
what means, I might be qualified 
to receive the sacrament. Such al. 
most incredible neglect was pro- 
ductive of the worst imischiefs, 
From my childhood I had been fond 
of religious disputation; my poor 
aunt has been otten puzzled by the 
mysteries which she s‘rove to be- 
lieve; nor had the elastic spring 
been totally broken by the weight 
of the atmosphere of Oxford. The 
blind activity of idleness urged me 
to advance without armour into the 
dangerous mazes of controversy ; 
and at the age of sixteen, *I be. 
wildered myself in the,errors of the 
church of Rome. 


The 


230] 


The progress of my conversion 
may tend to illustrate, at least, the 
history of my own mind. Jr was 
not long since Dr. Middleton’s free 
inquiry had sounded an alarm in 
the theological world: much ink 
and much gall had been spilt in the 
defence of the primitive miracles ; 
and the two dullest of their cham- 
pions were crowned with acadeinic 
honours by the university of Ox- 
ford. The name of Middleton was 
unpopular; and his proscription 
very naturally led:me to peruse his 
writings, and those of his antago- 
mists. “Hts bold criticism, which 
approaches the precipice of infide- 
lity, produced on my mind a sin- 
golar effeét ; 2nd had I persevered 
in the communion of Rome, I should 

‘now apply to my own fortune the 
prediction of the Sybil, 


Fia prima salatis, 
Quod minimé reris, Graid  padeiur 
: ab arbe. 


The elegance of style and freedom 
of argument were repelicd by a 
shield of prejudice. I still revered 
the character, or rather the names, 
of the saints and fathers whom Jr. 
Middleton exposes ; ror could he 
destroy my implicit belief, that the 
gift of miraculous powers was con- 
tinued in the church, during the 
first four or five centuries of christi- 
anity. But J was unable to resist 
the weight of historical evidence, 
that within ‘the same period most 
of the leading doctrines of popery 
were already’ introduced in theory 
and praétice: nor was my conclu- 
sion absurd, that miracles are the 
test of truth, and that the church 
must be orthodox and pure, which 
was so often approved by the visi- 
ble interposition of the Deity. ‘The 
marvellous tales which are so boldly 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


attested by the Basils and Chry. 

sostoms, the Austins and Jeroms, 

compelled me to embrace the supe. 
rior merits of celibacy, the institu- 

tion of the monastic life, the use of 

the sign of the cross, of holy oil, 

and even of images, the invocation 

of saints, the worship of relics, the: 

rudiments of purgatory in prayers 

for the dead, and the tremendous 

mystery of the sacrifice of the body 

and blood of Christ, which insen- 

sibly swelled into the prodigy of 
transubstantiation. In these dispo- 

sitions, and already more than half 
a conyert, I formed an unlucky in. - 
timacy with a-young gentleman of 
cur college, whose name I shall 

spare. With a character less reso- 

luce, Mr, **** had imbibed the 

same religious apinions: and some 

Popish bocks, I know not through 

what channel, were conveyed into 
his possession, Tread, I applauded, 

J believed: the English tran-lations 

of two famous works of Bossuet 

bishop of Menux, the Exposition 

of the Catholic Doétrine, and the 

History of the Protestant Varia. 

tions, achieved my conversion, and 

I surely fell by a noble hand. 

No sooner had I settled my new 
religion than I resolved to profess. 
myself a catholic. Youth is sin- 
cere and impetuous; and a mo- 
mentary glow of enthusiasm had 
raised me above all temporal con. 
siderations, 

Tp my last excursion to London, 
I addressed myself to Mr. Lewis, 
a Roman catholic bookseller in 
Russel-street, Covent-garden, who 
recommended me to a priest, of 
whose name and order I am at pre- 
sent. ignorant. In our first inter- 
view he soon discovered that pers 
suasion was needless. After sound- 
ing the motives and merits of my 
conversion, 


C HA. BA Cot ELBS, 


conversion, he consented to admit 
me into the yale of the church, 
and at his feet, on the 8th of June, 
1753, I solemr'y, though privately, 
abjured the er:ors of heresy. ‘Whe 
seduction cf .n English ide of 
family and fortune was an 2@ of as 
much danger as glory; but he 
bravely overlooked the danger, of 
which Iwas not then suthciently 
informed. ‘* Where a person ‘is 
reconciled to the see of Rome, or 
procures others to be reconciled, 
the offence (says Blackstone) a- 
mounts to high treason.”? And if 
the humanity of the age would 
prevent the execution of this san- 
guinary statute, there were other 
Jaws of a less odious cast, which 
condemned the priest to perpetual 
imprisonment, aud transferred the 
proselyte’s estate to his nearest re- 
Jation.. An elaborate controversial 
epistle, approved by my director, 
and addressed to my father, an- 

nounced and justified the step which 
Shad taken. My father was neither 
a bigot nor a philosopher; but his 
affection deplored the loss of an only 
son; and his good sense was asto- 
nished at my strange departure from 
the religion of my country.: In the 
first sally of his passion he divulged 
a secret which prudence might 
have suppressed, and the gates ” of 
Magdalen College were tor ever 
shut against my return. 

After carrying me to Putney, to 
the house of his friend Mr. Mal- 
Jet, by whose plilosophy I was ra- 
ther scandalized than reclaimed, it 
Was necessary for my father to form 
a new plan of education, and to de- 
vise some method which, if possi- 
ble, might effect the cure of my spi- 
ritual malady. After much debate 
it was determined, from the ad- 
Vice apd personal experience of Mgr. 


{331 


Eliot {now lord Eliot) to fix me 
during some years, at Lausanne in 
Switzerland. Mr. Frey, a Swiss 
gentleman of Basil, undertook the 
conduét of the journey: we left 
London the 19th of June, crossed 
the sea-from Dover to Calais, tra- 
velled post through several pro- 
vinces of France, by the direét 
road of St. Quentin, Rheims, 
Langres, and Besangon, and arrived 
the 30th of June at Lausanne, 
where I was immediately settled 
under the roof and tuition of Mr. 
Pavilliard, a Calvinist minister. 
‘The first marks of my’ father’s 
di:pleisure rather astonished than 
afflicted me: when he threatened ta 
banish, and disown, and disinhes 
rit a rebellious son, I cherished’ a 
secret hope that he would not be 
able or willing to effect his me- 
naces; and the pride of conscience 
encouraged me to sustain the ho. 
nourable and important part which 
I was now acting. My spirits were 
raised and kept alive by the rapid 
motion of my journey, the new and 
various scenes of the continent, and 
the civility of Mr. Frey, a man of 
sense, who was not ignorant of 
books or the world. Butafter he had 
resigned me into Pavilliard’s hands, 
and [ was fixed in my new habitat 
tion, I had leisure to’ contem- 
plare the strange and melancholy 
prospect before me. My first com. 
plaint arose from my ignorance. of 
the language. In my: childhood I 
had once studied the French gram- 
mar, and I could imperfectly un- 
derstand the easy prose of a famiHar 
subject. But when I was thus sud_ 
denly cast on a foreign land, J 


found myself deprived of the use of 


speech and of hearing ; and, during 
some weeks, incapable not only of 
enjoying the pleasures of conyersa- 

tion, 


332] 


tion, but even of asking or an- 
swering a question in the eommon 
intercourse of life. To a home.bred 
Englishman every object, every 
custom was Offensive ; but the na- 
tive of any country might have 
been disgusted with the general 
aspect of his lodging and entertain. 
ment. I had now exchanged my 
elegant apartment in Magdalen 
college, for a narrow gloomy 
street, the most unfrequented of an 
unhandsome town, for an. old in- 


‘convenient house, and for a small 


chamber, ill-contrived and ill-fur. 
nished, which,‘ on the approach of 
winter, instead of a companionable 
fire, must be warmed by the dull 
invisible heat of a stove. From a 
man I‘was again degraded to the 
dependance of a school-boy. Mr, 
Pavilliard managed my expences, 
which had been reduced to a dimi- 


nutive state; I received a small 
monthly allowance for my pocket. 


money ; and, helpless and aukward 
as I have ever been, I-no longer 
enjoyed the indispensable comfort 
of a servant. My condition seemed 
as destitute of hope, as it was de- 
void of pleasure; I was separated 
for an indefinite, which appeared 
an infinite term, from my native 
country ; and I had lost all con. 
nexion with my Catholic friends. 
T’have since reflected with surprize, 
that as the Romish clergy of every 
part of Europe maintain a close 
correspondence with each other, 
they never attempted, by letters or 
messages, to rescue me from the 
hands of the heretics, or at least to 
confirm my zeal and constancy in 
the profession of the faith. Such 
was my first introduction to Lau- 
sanne; a place where I spent nearly 
five years with pleasure and profit, 
which I afterwards revisited with. 
out compulsion, and which I have 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


finally selefted as the most grate. 
ful retreat for the decline of my 
life. 

Bot it is the peculiar felicity of 
youth, that the most unpleasing 
objects and events seldom make a 
deep or lasting impression ; it forgets 
the past, enjoys the present, and 
anticipates the future. Atthe flexi- 


ble age of sixteen I soon learned to} 


endure, and gradually to adopt, the 
new forms of arbitrary manners : 
the real hardships of my situation 
were alienated by time. Had [I 
been sent abroad ina more splendid 
style, such as the fortune and 
bounty of my father might have 
supplied, I might have returned 
home with the same stock of lan- 
guage and science, which our 


country men-usualiy import from the } 


continent. An exile and a prisoner 
as I was, their example betrayed 
me into some irregularities of wine, 
of play, and of idle excursions; but 
I soon felt the impossibility of asso- 
clating with them on equal terms ; 
and, after the departure of my first 
acquaintance, I held a cold and 
civil correspondencé with their suc. 
cessors. ‘This seclusion from Eng. 
lish society was attended with the 
most solid benefits. In the Pays 
de Vaud, the French language is 
used with less imperfection than in 
most of the distant provinces of 
France: in Pavilliard’s family, ne- 
cessity compelled me to listen and 
to speak ; and if I was at first dis- 


heartened by the apparent slow. 


ness, in a few months I was asto- 
nished by the rapidity of my 
progress. My pronunciation was 
formed by the constant repetition 
of the same sounds; the variety of 
words and idioms, the rules of 
grammar, and distinétions of 
genders, were impressed in my 
memory: ease and freedom were 

obtained 


ee 


———, “> way 


CHARACTERS. 


obtained by practice; correctness 
and elegance by labour; and before 
I was recalled home, French, in 
which I spontaneously thought, 
was more familiar than English to 
my ear, my tongue, and my pen. The 
first effet of this opening know- 
ledge was the revival of my love of 
treading, which had been chilled at 
Oxford, and I soon turned over, 
without much choice, almost all the 
French books in my tutor’s library. 
Even these amusements were pro- 
du@tive of real advantage: my taste 
and judgment were now somewhat 
riper. I was introduced to a new 
mode of style and literature: by 
the comparison of manners and 
opinions, my views were enlarged, 
my prejudices were corrected, and 
a copious voluntary abstract of the 
' Histoire de l’Eglise et de 1’ Empire, 
by Je Sieur, may be placed in a 
middle line between my childish and 
my manly studies, Assoonas I was 
able to converse with the natives, 
I began to feel some satisfaction in 
their company ; my awkward ti- 
midity was polished and cmbolden- 
ed; and 1 frequented, for the first 
time, assemblies of men and wo- 
men. The acquaintance of the Pa- 
villiards prepared me by degrees 
for more elegant society. 1 was 
received with kindness and indul. 
gence in the best families of Lau- 
Sanne; and it was in one of these 
that I formed an intimate and Jast- 
ing connexion with Mr. Dey ver- 
dap, a young man of an amiable 
temper and excellent understanding. 
In the arts of fencing and dancing, 
small indecd was my proficiency ; 
and some months were idly wasted 
in the riding-school. My unfit- 
ness to bodily exercise reconciled 
me to a sedentary life, and the 


horse, the favourite.of my country- 


su 


[333 


men, never contributed to the plea. 
sures of my youth. 

My obligations to the lessons of 
Mr. Pavilliard, gratitude will not 
suffer me to forget: he was endow. 
ed with a clear head anda warm 
heart; his innate benevolence had 
assuaged the spirit of the church ; 
he was rational, because he was 
moderate: in the course of his stu- 
dies he had acquired a just though 
superficial knowledge of most 
branches of literature; by lon 
practice, he was skilled in the arts 
of teaching; and he laboured with 
assiduous patience to know the cha. 
racter, gain the affe€tion, and open 
the mind of his English pupil. As 
soon as we began to understand 
each other, he gently led me, from 
a blind and undistinguishing love 
of reading, into the path of in. 
struction. I consented with plea. 
sure that a portion of the morning 
hours should be consecrated. to a 
plan of modern history and geo. 
graphy, and to the critical perusal 
of the French and Latin classics ; 
and at each step I felt myself invi- 
gorated by the habits of applica. 
tion and method. His prudence re- 
pressed and dissembled some youth. 
ful sallies; and as soon as I was 
confirmed in the habits of industry 
and temperance he gave the reins 
into my own hands. His favour- 
able report of my behaviour ard 
progress gradually obtained some 
latitude of action and expence ; 
and he wished to alleviate the hard. 
ships of my lodging and entertain- 
ment.» The principles of philoso. 
phy were associated with the ex. 
amples of taste; and by a singular 
chance, the book, as, well as the 
man, which contributed the most 
effectually to my education, hs 
a stronger claim on. my Brande 

Then 


Pe 4 | 
834] 


than on my admiration. Mr. De 


Crousaz, the adversary of Bayle. 


and Popé, is not distinguished by 
- lively fancy or profound refieétion ; 
and even in his owncountry, at the 
end of a few years, his name and 
writings are almost obliterated. 
But his philosophy had been form. 
éd in the school of Locke, his di- 
vinity in that of Limborch and Le 
Clerc ; in along and laborious life, 
several generations of pupils were 
taught to think, and even to write ; 
his lessons rescued the academy of 
Lausanne from Calvinistic preju- 
dice; and he had the rare merit of 
diffusing a more liberal spirit among 
the clergy and people of the Pays 
de Vaud. His system of logic, 
which in the last editions has swel- 
Iced to six tedious and prolix vo- 
kumes, may be praised as a clear 
and methodical abridgement of the 
art of reasoning, from our simple 
ideas to the most complex opera- 
tions of the human understanding. 
This system [I studied, and medi- 
tated, and abstraéted, till I have 
obtained. the free command of an 
universal instrument, which I soon 
resumed to exercise on my catho- 
ke opinions. Pavilliard was not 
unmindful that his first task, his 
most important duty, was toreclaim 
me from the errors of popery. 
‘Che intermixture of sects has rei- 
dered the Swiss clergy acute and 
learned on the topics of contro- 
versy : and] have some of his let- 
ers in which he celebrates the dex- 
terity of his attack, and my gradual 
concessions, after a firm and well. 
managed defence. I was willing, 
and | am now willing, to allow him 
a handsome share of the honour of 
my conversion: yet I must observe, 
that it was principally effected by 
my private reflections ; and I still 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


remember my solitary transport at 
the discovery of a philosophical ar= 
gument against the dottrine of 
transubstantiation ; that the text of 
scripture, which seems to inculcate 
the real presence, is attested only by 
a single sense—our sight ; while the 
real presence itself is disproved by 
three of our senses—the sight, the 
touch, and the taste. The various 
articles of the Romish ereed disap- 
peared like a dteam; and’ aftera 
full convi¢tion, on Christmas-day 
1754, I received the sacrament in 
the church of Levsanne, It was 
here that I suspended my religious 
inquiries, acguiescing with impli- 
cit belief in the tenets and myste- 
ries, which are adopted by the ge- 
neral consent of catholics and pro- 
testants. 

Such, from my afrival at Lau- 
sanne, during the first eighteen or 
twenty mooths { fuly 1753—-March 
175<), were my useful studies, the 
foundation of all my future ims 
provements. But every man who 
rises’ above the common level has 
received two educations: the first 
from his teachers ; the second; more 
personal and important, from him. 
self. He will nor, like the fana- 
tics of the last age, define the mo- 
thent of grace; but he cannot for. 
get the zra of his life, in which his 
mind has expanded to its proper 
form and dimensions. My worthy 
tutor had the good sense and mo- 
desty to discern how far he could 
be useful. As soonas he felt that I 
advanced beyond his speed and 
measure, he wisely left me to my 
genius; and the hours of lesson 
were soon lost in the voluntary la- 
bour of the whole morning, and 
sometimes of the whole day. The 
desire of prolonging my time, gra- 
dually confirmed the salutary i 

° 


CIVA RA CT ERS” 


of early rising; to which I have 
always adhered, with some regard 
to seasons and situations ; but it is 
happy for my eyes and my health, 
that my temperate ardour has never 
been seduced to trespass on the 
hours of the night. During the 
last three years of my residence at 
Lausanne, I may assume the merit 
of serious and solid application; 
but I am tempted to distinguish the 
last eight monihs of the year 1755, 
as the period of the most extraor- 
dinary diligence and rapid progress. 
In my French and Latin transla- 
tions | adopted an excellent me- 
thod, which, from my own suc- 
cess, I would recommend to the 
imitation of students. I chose 
some classic writer, such as Cicero 
and Vertot, aitd most approved for 
purity and elegance of style. I 
translated, fcr instance, an epistle 
of Cicero into French; and after 
throwing it aside, till the words 
and phrases were obliterated from 
my memory, I re-translated my 
French into such Latin as I could 
find; and then compared each sen- 
tence of my imperfect version, with 
the ease, the grace, the propricty of 
the Roman orator. A similar ex. 
periment was made on several pages 
of the Revolutions of Vertot; I 
turned them into Latin, returned 
them after a suflicient interval into 
my own French, and again scruti- 
nized the resemblance and dissimi- 
litude of the copy and the original. 
By degrees I was less ashamed, by 
degrees I was more satisfied with 
myself; and I persevered in the 
practice of these dcuble transla. 
tions, Which filled several books, 
till I had aequired the knowledge 
of both idioms, and the command 
at least of a correct style. This 
useful exercise of writing was ac- 


[335 


companied and succeeded by the 
more: pleasing occupation of read- 
ing the best authors. ‘The peresal 
of the Romanclassics, was at once 
my exercise and reward. Dr. Mid- 
dleton’s History, which I ther ap- 
preciated above its true value, na~ 
turally direéted me to the writings 
of Cicero. The most perfect edi- 
tions, that of Olivet, which may 
adorn the shelves of the rich, that 
of Ernesti, which should lie on the 
table of the learned, were not in 
my power. For the familiar 
epistles I used the text and English 
commentary of bishop Ross: but 
my general edition was thatof Ver- 
bergius, published at Amsterdam in 
two large volumes in folio, with an 
indifferent choice of various notes. I 
read with application and pleasure, 
all the epistles, a// the orations, and 
the most important treatises of rhes 
toric and philosophy ; and as I read, 
I applauded the observation of Quin- 
tillian, thatevery student may judge 
of his own proficiency, by the sa~ 
tisfaétion which he receives from 
the Roman orator. I tasted the 
beauties of language, I breathed 
the spirit of freedom, and I im- 
bibed from his precepts and exam- 
ples the public and private sense of 
aman. Cicero in Latin, and Xe» 
nophon in Greek, are indeed the 
two ancients whom 1 would first 
propose to a liberal scholar; not 
only for the merit of their style and 
sentiments, but for the admirable 
lessons which may be applied al. 
most to every situation of public 
and private life. Cicero’s Epistles 
may in particular afford the models 
of every form of correspondence, 
from the careless effusions of ten. 
derness and friendship, to the well. 
guarded declaration of discreet and 
dignified resentment. After finishs 


ing 


r 


! 


336] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ca 
ing this great author, a library of 
eloquence and reason, I formed a 
more extensive plan of reviewing 
the Latin classics, under the four 
divisions of, 1. historians, 2, poets, 
3- orators, and 4. philosophers, in 
a chronological series, trom the 
days of Plautus and Sallust, to the 
decline of the language and empire 
of Rome; and this plan, in the last 
twenty-seven months of my resi- 
dence at Lausanne (January, 1756 
—April, 1758), I zearly accom- 
plished. Nor was this review, 
however -rapid, either hasty or su- 
perficial. I indulged myself in a 
second “and even a third perusal of 
Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tacitus, 
&c. and studied to imbibe the sense 
and spirit most congenial to my 
own. I never suffered a difficult 
or corrupt passage to escape, till I 
had viewed it in every light of 
which it was susceptible: though 
often: disappointed, I always con- 
sulted the most learned or ingeni- 
ous commentators, Torrentius and 
Dacier on. Horace, Catrou and Ser- 
vius on Virgil, Lipsius on Tacitus, 
Mezeriac on Ovid, &c. and in the 
ardour of my inquiries, I embraced 
a large circle of historical and cri- 
tical erudition. My abstraéts of 
each beok were made in the French 
language: my observatiens often 
branched into particular essays; 
and I can still read, without con- 
tempt, a dissertation of eight folio 
pages on eight lines (287—294) of 
the fourth Georgic ot Virgi!. Mr. 
Deyverdun, my friend, whese name 
will be frequently repeated, had. 
joined with equal zeal, though not 
with equal perseverance, in the 
same undertaking. To him every 
thought, every composition, was 
instantly communicated ; with him 
1 enjoyed the benefits of a tree 


conversation on the topics of our 
common studies. 

But it is scarcely possible for a 
mind endowed with any a¢tive cu- 
riosity to be long conversant with 
the Latin classics, without aspiring: 
to know the Greek originals, whom 
they celebrate as their masters, and 
of whom they so warmly recom. 
mend the study and imitation : 


Pos exemplaria Graca 
aa 
NoPurnd versate manu, versate diurna- 


It was now that I regretted 
the early years which had been 


wasted in sickness or idleness, of | 


mere idle reading; that I con- 
demned the perverse method of our 
schoolmasters; who, by first teach- 
ing the mother language, might 
descend with so much ease and per- 
spicuity to the origin and etymo- 
logy of a derivativeidiom. Inthe 
nineteenth year of my age I deter- 
mined to supply this defect; and 
the lessons of Pavilliard again con- 
tributed to smooth the entrance of 
the way, the Greek alphabet, the 
grammar, and the pronunciation 
according to the French accent. 
At my earnest request we presumed 
to open the Iliad; and 1 had the 
pleasure of beholding, though 
darkly and through a glass, the 
true image of Homer, whom 
had long since admired in an Eng- 
lish dress. After my tutor had left 
me to myself, I worked my way 
through about half the-Iliad, and 
afterwards interpreted sionea largé 
portion.of Xenophon and. Herc- 
dotus, But my ardour, destitute of 
aid and emulation, was gradually 
cooled, and, from the barren task 
of searching words ina lexicon, I 
withdrew. to the free and familiar 
conversation of Virgil and Tacitus. 
Yet in my residence:at Lausanne f 
had laid a solid foundagion, which 
enabled 


20 fo on” 2. 


—s. 


CHARACTERS. 


enabled me, in a more propitious 
season, to prosecute the study of 
Grecian literature. 

From a biind idea of the use- 
fulness of such abstract science, my 
father had been desirous, and even 
pressing, that I should devote some 
time to the mathematics ; nor could 
I refuse to comply with so reason- 
able'a-wish. During iwo winters 
I attended the private lectures of 
monsieur de. Traytorrens, who ex- 
plained the elements of algebra and 
geometry, as far as the conic sec. 
tions of the marquis de |’HOpital, 
and appeared satisfied with my di- 
ligence and improvement. But as 
my childish propensity for numbers 
and. calculatrons was totally ex. 
tinét, I was'content to receive the 
passive impression of my profes. 
sor’s lectures, withour any aGive 
exercise of my own powers. As 
soon as I understood the principles, 
I relinquished for ever the pursuit 
of.the mathematics; nor can I la- 
ment that I desisted, before my 
mind was hardened by the habit of 
rigid demonstration, so destructive 
of the finer feelings of moral evi- 
dence, which must, however, deter. 
mine the actions and opinions of our 
lives. JI listened with more piea- 
sure to the proposal of studying the 
law of nature and nations, which 
was taught in the academy of Lau- 
sunne by Mr. Vicat, a professor of 
some learning and reputation. Bur, 
instead of artevding his public or 
private course, I preferred in my 
closet the Jessens cf his masters, 
and my own reason. Without be- 
ing disgusted by Grotius or Puffen- 
dorf, I studied in their writings the 
duties of a man, the rights of a ci- 
tizen, the theory of justice (it is, 
alas! a theory), and the. laws 6f 

ace or war, which have had some 


Vor. XXXVIII. 


[337 


influence on the practice of modern 
Eorope. My fatigues were alle. 
viated by the good sense of their 
commentator Barbeyrac. Locke’s 
Treatise of Government instructed 
me in the knowledge of whig prine 
ciples, which are rather founded in 
reason than experience ; but my de» 
light was in the frequent perusal 
of Montesquieu, whose energy of 
style, and boldness of hypothesis, 
were powerful to awaken and sti« 
mulate the genius of the age. The 
logic of de Crousaz had prepared 
me to engage with his master Locke; 
and his antagonist Bayle; of whom 
the former may be used as a bridle, 
and the latter applied as a spur, to 
the curiosity of a young philoso-~ 
pher. Accordinz to the nature of 
their respective works, the schools 
of argument and objection, I cares 
fully went through the Essay on 
Human Understanding, and occa= 
sionally consulted the most inte. 
resting articles of the Philosophie 
Distionary. In the infancy of my 
reason I turned over, as an idle 
amusement, the most serious and im= 
portant treatise: inits maturity, the 
most trifling performance could not 
exercise my taste or judgment; and 
more than once I have been led by 
a novel into a deep and instru@tive 
train of thinking. But I cannot 
forbear to mention three particular 
books, since they may have reu 
motely contributed to form’ the 
historian of the Roman empire. 
i. From the Provincial Letters of 
Pascal, which almost every year L 
have perused with new pleasure, I 
learned to manage the weapon o 

grave and temperate irony, even on 
subjects of ecclesiastical solemnity. 
z. Lhe Life of Julian, by the Abbe 
de la Bleterie, first introduced me 
to the man and the times; and I 


Z should 


338] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


should be glad to recover my first 
essay on the truth of the miracle 
which stopped the re-building of 
the Lemple'of Jerusalem. 3. Io 
Giarnone’s Civil History of Na- 
ples, lL observed with a critical eye 
the progress and abuse of sacerdo- 
tal power, and the revolations cf 
Italy in the dsrker ages. This 
various reading, which I rew con- 
duéted with discretion, was digest- 
ed, according to the precept aid 
model of Mr. Locke, into a large 
ecommon-place book; a practice, 
however, which I do not strena- 
ously recommend. ‘Lhe action of 
the pen will doubtless imprint an 
idea on the mind as well as on the 
paper: but I much question whe- 
ther the benefits of this laborious 
method are adequate to the waste 
of-time ; and I must agree with Dr. 
Johnson, (Idler, No. 74,) ‘ that 
what is twice read, is commonly 
better remembered, than what is 
transcribed.’’ 


Account of Solomon Gesner, Author of 
the Death of Abel, Se. 

THIS very pleasing writer was 
born at Zurich, on the 1st of April, 
1730. Inhis youth, little expecta. 
tions could be formed of him, as he 
then displayed none ctf the talents 
for which he was afterwards distin- 
guished, His parents saw nothing 


to afford them much hope, though 


Simlar, a man of some learning, 
assured his father, that the boy had 
talents which, though now hid, 
would sooner or later shew them- 
selves, and elevate him far above 
his school-fellows. As he had 
made so little progress at Zurich, 
he was sent to Berg, and put under 
the care of a clergyman, where re. 
tirement and the picturesque sce- 
nery around him iaid the founda. 


wa 5 


tion for the change of his:charaéter, 
After a two year’s residence at 
Berg, he returned home to his fa- 
ther, who was a bookseller at Zu- 
rich, and whose shop was resorted 
to by such men of genius as were 
then in that city ; here his poetical 
talents in some slight degree dis- 
played themselves, though not in 
such a manner as to. prevent his 
father from sending him to Berlin, 
in the year 1749, to qualify him 
for his own bus‘ness. Here he was 
employed in the business of the 
shop; but he soon became dissatis- 
fied with his mode of life; he 
eloped from his master, and hired a 
chamber for himself. To reduce 
him to order, his parents, accord. 
ing ‘o the usual mode in such cases, 
withheld every supply of money. 
He resolved, however, to be inde- 
pendent; shut himself up in his 
chamber; and, after some weeks, 
went to his friend Hempel, a cele- 
brated artist, whom he requested 
to return with him to his lodgings, 
‘There he shewed his apartments 
covered with fresh landscapes, which 
our poet had painted with sweet 
oil, and by which he hoped ‘to 
make his fortune; The shrugging 
up of the shoulders of his friend 
concluded with an assurance, that 
though his works were not likely 
to be held in high estimation in 
their present state, some expetta- 
tions might be raised from them, 
if he continued the same application 
for ten years. 

Luckily for our young artist his 
parents relented, and he was. per- 
mitted to spend his time as he 
liked at Berlin. Here he formed 
acquaintance with artists and men 
of letters; Krause, Hempel, Ram- 
Rr, Sulzer, were his companions ; 
Ramler was his friend, from the 

. fineness 


CHA-BAC TE RS.” ¢ 


to Zurich, and fired every breast 


‘fineness pf whose ear and taste he 
derived the greatest advantages. 
}With’ much diffidence he presented 
ito. Ramler some of his. composi- 
tions; but every verse and every 
word were criticised, and very few 
could pass through the fiery trial. 
The,Swiss dialect, he found at last, 
hwas' the. obstacle in his way, and 
the .exertions, requisite to satisfy 
the delicacy of a German.ear would 
be excessive.. Ramler advised him 
to clothe his thoughts in harmo- 
nious prose;. this counsel he fol- 
lowed, and the anecdote may be of 
elsein Britain, where many a would. 
be poet is probably hammering at 
a -verse;.which, from the. circum- 
-stanges:of his birth and education, 
he,can never make agreeable to the 
ean of taste. 

From, Berlin, Gessner went to 
Hambeurgh, with letters of recom- 


--mendatien to Hagedorn; but he 


chose to make himself acquafnted 
with, him.at-a coffee-house before 
.thée letters were delivered. A close 
»inumacy. followed, and he had the 
advantages of a literary society 
which Hamburgh at that time af- 
forded. Thence he returned home, 
~withchis taste much refined; and, 
fortunately for him he came back 
when his countrymen were in some 
degree capable of enjoying his -fu- 
(ture works... Had he produced 
-them twenty years before, his 
Daphnis would have been hissed at 
as immoral ; his Abe! would have 
been preached against as propha- 


- mation. 


This period may be called the 
Augustan age ot Germany ; Klop- 
stock, Ramler, Kleist, Gleim, Utz, 
Lessing, Wieland, Rabener, were 
rescuing their country from the sar- 
casms of the great Frederic. Klop- 
stock, paid about this time a visit 


[339 


with poetical ardour. He -had. 
scarce left the place when Wieland 
came, and by both our poet was 
well received. After a few ano- 
nymous compositions, he tried’ his 
genius on a subjeét which was 
started by the accidental perusal 
of the translations of Longus; and 
his Daphnis was improved by the 
remarks of his friend Hirzel, the 
author of the. Rustic Socrates: 
Daphnis appeared first without a 
name in the year 1754; it was fol. 
lowed in 1756, by Inkle and Ya- 
rico ; and Gessner’s reputation was 
spread in the same year, over Ger. 
many and Switzerland, by his Pas. 
torals, a translation of which into 
English, in 1762, was published 
by Dr. Kenrick. His brother poets 
acknowledged the merit of these 
light compositions, as they. were 
pleased to call them; but conceived 
their author to be incapable of form- 
ing a grander plan, or aiming.at the 
dignity of heroic poetry. To these 
critics he soon after opposed his 
Death of Abel. 

In 1762, he collected his poems 
in four volumes; in which wete 
some new pieces that had never be. 
fore made their appearance in pub- 
lic. In 1772, he produced his se. 
cond volyme of pastorals, with some 
letterson landscape painting. These 
met with the most favourable re- 
ception in France, where they were 
translated and imitated ; as. they- 
were also, though with less success 
in Italy and England. 

We shall now consider. Gessner 
as an artist : till his thirtieth year, 
painting was only ,an accidental 
amusement; but at that time ‘he © 
became acquainted with Heideg. 
ger, a man of taste, whose -col- 
lection of paintings. and engrave 


Z2 ings 


340 | 


ings was thus thrown open to him. 
The daughter made: an impression 


‘on him, but the circumstances of 


the lovers were not favourable to an 
-union, till through the activity 
and friendship of the burgomasters 
eHeidegger and Hirzel, he was en- 
abled’ to ‘accomplish his wishes. 
‘The. question then became, how 
the married: couple were to live? 
‘The pen is but a slender depen- 
dence any where, and still less in 
Switzerland.. ‘lke poet hed tco 
-Iuch spirit to be, dependent on 
others; and he determined to pvr- 
_sue the arts no longer as an amuse- 
-menty but asa means of procuring 
a livelihood. 

Painting and. engraving alter- 
‘nately filled that time which was 
not occupied with poetry ;. and in 
these arts, if he did not arrive at 
the greatest eminence, he was dis- 
‘tinguished by that simplicity, that 
-elegance, that singularity, which 
are the characteristics of his poetry. 
His wife was not idle; besides the 
-eare of his house and the education 
of his children, for which no one 
was’ better qualified, the: whole 
-burthen of the shop (for our poet 
was bookseller as well as poet, en- 
-graver, and painter) was laid upon 

her shoulders. 
In his. manners, Gessner was 
chearful, lively, and at times play- 
ful; fond of his wife; fond of his 
-children. He had small preten- 
sions. to. learning, yet he could 
_read the Latin poets in the original ; 
and of the Greek, he preferred the 
- Latin translations to the French. In 
his early years, he led either a |o- 
Llitary life, or confined himself to 
cmen of taste and literature: as he 
-grew older, he accustomed himself 
-to»general conversation; and in his 
- tater years, his house was the centre 


” 
three es 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1706. 


point of the men of the first rank 
for talents or fortune in ‘Zurich, 
Here they met twice a week,:and 
formed a conversaxione of a kind 
seldom, if ever, to be met with in 
great cities, and very rarely in any 
place ; the politics of England de- 
stroy such meetings in London. 
Gessner with his friends enjoyed 
that simplicity of manners which 
makes society agreeable ; and in his 
rural residence, in the summer, 2 
little way out of town, they brought 
back the memory almost of the 
Golden Age. 

He died of an apoplexy on the 


‘ad of March, 1788; leaving a wi- 


dow, three children, and a sister 
behind. His youngest son was 
married to a daughter of his father’s 
friend Wieland, His «fellow citi- 
zens have ereéted a statue in me- 
mory of him on the banks of the 


Limmot, where it meets the 
Sihl. 


Some particulars of the Death of Con. 
dorcet, from Bottiger on Yhe state 
of Letters, Sc. in France. 
AMONG tthe Girondists. pro- 

scribed by Robespierre on the 31st 

of May, Condorcet was the very 
first on the list, and was obliged to 
skulk in the most hidden corners to 
elude the persecutions of the furi- 
ous Jacobins. A lady, to whom 
he was known only by name, be- 
came, at the instance of a common 
friend, his generous protectress ; 
concealing him inher house at Paris, 
at the most imminemst hazard, till 
the latter end of April 17945 when 
the apprehension of general. domi- 
ciliary visits so much increased, and 
the risk of exposing both himself 
and his- patroness became so press- 
ing ou the mind of Condorcet, 


.that. he resolved to quit Paris. 


Without 


CHA RIAC TE 


Without either passport or civic 
card, he contrived under the dis- 
guise of a provengal countrywo- 
man, with a white cap on his 
head, to steal through rhe barriers 


of Paris, and reached the-plains of 
Mont Rouge, in the district of 


Bourg-la-Reine; where he hoped 
to have found an asylum in the 
country-house of 2 gentleman with 
whom he had once been intimate. 
This friend having, unfortunately, 
atthe very time, gone to Paris, 
Condorcet was under the dreadtul 
necessity of wandering about in the 
fields and woods, for three successive 
days and nights, not venturing to 
enter any .inn, unprovided witha 
civic card, Exhausted by hunger, 
fatigue, and anguish, with a wound 
in his foot, he was scarcely able to 
drag himself into a deserted quarry, 
where he purposed to await the re- 
turn of his friend. At length, hav- 
ing advanced towards the road-side, 
Condorcet saw him approach, was 
recognized, and received with open 
arms :—but, as they both feared 
Jest Condorcet’s frequent inquiries 
at his friend’s house should have 
faised suspicions ; and as, at any 
Yate, it was not advisale for them 
to make their entrance together, 
in the day time, they agreed 
that Condorcet should stav in the 
fields till dusk, and then be let in 
by aback door. It was then, how- 
ever, that imprudence threw him 
off his guard. 


The forlorn exile,. 


“ 


after having patiently borne hunger . 


and thirst, for three days. together, 
without so much as ajproaching 
an inn, now finds himself incapa- 
ble of waiting a few hours longer, 
at the end of which all his suf- 
ferings were to subside in. the 
bosom of friendship, Transported 
with this happy prospect, and fore. 


RS. (341 
going all caution, which svemed 
to have become habitual to him, 
he entered an inn at Clamars, and 
called for an ommeilette.. His ate 
tire, his dirty cap and long beard, 
his pale meagre coantenance, and 
the ravenous appetite wich which: 
he devoured the victuals, could 
not fail to excite the curiosity and 
suspicion of the company. A mem- 
ber of the revolutionary committee 
who happened to be present, taking 
it for granted that his woe-begone 
figure couid be no other than some 
runaway from the Bicétre, ad- 
dressed and questioned him whence 
he canie, whether he could pro- 
duce a passport, &c. which in- 
quiries, Condorcet having lost all 
self-command, were so unsatisfac- 
torily answereil, that he was taken 
to the house of the committee 
as a suspected person, Thence, 
having undergone a second inter- 
rogatory, during which he acquit 
ted himself equally ill, he was con- 
duéted to Boerg-la-Reine ; and, as 
he gave very inconsistent answers 
to the questions put to him by the 
municipality, it was, inferred that 
this unknown person must have 
some very important reasons for 
wishing to continue undiscovered. 
Being sent to a temporary confine- 
ment till the matter should be 
clearcd up, on the next morning 
he was found senseiess’ on - the 
ground, without any marks of 
violence on his body ; whence it 
was conjectured that he must have 
poisoned himself. Ind-ed, Con. 
dorcet had, for.sometime past, 
carried about him the most deadly 
poison; and, not long betore his 
fatal. exit, he owned to a friend,- 
that he had more than twenty ‘times 
been tempted to make use of it, 
but was checked by motives of af. 
Z 3 fection 


342 | 


fection for his wife and daughter. 
It-was during his concealment of 
ten months at Paris that he wrote 
his excellent history of the progress 
of human | understanding.—T hus 
perished one of the most illustrious 
of the French literari that the pre- 
sent age had produced. 


Biographical Anecdoies of the Count 
de Buffon, extradied from a Ma- 
nuscript Fourney to Montbart in 
1785, by Herault de Sechelles. 

‘ I beheld -a fine figure noble and 
placid. Notwithstanding he is 78 
years old, one would not attribute 
to ,him ‘above 60 years; and al- 
though he had spent sixteen sleep- 
less nights, in consequence of being 
affliéted with the stone, he looked 
as fresh as a child, and as calm as 
ifin health. “His bust, by Houdon, 
appears to me very like ; although 
the effe& of the black eyes and 
brows is lost. 

- His white hair was accurately 
drest: this was one of his whims, 
and he owns it. He has it papered 

,at night, and curled with irons 
sometimes twice a day, in the morn- 
ing and before supper. He had five 
small curls on each side. His bed- 
gown was a yellow and white stripe, 
flowered with blue. 

* His voice is strong for his age, 
and very pleasant: in~ general, 
when he speaks, his looks are 
fixed on nothing, but roll unguard- 
edly about. His favourite words 
are tout ga and pardien, which recur 
perpetually, His vanity is undis- 
guised and prominent; here are a 
few inctances. 

I told him I read much in his 
works, ‘‘ What are you reading?” 
said he. I answered, the Vues sur 
la Nature, ‘ There’are passages 
of the highest eloquence in’ them :” 
replied'he instantly, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, | 1796. 


His son has ereétéd a monument 


to the father in the gardens: of 
Montbart. It is a simple column, 
near a lofty tower, and it is 
inscribed ° 
Excelsz turri humilis clumna — - 
Parenti suo flius Burron, 1585. 
The™father burst into tears’on 
seeing this monument, ‘and said to 
the young man, ‘* Son, this will do 
you hénour.” 
The son shewed me about ‘the 
grounds. We came to the closet 


in which this great man laboured ; - 


it is in‘a pavillion called the towér 
of Saint Louis, and it is up stairs. 
The entrance is by a green folding 
door. ‘The simplicity of the labo- 
ratory astonishes. The ceiling is 
vaulted, the walls are green, the’ 
floor is in squares: it contains an 
ordinary wooden desk, and an afm 
chair; but not 4 book nor a paper. 
‘This nakedness has its*effe@t. The 
imagination clothes’ “it with the 
splendid pages of Buffon. There 
is another sanétuary in which he 
was wont to compose ; ‘* the cradle 
of natural history,’’ as prince Henry 


called it, whet’ ‘he ‘went thither.: 


It was there that Rousseau pros— 
trated himself and (kissed the’ 
threshold. I ‘hentidnéd this ¢irz 
cumstanceé to Buffon. ‘* Yes,’? said 
he, ‘* Rousseau bowed down to me.’’” 
This cabinet is wainscoted, farnish- 
ed with ‘screens, a sofa, and with 
drawings of birds and beasts. The 
chairs ate covered with black lea. 
ther, and the desk is near the chim. 
ney, and of walnut tree. A trea= 
tise on the loadstone, on which he 
was thenémployedy lay onit. 
His example and His discourse 
cohvince me, that he who passion. 
ately desires glory, is sure in the 
end to obtain it. The’ wish must’ 
not be‘a momentary, ‘but an every 
day erfhotion, Buffon said to me 
on 


CHARACTIERS. 


on this subje& a very striking 
thing—one of those speeches which 
may be the cause 0} a great man 
hereafter; ‘* Genius is only a great- 
er aptitude to pat-evce.’’ Observe, 
that patience must be applied to 
every thing: patience in finding 
out one’s line, patience in resisting 
, the motives that divert, and pa- 
tience ia bearing what would dis. 
courage a common man, 
’ IT will mention some facts of 
Buffon. He would sometimes re- 
turn from the suppers of Paris at 
two in the morning, when he was 
young. A boy was ordered to call 
him at five, however late he re- 
turned: and, in case of his linger- 
ing in bed, to drag him out on the 
floor. He used to work till six at 
night. ‘I had at that time (said 
he) a mistress of whom I was very 
fond: but I would never allow my- 
self to go to her till six, even at 
the risk of finding her gone cut.’’ 
He thus distributes his day. At 
five o’clock he rises, dresses, pow- 
ders, diétates letters, and regulates 
his household matters. At six he 
goes to the foresaid study, which is 
a furlong distant from the house, at 
the extremity of the garden. ‘Lhere 
‘are gates to open and terraces to 
climb by the way. When not en- 
gaged in writing, he paces up and 
down the surrounding” avenues. 
Wo one may intrude on his retreat. 
He often reads over what he has 
written, and then lays it by for a 
time. ‘‘ It is important,’’ said he 
tome, ‘‘ never to be ina hurry: 
review your compositions often, 
-and ‘every time with a fresh eye, 
and you will always find that they 
can be mended.’? When he has 
made many correftions ‘in a:manu- 


Script, he employs an amanuensis, 


-to transcribe it, and then he cor- 


[343 


rets again. He told M, dé S—— 
that the Ep gues de lr Nature were 
written over eighteen times. , He 
is very orderly and exact. ‘¢ T burn 
(said he te me) every thing which 
1 do not intend to use: nota paper 
will be found at my death.” 

I resume the account of his day. 
At nine, breakfast is brought to 
him in the study. It consists of 
two glasses of wine and abit of . 
bread: He writes for about two 
hours after breakfast, and then re- 
turns to the house. He does not 
love to hurry over his dinner; dur. 
ing which he gives vent to all the 
gaicties and trifles which suggest 
themselves while at tabie. He 
loves to talk smuttily; and the ef- 
feét_of his jokes and laughter are 
heightened by the natural serious- 
ness of his age and calmness of his 
chara&ter! but he is often so coarse 
as to compel the ladies to with- 
draw. He talks of himself. with 
pleasure, and like a critic. | He 
said to me, ‘* I learn every day to 
write; in my latter works there is 
infinitely more perfe@tion than? in 
my former. I often have «my 
works read to. me, and this mostly 
pats me uppn some improvement. 
There are, however, passages which 
I cannot improve.’’ In this open- 
ness there is a something interest- 
ing, Original, antique, attra¢tive. 

Speaking of Rousseau, he said, 
«© T loved him much until I read his 
Confessions, and then I ceased to 
esteem him. I cannot fancy the 
spirit of the man; an unusual pio- 
cess happened to me with respect 
to him: after his death I lost. my 
reverence for him.’? » ‘ 

This great man is’ very much of 
a gossip, and, for at least.an hour 
in the day, ‘will make his hair- 
dresser and valets tell all the, scan- 

£4 dal 


344] 


dal of the village. He knows every 
minvte event that surrounds him. 

His confidence is almost wholly 
engrossed by a Mademoiselle Blcs, 
Seau: a woman now forty years 
old, well-made, who has been pret. 
ty, and has lived with him about 
twenty years. She is very attentive 
to him, manages in the house, and 
js hated by the servants. Ma- 
dame de Buffon, who has long been 
dead, could not endure this woman. 
She adored her husbund, and is 
said to have been very jealous 
of him. 

Mademoiselle de Blesseau is not 
the only one who manages Buffon. 
Father Ignatius Prouzut, a capu- 
chin friar, born at Dijon, divides 
her empire. He is, it seems, a 
convenient confessor. Thirty years 
ago the author of the Epogues de la 
Nature sent for him at Easter, and 
confessed to him in the very labo- 
ratory in which he had put to. 
gether his materialism, in which 
Rousseau prostrated himself at the 
threshold. Ignatius told me that 
M. de Buffon, when about to sub- 
mit to this. ceremony, hesitated 
awhile—‘* the effeét of human 
weakness’’—added he—and insisted 
on his valet-de-chambre’s confess- 
ing himself first. This will sur- 
prise at Paris. Yes: Buffon, when 
at Montbart, receives the annual 
communion in his seignora! chapel, 
goes every Sunday to high mass, 
and distributes a Jouis weekly 
amongst different descriptions of 
pious “beggars. M. de Buffon tells 
me that he makes a point of re 
specting religion; that there must 
be a religion for the multitude ; 
that in little places every one is 
observed ; and that we should avoid 
giving offence. ‘ I am persuaded, 
“(said he to me,) that in your 


Le me 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ches you take care to let no. 
thing escape you that should be 
remarked, or excite alarm on this 
head, J have ever had that atten- 
tion in my writings, and have pub. 
lished them separately, that ordi- 
nary men may not catch at the 
connexion of ideas. 1 have always 
named the Creator, but it is only 
putting, mentally, in its place, 
the energy of nature, which re- 
sults from the two great laws of 
attraction and impu'se. When the 
Sorbonne piagued me, I gave all the 
satisfactions which. they solicited : 
*twas a form which I despised, 
but men are silly enough to be 
so satisfied. For the same reason, 
when I fall dangerously ill, I shall 
not hesitate to send for the sacra- 
ments. This is due to the public 
religion. Those who aét otherwise 
aie madmen. ‘The arictation af 
Voltaire, of Diderot, of Helwetius, 
oftcn wounded themselves. The 
Jatter was my friend; he spent 
more than four years at Montbart 
on different occasions. I recom. 
mended more reserve to him. Had 
he attended to me, he would haye 
been better of,’’ 

In faét, this spirit of accom. 
modation answered to M. de Buf. 
jon. His works demonstrate ma- 
terialism; yet they were printed at 
the royal press. 


My early volumes — appeared, 
(said he), at the same time with 
the Spirit of Laws. We were 


teazed by the Sorbonne, both Mon. 
tesquieu and I, and assailed by the 
critics. The president was quite 
furious ; 
swer??’ said he to me, Noting 
at all, president,’’ replied I. 


bloodedness. Aad (oa 
- I was reading to Buffon one even- 


ing 


‘© What shall you an. , 


-He 
could. not. understand such. ‘cold. - 


ee ee ee a 


CHARACTERS. 


ing some verses of Thomas on the 
immortality of the soul. ‘‘ Pardieu, 
{said he), religion would be a no- 
ble present, if all that were true.” 
He criticised these lines severely : 
he is inexorable as to style, and 
does not love poetry. ‘* Never 
write verses, (said he), I could have 
made them as well as others ; but 
I soon abandoned a course in which 
reason marches in fetters: she has 
chains enough already, without 
looking about for new ones.’ 

Buffon willingly quits his Sraunds, 
and walks about the village with his 
son among the peasantry. At these 
times he always appears ina laced” 
coat. Heisasticklerabout dress, and 
scolds his son for wearing a frock- 
coat. I was aware of this, and had 
taken care to arrive in an embroi- 
dered waistcoat 2nd laced clothes. 
My precaution succeeded wonder- 
fully ; he shewed me repeatedly to 
hisson. ‘*There’sa gentleman for 
you!” He loves to be called mon- 
sieur le Comte. 

After having risen from dinner, 
he pays little attention either to 
his family or his guests. He sleeps 
for an hour in his room, then takes 
a walk alone; after. which he wiil 
perhaps come in and convers:, or 
git at his desk and look over papers 
that are brought for his opinion. 
He has lived thus these fifty years. 
To some one who expressed usto- 
nishment at his great reputation, 
he replicd, ‘* Have not I passed 
fifty ycars at my desk ?’’ At nine 
he goes to bed. 

He is at present afflicted with the 
stone, which suspends his employ- 
ments. While I was at his house 
he ‘had acute pains, shut himself 
apin his chamber, would scarcely 
see his son, and not hisrsister. He 
admitted me repeatedly. His hair 
was always drest; and he retained 


[345 


his fine calm look. He complained 
mildly of his ill health, and bore 
his pangs with a smile. He open- 
ed his whole soul to me: made me 
read to him the treatise on the 
Icadstone, and, as he listened, would 
reform the phrases. Sometimes he 
would send for a volume of his 
works, and request me to read alond 
the finer efforts of style; such as 
the soliloquy of the first man, the 
description of an Arabian desert in 
the article « -amel, and a still finer 
picce of painting (in his opinion) 
in the article Kamichi. Sometimes 
he would explain to me his system 
of the formation of the universe, 
the genesis of beings, the internal 
mouids, &c. Sometimes he would 
recite whole pages of his composi- 
tions; tor he knows them aimost 
all by heart. He listens gladly to 
objettions, discusses them, and sur- 
renders to them when his judgment 
is convinced. 

Of natural history and of style 
he loves to taik, especially of the 
latter.’ No one better understands 
the theory cf style, unless it be 
Beccaria, who d:d not possess the 
practice. ‘© The style is the man, 
(said he); our poets have no style; 
they are coerced by the rules of 
metre, which makes slaves » of 
them.”?  ‘* How do you like 
Thomas ??? I asked. ‘* Pretty well, 
(said he), but he is stiff and bloat. 
ed.’?. * And Rousseau??? ‘ His 
style is better: but he has all the 
faults of bad education, interjec- 
tion, exclamation, interrogation for 
ever.” Favour me>with your 
leading ideas on style.”? ** ‘They are 
recorded in my discourse at the aca. 
demy :~—however, .two things form 
style, invention and expression, -In- 
vention depends on patience; contem. 
plate yoursubjeftlong: it will gra- 
dually unrol and unfold—tiila sort of 

' electric 


346] 


ele&tric spark convulses for a mo- 
ment the brain, and spreads down 
to the very heart a glow of irrita- 
tion. Then are come the luxuries 
of genius, the true hours for pro- 
duction and composition—hours so 
delightful, that I have spent twelve 
and fourteen successively at my 
writing-desk, and still been in a 
state of pleasure. It is for this 
gratification, yet more than for 
glory, that I have toiled. Glory 
comes if it can, and mostly does 
come. This pleasure is greater if you 
consult no books: I have never 
consulted authors, till I had nothing 
left to say of my own.”’ 

I asked him what is the best 
method of forming one’s self. He 
answered, ‘¢ Read only the capital 
works, read them repeatedly, and 
read those in every department of 
taste and science; for the framers 
of such works are, as Cicero says, 
kindred-souls, and the views of one 
may always be applied with ad- 
vantage in some very different 
branch by another. ‘Be not afraid 
of the task. Capital works are 
scarce. I know but five great 
geniuses—Newton, Bacon, Leib- 
nitz, Montesquieu, and myself. 
Newton (continued he,) may have 
discovered an important principle, 
but he spent his life in frivolous 
calculations, and was no master of 
style.’”? He thought higher of Leib- 
nitz than of Bacon. He spoke of 
Montesquieu’s genius, but thought 
his style too studied, and wanting 
evolution. ‘* This, however (said 
he), was a natural consequence of 
his frame of body. I knew him 
well; he was almost blind, and 
very impatient. If he had not 
elipt his ideas into short sentences, 
he wou!d have lost: his period be- 
fore the amanuensis. had taken it 
down.”” i 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


He spoke to me of the passion 
for study, and of the happiness 
which it bestows. He told me that 
he had voluntarily secluded him- 
self from society; that at one time 
he courted the company of learned 
men, expeéting to acquire much 
from their conversation, but he had 
discovered that little of value could 
be so gleaned, and that, in order 
to pick up a phrase, an evening was 
ill squandered: that labour was 
become a want to him, and he hoped 
to consecrate to it much of the 
three or four years of life which 
probably remained to him; that 


‘he feared not death—that the hope 


of an immortal renown was the 
most powerful of death-bed con- 
solations. Ad 

He shewed me a letter from 
prince Henry of Prussia, and an- 
other from the empress of Russia, 
with his answers. Over this lofty 
correspondence between power and 
genius, where the latter retained 
its innate ascendancy, I felt my 
soul swell. Glory seemed to assume, 
as it were, a substantial form, and 
to bend down at its feet what the 
world has most exalted.’ 

In a few days, I left this good 
and great man; repeating, as I 
withdrew, two lines of the Oedipus 
of Voltaire: 


L’amitié dun grand homme est un 
bien fait desdieux, 

Fe lisats mon devoir et mon sort 
dans ses peux. ‘ 


Account of A postal Zens, from Burney’s 
Memoirs of Metastasio. 


THE learned poet, critic and an- 
tiquary, Apostolo Zeno, was born in 
1660, and descended from anillustri- 
ous Venetian family, which has been 
long settled in the island of iene 


=—s CEOonre2Zz fs FS 


i. at | UE ea ee oo Se ee oS oe 


a en 


CHARA 


early applied himself to literature; 
d the study of Italian history and 
ntiquities. In 1696, he institut- 
fd at Venice the academy Degli 
‘nimosi, and was the editor of the 
siornale de’ Letterati d’Italia, of 
hich-he published thirty volumes 
tween the year 1710 and 17109. 

is first musicai drama, L’Inganni 

elici, was set by Carlo Fran. Po- 
arolo, and performed at Venice, 
695. And between that time and 
is quitting Vienna, where he was 
nvited by the emperor Charles VI. 
n 1718, he produced forty-six 
peras, and seventeen oratorios, 
sides eighteen dramas, which he 
rote jointly with Pariati. His 
ramatic works were collected and 
wblished at Venice, in 1744, in 
en volumes o¢tavo, by count 
Gozzi. And in 1752, his letters 
were printed in three volumes, by 
Forcellini, in which much sound 
learning and criticism are mani- 
fested on various subjects. But 
one of the most useful of his critical 
labours seems to have been, his 
commentary on the Bibl. deli’ Elo- 
quenza Italiana di Fontanini, which 
was published in 1753; witha pre- 
face by his friend Forcellini, chiefly 
diftated, however, by Zeno him. 
self, just before his death, 1750, 
in the 82d year of his age. 

After he was engaged as Impe- 
rial laureate, he set out from Ve- 
nice for Vienna, in July 1718; 
but having been overturned in a 
chaise, the fourth day of his jour. 
ney, he had the misfortune to 
break his leg, and was confined at 
an inn in the little town of Ponti- 
caba, near Trevisa, till September. 
He arrived at Vienna the 14th of 
that month, salvo, he says, if not 
sano ¢ guerito, after twelve days of 
excessive suffering on the road, 


eta 
_ 


CTERS. [347 

Most of the dramas; sacred and 
secular, which -he wrote for thé 
Imperial court, were set by Cal- 
dara, a grave composer and sound 
harmonist, to whose style Zeno 
seems never to have been partial. 
But this exceiicnt antiquary and 
critic seems never to have been 
satisfied with his own poetical 
abilities. So early as the year 
1722, in writing to his brother 
from Vienna, he says: ‘I find 
more and more every day, that L 
grow old, not only in body, but in 
mind: and that the. business of 
writing verses is no longer a 
fit employment for me.’’? And 
afterwards, modestly sensible of the 
sterility of his possessions in Par- 
nassus, which, though they furnish- 
ed useful productions, were not of 
a soil sufficiently rich to generate 
such gay, delicate, and beautiful 
flowers, as are requisite to embel- 
lish the lyric scene, he expressed a 
wish that he might be allowed a 
partner in his labours; and was so 
just and liberal as to ‘miehtion the 
young Metastasio as a poet worthy 
to be honoured with the notice of 
his Imperial patron. 


Account of the Peasantry of Nuraway, 
from Mary Wollstanecraft's letters, 
during a short residence in Sweden, 
Norway, and Denmark. 


THOUGH the king of Der 


mark be an absolute monarch, yct 


the Norwegians appear to enjoy ait 


the blessings of freedom. Norway 
may be termed a sister kingdom ; 
but the people haye no viceroy to 
lord it over them, and fatten his 
dependants with the: fruit of their 

labour. 
There are only two: counts in the 
whole country, who have, estates, 
and 


348 | 


and exaét some feudal observances 
from their tenantry. All the rest 
of the country is divided into smal! 
farms, which belong to the culti- 
vator. It is true, some few, ap- 
pertaining to the church, are lett ; 
but always on a lease for life, 
generally renewed in favour of 
the eldest son, who has this ad- 
vantage, as wellasa right to a double 
portion of the property. But the 
value of the farm is estimated; and 
after his portion is assigned to him, 
he must be answerable for the resi- 
due to the remaining part of the 
family. 

Every farmer, for ten years, 
is obliged to attend annually about 
twelve days, to learn the military 
exercise; but it is always at a small 
distance from his dwelling, and 
does not lead him into any new 
habits of life. 

There are about six thousand 
regulars also, garrisoned at Christi- 
ana and Fredericshall, which are 
equally reserved, with the militia, 
for the defence of their own coun- 
try. So that when the prince royal 
_ passed into Sweden, in 1788, he 
was obliged to request, not com. 
mand, them to accompany him on 
this expedition. 

These corps are mostly composed 
of the sons of the cottagers, who 
being labourers on the farms, are 
allowed a few acres to cultivate 
for themselves. These men volun- 
tarily enlist; but it is only for a 
limited period (six years), at the 
expiration of which they have the 
liberty of retiring. ‘Whe pay is 
only twopence a day, and bread; 
still, considering the cheapness of 
the country, it is more than six- 
pence in England. 

The distribution of landed pro- 
perty into small farms, produces a 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 17096. 


degree of equality which I ha 
seldom secn cisewhere; 


rich being al! merchants, who are} 


and the}! 


ff 


obliged to divide their personal! 


fortune amongst their children, 
the boys always receiving twice as 
much as the girls, property has 
net a chance of accumulating till 
overzrown wealth destroys the 
balance of liberty. 

You will be surprised to hear me 
talk of liberty: yet the Norwe- 
gians appear to me to be the 
most free community I have ever 
observed. 

The mayor of each town or 
distri@, and the judges in the 


country, ‘exercise an authority al- |* 


most patriarchal. They can do 


much good but little harm, as every: 


individual can appeal from their 
judgment; and as they may always 
be forced to give a reason for their 
conduét, it is generally regulated 
by prudence. * They have not 
time to learn to be tyrants,’ said a 
gentleman to me, with whom I 
discussed the subject. 

The farmers not fearing to be 
turned out of their farms, should 
they displease a man in power; and 
having no vote to be commanded 
at an election for a mock representa- 
tive, are a manly race; for not be- 


ing obliged to submit to any de-- 


basing tenure, in order to live, or 
advance themselves in the world, 
they a&t with an independent 
spirit. I never yet have heard of 
any thing like domineering, or op- 
pression, excepting such as has 
arisen from natural causes. ‘The 
freedom the people enjoy may, 
perhaps, render them a littie ‘litt. 


gious, and subje& them to the im. 


positions of cunning practitioners 
of the law; but the authority of 
office is bounded, and the ‘emolu- 

Ments 


is 


ments of it do not destroy its 
equtility. t 

Last year a man, who had abused 
is power, was ‘cashicred, on the 
representation of the people to the 
bailiff of the district. 
There are four in’ Nerway, who 
might with propriety be termed 
sheriffs ; and, fiom their sentence, 
an appea!, by either party, may be 
made to Copenhagen. 

Near mest of the towns are 
commons, on which the cows of 
all the inhabitants, indiscrimi- 
nately are allowed to graze. ‘The 
poor, to whom a cow is neces- 
sary, are’ almost supported by it. 
Besides, to, render living more 
easy, they all go out to fish in 
their own boats; and fish is their 
principal food. 

The lower class of people in the 
towns are in general sai:ors; and 
the industrious heve usually litte 
ventures of their own, that serve to 


render the winter comfortable. 
er SS III PIE TIE EE NE PT 


Account of the Hosxuauas, a wan- 
dering tribe of Savages. From le 
Vaillaint’s second Fiurncey into the 
Interior of Africa. 
THE-Hoozuana is, of a very 

small stature, and he is a tall man 

among them who reaches five feet 

{five feet four inches English) ; 

but these small bodies, perfectly 

proportion.d, unite with wonder. 
tul strengtn and agility a certain 
air of assurance, boldness and 
pride, which awes the spe¢tator, 
and pleased me infinitely. Of all 
the tribes of savages which I have 
known, none has appeared to me 
endowed with so attive a soul 

‘| and so indefatigable a constitution. 

Their head, though it has the 

principal charatters of that of the 

Hottentot, is yet more rounded at 


CHARACTERS. 


{349 


the chin. They are also much less 
black, and have that leaden hue 
of the Malays which, at the Cape, 
is distinguished by the name 29- 
guined. Their hair, more frizzled, 
is so short, that at first I thought 
them shaved. Their nose is still 
flatter than that of the Hottentot ; 
or rather they have no nose, and the 
organ in them consists of two flat. 
tened nostrils, projecting, at most, 
five or six lines. From this nullity 
of nose it results that the Hoozuana, 
viewed in profile, is ugly, and very 
like a monkey. . Viewed in front 
there appears at the first -glance 
something very extraordinary, the 
forehead seeming to occupy more 
than half of the face. Yet he 
has so much expression, and such 
large and lively eyes, thar not. 
withstanding this singular appear. 
ance, he is agreeable enough te 
the view. 

The heat of the climate freeing 
him from all necessity of clothing, 
he is quite naked during the whole 
year, except a very small jackal. 
skin, tied over his loins by twe 
straps, the ends of which fall on 
his hams. Hazdcned by this con- 
stant habit of nudity, he becomes 
so insensible to the variations of the 
atmosphere, that, when he trans- 
ports himself from. the burning 
sands of the plain to.the snows and 
frosts of the mountains, he seems 
not to feel the cold. \ His hut does 
not resemble that of the Hottentot, 
It is cut vertically in the middle, 
so that one of the Hottentot huts 
would make two of these. In 
their emigrations they ‘suffer the 
kraa]l. (or encampment) . to: remain ; 
in order that, if any horde of theif 
nation should pass that way, they 
might make use of it... On the. 
march, the emigrants haye no othet 

shelter 


350] 


shelter for repose than a.mat sus- 

ended and inclined on two sticks ; 
and they frequently sleep on the 
bare ground, when the projeéticn 
of a rock serves them for shelter. 
If, however, they stop any where 
to sojourn for some time, and find 
materials for the construction of 
their huts, they then build a kraal : 
but at their departure, they leave 
it like all the rest. This custom of 
working for their comrades an- 
nounces a sociable charaéter, and 
benevolent dispositions. In fat, 
they are not only gocd husbands 
and fathers, but excellent asso- 
ciates. In the same kraal, no one 
appropriates any thing to himself, 
but all belongs to all. Wher they 
meet with other bands of the same 
nation, they give them a kind re- 
ception and protection; in short, 
they treat them as brothers, though 
perhaps they have never before seen 
them. 

Naturally active and nimble, the 
Hoozuana makes it, his sport to 
climb the highest mountains and 
peaks; and this disposition was of 
great service to me. ‘The stream on 
which I was encamped had a cop- 
‘pery taste, and a nauseous odour, 
which rendered the water unfit to 
drink. My cattle, accustomed to 
the bad waters of the country, were 
contented with it; but I was afraid 
that my people would be injured by 
it, and would not suffer them to 
make use of it. My Hoozuanas 
hzd no milk for me, since they only 
possessed some poor stolen cows. 
T asked them if they knew of 
any good spring in the neigh- 
bourhood of their kraal, to which 
I could send my people for water ; 
Anstantly, without making any an- 
swer, they fan to their mountains, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


and in less than two hours brought 
all my skins and vessels full of ex. 
cellent water. During all the time 
of my stay on the stream, they ren- 
dered me the same service. “One of 
these journies would have cost a 
Hottentot a whole day. 

When they are on an expedition, 
the want of water does not disquiet 
them, even in the midst of the 
deserts. By a particular art, they 
know how to discover that which 
is concealed in the bowels of the 
earth; and their skill in this point 
is even superior to that of ‘the 
other Africans. Animals in aJike 
case, perceive the water, but it is 
only by the scent; and the emana- 
tions must be brought by a current 
of air; consequently the water 
must be to windward. During my 
abode in the desert in the first jour-. 
ney, my savages had more than 
once shewed the same faculty ; and, 
instru¢ted by them, I had also ac- 
quired it. The Hoozuana, more 
skilful, has need only of a sight. 
He lies on his belly, looks to a 
distance, and if the intermediate 
space contains any subterraneous 
source, he arises and points out the 
place with his finger.. That ethe- 
rial and subtle exhalation, which 
ascends from every current of water 
when not buried too deeply in the 
earth, suffices him for the. disco- 
very. As to lakes and other ex- 
terior deposits formed by the rains, 
they have a sensible. evaporation, 
which points them out to himeven 
when masked by a mound or hil- 
lock. IPf there be running wa- 
ters, such as brooks and rivers, 
their abundant vapours enable him 


to trace all the sinuosities of the 


stream. 
The Hoozuana has no other 
arms 


CHARACTERS. 


arms than a bow and arrow; the 
jatter are very short, and are carried 
on the shoulder in a quiver about 
18 inches long and four in diameter, 
made of the bark of aloe’s wood, 
and covered with the skin of a great 
lizard found in ail the rivers, espe- 
cially on the banks of the Orangeand 
the Fish river. Obliged to main. 
tain a numerous company, and de- 
sirous of making the horde partake 
of my plenty of game, I went 
daily to bunt, and was always at- 
tended by a large number of Hoo- 
zuanas. If I hunted in the moun- 
tains, I climbed the rocks with 
them ; in the plain, I used one of my 
horses ;—but whether it was their 
office to follow me, or to drive 
towards me the zebras and gazelles, 
they were always indefatigable ; 
and at whatevér pace I pat my 
horse I'saw them still at-my side. 
During all the long journey which 
they performed with me, never did 
they belie their chara€ter. In 
many! respeéts they seemed to re- 
semble the Arabs, who, equally 
wanderers, equally brave and pret 
datory, are unchangeably faithful 
in their engagements, and would 
defend to the last drop of blood 
the traveller who purchases their 
services, and- puts himself under 
theic protection, 

Were my project of crossing 
Africa entirety from north to south 
practicable, it couldioniy be with 
these Hoozuaras. I am convinced 
that fifty men of:this sober, brave; 
and. indefatigable nation, would 
have sufficed me to effectuate it; 
and I shall ever regret having 
knewn them too late, and under 
circumstances in which innumerable 
misfortunes had compelled me to 
Fenounce my design,—at least for 
the present. . 


[351 


Account of the Celebration of a Good 
Friday iz Brussels. From Owens 
Travels. . 


Acard_party was formed on Fri- 
day evening, being the Vendredz 
Saint,, the singular objet of which 
induces me ‘to mention ‘it. It 
was held at the*apartments of the 
comtesse de Choiseul; and’ attended 
by most of the fashionable people. 
Agreeably to the law of the as- 
sembly, the gains of the evening 
were to be disposed of, at the dis- 
cretion of the lady of the house, 
in purposes of charity. This isa 
custom of ancient establishment. 

An assembly, of this nature, 
where pleasure and religion are com- 
bined, must give birth to many sin- 
gular impressions. No day in the 
calendar can wear a more gloomy 
face, or excite more devotional sen- 
timents in the breast of a catholic, 
than the dey of the crucifixione 
Every means are employed to excite 
superstitious horror, and recall to 
the mind the memory of that dark- 
ness which enveloped the face of 
the earth. All that breathes the 
air of dissipation must be entire- 
ly banished, and amusement so 
gualifcd by motive, and so chas- 
tised by austerity, as to réceive the 
serious cast of religious exercise. 
To-morrow is, I understand, the 
coticluding day ofthis severe pe- 
nance: consolation will then be 
administered to the consciences of 
the devotees, who will emerge, 
fally acquitted of all past guilt, 
and at liberty to commence a fresh 
account. ‘The streets, parade, and 
promenades, will resume’ their bril. 
liancy: at present, they exhibit a 
striking pi¢ture of spiritual indo. 
lenc?: Superstition has long since 
consecrated this week’ to purposes 


which 


[352 


which are deemed incompatible 
with secular occupation. The days 
being too sacred for Jabowr, and 
too long for devotion, a great part 
of the time is yawned away in list- 
less ennui. 

The-consecratien of days is a 
custom of barbarous origin; and 
the pious enthusiasm of the first 
Christians gave it the sanétion of 
their own observance. The church 
of England, which has hed the 
merit of restoring to society the 
days and. weeks hailowed by bigor- 
ry, still retains some few, which 
she refuses to secularize, and which 
serve, like the ancient hangings im 
a modernized mansion, to mark 
the dare of the edifice, and perre- 
tuate the taste of those who under- 
took its reform. It is plain, the 
contract between priest and people 
in those regions of superstition, is 
very much in favour of the former, 
though equally to the satisfa@ion 
of each, The latter surrender 
without relu€tance the fruits of 
their labour to the use of the for- 
mer, who/only engage for an unde: 
fined retribution—a bright rever- 
sicn in. the sky—at some future 
znd.distant pericd. 


OR ras ee SCRE eR 0 | eee gene 
Account of the alteration produced by 


the French Revolution at Stras- 
burgh. From the same. 


The generat complaint at Stras- 
burgh was want of money. No- 
thing is to be found in circulation 
but paper and copper. ‘* Tout 
iroit bien,”’ said an old man, ‘¢ si 
‘on avoit de H’argent.’’ Ar all the 
shops, the greatest apprehensions 
are entertained of being paid for 
their merchandizein paper. This, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


amongst eachother, they are obliged 
to admit; but in theif intercourse 
with strangers, they struggle very 
hard for specie. 

I turned into the shop of a mar- 
chande de modes to purchase some 
articles. The bargain was struck, 
the several particulars wrapped up, 
and I was searching in my, pocker 
for the mcney; when observing 
me draw out some paper by acci-+ 
dent, she laid immediate hold upon 
the packet ] had purchased, and 
demanded with haste, ‘* Allez- 
yous me payer en papier, mon- 
sieur 22? oit©Si faity?? said 1. :¢¢ bh 
bien donc,’’ replied she, ‘* je gar- 
derai ma marchandise.”? I soon 
relieved her of the anxiety she felt, 
and brought a glow upon her 
cheek, by counting out upon the 
table the sum agreed. This is in- 
deed the greatest—I had almost 
said the only—grievance that I 
have discovered among them ; and 
they scruple not to prediét that 
the very favourable sale of the na- 
tional domains will raise the credit 
of their paper, and give them as 
much moncy as they have liberty. 

I must assure you, that I found 
the state of the people in this part 
of France very different from 
what it had been represented. At 
Manheim and Worms, reports pre- 
vailed of the most serious tumults 
now reigning in France; and we 
were more than once cautioned 
against trusting ourselves amongst a 
canaille, who would hang us up 
at the lamp-post for a word or a 
look. This statement has so little 
connexion with truth, that every 
thing passes with the utmost order ; 
and, so far as Lcan judge from ob- 
servation and report, freedom of 
remark encounters less danger here 
than at the court of . Manheim. 

Nothing 


C HiAPRIME TE RS, 


Nothing could surpass. the..strtt- 
ness. which prevailed in every quar- 
ter where the fugitive nobility 
are received; and if I might draw 
conclusions respecting the country 
at large from what I see around 
me, restraint of opinion is exiled 
with those. who owed to its exist- 
ence their guilty pre-eminence, 

The day. after our arrival was 
rendered festive by a new enrol- 
ment of national guards, This was 
formed out of the citizens above 
the age of eighteen years, and 
was. effe&ted without the least 
symptom of disorder. Beside the 
guard thus regularly embodied, 
the citizens are seen every even- 
ing in different parts of the town, 
learning, against an emergency, 
the use of arms... It certainly is 
animating to read, in a thousand 
conspicuous places, proclamations 
setting forth the right of private 
judgment;. allowing to every man 
the free exercise of his opinion in 
matters of religion; and establish- 
ing to each individual the liberty 
of adopting that mode of worship 
he best approves. 

This would, however, be nuga- 
tory and. ridiculous, were the 
slightest encouragement given to 
contumacy and disorder. ‘ihis has 
been said out of the country ; but 
the contrary has appeared wherever 
I have inquired. J read upon. the 
door of the cathedral at Strasburg 
an advertisement, which stated, 
«© That a young man having be- 
haved improperly in the cathedral 
during the performance of divine 
service; and, after admonition 
from the centinel, persisted in a 
conduct unbecoming the solemnity 
of the place and occasion, was, by 
the officers of the police, sentenced 
to imprisonment. for this insult of. 

Vou, XXXVIII, 


[353 


fered to religious worship.’’ ‘This 
accords but ili with a toleration of 
disorder. 


Accsuxt of the Public Eating house? 
at Vienna. From the same. ° 


IN all these houses the custom /s, 
to give every man his portion s?- 
parate;. insomuch that though 
numbers dine at the same table, 
they seldom dine in common. In 
almost all the dining-houses here, 
a bill of fare, containing a vast 
collection of dishes, is written out, 
and the prices affixed to each ars 
ticle. As the people of Vienna eat 
of variety, the ealculation at the 
conclusion of the repast would ap. 
pear somewhat embarrassing ; this, 
however, is done by mechanical 
habit with great speed. The cus. 
tom is, for the party who has dined 
to name the dishes, his quantit 
of bread and wine. The keiler, 
who attends on this occasion, fol- 
lows every article you name, with 
the sum which this adds to the 


calculation; and the whole is per. 


formed, to whatever amount, with. 

out ink or paper, It is curious to 

hear this ceremony, which is mute 
tered with great gravity, yet per. 

formed with accuracy and dispatch, 

Tt is inconceivable how numerous 

these houses are in Vienna, to 

which we have in England nothing 

that corresponds exactly. There is 

something remarkably pleasant in 

this mode of living. An evening 

seldom passes in these houses with. 

out music, and the German dances 

have an air of vivacity and cheer. . 
fulness superior to all others, 

I have been often regaled by a 
strolling band at one of these 
houses; where, deeming myself 
totally unknown, I was accustomed 

Aa to 


Uy 


851] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


to pass an evening hour. I usually 
entered’ them, wrapped in my cloak, 
and took my seat in a corner of the 
room, where I might register what 
passed without attraéting notice. 
A principal part of my amusement 
arose from the warm ‘debates of 
some worthy citizens, who, having 
dispatched the business of the day, 
were relaxing their minds with a 
little politics. I was diverted to 
hear these great personages regu- 
lating the affairs of empires—lead- 
ing the combined armies into the 
heart of France, by a shorter cut 
than the Duke of Brunswick had 
taken—making the rebels own 
their lawful king, and receive their 
€xpatriated princes, I had re- 
marked every night that I fre. 
quented one house, a little man of 
uncouth figure, and unpropitious 
hysiognomy ; and had observed 
him constantly twirling a large key 
over his finger, whenever he en- 
tered into conversation, and strik- 
ing this forcibly against the table, 
when he wished to establish his 
argument or silence his adversary. 
J was astonished to find so much 
wit and pleasantry in his discourse. 
He rallied with much vivacity all 
nations, and all governments—but 
his own. He thought that France 
and Switzerland, which boasted of 
‘the purest constitutions, had Tess 
liberty than the Austrians; whose 
Constitution of government he 
‘owned was the worst, ‘! In Swit. 
zerland,’’ said he, ‘* a man cannot 
speak his sentiments without ha- 
‘zard of imprisonment, nor in 
‘France without the danger of de- 
capitation ; while in Vienna a man 
‘may indulge himself in all freedom 
of remark, and runs no risk, till he 
Jends his aid to plots, cabals, and 
€onspiracies,”? 


There are, however, discontents 
at Vienna’; and, were there all 
that freedom of speech on which 
the orator insisted, the ooffee-houses 
would resound with the complaints 
and remonstrances’ of the people: 
On the various topics he ran over, 
he expressed himself with great 
vehemence, took much snuff, and 
smote frequently with his key. 
Some intelligence which I picked 
up from the house has aéquainted 
me, that he has lately married a 
very pretty woman; and that every 
evening when he leaves her, he 
locks the door, and pockets thé 
key. I will make no apology for 
these colorings after nature—how- 
ever remote from the splendid 
scenes of life: my fortune has at 
present thrown me into those walks 
of society, where higher incidents 
cannot occur. © 


The Life and Writings of the Abbé 
Barthelemy: by the Duke de Nis 
Uernsgts. a 
John James Barthelemy was 

born January 20, 1716, at Cassis, a 

small sea-port in Provence, situated 

between Toulon and'- Marseilles ; 
his family had long been establish- 
ed at Aubagne, a pleasant town in 
that neighbourhood, where they 
were much respected ; his mother, 

Magdalen Rastit, was the daugh- 

ter of a merchant at Cassis; he lost. 

her at four years of ages At 12, 

his father sent him to school at 

Marseilles, where he made some 

progress in his studies under the 

Pére Renaud, at the college of the 

Oratoire; but, being destined for 

the church, and M., de Be!zunce, 

the bishop of Marseilles, obje@ting 
to admit the students of that se- 
minary into orders, he was remov- 


at 


CHARACTERS: 


ed with regret to the college of the 
Jesuits: there ‘he fell into bad 
hands, and was therefore happily 
induced to form a plan of study for 
himself, independent of the pro- 
fessors of the college, and devoted 
himself to the study of the ancient 
languages, the Greek, Hebrew, 
Syriac, and Chaldean, with so great 
ardour, that it nearly cost him his 
life ; nor did he recover his health 
till the period of his entering the 
seminaay in which he received the 
tonsure. There he became inti- 
mately acquainted with a young 
Maronite, who had been educated 
at Rome, and now resided with 
his uncle, a Turkish merchant, at 
Marseilles, from whom he acquired 
a fundamental knowledge of the 
Arabic language, and learned to 
speak it with facility, By the re- 
‘commendation of this young man, 
he got by heart several Arabic ser- 
mons, which he preached to a con- 
‘gregatiou of Arabian and Arme- 
-nian Catholics, who did not un- 
derstand the French language. 
After he had finished his academic 
studies, Barthelemy retired to Au- 
bagne, where he resided some time, 
often paying visits at Marseilles to 
those learned academicians with 
whom a similarity of literary pur-. 
‘suits had naturally conne¢ted him ; a- 
mong the rest with M. Cary, agreat 
colleétor of medals, and with Pére 
‘Sigaloux, of the convent of Minims, 
with whom he studied astronomy. 
In 1744, he went to Paris with 
a letter of recommendation to M. 
de Boze, keeper of the cabinet of 
medals, and secretary of the acade- 
my of Inscriptions and Belles Let- 
tres ; by whom he was very kindly 
received, and introduced to the most 
distinguished members of the aca- 
demy. The age and infirmities of 
M. de Boze calling for some assist. 


[355 


ance in his laborious occupation, 
he pitched upon Barthelemy for an 
associate in the care and arrange- 
ment of the cabinet; and his ap- 
pointment was confirmed by M. 
de Maurepas, minister of that de- 
partment. Barthelemy jost no time 
in arranging in perfect order the 
large and valuable collection of 
M. D’Etrées and the Abbé de Ro. 
thelin; which lay in contused heaps 
in boxes. These he separated, 
compared, and described in a sup- 
plementary catalogue. While he 
was thus occupied in a manner 
so congenial to his taste and his 
talents, he was . apprehensive 
he should be drawn off from 


‘these pursuits to enter on a very 


different career. His friend and 
countryman, M. de Bausset, had 
engaged to promote him in tho 
church; and, being now bishop of 
Beziers, invited him to accept the 
office of his vicar-general. Barthes 
lemy, having promised to foliow the 


-fortunes of his friend, had no inten- 


tion of retracting his engagement ; 
bur, wishing to be released frora 
it, and to be left at liberty to fol. 
low his favourite studies, he sub- 
mitted himself entirely to the de- 
cision of the worthy prelate, who 
had too much good sense, and too 
warm an affection for his iriend, 
not to comply with his wishes. 

In 1747,°0n the death of M. 
Burette, he was elected associate of 
the academy of inscriptions, M. le 
Beau having very handsomely’ de- 
clined in his favour: and when M. 
de Bougainville resigned the office 
of secretary, and recommended 
Barthelemy to M. D’Argenson as 
his successor, Barthelemy, with 
equal generosity, yielded to M. le 
Beau, to whom he afterwards suc- 
ceeded ; and his annual labours in 
that office were in no degree check- 

Aaz ed 


356]. 
ved by the daily and laborious oc- 


cupations, in which he was en- 
gaged in the cabinet of Medals, 
and in which he displayed mech 
critical acumen and profound eru- 
‘dition. 

In 1753, on the death of M. de 
Boze, with whom he had | been 
associated for seven- years, he was 
smede keeper of the 
Medals, to which office he was pro- 
.moted, notwithstanding some op- 
position, by the zeal of his aliustri- 
ous friends, M. de Malesherbes, 
M. de Stainville, afterwards mini- 
ster ard Duc de Choiseul, and M. 
de Gontacq, brother to the last 
Maréchal de Biron, 

In.1754, M..de Stainville,- be- 
ing appointed ambassador at Rome, 
invited Barthelemy to accompany 


him to Italy ; an offer which his: 
y3 


duty and avocations would not 
permit him to aecept.. In the 
year 17555 however, he was. ena- 
bled to take this journey with his 
friend M. de Cotte; and his re- 
sidence in Italy was ‘made particus 
larly agreeable by the continuance 
of M. de Stainville, who introduced 
him to the amiable and celebrated 
Pope Benediét X1V. At Naples 
he became acquainted with Ma- 
zocchi, who was then occupied in 
the task of unfolding the numerous 
ancient MSS, that had been found 
jn Herculaneum. Mazocchi had 
decyphered two or three, which 
containing matter of ‘ittle impor- 
tance, the work was on the point 
of being abandoned at that time 
-but for the zealous encouragement 
of Barthelemy, who, if the Mar- 
qu's Carraciola, then minister at 
Nap! es, and who had the matter 
much at heart, had lived, would 
certainly have been the means of 
the work’s going oa with ardour 


and effect. Asa proof of Barthe. 


cabinet) of 
and cerreéting, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


lemy’s retentive powers; having 
applied in vain for the liberty to 
copy one of these manuscripts, in 
order to send a -fac simile of the 
ancient writing to the learned in 
France, and, being only. suffered 
to examine it, he read it over at. 
tentively five or six times, and, 
suddenly leaving the apartment, 
copied the fragment from miemory, 
when~ he came 
back, some slight errors, he sent 
it the same day to the academy of 
Belles Lettres; enjoining secrecy, 
however, that no blame might at. 
tach ‘to. Mazocchi., At Rome he 
had the pleasure and honour to 


give anew and satisiactory expla- 
enation of the beautiful Mosaic of 


Palestina, which is printed in the 


_thirgeenth volume of the academy 


of anscriptions. 
wai. de Stainville, on his return 
to Paris in 1757, being named to 
the embassy of Vienna, Barthelemy 
joined him there with Madame de 
Stainville, who .had remained be- 
hind at: Rome: and a very flatter. 
ing offer was then made him to 
undertake a voyage to Greece, and 
up the Levant, at the king’s ex. 
pence ; but he declingd it, as in- 
compatible with the duties of -his 
office, 

In 1758, M. de ‘Stainville, then 
Duc da Choiseul, having succeed- 


ed to the ministry in the room of — 


Cardinal de Bernis, he determined 
to provide for Barthelemy ; which 
he accordingly did, by granting 
him successively pensions on. the 


arehbishoprick of Abby, and upon — 


the treasury of St. Martin of Tours, 
and finally, the place of secretary- 
general of the Swiss; besides which, 
he enjoyed a pension of 5000 lites 
on the Mercure. 

In 17715 M. de Choisevl was 
displaced in the ministry by M. 


D’ Aiguillon, 


CH AIRAO T E B'S: 


D’ Aiguillon, and banished to Chan- 
teloup, where Barthelemy did not 
hesitate to follow him; and, when 
that minister was compelled to re- 
sign his office of general of the 
Swiss, he would have given up the 
place of secretary ._ immediately, 


_ had not. M, de Choiseul prevailed - 


upon him to retain it until he 
could obtain, an indémnity for 
it. He went therefore to Paris, 
and offered the surrender of -his 
brevet to the Comte D’Affry, who 
refused to accept it; and, with 
many other considerable persons 
‘about the court, shewed 2 great 
inclination to protect Barthelemy if. 
he would consent to give up: his 
patron. This he positively refused 
to do, upon which M. D’Affry, 
much to his honour, terminated 
the business by accepting his resig-_ 
nation, and granting. him 10,000 
livres out of the annual profits of 
the place; and Barthelemy set off 
the next day for Chanteloup.. He 
Was now in possession of 35,000 
livres per annum, 10,090 of which 
he distributed annually to men of 
letters in distress, and enjoyed the 
remainder in a manner becoming 
a philosopher. He educated and 
established in the world three ne- 
phews; he assisted what remained 
of his family in Provence; and he 
colje€ted a numerous and well- 
chosen library, which he sold 
some years before his death, By 
the suppression of his places and 
appointments, he was, at the close 
of his life, reduced to great dif. 
ficulties; but was never known to 
complain ; ; and might be seen daily 
traversing Paris on foot, 
double with age and infirmity, 
and paying his accustomed visits 
to his respectable friend Madame 
de Choiseui. In the sth vo- 
lyme, p. 136, and in the 7th 


bent. 


[357 


volume, p. 74, of the ofavo edition 
of pee Sele he has drawn tht 
charaGters of the Duke and Duchess 
de Choiseul under the names of 
Phédime.and Arsame. 

In 1789, he was urged to accept 
the vacant seat in the French aca- 
demy ; and, though,he. had several 
times before declined :it from pru- 
dence and modesty, he at length 
yielded to the pressing. solicitation 
of his friends, and took his place 
where his reputation had gone be- 
fore him, his voyage of -Anacharsis 
having been published in the pre- 
ceding year. Of this incomparable 
work, replete with taste and erudi- 
tion, it-is unnecessary to say more - 
than:that it is in the hands of all 
the world,-and that it will be‘read 
again and again with unceasing de- 
light and instruction. 

ai 1790, -on the resignation of 
M. le Noir, librarian to the king,: 
that honourable post was offered to 
Barthelemy by M. de St. Priest. 
He deelined it, hov wever, being un- 
willing to engage in the detail of 
an employment that would obstruct - 
his other literary pursuits, especially 
as he was now occupied in pre. 
paring for the press a work he 
had long meditated, namely, an 
exact description, and ~catahgue 
raisonnée of the rich cabinet which 
had been so long under his care 
and inspeétion. In this favourite 
proje&, however, he was defeated _ 
by the peculiar circumstances of the 
times, 

From the year 1792, there was a 
visible change in his constitution, 
and he became subject to: fainting 
fits, which deprived him of his 
senses for many hours together. 
He was then 78 years of age, 60 of, 
which he had’ spent in laborious: 
occupations, , 

On the goth of August, 17935 

Aa3 he 


358] 


he with his nephew, and six other 
persons belonging to the public li- 
brary, were denounced, under pre- 
tence of aristocracy, by persons he 
had never seen or known./ Being 
then at Madame de Choiseul’s, he 
was removed from her house, and 
conduéted to the prison called Les 
Magdelonettes. Though, from his 
great age and bodily infirmities, he 
was sensible he could not Jong sur- 
vive the severity of confinement, 
still he submitted to his fate with 
. that calmness.and serenity of mind 
which conscious innocence can 
alone inspire. So great was the 
general estimation of bis worth and 
charatter, that he was met at the 
ptison gates by all the prisoners, 
who vied with each other in testi- 
monies of affection and respect ; 
and, in justice-to the jailor, Vau- 
bertrand, it must be admitted, that 
he shewed him every humane: at- 
tention and regard. A_ separate 
chamber was allotted to him and 
his nephew ; where they received, 
on. the evening of their imprison- 
ment, an early visit from Madame 
de. Choiseul, - Such was her’ sen- 
sibility and friendship for Barthe- 
lemy upon this cccasion, that she, 
with others of his zealous friends, 
lost no time in going to the com- 
mittees of government to convince 
them of the innocence and purity 
of the Abbe’s conduct. They 
hastened to rectify the mistake, 
and declared they had no inten- 
tion of includ’ng this worthy man 
in the general order of arrest of all 
persons employed in the public li- 
brary ; and they immediately gave 
dire€tions for his release; in con- 
sequence of which he was before 
midnight carried back ftom prison 
to the house of Madame de Choi- 
seul, whence he had been taken 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1706. 


the same morning, In farther tes. 
timony of his virtues and talents, 
and to compensate in some degree 
‘for the insult offered to both, by 
the momentary suspicion and im. 
prisonment which he had sustain- 
ed, in the O@ober following the 
office of principal librarian being 
vacant by the death of Carra, and. 
the resignation of Chamfort, it was 
offered to him in the most flat- 
tering manner ; but he chose to de- 
cline it on account of his age and 
infirmities. These last increased 
visibly; and, about the beginning 
of 1795; being then in his 8oth 
year, his ‘end rapidly approached, 
and was probably hastened. by the 
extreme severity’ of the season. 
He died on the 3oth of April, with 
little corporal suffering, preserving 
his senses so entirely to the last, 
that he was reading Horace two 
hours before his death, ‘and was 
probably unconscious of its ap- 
proach. 

His figure was tall, and of good 
proportion; and the structure of 
his frame seemed well adapted to 
support the vigorous exertions of 
his mind. Houdon has finished an 
excellent bust of this ornament of 
his age andcountry. His relations 
cherish his memory with filial pie- 
ty : his friends feel his irreparable 
loss with constant regret ; to the 
learned he has left a model of imi- 
tation, and to all mankind a use~ 
ful example. 

The following is a list of his 
works : 

1. Travels of Anacharsis in 
Greece, in the middle of the! 4th 
century before the Christian era, 4 
vols. 4to. 7 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1788; 
with a volume of maps, memoirsand 
descriptions, inserted in the collec- 
tion of the ag ered of Inscriptions. 

_2e 


CHARACTERS. 


4. On the Paétolus, vol. xxi. 
p- 19. 

3- Remarks on the Medal of 
Xerxes, ibid. 404. 

4. On the Inscription of Amydz, 
vol. xxiii. p. 394. 

5. Essay towards a Numismatic 
Paleography, vol. xxiv. p. 30. 

6. Dissertation on the two Sa- 
maritan Medals of Antigonus, King 
of Judea, ibid. p. 49. 

7+ Remarks on Medals published 
by several auchors, vol. xxi. p.532- 
_ 8.. Dissertation en the Arabian 
Medals, ibid. p. 557. 

_g. Refiections on the Alphabet 
and Language of Palmyra, ibid. 
P+.577+ ; 

_1o. Memoirs on the Monuments 
of Rome, vol. xxili. p. 579. 

_ it. Reflections on some Phosni- 
cian Monuments, vol. 30, p. 405. 

42. Explanation of the Palestine 
Mosaic, ib. p. 503. 

13. General Reflections on the 
Affinity of the Egyptian, Pheenician 
and Grecian Languages, vol. xxxii. 
Pp. 212. 

14. Remarks on Medals pub. 
lished by different authors, ib. 
p- 671. 

_ 45. Explanation of an Egyptian 
Bas-relief, and of the Pheenician In- 
scription which accompanies it, ib. 


P- 725. 

16. Remarks on the Number of 
Pieces which were represented in 
the same Day on the Theatre of 
Athens, vol. xxxix. p.172. 

17. Remarks on the Medals. of 
the Emperor Antonius, vol, xli. 
Pp. 501. 

18. Letters to the Authors of 
the Journal de Scavans: on Phos- 
nician Medals and Inseriptions, in 
vol, August, 1760, 4to. p. 495 ; 
Dec, 1761, p. 871 ; Sept. and Nov. 
1763, on Samaritan Medals, April, 
4790. He wrote also many at. 


[359 
ticles in the Collefion of Anti. 
quities, by the Count de Caylus, 
in the Journdl des Scavans for 
April, 1754, and June; 1760. He 
made the extraéts of the Ruins of 
Balbec and Palmyra. He wrote. 
for.M. Bertin a Memoir on the 
Mexican Paintings; which was 
lost. He intended to have pub- 
lished a colleétioti of all his Dissera 
tations, with alterations and ad- 
ditions ; which his nephew hopes 
one day ot Gther to accomplish. 


CharaGer of Erasmus, from Mr. 
Gibbon’s Posthumous Work}, pubs 
lished by Lord Sheffield. 


IF we consider the character of 
Erasmus, we shall be immediately 
struck with hisextensive erudition 3 
and that heightened by two cir~ 
cumstances, ; A 

First, that he was scarcely ever 
fixed six months ina place (except. 
ing at Basil ;) that to this wander- 
ing life, which deprived him both 
of, books and leisure, must be’ 
added, a continued bad state of 
health, and the constait avocation 
of a vast correspondence. Seconds 
ly, that his learning was all real, 
and founded on the accurate peru. 
sal of the ancient authors, The 
numerous editions. he — published 
sufficiently evince it; and besides, 
those conveniént compilations... of 
all sorts;. where a modern author 
can learn to be a profound scholar, 
at a very small expence, did not 
then exist; every thing was to be 
sought for in the originals them. 
selyes, But besides this learning, 
which was common to many, Erase 
mus possessed a genius, without 
which no writer will ever descend 
to posterity ; a genius which could 
sce through the vainsubtleties of the 

Amp co ashools, 


360] 


schools, revive the laws of criti- 
cism, treat every subject with elo. 
quence and delicacy ; sometimes 
emulate the ancients, often imitate 
them, and never copy them. As to 
his morals, they had the poor merit 
of being ‘tegular. Inthe nobler part 
of his charaéter 1 find him 
very deficient, A parasite of. all 
the great men of his time, he was 
neither ashamed to magnify their 
charaéiers by the lowest adulation, 
nor to debase his own by the most 
impudent solicitations, to obtain 
presents which very often he did 
net want. ‘The adventure of Ep- 
pendorf is another proof how much 
dearer his money was to him than 
his character, Notwithstanding 
these faults, never man enjoyed a 
greater personal consideration. All 
the scholars, and all the princes of 
Europe, looked upon him as an 
eracie. Even Charies the Fifth and 
Francis the First agreed ‘in this. 
If, we inquire why. this happened 
to him rather than to some other 
great men of a merit equal, and 
perhaps superior to Erasmus, we 
roust say that it was owing to the 
time when he hved; when the 
world, awaking from ‘ sleep of a 
thousand years, all orders of men 
applied themselves to letters with 
an enthusiasm which produced in 
them the highest esteem and vene- 
ration for one of their principal 
restorers. Besides, as the general 
attention, from piety, from curio- 
sity, from vanity, and from in- 
terest, was diregted towards the re- 
ligious disputes, .a great divine 
was the fashionable charatter, and 
all parties endeavoured to attract 
or to preserve him. © But to which 
of those parties did. Erasmus ad- 
here ? His writings, and even his 
condut, were olten equivocal, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


The catholics claim him, though 
they acknowledge that he was of- 
ten indiscreet. Le Clerc challenges 
him for the Protestants, though he 
blames him for not professing what 
he knew to have been the truth; 
and attributes his reserve solely to 
timidity and self-interest. Eras- 
mus has certainly exposed all the 
grosser superstitions of the Romish 
worship to the ridicule of the pub. 
lic; and had his free opinion been 
taken, I believe he was a’protestant 
upon most of the contested points. 
But many other motives might re- 
strain him froma declaration. - He 
was always persuaded, that any 
speculative truths were dearly pur- 
chased at the expence of practical 
virtue and public peace.» Besides, 
many considerations might make 
him balance as‘to those truths ; 
prejudices of education, the au- 
thority of the fathers,-and a na- 
tural inclination to scepticism. - 
Add to this, that really disapprov- 
ing many things in the protestant 
communion, though more: in the 
Romish, by remaining in the loose 
situation of a man who was un. 
willing to quit the religion of his 
ancestors, he could blame many 
things in it with freedom ; where- 
as, had he deserted it, he must 
either have set up a standard him- 
self, or else have enlisted blindly 
under that of Luther or Acolam. 
padius. It is surprizing that Eras- 
mus, who could see through much 
more plausible fables, believed 
firmly in witchcraft. : 


Anecdotes of the late Dr. Fames Fordyce. 
Fromm the European Magazine. 
THIS gentleman was one of the 


twenty children, by one wife, of 


Provost Fordyce, of Aberdeen. He 
received his education at the Maz 
rischal 


CHARACTERS. 


tischal College of that place, and 
early devoted himself to the mini- 
stry. His first preferment, at least 
that we know of, was to be mini- 
ster at Brechin, where he officiated 
asearly as the year 1752. He soon 
after became minister of Alloa, 
where he remained until about the 
_year1760. At that period he came 
to London, and proposed himself as 
a candidate for a vacancy at the 
meeting at Carter’s-lxne, in which 
he was unsuccessful. On this occasi- 
onit was objected tohimas strangely 
inconsistent, for any person who 
had subseribed the arvicles of the 
Scotch confession of faith, to offer 
himself in the character of a mini- 
ster to a dissenting congregation 
which had so very different a creed. 
This obje€tion, however, was not 
sufticiently powerful to prevent his 
being chosen as coadjutor to Dr. 
Lawrence, to the- Pastorship at 
Monkwell-street, where Itc con- 
tinued to preach to crowded au- 
diences, for a great number of 
years. In that year he was ho- 
noured by the university of Glas- 
gow with the degree of Dottor of 
Divinity. In May 1771, he mar- 
ried Miss Henrietta) Cummyng, 
and in 1.775 was involved in a dis- 
pute with his coadjutor, the Rev. 
Yhomas Toller, son-in-law of Dr. 
Lawrence, at first, as it appears, 
in the letters published on the oc- 
casion, on account of the omission 
of some ceremonials of politeness, 
which, by want ‘of mutual conces- 
sions increased, until ‘the breach 
became too wide to be healed. 
On this occasion Dr. Fordyce took 
a step which was not universally 
approved of by his brethren the 
dissenters; he engaged to do the 
duty both of Mr. Toller and him- 
self, and caused the former to be 


[361 


ejeted, without any charge against 
him (for he was a man of? irre. 
proachable character), from his 
office in the meeting. From this 
period, if we are not misinformed, - 
the meeting itself was less attended 
than before, and on Dr. Fordyce’s 
feeling the infirmities of age grow- 
ing on him, the congregation by 
degrees dwindled away, and the 
house itself has been since shut up, 
Finding himself incapable of con- . 
tinuing his exertions as a preacher, 
in the manner he had been used, 

he retired, first into Hampshire, 
and then to Bath, where he died 
the rst of O@ober, 1796, at the 


age of 75. 


The following is the list of Dr. 
ath ciate works. 

The eloquence of the gulpies 
ne Ordination Sermon. ‘To which 
is added, A Charge. :2mo.1752. | 

2. An Essay on the Action proper 
for the Pulpit. 12mo. 

Both these are printed at the end 
of Tieodorus. A Dialogue con--° 
cerning the Art of Preaching. By 
Mr. David Fordyce. Third Edi. 
tion. i2m0. 1975. 

3. The methods of promoting 
Edification by Public Institutions. 
An Ordination Sermon. To which 
is added, ACharge. 1zmo. 1754. 

These were delivered at the Ordi- 
nation of Mr. John Gibson, Mini- 
ster of St. Ninian’s, May 9, 1754. 

4. The Temple of Virtue. A 
Dream. t2mo. 1757. The 2d 
eer much altered, tz2mo, 1775+ 

. The Folly, Infamy, and Mi. 
is ‘of unlawful Pleasure. A Sere 
mon, preached before the General 
Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 
May 25,1760. 8vo. 1760. 

6. A Sermon occasioned by the 
Death of the Rey. Dr.* Samuel 

Lawrence, 


362] 


Lawrence, who departed this life, 
Og. 1, 1760. With an Address 
at his Interment. Svo. 1760. 

7- Sermons to Young Women. 
2 vols. 12mo.1766. 

.8. The Character and Conduct 
of the Female Sex, and the advan- 
tages to be derived by young Men 
from the society of virtuous Wo- 
men.- A Discourse in. three parts. 
Delivered in Monk well-street Cha- 
pel, Jan. 1, 1776. 8vo. 1796. 

.9. Addresses to young Men. 2. 
vols. 12mo0. 1777. 

to. The delusive and perse- 
cuting Spirit. of Popery. A Ser- 
mon preached in Monkwell-street, 
on roth of Feb. being a day ap- 
pointed for a General Fast. 8vo. 
4779+ ; : 

11. Charge delivered in Monk- 
well-street Meeting, at the Ordi- 
nation of the Rev. James Lindsey. 
8vo. 1783.—Printed with the Ser- 
‘mon preached by Dr. Hunter on 
that occasion. 
12.Addresses to the Deity.12mo. 
1785. 

13. Poems. remo, 1786. 


Account of the Royal Society of Eng- 
land, from Button’s Mathematical 
and Philosophical Di@ionary. 
THE Royal Society of England 

is an academy or body of persons, 
supposed to be eminent for their 
learning, instituted by King Charles 
the Ild, for. promoting natural 
knowledge. 

This once illustrious. body ori- 
ginated from an assembly of inge- 
nious men, residing in London, who, 
being inquisitive into natural know- 
ledge, and the new and experi. 
mental philosophy, agreed, about 
the year 1645, to meet weekly on a 
certain day, to discourse upon such 
subjefis. These meetings, it is 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


said, were suggested by Mr. Theo- 
dore Haak, a native of the Pala. 
tinate in Germany ; and they were 
held sometimes at Dr, Goddard’s 
lodgings in Wood-street, .some- 
times: at a_ convenient. place jin 
Cheapside, and sometimes.in or near 
Gresham. College. This assem. 
bly seems to be that mentioned 
under the title of the Jnwisible, -or- 
Philissphical College, by Mr. Boyle,. 


. In some letters written in 1646 and. 


1647. About the years.1648 and 
1649, the company which formed 
these meetings began to be divided, 
some cf the gentiemen removing. 
to Oxford, as Dr. Wallis and Dr. 
Geddard, where, in conjunétion 
with other gentlemen, they” held 
meetings also, and brought the 
study of natural and experimen. 
tal philosophy into fashion there; 
meeting first in Dr, Petty’s lodg- 
ings, afterwards in Dr. Wilkins’s 
apartments, inWadham College, and 
upon his removal, in the lodgings 
of Mr. Robert Boyle; while those 
gentlemen who remained in Lon- 
don continued their meetings: .as 
before. The greater part of the 
Oxford Society coming to,London, 
about the year 1659, they met once 
or twice a week in Term-time at 
Gresham College, till they were 
dispersed by the public distra€tions 
of that year, and the place of their 
meeting was made a quarter for 
soldiers. Upon the Restoration, _ 
in 1660, their meetings were re. 
vived, and attended by many gen- 
tlemen eminent. for their character 
and learning. 

They were at length noticed by 
the government, and the king 
granted them a charter, first the. 
15th of July 1662, then a more 
ample one the 22d of April 1663» 
and thirdly the 8th of April ene 

ba 


CHARACTERS, 


by which they were ere@ted into a 
corporation, cinsisting of a president, 
conncil and fellows, for promoting na- 
tural kuotvledg?, and enducd with 
various privileges and authorities. 

Their manner of electing mem- 
bers is by balloting ; and two-thirds 
of the members present are neces- 
sary to carry the election in favour 
of the candidate. The council con- 
sists of 21 members, inciuding the 
president, vice-president, treasurer, 
and two secretaries; ten of which 
gO out annually, and~ ten new 
members are elected instead of 
them, all chosen on St. Andrew’s 
day. They had formerly also two 
curatorjy, whose business it was 
to perform experiments before the 
society. 

- Each member, at his admission, 
subscribes an engagement, that he 
will endeavour to promote the good 
of the society; from which he 
may be freed at any time, by sig- 
nifying to the president that “he 
desires to withdraw. 

The charges are five guineas paid 
to the treasurer at admission; 
and one shilling per week, or 52s. 
per year, as long as the person 
continues a member; or, in lieu 
of the annual subscription, a com- 
position of 25 guineas in one pay- 
ment. 

The ordinary meetings of: the 
society are once a weck, from No- 
vember till the end of Trinity term 
the next summer. At first, the 
meeting was from three o’clock till 
six after noon, Afterwards their 
meeting was from six to seven in 
the evening, to allow more time 
for dinner, which continued for a 
long series of years, till the hour of 
meeting was removed, by the pre- 
sent president, to between eight 
and nine at night, that gentlemen 


[363 


of fashion, as was alleged, might 
have the opportunity of coming to 
attend the meetings after dinner. 
Their design is to ‘¢ make faith. 
ful records of ail the works of 
nature or art, which come within 
their reach ; so that the present, as 
well as after ages, may be- enabled 
to put a mark on errors which have 
been strengthened by long prescrip- 
tion; to restore truths that have 
been long negletied ;: to push those 
already known to more various 
uses ; to make the way- more pas. 
sable to what- remains unreveal. 
ed, &c,.”? , 
To this purpose they have made 
a great number of experiments 
and observations on most of the 
works of nature; as eclipses, 
comets, planets, meteors, mines, 
piants, earthquakes, inundations, 
springs, damps, fires, tides, cur- 
ents, the magnet, &c.: their 
motto being Nudlius iz Verba. They 
have registered experiments, his. 
tories, relations, observations, &c. 
and reduced them into.one common 
stock. They have, from time to 
time, published some of the most 
useful of these, under the title of 
Philosophical Transattions, &c, usu. 
ally one volume each year, which 
were till lately very respeétable, 
both for the extent or magnitude of 
them, and for the excellent quality 
of their contents. The rest, that 
are not printed, they lay up in their 
registers. | 
- They have a good library of 
books, which has been formed, 
and continually augmenting, by 
numerous donations. ‘They had also 
a museum of curiosities in nature, 
kept in one of the rooms of their 
own house in Crane-court, Fleet. 
street, where they had their meets 
ings, with the greatest reputation, 
for 


364] 


for many years, keeping registers 
of the weather, and making other 
experiments; for all which pur- 
oses those apartments were well 
adapted. But, disposing of these 
apartments, in order to remove in- 
to those allotted thera in Somerset- 
Place, where, having neither room 
nor convenience for such purposés, 
the museum was obliged to be dis- 
posed of, and their useful mete- 
orological registers discontinued for 
many: years. 

Sir Godfrey Copley, Bart. left 
five guineas to be given annually 
to the person who should-write the 
best paper in the year,. under the 
head of Experimental Philosophy : 
this reward, which is now changed 
to a gold medal, is the highest 


honour’ the society can bestow ;- 


and it is conferred on St. Andrew’s 
day ; but the communications of 
late years has been thought of so 
little importance, that the prize 
medal remains sometimes for years 
undisposed of. 

Indeed this very respectable So- 
ciety, now consisting of a great 
proportion of honorary: members, 
who do not usually communicate 
papers ; and many scientific mem- 


bers. being discouraged from mak- 


ing their usual communications, by 
what is deemed the present arbi- 
trary government of the Socicty ; 
the: annual volumes have in con- 
sequence become of much less 
importance, both in respect of 
their bulk and the quality of their 
contents. 
EO TE ET 
Avecdstes of the late Sir William 

Chambers. From the European 

Magazine. 

THIS. gentleman, whose fame 
will’ Jast as long as the noble 
building of Somerset House shall 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


rear its majestic head, was by birth 
a Swede. Jt has been said, that 
he was descended of the ancient 
family. of Chalmers in Scotland, 
Barons: of Tartas in Trance, and 
that his father was a merchant, who 
suffered much by supplying Charles 
XI]. with money and goods during 
his wars, for which hé received only 
the base copper coin of that mo. 
narch,’struck for the purpose in his 
emergencies, and, like the French 


‘assignats, afterwards depreciated ; 


by which means the holder was in- 
volved in ruin. 3 
At the age of two years Sir: 
William was brought over to Eng- 
land, and at a proper time placed 
at Rippon school 1m Yorkshire, ~ 
where, it is believed, he continued 


until he was appointed chief su- 


percargo of the Swedish ships to 
China. In this situation he did 
not remain long, probably not more ~ 
than one voyage. On quitting — 
this employment he determined to 
follow the bent of his genius, 
which led him to design and archi. 
teclure. 

His first residence in London was 
in Poland-street; but not, as has 
been asserted, in the business of a 
carpenter. He at an early period 
dysplayed the talents he possessed, 
and soon was considered as one of 
the best archite&ts and draftsmen 
in Europe. His abilities introduced 
him to the knowledge of Lord 
Bute, by whose interest he was aps 
pointed drawing-master to his Ma- 
jesty, then Prince of Wales. 

His first work of consequence 
was Lord Besborough’s villa at 
Roehampton, which from his con. 
du& in that business, procured 
him many other buildings. He 
gave in his: plan to Lord Bes. 
borough with an estimate as an 

architect, 


CHARACTERS. 


_archite@; and on that nobleman’s 
applying to him to know whether 
“he would build it himself for the 
‘money mentioned in the estimate, 
he consented to undertake it. 

It was accordingly finished, and 
both parties, the employer and 
the builder, were satisfied with 
their bargains, and each with the 
other. 

The intercourse which Sir Wil- 
liam had obtained with his majesty 
soon after his sovereign’s accession 
to the crown, procured for him the 
Jaying out and improving the 
gardens at Kew, which from the 
nature of the ground, he was 
obliged to ornament in the Chinese 
taste. In 1763 he published “ Plans, 
Elevations, Se€tions, and Perspec- 
tive Views, of the Gardens and 
Buildings at Kew, in Surry, the 
Seat of her Royal Highness the 
Princess Dowager of Wales ;”* a 
magnificent work, in which the 
architeCtural designs were drawn 
by our author, the views by Messrs, 
Kirby, Thomas Sandby, and Mar- 
low, and the engravings by Paul 
Sandby, Woollett, Major, Grig- 
nion, and Rooker. In this work, 
Sir William assigns the reason for 
his adopting the Chinese style in 
this instance. ‘* The gardens of 
Kew,”’ sayshe, ‘are not very large, 
nor is their situation by any means 
advantageous ;as itis low, and com- 
mands no prospects, Originally 
the ground was one continued dead 
flat ; the soil was in general barren, 
and without éither wood or water. 
With so many disadvantages, it 
‘was not easy to produce any thing 
even tolerable in gardening: but 
princely munificence, and an able 
diretor, have overcome all diffi. 
eulties, and converted what was 
once a desert intoan Eden,’? The 


[365 


difficulty, of ornamenting such-a 
situation few - persons will deny ; 
but as few wil be inclined to desire 
the introduction of such’ exotics’ in 
places where nature. has been more 
bountiful. 

In the year 1771 our architect 
was announced in the catalogue of 
the Royal Academy as Knight of 
the Polar Star,-and the next year 
he published the work which has 
afforded much entertainment from 
itself, but more from the admira. 
ble piece supposed to be the pro- 
duGtion of Mr. Mason, entitled 
«© An Heroic Epistle.’? Sir William 
Chambers’s work was entitled ** A 
Disertation on Oriental Garden. 
ing,’? 4to. which, in the preface, 
he says was collected from his own 
observations in China, from con- 
versations with their artists, and 
remarks transmitted to him at dif- 
ferent times by travellers. A sketch 
of it had been published some 
years before; but the performance 
itself appearing immediately after 
Mr. Mason’s English Garden, it 
was invidiously suggested, that the 
intention of our author was to depre- 
ciate English gardeners, in order 
to divert his royal master from his 
plan of improving the gardens at 
Richmond as they are: to be seen at 
this time. The horrible and strange 
devices described to exist m the 
Chinese gardens have been much 
ridiculed, but are no more than 
had been before published by father 
Attiret, in his account of the Em- 
peror of China’s gardens near Pe~ 
kin, translated by Mr. Spence, 
under the name of Sir Harry 
Beaumont, in 175 3,and since repub. 
lished in Dodsley’s Fugitive Pieces. 

Sir William Chambers’ next 
work was on Civil Architecture ; 
and in the year 1775, on the build- 


ing 


366] 


ing of Somerset House, he was 
appointed to conduét that great 
national work. He was also comp- 
troller general to the works of the 
king, architect to the queen and 
the princess dowager, treasurer to 
the Royal Academy, member of the 
‘Royal Academy of Artsat Florence, 
and of the Royal Academy of Ar- 
chite¢ture at Paris. 

After a long illness he died, at 
‘a very advanced age, the 8th of 
March 17096; leaving a son, mar- 
ried to Miss Rodney, and three 
daughters, the wives of Mr. Cot- 
ton, Mr. Innes, and Mr. Harward, 
with a considerable fortune, ac- 
quired honourably, and enjoyed 
with hospitality bordering on mag- 
wificence ; and what is still better, 
-quitting life with the regret and 
concern of all those with whom he 
had been conneéted ; esteemed, 
loved, and lamented, by all with 
whom he had any intercourse 
either as an astist or as a man. 

On the 18th of March his re- 
mains were interred in the Poets’ 
‘Corner, Westminster Abbey, be- 
ing attended by his son, his sons- 
in-law, his executors, the dean 
of Lincoln, minister of the parish, 
Mr. Penneck of the Museum, and a 
few other friends, the president, 
‘officers, and council of the Royal 
Academy, and the clerks of the 
Board of Works. In the Abbey 
they were joined by the master- 
workmen belonging to the Board of 
Works, who attended unsolicited, 
to testify their regret for the loss, 
_and their esteem for the memory of 
aman, by whom their claims had 
-ever been examined with attention, 
and decided with justice, and by 
whom themselves were always 
treated with mildness, courtesy, 


and affability. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 
An Account of the late Fames Mac. 


pherson, Esg.. From the same. 

THIS gentleman was descended 
from one of the most ancient fami- 
lies in the north of Scotland, being 
cousin-german to the chief of the 
clan of the Maecphersons, who de. 
duce their origin trom the ancient 
Catti of Germany. He was born 
at Ruthven in the county of Inver- 
ness, in the latter end of the year 
1738, and received the first rudi- 
ments of his education at home, 
from whence he was sent to the 
grammar school of Inverness, where 
his genius became so conspicuous, 


_ that his relations, contrary to their 


Original intention, determined to. 
hreed him toa iearned profession. 
With this view, he was sent suc. 
cessively to the universities of 
Aberdeen and Edinburgh, in the 
last of which he finished his 
studies. ; 

While at the university, he ex, 
ercised his poetical talents, which, 
however, were not (if a few pas. 
sages of Ossian are excepted) cf the 
first order, Inthe year 1758, he 
printed at Edinburgh a poem in 
six cantos, ‘entitled, ** The High- 
Jander,’? in 12mo. ‘his perfor. 
mance is a tissue of fustian and ab. 
surdity, feeble, and in some parts 
ridiculoas, and shews little or no 
talent in that art of versification, 
Tn a short time the author was sen- 
sible himself of ats faults, and, it is 
said, endeavoured to suppress it. 
We shall, therefore, not revive 
this abortive effort by any ex. 
tract. 

It was intended that he should 
enter into the service of the church, 
but whether. he ever took orders 


we are uncertain. Mr, Gray 
speaks of him as a young clergy- 
man, 


CHARACTERS: 


man, * but David Hume probably 
more truly describes him as ‘‘a 
modest sensible young man, not 
Settled in any living, but employed 
as a private tutor in Mr. Graham 
of Balgowan’s family, a way of 
life which he is not fond of.’? This 
was in the year 1760, when. he 
surprized the world by the publi- 
cation of ** Fragments of Ancient 
Poetry, colleéted in the Highlands 
of Scotiand, and translated from the 
Galic or Erse language.’? 8vo. 
These Fragments, which were de- 
clared to be genuine remains of 
ancient Scottish poetry, at their first 
appearance delighted every reader ; 
and some very good judges, and 
among the rest Mr. Gray, were 
extremely warm in their praises. 
As other specimens were said to be 
recoverable, a subscription was 
set on foot to enable our author 
to quit the family he was then in, 
and undertake a mission into the 
Highlands, to secure them. He 
engaged in the undertaking, and 
soon after produced the works 
whose authenticity has since occa- 
sioned so much controversy, but 
which now seem generally admit- 
ted to be the works of Mr. Mac- 
pherson himself. 

In 1762 he published ‘* Fingal, 
an ancient epic poem, in six 
books,’’ together with several other 
poems, composed by Ossian, the 
son of Fingal, translated from the 
Galic language, 4to. The subject 
ef this epic poem is an invasion 
of Ireland, by Swaran, king of 
Lochlin. Cuchullin, general of 
the Irish tribes during the mi- 
nority of Cormac, king of Ireland, 
upon intelligence of the invasion, 
assembled his forces near Tura, a 


-. [362 


csstle on the coast of Ulster, “The 
poem opens with ‘the landing of 
Swaran; councils are held, battles 
fought, and Cuchullin is at last 
totally defeated. In the mean time 
Fingal, king of the Highlands of 
Scotland, whose aid had been soli- 
cited before the enemy landed, ar- 
rived, and expelled them from the 
country. This war, which con- 
tinued but six days, and as many 
nights, is, including the episodes, 
the story of the poem. The scene 
the heath of Lena, near a moun. 
tain called Cromleach in Ulster. 
This poem also was received with 
equal applause as the preceding 
fragments. 
The next year he produced 
‘© Temora,’’ an ancient epic poem, 
in eight books: together with se. 
veral other poems composed by 
Ossian, son of Fingal, 4to. which, 
though well received, found the 
public somewhat less disposed to 
bestow the same measure-of ap- 
plause. Though these poems had 
been examined by Dr. Blair and 
others, and their authenticity as- 
serted, there were not wanting 
some of equal reputation for critical 
abilities, who either doubted or de- 
clared their disbelief of the genuine. 
ness of them. By this time the au- 
thor seems to have divested himself 
of ‘that modesty which Mr. Hume 
had formerly commended, and 
treated his antagonists in an arro- 
gant manner, not calculated to re. 
move any impressions they had re. 
ceived. ‘ 
«© Since the publication,’’ says 
he, ‘f of the last collection of Ose 
sian’s poems, many insinuations 
have been made, and doubts arisen, 
concerning their authenticity. I 
shall 


* Mason’s Life of Gray, 


368] 


shall probably hear more of the 
same kind after the present poems 
make their appearance, Whether 
these suspicions are suggested by 
prejudice, or are only the effects 
of ignorance of facts, I shall not 
pretend todetermine. To me they 
give ‘no concern, as I have it al- 
ways in my power to remove them. 
An incredulity of this kind is na- 
tural to persons who confine all 
merit to their own ageand country. 
These are generally the weakest as 
well as the most ignorant of the 
people. Indolently confined to a 
place, their ideas are very nartow 
and circumscribed. It is ridicu- 
Jous enaugh, to sce such people as 
these are, branding their ancestors 
with the despicable appellation of 
barbarians. Sober reason can ea- 
sily discern where the ttle ought 
to be fixed with more propriety. 

“© As prejudice is always the ef- 
fe& of ignorance, the knowing, 
the men of true taste, despise and 
dismiss it. If the poetry is good, 
and the charaéters natural and. 
striking, to them it is a matter 
of indifference, whether the heroes 
were born in the little village of 
Angles in Juteland, or natives of 
the barren heaiths of Caledonia. 
‘That honour which nations derive 
from ancestors worthy or renown- 
ed is merely ideal. It may buoy 
up the minds of individuals, but it 
contributes very little to their im- 
portance in the eyes of others. 
But of all those prejudices which 
ate.incident to narrow minds, that 
which measures the merit of per- 
formances by the valgar opinicn 
concerning the country which pro- 
duced them, is certainly the most 
ridiculous. Ridiculous, however, 
as it is, few have the courage to 
reject it ; and 1 am thoroughly con- 


ANNUAL REGISTER;1795. 


vineed, that a few quaint lines of 

.a Roman or Greek epigrammatist, 
if dug out of the ruins of Hercu. 
Janeum, would meet with more 
cordial and universal applause than 
all the most beautiful and natural 
rhapsodies of all the Celtic bards 
and Scandinavian scalders that 
ever existed.’? 

After the publication of Temora, 
Mr. Macpherson was called to an 
employment which withdrew him 
for some time both from the muses 
and his country. In 1764 gover- 
nor Johnstone was appointed chief 
of Pensacola, and Mr, Macpherson 
accompanied him as his secretary. 
If we are not mistaken, some dif- 
ference arose between the princt- 
pal and his dependent, and they 
parted before their return to Eng. 
land. Having contributed his aid 
to the settlement of the civil go- 
vernment of that colony, he visited 
several of the West India islands, 
and some of the provinces of North 
America, and returned to Engiand 
in the year 1766. ; 

He soon returned to his studies, 
and in 1771 produced ‘* An Intro- 
duction to the History of Great 
Britain and Ireland,’’ 410. a work 
which, he says, ‘€ without any of 
the ordinary incitements to literary 
labour, he was induced to proceed 
in by the sole motive of private 
amusement.”’? The subjeét of this 
performance, it might reasonably 
be. supposed, would not excite any 
violent controversial acrimony ; yet 
neither it nor its author could 
escape from several most gross and 
bitter invectives. OS : 

His next performance produc- 
ed him neither reputation or pro- 
fit. In 1773 he published ‘* The 
Iliad of Homer’’ translated, in two 
volumes, gto. a work fraught with 
; vanity, 


»-CHARACTERS. 


vanity ahd sélf-consequence, and 
which met with the most mortify- 
ing reception from the public. It 
was condemned by the critics, ri- 
diculed by the wits, and neglected 
by the world. Some of his friends, 
and particularly Sir John Elliott, 
endeavoured to rescue it from con- 
tempt, and force it into notice. 
Their success was not equal to 
their efforts. After avery acute, 
learned, and witty critique, which 
was universally ascribed toa gentle- 
man still living, and inserted in 
the Critical Reniew, the new tran- 
slation was confessed to possess no 
merit, and ever since has been 
consigned to oblivion. 

About this time seems to be the 
period of Mr. Macpherson’s literary 
mortifications. In 1773 Dr. John- 
son atid Mr. Bosweli made the 
Your of the Hebrides ; and in the 
course of it, the former took some 
pains to examine into the proofs of 
the authenticity of Ossian. The 
result Of his inquiries he gave to 
the public in 1775, in his narra- 


tive of the Tour, and his opinion 


unfavourable. ‘* I believe 
they (i. e. the poems, says he) 
never cxisted in any other form 
than that which we havescen. ‘The 
editor or author never could shew 
the original; nor can it be shewn 
by any other. ‘J’o revenge reason- 
able inetedvlity by refusing evi. 
dence, isa degree of insolence with 
which the wor!d is not yet ac. 
quainted ; and s:.:bborn audacity is 
the last refuge of cuilt. {ft would 
be easy to shew it if he had it; 
but Whence coud itbe had? ‘Tr is 
too long to be remembered, and 
the language had formerly nothing 
written. He has doubtiess insert- 
éd names that circulate in popular 
stories, and may have translated 
some wardering ballads, if any 
Vop. XXXVIILL, 


Was 


[36g 


can be found; and the names and 
some of the images being recol- 
le&ted, make an inaccurate auditor 
imagine, by the help of Caledo.. 
nian bigotry, that he has formerly 
heard the whole.’? Again, “ t 
have yet supposed no imposture 
but in the publisher, yet I am far 
from certain, that some transla. 
tions haye not been lately made, 
that may now be obtruded as parts 
of the original work. Credulity 
on one part is a strong temptation 
to deceit on the other, especially to 
deceit of which no personal injury 
is the consequence, and which flat- 
ters the author with his own inge- 
nuity. The Scots have something 
to plead for their easy reception of 
an improbable fiction: they are se- 
duced by their fondness’ for their 
supposed ancestors. A Scotchman 
must be a sturdy moralist who does 
not love Scotland better than truth: 
he will always love it better than 
i: aquiry ,and, if falshood flatters his 
vanity, will not be very diligent to 
deteét it, Neither ought the English 
to be much influenced by Scotch au- 
thority ; for of the past and present 
state of the whole Erse nation, the 
Lowlanders are at least as ignorant 
as ourselves. ‘Lo be “ignorant is 
painful; but it is dangerous to 
quiet our uneasiness by the delu- 
sive opiate of hasty persudsion,”? 
The opinions above declared by 
Dr. Johnson incensed our author 
so much, that he was prompted by 
his evil genius to send a menacing 
letter to his antagonist, which pro- 


‘duced the severe, spirited, and sar. 


castiereply which has been already 
printed in the European Magazine. 
Wherher his warmth abated,or whe- 
ther he had been made sensible of his 
folly by the interposition of friends, 
we know not; but certain it is, 
we hear no more afterwards of this 

Bb ridiculous 


370| 
xidiculous affair, exo that our 
FU supposed to have assisted 
Mr. Nicol in ap answer to. Dr. 
Joknsen’s Tour, printed in.1779. 
-In.1975» Myr. Macpherson’ pub- 
lished ‘* The History of Great Eri- 
tain, from the Restozation to the 
Accession of the House of Hanover,’’ 
in two vols, 40. a work which has 
been decried with much clamour, 


but without much 


uch argument or 
proof. ‘The author appears to have 


been influenced by some prejudices 
in favour of the Tory party ; but 
his performance, as fur as we have 
had an opportunity of comparing 
his narrative with his authorities, 
is not liable to the censure thrown 
out upon it. In this publication 
he certainly aQed with great fair- 
ness, as along with it he published 
the proofs upon which his facts were 
founded, in two quarto voiwmes, 
entitled, ‘€ Original Papers, con- 
taining the secret History ef Great 
Britain, from the Restoratian to 
the Accession of the House oi Tia- 
mover, ‘Lo which are prefixed Ex- 
tras from the Life of James II. 
as written by himself.’’ These pa- 
pers were chiefly colleéted by Mr. 
arte, but are not of equal au- 
thority... ‘They however clear u 
many, obseurities, and set the cha- 
sa¢ters of many persons in past times 
in a different light from that in 
which theyhave been usually viewed. 
Soon after this period, the tide 
of fortune flowed very rapidly in 
Mr. Maepherson’s favour, and his 
talents and industry were amply 
suficient to avail himself of every 
‘favourable circumstance ;which a. 
rose. The resistance of the colo- 
nies called for the aid of a ready 
writer to combat the arguments of 
the Americans, and to give force 
te the rezsons which influenced 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


the conduét of | government, and 
he was seletted for the purpose, 
Among other things .(of which we 
should be glad to give a more 
particular account) he wrote a 
pamphlei, which was circulated 
with muchindustry, entitled, ** The 
Rights of Great Britain asserted 
agaist the Claims of the Colonies 5 
being an Answer to the Declaration 
of he General Congress,’’ 8yvo. 

1776, «ud of which many editions 
were published. He also was: the 
author of ** A short History of the 
Op pposition during the last Session 
of Parliament,” Svo. 1779, 2 pam- 
phiet which, on. account of its 
merit, was by many ascribed to 
Mr. Gibbon. 

But a more lucrative employ- 
ment was conferred on him about 
this time. - He was - appointed 
agent to the nabob of Arcot, 
and in that capacity exerted his 
talents in several appeals to the 
public in behalf of his client. 
Among others, he published ‘* Let. 
ters from) Mahommed Ali Khan, 
Nabob ef Arcot, to the Court of 
Directors. ‘To which is annexed, 
a Stute of Facts relative to Tanjore, 
with Appeniix of Original 
Papers,”’ 17774 and he was 
supposed to be rhe author of ** ‘The 
History. and Mavazement of the 
East India Compaay, irom its Ori. 
gin in 1600 to the present Limes, 
vol. I. containing tne Affairs of 
the Carnatic ; in which the Rights 
of the Nabob are explained, and. 
the Injustice of the Company prov- 
ed.’’ gto. 1779. 

In his capacity of agent to the 
Nabob, it was probably thought 
requisite that he should have a seat 
in the British parliament. He was 
accordingly in 1780 chosen member 
for Camelford, but we do not re- 

collect 


aii 


fbO8 


CHARACTERS. 


colle& that he ever attempted’ to 
speak in the house. He was also 
rechosen in 1784 and. 1790. 

For a few years last past his 
health began to fail, and he re- 
turned to his native country in ex- 
pectation of receiving benefit’ from 
the change of air. He continued 
however to decline, and after Jin- 
gering some time, died at his seat 
at Bellevue, in Inverness-shire, 
on the 17th of February, 1796. 

He appears to have died in very 
opulent circumstances, and by his 
will, dated June 1793, gave various 
annuities and legacies to several 
persons to a great amount. He 
also bequeathed roool. to John 
Mackenzie, of Figtree-court, in the 
Temple, to defray the expence of 
printing and publishing Ossian in 
the original. He directed 3001. to 
be laid out in erecting a monument 
to his memory, in some conspicu- 
ous situation at Bellevue aforesaid, 
and ordered that his body should be 
carried from Scotland, and inter- 
red in the Abbey-church of West- 
minster, the city wherein he had 
passed the greatest and best part of 
his life. 

He was accordingly brought 
from the place where he dicd, and 
buried in the poets’-corner of the 
church, 


Interesting History of Don Pedro and 
Donna Lenex de Castro. From Mur. 
phy’s Fravels in Portugal. 
THERE are but few personages 
recorded in history, who have bern 
oftener cclcbrated by dramatic 
writers than this princess. There 
have been no less than five trage- 
@ies formed from her pitiful nar- 
rative; viz. twoin English, one 
in French, one in Spanish, and 
one in Portuguese. he latter, 
perhaps, approaches the nearest to 


[371 


the truth of history, and is'not in= 
ferior in point of poetical merit. 
The author, Senhor Nicole’ Luis, 
had no occasion to resort to fiction 
to heighten the passions of anaue 
dience, as the simple facts are suf. 
ficient to fill up all the senses of 
pity and terror, and to shew -to 
what lengths love and revenge are 
capable of transporting the human 
mind. 

The subject of this tragical piece 
is as follows: Don Pedro, son of 
Alonso the Fourth, king of Portus 
gal, and heir apparent to the crown, 
having fallen in love with a lady 
of the court, named Donna Ignez 
de Castro, thought he could not 
share the crown which awaited him 
with a more amiable person. She 
united to all the charms of beauty, 
the most graceful and accomplish. 
ed manners. ‘The prince, waving 
all considerations of birth and for« 
tune, was privately married to her 
by the bishop of Guarda. 

Notwithstanding the nuptials 
were performed with all the secresy 
imaginable, yet they reached the 
King’s ear, who had premeditated 
a consort for Don Pedro in the 
king of Casrile’s daughter. He 
questioned him as to the truth of 
the report; but, Knowing his fas 
ther’s arbitrary disposition, he 
thought it prudent then to conceal 
the fact. 

The nobility also had intimation 
of the marriage, aud the preference 
given to Ignez had awakened their 
jealousy. Hence they took every 
opportunity of representing her as 
a woman of the greatest, ambition, 
and pretended that very fatal con 
sequences were to be apprehended 
from such an alliance; they also 
condemned the prince as a rash and 
disobedient son. 

The king, who was a man of 

Bb2z weak 


372] ANNUAL REGISTER, | 1706. 


weak understanding, gave ear to 


their calumny, and they worked’ 


upon his passions to that degree that 
he resolved to murder the unfortu- 
nate, princess. Accordingly he 
set, out to perpetrate the horrid 
deed, accompanied by three of his 
courtiers, and a number of armed 
men. 

- Denna Ignez at this time resided 
in Coimbra, in the palace of San. 
ta Clara, where she passed her time 
in the most private manner, edu- 
cating her children, and attending 
to the duties of her domestic af- 
fairs. 

The prince, unfortunately, was 
abroad on a hunting party. when 
the king arrived. ‘The beautiful 
victim came out to meet him, with 
her two infant children, who clung 
about his knees, screaming aloud 
for mercy. She prostrates herself 
at his feet, bathes them with tears, 
and supplicates pity for her chil- 
dren, beseeching him to banish her 
to some remote desert, where she 
would gladly wander an exile with 
her babes, 

The feelings of nature arrested 
his arm, just raised to plunge a 
dagger into her breast. But his 
counsellors urging the necessity of 
her death, and reproaching him for 
his disregard to the welfare of the 
nation, he relapsed into his former 
resolution, and commanded them 
to dispatch her! at which they 
rushed forward, regardless of the 
cries of innocence and beauty, and 
instantly struck off her head. 

Soon after the above transa¢tion 
the prince arrived; but, alas! 
found those eyes that were wont 
to watch his return with impa- 
tience, ciosed in death, _ ‘Fhe sight 
of his beloved Ignez weltering in 
gore filled hit rand vith distrac. 


tion, and kindled. every ‘spark of 
reyenge within his soul. In all 
the agony of rage, he called aloud 
on the avenging hand of Heaven 
to punish those monsters, who de- 
prived him of all he held dear upon 
earth, 

As soon as her remains were in. 
terred, he put himself at the head 
of an army, who sympathized with 
his distress; they carried fire and 
sword through the adjacent pro- 
vinces, and laid waste the estates 
of the murderers. The royal 
troops could not oppose them; they 
fled at the appearance of the gal- 
Jant avengers of innocence. But 
the king, wretched man! could 
not fly from himself; the cries of 
his grand.children still echoed in 
his ears, and the bleeding image of 
their unfortunate mother was con- 
stantly before his eyes. Death at 
length commiserated his situation, 
and he expired full of repentance 
for his accumulated crimes. He 
was an undutiful son, an unnatural 
brother, and a cruel father. 

The prince now ascended the 
throne, in the thirty.seventh year 
of his age. He no sooner obtained 
the power, than he meditared to 
revenge the death of his beloved 
Ignez. The three murderers ; 
namely, Pedro Cocllo, Diogo Lo. 
pez Pacheo,and Alvaro Gonsalvez, 
had fled into Castile, previous to 
the death of the late king. The 
prince ordered them to be tried on 
a charge of high treason, and be- 
ing found guilty, their estates were 
confiscated. | Next he contrived to 
seize their persons, by agrecing 
with the king of Castile, that both 
should reciprocally deliver up the 
Portuguese and Castilian fugitives 
who sought protection in their 
respective dominions. Gonsalvez 

; and 


CHARACTERS. 


and Coello were accordingly ar- 
tested, and sent in chains to Portu- 
gal; Pacheo escaped into France. 

The king was at Santarem when 
the delinquents were brought to 
him; he instantly ordered them to 
be laid on a pyre that was previous- 
jy formed, contiguous to which he 
had a banquet prepared. Before 
the torch was kindled, «and whilst 
they agonized at every pore under 
the most lingering tortures, their 
hearts were cut out, one at his 
breast, the other at his back. 
Lastly, the pyre was set ona blaze, 
in presence of which he dined, 
whilst they evaporated in flames, 

Having thus far appeased. his in- 
‘satiable thirst of revenge, he order- 
ed his marriage, with Donna Ignez 
to be published throughout the 
kingdom ; then her body was taken 
out of the scpulchre, covered with 
regal robes, and placed on a magni- 
ficent throne, around which his mi- 
nisters assembled, and did homage 
to their lawful queen. 

After this ceremony, her corpse 
was translated from Coimbra to 
_ Alcobaca, with a pomp hitherto 
unknown in the kingdom ;_ though 
the distance between these two 
places is fifty-two miles, yet the 
road was lined on both sides all 
the way, with people holding 
lighted tapers. The funeral was 
attended by all the noblemen and 
gentlemen in Portugal, dressed in 
Jong mourning cloaks ; their ladies 
also attended, dressed in white 
mourning veils. 

The cloud which the above dis- 
aster cast over the mind of Don 
Pedro was never totally dispersed ; 
and as he lived in a state of ccliba- 
cy the remainder of his life, agrec. 
ably to his vow, there was nothing 
to divert his attention from rumi. 


[373 


nating on the fate of his beloved 
spouse. ‘lhe impression her death 
made on him, was strongly charac- 
terized, not only in the tortures he 
infli@ed on her murderers, but 
also in all the acts of his administra- 
tion, which, from their severity, in- 
duced some to give him the appel- 
lation of Pedro the Cruel; by 
others he was called Pedro the Just ; 
and, upon the whole, it appears, 
that the last title most properly 
appertained to him. 


Extraés from the Correspondence of 
Mr. Gibbou, with wurions men of 
eminence tn the Literary World. 
Fria the Misccllanesus Works of 
Edward Gibbau, Esq. 


Extrad fa Letter fram Dr, R bert. 
son to M4i. Sirohen, dated Edin- 
burgh Cillege, Murch 15, 1776. 


=##€# Since my last I have read 
Mr. Gibbon’s history with much 
attention, and great pleasure. It 
is a work of very high merit in- 
deed. He possesses that industry 
of research, without which no man 
deserves the name of an historian. 
His narrative is perspicuous and in. 
teresting ; his style is clegant and 
forcible, though in some passages 
1 think rather too laboured, and 
in athers too quaint. But these 
defects are amply compensated. by 
the beauty of the general flow of 
language, and a very peculiar hap- 
piness in many of his expressions, 
{ have traced him in many of his 
quotations (for experience has 
taught me to suspect the accuracy 
of my brother pen-men), and I 
find he refers to no passage bat 
what he has seen with his own 
eyes, I hope the book will be as 
successful as it deservesto be. I 

B b3 have 


374] 


have not yet yet read the two last 
chapters, but am sorry, from what 
I have heard of them, that he has 
taken such a tone in them as will 
give great offence, and hurt the 
sale ot the book. 

& 

Mr. Fergusin ta Mr. Gibbon. 
Edinburgh, March 19th, 1779. 
Dar Sir, 

I received, about eight days azo, 
after I had been reading your his- 
tory, the copy which you have 
been so good as to send me, and 
for which I now trouble yeu with 
my ip. But even if I had not 
been tRus‘called upon to offer you 
my respects, I could not have re- 
frained from congratulating you on 
the merit, and undoabted ‘success, 
of this valuable performance. The 
persons of this piace whose judg- 
ment you will value most, agree in 
opinion, that you have made a 
great addition to the classical lite. 
rature of England, and given us 
what Thucydides proposed leav- 
ing with his own countrymen, a 
possession in perpetuity. Men ofa 
certain modesty and merjt always 
exceed the expectations of their 
friends ; and it is with very great 
pleasure I tell you, that although 
you most have observed in me 
every mark of consideration and 
regard, that this is, nevertheless, 
the case, I receive your instruction, 
and study. your model, with great 
deference, and join with every one 
else, in applauding the extent of 
yqur plan, in hands so well able 
to execute it. Some of your read. 
ers, I find, were impatient to get 
at the fifteenth chapter, and began 
at that place. Ihave not heard 
mueh of their criticism, but am 
told that many doubt of your or- 
thodoxy. . I wish to be always of 


b 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


the charitable side, while I own 
you have proved that the clearest 
stream may become foul when it 
comes to run over the muddy bot. 
tom of human nature, I have not 
stayed ta make any particular re- 
marks. If any should occur on 
the second reading, I shall not-fail 
tolay in my claim to a more need- 
ed, snd more useful admonition 
from you, in case I ever produce 
any thing that merits your atten. 
tion, And am, with the greatest 

respect, Dear Sir, Your most 
obliged, and most humble 

Servant, 

ApbAM Fercuson, 


Extra& of a Letter fram Mr. David 
Hume to Mr. Sirahan, dated Edin, 
burgh, April Sth, 1776. 

#***® [am very much taken with — 
Mr. Gibbon’s Roman history whic] 
came from your press, and am 
glad to hear of its success. There 
will no books of reputation now 
be printed in London but through 
your hands and Mr, Cadeli’s. The 
author tells me, that he is already 
preparing a second edition. I re, 
solved to have given him my ad- 
vice with regard to the manner of 
printing it; but as I am now writ. 
ing to you, it is the same thing, 
He ought certainly to print the 
number of the chapter at the head 
of the margin ; and it would be 
better if something of the contents 
could also be added. One is also 
plagued with his notes, accordin 
to the present method of printing 
the book : whena note is announce. 
ed, you turn to the end of the 
volume ; and there you often find 
nothing but a reference to an gu. 
thority. All these authorities ought 
only to be printed at the margin, 
or the bottom of the page. Ide- 

sire 


\ 


C WA ROA ‘CT E-R-S; 


sire a copy of my new edirion 
should be sent to Mr. Gibbon; as 
wishing that gentleman, whom ‘I 
so highly valuc, should peruse me 
in a form the least imperfect to 
which I can bring my work. 

tid otal DY oh Smith?s performance 
is another excellent work that has 
come from your press this winter ; 
but I have ventured to tell him, 
that it requires too much thought 
to be as popular as Mr. Gibbon’s. 


Mr. Ferguson to Mr. Gibbon. 


Edinburgh, April 18th, 1776. 
Dear Sir, 

I SHOULD make some apology 
for not writing you sooner an an- 
swer to your obliging letter: but if 
you should honour me frequently 
with such requests, you will find, 
that, with very good intentions, I 
am a very dilatory and irregular 
correspondent. I am sorry-to tell 
you, that our respectable friend 
[ Mr. Hume] is still declining in his 
health; he is greatly emiciated, 
and. loses strength. He taiks fa- 
miliarly of his near prospect of 
dying. His mother, it seems, died 
under the same symptoms ; and it 
appears so little necessary, or pro- 
per, to fiatter him, that no one 
attempts it. I never observed his 
understanding more clear, or his 
humour more pleasant and lively. 
He has a great aversion to Icave 
the tranquillity of his own house, to 
go in search of health among inns 
and hostlers. And his friends here 

gave way to him for some time ; 
bot now think it necessary that he 
should make an effort to try what 
change of place and air, or any 
thing else sir John Pringle may ad- 
vise, cando forhim. I left him 
this morning in the mind to com- 


, 


~any! one hesides 


[375 


ply in ‘this article, and I hap¢ that 
he will be prevailed on to set out 
in,a few days. He is jist now 
sixty-fi 

I am very glad that the pleasure 
you give us, recoils a little on 
yourself, through our fecble testi- 
mony. J have, as you suppose, 
been employed, at any intervals of 
leisure or rest I have had for some 
years, in taking notes, or colleét- 
ing materials, for a history of the 
distraG@ions that broke down the 
Roman republic, and ended in the 
establishment of Augustus and his 
immediate successors. The com- 
pliment you are pleased to pay, I 
cannot accept of, even to my sub- 
ject. Your subject now. appears 
with advantages it was not sup- 
posed to have had; and I suspect 
that the magnificence of the moul- 
dering ruin will appear more strik- 
ing, than the same building when 
the view is perplexed with: scaf- 
folding, work:ncn, and disorderly 
lodgers, and th> earis stunned with 
the noise of destrustions and re- 
pairs, and the alarms of fire. The 
night which you begin to describe 
is solemn, and there are gleams of 
light superior to what is to be found 
in any other time. IJ comfort my- 
self, that as my trade is the study 
ef humannature, I could not fix on 
a more interesting corner of it, 
than the end ef the Roman re- 
prblic. Whether my compilations 
should ever deserve the attention of 
myself, must re- 
main to be determ'ned, after they 
are farther advanced. I take the’ 
liberty to trouble you with the in. 
closed for Mr. Smith, whose un. 
certain stay in London mikes me 
at a Joss how ‘to direét for hinx 
You have both such reason’ to be 
pieased with the world just now, 

Bb 4 that 


370; 


that I hope you are pleased with 
each other, 
I am, with the greatest respect, 
Dear Sir, 
Your most obedient, 
And most humble servanr, 
Apam Ferguson, 


Mr. Gibbon to Dr, Robertson. 
Paris, 1777: 
Str, 

WHEN I ventured to assume the 
character of historian, the first, the 
most natural, but at the same time 
most ambitious, wish which I en. 
tertained, was to obtain the ap- 
probation of Dr. Robertson and of 
Mr. Hume; two names which 
friendship united, and which pos- 
terity wall never separate. I shall 
not therefore attempt to dissemble, 
though I cannot easily express, the 
pleasure which I received from your 
obliging letter, as well as from the 
intelligence of your most: valuabie 
present. The satisfaction which I 
should otherwise have enjoyed, in 
common with the public, wil! now 
be heightened by a sentiment of a 
more personal and flattering na- 
ture ; and I shall frequently whis- 
per to myself, that I have in some 
measure deserved the esteem of the 
writer whom I admire. 

A short excursion which I made 
to this place, during the summer 
months, has occasioned some delay 
in my receiving your letter, and 

‘will prevent my possessing, till my 
return, the copy of your history, 
which you so politely desired Mr. 
Strahan to send me. But I have 
already gratified the eagerness of 
my impatience; and although I 
wus obliged to return the book 
much sooner than 1 could have 
Wished, I have seen enongh to con- 
vince me, that the present publi. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


cation will support, and, if pes. 
sible, will extend the fume of the 
author’; that the materials are cols 
lected with diligence, and arranged 
with skill ; that the first book con. 
tains a learned satisfactory account 
of the progress of discovery ; that 
the achievements, the dangers, and. 
the crimes, of the Spanish adven- 
turers are related with a temperate 
spirit ; and that the most original, 
perhaps the most ¢urious, portion’ 
of the history of human manners is 
at length rescued from the haads 
of sophists and declaimers. Lord 
Stormont, and the few jn this ca- 
pital, who have had ap opportunity 
of perusing the history of America, 
unanimously concur in the same) 
sentiments. Your work is already- 
become a favourite topic of public. 
conversation; and Mr, Suard is 
repeatedly pressed, in my hearing, 
to fix the time when his eranslation 
will appear, 

I flatter myself you will not 
abandon your design of visiring 
London next winter: as I already 
anticipate, in my own mind, the 
advantages which 1 shail derive 
from so pleasing and so honourable 
a connexion. In the mean whiley 
1 should esteem myse!# happy, if 
you could think of any Iiterary: 
commission, in the execution of 
which I might be useful ta. you at 
Paris, where I prepose to stay till 
very near the meeting of | Parlia- 
ment. Let me, for instane, «suy- 
gest an ingviry, which cannot, ve 
indifferent. to you, and» which 
might, perhaps, be within my 
reach. <A few -days ago I dined 
with Beniofski, the tamous» ad- 
venturer, who escaped from his 
exile at Kamschatska, | and returned 
into Europe by Japan and China. 
His narrative was amusing, though 

I know 


CHARACTERS: 


¥ know not how far his veracity, in 
point of circumstances, may safely 
be trusted, It was his original de. 
sign to penetrate through the North 
East Passage ; and he aétually fol- 
lowed the coast of Asia as high as 
the latitude of 67° 35’, till his pro- 
gress was stopped by the ice, ina 
streight betwecn the two conti- 
nents, which was only seven leagues 
broad. Thence he descended along 
the coast of America, as low as 
Cape Mendocin ; but was repulsed 
by contrary wirtds, in his attempts 
to reach the port of Acapulco, 
The journal of his Voyage, with 
his original charts, is now at Ver- 
sailles, in the Depét des Affaires 
Etrangéres; and if you conceived 
that it would be of any use to you 
for a second edition, I would try 
what might be obtained: though 
I am not ignorant of that mean 
jealousy which you yourself have 
experienced, and so deservedly 
stigmatised, Iam, &c, 


Dr. Robertson to Mr. Gibbon. 


Sir, 

I HAD the honour of your oblig- 
ing letter, and I should be a very 
proud man indeed, if I were not 
vain of the approbation which you 
are pleased to bestow upon me. 
As you will now have had an op- 
portunity to peruse the book, which 
you had only seen when you wrote 
to me, I indylge myself in the 
hopes, that the favourable opinion 
you had formed of it, is not dimi- 


nished, I am much pleased with 


your mentioning my friendship with 
Mr. Hume; 1 have always con- 
sidered that as one of the most 
fortunate and honourable circum- 
stances of my life, It is a felicity 
of the age and country in which 


[377- 


we live, that men of ‘letters can. 
enter the same walk of science, 
and go on successfully, without 
feeling one sentiment of envy or 
rivalship, In the intercourse be- 
tween Mr. Hume and me, we 
always found something to blame, as 
well as something to commend. \ have 
received frequently very valuable 
criticisms on my _ performances 
from him; and I have sometimes 
ventured to offer him my strictures 
on his works, Permit me to hope 
for the same indulgence from you. 
If, in reading the history of Ame- 
rica, any thing, either in the mat- 
ter or. style, has occurred to you 
as reprehensible, I will deem it a 
most. obliging favour if you will 
communicate it freely tome. Iam 
certain of profiting by such a com- 
munication, 

I return you thanks for. your 
frank offer of executing any lite. 
rary commission for me. I accept 
it without ceremony, and am flat. 
tered with the idea of receiving 
such aid from your hands. © I know 
nothing of Beniofski’s Adven- 
tures, but what was published in 
some newspapers. If one can rely 
on his veracity, what he relates 
must be very interesting to me. 
If you had been writing the history 
of America, the question concern- 
ing the mode of peopling it, might 
not perhaps have occupied vour at- 
tention very much, | But it was 
proper for me to consider it more 
fully. Beniofski (if he may -be 
credited) has seen what it may be 
useful for me to know. I can see 
no reason why the court of France 
should be shy about communicat- 
ing his journal, and the charts 
which illustrate it; possibly my 
name may operate somewhat to- 
wards obtaining a copy of both; 

your 


378 | 


your interposition, I am confident 
will doa great deal. It will be 
very illiberal indeed, if such a 
communication were refused. My 
Lord Stormont (by. whose attention 
I have been much honoured) would 
not decline to give his aid, were 
that necessary. But if your court 
resembles that of Spain, I am afraid 
every proposal from an ambassador 
is received with some degree of 
jealousy. Your own private ap- 
plication will, I apprehend, be 
more effectual. As it is probable 
a second edition may go to press 
early in the winter, it will add to 
the favour, if you can soon inform 
me concerning the success of vour 
negotiation. ~As this is something 
in the style of the Corps Diplona- 
tigue, allow me to recommend one 
of its members to you. Mr. Ful. 
Jarton, the new secretary to the 
embassy, is a particular friend of 
mine. He is a young man of such 
qualities both of head and heart, 
that I am sure you will esteem and 
love him. Please remember me to 
him. I have the honour to be, 
with great respect, 
Your obliged humble servant, 
WILLIAM RoBERTSON. 


Sir William Fones to Mr. Gibbox. 


Lamb Buildings, Fune 30th, 178% 
Dear Sir, 

I HAVE more than once sought, 
without having been so fortunate 
as to obtain, a proper opportunity 
of thanking you very sincerely for 
the clegant compliment which you 
pay me, ina work abounding in 
elegance of all kinds. 

My Seven Arabian Poets will 
see the light before next:winter, and 
be proud to wait on you in their 
English dress... Their wild pro- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 11796. 


ductions will, % Matter’ myself, be’ 
thought interesting, and not vene- 
rable merely on account of their 
antiquity. 

In the mean while, let me re- 
quest you to honour me with ac. 
cepting a copy of a Law Tra@t, 
which is not yet published: the 
subject is so generally important, 
that I make no apology for sending 
you a professional work. 

You must pardon my inveterate 
hatred of C. Oétavianus, basely 
surnamed Augustus, J feel my- 
self unable to forgive, che death of 
Cicero, which if he did not pro. 
mote, he might have prevented. 
Besides, even Miccanas knew the: 
cruelty ot his disposition, and ven. 
tured to reproach him with it. In 
short, L have not Christian charity 
for him. 

With regard to Asiatic letters, a 
necessary attention to my profession 
will compel me wholly and eter- 
nally to abandon them, — uniess- 
Lord North (to whom I am already 
under no sma!l obligation) shouid 
think me worthy to concur in the 
improved administration of justice — 
in Bengal, and should appoint me 
to supply the vacancy on the India 
Bench. | Were that appointment 
to take place this year, I should 
probably travel for speed, through . 
part of Egypt and Arabia, and 
should be able, in my way, to 
procure many eastern traéts of lite. 
rature and jurisprudence. I might 
become a good Mahomedan lawyer 
before J reached Calcutta, and, in 
my vacations, should *find leisure 
to explain, in. my native language, 
whatever the Arabs, Persians, 
Turks, have written on science, 
history, and the fine arts. 

My happiness by no means dee 
pends on obtaining: this. appoint. 
: ment, 


n 
an 


ment, as I am in easy circumstan- 
es without my profession, and have 
attering prospects in it; but if 
|the present summer and the en- 
suing autumn elapse without my 
ecelving any answer, favourable 
r unfavourable, <I shall be. forced 
to consider that silence as a polite 
efusal, and having given sincere 
hanks for past favours, shall en- 
irely drop all thoughts of Asia, 
nd, ‘* deep as ever plummet sound- 
d, ‘shall drown my Persian books.’’ 
f my politics have given offence, 
t would be manly in ministers to 
ell me so. I shall never be per- 
onally hostile to them, nor enlist 
nder party banners of any colour; 
at I will never resign my opinions 
or interest, though [ would cheer- 
wlly abandon them on conviction: 
My reason, such as it is, can only 
be controuled by better reason, to 


hich I am ever open. As to my 
freedom of thought, speech, and 
action, I shall ever say what 


Charles XII. wrote under the 
map of Riga, ‘* Dieu me L'a donnée; 
fe diable ne me l’ctera pas.’’? But the 
air answer to this objection is, that 
my system is purely speculative, 
and has no relation to my seat on 
the bench in India, where I should 
ardly think of instru€ting the 
entoos in the maxims of the 
Athenians. I believe I should not 
have troubled you with this letter, 
if I did not fear that your attend- 
nee in parliament might deprive 
¢ of the pleasure of meeting you 
t the club next Tuesday ; and I 
hall go to Oxford a few days after. 
t all times, and in all places, I 
hall ever be, with, sidteeesdiiled 
regard, dear Sir, your much obliged 
nd faithful servant, 

W, Jones. 


CHARACTERS. 


[379 


Edzard Gibbon, Esq. to the Right 
Hoxourable Lord Sheffield. 
Lausanne, Nov. 14, 1783. 
LAST Tuesday, November 11, 
after plaguing and vexing your 
self all the morning, about some 
business of your fertile crea- 
tion, you went to the House of_ 
Commons, and passed the after- 
noon, the evening, and perhaps 
the night, without sleep or food, 
stifled in a close room by the heated 
respiration of six hundred politici- 
ans, inflamed by party and passion, 
and tired of the repetition of dull 
nonsense, which, in that illustri- 
ous assembly, so far outweighs the 
proportion of reason and eloquence. 
On the same day, after a studious 
morning, a friendly dinner, anda 
cheerful assembly of both sexes, E 
retired to rest at eleven o’clock, 
satisfied with the past day, and cer- 
tain that the next would afford me 
the return of the same quiet and ra- 
tional enjoyments. Which has the 
better bargain 2— 


Dr. Adam Smita ta Mr. Gibbon. 
Edinburgh, Dec. 10, 1788- 
My prar Frrenp, 

I HAVE ten thousand apologies 
to make, for not having long ago 
returned you my best thanks for the 
very agreeable pres¢at you made 
me of the three tast volumes. of 
your history. I cannot express to 
you the pleasure it gives me to 
find, that by the universal assent 
ef every man of taste and learning, 
whom | either know or correspond 
with, it sets you at the very head 
of the whole literary tribe at pre. 
sent existing in Europe. I ever 
am, my dear friend, most aftec- 
tionately yours, 

ApvaAmM SMITH, 


NATURAL 


[ 380. ] 


NATURAL HISTORY. 


Some Particulars in the Anatomy of a 
Whale. By Mr. Fohn Abernethy. 
From the Philosophical Trans- 
actions, Part I, 


THERE are some particulars in 
the anatomy of the whale, which, 
I believe, have either entirely es- 
caped, or have not been as yet 
communicated to the public. The 
parts which in the whale cor- 
respond in situation and office with 
the mesenteric glands of other ani- 
mals, differ considerably from those 
glands in structure. ‘These pecu- 
liarities are not only curious in 
themselves, but are illustrative of 
circumstances hitherto esteemed 
obscure, in the anatomy and cco- 
nomy of the lymphatic glands in 
general. I therefore take the li- 
berty of submitting the following 
account of them to the inspection 
of this learned society. 

The animal, from which the 
parts that I am going to describe 
were taken, was a male, of the 
genus named by Linnzus balzna. 

Being désirous of making an 
anatomical preparation, to shew 
the distribution of the mesenteric 
vessels and laéteals of the whale, I 
procured for this purpose a broad 
portion of the mesentery with the 
annexed intestine; and proceeded 


in the first place to inject the blood 
vessel, The mesentery had been 
cut from the animal as close to the 
spine as possible ; had a less portion 
been taken away, the parts which 
I am about to describe would have- 
been left with the body, for they 
ure situated upon the origin of the 
blood vessels belonging to the in- 
testines ; and this, perhaps, is the 
reason why they have not been ob. 
served before. 

When I threw a red-coloured 
waxcn injection into the mesenteric 
artery, I saw it meandering in the 
ramifications of that vessel ; but at 
the same time I observed itcolleéting 
in several separate heaps, about the 
roots of the mesentery, which soon 
increased to the size of eggs. At 
the time, I imagined that the ves- 
sels had been ruptured, and that 
the injection in consequence had 
become extravasated; but I was 
conscious that no improper degree 
of force had been used in propeliing 
the inje€tion. 

I next threw some yellow injec- 
tion into the vein, when similar 
phanomena occurred ; the branches 
of the vein were filled, but at the 
same time the masses of wax near 
the root of the mesentery were in- 
creased by a further effusion’ of 
the injettion. These lumps had 
now acquired a spherical es 

an 


* 


NATURAL 


and some of them were of the size 
of an orange. 

After the inje&tion had become 
cold, I cut into the mesentery, in 
order to remove these balls of wax ; 
when I found that they were con- 
tained in bags, in which I also ob- 
served a slimy and bloody-coloured 
fluid. On the inner surface of these 


bags a greater number of small arte- 


ries und veins terminated ; from the 
mouths of which the injeétion had 
poured into their cavities. ‘There 
were seven of these bags in that 
piece of mesentery which I had to 
examine ; but I am not able to de- 
termine what number belonged to 
the animal; for I do not know 
whether the portion of mesentery 
that I possessed was complete. 
Having removed the injeétion from 
these bags, I observed on the in- 
side of them a soft whitish sub- 
stance, apparently containing a 
plexus of lacteal vessels. This sub- 
stance entered the bags at that 
part of them which was.nearest to 
the intestines, and went out at the 
part next to the spine. I now 
poured some quicksilver into those 
la¢teals which appeared to lead to 
this sott substance ; the quicksilver 
soon entered the vessels which 
were contained in it, and thus its 
nature was ascertained, A number 
of latteals having entered one of 
these bags were observed to com. 
municate with each other, then 
again to separate, and form other 
vessels, which went out of the bag. 
It was some time before the quick- 
silver passed through the plexus of 
vessels contained in the first bag, 
but after having pervaded it, it 
passed on to a second bag, in which 
was concealed a similar plexus of 


Jatteals. The quicksilver ‘perme. 


HISTORY. [382 


ated these last vessels with much 
greater facility than it did the 
former, and quickly ran out of the 
large laéteals which were divided 
at the origin of the mesentery. 
Besides those absorbents which 
passed through the bags in the 
manner described, there were great 
numbers of others, which termi. 
nated by open orifices in every part 
of them. When quicksilver was 
poured into any of the laeals,y 
which were found near the sides 
of the bags, it immediately ran in 
a stream into their cavities. f 
introduced about a dozen bristles, 
through as many la¢teals, into dif. 
ferent parts of two of these bags. 
These were doubtless few, in.com- 
parison to the whole number whick 
terminated in them, but as the me- 
sentery was fat, and the vessels 
were small, more could not easily 
be passed, 

I afterwards stuffed two of the 
bags with horse-hair, dried them, 
and preserved them as an anatomi- 
cal preparation. In this state great 
numbers of arteries and veins, but 
chiefly of the former vessels, are 
seen terminating on their inside, 
in the same indistinét manner as 
the foramina Thebesii appeat when 
the cavities of the heart are laid 
open; the bristles also render vi- 
sible the termination of a certain 
number of lacteals. { examined the 
sides of these bags, which were 
moderately thick and firm; but I 
did not see any thing which, from 
its appearance, I could call a mus. 
cular structure, 

From the circumstances that have 
been related, it appears, that in the 
whale there ate two ways by 


“which the chyle can pass from the 


intestines into the thoracic! dud; 
one 


382] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


ofie of these is through those lateals, 
which pours the absorbed chyle into 
bags, in which it receives an addi- 
tion of animal fluids. The other pas- 

- sage of the chyle is through those 
laéteals which form a plexus on the 
inside of the bags; through these 
tessels it passes with somedificulty, 
en account of their communications 
with each other ; and it is conveyed 
by them to the thoracic du, in 
the same state that it was when 
first imbibed from the intestines. 
The la¢teals, which pour the chyle 
into the bags, are similares to those 
which terminate in the cells of the 
mesenteric glands of other animals : 
there is also an analogy between 
the distribution of the  latteals 
on the inside of these bags, and 
that which we sometimes observe 
on the outside of the lymphatic 
glands in general. In either case, 
a certain number of the wasa 
inferentia, as they are termed, com- 
municate with one another, and 
with other vessels, named wase 
efferentia. 

By this communication, the pro- 
egress of the fluids contained in 
these vessels is in some degree 
checked; which impediment in- 
creases the effusion into the cavities 
of the gland made by the otker 
Ja¢teals: but should these cavities 
be obstruéted, from disease, or other 
causes, an increased determination 
of fluids into the communicating 
absorbents must happen, which 
would overcome the resistance pro. 
duced by their mutual inosculta- 
tions, and the contents of the vessels 
would be driven forwards towards 
the trunk of the system. In the 
whale, as in other animals, we 
find that the impediment, occasi- 
oned by this communication of lac. 
teals, is greatest in the first glands 


at which they arrive after having 
left the intestines. 

The ready termination of so 
many arteries in the mesenteric 
glands of the whale, makes it ap- 
pear probable that there is a copi- 
ous secretion of the fluids mixed 
with the absorbed chyle; and, as 
I have before observed, a slimy 
blood-coloured fluid was found in 
them. As the orifices of veins. 
were open, it appears probable that 
the contents of the bags might 
pass in some degree into those 
vessels. 

Theeminent anatomists, Albinus, 
Meckel, Hewson, and Wrisberg, 
wete of opinion, that the lym- 
phatic glands were not cellular, 
but were composed of convoluted 
absorbing vessels. This notion 
seems, however, to have been gra- 
dually declining. 

Mr. Cruikshank -has of late 
publicly maintained a contrary 
opinion; and has shewn, that the 
cells of these glands have transverse 
communications with each other ; 
which it is not likely they would 
have, if they were only the sections 
of convoluted vessels. Some addi- 
tional observations have occurred 
to me confirming this opinion, 
and which, as I be clieve they have 
not been publicly noticed by others, 
I beg leave to reiate to this society. 
I have injefted the lymphatic 
glands of the groin and axilla of 
horses with wax, and afterwards 
destroyed, the ~ animal substance, 
by immersing them in muriatic 
acid. In some of these glands the 
wax appeared in very small por- 
tions, and irregularly conjoined ; 
which is a convincing proof, that 
it had acquired this irregular form 
from having been impelled into 
numerous minute cells, But in se- 

veral 


NATURAL 


veral instances, I found one solid 
lump of wax, after the destruction 
of the animal substance: and it ap- 
pears to me sufficiently clear, that 
the glands which were filled in this 
manner, were formed internally of 
one cavity, and were not, as is 
common! ly the case, composed of 
many minute cclls. f£ have also 
filled the glands of this struéture, 
in the mesentery of an horse, with 
quicksilver: I have then dried 
them, cutopen the bags, and intro- 
duced a bristle into them through 
the vas infersis. And in the human 
mesentery, after having injected 
the artery, I have filled a hag re- 
sembling a gland with quicksilver ; 
which being opened, a mixture of 
injection and quicksilver was found 
in its cavity. 

That the lymphatic glands in 
most animals are cellular, may not, 
perhaps, be hereafter doubted : 
that they are sometimes mere bags, 
analogy and actual observation in- 
duce me to believe. It might be 
said, that in those instances which 
I have related, the cells were burst, 
or that the g finds were diseased : 
to which I can only reply, that there 
Was NO appearance to lead me ta 
such a conclusion. 

If, then, the lymphatic glands 
are either cellular, cr receptacles 
resembling bags for the absorbed 
fluids, we are naturally led to in- 
quire, what advantages arise from 
this temporary effusion of the con- 
tents of the absorbents. That there 
is a consider ibie quantity of fluids 
poured forth from the arteries of 
the whale, to imix with the absorb- 
éd chyle, is very evident; ner 
can it be doubted that the same 
thing happens in other animals ; for 
the cells of the lymphatic 2 slandé are 

easily inflated, and injecied from 
che arteries, 


HISTORY. 


The ready communication of these 
bags with the veins of the whale, 
induced me to examine whether 
I should ascertain any thing si- 
milar in other animals. Air im- 
pelied by the lymphatic glands, - 
however, seldom gets into veins: 
sometimes indeed veins are inje@ted 
from these glands; but when this 
has occurred to me,-I have observed 
an absorbent arising from the 
gland, and terminating in the ad- 
jacent vein. 

These remarks,:perhaps, may not 
be very important; such, however 
is the nature of the subject, that 
all the knowledge we have hitherto 
obtained of the absorbing vessels 
has been acquired by fragments, 
and all our future acquisitions 
must be made in the same man. 
ner: I have wished, therefore, 
by offering these Sb eivatione to 
contribute my mite to the gene- 
ral stock of our knowledge of this 
subject. 


[383 


An Actount of the late Discavery of 
Native Gild in Ireland. In e 
Litter from Fabn Lijyd, Esq. ta 
Sir Joseph Banks, Bart. From 


the same. 


Cronbane Lodge, near Rathdrum, 
the 4th November, 1796. 


DEAR SIR, 


THE late very important mine. 
ralogical discovery in Ireland, and 
a desire L had jong entertained 
of visiting the celebrated copper 
mine at this place, together with 
the opportun.ty that presenied it. 
sel’, of tnaking my tour in com- 
pany wih Sur friend Mr. Mills, 
who is cne of the propri tors, as 

sole director of ‘the’ mine, 
detertnined me to seize this mo. 
ment 


384] 


ment for my excursion; and yes- 
terday Mr. Mills and J visited the 
spot, where so much pure gold has 
been of late taken up, being distant 
about five miles from this place. 
About seven miles westward of 
Arklow, in the county of Wicklow, 
there is a very high hill, perhaps 
6 or joo yards above the sea, 
called Croughan Kinshelly, one 
of whose NE abutments, or but- 
tresses, is called Ballinnagore, to 
which the ascent may be made in 
half or three quarters of an hour. 
Should you have Jacob Nevil’s 
map of the county of Wicklow, 
published in 1760, at hand, by 
casting your eye on the river Ovo, 
which suns by Arklow, at about 
four miles above the latter place, 
you will perceive the conflux of 
two considerable streams, and of 
a third about half a mile higher up, 
close to a bridge. By tracing 
this last to its source, you will 
come to a place, set down in the 
map Ballinvalley: this is a ravine 
between two others, that run down 
the side of the hill into a semicircu- 
far, or more properly, semi-eiliptical 
valley, which extends in breadth 
from one summit to the other of the 
houndaty of the valley, and across 
the valley three quariers of x mile, 
or somewhat less. . ‘Lhe holiow 
side of the hill forms ‘the termina- 
tion of the valley, and dowa which 
run the three ravines abovemen- 
tioned. At their junction, the 
brook assumes the name of Ballina- 
sloge ;, at this place the descent 
is not very rapid, and so continues 
a hanging level tor about a quarter 
of a mile, or somewhat more, when 
the valley grows narrower, and 
the sides of the brock become 
stecper; and it should scem that, 
some rocky bars across the ceurse 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of the brook have formed the 
gravelly beds, above, over, and 
‘through which the stream flows, 
and in which the gold is found. 
The bed of the brook, and the 
adjacent banks of gravel on each 
side, for near a quarter of a mile 
in length, and for 20 or 30 yards 
in breadth, have been entirely 
stirred and washed by the peasants 
of the country, who amounted to 
many hundreds, at work at a 
time, whilst they were permitted 
to search for the metal. 

A gentleman, who saw them at 
work, told me, he counted above 300 
women, at one time, besides great 
numbers of men and children. 

‘The stream runs down to the NE 
from the hill, which seems to con- 
sist of a mass of schistus and quartz ; 
for on examination of the prin- 
cipal ravine, which is now washed 
clean by the late heavy rains, the 
bottom consisted of schistus, inter. 
sected at different distances and in 
various places, by veins of quartz, 
and of which substances the gravelly 
beds at the bottom, where the gold 
is found, seem to consist. 

Large tumblers of quartz are 
thickly scattered over the surface 
of the top of the hill, under a tur. 
bary ot considerable thickness, 
upon the removal of which these 
tumblers appear. 

I shali not take up your time in 
attempting to give a minute geolo- 
gical description of this part of the 
country, as I have prevailed with 
Mr. Mills (who from his minute 
examinations, and pra¢tical know- 
ledge, is so conversant with the 
mineralogy of the county), to 
undertake that task, which I am 
persuaded. he will perform to your 
satisfaction. 

The gold has been found in 

masses 


NATURAL 


tmasses.off all sizes, from :those. of 
small grains to that of a piece of 
the weight of five ounces, which 
beautiful specimen is intended for 
the cabinet of a nobleman, -adored 
in this country, and not less re- 
spetted by his friends in England, 
and which, I dare to say, you 
wiil shortly have an opportunity of 
seeing in London. One piece of 
22 ounces has been taken up, and 
which, I am told, is to be presented 
to his majesty. 

In our visit to this extraordinary 
place, we were most hospitably en- 
tertained by Mr. Graham, of Bally- 
coage, whose house is not more 
than a. mile. from the gold mine: 
from him and his brothers I learnt, 
that about 25 years ago or more, 
one Dunaghoo, a school-master, re- 
sident near the place, used frequent- 
ly to entertain them with accounts 
of the richness of the valley in gold ; 
and that this man had used to go 
in the night, and break of day, 
to search for the treasure; and 
these gentlemen with their school- 
fellows, used to watch the old man 
in his excursions to the hiil, to 
frighten him, deeming him to be 
deranged in his intellects: however, 
the idea of his treasure did, at last, 
actually derange him. 

John Byrne told me, that about 
11 Or 12 years ago, when he was a 
boy, he was fishing in this brook, 
and found a piece of gold, of a 
quarter of an ounce, which was 
sold in Dublin ; but that upon one 
of his brothers telling him it 
must have been dropped into the 
brook by accident, he gave over 
all thoughts of searching fur more. 
Charles Toole, a miner at Crone. 
bane, tells me, he heard ot this 
discoverf at the time, but gave no 


Vou. XXXVI. 


HISTORY. [3as’ 
credit to it, as he never found any~ 
goid, and lives very near the place. 
{ am credil ly informed too, that a 
goldsmith in Dublin, has every 
year, for 11 or 12 years, bought 
four or five ounces of gold, brought 
constantly by the same person, but 
not John Byrne. * 
Thus, sir, you have all I conld 
Jearn respecting thisimportant event 5 
which is at your service to lay 
before the Royal Society, shouid 
you not have been furnished with an 
account from an abler pen. 
J am, &es7e 
JOHN ELOYD.™ 


P. So. 1 am told the nama of the 
brook, where the gold is: found: is, 
in Irish, Aghios vonght. ti 


A Mineralogical'aces sunt of the Native 
Guild Lately discovered of in Ire- 


loud. Ina Letter from Abraham 
Mills; Esq. to Sir joun ate 
Bart.) Ke Be Ps RS 


Cronebane Capper Mines, near Rath~ 
drum, November 21,1795: 
SIR, y 

THE extraordinary circumstance? 
of native gold being found {n this 
vicinity, early excited my attention, 
and led me to seize the first oppor- 
tunity that presented itself, atter 
ay late arrival here, to inspe& the 
place where the discov ery) was 
made. 

I went thither on Tuesday, the 
3d of this month, with Mr. Lloyd, 
of Havodynos, and Mr. Weaver. 
The former having given you some 
account of the circumstances which 

atiended the ae discovery, and 
since he left me, a, favourable day 
having enabled ‘me to take a se- 

Ce cond 


386] 


cond view of the adjacent country, 
I shall now attempt to describe the 
general appearance, and add such 
further information as has come to 
my knowledge. 

The workings which the pea- 
santry recently undertook, are on 
the north east side of the mountain 
Croughan Kinshelly, within the 
barony of Arklow, and county of 
Wicklow, on the lands of the earl 
of Carysfort, wherein the Earl of 
Ormond claims a right to the mi- 
nerals, in consequence (as I have 
been informed), of a grant in the 
reign of king Henry the second, 
by prince John, during his coim- 
mand of his father’s forces in 
Ireland ; which grant was renewed 
and confirmed by queen Elizabeth, 
and again by king Charles the 
second. 

The summit of the mountain is 
the boundary between the counties 
of Wicklow and Wexford; seven 
English miles west of Arklow,: 
ten to the south-westward of Rath- 
drum, and six south-westerly from 
Cronebane mines; by estimation 
about six hundred yards above the 
level of the sea. It extends W by 
N and E by S, and stretches away 
to- the north-eastward, to Bally. 
ceage, where shafts have formerly 
been sunk, and some copper and 
Magnetic iron ore hus been found ; 
and thence to the NE there extends 
a tract of mineral country, eight 
miles in length, running through 
the lands of Baliymurtagh, Bally- 
gaban, Tigrony, Cronebane, Con- 
nery, and Kilmacoe, in all which 
veins of copper ore are found, and 
terminating at the slate quarry at 
-Balnabarny. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


On the highest part of the moun-* 
tain 2re bare rocks, being a variety 
of argillite, whose joints range 
NNE and SSW, hade to the SSW, 
and in one part include a rib of 
quartz, three inches wide, which 
follows the direction of the strata. 
Around the rocks, for some dis- 
tance, is found ground covered 
with heath; descending to the 
eastward, there is a springy ground, 
abounding with coarse grass; and 
below that, a very extensive 
bog, in which the turf is from 
four to nine feet thick, and be-’ 
neath it, inthe substratum of clay, 
are many angular fragments of 
quartz, containing chlorite, and 
ferruginous earth. Below the tur. 
bary the ground falls with a quick 
descent, and three ravines are. ob- 
served. The central one, which 
is the most considerable, has been 
worn by torrents, which derive 
their source from the bog, the others 
are formed lower down the mountain 
by springs, which uniting with the 
former, below their junction the 
gold has been found. The smaller 
have not water sufficient to wash 
away the incumbent clay, so as to 
lay bare the substratum; and their 
beds only contain gravel, consisting 
of quartz with chlorite, and other 
substances of which the mountain 
consists. The great ravine presents 
a most interesting aspect ; the water 
in its descent has, in a very short 
distance from the bog, entirely car- 
ried off the. clay, and considerably 
worn down the substrata of rock, 
which it has laid open to inspection, 

Descending along the bed of the 
great ravine, whose general course 
is to the eastward, a yellow argilla- 

; ceous 


> 


NATURAL 


teous schistus is first seen; the la- 
minz are much shattered, are very 
thin, havea siight hade to theSSW, 
and range ESE aod WNW. In- 
cluded within the schist, is a vein 
of compact barren quartz, about 
three feet wide, ranging NE and 
SW ; below this is another vein, 
2bour nine inches wide, having the 
same range as the former, and had- 
ing to ‘the northward, consisting 
of quartz, including ferruginous 
earth. Lower down, isa vein of 
a compatt aggregate substance, ap- 
parently compounded of quartz, 
Ochraceous earth, chert, minute 
particles of mica, and some little 
argillite, of unknown breadth, 
ranging E and W, hading fast to 
the southward, and _ including 
strings of quartz, from one or two 
inches thick, the quartz containing 
ferruginous earth.. The yellow ar- 
gillaceous schistus is again seen 
with its former hade and range; and 
then adjacent to the quartz vein, 
is laminated blue argillaceous schis- 
tus, ranging NE and SW, and 
hading SE; which is afterwards 
seen varying its range and hade, 
running ENE and WSW, and 
hading NNW; lower down, the 
blue schist is observed” more com- 
pact, though stili laminated. The 
ground less steep, becomes springy, 
is inclosed, and the ravine, shal- 
lower, has deposited a consider. 
able quansity of clay, sand, and 
gravel. Following the course of 
the ravine, or, as it may now more 
properly be called, the brook, ar- 
Five at the road which Jeads to 
Arkiow; here is a ford, and 
the brook has the Irish name of 
Augbatmavonght (ihe river that 
drowned the old man); hence it 
descends to the Avghrim river, 
just above its confluences with that 


HISTORY. [387 


from Rathdrum, which, after their 
junction, take the general name of 
the Ova, that discharging itselt ins 
to the sea near the town of Arklow, 
forms an harbour for vessels of 
small burden. 

The lands of ire i are to 
the southward, and the lands of 
Ballinagore to the northward of 
the ford, where the blue schistus 
rock, whose joints are nearly verti- 
cal, is seen ranging ENE and 
WSw, including small strings of 
quartz, which contain ferruginous 
earth. Lhe same kind of earth 
isa!so seen in the quartz, contained 
in a vein from ten to twelve inches 
wide, ranging ENE and WSW, 
and hading to the souchward which 
has been iaid open in forming the 
Arklow rocd. 

Here the valley is from twenty 
to thirty yards in width, and is 
covered with substances washed 
down from the mountain, which 
on the sides have accumulated to 
the depth of about twelve feet. A 
thin stratum of vegetable soil lies 
uppermost; then clay, mingled with 
fine sand, composed of smail parti- 
cles of quartz, mica, and schist s 
beneath which the same substances 
are larger, and constitute a bed of 
gravel, that also contains nodules 
of fine grained iron stone, which 
produces 50° per cent. of crude 
iron: incumbent on the rock are 
large tumblers of quartz, a variety 
of argillite and schistus; many 
pieces of the quartz are perfectly 
pure, others atrached to the schis. 
tas, others contain chlorite, py. 
rites, mica, and ferruginous earth ; 


and the arsenicai cubical pyrites 
frequently occur, § imbedded in 
the blue schistus, Jn this mass 
of matter, before the workinzs 
began, the brook had formed 

Cez its 


388] 


its channel. down to the surface of 
the rock, and between six and 
seven feet wide, but in times of 
floods exiended itself entirely over 
the valley. 

Researches have been made for 
the goid, amidst the sand and gra- 
vel along the run of the brook, 
for near half a mile in length; but 
it is only about one hundred and 
fifty yards above, and about two 
hundred yards below the ford, that 
the trials have been attended with 
much success : within that space the 
valley is tolerably level, and the 
banks of the brook have not more 
than five feet of sand and gravel 
above the rock ; added to this, it 
takes a small turn to the south- 
ward, and, consequenily, the rude 
surfaces of the schistus rock in some 
degree cross its course, and form 
natural impediments to the par- 
ticles of gold being carried fur- 
ther down the stream, which still 
lower has amore rapid descent ; be- 
sides, the rude manner in which the 
country people worked, seldom ena- 
bled them to penetrate to the rock, 


in those places where the sand and | 


gravel were of any material depth. 
Their method was, to turn the 
course of the water wherever they 
deemed necessary, and then, with 
any instruments they could pro- 
cure, to dig holes down to the 
rock, and by washing, in bowls 
ami hingen: the sand and gravel they 
threw out, to separate the parti- 
cles of gold which it contained ; 
and from the slovenly and hasty 


way in which their operations were,. 


rformed, much go!ld most pro- 
bably escaped their search; and 
that indeed actually appears -to 


have been the case, for since the 
late rains washed the clay and gra. 
vel which had beco thrown UP, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


gold has been found lying on the 
surface, The situation of the place, 
and the constant command of wa- 
ter, do, however, very clearly point 
out the great facility with which 
the gold might be separated from 
the trash, by adopting the mode of 


working. practised at the best ma-’ 


naged tin stream works in the 
county of Cornwall; that is, en- 
tirely to remove (by machinery} 


the whole coyer off the rock, and 


then wash it in proper buddles and. ° 


sieves. And by thus continuing 
the operations, constantly advanc.- 
ing in the ravine towards the 
mountain, as long as gold should 
be found, the vein that forms its 

matrix might probably be laid 
bare. 

The discovery was made public, 
and the workings began, early in 
the month of September last, . and 
continued till the 15th of O€tober, 
when a parzy of the Kildare mili- 
tia arrived, and took,. possession 
by ordec of government ; .and the 
great concourse of people, who 
were busiiy cngazed in endeavour. 
ing to procure a share of the trea- 
sure, emai id desisted from 
their | labour, and peaceably retired. 

Calculations. have been’ made, 
that during the foregoing period, 
gold to the amount cf three thou. 
sand pounds Irish sterling was sold 
to. various persons; the average 
price was three pounds fiftcen shil- 
lings per ounce; hence eight hun. 
dred ounces appear to have been 


he 


collected within the short pace of | 


six weeks. 


The gold is of abright yellow © 
perfectly malleable; the 


colour, 
specific gravity of an apparently 
clean piece 19,000. A specimen, 


assayed here by. Mr. Weaver, in 


the moist way, produced from 24 
grains, 


NATURAL 


grains, 22353, grains of pure gold, 
and 1 #3; of silver. Some of the 
gold is intimately blended with, 
and adherent to quartz; some (it 
is said) was found united to the 
fine grained iron stone, but the 
major part was entirely free from 
the matrix; every piece more or 
I*ss rounded on the edges, of vari- 
sos weights, forms, and sizes, from 
th: most minute particles up to 
@ »z. 17 dwt.; only two pieces 
are known to have been found of 
superior weight, and one of those 
is 5, and the other 22 ounces. 

I much regret not having been 
present when the work was going 
on, that] might have seen the gold 
as found, before prepared for sale by 
breaking off any extraneous matter 
that adhered ; for in that state, a pro- 
per attention to the substances with 
which it was united, and a subse- 
quent diligent’ inspection of the 
several ves that range through 
the mountain, might assist towards 
the discovery of that from whence 
it was detached. 

I shall shortly return to Eng- 
land ; and on my arrival, will send 
specimens of the gold, and of the 
different substances of the moun- 
tain, to be deposited (if you think 
proper) in the colle¢tion of the 
Royal Society. 

And am, with great respe€t, &c. 

ABRAHAM MILLs. 


The bearings are all taken by the 
compass, without allowing for the 
variation, ; 


Besipes these accounts of the 
Id found in Ireland, the follow- 


ing information has been reccived™ 


on that subject. 
William Molesworth, esq. . of 
Dublin, in a letter to Richard 


HISTORY. [389 


Molesworth, Esq. F. R. S. writes, | 
that he weighed the largest piece 
of gold in his balance, both in air 
and water; that its weight was 
200Z. 2dwt. 21 gr. and its speci- 
fic gravity, to that of sterling gold, 
as 12 to 18. Also that Richard 
Kirwan, Esq. F.R.S. found the 
specific gravity of another specimen 
tobe as 13 to 18. Hence, as the 
gold was worth 4!. an ounce, Mr. 
William Molesworth concludes that 
the specimens are tull of . pores 
and cavities, which increase their 
bulk, and that there are some ex- 
traneous substances, such as dirt 
or clay, contained” »in those ca- 


vities. : 
This opinion was discovered to 
be weil founded, by cutting 


through some of the small lumps. 


Sranespy ALcHoRNE, Esq. his 
majesty’s assay-master at the Tower 
of London, assayed two specimens 
of this native gold. The first ap- 
peared to contain, in 24. carats, 

21% of fine gold ; 

1% of fine silver ; 

% of alloy, which seemed to be 
copper tinged with a lirtle iron. 

The sccond sfecimen differed 
only inholding 214 instead of 21¢ 
of fine gold. 

Major John Brown, of the royal’ 
engineers, transmitted to the right 
hon. Thomas Peiham, a sketch of 
the spot where the gold was tound,’ 
which Mr. Pelham has obligingly 
permitted to be enzraved, for the 
use of the Royal Society.  C. B. 
LeU Eb DEERE My PEE 
On the Cd flt on high Mountcins, 

and at great D.pths. From Dr. 

Hunter’ sTranslation of Euler's Let. 

ters to a German Princess. 


. » 48 . Sy 
IT appears yery surprizing, that . 
Cie3 WE 


390] 


we should feel the same degree of 
cold in all regions, after we have 
risen to acertain height, say 24,000 
fet ; considering that the variations 
with respect to heat, on the.earth, 
not onlv in the different climates, 
but in the same country, at differe 
ent seasons of the year, are so per. 
ceptib.e. This variety, which takes 
place at the surface of the globe, 
is undoubtedly occasioned by the 
sun. It appears, at fiist sight, 
tha: his influence must be the same 
above ad b low, especially when 
we reflect, that a height of 24,000 
eet, ora mile, though very great 
with respect to us, and even far 
beyond the height of the loftiest 
mountains, isa mere nothing, com- 
pared to the distance of the sun, 
which is about thirty milltens cof 
miles*, This.is therefore, a very 
important difficulty, which we 
must endeavour to solve. For this 
purpose, 1 begin with remarking, 
thit the rays of the sun do not 
communicate heat to any hodies, 
but such as do not grant them a 
free passege. You know that 
bodies, through. which we can dis- 
cern objects, ave denominated trens- 
parent, plincid, and diaphonous. 
These bedies are glass, crystal, 
diamond, water, and several other 
liquids, though some are more or 
less transparent than ovhers, Cne 
of these transparent bodies being 
exposed to the sun, is not heat da 
tosuch a degree as a bedy not trans- 


parent, as wood, iron, a Bodies 
not transparent are ominared 
opzque. <A burning ae fet ex 


ample, by trensmitring tbe ravs of 
the sun, sets on fire opaque bodies, 
while the glass itself ts not sensibly 
heated. Water exposed to the sun 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


becomes somewhat warm, only be- 
cuu-e it ts not perfectly transparent; 
when we see it cons.derably heated 
by the sun at the brink of ri- 
vers, it is because the bottom, be~ 
ing an opaque bedy, is heated by 
the rays which the water transmits, 
Now, every heated body commu. 
picates that h at to all adjoining 
bodies ; the water according!y de- 
rives heat from the botrom. [i the 
water be very deep, so that the rays 
cannot penetrate to the bottom, it 
has no perceptible heat, though the 
sun bears upon it. 

As airisa very transparent body, 
to a much higher degree than glass 
or, water, it follows, that :t cannct 
be heated by the san, because the 
rays are freely transmitied through 
it. The heat which we frequently 
feelin the air, 1s communicaicd to 
it by opaque bodies, which che rays 
of the sun have -heated ; and were 
it possibie to annihilate all these 
bodies, the air wou'd scarcely un- 
Gergo any change in its temperature 
by the rays of the sen: exposed to 
it or not, tt would be equally cold. 
But the atmosphere j is not perfecily 
transparent : it is even some:imes 
so loaded with vapours, that 1: loses 
almost entirely iis transparency, 
and presents only a thick fog. 
When the air isin this state, the 
rays of the sun have a more power. 
ful influence upon it, and heat it 
immediately. 

Burt these vapours rise to no 
great height; at the height of 
£4,000 fret, nail beyond, the air 
is sosubtile and so pure, that it is 
perfeétiy transparent ; and for this 
reason the rays of the sun cannot 
immediately produce any effect 
upon it. This air is likewise too 


3 Mr. Evler always means German miles, of 4000 fathoms each, or somewhat 


under 43 miles English —E.E. 


remote 


NATURAL 


remote from terrestrial bodies, to 
receive a communication of heat 
from them; they att only upon 
such as are adjacent. Hence you 
will easily perceive, that the rays 
of the sun cannot produce any ef. 
_ fe& in regions of the air very much 
elevated above the surface of the 
earth ; and that the same degree of 
cold must’ always, and universally, 
prevail in such regions, as the sun 
has no influence there, and as the 
heat of terrestrial bodies cannot be 
communicated so far. This is 
neatly the case on the summit of 
very high mountains, where it is 
always much colder than on_ plains 
and in valites*. 

. The city of Quito,’ in Pera, is 
almost under the equator, and were 
we to form our judgment from irs 
situation on the globe, we wou!d 
suppose it oppressed with intoler- 
able heat; the air, however, is 


abundantly temperzic, and differs 


very little from that of Paris. 
Quito is situated at a great height 
above the real surface of the earth. 
In going to it from the sea shore, 
you have to ascend for several days ; 
it is accordingly built in an eleva- 
tion equal to that of our highest 
mountains, though surrounded by 
others still much higher, called the 
Cordeliers. This last circumstance 
would afford a reason for thinking, 


HISTOR [391 
that the air there must be as hot as 
at the surface of the earth, as it is 
contiguous on all sides, to the epaque 
bodies, on which the rays of the 
sun fall, The obje€tion is solid; 
ai no solution can be given but 
this: that the air at Quito, being 
very elevated, mast be much more 
sudtile, and of less gravity than 
withus; and the barometer, which 
always stands considerably lower, 
incontestibly proves ir. 

Air of such a quality is not so 
susceptible of heat as common air, 
as if must contain Jess vapour and 
other particles which usualiy float 
in the atmosphere; and we know 
by experience, that air, very much 
loaded, is proportionably suscepti- 
ble of heat, { mast here subjcia 
another phenomenon, no_ less suz- 
prising : in ‘very deep pits, and 
lower still, at it were still possible 
to descend, the same degree of heat 
always, and univezsaily prevails, 
and nearly for the same reason. 
As the rays of the sun exert their 
influence only on the surface of the 
earth, and as the heat which they 
there excite communicates itself 
up and down, this effeét, at very 
great depths, is almost impercep- 
tible. Tle same thing holds re. 
specting considerable height, This 
elucidation will, I flatter myself, 
prove satisfactoryt. 

Account 


* There are clouds, however, above these mountains, and in almost as great a 


quantity as above the plains, which is demonstrated by the snows which cover the 
highest sammits. There are few naturalists who h ve not been surprised by 
clouds in their excursions upon-the mountains, ‘The heat that is felt when such 
clouds are formed, must be attributed almost entirely tu the transm’ssion of the water 
which found itself dissolved in the air, under the form of elastic fluid, to a liquid 
state. The heat of the solar rays, intercepted by the cloud, can produce no 
change in- he inferior temperature, as it would have been transmitted from the 
ground—F. E. 

+ The reason which professor Euler assigns for the cold that prevails in the 
higher regions of the atmosphere seems plausible, but will not stand an accurate 
examination, Light is much impaired in its passage through the atmosphere, 

Cc4 and 


392] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


Acecunt of the Great Speckled Diver AS one of my neighbours was” 
or Loon. From Woite’s Natural. traversing Wolmer forest from 
ist?s Calendar. Bramshot across the moors, he 


found 


and the heat communicated is in every case proportional to the quantity of absorp- 

tion, It appears, irom some ingenious experiments of Mr. Bouguer, that we re- 

ceive only four-fifths cf the rays of a vertical sun; and when that luminary ape 

proaches the horizon, the portion ef this light, which reaches the surface of the 

earth, is much smaller, Thus, at an elevation of 20 degrees, it is one-half-;_at 

that of 10 degrees, one-third; and at that of five degrees, one-eighth. Hence, 
the sun-beams are most powerful on the summits of lofty mountains, for they sufe 

fer the greaiest diminution in passing through the dense air of the lower regions< 
If the atr derived its heat from the surface of the earth, those countries would be 

warmest which enjoyed the greatest quantity of sun-shine. The British islands are 

shrouded in clouds nine months of the year; yet our climateis milder than that 

of the same parallel on the continent, where the sky is generally serene. The ele- 

vated town of Quito, exposed to a brilliant sun, enjoys a temperate air; while 
the Peruvian plains, shaded with fleecy clouds, are parched with heat. Were the 

reasoning in the text to be admitted, we would conclude, that the tops of moun-" 
tains are warmer than their basis. ‘To say that air, much rarified, is not suscep- 

tible of heat, is a very extraordinary assertion, since we are acquainted with no. 
substance whatever that may not be heated. Besides, a more intense cold may be 
artificially produced than what prevails in the lofty regions of the Gentethere: 
We must recur to other principles for the true solution of the fact. It is indiffee 
rent what portion of the air first receives the heat; the effect depends entirely on 
the nature of its distribution. If the atmosphere were of an uniform density 
throughout, the heat would, at all heights, be likewise the same. But as the den- 
sity varies according to the altitude, the distribution of heat is affeéted by that 
circumstance, and foilows a certain corresponding law. I would gladly develope the 
principles from which this theory is deduced, but the popular nature of the present 
treatise forbi’s all abstract discussion, I shall, therefore, content myself with giving 
a table of the diminution of heat at different altitudes. 


Diminution of heat, in degrees of 


Altitude in feet. Fahrenheit. 
3,000 — — _ — 120 
6,000 _ -- _ _ 24% 
9,000 Le we = = $8 

12,000 = ve als = 53 
15,000 ts = _ —_ 684 
18,000 — ae — _ 86 
21,000 — = = _ 94 


\ 


The diminution of heat, on the ascent, is not quite so great in extensive continents ; 
for the intercourse between the rare and the dense portionsof the atmosphere is, in 
this sateoneeetarily slow, and the heat, which is principally formed at the surface, 
will only be partially dispersed. t ; 

It is a common mistake to suppose, that the same heat obtains, at a certaig 
depth, in every part of the globe. The factis, that heat, originally derived from 
the, sun, is communicated very slowly to the matter below the surface, which, 
therefore, does not fec! the-vicissitude of seasons, but retainsthe average tempera 
ture of the climate for many ages. Hence the utility. of examinin the heat of 
springs which is the same with that of the substances through which they ere 


NATURAL 


found a large uncommon bird flut- 
tering in the heath, but not wound- 
ed, which he brought home alive. 
On examination it proved to be 
Colymous giacialis, Linn.: the 
great speckled diver or loon, which 
is most excellently described in 
Wiltoughby’s ornithology. 

Every part and proportion of this 
bird is so incomparably adapted to 
its mode. of life, that in-no in. 
stance do we see the wisdom of 
God in the creation to more ad- 
vantage. ‘he head is sharp, and 
smelicr than the part of the neck 
adjoining, in order that it may 
pierce the water; the wings are 
placed forward, and out of the cen- 
tre of gravity, for a purpose which 
shall be noticed hereafter ; the thighs 
quite at the podex, in order to fa- 
cilitate diving; and the legs are 
flat, and as sharp backwards al. 
most as the edge of a knife, that 


in striking they may easily cut the’ 


water; while the feet are palmat- 
ed, and broad for swimming, yet 
so foided up when advanced for- 
ward to take a fresh stroke, as to 
be full as narrow as the shank. 
The two exterior toes of the feet 
are longest; the nails flat and 
broad resembiing the human, which 


HISTORY. [393 
give strength and increase the 
power of swimming. The foot, 
when expanded, is not at right | 
angles to the leg or body of the 
bird: but the exierior part inclin- 
ing towards the head forms an a. 
cute angle with the body ; the in- 
tention being not to give motion 
in the line of the legs themselves, 
but by the combin-d impulse of 
both in an intermediate line, the 
line of the body. 

Most people know, that have 
observed at all, that the swimming 
of birds 1s nothing more than a 
waiking in the water, where one 
foot succeeds the other as on the 
land; yet no one, as “far as I am 
aware, has remarked that diving 
fowls, while under water, impel 
and row themselves forward by a 
motion of their wings, as well aa 
by the impulse of their feet: but 
such is really the case, as any per- 
son may easily be convinced, who 
will observe ducks when hunted 
by dogs inaclear pond. Nor do 
I know that any one has given a 
reason why the wings of diving 
fowls are placed so forward: doubt. 
less, not for the purpose of pro. 
moting’ their speed in flying, since 
that, position certainly impedes it ; 


The following table exhibits the average heat of places on the level of the sea, 
computed by the celebrated astronomer, protessor Meyer, for every five degrees of 


Jatitude. 
Latitude, Average Temperature. 
o— _ 84° 
5 — - aod 
1.5— Sic Bh 
1 = she 
20 — —_ 78 
25 — _ 74k 
30 — _- 71 
B35 on --- 67 
4 — => AR 
45 == -- 58 


By comparing this table with the preceding, 


Latitude, Average Temperature. 
50 — Se 

65 -— -“ 49 

60 =-< ied 45 

65 — _ 41} 

TQ == ~~ 36 . 

15 -- -_ 35¥ 

80 -- — 33h 

BS joes — Sof 

90 = _ $2 


it is easy to discover, for any la- 


titude, the altitude of the curve of congelation, or where the average tempetature 


is 32° a-eE, E. 


but 


394] 


but probably for*the increase of 
their motion under water, by the 
use of four oars instead of two; 
yet were the wings and fect nearer 
together, as in land birds, they 
would, wben in action, rather bin- 
der than assist one another. 

This Colymbus was of conside- 
rable bulk, weighing only thrce 
drachms short of three pounds a- 
voirdupoise. It measured in length 
from the bill to the tail (which 
was very short), two feet; and to 
thé extremities of the toes four 
inches more; and the breadth of 
the wings expanded was 42 inches. 
A person attempted to eat the 
body, but found it very strong and 
rancid, as is the flesh of all birds 
living on fish. Divers or loons, 
though bred in the most northerly 

| parts of Europe, yet are seen with us 
in very severe winters ; and on the 
Thames are called sprat loons, be- 
cause they prey much on that sort of 
fish. 

The legs of the Colymbi and 
Mergi are placed so very back- 
ward, and so out of all cenire of 
gravity, that these birds cannot 
walk at all. They arecailed by Lin- 
nzus compedes, because they move 
on the ground as if shackled, or 
fettered, 


Contrasts and Canscnancies betaween 
Animals andthe Earth. From Dr. 
Hunter’ s Translation of St. Pierre’s 

- Studies of Nature. 


THERE is seen, on the shores 
of India, a large and beavtiful 
bird, white, and fire-coloured, cal!- 
ed the flamingo, not that it is of 
Flemish extraction, but the name 
is derived from the old French 


* History of the Antilles, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


word flambant (flaming), because 
it appears, at a distance, like a 
flame of fire. He generally inha- 
bits in swainpy grounds, and salt 
marshes, in the waters of which 
he construcis his nest, by raising 
out of she moisture, of a foot deep, 
a little hillock of mud, a foot and 
a half high. He makes a hole in 
the summit of this little hillock; 
in this the hen deposits two eggs 
and hatches them, with her feet 
sunk in the water, by means of the 
extreme length of her legs. When 
several of these birds are sitting at 
the same tiie on their eggs, in 
the midst of a swamp, you would 
take them, at a distance, for the 
flames of a conflagration, bursting 
from the bosom of the waters, 
Other fow!s present contrasts of 
a different kind on the same shores. 
The pelican, or wide throat, isa 
bird white and brown, provided 
with a Jarge bag under its beak, 
which is of excessive length. Out 
he goes every morning to store his 
bay with fish: aod, the supply of 
the day having been accomplished, 
he perches on some pointed rocks 
ona level with the water, where 
he stands immoveuble till theeven- 
ing, says father Du Tertre*, ‘* as 
in a state of profound sorrow, with 
the head drooping, from the weight 


of his long bili, end eyes fixed on» 


the agitated ocean, as motionless 


as a statue of marble.’’? © On the - 


dusky strand of those seas may fre- 
quently be distinguished herons 
white as snow, and in the azure 
plains of the sky, the paillencu of a 
very white, skimming through it 
almost ovt of sight; he: is some- 
times glazed over with a bright 
red, having likewise the two long 


‘ 


feathers 


NATURAL 


feathers of his tail the colour of fire, 
as that of the South-seas. 

In many cases, the deeper that 
the ground is, the more brilliant 
are the colours in which the ani- 
mal, destined to live upon it, is 
arrayed. We have not, perhaps, 
in Europe, any insect with richer 
and gayer clothing than the ster- 
coraccous scarab, and the fly, which 
bears the same epithet. This last 
is brighter than burnished gold and 
steel; the other, of a hemispheri- 
cal form, is of a fine blue, inciin- 
ing to purple ; and in order to ren- 
der the contrast complete, he ex- 
hales a strong and ayreeable odour 
of musk, 

Nature has bestowed at once, in 
the colours of innoxious animals, 
contrasts with the ground on which 
they live, and consonances with 
that which is adjacent, and has su- 
‘peradded the instinét of employing 
these alternately, according as good 
or bad fortune prompts. These 
wonderful accommodations may be 
_remarked in most of our small 
birds, whose flight is feeble, and 
of short duration. The grey lark 
finds her subsistence among . the 
grass of the plains ? Does any thing 
terrify her, she glides away, and 
takes her station between two little 
clods of earth, where she becomes 
invisible. On this post she re- 
mains in such perfect tranquillity, 
as hardly to quit it, when the foot 
of the fowler is ready to erush her. 

The same thing is true of the par- 
tridge, I have no doubt that these 
defenceless birds have a sense of 
those contrasts and corresponden- 
cies of colour; for I have remark. 
ed it even in insects. In the month 


HISTORY. [395 


of March last, Iobserved, by the 

brink of the rivulet which washes 

the Gobelins *, a butterfly of the 
colour of brick, reposing with ex. 

panded wings on a tuft of grass. 

On my approaching him, he flew 

off, He alighted, at some paces dis. 

tance, on the ground, whch, at 

that place, was of the same colour 

with himself. I approached him 
a second time; he took a secoad 
flight, and perched again on a 

similar stripe of earth. Ina word, 

I found it was not in my power 
to oblige him to alight on the 
grass, though I made frequent at- 

tempts to that effect, and though ' 
the spaces of earth-which separated 
the turfy soil were narrow, and few 
in number. 

This wonderful instinét is like. 
wise conspicuously evident in the 
cameleon. This species of lizard, 
whose motion is extremely siow, 
‘s indemnified for this, by the in- 
comprehensible faculty of assum. 
ing, at pleasure, the colour of the 
ground over which he moves. 
With this advantage, he is ena- 
bled to elude the eye of his pur- 
suer, whose speed would soon have 
overtaken him. ‘This faculty is in 
his will, for hisskin is by no means 
a mirror. It reflects only the 
colour of objects, and not their 
form. What is farther singularly 
remarkable in this, and perfectly 
ascertained by naturalists, though 
they assign no reason for it, he can 
assume all colours, as brown, grey, 
yellow, and especia!ly green, which 
is his favourite colour, but never 
red. The cameleon has been plac. 
ed, for weeks together, amidst 
scarlet stuffs, without acquiring the 


* Asmall village in the suburbs of Paris, noted for its manufactures in fine tae 


pestry and superb mirrors, 


slightest 


396} 
slightest shade of that colour, Na- 
ture ‘seems‘to have withheld from 
the creature this shining hue, be- 
cause it could serve only to ren- 
der him perceptible as a greater 
distance ; and farther, because this 
colour is that of the ground of no 
species of earth, or of vegetable, 
on which he is designed to pass his 
life. 

But, in the age of weakness and 
inexperience, nature confounds 
the colour of the harmless animals, 
with that of the ground on which 
they inhabit, without committing 
to them the power of choice. The 
young of pigeons, and of most 
granivorous fowls, are clothed with 
a greenish shaggy coat, resembling 
the mosses of the nests. Cater- 
pillars are blind, and have the 
complexion of the foliage, and of 
the barks, which they devour. 
Nay, thé young fruits, before they 
come to be armed with prickles, 
or inclosed in cases, in bitter pulps, 
in hard shells, to prote¢t their 
seeds, are, during the seasonof their 
expansion, green as the leaves 
which surround them. Some em. 
bryons, it is true, such as those of 
certain pears, are ruddy or brown ; 
but they are then of the colour of 
the bark of the tree to which they 
belong. When those fruits have in- 
closed their secds in kernels, or nuts, 
so as to be in no farther danger, they 
then change colour. ‘They become 
yellow, blue, gold-coloured, red, 
back, and give to their respective 
trecs their natural contrasts. It 
is strikingly remarkable, that every 
fait which has changed colour has 
seed in a state of maturity. 

It is in the countries of the 
North, and on. the summit of cold 
mountains, thatthe pine grows, 
and the,fir, and the cedar, and most 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


part of resinous trees, which shelter 
man from the snows by the close- 
ness of their foliage, and which 
furnish him, during the winter 
season, with torches, and fuel for 
his fire-side. It is very remark- 
able, that the leaves of those ever- 
green trees are filifrm, and are 
extremely adapted, by this confi. 
guration, which possesses the far- 
ther advantage of reverberating the 
heat, like the hair of animals, for 
resistance to the impetuosity of the 
winds, that-beat with peculiar vio. 
lence on elevated situations. The 
Swedish naturalists have observed, 
that the fattest pines are to be 
found on the dryest and most sandy 
regions of Norway. . The larch, 
which takes equal pleasure in the 
cold mountains, has a very resi« 
nous trunk. 
Mathiola, in his useful commen. 
tary on Dioscorides, informs us, 
that there is no substance more pro- 
per than the charcoal of these trees, 
tor promptly melting the iron mi- 
nerals, in the vicinity of which 
they peculiarly thrive. They are, 
besides, loaded with mosses, some 
species of which catch fire from 
the slightest spark. He relates, 
that being obliged, oo a certain 
occasion, to‘pass the night in the 
lofty ‘mountains of the strait of 
Trento, where he was botanizing, 


‘he found there a great quantity of 


larches (/arix,) bearded all over, to 
use his own expression, and com- 
pletely whitened with moss. ‘The 
shepherds of the place, willing to 
amuse him, set fire to the mosses 
of some of these trees, which was 
immediately communicated with’ 
the rapidity of gunpowder touched’ 
with a match. Amidst the ob. 
‘scurity of the night, the flame and_ 
the sparks seem to ascend up : 

the 


be 


~ the very heavens. 


NATURAL 


They diffesed, 
as they burnt, a very agreeable 
perfume. He farther remarks, that 
the best agaricum grows upon the 
larch, and that the arquebusires of 
his time made use of it for keeping 
up fire, and for making matches. 
Thus, nature, in crowning the 
summit of cold and ferruginous 
mountains with those vast vege- 
table torches, has placed the match 
in their branches, the tinder at 
their foot, and the steel at their 

roots, 

To the south, on the contrary, 
trees present, in their foliage, fans, 
umbrellas, parasols. The latanier 
carries each of its leaves plaited as 
a fan, attached to a long tail, and 
similar, when completely displayed, 
to a radiating sunof verdure. ‘Two 
of those trees are to be scen in the 
royal-garden,. The leaf of the ba- 
nana resembies a long and bread 
girdle, which, undoubtedly, pro- 
cured for it the name of Adam’s 
“fz-tree. The magnitude of the 

-ves of several species of trees 

teases in proportion as we ap. 

ach the Line. That of the co- 
i-tree, with double fruit of the 
thelles Islands, is from twelve to 

« en feet long, and from seven 
_ eight broad. A single one is suf- 
ficient to cover a numerous family. 
One of these leaves is, likewise, to 
be seen in the Royal Cabinet of 
Natural History. ‘That of-the ta. 
lipot of the Island of Ceylon is of 
nearly the same size.- 

The interesting and unfortunate 
Robert Knox, wio has given the 
best account of Ceylon which I am 


acquainted with, tells us, that one 


of the leaves of the talipot is ca- 
pable of covering from fifteen to 
twenty perons. When it is dry, 
continues he, it is at once strong 


HISTORY. [397 


and pliant, so that “you. may. fold 
and unfold it at pleasure, being 
naturally plaited, like,a,fan. In 
this. siate it. is not bigger than a 
men’s arm, and extremely light, 
The natives cut it into triangles, 
though it is naturélly, round, and 
each of them carries one of those 
sections over his head, holding, ihe 
angular part before, in his hand, 
to open for himseif a passage 
through the bushes. . The soldiers 
employ this leaf as a covering to 
their tents, He. considers it, and 
with, good reason, as, one of the 
greatest blessings of Providence, in 
a country burnt up by the suny and 
inundated by the ‘rains, for six 
months of the year. 

Nature has provided, in those cli. 
mates, parasols for whole villages ; 
for the fig-tree, denominated, in 
India, the fig-tree of the Banians, 
a drawing of which may be seen in 
Tavernier, and in several other 
travellers, grows on the very burn. 
ing sand of the sea-shore, throwing, 
from the extremity of its branches, 
a multitude of shoots, which drop 
to the ground, there take root, and 
form, around the principal trunk, 
a great number of covered arcailes, 
whose shade is impervious 10 tie 
rays of the sun. 

In our temperate climates, we 
experience a similar benevolence 
on the part of nature. In the 
warm and thirsty seasons, she bz- 
stows upon usa variety of fruits, 
replenished with the most refresh- 
ing juices, such as cherries, peaches, 
melons ; and as winter approaches, 
those which warm and ¢om'ort by 
their cils, such as the alinoad and 
the wainug. Certain waturaiists 
have considered even the ligneous 
shells of these fruits, asa prefers 
vative against the cold of the yloo- 

my 


398] 


my season; but these are, as we 
have seen, the means of floating 
and of navigating. Nature em- 
ploys others with which we are 
not acquainted, for preserving the 
substances of fruits, from the im- 
pressions of the air. For cxample, 
she preserves, through the whole 
winter, many species of apples and 
pears, which have no other cover- 
ing than a pellicle so very thin, 
that it is impossible to determine 
how fine it is. 

Nature has placed other vege- 
tables in humid and dry situations, 
the qualities of which are inexpli- 
cable on the principles of our phy- 
sics, but which admirably harmo- 
nize with the necessities of the men 
who inhabit those places. Along 
the water-side grow the plants and 
the trees which are the dryest, the 
lightest, and, consequently, the 
best adapted for the purpose of 
crossing the stream. Such are 
reeds, which are hollow, and 
rushes which are filled with an in- 
flammable marrow. It requires 
but a very moderate bundle of 
rushes to bear the weight of a very 
heavy man upoa the water. On 
the banks of the lakes ef the north 
are produced those enormeus birch- 
trees, the bark of a single one of 
which is suflicient to form a large 
canoe. This bark is similar to 
Jeather in pliancy, aud so ineorrup. 
tible by humidity, that, in Russia, 
I have seen some of it extrated 
from under the earth which co- 
vered powder magazines, perfe@ly 
sound, though it had lain there 
from the time of Peter the Great. 


Account of the Katusi, a species of 
Gazelle or Antelope. From le 
Vaillant’s Secand Fours ey into the 
Interior of Africa. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706, 


THE Kainsi has’ received frort 
the Dutch its name of rock-jumper 
(4/ip-:pringer), merely on account 
of the nimbleness with which it 
bounds from rock to rock ; and in 
faét, of all the gazelle tribe it is 
the most active. It is the size of a 
roebuck of a year old, and has a 
coat of a yellowish grey ; but its 
hair is singular in this respeét, that 
instead of being round, supple, and 
solid, like that of most quadrupeds, 
it is flat, harsh, and so little ad. 
herent to the skin, that the least 
friction causes it to fall off. Hence 
nothing is more easy than to strip 
the animal of hair, dead or alive; 
friction, or even touching the skin, 
is sufficient for the purpose. Of. 
ten have I endeavoured to preserve 
the fur of those which I had killed, 
without being able to effet it: 
notwithstanding all my precautions 
in skinning them, the greatest part 
of the hair fell off. Another par. 
ticularity is the brittleness of the 
hair; which is such that, if a por. 
tion be taken between the fingers, 
and twisted with the other hand, 
the hairs break. This property, 
however, is common to severah 
quadrupeds which live among rocks. 

This gazelle also differs from the 
other species in the form of its 
hoof, which is not pointed like 
theirs, but rounded at the extre. 
mity ; and as it is its custom, in 
leaping or walking, to pinch with 
the point of the hoof without bear. _. 
ing on the heel, it leaves a print 
distinguishable from those of all the 
African antelores. Its flesh is ex- 
quisite, and much in request, es~ 
pecially among the hunters. The 
panthers and leopards are equally 
fond of it. Ihave heard the Hot 
tentots relate that these animals 
unite to hunt the kainsi; and that 

when 


NATURAL 


when the latrer has taken refuge 
onthe point of some steep rock, 
one of them will go below to wait 
for the prey, while the rest ad- 
vance and try to force it to preci- 
pitate itseif. 

‘Ido not, however, give credit 
to these pretended associations of 
animals ot the tyger kind. 

The chace of the kainsi is very 
amusing. . It can scarcely, indeed, 
be forced by dogs, from whom it 
soon escapes by its inconceivable 
agility, and gets out of their reach 
on the point of some insulated 
rock ; on which it remains for 
hours together, safe from all pur- 
suit, and suspended, as it were, 

over the abyss:—but in this po- 
sition it seems to offer the best 
mark to the ball or the arrow ; and 
if the hunter cannot always easily 
get at it after he has killed it, he 
may almost constantly shoot it. 
Many times have } been witness of 
the extreme nimbleness of the ani- 
mal: but one day I saw an instance 
of it which astonished me. 1 was 
hunting one, and from the nature 
of the place it was suddenly so 
pressed by my dog:, that it seemed 
to have no possioility of escape. 
Before it, was an immense per- 
pendicular crag, which stopped it 
short: but on this wall, which 
I thought vertical, was a little 
ledge projecting two inches at 
most, which the kainsivhad per- 
ceived. He-leaped on it, and to 
my great surprise held fast. I 
thought at least he would soon be 
precipitated ; and my dogs them- 
selves so much expected it, that 
they ran below to seize him when 
he should fall. I threw stones at 
him to endeavour to mzke him lose 
his balance, All at once, as if he 
had divined my intention, he col- 


HISTORY. [399 


leGted all his force, ‘sprang to my 
side, flew over my head, and then,’ 
alighting some paces from mey 
escaped like lightning. I might 
still easily have shot him, but his 
leap had so surprised and pleased 
me that I gave him his life. My 
dogs only were taken in, who, con- 
fused at his escape, did not return 
to me without a kind of shame. 


— 


Reflections of certain effes of Heat 
and Cold an the living Sysiem, By 
Thimas Beddoes, M.D. From 
Medical Faas and Observations. 


I know. not whether it has 
been observed that the inflamma- 
tions, particularly chose of the eyes, 
which are so frequent. in. hot, ‘cli. 
mates, where it is the custom 
to sleep during the summer dig 
the open air, are to be referred 
to the succession, of heat to 
cold. - -Traveilers, especially those 
into Egypt, have variously attempt 
ed to-account tor this _phenomenon, 
Hasselquist imputes it to certain 
miasmaia aricing from the almost 
empty reservoirs .in which » the 
water bot the Nile ts preserved from 
inundation to inundation. TLhisiis, 
however, a mere hypothesis, un. 
confirmed by any strict analogy; 
nor is the supposed cause in «any: 
way brought home to the effect. 
As little, in my opinion, can the 
inflammation of the eyes be ascribed 
to the influence of the no¢turnal 
light of the heavens uponthe eye, the 
eyclids being more or less closed 
during sleep. ‘Lhe cause seems inae 
dequate. Jt is common, in this coun. 
try, to sleep in chambers not less 
strongly iijuminated (if not, more 
so) thun in Egs pt, during the night, 
without any inconvenience to our 

sight. 


400] 
sight. Besides, I ‘think, if we 


could suppose the eye to be so daz- 
zled by the light of the night as 
to be injured, the injury ought to 
fall upon the nerve, and not upon 
the eyelids and external parts. 
The nitrous particles with which 
Alpinus imagines the armnsphiers 
of Egy pt to be impregnated, will 
not, £ suppose, be considered as a 
cause more probable than any of 
the preceding > but the following 
passage may serve to give an idea 
of the nature of the complaint in 
question, and its. frequency, at 
Cairo. ‘* Plurimasque (oculorum 
lippitudines) Cayri easdemque per 
omnia anni tempora homines in- 
vadere ob nitrosum pulverem, gui 
continué oculos haditantium mor- 
dicat, & calesacit, observatur, longé 
maximéque in estatis prim& parte, 
quo tempore calor ambientis summé 
calidi oculos inflimmat, talium- 
que morborum numerum auget. 
Sparsim. vero per urbem toto anno 
he oculorum inflammationcs va- 
gantur; atque epidemica plurime in 
prima zstatis parte calidissima in- 
equalissimague ob vehementissi- 
mum * meridionalium ventorum 
caloyem, atgue = inflammataram 
arenarum copiam, que ab iisdem 
ventis asportantur. Eo enim anni 
tempore € centum hominibus quin- 
Quaginta salrem lippientes obser- 
vantur.’? (De Medicin. Agypt. 
p- 24). The Gyine sind muse be 
troublesome, and probably, in many 
Cases, supporis and increases the 
inflammation, and in some may 
give rise to it; but the following 
faét, which seems to me to render 
the indu€tion complete, shews that 
the true and general cause is the 
great inequality between the tem- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


perature of the night and day ; to 
which cause signal effe€t is given 
by the practice of sleeping sé dis. 
Mr. Clarkson (in his-essay on the 
impolicy of the African slave. 
trade) informs us (p. 71), that, 
** when the slaves aré brought on 
board, the seamen, to make room 
for fier. are turned ont of their 
apartments between decks, and 
sleep, for the most part, either on 
deck or in the tops of the vessel 
during the whole of the middle 
passage ; or from the time of their ~ 
leaving the coast of Africa (where 
the days are excessively hot, and 
the dews are excessively cold and 
heavy, ibid. p. 68), to that of their 
arrival at the West-India islands.?? 
‘¢ From this bad lodging,’’ he pro- 
ceeds, ‘‘ and this continual expo. 
sure to colds and damps, and sud- 
denly afterwards to a burning sun, 
fevers originate which carry many 
of them off. Nor is this the only 
effect which. this continual, vicis. 
situde from heat to extreme damp. 
ness and poldneis has upon the sur- 
viving crew; inflammatory fevers 
necessarily attack them. ‘This fea 
ver attacks the whole frame ; the 
eye feels the inflammation most. 
This inflammation terminates either 
in dispersion or suppuration: in 
the first instance the eyes are saved; 
in the latter they are lost. 

The inflammation of the eye is 
not the only disease produced in 
Egypt by the succession of hot days 
to cool nights, any more than on 
board our slave-ships ; in both si- 
tuations causes and effects run pa. 
fallel, as the reader will find upon 
recurring to Alpinus and the later 
travellers. The well-known dan- 
ger of exposure to dews in hot 


* See Nicbuhr's Thermometuical tables in the first volume of his Travels. 


climates, 


NATURAL 


climates, and indeed in all. climates, 
in certain cases, seems to depend 
upon the same principle. It is 
also probable, that the heat of the 
preceding day, enables the dews 
of the night to prepare the system 
for the- stimulating effeéts of the 
heat of the succeeding day; so that, 
ef two persons who should expose 
themselves without precaution to 
the cold of night and the heat of 
the following day, he who should 
have been most exhausted the day 
before by the heat, would, if other 
circumstances could be rendered 
alike equal, be most injured by the 
hext alternation. 

Several circumstances, such as 
the redness and swelling of the 
parts exposed to cold, together 
with the frequent occurrence of in- 
flammatory disorders not long after 
jexposure to cold, were calculated 
to mislead observers into a belief 
that these disorders were thé diz 
rect effect of cold. Yet the great 
difference in the state of a part 
during inflammation, and under 
the influence of cold, might have 
induced them to suspect that so 
slightan analogy might be illusive : 
and, after taking into the account 
Other well-ascertained faéts, they 
ought to have concluded that the 
theory was false. Linnzus, in a 
paper in the Ameenitates Acade- 
micz, expresses his astonishment at 
the impunity with which the heated 
Laplander rubs himself with snow, 
or even rolls in the snow, and 
drinks the cold snow-watcr. We 
every day see horses in a state of 
the most profuse perspiration free. 
ly washed with cold“ water, and 
always without injury. 1 have 
several times within these two years 
caused horses accustomed to be sta- 
bled, to be turned out for a single 

Vor. XXXVIII. 


HISTORY: 


night in winter: and no cough, ca- 
tarrh; or other disorder; has ever 
been the consequence. It appears, 
therefore to me, that within certain 
limits, and those not very narrow, 
the transition from a higher to a 
lower temperature is attended with 
no danger to animals in a state of 
tolerable health; and a person, I 
conceive, might suddenly pass from 
a higher to a lower temperature 
without inconvenience, even where 
the difference is so great as to be 
capable of producing considerable 
inflammation, if the change should 
be made with equal celerity in a 
contrary dire€tion. On this; though 
an interesting subject for observa. 
tions on man, and experiments on 
animals, we want precise facts; 
and I state the principle in order to 
induce observers to compare it with 
the facts that fall in their way. 
Besides the succession of heat 
and wice versa, there is a third case 
well worthy of consideration ; and 
this where part of the body is ex- 
posed to one of these powers, and 
the remaining part to the other; 
as, for instance where a stream of 
comparatively cold air flows upon 
part of the body of a person sitting 
in a warm room, and perhaps also 
drinking stimulating liquors. In 
making chemical experiments it of- 
ten happens that a eold (catarrh) is 
taken, if the hands be much im- 
mersed in cold water, when the 
laboratory is much heated; by 
adding warm water, to raise the 
temperature of that in the trough, 
this danger is easily avoided. In 
these cases the effect seems to be 
the same as that of the succession 
of heat to cold. In persons whose 
bowels are extremely liable to be 
affected, it sometimes happens, as 


I have myself known it to happen, 
Dd 


[401 


« 


402} ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


that the removal of a foot into a 
cold part of (Me bed, after the body 
has become warm in bed, shall bring 
On acw'e pain in the bowels; and 
yet no pain is produced in getting 
into bed, though the temperature 
be the same, and perhaps lower, 
than that.of the part into which 
the foot is removed ; and, prebubly, 
total immersion into cold wate 
would not produce any pain in the 
bowels. ‘Lhe iaws of such phe- 
nomena, however deserving of in- 
vestigation, have, as yet, scarceiy 
been an object of attention with pa- 
thologists. It is probable that ihe 
phenomena, in any given case, are 
regulated by two circumstances : 
first, by the excess of heat (or the 
strength of the stimulus, whatever 
it be), to which the greater part 
of the. body is exposed, above that 
to which the smaller is exposed. 
The.second circumstance is the dif. 
ference between tlie extent of the 
heated. and cooled surfaces. When 
the latter is not extremely mi- 
nute, and yet confined within: mo- 
derate limits, the inflammatory 
effects seem to be considerable. 
Shou'd. the. circumstances be re- 
versed, and a stream~of air, so 
warm.as to convey heat to the 
body, instead of carrying it away; 
play upon a small part of its sur- 
face, the rest being exposed to a 
moderate or a. low temperature, it 
is probable the result would be the 
same as when moderate: cold suc. 
ceeds to. warmth, 7. ce. no bad effedt 
would follow. 


gee mame " 

Account of the Manner of treating 
Bees ix Phrtygal, From Murphy's 
Trawels in that Conntry. 


{TO form a colony of bees, a spot 


of ground is chosen for the hives, 


exposed towards the south or souths 
east, well sheltered from the nor- 
thern biasts, and surrounded with 
shrubs and flowers; of the latter, 
the best is rosemary, The richer 


J +4 Lt 3 o « Toy in 
the neighbouring grounds are the 


better, tor bees are said to range for 

food to the distance of a league from 

their homes. ‘The situation being 

chosen, Janes must be cut through 

the shrubby thickets of five or six 

feet wide. The fences between the 

lanes should be about the same di- 

mensions, and formed at intervals | 
into small recesses, like bowers or 

niches, to receive the hives. 

The figures of the hives. used 
here in general are cylindrical ; in 
height about twenty-seven isches 
by fourteen diameter. They are 
formed of the rind of the cork-tree, 
and covered with a pan of earthen. 
ware inverted, the edge of which 
projects over the hive like a cor- 
nice. ‘The whole is fastened with 
pegs made of some hard and dur 
adie wood, and, the joints stopped 
with peat. In the front of the 
cylinder, at the height of about 
eight inches, there is a small aper- 
turé where the bees enter. Lhe 
inside is divided into three equal 
divisions, which are separated by 
cross sticks: here the bees form 
their combs or cells.., 

When the bees swarm, which is 
usually in the month of May. or 
Jone, the hives are placed to receive 
iwem where they light. If they 
descend on a tree, they are shaken 
off; the person who performs: this 
operation must not be afraid of 
them: as they do not commonly 
sting unless they are irritated; it 
will be safer, however, to cover the 
head with a wire-mask, and the 
hands with gloves. a 

Some bees are so wild, that they 


— 
a ae ed 


ee ee ee 


: 
i 
| 


. 


| 
| 


s 


So 


os 


ee Oe ee 


BEE rere 


a 


NATURAL HISTORY. 


fly away in attempting to colleé 
them, but they may be caught 
again in this. manner: a sheet is 
placed by night en the ground con. 


.tiguous to the swarm, and when 


they alight, the hive is placed over 
them, with the entrance stopped ; 
then the whole is covered witha 
sheet, in which they are carried 
home. But they should not be 
placed near the hive whence they 
had originally departed. 

When the time arrives for tak- 
ing euc the honey-combs, which 
is generally in the month of June, 
when the flowers begin to decay, 
it should be done in the heat of the 
day, as the greater part of the bees 
are then abroad, but not during a 
high wind, or at the commence- 
ment of a new or full moon. The 
hiver must have his face and hands 
defended as above-mentioned, and 
accompanied by a person holding 
a chaffing-dish, with a coa! fire, 
covered with moist peat, to make 
the greater smoke: the smoke be- 
ing infused among the bees from 
the top of the cylinder, they fly 
away, or remain intoxicated at the 
bottom. Then the hive is taken 
to piecés by drawing out the pins. 
The combs are cut-out without de- 
stroying the bees, except two cells, 
which are left around the hive; 
and, Jest the. bees should feed on 
what remains, the incision is co- 
vered with pulverised clay: after 
this, the hive is pet together as 
before. 


The combs should not be taken’ 


out but when they are full of ho- 
ney ; itis rarely good the first year 
the bees assemble. In the months 
of March and August the wax is 


[403 


taken out, which is lodged in the 
first division of the hive, after 
which the bees form other combs, 
and generate a young colony. 

The hiver should often visit the 
ground, and repair any accidents 
that have happened. If snakes 
frequent the piace, they should not 
be killed, since they do not molest 
the bees, but destroy the toads and 
lizards, which are obnoxious to 
them. 

When the hives are decayed, 
they are taken asunder and fu- 
migated; then the bees forsake 
their habitations and take shelter 
in an adjoining hive, previously 
prepared for that purpose. This 
should be performed in the spring, 
when the flowers begin to’ open 
and afford them succour. Thesame 
method may be used in taking 
out the honey; but if repeatedly 
practised, it will extinguish the 
colony. 

As the bees, in returning from 
their excursions, are loaded and 
fatigued, there should be nothing 
near the hives to obstru& their 
descent, which is not ina pérpen- 
dicular course, but in an oblique 


_ ones 


Qn Plica Polonica by Mr. Frederick 
Hoffman. From the Memoirs of 
the Manchester Society. 


Synonyms. Lues Pocusiensis*: Tria 
c@: Trichomas Pow. Koldun or 
Goxdz. GERMAN. Juden-xopf: 
wichtel-xopff: wixel.zorff : weicha 


‘el-zorff. 


DISEASES, the tendency of 
which is fatal, and the occurrence 


* Pekusia is a territory of Poland, 


- 


Ddaz frequent, 


404] 


frequent, peetlta sly) claim the at- 
tention of the practical physician ; 
while morbid affections which ap- 
pear more rarely, and present ur- 
usual .phenomena, more especially 
attraét the inquiries ‘of those whose 
object is the extension of general 
science. The disease termed Plica 
Polonica is of the latter class. It is 
endemic in Poland; and seldom, 
if ever, observed in any other part 
of Europe. During a long stay 
at Breslau in Silesia, a had frequent 
opportunities of observing this dis- 
ease, and, as it is at present little 
-known in Britain, 1 trust a brief 
narration of the principal circum. 
stances connected with it will not 
prove uninteresting. 

Both sexes are “equally liable to 
the attacks of Plica. It usually 
appears during infancy; and but sel- 
dom after the age of twenty. When 
once produced, it continues during 
the remainder of life. The ac. 
cession of the complaint is in ge- 
neral preceded by irregular  spas- 
-modic affections, pains in differ- 
-ent parts of the body, a slow fever, 
und various diseases of the eyes ; 
all which cease immediately on the 
appearance of the Plica.. 

The disorder consists in a preter- 

natural rapid growth of the hair, 
with a copious secretion of a viscid 
matter from its bulbs. For the 
most part, the hairs of the head 
are alone affected ; and that only 
in peculiar parts. In these, the 
hairs grow considerably longer than 


an the rest; and are knotted and ° 


entangled with each other ; being 
alsocovered with the viscid matter 
which issues from their roots, and 
which assists in gluing them to- 
gether. \ 

In proportion as the quantity of 


Se 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796, 


this gluten, and the implication of 
the hair increases, it is still’ more 
and more dificult to clean. and 
comb it; hence a degree of phthi- 
riasis is produced, and the head 
contraéts an extremely foetid smell, 
to which however the Polish pea- 
sants are so much accustomed, 
that they endure it withou teens: 
plaint, or any manifest inconvenis 
ence, 

It is also an opinion universally 
prevalent with them, that the dis- 
ease is a salutary effort of nature to 
expel a morbid matter from the 
body; and that to interrupt the 
course of it would be produttive of 
imminent danger ; hence they make 
nO attempt to cure, or even palliate 
the complaint. And if we may 
repose confidence in authors of 
established reputation, morbid af. 
fections of a- similar nature to 
those which precede ‘its occur- 
rence, paralysis, and even death 
aéaalty have succeeded imprudent 
attempts to check the progress 
of the disease. In this respect, 
Plica bears some analogy to the 
exanthemata, and various chronic 
cutancous erupt ions, = 

I am as yet unable to. decide 
whether this complaint is heredi- 
tary or not. From some observa- 
tions indeed it appears, that a pres 
disposition to it may be transmitted 
from parents to. their offspring 4 
but my information on this head is 
too limited to ascertain the point. 
In one case which fell under my own 
observation, two brothers had Plica, 
both on the Jeft side of the head, 
and in abeut one third of their 
hairs: J Jearned from them, that 
their father and grandfather had 
also been affeted with the disease 
in a form exa¢tly similar. 
Besides 


NATURAL HISTORY. 


Besides the human species, other 
animals are subject to this com- 
plaint. It appears in some of the 
finest horses in Poland. In them it 
is situated in the mane, and some- 
times in the long hairs around the 
hoof and fetlock joint. It attacks 
also the different species of the 
canine genus; dogs,. wolves, and 
foxes. Previous to its occurrence 
in the first, the sy mptoms of rabies 
usually appear: the rail is dropped 
between the hind legs, there is a 
flow of frothy saliva from the 
mouth, the sight and appetite are 
impaired or entirely lost ; they are 
snappish, and disposed to bite, 
but their bite does not produce hy- 
drophobia. The .wolf is affected 
in the same manner; he leaves his 
wonted concealments in the woods, 
and runs wildly among the flocks, 
biting, and destroying them, but 
without producing hydrophobia. 

The impossibility of ascertaining 
the true causes of this singular dis- 
ease, has given rise to several vague 
conjectures on the subject; as that 
of Le Fontaine, who attributes it 
to a corruption of the fat. 

It is somewhat remarkable, that 
Plica takes place only among the 
lower class of people; whence some 
lave conceived, that it is to be con- 
sidered merely as a consequence sf 
uncleanliness. 

But, in objection to this opinion, 
it may be urged, that it is un. 
known in the adjoining countries 
subject to the Prussian Govyern- 
ment, where the peasants are ha- 
bituated to the same customs and 
mode of life, or nearly the same, as 
in Poland—that its appearance. 
affords evident relief to the system, 
and its retrocession is produ‘tive of 
dangerous consequences. ‘he idea 
that itis areal and idiopathic disease,. 


[405 


is confirmed also by its occurrence 
in a variety of animals, and by the 
circumstance of its being confined to 
particular parts of the head ; for 
which no reason can be assigned 
on the former supposition, , 

A-peculiarity of climate cannot 
be adduced as a cause-of this disease. 
Poland differs little in this respeét 
from the adjoining countries. ‘The 
summer heat is considerable, the 
thermometer rising frequently to 
98°. 100%. 1049, and the cold in 
winter so great, that it falls some- 
times 10, 15 degrees below o, But 
though the changes in the atmo- 
sphere are so remarkable, at dif. 
ferent periods of the year, they 
take place with the utmost regu- 
larity, the temperature passing, “by 
insensible degrees, from one extreme 
to the other. 

The Poles themselves are a vi. 
gorous, hardy race; inured from 
infancy to labour, and to exposure 
to the vicissitudes of the atmo. 
sphere ; almost regardless of cold, 
they frequently sleep in the open 
air, Their diet consists chiefly of 
animal foad, and they are much 
addi¢ted to the use of spirits. They 
have an equal fondness for other 
strong stimulating liquids. I have 
seen them drink, with the greatest 
pleasure, the salt brine in which 
herrings have been preserved, and 
even nitrous acid diluted with 
water. 

Since no other cause can be 
assigned for this disease, it is pro. 
bable that it. arises, according 
to the general opinion, from con- 
tagion; a contagion which, like 
that of Psora, can betomnianieated 
by contaét only: but this I have 
not been able to ascertain by any 
observations of my own. 

It is said, however, by authors 

Dd 3 of 


406] 


of reputation, that Plica is frequent 
in Tartary ; and that it was brought 
into Poland in the 13th century by 
the Tartars, who at that period 
made frequent irruptions into the 
eastern parts of Europe. 

A perfe¢t confidence in the libe- 
rality and candour of a society, 
the exertions of which have added 
considerably to the treasure of 
science, encourages me to submit 
to it these few crude and cursory 
remarks ; trusting that the most 
trivial coatribution to the general 
stock, will not be decined unwor- 
thy its attention. At some future 
period I hope to have opportunity 
and leisure to renew my observa- 
tions on the subjeé&t ; and I shall en- 
deavour to supply the deficiencies 
of the present sketch, by trans. 
mitting to the society the result of 
my future remarks. 


On the Power 'of the fixed Alkaline 
Salts to presesve the Flesh of 
Animals from PutrefoEions, by the 
Rev. Hugh Hamilton. From the 
TransaGions of the Royal Irish 
Academy, % 

I CAME to the knowledge of 
the above.mentioned power of 
alkaline salts, I may say, acci- 
dentally : I had a wish to procure 
some kind of alkaline liquor that 
might be safely taken for the 
purpose of correcting acidities: in 
the stomach. J knew that a solu- 
tion of salt of tartar was exceedingly 
offensive to the taste; and that, if 
it was of strength duliciene to neu- 
tr.iize any quantity of acid in the 
Stomach, it could not be swallowed 
without danger to the passages, 
from its causticity. It occurred to 
me, that its causticity might proba- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


bly arise from its having a strong 
affinity to something or other, to 
get at which it burned or destroyed 
the texture of the flesh. If this 
should be the case, it was natural to 
suppose, that this salt, if intimately 
mixed with flesh, would saturate 
itself with whatever it was that it 
had such a strong appetite for; 
and, being so satarated, it would 
act no farther On our "echy and 
might, without danger, be taken 
inwardly. ‘To try this, I first en- 
closed some bits of lean raw mutton 
in a vial, with a strong solution of 
salt of tartar: but, after standing 
several days, no such alteration as 
I expected appeared in the liquor. 
I was willing to account for this, 
by supposing the salt had a greater 
aifinity to the water than to any 
thing in the flesh; I therefore cut 
some flesh from the breast ofaturkey, 
roasted the day before, and made 
it asdry as I could; this I pounded 
in a mortar, adding, by degrees, 
some dry and finely-powdered salt 
of tartar*, until I thought there 
was enough, for I had no rule to 
judge by. The mixture grew moist ; 
and, when it was ” sufficiently 
pounded, {[ spread. it into a thin 
cake on an earthen dish, and set 
it before the fire, where it soon 
became dry. I found it had then a 
saponuceous mild taste; for, the 
taste of the salt was scarcely per- 
ceptible. Having macerated this 
flesh in warm water, and poured 
off the clear liquor, I found it ef- 
fervesced with vinegar, which 
shewed that the salt was not so far 
neutralized but that it wauld unite 
-itself with an acid, so that I con- 
cidered it as a mild alkaline liquor, 
such as I sought for. However, 
that I might have an opinion from 


* This salt had been sent to me rendered caustic by quick-lime, though I had 


mot desired it, 


a person 


} 
| 
| 
i 


NATURAL 


a person of skill on the subject, 1” 
wrote to my late worthy and inge- 
nious friend Dr. M‘Bride, and ac- 
quainted him with the preparation 
1 had made, and che intention of 
it. In his answer, he was pieased 
to say he approved of the idea, and 
wou.d make some of the liquor I 
described, and let me know what 
he thought of it. “He afterwards 
Wrote to me, and said he had 
tried. the aikeline liquor, and 
thought it might prove: an useful 
Medicine, particularly as it might 
be mixed with milk and given to 
children, who have often acids in 
their stomachs. ‘Ie a!somentioned 
a physician, then in Dublin, to 
whom he had recommended the li- 
quor, and who had found great be- 
nefit from it. I first made. this 
liquor in the year 17713 and, in 
the year 1777, being then in Bath, 
I met with an account of some ex- 
periments made by Mr. Bewly, an 
Ingenious chemist, which plainly 
proved that fixed air is an acid, 
and saturates alkalinesalts; this at 
once intormed me what it was, in 


the flesh of an animal, thet al- 
kaline salts had such a_ strong 
affinity to. At the same time 


1 got from London one of Dr. 
Nooth’s glass machines, for im- 
pregnating water with fixed air, 
and to the water I added salt of 
tartar; after this, I thought no 
more of my alkaline broth, having 
got a way of obtaining what I 
wanted in a much more elegant 
manner, 

The only thing now worth 
attention in the experiment I have 
related, is, that it discovered a 
power in even caustic alkaline salts’ 
to preserve flesh, I may say, incor 
Tuptible ; though it has been gene. 


HISTORY. [407 


rally imagined “that such salts 
would ‘consume it. I have some 
flesh prepared with these salts in 
the year 1772; for finding some 
bits made the year before had con. 
tinued unaltered, I made some 
more, and laid it by, to see how 
long it would keep, and what al- 
teracions it would undergo. I 
made it into a cake, and, when 
quite dry, I cut it into round 
bits, about the size of half-a-crown, 
and put them into a drawer in my 
desk : I shewed some of them to 
Mr. Kirwan thesummer before last, 
when I had the honour of receiving 
a visit from him at Armagh; and 
a few months ago [ found some 
Pieces in another drawer, where, 
they have lain near two and twenty 
years, and remain unaltered: When 
these pieces are broken, they hang 
toyrether by fibres, and look like a 
piece of plaster taken from a wail; 
the fibrous or stringy parts of the 
flesh do not seem to have been cor- 
roded or dissolved by the salt. 
After I knew that fixed air was 
an acid, and saturated alkaline 
salts, I began to form conjeCtures 
about the means by which these 
salts had so entirely prevented pu. 
trefaction in the flesh to which they 
were united. Animal substances 
afford much volatile alkali, and 
now they are known to contain 
alsoa volatile acid gas. While these 
two volatile principles ‘continue 
united with each other, they may 
prevent any material change from 
taking place in the substance ; 
but, if one of them by any means 
escapes, the other will follow ; the 
acid seems to be the most volatile, 
and escapes first, though we may 
not be sensible of its escape, be- 
cause it has no such strong smell as 
Dd4 the 


408 | 


the alkali has. The letting loose 
these volatile principles seems to 
be the beginning of putrefac- 
tion. If this be the case, we may 
see the reason why flesh, when 
growing putrid, is restored to 
sweetness by fixed air; that acid 
replacing what has escaped, and 
retaining the volatile alkali. Ir is 
probably. on this account, that the 
aerial acid is found to be: of use in 
stopping che progress of some putrid 
disorders ; it seems to act as a sort 
of pickle. If vinegar preserve flesh 
by keeping its volatile alkali united 
with this acid, which is not 
volatile, we may expect a fixed 
alkali will have a like effec in pre- 
serving flesh, by expelling the 
weaker volatile alkali, and uniting 
itself to the volatile acid, which 
will therefore be attained. This I 
found to be really the case; for, 
while the flesh and alkali were com- 
bining in the mortar, a very strong 
émell-z arose, like that of sel vclatile; 
and, at one time that I used a brass 
or metal mortar, 1 perceived its 
edges to be tinged withbloe, which 
shewed that the metal had been 
affected by the volatile alkali. 

' There seems to be a good reason 
why uxed alkaline salts should pre- 
serve flesh much longer than any 
fluid acid, such as vinegar can do ; 
for when the alkaline salt com- 
bines with the flesh, it expels what 
is volatile, the mass grows hard, 
ano 
dryness, in which no sort of fer- 
mentation, or any intestine motion 
can take place, and therefore there 
is nothing that can effeét a change 
in this compound substance. 
Whereas, whet an animal or vege- 
table substance is immersed in 
vinegar, a very heterogeneous 
mixtute is formed, which, in 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


it is easilv reduced to a state of 


1796. 


length of time, will be apt to run 
into a sort of fermentation, with 
_an intestine motion among the mi- 
nute particles ; this will bring on 
some change in the texture of the 
substance, and every fermentation, 
when long continued, ends in pu- 
trefaétion, which, indeed, is said 
to be the last stage of fermentation, 

Whether the conje‘tures I have 
offered on this subject be well or ill 
founded is but of little consequence; 
the facts I have mentioned may be 
relied on. . 


Observations on the Nature of Honey, 
particularly onits sac. harine Parts 
when obtained in a sclid Form, By 
Mr. Lowitz, of the Ocvconomical 
Society at St, Petersburg, 


I. A substance so remarkable 
and so useful as honey, ought to 
have been long since accurately 
analyzed by the chemists. Its 
saccharine taste has always led 
them to suppose that it contained a 
large quantity of sugar; but the 
great question was, how to sepa- 
rate the saccharine part from the 
mucilaginous, and other heteroge. 
negus parts. This separation was 
the principal objeét of my inguiry, 
in the experiments of which I am 
going to give some account, 

II. The property possessed by 
charcoal, of decomposing and ab. 
sorbing the mucilaginous and -phlo- 
gistic parts of various substances, 
(a discovery which I formerly made, 
and of which I then gave an ac- 
count), induced me to hope that I 
could, by its means, obtain the ob. 
ject Thad in view. I did indeed 
succeed in depriving honey, which 
had previously been dissolved in a 
sufficient quantity of water, of that 

smell 


NATURAL 


smell which is peculiar to ir, and 
also of its taste and colour; bur, 
when I evaporated ‘lie solution, by 
a very gentile fire, 1t soon acquired 
its former brown colour, and did 
not shew any disposition to pro- 
duce regular crystals. ‘ I therefore 
thought it reasonable to cunciude, 
that this property of recovering 
its original colour, either was na- 
tural to the whole substance of 
honey, or belonged exclusively to 
one of those constituent parts of it 
upon which charcoal had no power ; 
for when a solution of common 
sugar is thickened by boiling, even 
theugh it is made to boil violently, 
it does not contraé& any colour un- 
til all the aqueous parts are evapo- 
rated. 

III. -The honey whic! had been 
treated with charcoal, and thick- 
ened by evaporation, in the man- 
ner already described, was observ- 
ed, two months after, to have a 
great number of small white lumps 
in it, which had the appearance of 
crystals ; and, soon after, the whole 
mass seemed to be full of them. 
To distinguish accurately the na- 
ture of these small lumps, it was 
necessary to separate them from the 
rest of the mass, which was en- 
tirely coagulated, very thick and 
glutinous. This operation IJ per- 
formed tolerably well, by wach- 
ing the mass with alkalized spirir of 
wine, without heat. I soon per- 
ceived that the spirit dissolved the 
glutinous part completely, merely 
by shaking the mixture; but that 
fluid did not seem to have any ef- 
fe&t upon the white granulated 
part; so that I succeeded in obtain- 
ing this last quite pure. After 
having separated this saccharine 
granulated part from the liquor, by 
means of a filter, I dried it by a 


HISTORY. [409 


gentle heat, and reduced it into 
powder ; this powder did not at. 
tract moisiure, and had a _ yery 
agreeable sweet taste. 

IV. As the granulated consist- 
ence of white honey seems to arise 
from the coagulation of its sace 
charine parts, 1 endeavoured to se- 
patate that part by means of the 
purest spirit of wine, and which 
contained the smallest possible 
quantity of water. From twelve 
ounces of this sort of honey, I pro- 
cured three ounces of saccharine 
matter, This matter siill cor‘ai ed 
some heterogeneous substances, 
which appear not to be soluble in 
spirit of wine. To dissolve iic sac. 
charine part, I again had recourse 
to the purest spirit of wine I could 
procure ; which I made use of by 
putting the mixture into a glass 
matrass, and boiling it therein for 
some time. By these means the 


saccharine part was entirely dis- 


solved; while the insoluble part 
remained behind upon the filter, 
having the appearance of a greyish 
dirty slime. I had filtered the 
mixture while it was hot; after 
which I had poured the clear li. 
quor into another matrass, in 
which I jet it stand quict for some 
days. After that time the sugar 
of the honey began to fix itself to 
the bottom of the vessel, in the 
form of little spherical knobs, 
ranged in lines by the side of each 
other; these, increasing in pum. 
ber every day, formed at last a solid 
crust, which was as white as snow, 
rather rough at the top, and which 
after being separated from the li- 
quor above it, was so firm as to 
bear cutting with a knife into 
very thin slices. The remaining 
liquor, having been left quiet for 
some days, let fall, in that inter. 

4 val, 


410) ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


val, a fresh portion of this saccha- 


rine matter, which was exaétly simi- 
Jar to that already spoken of. 

V. Having thas provided myself 
with a certain quantity of this 
kind of sugar, I tricd various me- 
thods to make it take a regular 
crystallized form; butin that re- 
spect, all my trials were in vain. 
Whether I used the purest spirit of 
wine, or water, to dissolve this 
sabstance, the result was the same. 
¥ remarked, indeed, that the so- 
lution of it in water, which had 
been thickened to the consistence 
of syrup, deposited, after some time, 
small knobs on the sides of the ves- 
sel, which had the form of cauli- 
flowers; the whole solution after- 
wards coagulated, and appeared 
like a solid, dry, white mass, full 
of smail cavities, which, when ex- 
amined with a-microscope, seemed 
to be composed of very small lung 
erystals, extremely thin, and hardly 
visible to the naked eye. 

VI. Though this manner of erys- 
talysing sufficiently distinguishes 
the saccharine part of honcy from 
common sugar, I suspected, at first, 
that this difference proceeded. only 
from the presence of some hetero- 
geneous parts, from which the 
honey was not sufficiently cleared ; 
but the following experiments evi- 
dently shewed, that these two sub- 
stances differ from each other by 
properties which are very strongly 
marked. 

1. If acertain quantity of lime- 
water is added to a watery solution 
of the sugar of honey, it instantly 
acquires 2 brown colour, though 
it was before quite limpid and 
colouriess. 

2. Quick lime, which I added 
to the watery solution of sugar of 


x 


honey, while it was upon the fire, 
produced a very strong efferves- 
cence, and the mixture’ immedi- 
ately became of a dark brown 
colour, almost biack. By continn- 
ing to add qvick lime untii the 
effervescence ceased, the sugar of 
honey. was entirely decomposed ; 
the mixture turned quite biack, 
and emitted a smell whieh was. 
very disagreeable, and even nau- 
seous. . 

3. Thedark coloured solution con- 

tains a large quantity of lime, whi h 
cannot be precipitated by means of 
aerated alkali, nor by an alkaliren- 
dered perfeétly caustic. 
"4. if vitriolic acid is made use 
of ‘o precipitate this lime, it then 
appears in the form of gypsum; 
buat the remainder of the liquor sill 
contains a very’ empyreumatic acid, 
which scems to have a strong 
analogy with the malic acid of 
Scheele. 

5. If the acid of sugar of honey is 
treated with nitrous acid, it is con. 
verted into acid of sugar. 

6. A much more pure acid may 
be obtained by making use of a 
double affinity. For this purpose, _ 
it is only necessary to boil together 
equal parts of honey and quick 
lime, in a great quantity of water, 
adding to this solution, which is 
of a brownish colour, as much 
charcoal powder as may be requi- 
site to take away the colour en- 
tirely.. The solution must then be 
filtered, and to the clear liquor 
must be-added, a very saturated so- 
lution of lead in distilled vinegar, 
until all precipitation has ceased. 
The precipitate obtained by these 
means must be washed in’ such a 
quantity of water as will edulcorate 
it thoroughly; after which, as 

~ much 


NATURAL 


~ much diluted vitriolic acid must be 
added 2s may be sufficient to sepa- 
rate the acid of the honey from the 
lead: this acid may then be con- 
centrated by evaporation. 

q. Ifthe solution of honey and 
quick lime is thickened by evapo- 
ration, after its brown colour is 
taken away by charcoal, a trans- 
parent mass of a light yellow co. 
lour, is produced, which resem- 
bles gum arabic; it has a bitter 
taste, and does not grow moist by 
being exposed to the air. 

8. The clear mass which is 
produced from a mixture of the 
acid of honey and lime is perfectly 
insoluble in spirit of wine ; and it 
may be precipitated from its solu- 
tion in water by this spirit. 

g. Caustic fixed alkalies produce 
upon honey, and upon the sugar 
which is procured from it, the 
same effect as lime. Honey, as 
well as its sugar, is entirely decom- 
posed by them; and always with a 
very violent effervescence. The 
dark coloured extractive mass which 
is obtained by these means is com- 
pletely insoluble in spirit of wine ; 
and, when the quantities of the 
two substances are exa€tly propor- 
tioned, very little taste can be per- 
ceived in the mass; that little is 
by no means alkaline, and can 
hardly be called saline. This proves 
that alkalies, as well as quick lime, 
may be perfectly saturated by the 
acid contained in honey. 

10. Volatile alkali also decom- 
poses honey in the same manner, 
and with the same circumstances, 
as other alkalies ; but this decom- 
position takes place_much more 
slowly, and only when heat is at 
the same time made use of. 

VII. That constituent part of 
honey which is got from it by treat- 
ing it with the spirit of wine (III.) 


HISTORY. [Ail 


may be distinguished from the su- 
gar ofhoney, by the following pro- 
perty, wiz. that it cannot be re- 
duced into-a dry or solid form. It 
is owing to this particuiar part that 
the solution of honey so readily con. 
tracts a brown colour ; for a solu. 
tion of sugar of honey, deprived of 
this glutinous part, may be thick- 
ened upon the fire without suffers 
ing avy alteration of colour, In 
other respects, the yellow gluti- 
nous part of honey, -here spoken of, 
shews nearly the same properties as 
the sugar of honey; and when 
treated with caustic alkalies, or 
with quick lime, its taste is also 
the same. 

VIIl. The properties which I 
have above described, are those by 
which the sugar of honey differs 
essentially from common sugar. 
If this last is treated like honey, 
it exhibits the following results. 

1. Neither quick lime nor fixed 
alkalies produce any decomposition 
in sugars ; no effervescence is ob- 
served, nor does the solution shew 
any change of colour. 

2. Whatever quantity of sugar 
is added to fixed alkalies, they al- 
ways preserve their causticity; and, 
even if they are boiled with sugar 
for a considerable time, they never 
appear to be united with its acid. 

As quick lime, when combined 
with sugar, is attended with some 
phenomena which appear not to 
have been taken notice of by any 
person, I shall here mention them. 

By boiling together equal parts of 
sugar and quick lime, in a suflici- 
ent quantity of water, a solution is 
obtained, which, by the surpris- 
ing quantity of lime it contains, 
may be considered as highly satu- 
rated lime-water, in which the 
taste of the sugar is not to be per- 
ceived, 


By 


412] 


By evaporating this solution to 
dryness, a white tenacious mass is 
obtained, which has such an acrid 
and ‘burning taste, as to affect the 
tongue like caustic alkalies. 

3. By exposing a solution of 
lime and sugar to-the air, after 
having been filtered into an open 
vessel, the surface becomes gradu- 
ally covered with a great number 
of small crystals; these are suc- 
ceeded by others whenever, by 
shaking the liquor, the first form- 
ed ones are made to fall to the 
bottom of the vessel. This forma- 
tion of crystals at the surface con- 
tinues till the liquor contains no 
more lime; then the sugar again 
zequires its proper taste. 

4. The small crystals, of which 
I have just spoken, very readily lose 
their waterof crystalization, by be- 
ing exposed to the open air ; ac- 
cording to my experiments, 1 should 
consider them only as an aerated 
calcareous earth crystallized. 

5. One of the most remarkable 
properties of the filtered solution 
of lime and sugar is, that by being 
made to boil, it soon grows turbid 
and thick ; the lime then fal!s to 
the bottom of the vessel, and this 
precipitate isofa milk-white colour; 
but as soon as the solution grows 
cold, the lime again dissolves 
in it spontaneously, and the solu- 
tlon becomes once more as limpid 
and transparent as it was at first. 
This phenomenon (which it is ra- 
ther difficult to explain} was ob- 
served by M. de Lassone, when, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


in the same manner, he combined 
the neutral salt of tartar with quick 
lime. (See Memoirs of the Aca. 
demy of Paris, 1773, page 191.) 

6. Alcohol, or very highly rec. 
tified spirit of wine, precipitates 
the lime from the forementioned 
solution. é 

7. Mild alkalies, by the aerial 
acid they contain, produce the 
same effect. 

8. Caustic alkalies do not cause 
the smallest alteration in the solu- 
tion, 

IX. From what I have said it 
follows, that the union which ex- 
ists between the saccharine part of 
honey and the oily part is much 


weaker than the union between- 
the same parts in sugar. This last 
cannot be decomposed, in the 


humid way, except by treating it 
with nitrous acid; while honey 
and the sugar it contains, may be 
decomposed, not enly by that acid, 
but also by mild alkalies, and by 
lime. 

Upon the whole, there appears 
very little reason to hope that we 
shall ever be able to obtain honey 
in the form of sugar; to bring it 
into that form, something more 
than a mere separation of its he- 
terogeneous parts seems necessary’, 
It is indeed said, that, in some 
kinds of honey, especially in that 
from Narbonne, crystals of sugar, 
completely formed, have been ob- 
served ; admitting the fact, I con- 
sider it only as an accidental cir- 
cumstance, 


USEFUL 


[ 413 j 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


First Report from the Sele& Committee 
appointed to take into considera= 


. tion the present high price of Corn. 


_ THE seleé& committee appointed 
to take into consideration the pre- 
sent high price of corn, and to 
colleét evidence relative thereto, 
and te report the same, from time 
totime, as it shall appear to them, 
to the house, wirh their observa. 
tions thereupon, proceeded, in the 
first instance, to consider such in- 
formation as had been already col- 
leCted concerning the same. 

They examined, for this purpose, 
the minutes of the evidence taken 
before the lords of his majesty’s 
privy council, upon this subject. 
They received from sir John Sin- 
tlair, one of the members of the 
committee, the substance of such 
‘accounts of the state of the late 
crop of grain, as the correspondence 
of the Board of Agriculture had en- 
abled them, at the present period, 
focolleé&. ‘They had further the 
Opportunity of receiving from ma- 
ny of their members a statement 
of facts within their own knowledge, 
or communicated by respectable 
“authorities. from their different 
counties. 

They have received also from his 
majesty’s principal secretary ofstate 
for the home department, such 
returns as had been hitherto made 
to the circular letter written by him 
by his majesty’s command,. to the 


custodes rotulorum and sheriffs de. 
pute in England and Scotland, de- 
siring them to obtain meetings of 
the magistrates for the purpose of 
procuring an account of the state 
of the late crop: but these returns 
are not as yet sufficiently numerous 
or complete to lead to any precise 
conclusion, — 

On the whole, however, the ge. 
neral information derived from the 
sources above-mentioned satisfied 
your committee, that the crop of 
other sorts of grain than wheat has 
been upon the whole abundant, 
but that the produce of wheat has 
proved so far deficient as to require 
the adoption of the speediest and 
most effectual measures for the re. 
medy or alleviation of so great aa 
evil, They were therefore of opi- 
nion, that they should best perform 
their daty by dire&ing their imme- 
diate attention to the consideration 
of such measures; and have, on 
that account, deferred for the pre- 
sent pursuing a detailed inquiry 
into the exaét amount of such 
deficiency ; but they propose ta 
report the same more particular- 
ly to the house, when they shall 
have received such further iofor- 
mation as’ may enable them to col. 
lect more fully the general opinion, 
upon a point which shey are sensi- 
ble it is impossible at any time to 
ascertain with any great degree of 
accuracy. 

The first and most obvious mode 

of 


414] 


of supplying this deficiency is, the 
importation of gr ain from soreign 
parts—and for the purpose of form. 
ing an opinion as to what may 
be the prospeét of supply from 
thence, and the most expedient 
means to be adopted fer procuring 
it,, your committee proceeced to 
examine such persons, froin whose 
knowlege and experience in the 


trade of co}n they could expect the 


best informarion, It appeared from 
their concurrent testimony, that, 
though the crop of wheat in the 
United States of America, and in 
the countries bordering upon rhe 
Mediterranean; was represented as 
abundant; and in the northern 
and eastern parts of Europe as not 
materially deficient; yet, as the 
old stock was much exhausted, and 
the demand great, the price, ac- 
cording to the last advices, was eve- 
ry where uncommonly high. Bur, 
though there was. upon this point 


some » difference of opinion, it ap. 


peared upon the whole very doubt- 
ful, whether a supply to any consi- 
derable extent could be depended 
upon from foreign, parts, whatever 
measures might be adopted. Your 
committee next proceeded to in- 
quire what measures, in the judg- 
ment of these persons, afforded the 
best probability of obtaining svch 
a supply. They thought it right 
to bring distin@ly under their con- 
sideration the alternative ot leaving 
the whole care of such purchases 
to the executive government, who 
would (it was conceived) 
such case the only purchasers; and 
be publicly known to be so3. or 
of leaving the same to. the specula- 
tion of individual merchants, en- 
couraged by~a liberal bounty on 
importation, and by a public decla- 
ration on the part of government 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


(as soon as such declaration shall 
be practicable) of the quantity 
which they may then have at their: 
disposai in consequence of former 
orders, and co: ‘heir intention to 
give no further orders for the pur. 


chase of corn, and to sell what 


may Have pe ee in limit. 
ed quaniitics, and at. the market 
price. tr PaCS io your coms 
mitice to be the preponderant opi. 
nion amongst. these persons to 


whom this alternative was stated, 
that, upon the whole, the restora- 
tion of the trade in corn to its na- 
tural channel, with the additional 
encouragement cf a bounty, was 
the most eligible mode of endea- 
vouring to oe from ioreign 
parts such supplies as- those mark. 
ets might be found able to furnish. 
Your committee were. further con. 
firmed in this opinion by the infor- 
mation they received from seme of 
their members, that there were mer- 
chants who had stated to them 
their readiness, under those cir- 
cumstances, to engage in specula- 
tions to.a large extent. After a 
full consideration and discussion of 
this important point, your commit. 
tee were of opinion, “ that it was 
expedient for the executive go- 
vernment to desist from making 
any further purchases of corn ; and - 
that a bounty should be granted 
upon the importation of certain 
sorts of grain into this country, for 
the encouragement. of private spe- 


_eulation,”’ 
be wim - 


“Your committee next proceeded ~ 
to the consideration of the amount 
and distribution of such bounty. 
They had been informed that, from 
the abundance of the crop of wheat 
in the countries bordering upon 
the Mediterranean, there might be 
a considerable disposeable surplus 

in 


USEFUL PROJE 


in those markets; but that, from 
the high price of freight and insur- 
ancé from those ports, .and from 
the difficulty oi procuring shipping 
to go thither in ballast, a larger 
bounty would be required to encou- 
fage private. speculation in that 
quarter than in any other ; they 
were therefore of opinion, that a 
bounty of twenty shillings per 
quarter, and a proportional bounty 
per barrel, should be given on any 
nuisber .of , quarters .cf wheat, 
weighing not less than 440. pounds 
aveirdupois, or on any number of 
barrels of flour, weighing not less 
than 196 pounds avoirdupois, which 
shall be imported into Great Britaia 
from any vort of Europe south of 
Cape Finisierre, or from any port 
in the Mediterranean, or in Africa, 
before the 31st day of August,1796; 
until the quantity of such wheat and 
flour, taken together, shall equal 
300,000 quarters. 

They were further satisfied, up- 
6n the best information they could 
collect, that from the other parts 
of Europe, and from America, a 
bounty of 15s. per quarter, upon a 
certain quantity of wheat, and of 
Tos. per- quarter, of all exceeding 
it, would be sufficient to give a fair 
chance of procuring:for the British 
markets a large proportion of what- 
ever supply those countries might 
be expected to furnish beyond their 
own -consumption : and they were 
therefore of opinion, that a bounty 
of fifteen shillings per quarter, and 
a proportional bounty per barrel, 
should be given on any number of 
quarters of wheat, weighing not 
less than 4401. avoirdupois, or on 
any number of barrels of flour, 


weighing not less than 196]b, avotr- 


dupois, which shall be imported 
from all other parts of Europe, be- 


® 


CES [415 

fore the 31st day of August 17965 

until the quantity of such wuear 
and flour, taxen together, | shall 

equal 500,090, quarters. Your 

committee were also of opinion, 

that a bounty of fifteen shillings per 

quarter, and a proportional bounty 

per barrel, shouid be given on 

any number of quarters af wheat 

weighing not less than 440lb. a-. 
voirdapois, or on any number of 

barrels of flour, weighing not less 

than 196lb. avoirdupois, which 

shall be imporied from any of his 

majesty’s colonics in America, or 

from the United States, before the 

3ist of August, 1796; until the 

gugntity of such wheat and flour, 

taken together, shall equai 500,090 . 
qrs. Your committee were also of 

opinion, that a bounty of ten shil. 

lings per quarter, and a proportio~ 

nai bounty per barrel should. be giv- 

en on any number of quarters of 
wheat, . weighing not less than 

44olb. avoirdupois, or on any num- 

ber of barrels of flour, weighing 

not less than 196lb. avoirdupois, 

which shall be im orted into Great 

Britain before the 31st day of 
August 1796, aad on which none 

of the before-mentioned bounties 

shall have been paid. 

_ Your committee being convince. 

ed, that if a considerable quantity 

of Indian corn could be obtained 

(which from the abundance of thaf 
crop appears not improbable) it 

would afford a material re.ief, were 

also of opinion, that a bouncy of five 

shillings per quarter, and a propor. 

tional bounty per barrel, should be 

given on any number of quarters of 
Indian corn, or on any number of 
barrels of Indian meal, which shall 

be imported into Great Britain be- 

fore the 31st day of August 1796; 

until the quantity of such indian 

corn 


416] 


eorn and meal, taken together, 
‘shallequal 5oo,cooquarters. Your 
cominittee were also of opinion, 
that a bounty of three shillings per 
quarter, and a proportional bounty 
per barrel, should be given on any 
number of quarters of Indian corn, 
or on any number of barrels of 
Indian meal, which shall be im- 
ported into Great Britain before 
the 31st day of August, 1796; and 
on which the before mentioned 
bounty shall not have been paid. 

Your committee have some rea- 
son to believe, that there may ap- 
pear such a deficiency in the crop 
of rye, as may lead to the applica- 
tion of similar measures for the en- 
couragement of the importation of 
that species of grain, as have been 
recommended respecting wheat ; 
but they do not yet consider their 
information upon that point as suf- 
ficient to authorize them, at the 
present moment, to report any opi- 
nion to that effect. 

Your committee have thought 
it incumbent upon them, humbly 
to suggest such measures as have 
hitherto appeared, in their judg. 
ment, the most likely to facilitate 
the procuring, without loss of time, 
in the least exceptionab’e manner, 
and on the least unreasenable terms, 
the largest supply of grain from fo- 
reign parts, which, in the present 
“relative state of the markets, they 
can be expected to afford. 
particularly with a view to expe. 
dition that they have suggested the 
proposed plan of arranging the 
bounty. Put they feelit, at the 
game time, their indispensable duty 
expressly to state, that they are far 
from entertaining any opinion that 
any supply, by importation, can be 
depended upon to such an amount 
as to remove the necessity of 


It was” 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1766. 


recurring to every other pratticabile 
and reasonable mode, by which the 
present scarcity may be relieved ; 
and particularly of \attending. to 
strict economy in the consumption 
of wheat and flour, and of promot- 
ing the substitution, to a certain 
extent, of other articles of food. 

They intend to proceed immedi. 
ately to the consideration of these 
and other parts of this extensive 
and important subje€t; and will, 
with the permission of the house, 
report, from time to time, such 
opinions as they may be enabled to 
form thereupon, 


Second Report fram the Sele& Committee 
appointed to take into consideration 
the present high price of Corn. 
THE select committee appointed 

to take into consideration the pres 

sent high price of corn, and to col- 
lect evidence relative thereto, and 
to report the same from time to 
time, as it shall appear to them, to 
the house, with their observations 
thereupon,—have received, since 
their last report, further informa. 
tion respeéting the deficiency in 
the crop of rye, and the great want 
of that article in those parts of the 
country where it forms the princi« 
pal subsistence cf the people s and 
they are thereby induced to think 
that similar measures ought to be 
adopted for the encouragement of 
the importation of that species of 
grain, as have been reeommended 
respecting wheat. They beg leave 
therefore to submit their opinion 
to the house, that a bounty of ten 
shillings per quarter should be gi- 
ven for every quarter of rye, weigh. 
ing not less than fifty pounds per 
bushel, ~which shall be imported 
into Great Britain before the 30th 
day of September, 1796, until the 

quantity 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


quantity of such rye shall exceed 
100,000 quarters ; and also that a 
bounty of six shillings per quarter 
should be given for every quarter 
of rye which shall be imported in- 
to Great Britain before the 3oth 
day of September, 1796, exceeding 
the quantity to which the before- 
mentioned bounty is limited. 

Your committee are also inclin- 
ed to recommend an extension of 
the period for which the several 
bounties on grain and flour are 
proposed to be granted, They 
observe, from the weekiy returns 
of the price of wheat in the whole 
kingdom, and of the price and 
quantity in the London market, 
since January last, that the highest 
price and the greatest scarcity took 
place during the months of July 
and August, and particularly in 
the latter. These, therefore, are 
the months for which it is most im- 
portant to provide; and they are 
led to fear, that if the bounty is 
confined to such corn as may ar- 
rive before the 31st of August, 
merchants may be discouraged from 
sending supplies to this country 
during that month, by the appre- 
hension that they may not arrive 
in time to be entitied to the bounty. 
They beg leave therefore to sug- 
gest an extension of the time tothe 
30th of September; and they sub- 
mit, whether it might not also be 
expedient to place, in proper hands, 
a discretionary power of allowing 
the bounties to such ships as may 
arrive before the 15th of October, 
upon proof of their having a¢tyally 
set sail from Great Britain, from 
their respective ports, at such time 
that they might, in the ordinary 
edurse of their voyage, have arriv. 
ed before the 30th of September. 

“Your committee have also re- 

Vor, XXXVIII. 


\ 


[417 


ceived asuggestion from merchants 
trading to the southern parts of 
Europe and to Africa, that it would 
be advisab'e to enlarge the quan- 
tity to which the highest bounty 
upon corn, brought from those 
quarters, was proposed to be limit. 
ed: they do not state an expetta- 
tion, that the whole of that quan- 
tity can be procured; but they are 
apprehensive that the original li- 
mitation may tend to check specu- 
lation, by the fear of exceeding 
the quantity specificd—and they 
propose, therefore, that the high. 
est bounty should be extended to 
400,000 quarters. 

Your committee have also ex. 
amined several merchants, respect. 
ing the proportion which the boun- 
ty upon flour ought to bear to that 
upon wheat: they have been sa- 
tisfied by this examination that, in 
consideration of the various sizes 
and weight of the barrels used in 
different countries, it would be 
more advisable to grant a bounty 
on the hendred-weight of flour 
than on the barrel, aa had been at 
first suggested; that it is expedi- 
ent to adopt, on the importation of 
wheat and wheat flour, the same 
proportion of bounties which has 
been already established by the 
legislature on the exportation of 
the same (i. e.) 1s. 6d. per hundnd 
weight of wheat flour, as equiv. 
lent to 5s. per quarter of wheat; 
and that the same rule ought to be 
applied to Indian corn and meal. 

In suggesting, in their former 
report, that the bounty given on 
wheat ought ca be limited ta:such 
as weighed not less than at the 
rate of 55 pounds per bushel, your 
commitiee proceeded on informa. 
tion then received, that wheat of 
a lower weight was usually of so 

Ee inferior 


418} 


inferior a quality, as to be unfit 
for the use of man; and under a 
full persuasion of the necessity of 
fixing some limit, in order to pre- 
vent the object, for which «the 
-bounty ‘is given, from being de- 
feated by the importation of corn 
inapplicable to the subsistence of 
the people. They have since re- 
ceived further information, which 
has satisfied them, that wheat, 
naturally of somewhat a lower 
weight, may produce wholesome 
food; and that cargoes, not fre- 
quently, arrive out of condition, in 
consequence of which, the weight 
is for the time diminished, though 
it soon recoyers; and that it might 
prove an inconvenient restraint on 
speculation, if the merchant were 
exposed to lose the whole of the 
pounty, by a slight inattention of 
his agents abroad, or by a temporary 
and accidental deterioration of the 
article imported; they are, there. 
fore of opinion, that a bounty, 
equal to four-fifths of the proposed 
bounty, shouid be gétven on all 
wheat weighing not less than at 
the ‘rate of fifty-three pounds per 
bushel. 

* Your committee having stated 
such further observations as they 
have thought necessary, respecting 
‘the amount of the bounties, and 
the limitations as to weight, and 
quantity, and time, beg leave to 
recominend, for the prevention of 
fraud, that all corn and flour im- 
ported for bounty should be subjett, 
in addition to the inspection of the 
proper officers of the customs, to 
the examination of pérsons qua 
lified to judge thereof; that with- 
out the certificate of such persons, 
stating that the article is merchant- 
-able and fit fo: making bvead, no 
bounty should be paid; and that 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796, 


the importation of corn and flour 
for bounty should be confined te ~ 
such ports in which it is probable 
that persons so qualified may be 
found. ‘ 

Your committee have also receiv- 
ed information, that there are ships 
now in the ports of this country 
laden with corn, which are intend- 
ed to be reported for exportation, 
and that other ships may arrive, 
the consignees of which may send 
their cargoes to foreign ports, un- 
Jess tempted by the beunty to un- 
load them here; and they beg leave, 
therefore, to submit the expediency 
of extending the bounty to the 
cargoes of all ships which may now 
be in the ports of this country, or 
may arrive here previous to the 
passing of the aét by which it is 
to be granted. pees ar 
Third Report fron the Sele& Cammit. 

tee appointed to take into considerae 

tion the present hig’ price of Corn. 

THE select conjmitteé appointed 
to take into consideration the pre. 
sent high price of corn, and to col- 
leé&t evidence relative thereto, and 
to report the same from time to 
time, as it shall appear to them, to 
the house, with their observations 
thereupon, have received, since 
their first’ report, a considerable 
number of returns, made by the 
custodes rotulorum of the different 
counties, respecting the state of 
the last crop, together with much 
additional ‘intelligence upon that 
subjeét communicated by’ many of 
their members, They find it how. 
ever, impossible as yet to draw, 
either from these returns, or from 
any other quarter, a precise con. 
clusion, The ‘returns are so in- 
complete in their number, and are 
fownded upon so many different 

: “ prine 


4 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


principles, some stating the whole 
quantities of grain produced, others 
the number of acres sown, and 
others again the average produce of 
each acre; and drawing, in some 
instances, a comparison with the 
crop of fast year, in others with that 
of certain preceding. years, and in 
others with what is generally called 
a fair crop, that it is extremely 
dificult to combine and compare 
them, so as to state accurately the 
result of the whole. 

Your committee would have en- 
deayoured to render this investiga. 
tion more complete, if they had 
not felt’ the great importance of 
suggesting, without further delay, 


such measures as have occurred to; 


them for alleviating an evil which 
evidently exists to such an extent 
as to call for the most effectual re- 
medy. 

From the best consideration of 
such information as they have hi- 
therto obtained, they should not 
feel themselves authorized in as- 
suming as the ground of any opi- 
nion they may offer, that the defi- 
ciency of the crop of wheat is less 
‘than from one fifth to one sixth, 
compared with the crop of last year, 
god from one fourth to one fifth, 
compared with an average crop. 
The crop of rye, of which no great 
quantity is usually grown, may pro- 
bably be considered as equally de- 
ficient ; but the crops of barley and 
oats are represented to be nearly 
double those of 1794, and at least 
one fifth better than an average 
crop. 

lt appears also, from the concur- 
rent testimony of. intelligent per- 
sons, that the stock of wheat in 
hand at the commencement of the 
Jast harvest was much less than at 


the same period of the preceding 


[A419 


year, and there is also reason to be. 
lieve that a larger quantity has been 
used for seed in the present seed’ 
time than in the last.—-One of the 
causes of the extreme high price 
which prevailed antecedent to the 
last harvest, was generally supposed 
to be the very exhausted state to 
which.the steck of the country had 
then been reduced. In order to 
avoid a repetition of this evil, to 
the same or to a much greater ex. 
tent (if the succeeding crop should, 
from unfavourable seasons, be later 
or less produdtive than usual) it 
is certainly extremely desirable 
that the stock remaining in the 
country at the commencement of 
the next harvest, should be more 
adequate to the demand than what 
remained this year at a similar 
period. Whatever is necessary 
for this purpose, ought therefore 
to be added to the amount of the 
deficiency. 

Your committee have stated these 
circumstances to the honse, in order 
to explain more fully the grounds 
of their opinion, that there will 
be no security against very. con. 
siderable distress in the course of 
the ensuing year, unless the defi- 
ciency of wheat and rye can be 
supplied by importation, or unless. 
other means can be found, by 
which, out of the stock of different 
sorts of grain in the country, a 
comfortable and wholesome sub- 
sistence can be furnished to the 
people during the whole of that 
period. 

Upon the first part of this alter. 
native, your committee have al. 
ready humbly submitted their opi. 
nion; and though they fatter 
themselves, that from the adop. 
tion of the measures now in con. 
templation for the encouragement 

Ee2 


420] 


of the importation of wheat, of 
Indian corn, and of rye, some con- 
siderable supplies may be procured 
from foreign parts, yet they should 
think it unwise to rest in any great 
degree upon the hope that such 
supplies can cover a large propor- 
tion of the defieiency. . Your com- 
mittee would feel great regret in 
stating this to the house, if they 
were not also of opinion, upon the 
fullest consideration, that the coun- 
try possesses other resources, both 
more extensive and more secure, in 
an economical use of ‘the stock of 
wheat in the kingdom, and in the 
abundant crops of -barley, of oats, 
and of potatoes. xe 

_Itis obvious, that there must be 
a very numerous class of families, 
where, in times of ordinary plenty, 
the consumption of wheaten bread 
and of flour is by no means an ob- 
ject of stri& regulation and atten- 
tion ; and it can be as little doubt- 
ed, that, under such a pressure as 
the present, an important reduction 
might be effected in this respect, 
without diminishing, in any de- 
gree, the quantity necessary for 
subsistence. It is also to be re- 
marked, that the consumption of 
this class of persons and their fami- 
lies, together with another class, 
far more extensive, consists in a 
Jarge proportion of other articles 
than bread, and that the situa- 
tion of those classes may enable 
them, as circumstances require, to 
augment in some degree that pro- 
portion, and thereby to leave a 
larger share of the stock of wheat 
to those for whose subsistence it is 
more immediately essential. 

The reduétion of the consump- 
tion of wheat may be considerably 
aided amongst this description of 
persons, 2nd, in a great degree, ex- 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


tended to all classes of the people; 
if they can be induced to employ 
the other resource to which your 


‘committee have referred, and to 


avail themselves of the abundance 
of other crops to supply the defici- 
ency of wheat. 

For the purpose of ascertaining 
in what proportion the articles be_ 
fore enumerated, and others, could 
be mixed with wheat, so as to pro- 
dace a bread likely to answer the 
purposes of general consumption, 
your committee have examined the 
result of a variety of experiments, 
made by the vitualling office, unt 
der the direction of the privy 
council, and ordered to be com. 
municated to them; and of further 
experiments, since made by the 
same office, under the direction of 
your committee; and. have been 
also assisted by the Board of Agri- 
culture, who have communicated 
to them an account of trials made 
with a still greater variety of mix. 
tures, Your committee see no rea. 
son to doubt that good bread may 
be made from any of these mix- 
tures, with no greater proportion 
than three-fifths or two-thirds of 
wheaten flour ; and there is the best 


reason for concluding that such © 
wholesome and _ 
nutritive, because in many parts — 
of this country, where labour and | 
industry are carried to as great an 


bread would be 


extent as in any other, the people 


are wholly fed by bread made of | 


some one or more of the compon. 
ent parts of these mixtures. Your 


committee are further encouraged © 


in this opinion, by finding, that in 


the course of the last season, the 
use of mixed bread of various kinds | 
has been introduced .into’ general” 


consumption in many places whose 


consumption was betore confined | 


te 


os 


USHPUL PROJECTS. 


to wheaten bread; that the conse- 
quence has ‘been a considerable re- 
duction of price to the labouring 
poor in such places; and that the 
use of it has not been found to be 
attended with any inconvenience. 
The variety of different species of 
mixed bread is such, as to offer a 
considerable number of alterna- 
tives to different parts of the coun- 
try ; and they will be naturally led 
to select those which are least fo- 
reign to their habits and preju. 
dices, and of which, from local cir- 


cumstances, they can most conveni+' 


ently procure a supply. 

That the sacrifice of some degree 
of indulgence, or of prejudice, is 
one, which, under the present cir. 
cumstances, can be made, and 
ought to be made, and that without 
such a sacrifice to a considerable 
extent, the country will be exposed 
to still greater difficulties than 
those with which it has so lately: 
contended, is an opinion with which 
your committee are so strongly im- 
pressed, that they cannot tooearnest - 
ly recommend it to the serious at- 
tention of this house, and of the 
nation at large. 

Deeply, however, as they feel 
this impression, they are far from 
proposing any legislative measure 
to enforce a compliance with this 
suggestion. ‘They well know that 
the people of this, and of every other 
country, are attached by habit to 
their accustomed species of food ; 
and that however they may, by re- 
commendation and example, be 
induced to make a partial change, 
yet any sudden and compulsory al- 
teratioh might, perhaps, be more 
sensibly felt than the very grievance 
ft was intended to remedy. 


[42 


There are indeed many prece- 
dents in the statutes of this country, 
of the interposition of the legisla- 
ture for this purpose, at times 
when, from the less advanced state 
of cultivation and commerce, dis- 
tresses of this kind occurred much 
more frequently and severely than 
at later periods ; and even in more 
recent times, an att passed* which 
authorizes magistrates, whenever 
they think the case requires, to-set 
the assize upon standard wheaten 
bread alone, and thereby to pro. 
hibit the making of all other sorts 
of bread. Your committee, how- 
ever, entertain great hopes, that 
without applying this principle to 
the present case, the general im- 
pression produced bythe late dis. 
tress, and continued by the present 
scarcity, -will incline. men of all 
descriptions to unite voluntarily in 
the only measure which can give 
effeGtual and immediate relief ; 
and they conceive, that if this 
house should give to such a measure 
the sanction of its example and 
recommendation, there could be 
little doubt of its being adopted 
by a proportion of the community 
sufiiciently numerous to secure the 
attainment of the object in view. 

Your committee beg leave to 
submit this suggestion to the wis. 
dom of the house; and they hope 
it will not be thought beyond the 
line. of their duty, if, upon an 
occasion so ufgent in point of time, 
they presume also to suggest the 
principal points which such an en- 
gagement ought, in their humble 


opinion, to embrace. 


To reduce the consumption of 
wheat in the families of the per- 
sons subscribing such engagement, 


#42 Geo, IM, 


Ee3 by 


422] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


by at least one third of the usual 
quantity consumed in ordinary 
times. 

In order to effe€t this purpose, 
either to limit co that extent the 
quantity of fine wheaten bread 
consumed by each individual in 
such families ; ; 

Or, to consume only mixed bread, 
of which not more than two thirds 
shall be made of wheat ; 

Or, only a proportional quantity 
of mixed bread, of which more 
than two thirds is made of wheat ; 

Or, a proportional quantity of 
bread made of wheat alone, from 
which no more than five pounds of 
man is excluded ; 

If it should be necessary, in 
order to effe€t the purpose of this 
engagement, to prohibit the use of 
wheaten flour in pastry, and to 
diminish, as much as possible, the 
ase thereof in other articles than 
bread ; 

By one or more of these mea- 
sures, or by any other which may 
be found equally effectual, and 
more expedient and pratticable, in 
the respeétive situations of persons 
subscribing, to insure to the utmost 
of their power the reduction above 
mentioned. 

This engagement to continue in 
force until fourteen days after the 
mext session of. paffiament, unless 
the average price of wheat shall, 
before that time, be reduced to an 
amount to be specified. 


Hppendix to the Third Report from the 
Selo? Committee appointed 10 take 
‘ 


into consideration the present high 

price of Corn. : i 

THE committee beg leave to 
lay before the house, as an appen- 
dix to their last report, an account 
of the experiments made by the 
vittualling office upon ~ different 
kinds of mixed bread, under the 
directions of the privy council, and 
of this committee; they have not 
thought it necessary to add to the’ 
account the experiments made 
by the Bosrd of Agriculture, as 
they understand that it is the ins 
tention of that board to communi- 
cate that account to the public, to- 
gether with their observations there- 
upon. 

The committee have proceeded 
to take into further consideration 
different branches of this extensive 
subjeét. Being aware, however, 
that some of ‘them contain matter 
which ought not to be made tlie 
object of regulation, except upon 
mature deliberation, and a clear 
conviction of necessity, they have 
thought it most consistent with 
their duty, to defer making any 
further report till after the recess 3 
but they beg leave to add to this 
appendix, a few papers which have 
beén contmunicated to them; nor 
as intimating any opinion whatso- 
ever, as to the different obserya- 
tions and suggestions contained in 
these papers, but with a view of | 
drawing attention to the principal 
points of which it may be’ neces. 
sary for the committee to resumé 
the consideration. . 


, 


[423 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


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ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 
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424] 


[425 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


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a : : 
<< 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


Copy of a Letter from Charles Dundas, 
Esq. to the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee appointed to inquire into the 


high price of Corn. 
Sir, 


members, who 
committee ap- 


AS many of the 
have attended the 
pointed to inquire into the high 
price of corn, may visit their coh- 
stituents during the Christmas re- 
cess, 1 beg leave to call their at- 
tention to a subject which I con- 
ceive does most materially affect 
the sale of wheat, and to propose 
a remedy for some part of the griev- 
ances which are now complained 
of, meaning that our constituents 
may be consulted, during -the ad- 
jourament of parliament, on the 
practicability of adopting weight 
as a regulator of measure, which 
appears to me to be the only 
just criterion of the quality of 
corn. 

By this, jobbing would be anni- 
hilated, and certainty would be 
established in the returns of your 
markets, and in the profits of the 
miller, mealman, and baker. 
this instant, notwithstanding the 
prevailing opinion, that the Win- 
chester bushel is the legal standard, 
yet there does not exist a certain 
measure in the kingdom. © The 
bushel kept in the Exchequer is 
less than eight of the standard 
gallons there, the gallon Jess than 
four standard quarts, and the quart 
is more than two standard pints. 
The bushel of queen Elizabeth, 
1591, contains 2,124 cubical 
inches; the gallon of the same date, 
271 cubical inches, and the pint, 
dated 1602, 34%, cubical inches : 
Bhasstore the inequalities of your 


At. 


~ 


[427 


regulating standard measures are as 
follow : 
Cubical inch. 
13 Wm. III.c. 5. Round 184 
inches. Diameter 8 inches 25150 
The standard bushel in the 
Exchequer 2,124 
Eight of ae standard gallons 2,163. 
Thirty-two of the standard 


quarts 25240 
Sixty-four of the standard 
pints 2,227 
But this inequality of your 


standard measures is not the griev. 
ance of which I particularly com. 
plain; it is the uncertain praétice 
of selling corn in the country 
markets by measures of various. 
sizes, which is an evident. fraud 
on the consumers of bread, and an 
advantage to none but the jobbers 
in corn, who, ‘from praétice, are 
as well acquainted with the size 
of every farmer’s bushel as with 
his face. As the measure varies 
almost every ten miles, the differ. 
ence is a great encouragement to 
corn dealers, and the public are de~ 
ceived by seeing in the Gazette the 
account of the prices of grain in 
different counties,: which cannot 
be accurately collected, whilst the 
measures so locally differ. 

In markets where certainty of 
measures is not stri¢tly attended to, 
allaverages must be false: In many 
where the nine gallon measure is 
customary, I have known measures 
of ten gallons; and, what isa 
shameful fraud. on the consumer, 
gentlemen’s bushels of ten gallons 
and a half,—The dealers, know. 
ing this, give an advanced price 
for the largest measures, conse. 
quently when the average of the 
market is struck, and a return 

4, made 


428] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


made by a reduétion of the custo- 
mary measure of the market to 
Winchestet measure, the price of 
the measure of ten gallons being 
rarked as nine gallons, they raise 
the price of the article-considerably 
,above the value it- sold for. In 
other markets, where no average 
is taken, the price of bread is ge- 
nerally fixed from the highest sale 
ef the best wheat which has been 
in the market ; consequently the 
price of flour, bearing a propor- 
tionate value to the wheat of 
which it is made, and that being 
put at a higher average (owing to 
this false return) it follows, that 
bread is sold at a dearer rate than 
it would be if the sale of wheat 
was properly regulated, 

It will be said, Why is not the use 
of the Winchester bushel enforced, 
as the law direéts? This has been 
attempted during the Jast century 
without success ; it is a very un- 
popular proceeding to bring this 
forward. The lower orders of 
people detest it, from the smallness 
of its contents, and the dealers 
of provisions instigate them to this, 
it being theirinterest to retainevery 
wncertainty in weights and mea- 
sures, and this cannot be enforced, 
but by informations, which do not 
suit the honest character of the 
people of this country ; butif it was 
brought into general use, certainty 
{which is one object of this letter} 
could not be obtained; for in the 
act of measuring, no two men fill 
the same quantity into the same 
bushels, and the manner of striking 
the measure is as uncertain as that 
of filling it. Weight, regulated 
by the 35th Geo. III. which gives 
the magistrates a power of. pre- 
venting false weights, would re. 


medy this, and prove the difference 
of the quality of good and bad 
wheat, which is supposed to be 
nearly one-third; this difference 
will shew the fallacy of the origi« 
nal formation of the bushel, which 
is to contain 495,040 grains of 
wheat, ** well dried, and gathered 
out of the middle of the ear,’”” not. 
withstanding there is perhaps as 
much difference in. ears of wheat, 
arising from soil, climate, and 
culture, as there isin the uncertairr 
measures of this kingdom. The 
system of weighing corn is pracs 
tised in many parts of the country ; 
it is authorized to be done by the 
31st Geo. III. in which aé& the 
respective weights ofall grain taken 
by the bushel, and also of the meal 
of the different grains, is inserted ; 
and as most corn dealers buy accord. 
ing to their judgment of the weight 
of grain, and all millers weigh 
their corn on its being delivered at 
the mill, the regulation which I 
propose would not be strange to 
them, and it will place the shop.« 
keeper, manufacturer, and labourer 
(who purchase wheat for their 
own use) ona fair footing with 
dealers. It will reward the ina 
dustrious farmer, by giving the 
highest price to the best and cleanest 
corn, while it exposes the idle and 
slovenly farmer, by reducing his 
price to the proportionate quality 
of his unproduétive grain. 

Salt was originally sold by mea 
sure—it is now sold by weight, 
56lb. to the bushel. Theat which 
regulated this, in one instant equa« 
lized all the salt measures in the 
kingdom: the same effect would 
follow a similar proceeding in the 
sale of corn, by which the asstze on 
flour might be justly set, and the 

relation 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


relation between the articles of 
corn, flour, and bread, ascertained 
and fairly regulated, and the ma. 
gistrates should be ‘empowered to 
controul the clerk of the markets, 
millers, and bakers, so as to pre- 
vent fraud, which is the only 
object of any regulation which I 
wish to propose ; but perhaps, if 
the quantity to be weighed in the 
market was declared to be not less 
than a bushel, this would meet the 
ideas of many gentlemen who now 
complain of the difficulty of the 
poor be ecoming the purchasers of 
small quantities of corn, and are 
desirous of having that quantity 
pitched in the market as a sample, 
And also, as the weight of the 
bushel of the different grain is 
fixed by the 31st Geo. III. c. 30. 
I shall add that regulation to what 
I wished to submit to the considera- 
tion of the committee. 

1b, avoirdupoise. 
Bushel of Wheat, weighing 57 


Rye 55 
Barley 49 
Beer or bigg = 42 
Oats 32 


shall be respectively oat equal 
to every standard Winch. bush. 


Wheat meal 56 
Wheat flour 55 
Rye meal 53 
Barley meal 48 
Beer or bigg meal 4.1 
Oatmeal 22 


shall be deemed equal to every such 
bushel of the unground grain where- 
of it is made, and what will not 
pass through a fourteen shillings 
cloth is to be considered as wheat 
meal. 

If, therefore, the committee are 
of opinion that the introduétion of 
the use of weight, to regulate and 
agcertain the measures of corn, is 


[429 


likely to produce a certainty in the 
returns from the markets of corn 
in this kingdom, and by a just and 
clear statement of the relations be, 
tween the prices of wheat and flour, 
to enable us to prevent fraud, and ta 
suppiy the inhabitants of the coun. 
try, with bread at a more moderate 
rate, than it has been sold for, al- 
lowing a fair profit to the persons 
employed in the manufacturing of 
these articles, I would recom- 
mend the following resolutions, 
or such as would enable the com- 
mittee to att with certainty in 
setting the just values on flour 
and bread. 

1, That the returns shall be made 
of the corn sold from every market 
town in England, stating the quan- 
tity and weight of grain sold in 
Pain markets, 

That in striking the average 
of aw grain so sold, it shall be 
computed from the weight of such 
grain, as that is fixed by the 31st 
Geo. III. c, 30. 

3. That a certain quantity of 
the grain intended to be sold, not 
less than one Winchester bushel, shall 
be pitched in the public market, 
and the weight. of the wheat, or 
other corn, openly marked on such 
sample. 

4.That the weight of the bushel, 
and the quantity of the corn sold, 
shall be delivered, with an account 
of the price, to the clerk of the 
market, for the purpose of making 
his returns, and also to prove the 
quality of the corn, if the quantity 
sold should prove, on the delivery, 
to be of an inferior quality to the 
sample produced in the market. 


MILLERS. 


1. To keep a regular account of 
the weight of the corn delivered in 


at 


430 | 


at their respective mills for the 
purpose of being ground, 

2. To grind all grain separately, 
maslin excepted. 

3+ To keep a regular account of 


the produce of the said grain, subject 


to inspection of the magistrates of 
the county or distriét where the 
mills are situated, when they shall 
find occasion for setting an assize 
‘on Hour or bread. 

4, Persons who have had corn 
made into flour at any mill, to have 
the option of paying the miller’s 
toil, either in money or in kind 
{meal} as they choose. 

§- That nothing of this shall 
affect the custom of soke mills, as 
far as relates to their ancjent te- 
nures, but that the magistrates shal] 
‘have ‘a power of examining their 
books as above. 

When I propose these resolutions 
to the committee, it is for the pur- 
pose of drawing their attention to 
the subject, and to request of them 
to converse with their intelligent 
‘neighbours in the country, who 
are either farmers, flour dealers, 
or bakers. I have received several 
Jetters on this subject, containing 
opinions of persons of experience 
and prattice. They all agree in the 
justice of the plan I propose; some 
dread the dislike which attends 
every thing that is new, bur al- 
most all allow that the improvement 
would be of considerable benefit to 
the country, I am particularly satise 
fied by the decided opinions (in fa- 
your of weight being the regulator 
of measure) of Mr. Strutt, of Ter- 
ling, of Mr. Davies of Longleat, and 
Mr. Messiter, of Wincanton (in 
their letters to Mr? Morton Pitt), 
and of Mr, Billingsley, of Ashurst 
Grove, in Somersetshire: gentle- 
men who are so fit to judge, from 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


theirability, experience, and judg. 
ment in these matters. Mr. Bil- 
lingsley is desirous that the weight 
of the grain should be put higher 
than it 1s directed by the 31st Gea. 
IH. I have subjoined his letter to 
this, that the weight he recom. 
mends may be considered. 

I have only to add, that should 
the committee, on their return to 
parliament, approve of the pro- 
posal I have now made, and it is 
thought, of too great importance to 
be contained in a part of the a& 
for regulating the obje&s which® 
now engage the attention of the 
corn committee, T will funless some 
gentleman of more consideration 
will undertuke it) move for leave 
to bring ina bill for the purposes 
stated in this letter.—‘* To use 
weight as the regulator of measure, 
in baying and selling of corn ;’’ 
not intending to carry the biil 
through the houses of parliament in 
this session, but that it should be 
printed and distributed in the coun. 
try, and brought forward here. 
after, if it should be generally 
approved. 


I have the honour to be, 
With much respe, 
’ Your obedient servant, 
CHARLES DUNDAS, 


Barton-court, near Newbury, 


qth Dec. 1795. 


Copy of a Letter from Mr. Billingsley, 
to Charles Dundas, Esq. 


Dear Sir, 


Should parliament think proper 
to alter the present mode of selling 
grain, and to substitute weight 
instead of measure, I think the 
standard should be fixed rather 
high than low. 

Suppose 


: 


« 


* 


Pay 


USEFUL PROJECTS, 


. Suppose the following : 
Wheat — 63 per Winch, bush. 
‘Barley 52 or 53-ditto ? 
Oats 38 or 40 ditto 

It is not only my own opinion, 
but also that of the most intelligent 
farmers and corn dealers in our 
part-of the kingdom, that such an 
‘alteration would be highly condu- 
<ive to the general weal of. the 
‘kingdom. - 

I am, dear Sir, 

Your mest humble servant, 


J. BILLINGSLEY. 
Ashurst-grove, Dec. 6, 1796. 


J 


10th Dec. 1795. 

P.S. Since I had the honour of 
submitting the aboye letter to the 
committee, I have received several 
letters from gentlemen of experience 
and judgment in the country, on 
‘the ‘proposal of substituting weight 
as the regulator of measures in 
the sales of corn: all of whom 
except two very respectable men) 
approve of the plan. ‘Lhe two 
gentlemen I allude to say, there 


- will be an alteration without an 


improvement ; their reasons have, 
however, relieved my doubts, as 
they fest their opinions on two 
grounds : 
*. rst, That weighing will occasion 
trouble. 

2d, That itis already prattised 
by all skilful purchasers. 
' In answer to the first. Whena 
load’ of wheat is delivered, if the 
sacks should be suspected to be 
small, they are sooner weighed 
than measured ; and if the corn is 
not as clean as the sample was, 
the weight will prove this, which 
tannot be done by measure. 
In loading and unloading of 
ships, after having ascertained the 
» 5 


fiasi 


weight of a box or machine to run 
the wheat into, the weight of the 
grain would be much sconer proved 
than the quantity by measure. 


Copy of a Letter from Mr, Billingsley 
to Charles Dundas, Esq. 


SECONDLY, as to the present 
practice of weight being used, I 
am weil acquainted with this cir- 
cumstance, and it is a very obvious 
reason tor endeavouring to make 
the mode. general, as by this pub- 
lic regulation, fraud would be 
prevented, and the labourers or ma- 
nufacturers purchasing corn would 
be put on an equality with the 
most artful seller.—I have intro- 
duced the pitching of a*bushel in 
the public markets, to meet the 
wishes of many respectable mem- 
bers of the house of commons, in 
consequence of applications from 
their constituents, who have found 
great difficulty in procuring wheat 
to purchase, But as pitching a 
bushel may be attended with in- 
convenience to the farmer, and also 
raise the price of that small quan. 
tity to the poor; and as compul. 
sive regulations are considered by 
many as unjust and impolitic, in 
the sale of an article, the growth of 
which is optional, I beg to suggest 


‘to the committee the propriety of 


empowering the magistrates of 
towns, the clerks of the markets, 
or the overseers of the poor in their 
parishes, to open, or authorize shops 
(under the regulation of their jus. 
tices of the peace) to.supply the la- 
bourers, manufacturers, poor, &ce 
of their parish, with any quantity, 
from one peck to one quarter’ of 
corn, at the market price, with 
such addition as would be necessary 
to pay the attendance of a person 

to 


432] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


to retain it. This increase of price 
would be very irconsiderable, ‘and 
would be much less than the value 
of the time, which would be 
thrown away by the purchaser 
Waiting in the market, or his loss 
by his ignorance of the quality of 
¢he commodity. 

What I have said respecting 
millers, appears to me to be most 
necessary to do away the presént 
opinion, that the high price of 
flour is in some degree owing to 
the millers or mealmen: but as a 
respectable. baronet has brought 
forward a bill on this subject, the 
resolutions contained in my letter 
respecting millers may be rendered 
unnecessary, except in drawing 
the attention of the country to the 
consideration of these subjects, 
which I hope will be the conse- 
quence of the attention which has 
been paid by the committee to in- 
quire into the causes of the high 
price of corn. 

A table, like the following, 
might regulate the prices of a mar- 
ket, as far as related to the quantity 
and weight. 


per bushel. per had, 

Ib. Ib. lebe psy ds 
“60 Or: 59 "—  \T2 10 50 
; Lcabegamehe palate Dialer ia Sali 
6 55 a 15 16 
EUS 5g) Seater 6 
2 — g1 = 1110 0 
Gogo are p06 


Thus 1/7. ros. per load difference 
would be made in the price, where 
28lb. per sack was the difierence 
in weight, which would be five 
half hundreds in a load of wheat, 
which is the exaét weight of a 
sack of flour, and which, the 
best wheat would produce more 
than the lightest, —1 have added 


this as a rule to settle any dispute, 
in case the wheat delivered under 
a particular sample, should prove 
lighter than the bushel or sack 
registered with the clerk of the 
market. ; 

I will only add, that from every 
conversation which | have had with 
farmers, mealmen and millers, since 
this subje¢t was brought forward, 
I am convinced that the use af 
weight, as the regulator of measure, 
will prevent fraud in dealings in 
corn, and wiil enable the magis. 
grates -or others, to regulate the 
price of bread by the average price 
of wheat or flour, instead of being 
fixed by the highest price af wheat, 
as it is at present. 

‘tyai? 

Extra& of a Letter from Mr. Davies, 
to William Mortor Pitt, Esq. 

Longleat, Nov. 22, 179%. 

YOUR question—‘* Whether it 
be possible or proper thar farmers, 
who seil their corn by sample, 
should be obliged to bring the 
whoie or a certain quantity ef ic to 
market ?\*—involves so many ob. 
jects of consideration, that I must 
beg your leave not only to give my 
Opinion, but to state my reasons at 
some length; the subject ts a 
serious one, and I trust you will 
aot think me more prolix than it 
requires. 

‘(he difficulties in reducing this 
plan to practice seems to be these : 

rst. [he infrequency of market 
towns in many parts of the king. 
dom, and the distance fyom .those 
towns to the places where corn is 
consumed. 

ad. ‘The increased. expence of 
carrying corn to markets; and 
then, in many instances, bringing 
it back again to be consumed near 


the spot whiere it grew. 
3d. The 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


_g- The impolicy, if not injustic, 
- of restraining, by compulsive means, 
the sale of an article; which, how- 
ever indispensable in itself, has as 
fair a claim as any other article of 
trade to a free and voluntary :node 
of sale ; especialiy an article cf which 
the growth is optiohal on the part 
of the seller. 

4. Lhe absolute impossibility of 
securing a consiant uniform supe 
ply on every market day, suflicient 
for the consumption of the distritt 
dependant on that market, tll the 

mMext market days “ 

The above ate my doubts as to 
the practicability, or even the possi- 
bility of carrying « plan of this kind 
into effett.. My opinion is, that 
it can do but little good, and may 
doa great dealof harm; and I take 
the liberty of supporting that opi- 
nion by* the folfowing reasons. 

The present, and indeed every 
scarcity of corn, arises chiefly from 
a failure of crops. 

That failure must be compen. 
sated to the grower {who is obitged 
to pay the same reat in ali seasons) 
by ap increased price.—That price 
as always regulated by the demand. 
—The great desideratvm 1s to keep 
the demand and the supply as neariy 
regular as possible, ‘Lhe proposal 
now made to the commities has 
that end for its object. I have, 
with all deference, to prove that it 
is inadequate, 

I live in a situation most likely 
to furnish me with the means of in- 


[43% 


formation; viz. at the junftion of 
the country which produces corn, 
with “he countfy which consumes it, 
within five miies of the great corn 
raarket of Warminster. : 

From Warminster, for near forty 
miles eastward, through Wiits and 
Hants, is a country which does 
not consume one fourth part of the 
coin it grows.—From Warminster 
for near forty miles westward, 
through a gteat part of Somerset. 
shite, and including Bath and Bris- 
tol, is a country which does not 
produce one fourth patt of the corn 
it consumes. 

The other three-fourths of corn 
consumed in the latter distriét is 
brought chiefly from the former 
(for the increased population of 
the north has deprived Bristol of 
the resource it once had down the 
Severn), Warminster and Devizes 
are the principal markets by which 
this quaniity is supplied. From 
these towns to Bristol and Bridge- 
water, there isnot a market where 
corn is exposed for sale in balk. 
But would it be politic to compel 
the growers of this one-fourth part 
of the consumption of Somerset 
shire to bring it to Warminster 
cr Devizes, or to Bridgewater or 
bristol, to seilit, to be carried back 
again. to be consumed by the 
manufaturing towns cf Frome or 
Shepton Mailett, possibly within a 
few miles of the place of its growth, 
at an advanced price, occasioned by 
this useless carriage* ? I may be 


* The proposal made in the committee, of obliging farmers to bring at least 2 


‘sack of coru to market us a sampic, or even a bushel, is objectionable; the 
katter quantity, small-as it is, canaot be brought ten miles under an expeuce 
ef two shillings, and aobody could buy it at that additional expence, auiess 
they also contracted to take a greater quantity with it to cover that expeace: the 
poor, for whom it is intended, could aever buy it. Besides, in all manufacturing 
countries the poor seldom buy wheat at market, or would if they could; the labour 
@fs in agriculture in the villages buy it wf the farmers for; whom they work: che 
manufactureis live from hand to mouth, and buy bread ready baked. Besides, 
tis seldom reckoned how much a poor man loses im time and expences in goimg 
to market to buy corn, even if he could buy it. 

asked, 


434] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


asked, why cannot markets be held 
at these towns?—I answer, the 
establishments of markets are not 
the work of a day ;—and suppose 
they were established, still that 
would not increase the quantity of 
corn grown in that country. ‘Fhe 
dealers must sti'] go castward for 
three-fourths of cheit supply, to the 
neglect of their own trifling markets, 
which of course would soon come to 
nothing again. 

The avowed object of the plan 
before the committee is, doubtless, 
to defeat a supposed combination. 
between buyers and seliers of cern 
to keep up its price, and to lay the 

markets, open to a fair competition ; 

and a very laudable objet it is. I 
have already stated my doubts as to 
the possibility of carrying this plan 
into execution, or indeed. any plan 
that would defeat this kind of com- 
bination; but I have very great 
doubts in my own mind as to the 
existence of combination to the ex. 
tent we frequently hear of, and still 
greater as to the magnitude of ‘the 
injury supposed to be done thereby 
to the public.—I am sensible I am 
taking the unpopular side of the 
argument.—I think you w il] agree 
with me in some parts of it at least 
and. if you do not, I am sure you 
will not be offended at my giving 
my opinion. 

That a combination should exist 
among farmers is impossible ;—they: 
are too numerous, and many of them 
too necessitous, ever to a(t in con- 
cert. 

Rich farmers may undoubtedly 
(and this year they have dene it) 
keep their wheat from market. In 
times of scarcity, like the last 
months of June and July, it is 
well they did, we should other. 
wise have been quite starved in 


Auguste ‘The shortness of the stp. 
ply pilot produced a saving in the 
consumption, and thereby the stock 
in hand lasted out. ‘Suppose we 
had a wet harvest; in that casé: 
the new corn could not have 
been ground without an ‘addition of 
eld. The rich: farmers who had 
wheat left would then have betn 
useful men, The faét speaks for 
itself, : 

As to jobbers of corn, these men 
may combine tegether ; their num- 
ber is but few, comparatively speak. 
ing; but how do they combine ? 
net to raise the price of corn, but 
to sink it! Warminster market, 
though a sack market,’ and not a 
sample market, is in a great mea- 
sure governed by these men ;—and 
were it not for them, Bath and 
Bristol must be. fed much dearer 
than they are now. ” If these meir 
cannot get corn at one market they 
go to another, and if there is not 
enough at market they go to farm-' 
houses. But when they get to the 
places of consumption, there the 
combination ends, and competition 
begins ;—less profit will suffice 
these men than the expence that 
would be incurred by ten times ‘the 
numbers of bakers and maltsters, 
coining twenty or twenty-five miles” 
tomarket. In fact, had it not beén 
for men of this description} Bristok 
would have been starved last sum. 
mer.—There were instances, more 
than once, of that city being with- 
out a fortnight’s supply of corn. 
These men knew it, and ransacked 
the country for more.—They did it 
for their own sakes, and thereby 
served the community. 

. But even admitting a combina ’# 
tion between-farmers and jobbers 
to exist in any particular country ;. 
the moment corn gets above the 

_ price. 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


price at which it would bear the 
additional expence of earriage ten 
niles farther; there is an end of 
the combination; and if ir was 
‘possibie the whole kingdom could 
combine, an importation from any 
country where it could be got 
cheaper would instantly knock it 
op. In fat, these very men, 
though dealing at all times under 
suspicions, and this year frequently 
in. danger of their lives, are the 
very hends that transfer the plenty 
of one country to relieve the dis- 
tresses of another; and though at 
former petiods, as well as now, 
they have, in times of dearth, been 
pointed at as the cause of it, they 
have to my knowledge this year 
mere than once saved whole towns 
from famine. In fat, times of 
scarcity are favourable to this set 
of men. [hey are then (against 
‘their will, I allow) particularly 
useful to all countries who do not 
grow corn enough for their con. 
sumption.—in times of plenty they 
cannot exist to answer their own 
purpose—in those times they are 
not wanted. 

But the great evil which we in 
this country feel, ard which our 
great corn markets rather encou. 
Tage than prevent, is the inequa- 
lity of measures by which corn, 
and particularly wheat, is sold; I 
do not speak of the various pro- 
‘vincial measures. It is immaterial 
to a country whether eight, vine, 
or twelve gallons are sold for a 
beshel, provided al! parties under- 
‘stand what the measure is. 

But in this country, in ali villages 
‘and small towns, where there is no 
pssize of ‘bread, 
‘his bread and his flour at: his 
own price, for which he always 
nit xes the highest market price of 


the baker sells 


[436 


wheat; a few farmers, who happen 
to have extraordinary good wheat, 
make a point’ of adding two or 
three quarts to the meusure. This 
sack of corn, so much better and 
bigger than the average of the 
market, will frequently sell for 
one fifth more than inferior sam- 
ples of fair measure in the same 
markét, This high price, and 
which it is the interest of the 
buyer to give, forms a standard 
of price of bread and flour for the 
ensuing week.—No existing laws 
are adequate to the remedy of this 
evil, for as neither buyer or sellét 
complain, who is . te re-medasuré 
this corn, t though sold ina public 
market ? Besides, there is so much 
art. in measuring corn, that "two 
people may make several quarts 
difference in a sack, and yet both 
appear to measure fair.—If “anf 
remedy can be applied to this evil, 
it must be a compulsion to sell corn 
by weight ;—this is done by choice 
at Manchester and Liverpoo!, and 
in this country the buyer* always 
asks the weight, though he does not 
buy by it:—in fact, weight deter. 
mines the quality as weil as the 

nantity. If weight was adopted, 
the price would be ‘nearly equal, and 
it would then be possible to frame a 
fair assize table, which in my opi- 
nion is impossible to do from mea. 
sure, especially in such a year as 
this, when the difference in the price 
of good and bad wheat is full one 


: third. 


« Tcannot Kelp thinking, that if 
this meastre was (tricd a year, it 
would be found efficacious.—It 
would do one thing in an instant, 
which the legislature has not been 
able todo in a century— equa. 


- lize all the various measures in the 


kingdom.” 
F fz. Copy 


A306] 


Copy of @ Letter from Sir Francis 
Basset, Bart. to the Chairman of 
the Cornu Committee. 


Upper Grosvenor-strect, 
Sir; Dec. 22, 1745. 

Many complaints having been 
made in different parts of England, 
of the hardships suffered by the 
poor from the present mode of pay- 
ment for grinding corn, and also 
of the difficulty of obtaining re- 
dress, whenever there is a suspicion 
that frauds are practised by the 
millers; I beg leave, through you, 
to submit to the corn cominittee a 
plan for remedying those supposed 
grievances. 

I would propose, in the first 
place, to alter the present custom of 
taking toll, into a uniform payment 
in money, to be settled by the jus- 
tices, with respec toall mills where 
such alterations would not interfere 
with peculiar rights established 
by the courts of Jaw. I further 
propose to enable those persons 
who may in future think themselves 
agerieved by millers, to obtain 
redress by a summary proceeding 
before two justices of the peace, 
instead of being obliged to have 
recourse to so expensive and so 
tedious a process as an indi. 
ment. As the law stands at present, 
the proprietor of an old mil] may 
take his accustomed toll; but as 
that toll is knowa only to him- 
self (fos, it is rarely avowed to 
his customer), this gives him a con- 
siderable latitude, and is a constant 
and never-failing source of jealousy 
to those who employ him. I have 
just said that the customer seidom 
knows what he pays; but in the 
few cases which have come to my 
knowledge, where the miiler pro. 
fesses to take a fixed toll, it varies 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


from three to six pounds per Wins 
chester bushel, besides the allow- 
ance from a pound to a pound and 
a half for wastage. In taking toll, 
the miller by uniform custom, 
helps himself from the top, which 
consists of the best and finest flour. 
}t appears then, that the proprie- 
tor of an old mill may take suck 
toll as is justified by custom; but 
the owner of a new mill may take 


what toll he chuses, according to: 


the opinion of lord Holt, in the 
case of the King and Burdett : thisy 
probably, is the only existing case 
in which a tradesman arbitrarily 
fixes the price of his own labour, 
without acquainting his employer 
what his terms are. 

The millers, of course, profess to 
to take a fair price for their labour, 
and could not, therefore, I presume, 
reasonably obje& to a regulation, 
obliging them to receive a fixed 
payment in money, instead of an 
arbitrary and uncertain toll in 
grain; indeed, if they are con. 
vinced that the complaints alleged 
against them are unfounded (as in 
many cases they probably are), they 


would rather rejoice to see 2 mode _ 


of payment adopted, by which all 


jealousies will be avoided in future; - 


ahd by which they would receive 
an adequate compensation for the 


Jabour performed, and the capital 
F ) Pp 


employed. ‘Lhe toll, as now taken, 
is certainly extremely oppressive 
to the poor, who pay the most when 
they can the least afford it ; and 


if frauds are ever practised by mil-- 


lers, they afte most likely to take 
place when there is the greatest 
temptation, that is, when corn bears 

a high price. a 
It will not be necessary to say 
much respecting the preference 
which a summary proceeding must 
; have 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


have over an indi€tment. An in- 
di&tment is attended with a great 
€ertain expence, with considerable 
delay, is liable to much evasion and 
uncertainty as to the issue ; the cx- 
pence of an indictment, if travers- 
ed, amounts to at least seven 
pounds: this circumstance alone, 
-would make it impossible for a 
poor man to have recoutse te it; 
and, indeed, would render it im- 
prudence even for a wealthy per- 
"son, as in most cases he would find 
the remedy worse than the disease. 
But the delay is another main ob- 
jection to proceeding by indié. 
ment, for if traversed, it cannot be 
tried till the sessions after it is laid; 
but, after all, if neither expence 
nor delay are considered as suffici- 
ent objections, it must be observed, 
that when the cause is brought to 
issue, though the complainant may 
prove that the miller has taken ex- 
Orbitant toll, the indi¢étment most 
fail wo the gzound, provided it ap- 
pears that the predecessors of the 
miller have’ taken the same toll, 
4r that he is the proprietor of 2 new 
gaill. 
- The measure I have in view, 
contains some other regulations, 
but they are chiefly subordinate, 
and conneéted with the two ob- 
jefts I have stated, Ifthe plan I 
propose should be adopted, I think 
tew disputes could hereafter arise 
between millers and those who em- 
ploy them, as the chief subje¢ts of 
their usual differences, namely, the 
exorbitantcy and uncertainty of the 
toll, would no longer remain, Bat 
if, contrary to my expectation, 
there should be any complaints in 
future, they would be settled ata 
small expence, and without. any 
delay, before two justices of the 
peace, probably well known to both 


[437 


the contending parties, I propose 
that the decision of the justices 
should be final, for the purpose of 
avoiding expence and delay ; but 
if this power is thought too great 
to be lodged in the hands of these 
migistrates, an appeal may be al- 
lowed to the quarter sessions. 

I beg pardon for taking up so 
much of your time on this subject, 
which really appears to me im. 
portant, and therefore to deserve 
the serious consideration of “the 
corn committee. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

Francis Basser, 


a 

The Sel-& Committee have conie to 
tbe Salowing Resolutions respe Bing 
the making of mixed Bread. 


Resolved, March 24, 1796. 

1. That it is the opinion of this 
committee, that it is expedient that 
magistrates should, in times of 
scarcity and high price of corn, 
have power to make certain re- 
gulations relative to the manufac- 
ture and sale of certain sorts of 
meal and bread ; which they do not 
now by law possess. 

2. hat it is the opinion of this 
committée, that whenever the 
average price of middling British 
wheat shall be above a certain sum, 
magistrates, at their general quar- 
ter sessions, Or at any sessions to bz 
specially appointed for that purpose, 
shall be empowered, within their 
respective jurisdictions, to prohi- 
bit, fora limited time, the separa» 
tion at the mill of more than five 
pounds of bran from every sixty 
pounds of wheat ; and also to-pro. 
hibit the sale of any wheaten meal 
from which a greater proportion of 
bran shall have been separated.; ©.» 

3. That it is the opinion of this 

KF f3 committer, 


438] 
committee, that mo miller should 
be prevented from making fine 
flour for the consumption of any 
persons who reside within the dis- 
tri¢ts where the use of fine four is 
not prohibited, so far as the mak- 
ing such flour for che consumpiion 
_ of such persons hath been the usual 
course of his trade. 
. °4« That it is the opinion of this 
committee, that magistrates be also 
empowered to prohibit, within their 
respective jurisdictions, for a limit- 
ed time, the making for sale any 
ether bread made of wheat meal 
-alone, than such as shall be made 
of the whole meal, deduéting oniy 
at the rate of five pounds of bran 
out of sixty. pounds of wheat. 

5- That it is the opinion of this 
committee, that magistrates be em- 
powered, within their respective 
jurisdictions, to prohibit, for a li- 
mited time, the making of any 
bread for sale, except such as shail 
be made of the whole meal of 
wheat as above described, or of 
such mixtures of wholesome fari- 
naceous food, and in such propor- 
tions as they shall appoint. 

6. That it is the opinion of this 
committee, that for the purpose of 
carrying the last resolution into ef- 
fect, magistrates be empowered to 
pblige the millers, within their re- 
spective jurisdiGtions, for a limited 
time, to grind and dress, if requir- 
ed, and if consistent with the pow- 
ers and mechanism of their mills, 
such sorts of grain as shall be ne- 
cessary for making the said ap- 
proved mixtures, 

‘4. That itis the opinion of this 
committee, that magistrates shall 
not make any of the prohibitions 
before mentioned, without suflict- 

ent public notice. 

8. That it is the opinion of this 
‘committee, that within the city of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


London and tke liberties thereof, 
the company of the bakers of the 
said city, and in any other county, 
city, d:vision,distridt, townor place, 
any baker or rhakep: of bread for 
saie, miller, or mealman, may, 
within the respective jurisdi€tion to 
which he or they do belong ,orwhere~ 
in he or they do exercise saan trade, 


occupaticn, or mystery, have anop. _ 


portanicy of offering to such justices 
as aforesaid, all such ovjections as 
such company of bakers, or such 
bakers or makers of bread for sale, 
or such millers or mealmen, may 
have and think fit to offer, against 
any such prohibition or regulation 
as aforesaid, at the time when suck 
Justices as aforesaid shall have up- 
der consideration the ordering any 
such prohibition or regulation. 


Sir FohuSinclair’s Address tathe Board 
of Agriculture, 24th May, 1796. 

Igitur et de culturd agri pre cipert, 
principale fuit, eti mM apud exter s ; si- 
quidem et reges fecere, Hiero, Philome- 
tor, Att-lus, Archelaus, et duces Xeno- 
phon, et Paenus etiam Mag»; cut quia 
dem tantum bhongrem senatus npster 
(Romanus) babuit, Carthagine caps 
tg; ut cum regulis Africe bibliathecas 
er aien unis ejus duo de triginta de 
agricultura volumina, censeret in La. 
tinam linguam transfereudc, cum jam 
M. Cato precepta condidisset, peri- 
nisque lixgue Pusice dondum nego- 
tium, in quo praecessit smucs vir Clae 
vissima familia |), Syllanus. 

PLIN. HYSTs MUND. |. xviii. c. 3, 


Genclenen; 

AS it will probably be extremely 
dificult to procure again a suf- 
ficient attendance of the members 
of the Board at this season of the 
year, and during the bustle of a 
general eleftion, I think it may 

not 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


mot be improper to take the oppor- 
atunity of this meeting briefly to 
State, ghe progress we have made, 
since I last had the honour ef ad- 
dressing, myself to you at the con- 
clusion of the preceding session. 

» its on all hands acknowledged, 
that the exertions cf the Board of 
Agriculture last year, inpromoting 
an extra cultivation ‘of potatoes, 
was attended with the happiest con- 
sequences, the beneficial effe&s of 
which . (both the culture and use 
of vhat valuable root having thus 
deen greatly extended) will proba- 
bly long be felt, when the circum- 
stance trom which {ft originated 
may beforgotten. In fact, in times 
of scarcity and distress, there is no 
article comparable ‘to potatoes. 
They. will grow inthe poorest soils; 
they can be taken up ‘in detail as 
they are wanted; they require no 
manufacture of drying, milling, &c. 
previous to their being used ; and 
they can be ‘prepared in various 
waysfor consumption. Above all, 
it is to be observed, that there is a 
space of perhaps ‘four months, 
which. generally is supplied ee | 
the old stock, but in times of scar- 
city must be taken from the new 
srop... That is a circumstance of 
less consequence where spring corn 
is the food of the people‘ (but even 
there it is desirable to thrash the corn 
‘In winterrather than in the spring, 
as the straw is better for the cattle): 
but where the people live upon 
wheat, which is sowr in autumn, 
the case is otherwise; and it is im-. 
possible tosay whatdistress it might 
occasion (when there is no old 
stock-of wheat in the country’), un- 


Jess the aid of such an article as_ 


potatoes can be obtained, if + 


farmer: is obliged, in a hurried a 


destructive manner, to thrash corn, 


[439 


both for seed for himself, and food 
for the public. He might be tempted, 
indeed, by the high price of grain, 
for food, to delay sowing his seed 
until the favourable season hus 
elapsed, in which case it is impos- 
sible to say what damage would ul- 
timately result from it. 

The Board not having yet ob- 
tained the privilege of franking, 


‘\ its- correspondence ‘is much more 


limited “and less regular than it 
ought to be, and is attended with 
a degree of trouble and inconveni- 
ence to the person who presides at 
it, of which it is difficult to form 
an adequate conception. In conse- 
quence, however, of the want of 
this privilege, so essential to a pub- 
lic institution, and the great re- 
strictions recently imposed upon 
the privileges enjoyed by a member 
of parliament, it has been found 
impossible to keep up that exten- 
sive and regular correspondence, 
and to procure that extent of infor- 
mation, from which” the public 
might derive so mony important 
advantages. By the active zeal, 


‘however, of many friends to the 


institution, information was at a 
very early period sent to the Beard, 
containing rather unfavourable ac- 
counts of the last year’s cropot wheat. 
I thought it a duty, therefore, in- 
cumbent upon me, to make use of 
every ‘degree of influence which my 
situation as president of this’ Board 
gave me with the public, to recom- 
mend, in the strongest manner, an 
extra cultivation of “wheat Tist au. 
tumn. My letter upon that suv. 
jet, dated r1thof September, 1795, 
was sent to ail the members of the 
Beard, was transmitted to the quar- 
ter sessions of the different counties, 
and was printed in above fifty dif 


* ferent newspapers. It is with-much 


Ff4 


pleasure 


440] ANNUAL. REGISTER, 1796. 


pleasure I add, that the recommen- 
dation was attended with more ex- 
tensive consequences than could 
well have been expeétcd. From 
all parts of the kingdom, intelit- 
gence has been received, that a 
greater quantity of wheat was sown 
Jast auiumn than perhaps at any 


period in the memory of man ; ‘and ~ 


should the ensuing harvest prove 
favourable, this kingdom will be 
as well stocked wiih grain as it was 
some years ago. At any ratc, by 
these measures, much risk of an 
immediate scarcity seems to be ob- 
viated, 

The high price of corn, at the 
commencement of the last session, 
natur:lly directed the attention of 
parliament to consider the best 
Means, not on!y to remedy the pre. 
sent distress, but to prevent it in 
future. For obtaining the frst ob, 
ject, a select committee was ap- 
pointed, known onder the name of 
the corn committee, whose anxi- 
ous zeal to'doeyery possible justice 
to the great subject referred io their 
consideration, merits the utmost 
Praise, The measures recommend. 
ed by that committee have since 
been considered unnecessary by 
some individuals, in consequence 
of the price of grain having had a 
temporary fall—But it will pro- 
bably yet appear, that, bad it not 
been for the earnest recommenda- 
tion of that committee to econo- 
mize the consumption of bread, 
to use other kinds of grain as sub. 
stitutes for wheat, and to enccu- 
rage the importation of foreign 
corn by bounties of yncommon 
magnitude, the price of grain would 
not probably have decreased, and 
¢omplaints would have been made 
of the inattention of government 
to the distresses of the country ; 2 


more scrious ground of accusation 
than any over anxiety, which, at 
all times, particularly in regard te 
sO critical a matter as the subsist. 
ence of the people, is at least ex 
cusabie, but on the present occasion 
was not only necessery, but has 
proved extremely beneficial. 

It was a matter, however, of stiil 
greater importance to preyent, by 
some great aod effectual measure, 
the risk of scarcity in future, and 
eur being under the disgraceful 
and fata] necessity, not only of de- 
pending upon foreign grain for our 
susistence, but also of encourag- 
ing ts importation by high boun, - 
ties, With that view, in conse. 
quence of the digections of this 
Board, I bad the honour of movin 
in parliament for the appointment 
of a seleét committee, to take into 
its consideration the means of pro. 
moting the cultivation and im. 
provement of the waste, uninelos. 
ed, and unproductive lands of the 
kingdom. The passing of a genera} 
bill of inclosure, though long ar- 
dently wished for, has hitherte 
been attempted in vain, and by 
many was held to be impracticable. 
By the exertions, however, of the 
select committee, to whom the 
drawing up the bill, and the con. 
sideration of the whole-subje& was 
referred, a bill has at Jast heen pre- 
pared, which, in the opinion of 
many inte]ligent persons conversant 
in that subject, is fully adequate 
to the objest in view; and had not 
the last segsion been closed rather 
earlier than was expected, it would 
probably have recejved the sanétion - 
of the ‘egislature this year. J 
trust, however, that the first session 
of the ensuing parliament will 
have the credit of completing this 
important and valuable system, on 

which 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


which the future subsistence of the 
country depends. — It is not likely 
at least to fail, if ft can be effected 
by the exertions of the Board of 
Agriculture. 

Another measure recommended 
dy the Board, of infinitely less im- 
portance, buc at the same time be- 
neficia! to the agricultural interests 
of the country, has already passed. 
1 aijude to the exemption of linseed 
and rape cakes from duty, by an 
a&t of last session, 36 Geo, III. c. 
113*. The first article, linseed 
cake, is of considerable importance 
to the tecders of cattle, and may 
be had, it is supposed, in abundance 
from America, where a great quan- 
tity of linseed oi] 1s made use of in 
painting their wooden houses. The 
refuse, Known under the name of 
linseed oii or cake, ‘s oi I. trle value 
there, in consequence of the super- 
abundance of other kinds of provi- 
sion for cattle. Nothing wouid be 
more desirable than thus to esta- 
plish a new source of trade, bene- 
ficial to ‘vo countries, tohabited 
by a race of men speaking the same 
language, descended from the same 
common origin, and who ought to 
consider themselves as the same 
peoplesx—As to rape cake, it ts 
found to be a valuabie manure io 
many parts of this kingdom, Cen- 
siderable quuntities of this article, 
it is supposed, may be obtained 
from the continent of Europe ; and 
since this regulation has taken 
piace, rape will probably be cul. 
Zivated in America. Were Russia 
also to devote some part of her 
Loundiess territories to the culture 
pt that pliant, the foundation of a 


[44t. 


commerce might be laid advanta- 
geous to both empires, 

In regard to colleéting and cir. 
culating agricultural - intormation,. 
the true foundation of all those va- 
rious improvements, which, under 
the auspices of the Board, will pro. 
hably be effected, considerable pro- 
gress has been made. ‘The general 
views of the agricultural state of 
the different counties, with the ex- 
ception of two small districts inScote 
land (Clackmannan and Kinross,) 
a part of each of which is already 
printed, have been completed. The 
corrected reports of Lancashire, 
Norfolk, Kent, Staffordshire, and 
Mid Lothian, are published; and 
those of several orher counties are 
almost ready for the press. A va- 
luable addition has been made to 
the printed - paper on manores. 
The sketch ef a report. on a point 
which has of late been much diss’ 
cussed, namely, the size of farms, 
has also been printed, and throws 
much light upon that subject. 
A valuable cemmunication from 
Lord Winchilsey, on the advan 
tage of cottagers renting land, was 
ordered to be printed, with the un- 
animous approbation of those who 
had the sanction of being present 
when that paper was read to the 
Board. 

It is imposstble, in this short ab- 
stract of our proceedings, fo give 
any idea of the numerous commu- 
nications transmitted to the Board, 
or of the various points to which its 
attention has been directed. Its 
experiments in regard to the com. 
position of bread, and information 
transmitted to it spon thar subject, 


* Intituled “ An Ae for allowing the Importation of Arrow Root from the Bri- 
tish Plantations, and also pf Linseed Cakes and Rape Cakes from any foreign coune 
fry, in British built ships, owned, navigated, and registered according to jaw, with- 


ext paying of duty.” 


would 


442) 


would of itself have been sufficient 
to have occupied the full attention 
of many societies. The perfecét:on 
to which the manufa¢turing of bar- 
ley flour has been carried under the 
auspices of this institution, is a 
discovery of great importance, as it 
4s thus ascertained, that from the 
meal of pear! or pot barley, bread 
may be made in taste and colour, 
and probably in nourishment, little 
Jnferior to that of wheaten flour ; 
and that in the proportion of at 
least one-third, such meal may be 
mixed with the produce of wheat, 
so as hardly to -be distinguished. 
A very genera! correspondence has 
been established, for the purpose 
of ascertaining the price of stock, 
both lean and faiteneds Experi- 
ments on a great scale, under the 
direction of that able chymist, Dr. 
Fordyce, are now carrying on at 
Gubbins, Hertfordshire, the seat 
of Mr. Hunter, for the purpose of 
ascertaining the principles of vege- 
tation and the effects of manures ; 
and steps are now taking, in order 
to procure such information re- 
specting the various sorts of live 
stock in the kingdom, as will ena- 
ble us to give, in the course of 
Next year, complete information to 
the public upon that important 
subject. 

I have ever considered it to be 
a wise principle for the Board to 
adopt, not to print books for re. 
ference, but books for use; net 
massy volumes on a variety of dif. 
ferent subjects, beyond the income 
of the generality of the pcople to 
purchase, or their time to peruse ; 
but, if possible, distiné& publica. 
ticns, each of them on one article, 


exclusively of every other, avoid. 


ing the intermixture of various 
topics, and distri€ts in the same 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1706. 


work. It would aiso be desirable, 
that no paper should be published 
by the Board, until it has been 
before. it is printed, circulated 
among all those who are likely to 
correct and improve it,. and thus 
brought to some cegree of perf-c. 
tion previous to its publication, 
Agriculture, though often treared 
of, has hitherto never been dis- 
cussed ; and it can never be much 
improved, until information re. 
specting it has been colleéted from 
all quarters, has been afterwards 
thoroughly canvassed; and has 
ultimately been condensed, and 
systematized. Such, however, has 
een the great number of comma. 
nications transmitted to the Board 
upon various important. subj-¢ts, 
in particular, farm buildings, cot- 
tages, and the state of the poor, 
embankments, roads, the construc- 
tion of mills, and of hand-mills in 
particular; together.with a varies: 
ty of interesting papers: respecting 
the agriculture of foreign countries, 
that the Board has resolved to 
print a specimen of those papers 
in one volume quarto, in order to 
ascertain the optnton of the public 
respecting that mode of laying bes 
fore it the papers we have received, 
in addition to the county reports 
now publishing. 

The business gone through by the 
Board of Agriculture is certainly 
more than could possibly be ex. 
pected from an institution possessed 
of such. limited powers, and ,of so 
confined an income. The ‘time, 
however, it is to be hoped, is not 
far distant, when it will be pnt on 
a better and more respectable foot- 
ing ;—-when the superior an pty 
ance of such inquiries, the su- 
perior value of agricultural te: 
sources, and dreadful ha inos Seo 

ta 


Mw WSEFUL PROJECTS. 


Gatal consequences occasioned by 
‘their deficiency; will be so « arly 
“ascertained as not to be a subject 
vof doubt tothe weakest understand- 
‘ing. Forthe purpose of effecting 
so desirable an object, I propose 
preparing, in the course of the en- 
sting recess, for the consideration 
of the Boaid: and if it shouid have 
the good fortune of meeting with 
their approbation, to be laid before 
his majesty and beth houses of par- 
Jiament, a general report on the 
agricultural state of Scotland, and 
the means of its improvement, 
That work will probably explain, 
in a satisfactory manner, the sound- 
gess of that political maxim, that 


the prosperity of a country ought’ 


to be founded on a spirit of inter- 
‘nal improvement; and that a single 
additional acre cuitivated at home 
is more truly valuable, than th 

‘most extensive possessions acquired 
abroad, at an enormous expense 
wf treasure and of bicod, and re- 
tained with -difficulty and danger. 
To that important subject, when 
hostilities are brought to a conclu- 
‘sion, I trust that the atteption of 
this country will be directed. VPor- 
tunately, by the exertions of the 
Board ot Agriculture, when peace 
is happily restored, the internal 
state of this kingdom will be suf- 
ficiently ascertained, and we shall 
be able to judge, what are the 


fittest steps to be taken, in order 


to make the utmost of our domestic 
resources, To that period 1 look 
up with much anxiety. If Europe 
once more breathes in peace, and is 
governed by wise counsellors, the 
contest among nations naturally 
will be, not who will feel the 
Greatest eagerness to rash again into 
the horrors o! war, under “the pre- 
fence of promoting national glory, 


[443 
but who will be the most anxious 
to remain in peace, for ecg the 
national interests. 

I cannot conclude withone eX. 
pressing my best acknowledgements 
for the assistance I have received 
from so many respectable members, 
in carrying on the business of this 
institution. By their exertions, I 
trust, it will be brought to such a 


state, that from its establishment 


will be dated, not only the im- 
provement and internal prosperity 
of. our own country, but much 
of the comforts enjoyed in future 
times by society in general. Per. 
mit me to add, that when the ee 
re-assembles, each of us will, 

hope, bring some proof of his a 
for the cause, by the additional in. 
formation we shall respe¢tively fur- 
nish. He who augments the stores 
of useful knowledge already accu. 
mulated, whilst he secures to him- 
self the most satisfactory sources of 
enjoyment, promotes at the same 
time, inthe most effectual manner, 
the happiness of others. 


r 


Ox the use of Rice, by Thomas Bar- 
nard, Esq. Treasurer tothe Found- 
ling Hospital. 


IN the beginning of last sum- 
mer, when every individual atten 
tion was directed to the saving of 
flour, one of the first measures a- 
dopted with chat view in the Found. 
ling hospital was, to substitute 
rice-puddings for those of flour, 
which, by the table of diet, were 
used for the children’s dinner twiee 
a week; and the resule of the ex. 
periment proved, that one pound of 
rice would, in point of nutriment, 
supply the place of eight pounds of 
flour, The flour. puddings for 

each 


444] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


each day had consisted of 168ib. 
of flour, 14lb. of suct, and 14 gal- 
lons of milk, and cost 31. 2s. 3d. 
‘The rice- puddings, substituted in 
their piace, were mad» of 21 lb. of 
rice, 16\b. of raisins, and 14 gal- 
lons of milk, and cost 11. gs. 2d. 
being not quite half the expence of 
the flour-puddings, The a1!b. of 
rice was found to produce the 
same quantity of food, as the 168 1b. 
of flour; but being more liked by 
the children, the quantity of rice 
has since been increased to 24]b., 

The increase that rice acquires 
by being baked with milk, may be 
ascertained by baking in a common 
pan, without any previous prepara- 
tion, eight ounces of rice, four 
ounces of raisins, and two ounces 
of brown sugar, with two quarts 
of milk, which, at the expense of 
about nine-pence, will produce 
four pounds and a half weight of 
solid, nutritious, and pleasant 
food. 

To shew, however, that the in- 
crease of bulk and weight is not 
merely, though partly, owing to 
the milk, but chiefly to the nutri. 
tious quality of rice,—take a quar- 
ter of a pound of plain rice, and tie 
it up in a bag, :o louse as to be 
capable of holding about five times 
that quantity, and boil it, it will 
. produce above a pound of solid 
rice food; which, however easy 
the cookery, will, if eaten with 
either sweet or savoury sauce, 
make a good palatable pudding. 

If to the quarter of a pound of 
rice is added an egg, a pint of 
milk, a little sugar and nutmeg, it 
will make a better pudding than is 
made with either Hour or bread. 
Observe, that it is only to the 
boiled pudding the egg should be 
added. 

Rice is also a good ingredient in 


bread. Boil a quarter of a pound 
of rice till it is soft; then put iton 
the back part of a sieve to drain it, 
and, when it is cold, mix it with 
three-quarters of a pound of flour, a 
tea-cup full of yeast, a tea-cup 
full of milk, and a smail table. 
spoon full of salt. Let it stand 
for three hours; then knead it up, 
and roll it up in about a handful 
of flour, so asto make the outside 
dry enough to wut into the oven, 
About an hour and a quarter will 
bake it, and it will produce one 
pound fourteen ounces of very 
good white bread. The loaves 
should be small, not larger than 
what jis above-mentioned. It 
should not be ate till it is two days 
old. 

N. B. The draining of the rice 
will supply the place of starch for 
common articles. : 

In addition to the above, it is te 
be observed, that with a little 
bacon and seasoning, or any other 
meat, or with cheese, it stews 
down into a cheap and. savoury 
dish, and that there is hardly any 
preparation of baked or boiled 
meat in which rice is not an eco- 
nomical and useful ingredient. 

The preceding calculations were 
made when rice was at a higher 
price than at present. It will pro- 
bably be much cheaper, as large 
quantities of rice are expected. 

‘The nutritious quality of rice is 
attended with this benefit, that it 
is’ a food upon which hard work 
can be done. It contains a great 
deal of nutriment in a small com. 
pass, and does not pass quickly off 
the stomach, as some other of the 
substitutes tor wheat flour do; bue 
is bracing and strengthening, and 
consequently very useful and pro- 
per for the laborious part of the 
community, 

Specification 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


Specification of the Patent granted to 
Mr. Edward Thomas Janes, of the 
City of Bristcl, Accompiant ; for his 
Method er Plan for dete&ing Errors 
in Accounts of all kinds (called the 
English ‘System of Book- keeping } \, 
whereby such Accounts will be kept 
and adjusted in a much more regular 

and concise manner than by any 

other meihcd hitherio known. 

TO all to whom these presents 
shall come, &c. Now know ye, 
that, in compliance with the said 
proviso, I the said Edward Thomas 
Jones, do hereby declare, that my 
said invention is described in man- 
ner following; that is to say, the 
English system of book-keeping re- 
quires three books, called a day- 
book or journal, an alphabet, and 
a ledger, which must be ruled after 
-the following described method, 
viz. the day-bock to have three 
@olumns on each page, for receiving 
‘the amount of the transaétions ; 
ene column of which to receive the 
amount of the debits and credits, 
ene column te receive the debits 
e@nly, and one columig to receive 
the credits only; or it may be 
.Tuled with coly two columns on each 
Page, one column to zeceive the 
4meunt of the debits, and one co- 
jumn to receive the amount cf 
the credits.. ‘here must’ also be, 
en each. page of the day-book, 
four other columns ruled, two on 
the left side, next the amount of 
the debits, and. two on the right 
side, next the amount of the 
eredits, for receiving the letter or 
mark of posting, and the page of 
the ledger to which each amount 
is to be posted. ‘The alphabet 
peed not be ruled at all, but must 
contain the name of every account 
in the ledger, the letter that is 
annexed to it as a mark of posting, 


e 


44a: 


and the page of the ledger. The 
ledger must be ruled with three, 
four, five, or seven, columns on 
eaca prge, as may be most agree. 
able for receiving the amounts of 
the different transa¢tions entered 
in the day-book ; and the process 
for using these books, or making 
up books of accounts on this plan, 
is as follows. When a person en- 
ters into trade, whether by himself 
or with copartners, he must have 
an account opened with himself in 
the ledger; entering first in the 
day-book, and then to the credit 
of his account in the ledger, the 
amount of the property he advances 
into trade; the account may be 
headed either with his name only, 
cr else called his stock aecovat. 
If you buy goods, give the person 
credit of whom you purchase : 
when you sell goods, debit the per- 
son to whom said goods are sold. 
if you pay money, debit the person 
to ‘hous paid, not on!y for what 
you pay, but also for any discount 
or abatement he may allow, and 
give the cashier credit for the neat 
amount paid. If you receive mo- 
ney, credit the person of whom you 
receive it, not only for what he 
pays, but also for any discount 
or abatement you may allow, and 
debit the cashier for the neat 
amount received; taking care in 
these entries to have nothing mys- 
terious er obscure, but merely a 
plain narrative of the fact, intro- 
ducing not one single useless word, 
and avoiding every technical term 
or phrase, except the words debig 
and credit, which are full and com. 
prehensive, and the only terme 
that-sre applicable to every trans. 
action, and may be affixed to every 
entry. Bur, as a hurry of bu. 
siness will sometimes take place in | 
almost® 


446] 


almost every counting-house, which 
may cause the entries to be made 
to the debit instead of the credit of 
an account in the day-book, and 
to thercredit instead of the debit, 
I have endeavoured, as much as 
possible, to counteract the evil, by 
having only one column for receiv. 
ing the amount of every transa¢tion, 
whether debits or credits, at the 
instant of making the entry ; and, 
for the convenience of separating 
the debits from the credits, previ- 
ous to posting, which is necessary 
to prevent confusion and perp!exi- 
ty, I have two other columns on 
the same page; that on the left 
side into wliich the amount of eve: 
ry debit must be carefully entered, 
and that on the right for the a- 
mount of the credits; which co- 
lumns must be cast up once a 
month. The column of debits and 
credits of itself forming one a- 
mount ; the column for the debits 
producing. a second amount; and 
the column of credits a third a- 
mount ; which seccend and third 
amounts, added together, must 
exactly agree with thé first amount, 
or the work is not done right. By 
this means the man of business 
may obtain monthly such a state- 
ment of his affairs as will shew how 
much he owes fer that month, and 
how much is owing to him; and 
the debits being added together 
for any given time, with the va- 
lve of the stock of goods on hand, 
will, when the amount of the cre- 
dits ii substracted therefrom, shew 
the profits cf the trade. I shall 
now proceed to the precess of post- 
ing; which begins with opening 
an account in the ledger with 
every person to whose debit or 
eredit there has been an entry 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


made in the day-book ; affixing ¢& 
each account a letter;. which is to 
be used as.a mark of posting. The’ 
person’s name, place ot abode, 
and the folio. of the ledger, must 
then be entered in the alphabet, 
with. the same letter prefixed’ to 
each name as is affixed to the ac- 
count in the ledger. Next the 
page of the ledger on which each 
account is opened, (and which 
will be seen in the alphabet), must 
bes affixed to each amount: in the 
day-book, in the column for that 
purpose. The date and amount of 
each devit must then be posted in 
08 columns for receiving it in.the 
ledger, on the left or debit’ side of 
that account to which it relates’; 
entering, as a mark of posting iri 
the day-book, against each amount, 
the same letter that is affixed to 
the account in the ledger, to 
which said amount may be posted. 
Observing that the debits of Janu. 
ary, February, and March, &e. 
must be posted into the column for 
those months in the ledger, and 
the credits must also be posted dh 
like manner, filling up each ac. 
count in centre, at the expiration 
of every month, with the whole. 
amount of the month’s transaétions ; 
thus having, in a small spacey 
the whole statement of each per. 
son’s account for the year; in the 
columns to the right and left the 
amount separately of each transac. 
tion, and in the centre a monthly 
statement. Having described the 
process of this method of book. 
keeping, I shall shew how to ex. 
amine books kept by this method, 
sO as to ascertain, to an absolute 
certainty, if the ledger be a true 
representation of the day-book ; #, ¢e! 
not only if each transaction ‘be 
wos correCtly 


“USEFUL PROJECTS. 


corre@ly posted, as to the amount 
thereof, but also if it be rightly 
entered to the debit or credit of its 
proper account. This examination 
differs from the modes that have 
heretofore been practised, as well 
in expedition as in the certain ac- 
curacy which attends the process ; 
it being only necessary to cast up 
the colemns through the ledger 
debits and credits, according to 
the examples given, and. the 
amount of those columns, if right, 
must agree with the columns in 
the day-bock for the same corres- 
ponding space of. time.. These 
castings should take place once a 
menth, and, if the amounis do net 
agree, the posting must then, but 
not else, be called-over; and 
when the time, whether it be.one, 
two, three, or four menths, that 


is allotted to each column of the 


ledger, is expired, the amount of 
each column should be put at the 
bottom of the first page, and car- 
ried forward to the bottom of the 
next; and so on to the end of the 
zecounts ; taking care that the 
amount in the day-book, of each 
month’s transa€ticns, be. brought 


into one gross amount for the sume 


time. But, although this process 
must proye that the ledger contains 
the whole contents of the day-book, 
and neither more nor less, yet it is 
not complete without the mode of 
ascertaining if each entry be posted 
to its right account, which may be 
ascertained by the following me- 
thod, IL have laid down a rule 
that a letter, which may be used 
alphabetically in any form or shape 


that is agreeable, shall be affixed 


toveach account in the ledger, and 
the same letter prefixed to the 
names in the alphabet, thgse let. 


Gc: 


- 


[447 


ters being used as marks of posting, 
and afaxed to each account in the 


day -book as it is posted ; it is only 


necessary therefore to compare and 
see that the jetter affixed to each 
entry in the day-book is the same 
as is prefixed to the same name in 
the alphabet; a difference here 
shews of course an error, or else 1t 
must be right. At theend of the 
year, or. at any other time, when- 
persons balance their accounts, if 
there be no obje&ion to the profits 
of the trade appearing in the 
books, the stock of goods on hand 
at prime cost may be entezed in 
the day-book, either the. value in 
one amount, or the particulars, 
specified, as may be most expedi« 
ent, and an account opened tur it 
in the ledger, to the debit of 
which it must be posted. The 
casting up of the ledger must the 
be completed, and when found to 
agree with the day-bock, and the 
amount placed at the bottom of, 
each column, subtract the credits: 
from the debits, end it will shew 
tho profit of the trade; unless the 
credits be the greater amount, 
which willshew a loss. In taking 
off the balances of the ledger, ong 
rule must be observed, and it can. 
not be done wrong; as_you pro.. 
ceed, first sze the difference be. 
tween the whole amounts of: the. 
credits and debits on cach page far 
the year, with which the difference 
of the outstanding balances .of the. 
several accounts on each page must 
exa@tly agree, or the balances will 
not be taken right. By this means. 
every page will be proved as. yqu. 
proceed, and the balances of ten 
thousand ledgers, on this plany_ 
could not unobservedly be taken 
of wrong, In witness whereof, &c, 
ro Ascounk 


4is} ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Account of an Improvement in Sea 
Compasses ; by Mr. B. Remansy of 
Pensacola.——F rim the Philisophical 
Transa@ions of the American Phi- 
bosophical Society. 

THE common mariner’s com. 
pass has always appeared to accu- 
sate observers as an imperfect in- 
strument, but in nothing has it 
proved to be more defective than in 
its use in storms ; the heaviest brass 
compasses now in use are by no 
means to be rebied on in 2 holiow 
or high sea, This is owing to the 
box hanging in two brass rings, 
confining it only to two motions, 
both vertical, and at right angles 
with each other; by which con- 
finement of the box, upon any 
succussion, more especially sudden 
ones, the card is always put into 
too much agitation, and, before it 
can well recover itself, another 
jerk prevents its pointing to the 
pole ; nor is it an extraordinary 
thing to see the card unshipped by 
the violence of the ship’s pitching. 

All these inconveniencies are 
remedied to the full, by giving 
the box a vertical morjon at every 
degree and minute of-the circle, 
and compounding these motions 
with a horizontal one, of the box, 
as well asof the card, By this un, 
confined disposition of the box, 
the effects of the jerks cn the card 
are avoided, and it will always 
very steadily point to the pole, 
Experience his taught me, that 
the card not only is not in the 
smallest degree affected by the 
hollow sea, but that, in all the vio- 
lent shocks and whirlings the box 
can receive, the card lies as still as 
if in a room unaffeted by the least 
“motion. 

Lately a compass was invented 
and mis 


im Holland, which:has all 


these motions. It is of the size of — 
the common brass compasses: the 
bottom of the brass box, instead of 
eing like a bowl,’ must be raised 
into a hollow cone, like the bot- 
tom of a common glass bottle: the 
vertex of the cone must be raised 
so high as to leave but one inch 
between the card and the glass} 
the box must be of the ordinary” 
depth ; and a quantity of lead must 
be poured in the bettom of the 
box, round the base of the cone 4 
this secures it on the stile whereon 
it traverses. 

This stile is firmly fixed in the 
centre of a square wooden box, 
like the common compass, except 
that it requires a thicker bottom, 
The stile must be of brass, abour 
six inches long, round, and of the 
thickness of one-third of an inch; 
its head blunr, like the head of a 
sewing.thimbie, but of a good 
polish: the stile must stand per- 
pendicular. The inner vertex of 
the cone must also be well polished; 
the vertical part of the cone 
ought to be thick enough to allow 
of a well polished cavity, suff. 
cient to admit a short stile, pro- 
ceeding from the ceatre of the card 
whereon it traverses. The com. 
pass I saw was so constructed 5 but 
J sce no reason why the stile might 
not proceed from the centre of the 
vertex of the cone, and so be re- 
ceived by the card the common 
way. ‘The needie must be a mag= 
netic bar, blunt at each end; the 
glass and cover are put on in the 
common way. 

A compass of this kind was given 
by the captain of a Dutch man of 
war to captain Barnaby of the 
Zephyr sloop ; this gentleman gave 
it tome to examine, and was very 
profuse in his encomiums thereon 

sayingt 


saying, that in a very hard gale, 
which lasted some days, there was 
no other compass of any service at 
all; indeed, to me it appears to 
deserve all the praise he gave it. 


Receipt to cure the Complaint of the 
Water in Sheep. 

IT has been often rematked, how 
little the disorders incident to sheep 
are even known in sheep countries. 
The common shepherds keep pace 
with the common farriers, and only 
Observe, ¢hat the animals have al- 
aways died; must dic, and they cannct 
help it. 

The following experiment there- 
fore may be useful to the public, 
communicated to me by a tenant of 
mine. 

A farmer near Kilham turned his 
flock of sheep into a field of turnips 
he had hiréd, which were remark- 
ably strong and good: Ina short 
‘time he lost about twenty of them 
by the disorder called the Water. 
He grew so alarmed in consequence, 
that he removed his sheep, and 
would et no more of the turnips. 
On this the owner of the land re- 
monstrated, and insisted on the tur- 
nips being eaten upon the ground. 
After some little time and alterca- 
tion, the farmer brought back his 
flock, and shortly after’ about six 
more died. On this he took his 
final leave of the turnips, and said, 
«They kilied sheep, and would have 
_|nothing more to do with them.” 

The owner of the land had them 
publicly cried, but the turnips had 
got so bad a name, that with no 
Nittle difficulty they were let .at 
half price. The next farmer sent 
on his sheep, and ina short time 
Tost about eight or ten. 
second disaster the reputation of 
‘the turnips xvas gone entirely, and 

my tenant had the offer of them 
‘| Vou. XXXVILI. ‘ 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


On this . 


[449 


for nothing, provided le would eat 
them up, to which he agreed. 

He sent there six hundred and 
thirty sheep, so that the experiment 
was a very full and fair one. The 
method he pursued he had heard of 
in Northumberland. As soon as 
the sheep had filled themselves with 
the turnips, he made his shepherd 
go amongst them and move them 
about. ‘hey voided in consequence 
a good deal of water. He did this 
for some days at stated intervals, 
and sometimes made his shepherd 
go amongst them in the middle 
of the night. By this method 
they were never ‘suffered. to lie 
long and swell with what they had 
eaten. The consequence of this 
proceeding was, that after eating 
up the whole of these fatal tur- 
nips; he removed his six hundred 
and thirty sheep all in good con- 
dition, without the loss of a single 
sheep. 

Two circumstances may fairly 
be deduced from the above experi- 
ment ; ‘The first, that the complaint 
of the water, which frequently kills 
sheep when first put on to turnips, 
drises from their gorging themselves 
with this watry food, and then re- 
maining without exercise to carry 
off the beginning complaint: The 
second, that this method may tend 
to prevent the disorder, at the 
small expence of a little trouble to 
the shepherd. 

Should this method prove on 
trial as successful as the experiment 
gives me hope, the farmer will 
have many reasons to thank the 
man who tried it, and the public 
will be obliged by the communica 
tion. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 
EDWARD TOPHAM, 
Wald Cottage, near Drifield, 
April 26. 
Gg ANTIQUITIES: 


.[ 450 J 


ANTIQUITIES. 


A short Account of several Gardens 
near London ; with Remarks on same 
Particulars wherein they excel or 
are deficient, upox a View of them 
in December, 1691.—From the 
Archzologia, Vol. XH. 


1. HAMPTON Court Garden is 
a large plat environed with an iron 
palisadé round about next the 
park, laid all in walks, grass 
plats, and borders. - Next to the 
house, some flat and broad beds 
are set with narrow rows of dwarf 
box, in figures like lace patterns. 
In one of the lesser gardens is a 
Jarge green-house divided into se- 
veral rooms, and all of them with 
stoves under them, and fire to keep 
a continual heat. In these there 
are no orange or lemon trees, or 
myrtles, or any greens, but such 
tender foreign ones that need con- 
tinual warmth. 

2. Kensington Gardens are not 
great, nor abounding with fine 
plants. The orange, lemon, myr- 
tles, and what other trees they had 
there in summer, were all removed 
to Mr. London’s and Mr, Wise’s 

reen-house, at Brompton-park, a 
little mile from them. But the walks 
and grass are laid very fine, and 
they were digging up a plat of four 
or five acres'to enlarge their garden, 

3- Lhe Queen Dowager’s Gar. 


den at Hammersmith has a good 
green-house, with an high ere¢ted 
front to the south, whence the 
roof falls backward. The house is 
well stored with greens of common 
kinds; but the queen not being 
for curious plants or flowers, they 
were not of the most curious 
sorts of greens, and in the gar- 
den there is little of value but 
wall trees; though the gardener 
there, Mons. Herman Van Guine, 
is a man of great skill and industry, 
having raised great numbers of 
orange and lemon trees by inocu. 
lation, with myrtles, Roman bayes, 
and other greens of pretty shapes, 
which he has to dispose of, 

4. Beddington Garden, at pre- 
sent in the hands of the duke of 
Norfolk, but belonging to the fa. 
mily of Carew, has in it the best 
orangery in England. The orange 
and lemon trees there grow in the 
ground, and have done so near 
one hundred years, as the gardener, 
an aged man, said he believed. 
There are a great number of them, 
the house wherein they are being 
above two hundred feet long; 
they are most of them ‘thirteen ~ 
feet high, and very full of fruit, 
the gardener not having taken 
off so many flowers this last summer. 
as usually others do. He said, he 
gathered off them at least ten thou- 

sand 


ANTIQUITIES. 


sand oranges this last year. Theheir 
of the family being but five years 
of age, the trustees take eare of the 
orangery, and this year they builta 
new house over them. ‘There are 
some myrtles growing among them, 
but they look not well for want of 
trimming. The rest of the garden 
is al! out of order, the orangery 
being the gardener’s chief care; 
bat it is capable of being made one 
of the best gardens in England, the 
soil being very agreeable, andaclear 
silver stream running through ir. 

5. Chelsea Physic Garden has 
great variety of plants, both in and 
out of green-houses. ‘Their peren- 
nial green hedges and rows of dif- 
ferent coloured herbs are very pret- 
ty, and so are their banks set with 
shades of herbs, in the Irish stick 
way ; but many plants of the garden 
were not in so good order as might 
be expected, and as would have 
been answerable to other things in 
it. After I had been there, I heard 
that Mr. Watts, the keeper of it, 
was blamed for his negle&, and that 
he would be removed. 

6, My lord Ranelagh’s Garden 
being but lately made, the plants 
are but small ; but the plats, bor- 
ders, and walks, are curiously 
kept and elegantly designed, hav: 
ing the advantage of opening into 
Chelsea College walks. The kit. 
chen gardens there lie very fine, 
with walks and seats, one of which, 
being large and covered, was 
then under the ‘hands of a curious 
painter. The house there is very 
fine within, all the rooms being 
wainscoted with Norway cak, and 
all the chimnies adorned with « “4 V- 
ing, as in the council chamber in 
Chelsea College. 

7. Arlington Garden, being now in 
the hands of my Jord of Devonshire, 


[451 


is a fair plat, with good walks both 
airy and shady. ‘There are six of 
the greatest earthen pots that are 
any where else, being at least two 
feet within over the edge; but 
they stand abroad, and have no. 
thing in them but the tree holy. 
oke, an indifferent plant, which 
grows weli enough in the ground. 
Their green-house is very well, 
and their green-yard excels; but 
their greens were not so bright 
and clean as farther off in the coun- 
try, asif they suffered something 
from the smutty air of the town. 

8. My lord Fauconberg’s Gar. 
den, at Sutton Court, has’ se. 
veral pleasant walks and apart. 
ments in it; but the upper garden 
next the house is too irregu- 
lar, and. the bowling-green too 
little to be recommended. The 
green-house is very well made, but 
ill set. It is divided into’ three 
rooms, and very well furnished with 
good greens ; but it is so placed, 
that the sun shines not on the 
plants in winter when they most 
need its beams, the dwelling. 
house standing betwixt the sun and 
it. The maze or wilderness there 
is very pretty, being all set with 
greens, with a cypress arbour in the 
middle, supported with a well- 
wrought timber frame; of late it 
grows thin at the bottom, by their 
letting the fir-trees grow without 
their reach unclipped. The inclo- 
sure, wired in for white pheasants 
and partridges, is a fine apartment, 
especially in the summer, when 
the bowers of Italian bayes are set 
out, and the timber walks with 
the vines on the side are very fine, 
when the blue pots are on the pe- 
destals on the top of them, and so is 
the fish-pond with the greens at 
the head of it, 


Gge2 9. Sr 


gq. Sir William Temple being 
lately gone to live in Farnham, 
his garden and green-house at 
West Sheene, where he has lived 
ot late years, are not so well kept 
as they have been, many of his 
orange-trees, and other greens, 
being given to sir John Temple, 
his brother at East Sheene, and 
other gentlemen; but his greens 
that are remaining (being as good 
a-stock as most green-houses have) 
are very fresh and thriving, the 
room they stand in suiting weil with 
them, and being well contrived, 
if it be no. defect in it, that the 
floor is a foot at least within the 
ground, as is also the floor of the 
dwelling-house. He had attempted 
to have orange-trees to grow in the 
ground (as at Beddington), and for 
that purpose had enclosed a square 
of ten feet wide with a low brick 
wall, and sheltered them with 
wood, but they would not no. 
His orange-trees in summer stand 
not in any particular square or 
enclosure, under some shelter, as 
most others do, but are disposed 
on pedestals of Portland stone, at 
equal distance, ona beard over- 
against a south wall, where is his 
best fruit and fairest walk, 
ro. Sir Henry Capell’s Garden 
at Kew has as curious greens, and 
is as well kept, as any about Lon- 
don. His two leniiscus-trees (for 
which he paid forty pounds to Ves. 
prit) are said to be the best in Eng- 
land, not only of their kind, but 
of greens. He has four white striped 
hollies, about four feet above their 
cases, kept round and regular, which 
cost him five pounds a tree. this 
last year; and six laurestinuses he 
has, with Jarge round equal heads, 
which are very flowery and make 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


a fine show. His orange-trees 
about fourteen feet wide, enclosed 
with a timber frame about seven 
feet high, and set with silver firs 
hedge-wise, which are as high as 
the frame, and this to secure them 
from wind and tempest, and some- 
times from the scorching sun. His 
terrace-walk, bare in the middle, 
and grass cn either side, witha 
hedge of rue on one side next alow 
wall, and a row of dwarf trees on 
the other, shews very fine; and so 
do, from thence, his yew hedges, 
with trees cf .the same at equal 
distance, kept in pretty shapes with 
tonsure. His flowers and fruits 
are of the best, for the advantage 
of which two parallel walls, about 
14 feet high, were now raised and 
almost finished. If the ground 
were not a little irregular, it would 
excel in other points as well as in 
furniture. 

11. Sir Stephen Fox’s garden at 
Chiswick, being of but five years 
standing, is brought to great per- 
fection for the time. 
a fair gravel walk betwixt two yew 


hedges, with rounds and spires of 


the same, all under smooth tonsure. 
At the far end of this garden are 


two myrtle hedges that cross the © 


garden; they are about three feet 
high, and covered in winter with 
painted board cases. 
gardens are full of flowers and sal- 
leting, and the walls well clad. 
The green-house is well built, well 
set, and well furnished. 

12. Sir Thomas Cook’s garden 
at Hackney, is very large, and not 
so fine at present, because of his 
intending to be at three thou- 
sand pounds charge with it this 
next summer, as his gardener 
said. There-are two green-houses ) 


in} 


It excels for — 


The other 


ANTIQUITIES... 


iin it, but the greens are not extra- 
ordinary ; for one of the roofs being, 
made a receptacle for water, over. 
charged with weight, fell down 
last year upon the greens, and made 
a great destruction among the 
trees and pots. In one part of it 
a warren, containing about two 
acres, and very full of coneys, 
though there was but a couyle put 
in.a few years since. There is a 
pond or a mote round about them, 
and on the outside of that a brick 
wall four feet high, both which I 
think will not keep them within 
their compass. There is a- large 
fish-pond lying on the south to a 
“brick wall, which is finely clad 
with philaria. Water brought from 
far in pipes, furnishes his several 
ponds as they want it. 

13. Sir Josiah Child’s plantations 
of walnut and other trees at 
Wansted, are mnch more worth 
seeing than his gardens, which 
are but indifferent. Besides the 
great number of fruit trees he has 
planted in his enclosures with 
great regularity, he has vast number 
of elms, ashes, limes, &c. planted 
in rows on Epping-forest. Before 
his outgate, which is above twelve 
score feet distance from his honse, 
are two large fish-ponds on the 
forest, in the way from his house, 
with tsees on either side lying be- 
twixt them; in the middle of 
either pond is an island betwixt 20 
and 30 yards over; in the middle of 
each a house, the one like the other. 
They are said to be well stocked 
with fish, and so they had need to 
be, if they cost him soool. as it is 
said they did; as also that his plan. 
tations cost twice as much. 

14. Sir Rober¢ Clayton has a 
great plantation at Morden in 
Surrey, ina soil not very benign to 
plants; but with great charge. he 


[453 


forces nature to obey him. His gar. 
dens are big enough, but strangely 
irregular, his chief walk not being 
level, but rising in the middle, and 
falJing much more at one end than 
the other; neither is the wall carried 
by a line either cn the top er sides, 
but runs like an ordinary park wall, 
built as the greund goes; he buiita 
good green-house, but setit so that 
the hills in winter keep the sun 
from it; so that they place their 
greens in a house on higher ground 
not built for that purpose. His 
dwelling-house stands very low, 
surrounded with great hills; and 
yet they have no: water but what 
is forced from a deep well into a 
water-house, whence they are fur- 
nished at pleasure. 

15. The archbishop of Canter- 
bury’s Garden at Lambeth, has lit- 
tle in it but walks, the Jate arch. 
bishop not delighting in one; but 
they are now making it better; 
and they have already made a green. 
house, one of the finest and cost. 
liest about the town. It is of three 
rosms, the middle having a stove 
under it: the foresides of the rooms 
are almost all glass, the roof covered 
with lead the whole part (to adorn 
the building) rising gravel-wise 
higher than the rest; but it is 
placed so near Lambeth church, 
that the sun shines most on it in 
winter after cleven o’clock; a fauit 
owned by the gardener, but not 
thought on by. the contrivers. 
Most of the greens are oranges and 
lemons, which have very large ripe 
fruits on them. 

16. Dr. Uvedale, of Enfield, is 
a great lover of plants, and, hav-- 
ing an extraordinary art in manag- 
ing them, is become master of the 
greatesta nd choicest collection of 
exotic greens that is perhaps any 
where in this land, His greens 

Gg3 take 


454] ANNUAL REGISTER, 17906. 


take up six or seven houses or 
roomsteads. His orange trees and 
largest myrtles fill up his biggest 
house, and another house is tilled 
with myrtles of a less size ; and those 
more, nice and curious plants that 
need closer keeping are in warmer 
rooms, and some of them stoved 
when he thinks fit. © His flowers 
are choice, his stock numerous, 
and his culture of them very me- 
thodical and curious ; but, to speak 
of the garden in the whole, it does 
not lie fine to please the eye; his 
delight and care lying more in the 
ordering particular plants, than in 
the pleasing view and form of his 
garden. 

17. Dr. Tillotson’s Garden near 
Enfield is a pleasurable place for 
walks, and some good walls there 
are too; but the tall aspin trees, 
and the many ponds in the heart of 
it, are not so agreeable. He has 
two houses for greens, but had few 
in them, all the rest being removed 
to Lambeth. The house moated 
about. 

18. Mr. Evelyn has a pleasant 
villa at Deptford, a fine garden 
~ for walks and hedges (especially his 
holly one, which he writes of in his 
Sylva) andapretty little green-house 
with an indifferent stock in it. In 
his garden he has four large, round 
philareas, smooth clipped, raised 
on a single stalk from the ground, 
a fashion now much used. Part of 
his garden is very woody and shady 
for walking; but his garden not 
being walled has little of the best 
fruits, 

1g. Mr. Watts’s house and gar- 
den made near Enfield are new ; 
but the garden for the time is very 
fine, and large, and regularly laid 
out, with a fair fish-pond in the 
middie. He built a green-house 


(somewhat like the archbishop of | 


| 
| 


this summer with three rooms | 


Canterbury’s), the middle with a 
stove under it anda skylight above, 
and both of them of glass on the | 
foreside, with shutters within, and 
the roof finely covered with Irish | 
slate. Burt this fine house is under | 
the same great fault with three 
before (Number 8, 14, 15): they — 
built it in summer, and thought | 
not of winter; the dwelling-house | 
on the south side interposing be. — 
twixt the sun and it, now whenits | 
beams should refresh plants. 

20. Brompton Park Garden, be. 
longing to Mr. London and Mr, 
Wise, has a Jarge long green-house, 
the front all glass and board, the 
northside brick. _ Here the King’s 
greens, which were in summer at 
Kensington, are placed: but they 
take but little room in comparison 
of their own. Their garden is 
chiefly a nursery for all sorts of 
plants, of which they are very full. 

21. Mr. Raynton’s Garden at 
Enfield is observable for nothing 
but his green house, which he has 
had for many years. His orange, 
lemon, and myrtle trees are as full 
and furnished as any in cases. He 
has a myrtle cut in shape of a chaise, 
that is at least six feet high from 
the case, but the lower part is 
thin of leaves. The rest of the 
garden is very ordinary, and on 
the outside of his garden he has a 
warren, which makes the ground 
about his seat lie rudely, and some- 
times the coneys work under the 
wall into the garden. 

22. Mr. Richardson at East 
Barnet, has a pretty garden, with 
fine walks and good flowers; but 
the garden not being walled about 
they have less summer fruit, yet are 
therefore the more industrious in 

managing 


ANTIQUITIES. 


managing the peach and apricot 
dwarf standards, which, they say, 
supply them plentifully with very 
good fruit, There is a good fish- 
pond in the middle of it, from 
which a broad gravel walk leads to 
the highway, where a fair pair of 
broad gates, with a narrower on 
either side, open at the top to look 
through small bars, well wrought 
and well painted, are a great orna- 
ment to the garden. They have 
orange and lemon trees; but the 
wife and son being the managers 
of the garden (the husband being 
gouty, and not minding it) they 
cannot prevail for a house for them 
other than a barn end. 

23. Captain Forster’s Garden at 
Lambeth has many curiosities in it. 
His green-house is full of fresh and 
flourishing plants, and before it is 
the finest striped holly-hedge that 
perhaps is in England. He has 
many myrtles, not the greatest, 
but of the most fanciful shapes, that 
are any where else. He has a 
framed walk of timber covered with 
vines, which with others, running 
on most of his walls without preju- 
dice to his lower trees, yield hima 
deal of wine. Of flowers he has a 
good choice, and his Virginia and 
other birds inva great variety, with 
his glass hive, add much to the 
pleasure of his garden. 

24. Monsieur Anthony Vesprit 
has a little garden of very choice 
things. His green-house has no very 
great number of plants, but what 
he has are of the best sort, and 
very well ordered. His orange and 
lemon (fruit and tree) are extraor- 
dinary tair, and for lentiscuses and 
Roman bayes he has .choice above 
others. 

25. Ricketts at Hoxton has a 
large ground, and abundantly 


* 


[455 


stocked with all manner of flowers, 
fruit trees, and other garden 
plants, with lime trees, which are 
now much planted ; and, for a sale 
garden, he has a very good green- 
house, and well filled with fresh 
greens; besides which he has 
another room very full of greens 
in pots. He has a greater stock of 
Assyrian thyme than any body else ; 
for besides many pots of it, he has 
beds abroad, with plenty of roots, 
which they cover with mats and 
straw in winter. He sells his 
things with the dearest, and not 
taking due care to have his plants 
prove well, he is supposed to have 
lost much of his custom. 
26. Pearson has not near so large 
a ground as Ricketts (on whom he 
almost joins), and therefore he has 
not so many trees; but of flowers 
he has great choice, and of anemo. 
nies he avers he has the best 
about London, and sells them only 
to gentlemen. He has no green- 
house, yet has abundance of myr- 
tle and striped philareas, with 
oranges and other greens, which 
he keeps safe enough under sheds 
sunk a foot within ground, and 
covered with straw. He has abun. 
dance of cypresses, which at three 
feet high, he sells for four-pence 
a-piece to those that take any 
number. He is moderate in hié 
prices, and accounted very honest 
in his dealing, which gets him much 
chapmanry. 
27. Darby, at Hoxton, has but 
a little garden, but is master of 
several curious greens that other 
sale gardeners want, and which. 
he saves from cold and winter wea» 
ther in green houses of his own 
making. His Fritalaria Crassa (a 
reen) had a flower on it of the 
breadth of half a crown, like an 
Gg4 embroidered 


’ 


456] 


embroidered star of several colours ; 
I saw not the like any where, no not 
at Dr. Uvedale’s, though he has 
the same plant. He raises many 
striped ‘hoilies by inoculation, 
though Captain Foster rafts them 
as we do apple-trees, He is very 
curious in propagating greens, but 
is dear with them, He ‘has a 
folio paper book, in which he has 
pasted the leaves and flowers of al- 
most all manner of plants, which 
make a pretty show, and are more 
instruéiive than any cuts in Her- 
balsve | 

28. Clements, at Mile-end, has 
no bigger a garden than Darby, but 
has more greens, yet not of such 
curious sorts. He keeps them in 
a green-house made with a light 
charge. He has vines in many places, 
abou’ old trees, which they wind 
about. He made wine this year 
of his white muscadine, and white 
fro tinac, better, I thought, than 
any French white wine. He keeps 
a shop of seeds in plants, in pots 
next the street.) © °° * 


. Fan. 26; 1691. J. Grnson, 


Sketch of the History of Sugar, in the 


early Times, and through the Mid- 
ale Ages. By W. Falcouer, M.D. 
F,R.S, From the Memoirs of the 
Manchester Transactions. 


THE use of sugar is probably of 
high, though not remote antiquity, 
as no mention of it is made, as far 
as I can find, in the sacred writings 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


of the old Testament*. The con. 


quests of Ajexander seem to have 
opened the discovery of it to the 
western parts of the world. 

Nearchus +, his admiral, found 
the sugar cane in the East-Indies, 
as appears from his account of it, 
quoted by Strabo. It is not how- 
ever, clear, from what he says, 
that any art was used in bringing 
the juice of the cane to, the con- 
sistence' of suvate bus ge 

Theophrastus, who lived not 
long after, seems to have had some 
knowledge of sugar, at least of thé 
cane from which it is prepared. 
In enumerating the different kinds 
of honey, he mentions one that ig 
found in reeds, which must have 
been meant of some of those kinds 
which produce sugar. ak 

Eratosthenes, also, is quoted by 
Strabo, as speaking of the roots of 
large reeds found in India, which 
were sweet to the taste both when 
raw and when boiled. 

The next author, in point of 
time, that makes menticn ‘of sugar 
is Varro, who, in a fragment quoted 
by Jsidorus, evidently alludes to 
this substance. He describes it ag 
a fluid, pressed out from reeds of 
a largé size, which was sweeter 
than honey. © Pent 

Dioscorides, speaking of the dif- 
ferent kinds of honey, says, that 
*¢ there is a kind of it in a con. 
crete state, called Saceharon, which 
is found in reeds in‘ India and 
Arabia Felix. This, he adds, has 
the appearance of salt; and like 


* Since writing the above, I have observed that the sweet cane is mentioned in 
two places in Scripture, and in both as an -article of merchandize. It does~ not 
seem to have been the produce of Judea, asitis spoken of as coming from a far 


country. Isaiah, chap. xl v 


24, Jeremiah, chap. vi.v, 20.—It is worthy 


of remark, that the vord Sachar siguifies, in the Hebrew language, inebriation, 
which makes it probable, that the juice of thé cane had been early used for making 
. a 


some fermented liquor. 
¢ Ante Christ, Ann, 323, 


that 
ae 


ANTIQUITIES. f4s7 


that, is brittle when chewed. It 
is beneficial to the bowels and sto- 
mach, if taken dissolved in water; 
and is also useful in diseases of the 
bladder and kidneys. Being sprin- 
kled on the eye, it removes those 
substances that obscure the sight. 
The above is the first account | 
have seen of the medicinal virtues 
of sugar. 

Galen appears to have been well 
acquainted with sugar, which he 
describes, rearly as Dioscorides 
had done, as a kind of honey, call- 
ed Sacchar, that came from India, 
and Arabia Felix, and concreted 
in reeds. He describes it as less 
sweet than honey, but of similar 
qualities, as detergent, desiccative, 
and digerent. He remarks a dif- 
ference, however, in that sugar is 
not like honey injurious to the sto- 
mach, or productive of thirst. 

“Tf the third book of Galen, ‘* Up- 
on medicines that may be easily 
procured,’”? be genuine, we have 
reason to think sugar could not be 
a scarce article, as it is there re- 
peatedly prescribed. 

Lucan alludes to sugar, in his 
third book, where he speaks of the 
Sweet juices expressed from reeds, 
which were drank by the people of 
India. 

Seneca, the philosopher, like- 
wise speaks of an oily sweet juice in 
reeds, which probably was sugar. 

Pliny was better acquainted with 
this substance, which he calls by 
the name of Saccaron; and says, 
that it was brought from Arabia 
and India, but the best from the 
latter country. He describes it as a 
kind of honey, obtained from reeds, 
of a white colour, resembling gum, 
and brittle when pressed by the 
teeth, and found in pieces of the size 


of a hazel nut. It was used in me-~ 
dicine’ abe 

Salmatius, in his Plinianz Hxer- 
citationes, says, that Pliny relate 
upon the authority of fuba 
historian, that some reeds grew in 
the Fortunate Islands, which in- 
creased to the size of trees, and 
yielded a liquor that was sweet and 
agreeable to the palate. This 
plant he concludes io be the sugar 
cane; but I think the passage in 
Pliny scarcely implies so much,— 
Hitherto we have had no account 
of any artificial preparation of 
sugar, by’ boiling or otherwise ; but 
there is a passage in Statius, that 
seems, if the reading be genuine, 
to allude to the boiling of sugar, 
and is thought to refer immediately 
thereto by- Stephens in ‘his The, 
saurus. 

Arrian in his Periplus of the Red 
Sea, speaks of the honey from 
reeds, called Scechar (Saxze) as 
one of the articles of trade between 
Ariace and Barygaza, two places 
of the hither India, and some of 
the ports on the Red Sea. 

es in his Natural History, 
speaks of a kind of honey, whi ch 
was pressed from reeds, that grew 
among the Prasi7, a people “that 
lived near the Ganges. 

Tertullian also speaks of sugar, 
in his book De Jduirio Dei, asakind 
of honey procured ‘rom canes. 

Alexander Aphrodiszeus appears 
to have been acquainted with su. 
gar, which was, in his time, re- 
garded as an Indian production. 
He says, ‘¢ that what the Indians 
called sugar, was a concretion 
of honey, in reeds, resembling 
grains of salt, of a white colour, 
and brittle, and possessing a deter- 
gent and purgative power like to 

honey, 


458 | 


honey ; and which being boiled, in 
the same manner as honey, is ren- 
dered less purgative, without im- 
pairing its nutritive quality.” 

Paulus AEgineta speaks of sugar, 
as growing, in his time, in Europe, 
and also as brought from Arabia 
Felix; the latter of which he seems 
to think jess*sweet than the sugar 
produced in Europe, and neither 
injurious to the stomach nor causing 
thirst, as the European sugar was 
apt to do. 

Achmet, a writer, who, accord- 
ing to some, lived about the year 
$30, speaks familiarly of.sugar, as 
common in his time. 

Avicenna, the Arab physician, 
speaks of sugar as being a produce 
af reeds; but it appears he meant 
the sugar called Tabaxir or Tab- 
barzet, at he calls it by that name. 

It does not zppear, that any of 
the above mentioned writers knew 
of the method of preparing segar, by 
boiling down the juice of the reeds 
to aconsistence. It is also thought, 
the sugar they had was not pro- 
eured from the sugar cane in use at 
present, but from another of a 
larger size, called Tabbarazet by 
Avicenna, which is the Arundo 
Arbor of Caspar Bauhia, the Succa 
Mambur of later writers, and the 
Arunbo Bawhss of Linneus, This 
yields a sweet milky juice, and 
oftentimes a hard crystallized mat. 
ter, cxaétly resembling sugar, both 
in taste and appearance. 

The historians of the Crusades 
rnake the next mention of sugar, 
of any that have fallen under my 
observation. 

The author of the Historia Hie- 
yosolymitana says, that the Cru- 
saders found in Syria certain reeds 
called Canameles, of which it was 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


reported a kind of wild honey was 
made; but does not say that he 
saw any so manufactured. . 

Albertus Agnensis relates, that 
about the same period, * the Cru- 
saders found sweet honeyed reeds 
in great quantity, in the meadows 
about Tripoli, in Syria, which 
reeds were called Zucra. These the 
people (che Crusaders army) sucked, 
and were much pleased with the 
sweet taste of them, with which 
they could scarcely be satisfied. 
This plant (the author tells us) is 
cultivated with great labour of the 
husbandmen every year. At the 
time of harvest they bruise it, when 
ripe, in mortars; and set by the 
strained juices in vessels, till it ts 
concreted in form of snow, or of 
white slr. This, when scraped, 
they mix with bread, or rub it with 
water, and take it as pottage ; and 
it is to them more wholesome and 
pleasing than the honey of bees. 
‘the people who were engaged in 
the sieges of Albaria Marra, and 
Archas, and suffered dreadful hun- 
ger, were much refreshed hereby.’’ 

The same author, in the account 
of the reign of Baldwin, mentions 
eleven camels, laden with sugar, 
being taken by the Crusaders, so 
that it must have been made in 
considerable quantity. 

Jacobus de Vitriaco mentions, 
that ‘* in Syria reeds grow that are 
full of honey, by which he under- 
stands a sweet juice, which by the 
pressure of a screw engine, and 
concreted by fire, becomes sugar.’” 
This is the first account I have met 
with of the employment of heat or 


‘fire in the making of sugar. 


About the same period, Willer- 
mus Tyrensis speaks of sugar as 
made in the neighbourhood of bis 

an 


ANTIQUITIES, 


and sent from thence to the farthest 
parts of the world. 

, Marinus Sanutus mentions, that 
in the countries subject to the Sul- 
tan, sugar was produced in large 
quantity, and that it likewise was 
made in Cyprus, Rhodes, Amorea, 
Marta, Sicily, and other places 
belonging to the Christians. 

Hugo Falcandus, an author who 
wrote about the time of the em- 
peror Frederic Barbarossa, speaks 
of sugar being in his time produced 
in great quantity in Sicily. It ap- 
pears to have been used in two 
states; one wherein the juice was 
boiled down to the consistence of 
honey, and another where it was 
boiled farther, so as to forma solid 
body of sugar. 

he foregoing are all the passages 
that have occurred to my reading 
on this subject. They are but 
few and inconsiderable, but may 
save trouble to others, who are 
willing to make a deeper inquiry 
into the history of this substance. 

Fan. 24) 1790, 


Account of Poetry in Scotland, during 
the Sixteenth Century, From Dr. 
Henry’ s History of Great Britaiz. 


InScotland, poetry, such as Chau- 
cer might acknowledge, and Spenser 
imitate, was cultivated in a lan. 
guage superior to Chaucer’s. Dun- 

ar and Douglas were distinguished 
poets, whose genius would have re- 
flected lustre on a happier period, 
and whose works, though partly 
obscured by age, are perused with 
pleasure even in a dialeét consigned 
to rustics, Dunbar, an ecclesiastic, 
at least an expectant of church pre- 
ferment, seems to have languished 


[459 


at the court of James IV, whose 
marriage with Margaret of England 
he has celebrated in the Thistle 
and the Rose ; ‘an happy allegory, 
by which the vulgar topics of an 
epithalamium are judiciously avoid- 
ed, and exhortation and eulogy de 
licately insinuated. ‘The versifica- 
tion of the poem is harmonious, 
the stanza artificial and pleasing, 
the language copious and selected, 
the narrative diversified, rising of.“ 
ten to dramatic energy. The poem 
from its subjeét is deseriptive, but 
Dunbar improves the most luxu- 
riant description by an intermix- 
ture of imagery, sentiments, and 
moral observation. The following 
is a specimen : 
The purpour sone, with tendir 
bemys reid, 
In orient bricht as angell did ap- 
peir, 
Throw goldin skyis putting up his 
heid, 
Quhois gilt, tressi schone so 
wondir cleir, 
That all the world tuke comfort, 
fer and neir, 
To luke upone his fresche and bliss. 
full face, 
Doing all sable fro the heavenis 
chace, 
And as the blissful sonne of cher- 
arcley 
The fowlis sung throw comfort of 
the licht ; 
The burdis did with open vocis cry, 
O luvaris fo, away thow dully 
nicht, 
And welcum day that comfortis 
every wicht ; 
Hail May, hail Flora, hail Aurora 
schene, 
Hail princes Nature, hail Venus, 
Luvis quene, 
The 


é 
* 460] 


The Golden Terge is another al- 
legorical poem of Dunbar’s, con- 
structcd in a stanza similar to Spen- 
ser’s, but more artificial, and far 
more difficult*. In description 
perhaps it excels, in sentiment it 
scarcely equals the Thistle and 
‘Rose. Its narrative is not inter- 
charged withdialogue ; its. allegory 
refers to the passicns, the dominion 
of beauty, the subjection cf reason, 
and is Jess fortunate than the This- 
tle and Rose, whose occult and se. 
condary signification is an histori- 
cal truth, that subsists apart, and 
however embellished, cannot be ob- 
scured by the ostensible emblem. 
When the passions, or the mental 
powers are personified and involv. 
ed in ation, we pursué the tale, 
forgetful of their abstraion, to 
which it is relative; bur to remedy 
this, the Golden Terge has a merit 
in its brevity which few allegorical 
poems possess. The allegorical 
genius of our ancient poetry dis- 
covers often a sublime invention ; 
but it has intercepted what is now 
mere valuable, the representation 
of genuine chara¢ter and of the 
manners peculiar to ancient life. 
These manners Dunbar has some- 
times delineated with humour, in 
poems lately retrieved from cblivi- 
ont; and from them he appears in 
the new light of a skilful satirist 

_and an attentive observer of hu- 
man nature. 

Gawin Douglas, his contempo- 
rary, was more conspicuous by the 
rare union of birth and learning, 
and is still distinguished as the first 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796.. 


poetical translator of the classies in 
Britain. Early in youth he trans. 
lated Ovid’s de Remedia Amoris (a 
work that has perished); at a 
maturer age, Virgil’s Eneid inte 
Seottish heroics ; a trenslation po- 
pular till superseded at the close 
of the last century by others more 
elegant, not more faithful, nor 
perhaps more spi irited f 
nal poems are King Heart and the 
Palace of Honour, allegories too 
much protra¢ted, theese marked 
through out with a vivid invention; 
but his most valuable performances 
are prologues to the books of his 
Enéid; stored occasionally with 
exquisite description. As a poet he 
is inferior to Donbar, neither so 


tender nor so various in his pow 


ers. His taste and judgment are 
less corre€t, and his verses less po- 


lished. The one describes by se- 
leGting, the ether by accumulating 
images; bet with sach success: 


His prologues descriptive of the 
winter solstice, ef a morning and 
evening in summer, transport the 
mind to the seasons they delineate, 
teach it to sympathize with the 
poet’s, and. to watch with kis the 
minutest changes that nature ex. 
hibits. These are the earliest po- 
ems professedly descriptive ; but j in 
description Scottish poets are rich 
beyond belief. Their language 
swells with the subject, depicting 
nature with the brightest and hap- 
piest seletion of colours. The 
Janguage of modern poetry is more 
intelligible, not so luxuriant, nor 
the terms so harmonious. De- 


* Like Spenser’s, it consists of nine verses, restricted however to two st ip. 


stead of three, which S ee ’s admits of. 
+ Vide his poems in 


inkerton’s Collection. 


tlt was finished in sixteen months; and, till Dryden’s appeared, seems to have 


been received as a standard translation: «ill 


translation. 


en it was certainiy the best 


scription 


oHits origi- 


ANTIQUITIES: 


stription is still the characteristic, 
and has ever been the principal 
excellence of Scottish poets; on 
whom, though grossly ignotant of 
human nature, the poetical mantle 
of Dunbar and Douglas has suc- 
cessively descended*, 


Extra& from an account of the Col- 
legiate Chapel of St. Stepheny 


Westminster. 


KING William Rufus built the 
royal palace at Westminster; and, 
according to Stow, king Stephen 
erected this religious structure, in 
honour of St. Stephen, the proto- 
maftyr. King Edward I. how- 
ever, seems to have rebuilt this 
chapel ; for, in the 2oth year of 
his reign, the 28th of April, 1292, 
the works of the new chapel began, 
and continued for more than two 
years. An account of the expence 
of these operations is preserved in 
rolls of weekly payments remaining 
in the exchequer, which I have 
been indulged with the perusal of, 
by our learned brother, Craven Ord, 
esq. F. R.S. ‘These curious rolls 
contain thearticles purchased with. 
in the week, and the daily payments 
to each workman of every deno- 
mination. 

The several articles bought are 
stated; then follow the payments 
to workinen. They are too mi- 
nute to be here enumerated, but 
these are apparent—to carpenters 
five pence each per day ;—to other 
workmen three pence halfpenny ; 
—some three pence ;—some two 
pence halfpenny each, 

Although the amount of each 
separate week does not appear to 


[46% 


be much, being in general betweert 
twenty and thirty pounds, yet, from 
the length of time which the works 
continued, the cost of the whole 
must have been very considerable. 

Whether king Edward I. com- 
pleted his designs in beautifying 
this strugture, we are not informed ; 
but if he had, his labours oe 
soon after unfortunately rendered 
abortive; for we are told by a 
very accurate chronicler, Stow— 
‘¢ that on the zgth of March, 1298, 
a vehement fire being kindied in the 
lesser hall of the king’s palace at 
Westminster, the flame thereof be- 
ing driven with the wind, fired the 
monastery adjoining: which, wictt 
the palace were both consumed.’’ 

This disastrous event could not 
be repaired for some time following > 
fer Edward I. being almost cona 
stantly engaged, in the latter part 
of his reign, either inexternal wars, 
or in the conquest of Scotland, 
the prevailing object in the mind 
of that monarch, he cannot be 
supposed to have had either fei. 
sure or wealth to bestow on works 
of art; and the weak and turbulent 
reign of his son. Edward IJ. did 
not allow much time for domestic 
improvements. But early in the 
succeeding reign this building en- 
gaged the, roy al attention; for, on 
the a7th May, 1330, 4 Edw, EEE. 
the eis on this chapel again 
commenced. The comptroller’s rolk 
of the expence of these operations, 
for near three years, is remaining 
in the king’s remembrancer’s office, 
in the exchequer. 

The length of this account will 
not allow of the whole ‘to be here 
inserted; but it is extremely 
curious because it preserves the 


* Other poets of inferior reputation iesciaidd duting this period in Scotland ; 
burit is the purport of this history to record the progressive improvements, not 


the stationary merit of poetry. 


names 


462] 


names of every artist employed, the 
wages they received, and the price 
of every article used, as far as the 
account continues. 

The amount of the wages dur- 
ing the whole time of this account, 
was 3601. 12s. ofd.; and of the 
materials used in the building, 
1581. 4s. 44d.; making together 
gco8l. 16s. 55d. 

These works were not completed 
for several years after the termi- 
nation of this account; but on 
the 6th of August" 1348, in the 
22d year of Edward II1. that king, 
by his royal charter, recited that 
a spacious chapel, situate within 
the palace of Westminster, in ho- 
nour of St. Stephen, protomartyr, 
had been nobly begun by his pro- 
genitors, and had been completed 
at his own expence, which, to the 
honour of Almighty God, and es- 
pecially of the blessed Mary his 
mother, and of the said martyr, 
he ordained, constituted and ap- 
pointed to be collegiate, 

Notwithstanding this constitu. 
tion of the college, yet it is evident 
that the chapel was not then tinished ; 
for on the 1Sth of March, 1350, 
in the 24th Edward ILI, the king 
appointed Hugh de St. Albans, 
them master ot the painters for the 
works within the chapel, to take and 
chocse as many painters, and other 
workmen, as should be necessary 
for carrying on the works in the 
chapel, 2s he should find in the 
counties of Kent, Middlesex, Essex, 
Surry, and Sussex ; such workmen 
to be employed and paid at the 
expence of the king. Rymer’s 
Foedera, tom. 5, p. 670. 

A like appointment was made 
of John Athelard, for the counties 
of Lincoin, Northampton, Oxtord 


Warwick, and Leicester; and of 
/ 


, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


Benedi& Nightengale, for the couns 
ties of Cambridge, Huntingdon, 
Norfolk, and Suffolk. 
Again in the 37th Edward III. 
June 4th, 1363, according to Ry- 
mer, William de Walsingham was 
appointed to take a sufficient num- 
ber of painters and workmen, to 
be employed at the charge of the 
king, in the chapel of St. Stephen, 
within the reyal palace. Unfor- 


tunately the accounts. of these 
workmen have not come to our 
view, 


King Edward III. ereéted for 
the use of this college, at some diss 
tance west, in the Little Sanctuary, 
out of the palace court, a strong 
clochard, or bell tower, of stone 
and timber, covered with lead ; 
and placed therein three great bells, 
which were afterwards usually rung 
at Coronations, triumphs, and funee 
r2ls’ of princes, which gave such 
a huge sound,that it was commonly 
said they soured all the drink in 
the town. Howell’s Londinopos 
lisy |p. 378. 

This college of St. Stephen was 
valued at the suppression to be 
worth 10851. ros. 5d. and was sur- 
rendered ih the first year of king 
Edward VI. A list of the deans 
and eanons of this college may be 
seen in Newcourt’s Repertorimn, 

‘The chapel of St. Stephen was 
soon afterwards fitted up for the 
meeting of the house of commons, 
which had before usually assembled 
in the chapter house. of the abbey 
of Westminster, and has since con- 
tinued to be appropriated to the 
same use, to the present time. 
a TT 
Of ancient Spain and its original 

Inhabitants. From Mannert’s Nor- 

thern Geography of the Greeks 

and Romans. ut 
. THE 


ANTIQUITIES. 


THE name of Spain is probably 
of Phoenician origin. The Ro- 
mans borrowed it trom the Cartha- 
ginians, through whom they first be- 
came acquainted with the country. 
The Greks every where caii it 
Iberia, without attaching always 
the same idea to the denomination, 
‘The elder Greeks, till the period 
of the Achzan league and of their 
closer acquaintance with Roman 
affairs, understood by it the whole 
sea-coast from the columns of Her- 
cules to the mouth of the Rhine: 
because throughout this district, 
the Iberi were to be found, some- 
times apart, sometimes mingled 
with Ligurians. ‘Lhe river bbro 
has its name trom them. 

The sea.coast beyond the pillars 
they called iartessis. ‘Lhe interior 
of the country went long without 
a name among the inhabitants, be- 
cause each nation considered itself 
as a whole, and lived nearly un- 
«connetted with its ueighbours, 
Among the Greeks, it obtained 
the vague name ot Kelrica; which 
was also applied to the whoie 
north-west ot Europe. ‘Lime al- 
‘tered these ideas, and the latter 
‘Greeks appropriate the name Iberia 
to the same country which the 
Romans calied Hispania. Even 
this last name the Greeks occa- 
sionally use, but understand by it 
the region between the _ Pyrenées 
and Iber or Ebro, Not till the 
second or third century was the 
Latin name fully received into the 
Greek tongue, although earlier in- 
Stances occur. Hesperia, er the 
west country, is a common name 
among the Greek poets both for 
‘Italy and Spain; jor the latter, 
with the occasional epithet ultima. 

History mentions as the most an- 


« 


the midst of antiquity. 


ra63 


cient settled inhabitants of the 
country in che western pattsy the 
Kynete; and on the southern 
coust, the ‘lartessians beyond the 
Iberians within the Pillars of Her 
cuies. Part of the latter, between 
the Pyrenées and the Ebro, were 
known by the name of Iglete. 
Herodotus learned these names 
from the Phoczans; so that our 
first notices of the country reach 
back to che times of the early Per- 
sian kings. I pass over the fable 
of Luscus and Pan, Generals of 
Bacchus, said to have given their 
names to Lusitania and Hispania, 

Herodotus also notices some in. 
truded tribes, the Phoenicians whe 
had colonized the coasts, and the 
Celts who had wandered into the 
interior. ‘These dwell less west. 
ward than the Kynetxz, and pro. 
bably in the same regions in which 
we find them at a later peried ; and 
these were probably the only Ceits 
or Kelis of whom the Pheenicians 
had experimentai knowledge; which 
occasions tHerodotus to place erro. 
neously among a city, Pyrene, near 
to which he supposes the Danube 
to rise. 

Whether the Phoenicians or the 
Kelts were the earlier intruders 
cannot be ascertained. Both their 
emigrations precede the beginning 
of authentic history. The build- 
ing of Gadeir, their chief sea-porr, 
by the Pheenicians, is placed soon 
after the Trojan war. The in. 
trusion of the Kelts loses itself in 
Later his. 
tory mentions them to have come 
from beyond the Pyrenées, to have 
waged long wars with the Iberi, 
and finally to have melted into one 
nation; which under the name of 
Keltiberi, possessed a considerable 


traét 


£64] 


tract of land in the south, and was 
foted for its bravery, during the 
wars between the Carthaginians 
and the Romans. The union was 
not general; only the inhabitants 
ef the south became one nation 
with the Kelts ; the other Ibert re- 
mained unmixed. From the great 
Keltic army some tribes separated, 
who established themselves near to 
the mouth of the river Anas (Gua- 
diana). Another portion occu- 
pied the north-west extremity un- 
der the name of Artabri; The 
former preserved the general name 
of Kelts. 

The Greeks established some co- 
lonies=aiong the coast, of Iberi 
within the columns: ,but, except 
the Saguntum of the Lakynuhans 
and the Emporium of the Massili- 
ans or Phocweans, they were of 
httle importance. 

All the numerous tribes, there- 
fore, which are afterwards found in 
Spain, may be divided, 1. into the 
unmixed aboriginal inhabitants, 
and II. into the tribes wholly or 
partialiy composed of intruders. 
‘The former occupied the east and 
west coast of the ocean, the Pyre- 
nées, and great part of the coun- 
try eastof the Iber, It cannot be 
proved that the north-west inhabi- 
tants are the same with the pro- 
per Iberi of the south-east: bur I 
find no obstacle to this opinion. 
‘Yo these belong the Lusitani, Kar- 
petani, Kallaiki, and Vakkei, of 
ihe west; the Asturian, Canta- 
brian and Vask, of the north; 
the inhabitants of the Pyrenuées, 
through whose territory many 
hordes passed without staying, and 
some tribes dwelling alotg the 
iber, of the east; finally, the in- 


habitants of the highlands, of Or-’ 


rospeda, the Oretani Olkadi, and 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


The lan-. 


Bastitani, of the south. 


gvage, manners, and weapons of: 


these people are alike: they are one 
people in many subdivisions. 
The mixed tribes may be again 


divided into the Keltiberi and the . 


people of the south-coast. The 
former comprehend in a manner 
z]1 the inland inhabitants of the 
south. The Kelts chiefly strugs 
gied with the Iberi in the neigh. 
bourhood of the river.so called ; 
bet after the incorporation they 
jointly occupied the mountainous 
country onthe west of the Iber, as 
far as the source of the Durius and 
Tagus. This was Keltiberia in its 
narrowest import: but the nationy 
having multiplied greatly,. dispos- 
sessed or reduced to slavery several 
tribes, as the Vakkei, Karpetair, 
Oretani, &c. who are thence incor. 
rectly reckoned asa part of it. 

‘The people of the coast beyond 
the pillars are a mixture of the na- 
tives with Phasnicians ; and, with- 
in the pillars, a mixture of the na- 


tives with Greeks, Romans, and 


Carthaginians. Their commerce 
with sirangers destroyed alt pecu- 
liarity of character, At first, they 
learned the Punic, afterward the 
Roman language and manners. 
The commerce to which they were 
devoted, habituated them to assume 
every form. For this reason, the 
inlanders despised them, made in- 
roads on them, and forced them to 
recur for defence to foreign pro. 
tection. The Keltiberians, on the 
contrary, prided themselves on res 
taining their native. savageness of 
dress, weapons, language, and 
manners. , 

More will be said of the pecu- 
liariries of each people, when the 
description of their boundaries is 
undertaken, Thus mach was ne- 

cessary 


4 


ANTIQUITIES. 


cessary to prepare a clear survey of 
the remainder. 


Of the Lilyrians aud Pannonians, 
From the same. 


The Illyrians are probably of the 
same stem with the Thracians; at 
least, the elder writers, who had 
visited the country or conyersed 
with natives of it, confound them 
together: whereas the Kelts are 
always contradistinguished from 
them, even when resident among 
them. Of all the European na- 
tions, the Illyrians and Thracians 
only had the practice of tattooing 
their bodies. Their original jan- 

uage is probably preserved in the 
Fisrouc diale&t of the present 
times: but in Illyria itself, the 
Slavonian tribes have wholly ex. 
tinguished every other tongue, 
The eastern continuation of the 
Alps comprised the ancient dwel- 
lings of the Illyrian nations, From 
the Julian Alps, the high lands 
spread uninterrupted between the 
Save and the Adriatic to the 
Hemus and to Macedon. Of this 
mountainous district, the Ilyrians 
oceupicd the southern declivity, 
together with the sea-coast, fiom 
about Aguilcia to the modern 
Epirus. 

On these very mountains, down 
the southern declivity towards the 
Save, svere tlic oldest seais of the 
Pzonians, as the Greeks styled 
them; of the Pannonians, as the 
Latins called them. hey ex- 
tended from the Ukraine to Mace- 
donia. ‘Lhus Strabo specifies their 
station, and he flourished while 
‘Augustus and Liberius were in con- 
Fut with them; his account is 
confirmed by Velicius Paterculus, 
and Appian, from the commenta- 
fre of Augustus. 

Strabo does not in any thing dig. 

VoL. XXXVILi, 


[465 
tinguish the Pzonians from the 
other Illyrians. Herodotus, who 
knew them experimentally, does 
not indeed expressly reckon them 
as a branch of the Thracian stem, 
because he says that the quantity 
of single tribes is too great’ to be 
enumerated: but he knows only of 
Thracians on the south side of the 
Danube; he describes them as cos. 
vering many distri¢ts, and places. 
among them the Pzonians by the 
Strymon and the Drino, without 
distinguishing them from Thra. 
cians ;—and as he deduces the 
Pzonians from the Teucri of Asia, 
he farther corroborates the opinion 
of their being of Thracian race, 
whose Asiatic origin is certain. 
If the Thracians be one race with 
the Pzonians and Lllyrians, the 
Kelts must not be derived from the 
Thracians ; for the Romans con- 
stantly discriminate between the 
language and warfare of Kelts and 
Illyrians. Thucydides also notices 
the Pzonians in this site. 

Perhaps, in elder periods, they 
had extended their seats farther 
north unto the Danube, and were 
compressed in the southern moun- 
tains by the Kelts; who, as I shall 
shew, overflowed at one period the 
whole south of Hungary. Certain 
it is that the Romans found towns 
of the Pasnonians only about the 
Save :—-but, when the Kelts were 
repuiscd, and the plains emptied, 
the Panooniays began to migrate 
from their mountains into the chame 
paign, and to extend their habita. 
tions to the Danube, At this pe- 
ried, probably under Claudius, 
Pannonia obtained its constitution 
and boundary as ‘a Roman pro- 
vinee ; although fortresses had long 
before been raised along the river. 
The original distri of the Panno- 
nians materially differs, it should 


Hh be 


466] 


be remembered, from the Roman 
province of Pannonia. 

Dion Cassius, himself a gover- 
nor of Upper Pannonia, blames the 
Greeks for confounding the Pwo- 
nians near Macedon with the Pan- 
nonians near the Danube: but as 
he supports his opinions on slight 
grounds, and would’ derive the 
name Pannonia from ‘pewwis, (the 
snaterial of their large sleeves), 
‘it seems. more rational to reject his 
notion,—trusting rather to Strabo, 
Velleins, and Appian, who place 
‘the Pzonians and Pannonians ail 
along these mountains. His error 
‘is natural enough to one who first 
knew the Pannonians in moder 
_ Hungary, ina tutored agricultural 
state, and had only heard of the 
‘rude Pzouians of Macedon; be- 
tween which nations, 
Jilyria and 
‘pose. °° 


Miesia seemed to inter- 


China, as known io the Aucsnuts. 
From the sane. 

Serica is bounded on the west by 
‘Scythia, on the north-east by an 
unknown country, on the south by 
India beyond the Ganges, and aiso 
by the Sine ina latitude of about 
35. This comprchends Koshotey, 
the Chinese province of Shiensi, 
pied anies and part of Siberia. 
- The people are cailed Séres. 

The southern part ef the country 
has many saps which are 
continuations of those in Sc; ythia; 
such as the Abad mountains in the 
Russian province Nertshink ; and 
consequently they have been already 
‘mentioned. Still tarther south, occur 
the Asmirean mountains (Aspagoas 
den) which form the northern limit 
cf the desert of Kobi. To these 
adjoin the Kasian mountains, which 
stretch along the Chinese wall. 


much of 


1 
“THe 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Mount Thaguron (76 @xyeeov "ogo;) 


stretches from south to north at the 
eastern chd of the Kasian moun- 


tains, and must be that part of the | 


Mongolian chain which meets the 
siver Hoang-ho. Next lie the 
Emodian mountains, which extend 
from the north of Thibet towards 
the province Shiensi; of which the 
Ottorokorras, (ro Orroeoxszens,) on 
which many rivers 
into the Yellow river, is a portion. 


Two great rivers water the ma. } 


jor part of Serica: First, the 
Oichardes, of which the northern 
source is to be sought in the moun- 
tains of Aszak. A second stream of 


it comes from the Asmirzan moun- | 


tains of the south-east in the 474 
degree of latitude. Farther west, 
where the muir stream inclines to. 
wards’ the Emodian mountains, a 
third tributary river arises, under 
44th degree of latitude, but 
more to the north than the Bauti- 
sus, ‘This latter arm is undcubt- 


edly the Erzineh, which loses itself, 


in the desert of ‘Solitk, or in the 
lake Sopu. 
can hardly be any other than the 
river Onghen; which, 


proaches it. Prolemzeus, it should 
seem, had two accounts before 
him: an intervening distritt was 
unknown to both his travellers 2 it 


was only from probability that: | 
rivers» i 


their several * 
great one. The main} 


he conducted 
into the 


stream, Cichardes, then, must be! 


the Selenga ; which, according to 


eee 


étion. a 


econdly, the Bagtiaus (or, ace 
to the edition of Exasmus, | 
)has its source inthe north» 
by the Kasisn mountains on the bor. : 


pes ne 
the Baa res 


ders of Seriea to the 43d degree of | 
lyutudc? 


rise that fall. 


The eastern streara | 
like the | 


Hoi inch, never mingles with the) 
main stream, bur in a manner ap. | 


the geographer, takes a southerly 


ANTIQUITIES. 


latitude. It trends south-east to- 
wards the Emodian hills for four 
degrees, when it receives a-second 
arm thence descending. In their 
farther progress, they bend towards 
the mountain Ottorokorra, and 
pass into an eastern unknown coun- 
try. The Hoang-ho, or Yellow 
river, can scarcely be more clearly 
described. from mere reports. Its 
northern arm Olanmuren arises in 
Koshotey, near to the desart of 
Kobi, .and from the same moun- 
tains as the Erzineh. Its course is 
south-eastward, when it receives a 
southern branch Haramuren ; which 
from the mountains of Thibet, 
takes a crooked north-east course. 
Of its northern bend Prolemzus 
“says nothing: but he “appears to 
pre-suppose it, as he assumes ano- 
ther bend to the east; which, if he 
supposed the stream to flow straight, 
would be needless. 

The rivers Psitaras, Cambari, 
and Lanos, which Pliny assigns to 
the Seres, probably belong not here, 
but to the Indian coast east of the 
Ganges. 

The people of Serica are divided 
into the Anthropophagi, (or, ac- 
cording to Ammianus, XXIII. 6. 
/slitrophagi), of the north, and the 
Annibi, who dwell contiguous to 
these. Between the latter and the 
Aszak mountains are the Sisyges. 
Vhe cannibals are placed in the 
north of Siberia, of which nothing 
was known; of the other two, 
who seem to have dwelt near 
the’ sea of Baikai, he may have 
heard. Above the Oicbardes are, 
the Damnz and the Piadz, and near 
to the river the Oicharde. 

Again, in the north, but east of 
the Annibi, are situated. the Ga- 


[467 


renzi and Rabanei; probably among 
the Monguls of Kalkas :—for, im- 
mediately below them, occurs the . 
distri Asmirza, at the foot. of 
the mountains so named.. Below 
these extends to the Kasian moun. 
tain the great nation of the Isse« 
dones.. There can be no doubt 
that, by this name, Herodotus 
meaned Monguls. Beside them 
are Throani, near a town of this 
name; and below: them, on the 
east, “Thaguri. Farther to the 
north-east, Dahuri. Among the 
Issedones dwell the Aspakaraz, 
who have their name from a city. 
Near these, the Batta; and the 
most southerly are the Ottokarre* 
mountaineers. These three nations 
occupy the province of Shiensi: 
Ptolemzus knows nothing of the 
more easterly parts. } 

The cities of Serica and Damna, 
at the west end of the Oichardes, 
and at some distance northward 
from the river: Piada, on the sou. 
thern bend of the Selenga, here 
called the Itscha: Asmirza, near 
the mountains so named: Throa- 
na, on the east side of the Onghen, 
in the region in which the ruins of 
Karakorum, once the metropolis 
of the Mongul sovereigns, are 
usually sought. .The tribes above 
mentioned are probably named from 
these towns. 

Issedon Serica is contradistin. 
guished from Issedon Scythica, — 
which Jay more to the north-west. 
This Chinese town, which Prole. 
mus names after the great nation 
ot the Issedones, was situated north- 
east from the source of the Erzineh, 
and consequently on the borders of 
the desart of Shamo: he places, in 
fact, no town beyond it. . Aspake 


* Perhaps Pliny, VI, 17; alludes to these by the name Attacorz. 


hz ara, 


A638] 


ara, which gives name to a tribe, 
Jay near to the northern Bautisus, 
and eastward from its source; on 
the Olanmuren river, therefore, 
and probably in Koshotey. Rho- 
soche lay much farther east in the 
same latitude. 1 know not where 
to seek it. Pakiana and Abragana 
were both on the banks of the 
northern Bautisus and in Koshotey. 
Togara and Daxata were both in 
the middle of the province Shiensi, 
and probably near the Fiva-ho; for 
all these places were in a south-east 
line towards the bend of the Ban- 
tisus, and towards Sera, the me- 
tropolis. Orosana lay near the 
source of the southern Bautisus, or 
the Haramuren. Ottorzkorra along 
the course of the same river near 
its easterly bend, and to the north 
of the distri€t to which and to 
whose inhabitants it gives its name. 
olana was more eastward: I kaow 
not where. 

Sera, the capital, was at some 
distance from the south bend of the 
Bautieus. If Prolemeus means, 
by this south fxzgor;, the conti- 
guous river Hoa-ho, this Sera can 
be no other than Singan-fu, which 
is at some distance from its south- 
ern evolution :—but, if be knew of 
the bow of the Hoang-ho, it must 
be placed more eastward at Honan. 
The first seems to be more proba. 
ble, as Prolemews appears ignorant 
pf the eastern course of the river, 
and may well have mistaken a part 
of the Hoa-ho for a continyation 
of his Bautisus; and also as Sin- 

an-fu is named as a former metro. 
polis of the north-west parts of 
China, Sera was the easternmost 
resort of the merchants ; and be. 
yond it Proleawevs knows nothing’ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 170% 


Historical Account of Sculpture. Fram 
Falconer’s Chvantl gical Tables; 
beginning with the Reigu of Save 

‘mon, and ending with the Dearie 

of Alexander the Great. 

ALL the ancient writers have 
agreed in dividing it into two pe. 
riods, the latter of which begins 
with the age of Phidias. Strabo 
ascertains these ages very exactly, 
tho’ rather foreign to his subject ; 
for, in describing the temples of 
Ephesus, there are some which he 
calls ancient, and in these were 
dexaia Ecove antique wooden figures. 
In the other temples, built, é 
de rot; Usecor, in after-times, he trans. 
gresses trom his usual form, and 
descrives three statues in particu- 
lar, which were probably of the 
age of Phidias and Scopas, Pliny 
and Pausanias abound in examples 
of this division of the periods. 
The former, when discoursing of 
Myron, says, ** capillum non e- 
mendatius fecisse quam rudis auti- 
guitas. instituisset.”” This rudis 
antiquitas’* means what is termed. 
the age of Dedalus and his scho. 
lars, who improved but little on the 
models brought fromEgypt. Haw- 
ever, as we have some dates in 
Pliny, which fix the progression of 
this art with tolerable accuracy, 
we shall briefly touch on the his- 
tary cf this peziod irom the earliest 
times; though the vague, and 
nearly fabulous relations of De- 
daius form some embarrassment In 
fixing the commencement of thig 
ara. Diodorus Siculus and Pane 
sanias agree in supposing there was: 
an artigt of that name who worked 
for Minos in Crete, and built a 
jabyrinth at Gnossus, of which na 
vestige was left in the time of 
Augustus. Homer, in his 18th 
Lad, does mention a Aatdyres wha 

fowneds 


ANTIOUITIES.: 


formed a dance for Ariadne ; but, 
as he use’ the same word, a few 
lines after, adjectively, to signify 
artificially made, he might mean 
by the former no more than what 
the word imports, ap ingenious 
artist. Eustathius interprets Ho- 
"mer as meaning that Dadalus only 
invented the dance itself, and not 
that he worked it in either weod, 
stone, or metal. 

The statues of Daedalus, men- 
tioned by Pausanias, were all of 
wood, and resembled, as we may 
suppose, the Egyptian ; for Philo- 
stretus says, that the statue of 
Memnon was formed with the feet 
joined together, and the arms rest- 
ing on the seat, after the manner 
of cutting figures in the age of 
Dedalus. Such was probably the 
figure of Minerva in Troy, men- 
tioned in the 6th Iliad, which seems 
to have been in a sitting posture. 
We have no remains of these rude 
ages ; but the forms of the Juno of 
Samos, carved by Smilis of Agina, 
‘said to be contemporary with De- 
dalus, and that of the Diana of 
Ephesus, by the hand cf Endzus, 
or Endyus, a pupil of Daedalus, 
are preserved on the medals 
of their respective cities. These 
representations gave a very un- 
favourable idea of the Dedalean 
age; yet we have no reason to 
doubt their authenticity, tor the 
artists of polished times would 
never have disgrac’d -their coinage 
with such uncouth figures, had 
they not been exact resemblances 
of objects made venerable by su- 
perstition. Some more of these 
wooden statues are described as 
existing at Thebes, Lechaden, Delos, 
and Crete, to the reign of liadrian. 
They were nearly destroyed by 
age; and yet Pausanjas, fired by 


[469 


religious and antiquarian enthu. 
siasm, could find in them some. 
thing divine; but what it was he 
does not explain, Some other of 
these statues were plated with gold, 
and their faces painted red, viz. 
two of Bacchus, in the forum of 


Corinth; which gives us but an 


indifferent idea of the taste of that 
period. The Venus of Delos had 
onty a head and arms, with a qua. 
drangular basis instead of feet ; 
which shews thac these sculpiors 
had improved but little on the rude 
ages of Greece, when unhewn 
stones, orat best cut into a quadran- 
gular form, were the only em- 
blems of their divinities. Yet even 
these figures, I think, were not 
introduced into European Greece 
till after the days of Homer. The 
name et. Dedalus was, we know, 
given toartists long after the Athe- 
nian Dzdaius is supposed to have 
fiourished. Pausanias himself men- 
tions one of Sicyon of that name, 
which he seems to confound with 
the Dedalus mentioned by Homer. 
Dipcenus and Scyllus, according 
to Pliny, were the founders of the 
school of sculpture in Sicyon, and 
were the first who were celebrated 
for carving in murble. They 
flourished, says the same author, 
in the soth Olympiad, which is 
very probable : for at that period, 
the states of Greece were begin. 
ning to cultivate their talents, and 
to settle a form of government. 
Pausanias, by a strange anachro~ 
nism of above 400 years, says, that 
Dipoenus and Scyllus were the sons 
of that very Diedalus who lived so 
long in Crete. Fiiny indeed says, 
they were Cretans by birth, but 
that they settled at Sicyon. Is it 
not then more likely that. t 
were instruéted long after by Dz- 
Hh 3 dalus 


470] 


dalus Sicyonius, and that the iden- 
tity of names was the source of the 
error? ; 
However celebrated these artists 
were for marble sculpture, yet the 
most noted performances from their 
hands were cut in ebenus, a sort of 
lignum vite, with pieces of ivory 
interspersed ; a practice much im- 
proved afierwards. Tectzus and 
Angelion were the scholars of Di- 
poenus ; they carved the Apollo at 
Delos, and Calion, their pupil, the 
Statue of Minerva Sthenias, in the 
citadel of Athens, about the 63d 
Olympiad. The other memorable 
pupils of this school were Theocles 
and Doriclydas, both Lacedemo- 
nians, whose works were to ke 
seen, as Pausanius informs us, in 
his time at Elis. 
The school of Chios, formed by 
‘Malas, about the same time with 
that of Sicyon, or probably before, 
was still more noted. Bupalus and 
Authermus carved well in the 60th 
Olympiad ; some of whose works 
had a piace in the palace of Augus- 
tus Casar. Yeteven in this period 
we are uvncertain whether the 
Greeks koew the art of casting 
statues in metal. ‘Ihe o!dest brass 
statue known in Greece was one of 
Jupiter, in the Chaloiccos and 
Laconia, in which the limbs. had 
been separately formed, and then 
nailed together ; yet this imperfect 
essay was ascribed to Learchus, a 
scholar of Dipaenus, who must have 
lived about the 5 3dor 54th Olym- 
piad. So little was this art known 
in the school of Sicyon, when it 
was celebrated for marble sculp- 
_,ture. About the 63d Olympiad, 
* “we find the name of Rhocus and 

Theodorus, both ef Samos, the 
wee who built the temple of Juno, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


in the reign of Polycrates, and 
practised the art of casting statues 
with success, 

Hence, I think, the schools of 
Sicyon and Chios divide this period 
into two parts. The Dedalean, 
or barbarous age, ceases in the 
soth Olympiad ; the middle age, 
which gave better forms to the hu- 
man figure, but not the last po- 
lish, nor an exa&t representation of 
the minuter parts, may be extended 
to the 83d Olympiad; when the 
great genius of Phidias broke out 
at once in full Justre in the Jupiter 
at Olympia, and the Minerva at 
Athens. Pausanias has des¢ribed 
the former of these with great ac- 
curacy ; and Livy, the historian, 
with a sublimity of expression al- 
most equal to the ideas cf the ar- 
tist, points out, in a few words, its 
effet on the beholder. Paulus 
Amilius, says that invaluable 
writer, travelling through Greece, 
entered the temple to survey the 
colossal statue ; when Jovem velut 
presentem intuens, motus anime 
est. It is generally known that 
this figure was composed of ivory, 
and ornamented with gold, a prac. 
tice of great antiquity in the Easr; 
but few consider the diffculiy of © 
executing a grand idea with so 
minute materials... No any other 
graces were still wanting in scalp- 
ture, the skill of Praxiteles and 
Lysippus gave those finished touches 
which produced snblimity in small 
figures without diminishing their 
elegance. Such was sculpture in 
the days of Alexander. Some 
specimens of this ara are most pro. 
bably even now to be seenat Rome 
and Florence, viz. the Medicean 
Venus, the Hercules Farnese, and 
the Belviderian Apollo. The great 

5 genius 


ANTIQUITIES. 


genius of Michael Angelo was un- 
equal to the imitation of these 
figures; and should we conceive 
them to be the produétion of a 
later age, as that of Augustus, or 
even later, as that of the Anto- 
nines, it will only raise our ideas of 
the age of Alexander, to find that 
the hest artist of modern times was 
inferior to those sculptors who by 
the general consent of antiquity, 
were themselves below the merits 
of a Phidias or Praxiteles. 


Letter from King Charles IT. to the 
Duke of Ormid, upon his taking 
the Seals from Chancellor Claren- 
don. Copied from the Original in 
the King’s own Hand, and indorsed 
in the Luke of Ormond’s. 


The King’s 
a5 
Rec. 24 
at Kilkenny. 
Answered, 2 O&. 67. 
Whitehall, 15 Sept. 
I SHOULD have thanked you 
sooner for your melancholly letter 
of the 26th August, and the good 
counsel you gave me in it, as my 
/ purpose was also to say something 


Sept. 


[A71 


to you concerning my taking ‘the , 
seals from the chancellor, of which 
you must needs have heard all the 
passages, 2s he would not suffer it 
to be done so privately as I intended 
ir. The trath is, his behaviour 
and humour was growne so insup- 
portable to myself, and to all the 
world else, that I could not longer 
endure it; and it was impossible 
for me to live with it, and doe 
those things with the parliament 
which must be done, or the go- 
vernment wjll be lost. .When I 
have a better opportunity for it, 
you shall know many particulars 
that have inclined me to this re- 
solution, which already seems to 
be well liked in the world, and to 
have given a real and _ visible 
amendment to my affairs. This 
isan argument too big for aletter 5 
so 1 add buc this word to it, to as. 
sure you, that your former friend- 
ship to the chancellor shall not doe 
you any prejudice with me, and 
that I have not -in the least degree 
diminished that value and kind- 
ness I ever had for you; which I 
thought fit to say to you upon this 
occasion, because it is very possible 
malicious. people may suggest the 
contrary td¥you. 


lih 4 ‘ MISCEL. 


aed [ 472 J 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


On ihe Influence of Cold upon the 
Healik of the Inhabitants of Lon. 
ton. From the Philosophical Trans. 
acdions. 


THE extraordinary mildness of 
last January, ceimpared with the 
unusual severity of the January pre- 
ceding, affords a peculiarly favour. 
able opportunity of observing the 
effet of each of these seasons, con- 
trasted with each other. For of 
these two successive winters, one 
has been the coldest, and the other 
the warmest, of which any regular 
account has ever been kept in this 
country. Nor is this by any means 
an idle speculation, or matter of 
mere curiosity ; for one of the first 
steps towards preserving the health 
of cur fellow-creatures, is to point 
out the sources from which diseases 
are to be apprehended, And what 
may make the present inquiry more 
particularly useful, is, that the re. 
sult, as I hope clearly to make ap- 
pear by the following statements, 
is entirely contrary to the preju- 
dices usually entertained upon this 
subject. 

During last January, nothing was 
more common than to hear expres. 
sions of the unseasonableness of 
the weather; and fears least the 
want of the usual degree of cold, 
should be productive of putrid dis. 
eases, and I know not what other 
eauses of mortality, ‘On the other 


hand, ‘a bracing cold,”? and ‘‘a 
clear frost,’’ are familiarin the mouth 
ofevery Englishman; and what heis 
taught to wish for, as among th 
greatest promoters of health ant 
vigour. 

Whetever deference be due to 
received opinions, it appears to me 
however {rom the sirongest evi- 
dence, that the prejudices of the 
world are upon this point at least 
unfounded. ‘Lhe average degrees 
of heat upon Fahrenheit’s thermo- 
meter kept in London during the 
month of January 1795, was 23% 
in the morning, and 29°.4 in the 
afternoon. The average in January 
1796, was 43°.5 in the morning, 
and s0°%.1 in the afternoon, A 
difference of above twenty degrees! 
And if we turn our attention from 
the comparative coldness of these 
months to the corresponding health- 


iness of each, collected from the- 


weekly bills of mortality, we 
shall find the result no less remark- 
able. For in five weeks between 
the 31st of December 1794, and 
the 3d of February 1795, the whole 
number of burials ameunted to 
2823; and in an equal period of 
five weeks between the goth of 
December 1795 and the ad of Fe- 
bruary 1796,t01471. So that the 
excess of the mortality in January 
1795 above that of January 1796, 
was not less than of 1352 persons. 
A number sufficient surely to awak~ 

, en 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


ken the attention of the most pre- 
judiced admirers of a frosty winter. 
And though I have only stated the 
evidence of two years, the same 
conclusion may universelly be 
drawn; as I have learned froma 
careful examination of the weekly 
bills of mortality for many years, 
These two seasons were chosen as 
being each of them very remark- 
able, and,in immediate succession 
one to the other, and in every 
body’s recollection. 

It may not be impertinent to 
the objects of this society, without 
entering too much into the province 
of caeticing: to consider a little 
more particularly the several ways 
in which this effect may be sup- 
posed to be produced ; and to point 
out some of the principal injuries 
which people are liable to sustain 
in their health from a severe frost. 
And one of the first things that 
must strike every mind engaged i in 
this investigation, is its effect on 
old people. It is Gurious to observe 


[473 


among those who are said in the 
bills to die above 60 years of age, 
how regularly the tide of mortality 
follows the influence of this pre- 
vailing cause: so that a person 
used to such inquiries, may form 
no contemptible judgment of the 
severity of any of our winter 
months, merely by attending to this 
circumstance. ‘Thus their number 
last January was not much above 
one-fifth of what it had been in the 
same month the year before. The 


article of asthma, as might be ex. 


pecied, is prodigiously increased, 
and perhaps includes no inconsi- 
derable part of the mortality of the 
aged. After these come apoplexies 
and paisies, fevers, consumptions, 
and dropsies. Under the two last 
of which are contained a large pro- 
chat of the chronical discases of 

is country: all which scem to be 
Raced on to a premature termi. 
nation. ‘The whole will most rea. 
dily be seen at one view in the fol. 
lowing table. 


¥795¢ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


474} 


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oz Sag. e2 oF | £1 gz Es 6f% mre Si ee iets 
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‘UOON *UIOYT 


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BULEpSYy 09 isyaeep Jo | ‘3vay uvaz] | Surpue 
aaoge pasy [oneioumM ~ | yea 


*S6L1 


. Notwithstanding the plague, the 
remittent fever, the dysentery, and 
the scurvy, have so decreased, that 
their very name is almost unknown 
in London; yet there has, I know 
nor how, ‘2risen a prejudice con- 
cerning putrid diseases, which 
scems to have made people more 
and more apprehensive of them, 
as the danger has. been grow- 
ing less. It must in greatwnea- 
sure be attributed to this, that 
the consumption of Peruvian bark 
in this country has, within the 
Jast fifty. years, increased from 
14,000 to above 190,090 pounds 
annually. And the same cause 
has probably contributed, from a 
mistaken mode of reasoning, to 
Prepossess people with the idea of 
the whoiesomeness of a hard frost. 
But it has in another place * been 
very ably demonstrated that a long 
frost is eventually productive of 
the worst putrid fevers that are at 
this time known in London; and 
that heat does in faét prove a real 
preventive against that disease. 
And although this may be said to 
be a yery remote effect of the cold, 
it is not therefore the less real in 
its influence vpon the mortality of 
London. Accordingly a compari- 
son of the numbers in the tore- 
going table will shew that very 
neatly twice as many persons died 
of fevers in January 1795, as did 
in the corresponding month of this 
year. I might go on to observe 
that.the true scuryy was last year 
generated in the metropolis trom 
|. the same causes extended to an 
unusual Jength. But these are by 
no means the only ways, nor in- 
deed do they seem to be the prin- 
‘cipal ways, in which a frost ope- 
fates;to the destruction of great 
wumbers of people. The poor, as 


da 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


[475 


they are worse protected from’ the 
weather, so are they of course the 
greatest sufferers by its inclemency, 
But every physician in London, 
and every apothecary, -can add 
his testimony, that their business 
among all ranks of people never 
fails to increase, and to decrease 
with the frost. For if there be any 
whose lungs are tender, any whose 
constitution has been impaired ei. 
ther by age, or by intemperance, 
or by disease, he will be very la- 
ble to have all his compiaints in. 
creased, and all his infirmities ag. 
gravated by such ascason. Nor 
imust the young and attive think 
themselves quite secure, or fancy 
their health will be confirmed by 
imprudently exposing themselves. 
The stoutest man may meet with 
impediments to his recovery from 
accidents otherwise inconsiderabie ; 
or may contract inflammations, or 
coughs, and lay the foundation of 
the severest ills, In a country 
where the prevailing complaints 
among all orders of pecple are 
coids, coughs, consumptions, and 
rheumatisms, no prudent man, can 
surely suppose that unnecessary ex. 
posure to un inclement sky; that 
priding oneself upon going without 
any additional clothing in the se. 
verest winter; that inuring onc. 
self to be hardy at a time that 
demands our cherishing the firm. 
est constitution lest it suffer; that 
braving. the winds, and chalieng. 
ing the rudest efforts of the sea. 
son, can ever be generally useful 
to Englishmen. But if generally, 
and upon the whole, it be inexpe. 
dient, then ought every one for 
himself to take care that he be not 
the sufferer. For many doétrines 
very importantly erroneous ; ma- 
ny .remedies either vain, or even 


* Obseryations on the jail fever by Dr. Hunter, Med. Trans, Vol. II. 


noxious, 


476] 


noxious, are daily imposed upon 
the world for want of attention to 
this great truth; that it is from ge- 
neral effects only, and those founded 
upon extensive experience, that any 
maxim to which each individual 
may with confidence refer, can pos- 
sibly be established. 


The Dimiphobia, or dread of Home. 
From the Monthly Megaxine. 


Sir, 

I very much approve of your al- 
lotting a particular part of your 
magazine to the valuable purposes 
of medical improvement; and 
what has been already done, will, 
I hope, lay the foundation of a 
series of communications, from 
which physicians may derive great 
advantage. From entertaining so 
high an opinion of this part of your 
magazine, I am induced to offer 
my miie, by contributing a few 
remarks gna disease, net yet touch- 
ed upon by your medical correspon- 
dents, but which, by the time this 
communication will appear, must 
be pretty well known in most fa- 
milies. Itis very prevalent in the 
months of June and July, is at the 
height in August, begins to de. 
cline in September, and abour the 
end of Odtober generally disap- 
pears, though much will depend 
upon the weather. 

I am somewhat at a foss to de- 
scribe this disorder, because being 
of very recent appearence in this 
country, it has escaped the atten- 
tion of Sauvages, Vogel, Cullen, 
and all our late Nosologists. It 
has some symptoms peculiar to the 
class of fevers, and some to that of 
inflammations, but itis a discase, if 
¥ may use the phrase, so original, 
eo much fer se, that we must be 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


content to let it be the root of a 
peculiar class, which may horeaf- 
ter be divided into species, when 
the faculty shall have made it more 
their study. 

I call it, merely for distincion’s 
sake, the Domiphobia, or dread of 
home, which is the principal 
symptom ; it begins, as I said be. 
fore, about the month of June, or 
earlier, for I have at this moment 
a family under my care, who are 
dreadfully affli€ted with it. The 
mother, a remarkably healthy. 
looking, and indced a very hand. 
some woman, complains of a wast- 
ing of the flesh, want of appetite, 
listlessness, and deje¢tion. ‘The 
two daughters, though passessed of 
the finest bloom of complexion, are 
inclined to consumption, have also 
lost their appetites, and are, to 
use their mother’s expression, in a 
very alarming situation. ‘The sons 
have various pulmonic symptoms, 
shortness of breath, cough, and 
complain that the smoke of London 
entirely disorders them. ‘The hus- 
band is the only person who has 
escaped the disorder, although he 
seems so much distressed at the 
sight of his family, that I should 
not wonder if he caught it from 
them. Every medicine I have pre- 
scribed, has failed in its operation, 
Indeed, I must> confess, that thts 
is one of those disorders, in which 
we are not to expect a cure from 
chemicals or Galenicals. ~ On the 
contrary, if we leave nature to 
perform her work, a cure is imme- 
diately found, for nature suggests 


to the patients, from the very first © 
attack of the disease, that it can | 


be relieved only by a jaunt to a 
watering place. 


And hence a 
very expert pra@titioner in my — 
neighbourhood, cheoses to call it | 

the 


_—s 


: 


Ge 52 wee: oe 


> i a— 2) <. o ey 


| 


| 


| 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


the Hydro-maxia; but I apprehend 
he is mistaken, for I never knew 
a patient mere attached to water 
when abroad, than when at home. 
There certainly, however, are 
symptoms, which indicate a mania 
of some kind or other; but so im- 
perfect is our knowledge of maviccal 
cases, that I can derive no infor- 
mation from books. Arnold does 
not mention it in his last edition, 
although probably he may in the 
next, for which I fam told he is 
preparing materials. Besides, I 
confess, that I am not very partial 
to increasing our catalogue ef m7- 
xias. So many things might be 
brought under this title, that a 

eneral history of madness would, 
‘ye afraid, be as comprehensive as 
the Annual Register, or any other 
work which professed to record the 
actions of man; but this is a di- 
gression. 

It is peculiar to the disorder I am 
now speaking of, that the symp- 
toms of it never appear, when the 
patients are by themselves: the 
presence, however, of a stranger, 
or a party of strangers, never tails 
to bring on the cough, dispnea, 
and other concomitants. Bur above 
ail other occasions, they are most 
exasperated in the presence of the 
head of the family, whether a 
father, an uncle, or a guardian. 
Now, as this is as much a discase 
ef the mind as of the body, it 
strikes me, that the passion of en- 
vy or jealousy, isstrongly excit- 
ed by the sight of persons who are 
not affliétcd with the disorder, 
which is generally the case with 
fathers, uncles, and guardians, 
and that the patient, from a de- 
sire of communicating the disease, 
is impelled to throw out those 
Miasmata, contagious _ particles, 


which will affct all present. 


[A477 


That this is often done without 
producing the effect, I well know, 
but I must say, that, in general, 
where the disorder is of long con- 
tinuance (a month or six weeks, 
for example) it seldom fails to im- 
part such a degree of its virulence, 
as to affect the father, and then, 
I observe, the cure is as good as 
performed. 

From the few remarks I have 
thrown out, you will perceive, sir, 
that although we cannot refer this 
disorder to any elass hitherto men. 
tioned by nosologists, yet we may 
rank it among exdemics, or those 
disorders which affecé the inhabr. 
tants of a certain district. This is 
most prevalent in the city of Lon. 
don, and extends a little way into 
the suburbs. I have met with 
a tsw cases of’ the kind in the Bo- 
rough of Southwark; but the smalJ 
villages near town are, I think, ge- 
nerally pretty free from it. As to 
the Borough, it is rather singular, 
that some of the patients, after re- 
turning from Margate or Brighton, 
apparently perfectly cured, take 
lodgings nevertheless in a large 
building in St. George’s fields; 
whether this confirms the cure, I 
know not, but I apprehend it 
may prevent a relapse, and I am 
doubtful whether any thing will 
so effectually answer this purpose. 
The tendency of the disorder to re- 
turn, is one of the worst circum. 
stances belonging to it, and sufli- 
ciently convinces me, that there 
is a radical error in the mode of 
treatment. I am not ashamed to 
confess, that I have often failed. 
If we physicians are not as free 
in acknowledging our errors, as 
proud in announcing our cures, the 
medical art, as to prattical use- 
fulness, muse stand still. 

With respect to the causes of the 

Domi- 


478 | 


Domiphobia, they may be divided, 
as in the case of other disorders, in- 
to remote, proximate, and occa- 
sional. Onthese I shall not be pro- 
lix. Jt is a great mistake, how. 
ever, to ascribe this disorder to 
low living, or a poordiet. If that 
were the case, the poor would be 
afflicted by it, particularly this sea- 
son. But the fa&t is, it attacks 
persens who live well, freely, upon 
a generous diet.. Excessive in. 
dulgence never fails to bring it on, 
and it is remarkable, that those 
who have once indulged, are sure 
to have a relapse the foilowing 
year. I scarce know an instance 
to the contrary. The mental af- 
fections are also to be taken into 
the account, and I have known 
cases where it was. brought on 
merely by talking about it; 2 won. 
derfal proof of the intimate con- 
nexion betwixt the mind and the 
body. Tht there is an affeGion 
of the head, cannot well be doubt- 
ed, from its being almost always 
attended with giddiness, wander. 
ings, vain fears, and sometimes 
downright raving, the patient per- 
petually talking of balls, dances, 
breakfasts, rafites, subscriptions, 
and other things, which very sel- 
dom much-occupy the attention of 
persons of sound minds and robust 
health. 

I have now, sir, communicated 
the result of pretty accurate obser- 
vation, and some practice in. this 
disorder, I am aware, that, in 
the curative part, I have failed to 
dmpart much information. The 
fact is, and 1 honestly confess it, 
T have succeeded in very few cases, 
and those were chiefly where the 
disorder was slight. Taken at the 


beginning, much may be done,- 


but the patients are very apt to 


my wants. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, | 1496. . 


conceal it, probably from motives 
of delicacy, until it acquires 
Strength which common remedies 
wili not oppose, The indications 
are likewise sometimes so compli- 
cated, that one does not know how 
to obviate one system withour ins 
creasing the violence of another), 
What can be done where there is 
an inflammatory tendency, accom 
panied by lowness and weakness, a 
very common. form of the disease ? 
I must, therefore, close the subject 
for the present, with observing, 
that an eminent physician of my 
acquaintance, Dr. Abraham New: 
land, has a very elegant form of 
prescription, which J never knew 
any patient refuse to take; but it 
is jiable to the same objections 1 
have already mentioned, namely, 
that it will not prevent a relapses * 
I am). Sir;! 
Your very humble servant, | 
aiC. 
Warewick.lane, Mry othe 


On Watering Places. From the same. 


I AM a corntry gentleman, ‘and 
enjoy an: estate in Northampton. 
shire, which formerly enabled. its 
pOssessors to assume some degree of 
consequence in the country; but 
which, for seyeral generations, has 
been growing less, only because it 
has not grown bigger. I mean, 
that though I have not yet been 
obliged to mortgage my land, or 
fell my timber, its relative value 
is every day diminishing by the 
prodigious infiux of wealth, real 
and artificial, which for some time 
past has been pouring into this 
kingdom. Hitherto, however, I 
have found my income equal to 
It has enabled me to 

inhabit 


eee 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


‘habit a good house in town for 
four months of the year, and to 
reside amongst my tenants and 
neighbours for the remaining eight 
wich credit and hospitality. lam 
indeed myself so fond of the coun- 
try, and so averse in my nature to 
every thing of hurry aad bustle, 
that, if I consulted only my own 
taste, J nae never feel a wish to 
leave the shelter of my own oaks 
in the dreariest séason of the year ; 
but I looked upon our annual visit 
to London as a proper compli ance 
with the gayer disposition ‘of my 
wife, and ihe iatural curiosity of 
the younger part of the family ; 
“besides, to say the truth, it had its 


ge i avoiding a round of 


dinners and catd parties, which 
We must otherwise have engaged 
in for the winter season, or have 
-been branded with the appellation 
‘of unsociable. Our journey gave 
me an opportunity ef furnishing 

my study with some new books id 
prints ; and my wife of grat ifying 
her neighbours with some orna- 
mental trifles, before their value 
‘was sunk by becoming common, 
er of producing at her table, or in 
her furniture, some sew invented 
refinement of fashionable elegance. 
Obr hall was the first that was light. 
ed by the lamp d’Argand; and I 
still remember how we were gra- 
tified by the papombmene of our 
guests, when sSiy wife with an au- 
give voice called to the footman 
or the tongs to he'p to the aspa. 
‘ragus with. We found it pleasact 
too to be enabled to taik of capital 
aftists and favourite actors ; and I 
‘made the better figure in gny po- 
litical debates, from having heard 
the most popular speakers. in the 
house. 


~ Once too, to redtity my wife’s 


[479 


spirits, after a tedious conjfine- 
ment from a lying-in, we passed 
a season at Bath. In this manner 
therefore things went on very 
well in the main, till of late my fa- 
mily have discovered that we lead- 
a very dull kind of life ; and that 
it is impossible to exist with com. 
fort, or indeed to enjoy a tolerable 
share of health, without spending 
a good part of every summer at a 
watering-place.. I held out as 
long as f could. One may beal.: 
lowed to resist the plans of dissi- 
pation, but the plea of health 
carmot decently be withstood, 

it was soon discovered that my 
eldest daughter wanted bracing, 


and my wife had a bifious com. 
plaint, against which our family 


physician declared, that sea bath. 
ing would be particularly service. 
able. Tiverefore,” though it was 
my Own private opinion that my. 
davghter’s nerves might have been 
as well braced by morning rides 
upon the Northamptonshire etl 
as by evening dances in the pub- 
lic apcin, and that my wiie’s bile, 
would have been greatly lessened 
by Roietiante with. her husband, 
I acquiesced; and preparations 
were made for our journey. These 
indeed were but slight, for the 
chief gratification proposed i in this 
sthente was, an entire freedom 
fram care and form. We should 
find every thing requisite in our 
lodgings ; it was of no conseqypence 
whether the rooms we should occu. 
py for a few months in the sum- 
mer, were elegant or not; the 
simplicity of a country life would 
be the more enjoyed by the little 
shifts we should be put to; and 
all necessaries would be provided 
inour lodgings, It was not there. 
fore. till after we had taken them, 
that 


4so| ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


that we discovered how far ready 
furnished lodgings were from af- 
fording every article in the cata- 
logue of necessaries. We did not 
indeed give them a very scrupulous 
examination, for the place was so 
full, that when we arrived late at 
night, and tired with our journey, 
all the beds at the inn were taken 
up, and an easy chair and a carpet 
were all the accommodations we 
could obtain for our repose. The 
next morning, therefore, we ea- 
gerly engaged the first lodgings we 
found vacant, and have ever since 
been disputing about the terms, 
which from the hurry were not 
sufficiently ascertained ; and it. is 
not even yet settled whether the 
little blue garret which serves us 
as a powdering room, is ours of 
right or by favour. The want of 
all sorts of convenience is a con. 
stant excuse for the want of all 
order and neatness, which is so 
yisible in our apartment; and 
we are continually lamenting that 
we are obliged to buy things of 
which we have such plenty at 
home. 

It is my misfortune that T can 
do nothing without all my little 
conveniences about me; and in 
order to write a common letter, I 
must have my study table to jean 
my cibows on in sedentary luxury ; 
you will judge therefore how little 
I am able to employ my leisure, 
when I tell you, that the only 
re. they have been able to allot 
fer my use is so filled and crowded 
withmy daughter’s hat-boxes, bands 
boxes, wig-boxes, &c, that I can 
scaicely move about in it, and am 
this moment writing upon a spare 
trurk for want of atable, I am 
therefore driven to saunter about 
Wish the rest of the party ; but in- 


stead of the fine clumps of trees, 
and waving fields of corn I have 
been accustomed to have before my 
eyes, I see nothing but a naked 
beach, almost without a tree, ex- 
posed by turns to the cutting east- 
ern blast, and the glare ot a July 
sun, and covered with a sand 
equally painful to the eyes and to 
the feet. The ocean is indeed an 
object of unspeakable grandeur ; 
but when it has been contemplated 
in astorm and in a calm, when we 
have seen the sun rise out of its 
bosom, and the moon silver its ex- 
tended surface, its variety is ex- 
hausted, and the eye begins to re- 
quire the softer and more interest« 
ing scenes of cultivated nature. 
My family have indeed been per- 
suzded several times to enjoy the 
sea still more, by engaging in a 
hittle sailing party ; but as, un- 
fortunately, Northamptonshire has 
not afforded them any opportunity 
of becoming seasoned sailors, these 
parties of pleasure are always at- 
tended with the most dreadful sick- 
ness. This likewise I am told is 
very good for the constitution; it 
may be so for aught I know, but I 
confess I am apt to imagine that 
taking an emetic at home would be 
equally. salutary, and I am sure it 
would be more decent. Nor can I 
help imagining that my youngest 
daughter’s lover has been less 
assiduous, since he has contemplat. 
ed her in the indelicate situation of 
a ship cabin. I have endeavoured 
to amuse myself with the com. 
pany, but without much success; 
it consists of a few very great peo. 
ple, who make a set by themselves, 
and think they are entitled, by the 
freedom of a watering place, to 
indulge themselyes in all manner 
of poljisoynenies: and the rest is a 

motley 


Pa ease pee te BS ee eee 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


motley group of sharpers, mer- 
chants’ clerks, kept mistresses, idle 
men, and nervous women. I 
have been accustomed to be nice 
in my choice of acquaintance, es- 
pecially for my family ; but the 
greater part of our connexions 
here, are such as we should be 
ashamed to acknowledge any where 
else, and the few we have seen 
above ourselves will equally dis- 
claim us when we meet in town 
next winter. As to the settled 
inhabitants of the place, all who 
do not get by us view us with 
dislike, because we raise the price 
of provisions ; and those who do, 
which, in one way or other, com. 
prehends all the lower class, have 
lost every trace of rural simplicity, 
and are versed in all the arts of low 
cunning and chicane. The spirit 
of greediness and rapacity is no 
where so conspicuous as in the 
lodging-houses. At our seat. in 
the country, our domestic con. 
cerns went on as by clock-work; 
a quarter of an ho in a week 
settled the bills, and few trades- 
men wished, and none dared, to 
practise any imposition where al] 
were known, and the consequence 
of their different behaviour must 
have been their being marked, 
for life, for encouragement or for 
distrust. But here the continual 
fluctuation of company takes away 
all regard to chara¢ter; the most 
respectable and ancient families 
have no influence any farther than 
as they scatter their ready cash, and 
neither gratitude nor respect are 
felt where there is no bound of mu- 
tual attachment, besides the ne- 
cessities of the present day. I 
should be happy if we had only to 
jcontend with this spirit during our 
present excursion, but the effect it 


Vor, XXXVIII, 


{481 


has upon servants is most perni~ 
cious. Our family used to be re. 
markable for having its domestics 
grow grey in its service, but this 
expedition has already corrupted 
them ; two we have this evening 
parted with, and the rest have 
learned so much of the tricks of 
their station, that we shali be 
obliged to discharge them as soon 
as we returnhome, In the country, 
I had been accustomed to do good 
to the poor; there are charities 
here too; we have joined in a sub- 
scription for a crazy poetress, a 
raffle for the support of a sharper, 
who passes under the title of a 
German Count, and a benefit play 
for a gentleman on board the 
hulks. Unfortunately, to balance 
these various expences, this place, 
which happens to be a great resort 
of smugglers, affords daily oppor. 
tunities of making bargains. We 
drink spoiled teas, under the idea 
of their being cheap, and the little 
room we have is made less by the 
reception of cargoes of India 
taffeties, shawl-muslins, and real 
chintzes. All my authority here 
would be exerted in vain; for, I 
do not know whether you know it 
or no, the buying of a bargain is 
a temptation which it is not in the 
nature of any woman to resist. I | 
am in hopes however, the business 
may receive some little check from 
an incident which happened a little 
time since: an acqwaintance of 
our’s returning from Margate, had 
his carriage seized by the Custom. 
house officers, on account of a 
piece of silk, which one of his 
female cousins, without his know. 
ledge, had stowed in it; and it 
was only released by its being 
proved that what she had bought 
with so much satigfaftion as con- 
Ts trakand, 


482] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


traband, was in reality the home- 
bred manufacture of Spital-fields. 

My family used to be remark- 
able for regularity in their atten- 
dance on public worship ; but that 
too here is numbered amongst the 
amusements of the place. Lady 
Hentingdon has a chapel, which 
sometimes atiraéts us; and ~when 
nothing promises us any particular 
entertainment, a-tea-drinking at 
the rooms, ora concert of what 
is called sacred music, is sufficient 
to draw us froma church, where 
no one will remark either our ab- 
sence or our presence. Thus we 
daily become more lax in our con- 
duét, for want of the salutary re- 
straint imposed upon us by the 
consciousness of being looked up 
to as an example by others. 

In this manner, sir, has the sea- 
son past away. I spend a great 
deal of money and make no figure ; 
Tam in the country and see no- 
thing of country simplicity, or 
country occupations; 1 am in an 
obscure village, and yet cannot 
stir out without more observers 
than if I were walking in St. 
James’s Park ; I am cooped up in 
Jess room than my own dog-ken- 
nel, while my spacious hails are 
injured by standing empty ; and I 
am paying for tasteless unripe fruit, 
while my own choice wall-fruit is 
rottipg by bushels under the trees. 
—In recompense for all this, we 
have the satisfaction of knowing 
that we occupy the very rooms 
which my lord—had just quitted ; 
of picking up anecdotes, true or 
false,-of people in high life; and 
of seizing the ridicule of every 
character as they pass by us in the 
moving show-glass of the place, a 
pastime which often affords us a 


good deal of mirth, hut which, I 


confess, I can never join in with. 
out reflecting that what is our 
amusement is their’s likewise. As 
to the great ostensible object of our 
excursion, health, I am afraid. we 
cannot boast of much improvement. 
We have had a wet and cold sum- 
mer; and these houses, which are 
either old tenements, vamped up, 
or new ones slightly run up for 
the accommodation of bathers dur- 
ing the season, have more contri- 
vances for letting in the cooling 
breezes than for keeping them out, 
a circumstance which I should pre- 
sume sagacious physicians do not 
always attend to, when they or- 
der patients from their own warm, 
compact, substantial houses, ta 
take the air in country lodgings, 
of which the best apartments, dur- 
ing the winter, have only been 
inhabited by the rats, and where 
the poverty of the landlord pres 
vents him from laying out more in 
repairs than will serve to give them 
a showy and attra€tive appearance. 
Be that asit may, the rooms we at 
present inhabit are so pervious to 
the breeze, that in spite of all the 
ingenious expedients of listing 
doors, pasting paper on the inside 
of cupboards, laying sand bags, 
puttying crevices, and condemning 
closet-doors, it has given me a 
severe touch of my old rheumatism, | 
and all my family are in one way . 
or other affected with it; my eldest 
daughter too. has got cold with her 
bathing, though the sea-water né- — 
ver gives any body cold. 
In answer to these complaints, 

I am told by the good company 
here, that I have stayed too long 
in the same air, and that now E 
ought to take a trip to the con- 
tinent, and spend the winter at 
Nice, which would complete the 
business. 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


business, I am entirely of their 
Opinion, that it would complete the 
business ; and have therefore taken 
the liberty of laying my case before 
you; and an, sir, 
Your’s, &c. 
Henry HomELove. 


The Invention of Organs. From Mad. 
de Genlis’ Kuights of the Swan. 


The imprison’d winds, released with 
joyful sound, 
Proclaim their liberty to all around. 

ANCNYMOUS. 

Ll] ntest ame si revéche Gui ne se sente 

bouchée de quelque reverence, a consi- 

derer cette vastité sombre de nos églises 
&F quir le son devotieux de nos orgues. 

MONTAIGNE, 


THE two friends having made 
the promise which he required of 
inviolable secresy, Giaffer thus en- 
tered upon his wonderful story. 

«© J am thirty-six years old, and 
my career is completed. I have 
passed through it with honour, 
perhaps with glory ; both love and 
fortune strewed it with flowers, 
till the fatal instant which disco- 
vered the abyss in which I was 
nearly overwhelmed. I have lost 
every thing, even to my very name; 
the inhabitants of the East men- 
tion it still with benedictiens ; the 
affection of a grateful people per- 
petuates the remembrance of it, and 
yet it must not be borne by me! 
| Condemned to obscurity, I am be- 
ome a stranger to my own fame, 
am unable to enjoy it, and dead to 
all the world; it is in the eternal 
silence of the tomb that I receive 
the approbation and the eulogies of 
my contemporaries! The unfor- 
tunate victim of despotism, and 
| the fatal example of hyman vi. 


[483 


cissitudes, I am Barmecide.’? At 
the sound of this great and cele- 
brated name, the Knights of the 
Swan rose up. A_ sentiment of 
profound veneration and respect 
rendered them motionless for some 
minutes : to great minds proscrip- 
tion and misfortune tend to in- 
crease the interest which genius and 
virtue never iail to inspire! The 
two friends considered Barmecide 
with an eagerness of curiosity as 
if they beheld him now for the 
first time. ‘The emotion and sym. 
pathy which they felt was painted 
on their countenances in so expres 
sive a chatacier, that Barmecide 
was very strongly affected by it. 
“© O! my friends,’’ cried he, ‘* you 
restore me to my existence.”” In 
saying these words, he threw him- 
self into their arms ; and. having 
received their affectionate embraces, 
thus resumed his narration. 

«© My father, born in the domiec 
nions of Gerold, had a passion for 
travelling. He inspired my mother 
with the same inclination, who was 
always his inseparable companions 


.I drew my first breath in Persia ; 


my father was my only instructor, 
and he taught me by facts and ob- 
servations founded on experience, 
and not by lessons derived from 
books. JI had the misfortune to 
lose this excellent parent when I 
was twenty years of age; my mo- 
ther had been dead some time be. 
fore. I had three brothers. We 
had always lived together in the 
most perfect union, and were de- 
termined not to separate. Having 
often heard of the extreme magni- 
ficence of the Court of Aaron Rasa. 
chid, we determined to visit Bags 
dat, Arrived at this superb capital, 
we became acquainted with several 
Europeans of our own age, and we 


Liz lodged 


4s4] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


lodged all together under the same 
roof. 

_« My brothers played on several 
musical instruments, some of our 
new acquaintance had the same ta- 
lents, and as we could not enjoy at 
Bagdat the free exercise of our re- 
ligion, we agreed, that on the so- 
lemn festivals we should meet in a 
room, and chant th® mass. Our 
apartment was towards the street, 
and the people, stopping to listen 
to us, soon discovered the motive 
of these religious exercises. Ma- 
hometan intolerance was alarmed ; 
and obtained an edi¢t from the Ca- 
liph, which was published through. 
out the city prohibiting the Chris- 
‘tians, under pain of death, from 
assembling to celebrate their reli- 
gious rites. They were allowed, 
however, the privilege of perform- 
ing them individually. 

«€ This prohibition offended me 
so highly, that I considered what 
means could be devised to elude 
it. I had always a genius for 
mechanics; and, after some re- 
flection, I conceived ihe idea of 
constructing an instrument which 
might imitate alf those with which 
IT was acquainted, and even the 
human voice. I endeavoured to 
supply it at the same time with so 
prodigious a volume of sound, that 
it might produce to the ear the 
effect of a concert. J worked at 
my invention night and day, and 
in less than six months produced 
an instrument of an enormous size, 
to which I gave the name of Organ, 
and which perfectly answered my 
intentions. I then placed myself 
near my window, and played on 
it every morning and night, chant- 
ing the service at the same time. 
At the end of some days, informa- 
tion was sent to the Caliph, that 


the Christians, notwithstanding the 
rigour of his prohibition, had be- 
gun again their religious concerts, 
and with more audacity than ever. 
The Caliph issued his orders in 
consequence ; and one morning, 
while I was playing on my organ 
at the usual hour, I heard a vio- 
lent knocking at my door. I shut 
up my organ, and rose to inquire 
into the cause ; when at the same 
instant a number of armed men 
came into my room, and testified” 
the greatest astonishment at finding 
me alone. The captain of the coms 
pany asked me, where were m 

accomplices. I replied, that I had 
none. He paid no attention to this 
answer, and sought in vain in all 
my closets for the other: musicians. 
He passed several times in the front 
of my organ, without imagining 
it to be a musical instrument ; 
which was in some measure owing 
to my having given it the appear- 
ance of a chest of drawers. At 
length, not being able to compre- 
hend how my companions had 
escaped, he ordered me to follow 
him. I desired to be conducted into 
the presence of the Caliph. He 
replied, that he was conveying 
me thither. In fact, the prince, 
had resolved to see me, and to 
interrogate me himself. He re- 
ceived me with a gloomy and se. 
vere air, considering me sometime 
in silence; and struck with the se- 
renity of my countenance, ‘ In. 
discreet young man,’? said he, 
“€ what could inspire thee with so 
much audacity, and so much con. 
tempt for life?’? ‘* Sir,” said I, 
in reply, ‘ nothing so effectually 
encourages innocence as the aspect 
of an equitable judge.’’—** Thou 
canst not,’’ answered he, *‘deny thy. 
dispbedience. I myself have been 


i 


MISCELLANEOUS. ESSAYS. | 


under thy window; 1 myself 
have heard the sound of instru- 
ments and voices; and yet none 
but thyself has been found in thy 
chamber. Where are thy compa- 
nions? ‘J have,’’ said I, ** none.”’ 
«© Listen,’”? replied the Caliph ; 
«* thy physiognomy interests and 
pleases me, and thy youth excites 
my pity. Iam willing to pardon 
thee, but I expect a sincere con- 
fession.’’ ‘* No, my lord,’’ answered 
I, ** you will not pardon a man 
who shall be mean enough to in- 
form against his companions and 
friends.’”? ‘* Well!” exclaimed the 
Caliph with violence, ‘ all the 
Christians at present in Bagdat 
shall be this day put in irons,’ 
“© They will be in that situation 
only a few hours,’’ said I ina tran- 
quil tone; ‘‘and who shall set them 
free ??’>—** I, my lord.”’ At this 
answer the Caliph became mute 
with astonishment, and doubted 
whether he should pronounce my 
sentence, er dismiss me as a person 
insane. I began therefore again thus 
*toaddress him. ‘Sir, I can venture 
to protest to you, that 1 have not 
disobeyed your orders, and that J 
was alone, of which it will be very 
easy to convince you, if you will 
deign to send for the chest of 
drawers, which is in my chamber. 
I will openin your presence this mys- 
terious article of furniture, and you 
will find in it a complete evidence of 
my innocence.’’ The Caliph, whose 
astonishment was augmented by 
this discourse, issued immediately 
the order for which I solicited, 
and my organ was conveyed into 
his apartment. While I employed 
myself in putting it into order, the 
Caliph, who waited with as much 
curiosity as impatience for the ca- 
tastrophe of this singular scene, 
went out for the princess Abassa 


[A85 


his sister, gave her an account of 
our conversation, and returned 
along with her. ‘The princess, co- 
vered with a long veil, which con- 
cealed entirely her shape and her 
face, placed herself on one of the 
cushions bv the side of her brother 
at alittle distance from, and in front 
of the organ, Then I asked per. 
mission of the Caliph to seat myself 
opposite my chest of drawers; and, 
at the same instant, I began to play, 
and to sing. The Caliph imme- 
diately heard those powerful and 
harmonious sounds imitating so 
completely flutes, horns, hautboys, 
and the human voice; when start- 
ing from his seat with wonder 
and delight, ‘¢ is it possible,’ said 
he, ‘* that these drawers are an 
instrument of music ?”’ ‘* Yes, my 
lord,”? replied I, ‘and I invented 
it to soften the severity of your 
prohibition.”? ‘* In prohibiting 
these assemblies,’’ said the Caliph, 
‘¢ T wished principally to prevent 
the celebrity and solemnity which 
the unién of different instruments 
and several voiees give to your 
ceremonies ; I did not foresee that 
there could be such an ingenious 
contrivance to abrogate my edict ; 
but it is but just,’’ added he, ‘that 
those who are compelled to obe- 
dience should be more inventive 
than their governors.’’ Saying 
these words, he turned towards 
Abassa, to ask her what she thought 
of this adventure. Immediately 
the most soothing and ‘delightful 
voice which had ever yet attra&ted 
my ear, requested him in expres- 
sions the most flattering for me, 
to recompense the author of so 
wonderful an invention.’’ ‘* Young 
man,’? said the Caliph, who then 
approached’ me, ‘*1 admire the 
arts and every species of talents ; 
thy person also pleases me. I de- 

be | aire 


480) 


sire to have the mechanism of this 
marvellous machine explained to 
me, and I charge myself with thy 
fortune: Thus,’? pursued he, ad. 
dressing himself to his sister, ‘ you 
shall be satisfied, Abassa; I shall 
keep the instrument and its in- 
ventor.”’ 

“© The very same day I was esta- 
blished in the palace. . I was fur- 
nished with an extensive apartment, 
a multitude ef slaves, and several 
magnificent presents. I had no fof 
tune, and I was charmed that I had 
acquired one with so much rapidity 
and singularity ; but I was not less 
struck with the despotism which 
this' prince mingled with his fa- 
vours, even those which were most 
distinguished. He had disposed of 
ge as of a slave, without consulting 
my inclinations, without conde- 
scending to inform himself whether 
any particular engagement might 
interfere with the desire he felt of 
attaching me to him. I made on 
this subjeét many melancholy re- 
- flections ; but I was young, with. 
_ Out experience, and dazzled with 

the brilliant qualities of the Caliph. 
In truth, he has very exalted ones. 
I shut my eyes against the terrible 
effects of his disposition and’ cha- 
ra¢ter, and delivered up my mind 
to the splendid prospeéts with which 
fortune and ambition presented 
me.’? The next day the Caliph 
sent for me, to explain to him the 
mechanism of my organ, While 
demonstrasing its principles, I 
perceived in a few minutes that he 
had no notion of the previous in- 
formation that was necessary to 
comprehend with facility the me- 
chanism of a machine somewhat 
complicared ; and, at the same time, 
had so much self-conceit as ta de- 
sire to conceal his ignorance. 

*© As he hasa fund of intelligence 


. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


and good sense, I could easily, by 
explaining to him some of the first 
principles, and by clearing up his 
doubts, have shewn him plainly 
what he wished to know; but he 
required a learned explanation ; he 
pretended to understand what it was 
impossible he could comprehend, 
so that my illustration was abso- 
lutely useless to him. He carried 
away with him only the secret 
persuasion that he had imposed on 
me on the subject of his instruétion ; 
and he left in my mind the chagrin 
of perceiving to what an extent of 
puerility may be strained the pride 
of the’ most enlightened of men, 
when their mind has been vitiated 
by along possession of unlimited 
dominion. 

‘« He made, however, of my organ, 
an use which was very grateful to 
me. The ambassadors of Charle- 
magne were then at his court, and 
the Caliph added my organ to the 
numerous presents with which he 
entrusted them for their master.?? 

Madame Genlis here informs her ° 
readers in a note, that the first or-° 
gan known in Europe was sent, as 
appears from history, to Charle. 
magne by the Caliph Aaron, 


Ox the Injustice of the Charges 
brought against the genuine Phi- 
losophers. From De la Croix’s 
French SpeGator. 


ACCORDING to those who 
suffer from our revolution, ail the 


‘errors, the atts of injustice. and 


the persecutions, which affliét the 
friends of humanity, are the work 
of philosophy. May it not be ase 
serted, with more truth, that it is 
because men have despised her 
lessons, and been deaf to her voice, 
that so many troubles and disasters 

have 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


have happened, which have brought 
desolation on town and country ? 
Has not philosophy assumed ali 
forms, and borrowed ali languages, 
in order to make our monarchs 
comprehend that they ought inces- 
santly to occupy themselves with 
the happiness of their subjects ; 
that, in sacrificing the public wel- 
fare to the desires of some indivi- 
duals, they did not even satisfy 
the avidity of their courtiers; that 
they exposed themselves to the risk 
of seeing extinguished in the hearts 
of their subjects that love which is 
so nataral to the people under their 
dominion, and which was the firmest 
‘support of their throne ? Were not 
the days of the author of Telema- 
chus poisoned with exile, because 
he dared to trace, under the eyes 
of Louis XIV. the duties of a 
great king ? Was not Racine over- 
whelmed with a load of disgrace, 
for having essayed to move the 
heart of the same prince to the 
misfortunes of his people ? 

Did not Voltaire, Montesquieu, 
Mably, Rousseau, in fine, all the 
philosophical and morai writers, 
use all their efforts to snatch Louis 
XY. from his scandalous indolence, 
and to sow in his frozen heart some 
seeds of virtue? What eulogies, 
even to exaggeration, have they 
not given to Henry IV. in order to 
excite the emulation ot his descend- 
ants, and to cause him to be re- 
vived in the heirs of his throne? 
The wisest counsels have been dis- 
dained, the best intentions calum- 
niated. Then the zeal of philoso- 
phy was irritated; she assumed 

‘the prophetic tone, and concluded 
with clearly announcing — those 
events which now strike our eyes 
and astonish our minds, ‘These 


truths appeared so improbable, that 


[487 


scarcely any attention was paid to 
them. In proof of my assertion, I 
only quote the following passage 
from Emilius: ** You trust to the 
existing order of society ; without 
reflecting that this order is subject 
to inevitable revolutions. The 
great become little, the rich be- 
come poor, the monarch becomes 
a subject. Arethe strokes of fate 
sO uncommon that you may ex- 
pet to be exempt from them ? 
We approach the state of crisis and 
the age of revolution; who can 
answer to you for what you will 
then become??? ‘To render this 
the more striking, the author adds 
in a note, ** I consider it as impos- 
sible that the great monarchies of 
Europe can have jong to last; all 
have shone, and every state which 
shines is near to its decline: I have 
more particular reasons for this 
maxim for my opinion; bat it is 
not my business to mention them, 
and every one sees them too 
plainly.” 

King, prelates, nobles, finan. 
ciers, was it possible more clearly 
to predict to you your present 
state ? Happily for him who fare- 
told your sudden fall, you only re. 
garded him with contempt. 

If the magistrates had not with 
inexorable insensibility reje€ted the 
maxims of the Beccarias, the Fi. 
langieris, and the Dupatys, and of 
all those who conjured them in the 
name of humanity to extend an 
equitable protection over innocence 
and wretchedness, would they not 
have found defenders in that na- 
tional assembly which destroyed 
their power? The nobles, so jea. 
lous of their quit-rents, their cor. 
vées, their right of the chace, and 
all those claims of servitude which 
degrade the inhabitant of the coun. 

li try, 


A88] 


try, have they not leagued against 
a minister who would have been 
the protector of their properties ? 
Far from voluntarily yielding to 
the voice of reason, and making 
slight sacrifices to the pubiic inte- 
yest, they have aggravated their 
vexations, and immolated men to 
the preservation of their animals ; 
yet, instead of reproaching their 
own injustice, and attributing to 
their pride and unfeeling sternness 
the vengeance of their former vas- 
sals, they impute it to philosopliy. 
Ah! let her no longer be calum- 
niated! she foresaw all our misfor- 
tunes, she braved and hazarded 
“persecution to avert them; but her 
efforts have been fruitless! Princes 
have more heavily burthened their 
people instead of relieving them ; 
the great have humbled instead of 
succouring them ; 
scandalized instead of edifying 
them; magistrates have outraged 
instead of protecting them. The 
moment of their power arrived. 
Then they recollefied nothing but 
the insults and sufferings which 
they had so long endured. If their 
vengeance has been terrible, it is 
not philosophy that has dire¢ted it; 
on the contrary, she has tried to 
alleviate its effeéts: but it has no 
more been in her power to stop the 
excesses at which she deeply groan- 
ed, than it was to realize the good 
which she proposed. 

"It is not during the flame of re- 
volutions that the voice of sages 
has any empire over the human 
passions. | What could the Ro- 
man orators-and philosophers do 
amidst the proseriptions of Sylla 
and the triumvirs? no more than 
the de ‘Phous and |’ Hospitais in the 
rage of the League. Could Fene- 


pontiffs have : 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


lon, Montesquieu, Voltaire, and 
Rousseau' himself, were they still 
living, by their discourses or writ- 
ings put astop to the sanguinary 
acts which tarnish our Irberty and 
excite the lamentation of our legis- 
lators ? Reduced to fruitless re- 
grets, we should see them resem- 
ble the pilot, who, during the 
fury of a horrible tempest, contem- 
plates with stupefattion the vessel 
which he can no longer govern. 
Let a single philosopher, worthy of 
the name, be mentioned to me, who 
has excited the people to murder 
and conflagration; who has not re- 
commended to them to be generous 
in victory, to respect legitimate 
property, to spare imbecility, to 
condemn the guilty by the rules of 
justice alone ! 


Of the Causes of the Increase of 
Crimes. From Colquhoun’s Treatise 
on the Police of the Metropolis. 


IN developing the causes which 
have so multiplied and increased 
those various offences and public: 
wrongs which are at present felt to 
press so hard upon society, it may 
be truly affirmed in the first in- 
stances, much is to be imputed to. 
deficient and inapplicable laws, and 
to an ill regulated police. 

Crimes of every description have 
their origin'in the vicious and im- 
moral habits of the people ;—in the 
want of attention to the education 
of the inferior orders of society ;— 
and in the deficiency of the system 
which has been established for 
guarding the morals of this useful 
class of the community. 

Innumerable temptations occur 
in a great capital where crimes are 

resorted 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


resorted-to, in order to supply ima- 
ginary wants and improper grati- 
fications, which are not knowa: in 
lesser societies ; and against which 
the iaws have provided few appli- 
cable remedies in the way of pre- 
vention. 

The improvident, and even the 
luxuriows mode of living which 
prevails too generally among various 
classes of the lower ranks of the 
people in the metropolis, leads to 
much misery and to many crimes, 

Accustomed from their earliest 
infancy to indulge themselves in 
eating many articles of expensive 
food in its season, and possessing 
little or no knowledge of that 
kind of frugality and care which 
enables well regulated families to 
make every thing to go as far as 
possible, by a diversified mode of 
cookery and goed management :-— 
Assailed also by the numerous 
temptations held out by fraudulent 
lotteries, and places of public re- 
sort and amusement; and above 
all, by the habit of spending a 
great deal of valuable time as well 
as money unnecessarily in public. 
houses ; and often ‘allured by low 
gaming, to squander more. than 
they can afford ;—there is scarce an 
instance of accommodating the in- 
come to the expenditure, even in 
the best of times, with a consider- 
able body of the lowest orders of the 
people inhabiting the capital: and 
hence a melancholy conclusion is 
drawn, warranted by a generally 
assumed faét, that above twenty. 
thousand individuals rise every 
Morning in this great metropolis, 
without knowing how, or by what 
means they are to be supported 
during the passing day, or where 
they are to lodge ow the succeeding 
night, 


[489 


Poverty is ne where to be found 
clothed in so great a degree with 
the gard and emolems ot the ex- 
tremest misery and wretchedness, 
as in Londen. 

Develope the history ofany given 
number of these miserable fellow- 
mortals, and their distresses will 
be found, almost in every instance, 
to have been occasioned by extra- 
vagance, idleness, profligacy, and 
crimes :—and tbat their chief sup. 
port is by thieving in a little 
way. 

Allured and deceived by the fa- 
cilities which the pawn-brokers 
and the old iron-shops hold out, 
in enabling the labouring people, 
when they marry, and first enter 
upon life in the metropolis, to raise 
money upon whatever can be of- 
fered as a pledge or for sale; the 
first step with too many, is gene- 
rally to dispose of wearing apparel 
and household goods, which 1s fre. 
quently done upon the least pres. 
sure, rather than forego the usual 
gratification of a good dinner or a 
hot supper.—Embarrassments are 
speedily the consequence of this 
line of conduét, which is too often 
followed up by idleness amd inac. 
tivity. The alehouse is di atin se 
as a desperate remedy ;—where t 
idle and dissolute will always 
find associates, who being unwil- 
ling to labour, resort to crimes for 
the purpose of supplying an un- 
necessary extravagance. 

It is truly melancholy to refle& 
upon the abject coméition of that 
numerous class of profligate pa- 
rents, who, with their children, 
are constantly to be found in the 
tap-rooms of public-houses, spending 
in two days as much of their earn. 
ings as would support thema week 
comfortably, in their own dwel- 

lings; 


Ago] 


lings ;—destroying their health ;— 
wasting their time, and rearing up 
their children to be prostitutes and 
thieves before they know that it is 
a crime. 

Soearly as the reign of QueenAnne, 
this abandoned and mischievous race 
of menscem to have attra¢ted the no- 
tice of the legislature in a very par- 
ticular degree, for the aé of* the 
gth of her majesty reciting ‘ that 


divers lewd and dissolute persons - 


live at great expences, having no 
visible estate, profession, or calling, 
to maintain themselves; but s sup- 
port these expences by garaing 
only ; and ena¢ts that any two jus. 

.tices may cause to be brought before 
them, all persons within their li- 
mits, whom they shall have just 
cause to suspect to have no visible 
estate, profession, or calling, to 
maintain themselves by, but who for 
the most part support themselves 
by gaming, and if such persons 
shall not make the contrary appear 
to such justices, they are to be 
bound to their good behaviour for 
a twelve month, and in default of 
- Sufficient security, to be committed 
to prison, until they can find 
the same, and if security shall be 
given, it will be forfeited.on their 
playing or betting at any one time 
for more than the value of twenty 
shillings,’ 

If in conformity to the spirit of 
this wise statute, sharpers of every 
denomination who support them- 
selves by a variety of cheating and 
swindling practices, without hav- 
ing any visible means of support, 
were in like manner to be called 
upon to find security for good he. 
haviour in all cases where they 
cannot shew they have the means 
ef subsisting themselves honestly, 
the number of these pests of society, 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1706. 


under an active and zealous magi~ 
stracy, would soon be diminished, 
if not totally annihilated. 

By the 12th of George theiSecond, 
“6 the games of Faro, Hazard, &c. 
are declared to be lctteries, ere 
jeCting the persons who keep them 
toa penalty af two hundred pounds, 
and those play, to fifty 
pounds,’’—One witness is only ne- 
cessary to prove the offence before 
apy justice of the peace, who for. 
feits ten pounds if he negle@s to 
do his duty. :—and by the 8th of 
George the First, ** the keeper of 
a Faro table may be prosecuted for 
a lottery, where the penalty is five 
hundred pounds.’* 

Such has been the anxiety of the 
legislature to suppress Faro tables 
and other games of chance, that 
the severest penalties have been 
infitted, founded on the fullest 
impression of the pernicious conse~ 
quences of such practices, and yet 
to the disgrace of the police of the 
metropolis, houses are opencd un- 
der the sanétion of high sounding 
names, where an indiscriminate 
mixture of all ranks are to be faund, 
from the finished sharper to the raw 
inexperienced youth, and where 
all those evils exist in full fosce 
which it was the object of the le- 
gislature to remove, 

When a species of gambling, 
ruinous to the merals and to the 
fortunes of the younger parts of 
the community who move in the 
middle and higher ranks of life, is 
suffered to be carried on in direét 
Opposition to a positive statute, 
surely blame must attach some. 
where! 

The idle vanity of being intro- 
duced into what is supposed to be 
genteel ‘society, where a fashion- 


able name announces an intentior: 
> of 


who 


: 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


-Of seeing company, has been pro- 
ductive of more domestic misery 
and more real distress, poverty, and 
wretchedness to families in this 
great metropolis (who but for their 
folly might have been easy and 
comfortable), than many volumes 
could detail. 

A mistaken sense of what con- 
stitutes human happiness, leads the 
mass of the people who have the 
means of moving, in any degree, 
above the middle ranks of life, into 
the fatal error of mingling in what 
is called genteel company, if that 
can be called such where Faro 
Tables and other games of hazard 
are introduced in private families. 
—Where the least recommendation 
(and sharpers spare no pains to ob- 
tain recommendations) admits all 
ranks who can exhibit a genteel 
exterior, and where the young and 
the inexperienced are initiated in 
every propensity tending to debase 
the human charaéter, and taught to 
view with contempt every acquire. 
ment connected with those duties 
which lead to domestic happiness, 
or to those objects of utility which 
can render either sex respectable in 
the world. 

To the horde of sharpers at pre- 
sent upon the town, these places of 
rendezvous furnish a most produc- 
tive harvest. 

, Many of this class, ruined per- 
haps themselves in early life in se- 
minaries of the same description, 
to which they foolishly resorted, 
when vanity predominated over 


[491 


prudence and discretion, have no 
alternative but to follow up the 
.same mischievous trade, and to 
prey upon the ignorant, the inex- 
perienced, and. the unwary, until 
they too see the fatal Selosion when 
it is too late. 

When such Sosa prac- 
tices are encouraged and san¢tioned 
by high-sounding names,—when 
sharpers and black-legs find an 
easy introduction into the houses 
of persons of fashion, who assem- 
ble in multitudes together for the 
purpose of playing at those most 
odious and detestable games of 
hazard, which the legislature has 
stigmatized with such marks of 
reprobation, it is time for the 
civil magistrate to step forward :— 
and.to feel, that in doing that duty 
which the laws of his country im- 
pose on him, he is perhaps saving 
hundreds of families from ruin and 
destruction, and preserving to the 
infants of thoughtless and deluded 
parents that property which is their 
birth-right : but which, for want 
of an energetic police in enforcing 
the laws made for the proteCtion. 
of this property, would otherwise 
have been lost, leaving nothing to 
console the mind but the sad re. 
flection, that with the loss of for- 
tune, those opportunities (in con. 
sequence of idle habits) were also 
lost of fitting the unfortunate suf. 
ferer for any reputable pursuit in 
life, by which an honest livelihood 
could be obtained, 


POETRY. 


[ 492 ] 


Be Qs ot Tks a 


ODE fer the NEW YEAR. 
By H. J. Pye, Esq. Poet-Laureat. 


Ts 
HERE is immortal Virtue’s meed, 
Th’ unfading wreath of true renown, 
Best recompense by Heaven decreed 
For all the cares that wait a crown; 
If Industry, with anxious zeal, | 
Still watehful o’er the Public Weal ; 
If equal Justice’ awful arm, 
Tempered by Mercy’s seraph charm, 
Are ineffectual to assuage | 
Remorseless Faction’s harpy rage? 
But the fell Demons, urg’d by Hell’s behest, : 
Threaten, with frantic arm, the royal Patriot’s breast ! 


aT: 
Yet not, Imperial George, at thee, 
Was the rude bolt of Malice sped, 
E’en fiends that Crown with rev’rence see 
Where Virtue consecrates th’ anointed head— 
No—at thy bosom’s fondest claim, 
Thy Britain’s peace, their shafts they aim. 
Pale Envy, while o’er half the world 
War’s bloody banners are unfurl’d, 
Beheld our coasts from ravage free, 
Protected by the guardian sea, 
Where Commerce spreads her golden stores, 
Where fleets waft triumph to our shores : 
She saw, and sick’ning at the sight, 
Wish’d the fair prospect of our hopes to blight ; 
Sought out the object of our dearest care, 
Found whese we most could feel, and try’d to wound us there. 


The 


PLOUE SPOR Oy: [493 


iif. 
- The broken shaft that coward Malice rear’d 
Shall to thy fame eternal lustre give, 
Inscribe on Hist’ry’s page thy name rever’d, 
-And bid it there with endless blazon live. 
For there our sons’ remotest race, 
In deathless charaéters, shall trace 
How Britain’s baffled foes proclaim’d their hate, 
And deem’d her Monarch’s life the bulwark of the state. 


IV. 

Now strike a livelier chord—This happy day, 

Selected from the circling year 

To celebrate a name to Britain dear, 
From Britain’s sons demands a festive lay. 
Mild Sov’reign of our Monarch’s soul, 
Whose eyes meck radiance can controul 
The pow’rs of Care, and grace a throne 
With each calm joy to life domestic known, 
Propitious Heav’n has o’er thy head 
Blossoms of richer fragrance shed 
Than all th’ assiduous Muse can bring, 
Cull’d from the honey’d stores of Spring : 
For see, amid wild Winter’s hours 

A Bud its silken folds display, 
Sweeter than all the chalic’d flow’rs 

That crown thine own ambrosial May. 
O may thy smiles, blest infant, prove 
Omens of concord, and of love! 

Bid the loud strains of martial triumph cease, 

And tune to softer mood the warbling reed of Peace. 


ODE on His MAJESTY’S Birth-Day, Fune 4, 179%. 
By H, J. Pre, Esq. Poet-Lanreat, 


dy 
HERE are the vows the Muses breath'd, 
_ That Discord’s fatal reign might cease ? 

Where all the blooming flow’rs they wreath’d, 

To bind the placid brow of Peace ; 

Whose angel-form, with radiant beam, 

Pictur’d in Fancy’s fairy dream, 

Seem’d o’er Europa’s ravag’d land, 

Prompt to extend her influence bland. 
Calm the rude clangors of the martial lay, 
And hail with gentler note our Monarch’s natal day } 

; For 


‘ 


494} ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 
. IL. 


For, lo! on yon devoted shore, 
Still through the bieeding ranks of war, 
His burning axles steep’d in gore, 
Ambition drives his iron car, 
Still his eyes, in fury roll’d, 
Glare on fields by arms o’errun; 
Still his hands rapacious hold 
Spoils injurious inroad won ; 
And, spurning with indignant frown 
The sober olive’s proffer’d crown, 
Bids the brazen trumpet’s breath 
Swell the terrific blast of destiny and death, 
a 
Hit. 
Shrinks Britain at the sound? Though, while her eye 
O’er Europe’s desolated plains she throws, 
Slow to avenge, and mild in victory, 
She mourns the dreadful scene of war and woes : 
Yet, if the foé, misjudging, read 
Dismay in Pity’s gentlest deed, 
And, construing mercy into fear, 
The blood-stain’d arm of battle rear, 
By insult rous’d, in just’resentment warm, 
She frowns defiance on the threat’ning storm ; 
And, far as Ocean’s billows roar, 
By every wave-encircled shore, 
From where o'er icy seas the gaunt wolf roves, 
To coasts perfum’d by aromatic groves ; 
As proudly to the ambient sky 
Tn silken folds her mingled crosses fly ; 
The soothing voice of Peace is drown’d 
A while in war’s tumultuous sound, 
' Andstrains, from Glory’s awful clarion blown, 
Float in triumphant peal around Eritannia’s throne. 


\ 


A beautiful SPRING in a VILLAGE. 
From Poems by S, T. Coreripet. 


(yt more, sweet stream, with slow foot wand’ring nearp , 
1 bless the milky waters, cold and clear. 

Escap’d the flashing of the noontide hours 

With-one fresh garland oj Pierian flowers 

(Ere from thy Zephyr-haunied brink I turn) 

My ianguid hand stall wreath thy mossy urn 3” 

For, not through pathless grove with murmur rude, 


Thou soothest the sad wood-nymph SOLITURGs 


Pe ORE) BAY, [405 


Nor thine, unseen in cavern depths to dwell, 
The Hermit_fountain of some dripping cell !— 
Pride of the vale, thy useful streams supply 

The scatter’d cots and peaceful hamlet nigh. 
The Elfin tribe around thy friendly banks, 

With infant uproar, and soul-scothing pranks, 
Releas’d from school, théir little hearts at rest, 
Launch paper navies on thy waveless breast. 
The rustic here ateve, with pensive look 
Whistling lorn ditties, leans upon his crook, 
Oz, starting, pauses with hope-mingled dread, 
To list the much-lov’d maid’s accustom’d tread ; 
She, vainly mindful of her dame’s command, 
Loiters—the long-fill’d pitcher in her hand. 
Unboastful stream, thy font with pebbled falls 
The faded ferm of past delight recalls, 

What time the morning sun of Hope arose, 

And all was Joy, save when another’s woes 

A transient gloom upon my soul imprest— 

Like passing clouds impictur’d on thy breast ? 
Life’s current then ran sparkling to the noon, : 
Or, silv’ry stole beneath the pensive moon. 

Ah now it works rude brakes and thorns among— 
Or o’er the rough rock bursts, and foams along! 


To Mes. Bisuor, with a Pocket Locking-Glass. Written by the late Rew. 
Mr. Bisuoe, Master of Merchaut-Tailors’ School. 


O you, dear Wife {and all must grant 
A wife no common confidante), 
I dare my secret soul reveal, 
Whate’er I think, whate’er I feel; 
This verse, for instance, I design 
Yo mark a female friend of mine, 
Whom long with passion’s warmest glee, 
I’ve seen, and could for ever see. 
But hear me first describe the dame ; 
If candour then can blame me—blame. 
I’ve seen her charm, at forty, more 
Than half her sex at twenty-four; 
Seen her, with equal power aud ease, 
Draw right to rule, from will to please; 
Seen her so frankly give, and spare 
At once, with so discreet a care, | 
As if her sense, and her’s alone, . 
Could limit bounty like her own; 
Seen her, in Nature’s simplest guise, 
‘Above arts, airs, and fashions, rise: 
“And, when her peers she had surpass’d, 
Improve upon herself at last 3 


Seen 


496] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Seen her, in short, in ev’ry part, 

Discernment, temper, figure, heart, 

So perfe@t, that ’till Heav’n remove her ! 

I must admire, court her, love her. 
Molly, I speak the thing I mean ; 

So rare a woman I have seen ; 

And send this honest glass, that you 

Where’er you please, may see her too! 


‘LEN O R A. 
A BALLAD, FROM BURGER. 


From the Monthly Magazine. 


Fhe following translation (made some years since) of a celebrated piece, of 
which other versions have appeared, possesses so much peculiar and intrin= 
sic merit, that we have given it the preference in this Seleétion. 


De break of day, with frightful dreams 
Lenora struggled sore : 
My William, art thou slain, say’d she, 

Or dost thou love no more? 


He went abroade with Richard’s host, 
The Paynim foes to quell : 

But he no word to her had writ, 
An he were sick or well. 


With sowne of trump, and beat of drum, 
His fellow-soldvers come; 

Their helmes bydeckt with oaken boughs, 
They seek their long’d-for home. 


And ev’ry roade and ev’ry Iane 
Was full of old and young, 

To gaze at the rejoicing band, 
To hail with gladsome toung. 


*© Thank God!’ their wives and children saide, - 
** Welcome !’? the brides did saye : ' 

But greete or kiss Lenora gave 
To none upon that daye. 


She askte of all the passing traine, 
For him she wisht to see: 

But none of all the passing traine 
Could tell if lived hee. 


And when the soldyers all were bye, 
She tore her raven haire, 
And cast herself upon the growne 
In furious despaire. Her 


POET RY. [497 


Her mother ran and lyfte her up, 
And clasped in her arme, 

©© My child, my child, what dost thou ail? 
God shield thy lite from harm !”? ¥ 


“* © mother, mother, William’s gone! 
- What’s all besydes to me? 
There is no mercye, sure, above! 

All, all were spar’d but hee !”’ 


‘© Knell downe, thy paternoster saye, 
*T will calm thy troubled spright : 
The Lord is wyse, the Lord is good ; 
What hee hath done is right.’’ 

** O mother, mother! say not so; 
Most cruel is my fate : 

i prayde, and prayde; but watte avayl’d? 
*Tis now, alas! too late.’’ 

“* Our Heav’nly Father, if we praye, 
Will help a suff’ring childe : 

Go take the holy sacrament ; 
So shall thy grief grow milde.”” 


“* O mother, what I feel within, 
No sacrament can staye ; 

No sacrament can teche the dead 
To bear the sight of daye.”’ 


“* May be, among the heathen folk 
Thy William f2Jse doth prove, 
And puts away his faith and troth, 

And takes another love. - 


Then wherefore sorrow for his loss ? 
Thy moans are all in vain: 

And when his soul and body parte, 
His falsehode brings him paine,’’ 

** O mother, mother! gone is gone: 
My hope is all forlorne : 

The grave mie onlye safeguarde is— 
O, had I ne’er been borne ! 


Go out, go out, my lampe of life ; ’ 
In grislie darkness die : 
There is no mercye, sure above! 
For ever let me die.’’ 
** Almighty God! O do not judge 
My poor unhappy child ; 
She knows not what her lips pronounce, 
Her anguish makes her wilde. 
Vor. XXXVILL, © Kk My 


498 | 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


My girl, forget thie earthly woe, 
And think on God and bliss ; 

For so, at least, shall not thy soule 
Its heavenly bridegroom miss.” 


‘© © mother, mother! what is blisse, 
And what the ftendis celle? 

With him ’tis heaven any where, 
Without my William, helle. 

“© Go ont, go out, my lamp of life ; 
In endless darkness die : 

Without him J must loathe the earth, 
Without him scorne the skye.’’ 


And so despaire did rave and rage 
Athwarte her boiling veins ; 
Against the Providence of Heaven 
She hurlde her impious strains. 


She bet her breaste, and wrung her hands, 
And rollde her tearlesse eye, 

From rise of morn, till the pale stars 
Again did freeke the skye. 


When harke! abroade she hearde the trampe 
Of nimble-hoofed steed ; . : 
She hearde a knighte with clank alight, 
And climb the staire in speede. 


And soon she herde a tinkling hande, 
That twirled at the pin ; 

And thro’ her door, that open’d not, 
These words were breathed in, 


«© What ho! what ho! thy dore undee ; 
Art watching or asleepe ? 

My love, dost yet remember mee, 
And dost thou laugh or weep ?”” : 


«¢ Ah! William herve so late at night! 
Oh! I have watchte and wak’d : 

Whence dost thou come? For thy return 
My herte has sorely ak’d.”’ 


** At midnight only we may ride ; 
I come o’er Jand and sea : 

I mounted late, but soone I go ; 
Aryse, and come with me.’’ 


«© © William, enter first my bowre, 
And give me ene embrace : 
The blasts athwarte the hawthorne hiss ; 
Awayte a little space.’’ 
«ce The 


BOBO DT) R WY: 


t¢ The blasts athwarte the hawthorn hiss, 
I may not harboure here ; 

My spurre is sharpe, my courser pawes, 
My houre of flighte is nere. 


‘© All as thou lyest upon thy couch, . 
Aryse, and mounte behinde ; 

To-night we’le ride a thousand miles, 
The bridal bed to finde.’’ 


*© How, ride to-night a thousand miiles > 
Thy love thou dost bemocke : 

Eleven is the stroke that still 
Rings on within the clocke.’’ 


** Look up ; the moon is bright, and we 
Outstride the earthlie men: 

T’ll take thee to the bridal bed, 
And night shall end but then.’? 


«s And where is, then; thy house and home ; 
And where thy bridal bed ?”’ 

‘* *Tis narrow, silent, chilly; dark ; 
Far hence I rest my head.’” 


‘© And is there any room for mee; 
Wherein that I may creepe ?”” 

«« There’s room enough for thee and mee; 
Wherein that we may sleepe. 


* All as thou ly’st upon thy couch, 
Aryse, no longer stop; 

The wedding guests thy coming waite, 
The chamber dore is ope.’’ 


All in her sarke, as there she lay; 
Upon his horse she sprung : 

And with her lily hands so pale, 
About her William clung: 


And hurry-skurry forth they go, 
Unheeding wet or dry ; 

And horse and rider snort and blow, 
And sparkling pebbles fly. 


How swift the flood, the mead, the wood, 
Aright, aleft, are gone! 

The bridges thunder as they pass, 
But earthlie sowne is none. 


Tramp, tramp, across the land they speede ; 
Splash, splash, across the see ; 
*€ Hurrah!”’ the dead can ride apace ; 
Dost feare to side with mee ?’’ 
Kkz 


[499 


Khe 


500] ANNUAL: REGISTER, 1796. 


The moone is bryghte, and blue the nyghte ; 
Dost quake the blast to stem ? 

Dost shudder, mayde, to seeke the dead ?’” 
*« No, no, but what of them? 


How giumlie sownes yon dirgye song ! 
Night-ravens flappe the wing, 

What knell doth slowlie toll ding-dong ? 
The psalmes of death who sing ? 


It crceps, the swarthie funeral traine, 
The corse is onn the beere ; 

Like croke of todes from lonely moores, 
The chaunte doth meet the eere.’’ 

« Go, bear her corse when midnight’s past, 
With song, and tear, and wayle ; 

I’ve got my wife, I take her home, 
My howre of wedlocke hayl. 


Lead forth, O clarke, the chaunting quire, 
‘To swell our nuptial song: 
Come, prieste, and reade the blessing scone ; 


For bed, for bed we long.’’ 


They heede his calle, and husht the sowne ; 
The biere was scene no more ; 

And followde him ore feelde and flood 
Yet faster than before. 


Hallo! hallo! away they goe, 
Unheeding wet or drye; 

And horse and rider snort and blowe, : 
And sparkling pebbles flye, 

How swifte the hill, how swifte the dale, 
Aright, aleft, are gone! 

By hedge and tree, by thorpe and towne, 
THey gallop, gallop on. 

‘Framp, tramp, across the land they speede 5 
Spiash, splash, acrosse the sea; 

*¢ Hurrah! the dead-can ride apace ; 
Dost fear to ride with mee ? 

Look up, leok up, an airy crewe - 
In roundel daunces reele : 

The moohe is bry ghte, and blue the nyghte, 
Mayst dimlie see them wheele. 

Come to, come to, ye gostlie crew, 
Come to, and follow mee, 

And daunce for us the wedding daunce, 
When we in bed shal] be.” . 

Ard 


POQipywr Ray, \. Poon 


And brush, brush, brush, the ghostlie crew, 
Come wheeling o’er their heads, 

All rustling like the wither’d leaves, 
That wyde the wirlwind spreads, 


Halloo! halioo! away they go, 
Unheeding wet or dry ; 

And hosse and rider snort and blowe, 
And sparkling pebbies flye. 

And all that in the moonshyne lay, 
Behynde them fled afar; 

And backwarde scudded overhead 
The sky and every star. 


Tramp, tramp, across the lande they speede ; 
Splash, splash, across the sea; : 
** Hurrah! the dead can ride apace; 
Dost fear to ride with mee? 


I weene the cock prepares to crowe; 
The sand will soone be runne: 

I snuffe the earlye morning aire ; 
Downe, downe! our work is done. 


The dead, the dead can ryde apace ; 
Oure wed-bed here is fit: 

Oovre race is ridde, our journey ore, 
Oure endlesse union knit. 


And lo! an yren-grated grate 
Soon biggens to their viewe: 

He crackte his whyppe ; the clangynge boltes, 
The doores asunder flewe. 


They pass, and ’twas on graves they trode : 
«* Tis hither we are bounde :” 

And many a tombstone gostlie white 
Lay inn the moonshyne round. 


And when hee from his steede alytte, 
His armour, black as cinder, 

Did moulder, moulder-all awaye, 
As were it made of tinder. 


His head became a naked scull ; 
Nor haire nor eyne had hee, 
His body grew a skeleton, 
Whilome so blythe of blee. 
And att his drye and boney heele 
No spur was left to be; 
And inn his witherde hande you might 
The scythe and hour-glasse see, © 


Kk3 And 


507] 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


And lo! his steede did thin to smoke, 
And charnel fires outbreathe; 

And pal’d, and bleach’d, then vanish’d quite 
The mayde from undernethe. 


' 


And hollow howlings hung in aire, 

And shrekes from vaults arose. 
Then knew the mayde she might no more 
' Her living eyes unclose. 


But onwarde to the judgement-seat, 
Thro’ myste and moonlighte dreare, 
The gostlie crewe their flyghte persewe, 

_ And hollowe in her eare:— 


«* Be patient; tho’ thyne herte shoulde breke, 
Arrayne not Heven’s decree ; 

Thou nowe art of thie bodie refte, 
Thie soule forgiven bee!’’ 


Mr. SuRREBUTTER’s Commencement in his Legal Guseist From the 


Was wont to draw instead of Pleas; 
7. 


PLeapER’s GUIDE, @ DidaGic Poem in tewo books. 


HOE’ER has drawn a Special Plea, 
Has heard of old Tom Tewkesbury, 

Deaf as a post, and thick as Mustard, ; 
He aim’d at Wit, and bawl’d and plsterd, 
And died a Nisi prins Leader— 
That Genius was my SpeciaL PLEADER— 
That great man’s office I attended, 
By Hawk and Buzzarp recommended, 
Attornies both of wond’rous skill 
To pluck the Goose and drive the Quill ; 
Three years I sat his smoky room in, 
Pens, paper, ink, and pounce consuming. 
The fourth, when Essoign Day begun, 
Joyful I hail’d th’ auspicious ei 
Bade TewxesBury and Clerk adieu, 
(Purification, Eighty-two) 
Of both 1 wash’d my hands ; and though 
With nothing for my cash to shew, 
But Precedents so scrawl’d and blurr’d, 
I scarce could read one single word, 
Nor in my bocks of Common Place 
One feature of the law could trace, 
Save Buzzarp’s nose and visage thin, 
And tiawk’s deficiency of Chin, 
Which I while lolling at my ease 


POETRY. [503 


My chambers ! equipt complete, — 
Made Friends, hir’d Books, and gave to eat; 
If haply to regale my friends on, 
My Mother sent a haunch of Ven’son, 
I most respegtfully intreated 
The choicest Company to eat it, 
Towit, old Buzzarv, Hawk, andCrow, 
Item, Tom THornsaAck, SHark, and Co. 
Attorneys all as keen and staunch 
As e’er devour’d a Client’s haunch ; 
Nor did I not their Clerks invite 
To taste said ven’son hash’d at night, 
For well I knew that hopefgl Fry 
My rising merit would descry, - 
The same litigious course pursue, 
And when to fish of prey they grew, 
By love of food and contest led, 
Would haunt the spot where once they fed; 
Thus having with due circumspection 
Form’d my professional connexian, 
My desk with precedents I[ strew’d, | 
Turn’d critic, danc’d, or penn’d an ode, 
Studied the Tox, became a free 
And easy man of Gallantry : 
‘But if while capering at my Glass, 
Or toying with some fav’rite Lass, 
I heard the aforesaid Hawk a coming, 
Or Buzzarp on the stair-case humming, 
At once the fair angelic maid 
Into my Coal-hole 1 convey’d, 
At once with serious look profound, 
Mine eyes commercing with the ground, 
I seem’d like one estrang’d to sleep, 
«© And fix’d in cogitation deep,’’ 
Sat motionless, and in my hand I 
Held my Doé?rina Placitandi, 
And though I never read a page in’t, 
Thanks to that shrewd well.judzing Agent, 
My Sister’s husband, Mr. Suark, 
Soon got six Pupils and a Clerk, 
Five Pupile were my stint, the other 
I took to compliment his Mother ; 
All round me came with ready money 
Like Hybla bees surcharg’d with honey, 
Which, as they press’d it so genteelly, 
And begg’d me to accept so freely, 
Seem’d all so fond of Spec1aL PLEADING, 
And all so certain of succeeding, 
K k 4 I, who 


504} ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706, 


I, who am always all compliance, ~ » 

As well to Pupils as to Clients, 

Took as genteelly as they paid it, 

And freely to my purse convey’d it ; 

That I might prattically shew, 

And they in specie/ manner know 

Ere they began their Pleas to draw, 
«What an Assumpsir meant in Law— 

To wit, for divers weighty suis 

Of lawful cash at Pleader’s Rooms, 

By me said Pleader, as was prudent, 

Had and received to use of Student ; 

In short, I aéted as became me, 

And where’s the Pleader that can blame me ? 

Not one of all the trade, that I know, 

E’er fails to take the Ready-rino, 

Which haply, if this purse receive, 

No human art can e’er retrieve. 

Sooner—when Gallia’s credit’s flown 

To some Uropiaz world unknown, 

AstrEa shall on earth remain 

The last of the celestial train, 

To tender Assiguats at Par 

Triumphant in the Champ de Mar’, 

- And when their deep-laid projects fail, 

And Guilltines no more avail, 
Her baffled Statesmen shall excise 

; Some new found region in the skies, 
And tow’ring in an air balloon, 
Pluck Reguisitions from the Moon ;— 

_ Sooner the daring wights who go 
Down to the watery world below, 
Shall force old Neptune to disgorge 
And vomit up the Royat Grorce;— 
Than He who hath his bargain made 
And legally his cash convey’d, 

Shall e’er his pocket reimburse, 
By diving in a Lawyer’s Purse. 


Address to Forgetfulness. From Merry’s Pains of Memory. A Poem. 


HOU too, forgetfulness! whose opiate charm 
Can hush the passions, and their rage disarm; 
Approzch, O kindly grant thy suppliant, aid! 
Wrap hiza in sweet oblivion’s placid shade ; 
Veil the gay, transitory scenes that fled 
Like gleamy sunshine o’er the mountain’s head; 
Sink in the dark abyss of endless night = 


The 


Po Oy Et Pe heey, [505 


The artificial phantoms of delight ; 

Nor let his early ign’rance, and mistake, 

The sober bliss of age and reason shake. 

Hide from his heart each suff’ ring country’s woe, | 
And o’er its chains thy cov’ring mantle throw ; 
Hide yon deluded agonizing train, 

Who bleed by thousands on the purple plain ; 
Their piercing cries, their dying groans controul, 
And lock up all the feelings of his soul. 
Shield him from slander’s persecuting race, 
Who seek to wound, and Jabour to disgrace, 
Who view the humblest worth with jealous eye, 
The viper brood of black malignity ! 

So shall, perchance, content with thee return, 
?Mongst vernal sweets to raise his wintry urn; 
To his retreat tranquillity repair, 

<© And freedom dwell a pensive hermit there.” 
O! in retirement may he rest at last, 

The present, calm, forgotten all the past 
Beside the babbling brook at twilight’s close, 
Taste the soft solace of the mind’s repose ; 
List the lorn nightingale’s impressive lay, 
‘That soothes the evening of retiring May, 
When the young moon her paly flag displays, 

~ And o’er the stream the panting zephyr strays ; 
No heedless hours recall’d, no festive roar, 
That once deluded, but can please no more ; 
No wild emotions bid his comforts cease, 

Or from his cottage drive the angel peace ; 
Nor vain ambition tempt his thoughts anew, 
But still preserve the friendship of the few ; 
Still, still preserve the fond domestic smile, 
Of her, whose voice can ev’ry care beguile ; 
With meek philosophy his hours employ, 

Or thrilling Poetry’s delicious joy ; 

And from the faded promises of youth, 

Retain the love of liberty and truth. 


SONNET. 
Sacred to the Memory of Penelope. By Sir Brook Boothby, Bart. 


HOUGH since my date of woe long years have roll’d, 
Darkness ne’er draws the curtains round my head, 
Nor orient morning opes her eyes of gold, 
But grief pursues my walks, or haunts my bed. 
Visions, in sleep, their tristful shapes unfold ; 


Show Misery living, Hope and Pleasure dead, 
Pale 


506] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


Pale shrouded beauty, kisses faint and cold, 

Or murmur words the parting angels said. 

Thoughts, when awake, their wonted trains renew 5 
With all their stings my tortured breast asfail ; 

Her faded form now glides before my view ;.- 

Her plaintive voice now floats upon the gale. 

The hope how vain, that time should brirg relief? 
Time does but deeper root a real grief. 


DESCRIPTION OF THE PERSON AND HABITATION OF DESPAIR. 


Froza Scuthey’s\ Foan of Arc. An Epic Poem, . 


AN aged man 
Sat near, seated on what in long-past days 
Had been some sculptured monument, now fall’n 
And half. obscured by moss, and gathered heaps 
Of withered yew-leaves and earth-mouldering bones : 
And shining in the ray was seen the track 
Of slimy snail obscene. Composed his look, 
His eye was large and rayless, and fix’d full 
Upon the Maid; the blue flames on his face 
Stream’d a drear light; his face was of the hue 
Of death: his limbs were mantled in a shroud. 
Then with a deep heart-terrifying voice, 
Exclaim’d the speétre, ‘f Welcome to these realms, 
These regions of Drsparr! O thou whose steps 
By Grier conducted to these sad abodes 
Have picrc’d ; welcome, welcome to this gloom 
Eternal ; to this-everlasting night ; 
Where never morning darts the enlivening ray, 
Where never shines the sun, but all is dark, 
Dark as the bosom of their gloomy king !’? 
Sa saying he arose, and by the hand 
The virgin seized with such a death-cold touch 
As froze her very heart ; and drawing on, 
Her, to the abbey’s inner ruin, led 
Resistless : through the broken roof. the moon 
Glimmer’d a scatter’d ray : the ivy twin’d 
Round the dismantled column : imaged forms 
Of saints and warlike chiefs, moss-eanker’d now 
And mutilate, Jay strewn upon the ground ; 
With crumbled fragments crucifixes fallen, 
And.rusted traphies ; and amid the heap 
Some monument’s defaced legend spake 
All human glory vain. | ; 
1's Blotas The loud blast roar’d 
Amid the pile; and from the tower the owl 


FACE BoP MR [507 


Scream’d as the tempest shook her secret nest. 
He, silent, led her en, and often paus’d 

And pointed, that her eye might contemplate 
At leisure the drear scene. 


THE SORROWS OF SUNDAY; an Exzecy. 


From the Royal Tour, or Weymouth Amusement. By Peter Pindar; Esq. 
The intended Annihilatisn of Suvday’s armless Amusement, by three or 
Jour mast cutrageously zealous Members of Parliament, gave birth ts the 
following Elegy pe The Hint is borrowed froma sonal compasitioe intituled 
& The Tears of Old May-Day.”’ 


ILD was the breath of morn: the blushing sky 
Receiv’d the lusty youth with golden hair, 
Rejoicing in his race, to run, to fly ; 
As Scripture says, ‘‘ a bridegroom débonnaire ;”” 


When, full of tears, the decent Sunday rose, 

And wonder’d sad on Kensington’s fair green : 
Down in a chair she sunk with all her woes, 

And touch’d with tenderest sympathy, the scene. 


«© O hard Sir Richard Hill!’’ exclaim’d the dame ; 
© Sir William Dolben, cruel man!’? quoth she ; 

s¢ And Mr. Wilberforce, for shame! for shame ! 
To spoil my little weekly jubilee. 


s¢ Ah! pleas’d am I the humble folk to view ; 
Enjoying harmless talk, and sport, and jest ; 

Amid these walks their footsteps to pursue, 
Tosce them smiling, and so trimly drest. 


© Since the Lord rested on the seventh day, 
Which sheweth that Omnipotence was tir’d; 

As Moses, in old times, was pleas’d to say, 
(And Moses was most certainly inspir’d ;) 

6€ Why should not man too rest ?”? * No!’ cries Sir Dick ; 
€ At brother Rowland’s let him knock his knees, 

Pray, sweat, and groan; of this damn’d world be dick j 
Of mangy morals crack the lice and fleas ; 


* Break Sin’s vile bones—pull Satan by the nose ; 
Scrub, with the soap and sand of Grace, the soul : 
Give unbelief, the wretch, a rat’s-bane dose ; 
And stop, ‘with malkins of rich Faith, each hole. 


€ Spit in foul Drunkenness’s beastly mug ; 

Kill, with sharp prayers, each offspring of the Devil ; 
‘Give to black blasphemy a Cornish hug ; 

And box, with bats of Grace, the ears of Evil. si 
Susan, the constant slave to mop and broom ; 


And Marian, to the spit’s and kettle’s art ; 
Ah! 


Ab! shalt not they desert the house’s gloom, 
Breathe the fresh air oné moment, and look smart ? 


«* Meet, im some rural scene, a Colir’s smile ; 
| 


508] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1708.. | 
| 
] 


With Love’s soft stories wing the happy hour ; 
Drop in his dear embraces from the stile, 
And share his. kisses in the shady bowe? ?’’ 


** No ;”’ roars the Huntingtonian Priest—** No, no? 
Lovers are liars—Love’s a damned trade; 

Kissing is Camnable—to hell they go— 

’ The Devii’s claws await the rogue and jade. 

“¢ My chapel is the purifying places 
There let them go to wash their sins away ; 

There, from my hand, to pick the crumbs of grace, 
Smite their poor sinful craws, and howl, and pray.’ 


¢* How hard, the lab*ring hands no rest should know, 
But toil six days beneath the galling load, 

Poor souls! and then the seventh be torc’d to go, 
And box the Devil in Biackfriars Road. 


«¢ Heaven. gloricth not in phizzes of dismay ; 
Heaven takes no pleasure in perpetual sobbing ; 
Consenting freely, that ory fav’rite day 
May have her tea and roils, and hob and nobbing, 
** Insooth, the Lord is pleas’d when man is blest ; 
And wisheth not his blisses to blockade ; 
*Gainst tea and coffve ne’er did he protest, 
Enjoy’d, in gardens, by the men of trade. 


** Sweet is White Conduit-hause, and Bagnigge-wells, 
Chalk-farm, where Primrose-hill puts forth her smile ; 

And Don Saltero’*s, where much wonder dwells, 
Expelling work-day’s matrimonial bile. 


© Life with the down of cygnets may be clad! 
Ah! why not make her path a pleasant track ; 
** No!” cries the Pulpit Terrorist, how nad ! 
** No! Jet the world be one huge hedge-hog*s back.” 
** Vice (did his rigid mummery succeed) 
Too soon would smile amid the sacred walls ; 
Wenus, in tabernacles, make her bed ; 
And Paphos find herself amid St. Paui’s. 


*¢ Avaunt, Hypocrisy, the solemn jade, 
Who, wilful, into ditches leads the blind : 

Makes of her canting art, a thriving trade, 
And fattens on the follies of mankind ! 


** Look at Archbishops, Bishops, on a Fast, 


Denying hackney-coachmen e’en their heer; » 
Yet, 


ROLRY BER ae: £508 


Yet, lo! their butchers knock, with flesh repast 
With turbots, lo! the fishmongers appear ! 


“<< The pot-boys howi with porter for their bellies ; 
The bakers knock, with custards, tarts, and pies 5 

Confectioners, with rare ice-creams and jellies ; 
The freiterer, lo, with richest pine supplies! 

<* Ta secret, thus, they eat, and booze, and nod; 
In public call indulgence a damn’d evil ; 

Order their simple flocks to walk with God, 
And ride themselves an airing with the Devil.” 


‘THE MAN OF METHOD. 


From the Pursuits 6f Literature. A Satirical Poem. 


HERE liv’d a Scholar late {2) of London fame, 
A Doétor(d}, and Morosophos(c) his name: 
From ail the pains of study freed long since, 
Far from a Newton, and not quite a(d) Vince; 
In metaphysics bold would spread his sails, 
And with Monboddo still believ’d (¢) in tails ; 
At anatomic Jore would sometimes peep 


And call Earle(/) useful, Abernethy (g) deep; 
With 


(2) When I am very particular in the description of the character, I abstain from 
giving the least hint of a real name. “ Quis rapiet ad se quod erit commune omnium? 
or in Le Sage’s inimitabie language, “ qui se fera connoitre mala propos?” I only 
give this as A Character, and say no more. 

(6) The word and tide of “ Docror” is miserably abused. Erasmus long ago, in 
an Epistle from Louvain, in 1520 to the celebrated Cardinal Campeggio, observed, 
with some indiynation, “ Unde Docroris titulo gloriantur, nisi ur poceanT?” Erasms 
Epist. Ed. Lond. Foi. 662. I wish this were written in large characters over the 
door of the Theatre at Oxford, and the Senate-House at Cambridge. 

{¢) Morosophos, i. e. Stult? sapiens But more presently of Dr. Morosornos, 
the Mun of Method. 


(¢) A icarned and useful Professor of Natural Experimenta! Philosophy at Cam- 
bridge. See his’ Works. j 

(e) Ali the learned world know sow Lord Monboddo believed, and stili believes, 
that men had once tails depending from the gaéle end of their bodies, supposing then 
to go upon all fours. 

(f/) James Earle, Esq. Senior Surgeon at St, Bartholomew’s Hospital, and Editor of 
the celebrated Percivat Pott’s Works, I have been informed that the notes which 
Mr. Earle has added are valuable; nor would I pass in silence the treatises he 
has given to the world in his own name, the resuit of extensive practice and ol s*r- 
vation. ‘ - 

) A young Surgeon of an accurate and philosophical spirit of investigation, from 
whose genius and Jabours I am led to think, that the medical art nod natural science 
will hereafter receive great accessions. 


(4) The 


510] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


With Symonds, and with Grafton’s Duke (4) would vies — 
A Dilletante in Divinity ; 
A special clerk for method and for plan, 
‘Through sezence by the alphabet he ran. 
Prodent, as Newton, .in domestic care, 
With no Scriblerian (7) scruples for his Heir; 
He tock, not e’en in thought inciin’d to rove, 
A wife for regularity, not love. 
A little architect in all his schemes, 
Some say, he had @ method in his dreams. 
Three sessions in the House he daily toil’d, 
In every plan, in every mosiov foil’d ; 
Till like grave Nicholls in pet he swore, 
“© Tell move myself; the House I move no more ;’’ 
Then penn’d to Pitt his monitory sttain, (4) 
VAs Murray, clear, and as fond Randolph, plain. 


Resoly’d on ease, his travels were at home, 
And Lum’sden (/) tanght him to converse of Rome: 
The arch Palladian and the Parian stone 
He lov’d, the pride of Chambers and of Soane. (m) 
But late, by Carter’s (7) Aoly pencil won, 
Wyatr and Gothick feresy would shun ; 
And 


(4) ‘The Duke of Grafton the Chancellor, and John Symonds, L.L.D. Professor 
of Modern History in the University of Cambridge, have both attraéted the public 
attention by their various Hints and Observations on subjects of Scripture, 

(i) See the Memvirs of Martinus Scriblerus, chap, 1. How Dr. Cornelius eb- 
served all the rules given by the ancients to those who desire to generate children 
of wit, which Dr. Morosophos magnanimously disregarded. He neither cared for 
the South or the West Wind. 

(é) The three great, yet familiar Letfer-writers of the age, are, John Nicholls, Esq. 
M. P. for Tregony, 1797. Sir James Murray (Pulteney) Secretary to the Duke of 
erk in Germany, and the Rev. Dr. Randoiph.—sSce “ A> Pair of Epistles in 
verse, with notes: the first to the Rev. Dr. Randolph, &c.” second edition, 1796. 
I recommend them tothe general entertainment, and perhaps instruction of the 

ublic. ; 

() ‘That ingenious, accomplished, and very learned gentleman, ANDREW Lu- 
Mispen, Esq. F.A.S. Edinb. has since that time taught us all; in the most agree- 
able scholar-like manner. See his “ Remarks on the Antiquities of Rome and its 
Environs, beng a classical and topographical Survey of the Ruins of that cele- 
brated City.” 4to. 1797. It is a pleasing and most judicious performance of a Gen-. 
tleman who appears to have enjoyed the united advantages of foreign travel, studious 
leisure, and polite company. E : : Ne 

(m) ‘Pwo celebrated architects. The professional knowledge of Sir W. Chambers, 
Knight, (of most 4eroic memory) was profound and substantial. Mr. Soane 
has more fancy and_airiness of design, and is certainly a man of information and 
ingenuity. But he indulges himself a little too much in extravaganzas and whims. 
See the Bank. ; : : ; 

(z) lam obliged for this infermation to a Fellow of the Society. of Amaral 


S*O 2 8 HT: [514 


And oft in thought, by antique pavements laid, 
With Lysons guide the military spade ; 

And once, for purer aif o’er rxral grouad, 
With little Daniel went his twelve milés round. 


Cn Sundays at Sir Joseph’s (0) never fail’d, 
So regular, you might have thought him bail’d. 
With Jones a linguist, Sanscrit, Greek, or Manks, 
And could with Watson play some chemick pranks ; 
Yet far too wise to roast a diamond (%/ whole, 
And for a treasure find at last a coal. 
Would sometimes treat, his wines of chosen sort ; 
Will. Pitt, with foxest Harry, lov’d his (¢/ port ; 
In Scrip : not Hemings’ (r/ self mote vers’d than he, 
‘The Solomons, or Nathan, or E. P. ; 


The 


Mr. Carter is a draftsman of the very first merit, But his catholic zeal betrayed 
him, assisted by some Aéorosephists of the Society, to attack THE FIRST GENIUS 
in AxcuITecTuRE, inthis kingdom, Mr. Wratt. Longa est injuria: longe ambages. 
It is difficult to prove that the Society of Antiquaries was instituted solely 
to preserve the purity of Gothic Arehitecture, or to listen to the tiresome 
cabals of busy Baronets, and meddling Romish priests.—But to us, under the auspices 
of Wyatt, 
O Fortunati quorum pia teéta resurgunt | 
fineas ait, et fastigia suspicit urbis. 

fo) Sir Josern Banks, Bart. Knight cf the Bath, President of the Royal 
Society, Privy Councillor, &c. &c. has instituted a meeting at his house in Soho- 

quare, cvery Sunday evening, at which the Literati, and men of rank and con- 
sequence, and men of no consequence at al!, find equally a polite and pleasing 
reception from that justly distinguished gentleman. - Sir Joszeu Banxs is fitted 
for his station in the learned world, not more from his attainments and the 
liberality of his mind, than by his particular and waremitted attention to the 
interest and advancement of natural knowledge, ‘and his generous patronage of 
the Arts. 

PORTUNEZ MAJORIS HONOS, ERECTUS ET ACER! 

. fp) The ingenious Mr. Tennant has shewa, in a paper read at the Royal Society; 
that he can reduce a Diamond by evaporation fo Charcoal, Ihave heard, that Mrs. 
Hastings, and other great possessors of Diamonds, have a kind of Trnnanto-phabiag 
and are shy of this gentleman. A poor Poet, like myself, who has neither diamonds 
hor any thing precious belonging to him, can only remind Mr, Teanant and the 
Royal Society of the old proverb, “ Carborem pro Thesauro.” 

(9) ican give no better charaéter of his old Port. We all know on such occasions, 
* Bacchum in remotis rupibus’ is the song of donest Harry Dundas, in ail the wild- 
ness of highland Dithyrambick; while Mr. Pitt, on the battlements of Walmer; in 
his own and Virgil’s sober majesty, “ ocEaNo LiBEMUs, ait.” ; 
__ (r) Dr. Morosophos now Her then dabbled i the funds. The gentlemén of 
the Stock Exchange, or The College, (as it is termed in City-wit) are much in- 
debted to that eminent calculator of diferent poyments; Mr. Hemings. Boyd, 
Benfield, Solomon Solomon, Nathan Solomon, £. P. Solomon, Thelluson, Old 
Ganiel Giles, Mr. Battie, Lord Lansdowne, Dr. Moore, Little Count Rupee, 
and all those who Jot an eighth better or worse for the ofening, know that I 
am‘right, in pronowncing the panegyrie of thie learned classic on the Stock- 
Exchange. 

“ Prens 


‘ 


512] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


The Bengal Squad he fed, though wondrous nice ; 
Baring his curry took, and Scott his rice, 

Loyal and open, and liberal of cash, 

(Not your damn’d dollars (s) or Bank-paper trash) 
Nor tax, nor loan he feared, at table free, 

And drank the Minister with three times three ; 
Till with a pun old Caleb (z) crown’d the whole, 
© Consols, and not philosophy, conss/e.’* 


He talked, like Indian (z) Rennell rather long ; 
And would at time regaie you with a song: 
But seldom that ; in music though a prig, 
The little Doétor swell’d, and look’d so big : 
Nay to Greek (x) notes would trill a Grecian ode, 
In diatonic kind and Lydian mode, 
And then with Burney, as his fit grew warmer, 
Convers’d of Stentor, the great (9) throat-performer ; 
Or with Raimondi’s fire, and warlike art, 
Play’d some French General’s obligato part. 
Banks gave hii morning lessons how to dress, 
And Morgan (z) whisper’d courage and finesse. 


“ Prens moi 1a bon parti; laisse la tous les livres. 
& Exerce-toi, mon fils, dans ces hautes sciences; 
“ Prens au lieu d’un Platon, ce Guidon des Finances.” 2 
Avis de Boileau, Sat. 8. 
fs) This verse was evidently written after the 26th of Feb. 1797, after the order 
ef Council was sent to the Bank of England, when the whole nation was made 
to pass through the pillars of Hercules; or, in plain English, to take dollars for current 
silver. 
3 (t}) Caleb Whitefoord, Fsq.—N. B. If you do but touch him, puns stand as ready 
a quills upon the fretful porcupine. (wish him health and spirits for many a year, 
in a green old age; and then with the Epinicion of Horace, Vita cedat, uti 
conviva satur. 

(u) Major James Renaell, the great Geographer of India, 6 raw. A gentleman 
to whose accuracy and extent of knowledge this country is considerably indebted. 
But this has nothing to do with his conversation. 

(x) Dr. Morosophos, the man of method, was rather troublesome to his friends on 
this subject of Greek Music. He wished to pass for another Meibomius. But there 
js still reason to think that he never saw the three hymns to Calliope, Apollo, and 
Nemesis, printed with the Greck musical notes to which they were sung, at the end of 
the Oxford edition of Aratus in 1672, by Dr. Fell, or the more accurate copy of these 
hymns in Mr. Burette’s Memoire on this subject. Memoires de l’Academie des. In- 
scriptions, tom. 5.—Dr. Morosophos knew but little of the system of the Lydian Mode 
in the diatenic genus. There is also reason to think that he knew as little as Bishop 
Horsley, of the TpocAcpCavopitvos, or the Yrarn uadiwr, or the Tlapurorn prow, &e- 

(y) “ Stentor is celebrated by Homer as the most illustrious throat performer of an- 
tiquity.” Burney’s Hist. of Music, 4to. vol. i. p. 340. 

_ (x) Maurice Morgan, Esq. an ingenious writer, author of the pleasant Extrava- 
genza onthe Courage of Sir John Falstaff. Mr, Morgan is known to his friends by 
the name of Sir “fol. Jn his politics, he is of the Lansdown Schooh — 

q ‘A. Poet 


< 


Bion Re oR ¥: [513 


A Poet too he was, not very bright, 
Something between a Jerningham and (a) Knight: 
He dealt in tragic, epic, critic lore, 
With half, whole plans, and episodes in store, 
Method was all; yet would he seldom write, 

\ He fear’d the ground-plot wrong, or—out of sight. 
At last the Doctor gave his friends a work! 
(Not verse, like Cowper, or high prose, like Burke), 
CuamBers Asripe’d! in sooth ’twas all he read, 
From fruitful A to unproduétive Zed. 


RicHarvson, Roussrau, anp GogrTtuHrR. 


From Thompson's Paradise of Taste. 


Wwrat other names some other tombs might show, 
(Such was our haste) we did not stop to see; 
But moving onward, gain’d the vault of woe, 

Where mournful passion reach’d its last degree, 


For there eternal silence reign’d profound, 
And all the naked wall, with horror hung ; 
And there one dying lamp o’er all around, _ 
With quiv’ring flame, the light of darkness flung. 


Full in the midst a sable coffin stood, 

On which reclin’d the priest of virtue lay, 
Of all that e’er essay’d the melting mood, 

Who rul’d the heart with most despotic sway. 


*Twas he who told so well the the touching tale, - 

Of proud Bologna’s melancholy maid, > 
And taught the world Clarissa’s fate to wail, 

By tyrant force and hellish fraud betray’d. 


Two pensive pupils at his feet were laid, 
Who drew sweet pictures of domestic life ; 
Whose art in Virtue’s tend’rest robe arrayed, 
The forms of Wolmar’s and of Albert’s wife. 


The friend of Julia, from her soul refin’d, 
Obtain’d a balm to soothe his am’rous woe ; 

While here no rest could Werter’s spirit find, 
But rush’d indignant to the shades below. 


&s- 


(2) Knight and Jerningham. 
 Soyex plutot to a si c'est votre talent, 
Ouvrier estimé dans un art necessaire, 


Qe écrivain du commun, &T poste wulguire.” 
Avis de Boileav, A, P. chap. 4. 


Vo. XXXVIIL LI ACCOUNT 


$54 YAP ip yak JE 


“Account of Books for 1796. 


y 


Locnomia ; or the Laas of Organic 
Life. Vol. Il. ato. By Erasmus 
Darwin, M.D. F.R.S. 1796. 


AVING in our volume for 
1794, given an account of 
the first volume of this ingenious 
work, it might-pezhaps be suflicient 
for us barely to announce to our 
readers the appearance of the 
second volume of a work, the 
former part of which has already 
excited the attention of most of 
those who pursue the study of 
medicine as a branch of science, 
and interest themselves in all its 
ingenious novelties; and indeed, 
we mean to do little more than 
give such a general idea of its con- 
tents as may serve to afford in- 
formation of what may be expected 
from it. <A full analysis ef the 
work would be dry ; a minute cri- 
ticism would occupy too many of 
our’ pages with a topic addressed 
only to professional men; and par- 
tial criticisms would be unfair and 
impertinent, where the whole is 
concatenated by a system, only to 
be properly comprehended in an 
universal view. 

The volume consists of part 2d 
and 3d of the Zoonomia. ‘Lhe 2d 
contains ‘a catalogue of diseases 
distributed according to their prox- 
tmate _eavses, with their subse. 


quent orders, genera, and species, 
and with their methods of cure.’ 

The 3d comprises ‘ the article of 
the Materia Medica, with an ac- 
count of the operation: of medi- 
cine.’ Thus the volume is properly 
a practical system of physic, found- 
ed on the doétrines of the animal 
economy laid down in.the pre- 
ceding volume. The classification 
of diseases follows that of the fa- 
culties or powers of the sensorium, 
established in the first part of Zoo- 
nomia. As all diseases are affirm. 
ed to originate in the exuberance, 
deficiency, or retrograde action of 
these faculties; and to consist in 
disordered motions of the fibres, 
the proximate cffeét of the exer- 
tions of these disordered faculties ; 
four natural classes of diseases are 
derived trom the four powers of 
the sensorium; which the author 
denaminates those of irritation, of 
sensation, of volition, and of as. 
sociation, The orders under cach 
of these classes are formed from 
the circumstances of increase, di- 
minution, and retrogradation of 
the actions ; the genera are derived 
from the proximate effect ; the spe. 
cies from the locality of the discas¢ 
in the system, 

It is not:to be expefted that a 
classification, founded on such pe. 
culiar and zbstraét notions, should 

© (eoincidé 


ACCOUNT 


Coincide with those of former pa- 
thologists and nosologists. The 
“reader must therefore prepare him- 
self for a considerable portion of 
surprize, at the view of assem. 
blages of which he has had no pre- 
vious idea: and at the appearance 
of many things in the catalogue of 
diseases, which he had reckoned 
mere symptoms, and even some 
that are natural aétions, and re. 
ducible to no received definition of 
diseasc. It would be easy for us 
to anticipate his surprize by the 
produétion of examples of this 
sort: but this would be atting un. 
fairly towards the truly ingenious 
author ; who could doubtless shew 
that a regular pursuit of his system 
Jed to analogies and associations, 
which no other train of reasoning 
could discover. 

Meantime, it is obvious that an 
arrangement of diseases from their 
proximate causes is a business so 
thoroughly scientific, that it must 
suppose a degree of perfection in 

our knowledge of the animal body 

in its healthy and diseased state, 
‘which elevates medicine from its 
humble rank of an experimental 
art, to that of a true and full 
: 


formed science. This state, indeed, 
is that in which every friend to 
‘its progress would wish to view it, 
and that which every man of ge. 
‘Mius will attempt to acquire for 
it:—bur the misfortune is, that 
such attempts, if premature or in, 
adequaic, interfere with the hum- 
bler efforts: of practical ufitiry, and 
tnisled by false views as much as 
they instruct by true conceprions. 
4t is not easy to Imagine an ar. 
fangement of diseases less appiica- 
ble to common purposes than that 
in the present work; nor is it 
probable thar ¢ven chose who re. 
ecive, and comprehend, the au. 


OF BOOKS. 


thor’s system of medical philoso. 
phy, will always agree with him 
in his pathological conclusions. 
We by no means intend, how. 
ever, to give a hasty decision ona 
performance which is the result of 
much thought and labour, and is- 
certainly replete with ingenuity. 
Theugh we do not think that ie 
wil mak= an era in medicine, yet 
it seems calculated to throw new 
light on many subjects, and con. 
siderably to improve the principles 
of medical reasoning. It like. 
wise contains much curious and 
entertaining facts, and many valu. 
able practical hints and direétions. 
With a marked propensity to try 
new expedients, in cases that call 
for extraordinary exertions, the 
author displays a~ thorough ac. 
guaintance with all the old rules ; 
nor does he, more than the late 
Dr. Cullen, seem over.solicitous to 
make his practice square with his 
theory, but freely allows its due 
preference to the former. Many 
suggestions are given in the modest 
form of queries; and though 
quickness of imagination may be 
tue most prominent character, yet 
it is noc emancipated from the 
rule of sober juigment. As a 
supplement to the rourth class of 
dissuses of a.sociation, he gives a 
sympathetic theory of fever, de. 
rived from the most intricate and 
recondite speculations belonging to 
the Zoonomia, which requires not 
less attention in the reader to fol. 
low, than ingenuity in the writer 
to have conceived. The distri. 
bution of the Materia Medica into 
seven Classes possesses as much no. 
velty as the rest of the work; it 
turns entitely on the supposed 
power of the several articles in ins 
fluencing the diff:rent motions of 


the system, 
Lil 2 Principles 


(518 


516] 


Principles of Legislatiz “ae By Charles 
Michell, of Fprpetts Esq. S$vo. 
1796. 


AS the most, useful publications 
are not always the most en- 
tertaining, those which are calcu- 
lated chiefly for the instruction of 
amankind are rarely perused, ex- 
cept by, the small circle of readers 
who are endowed with a clear un- 
derstanding and sound judginent ; 
and who, ” dicrestedl of ‘anion or 
party spirit, seck only for the 
improvement of the mind, or the 
means of meliorating the condi- 
tion of the bulk of their fellow- 
creatures. ‘Lhe great mass of men 
in every nation, though they feel 
oppression with as much. sensibility 
as the mast enlightened, are ren. 
dered incapable, ‘through the want 
of education, of finding out a re 
medy of precisely that degree of 
strength which is snfficient . to_ re. 
move the cvils of which they com- 
plain, without preducing in its 
place any other grievance of cqval 
or greater magnitude. Those who 
fecl pain. ure unguesticnubly best 
able to.tell in what. part they are 
affeQed, und how acute are. their 
sufferings: but it decs not follow 
that they best know how to get rid 
of it without destroying the sieel ves, 
The case is the same in the poliri- 
cal as in the natural body. ‘The 
poor can tell, for instance, when 
the scarcity of provisions, raises the 
price of them, and when the usual 
sum with which they go to market 
will not preduce the, usual supply 
of food; bat we may, renture to 
say -that ahcy are net the bes 
judges.of the causes of scarcity, nor 
of the means either of guarding 
‘Rgainst-or remoring it. Some maz 


‘ 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 


1796. 


think that it arises from too small 
a division cf farms, others from toa 
great a consolidation of them ; 
some from the policy of allowing an 
exportation of grain, others from 
want of a bounty on the importa- 
tion; and some from a radical defect 
in the organization of government, 
while others ascribe it to some par- 
ticular measure pursued by admi- 
nistration, ‘“lhese various causes 
having numbers of partizans, ¢ each 
proposing different remedies, and 
having nothing ‘in common be- 
tween them but the certain expe- 
rience of the scarcity, the remedies, 
if left entircly to those who suffer, 
must be as various as the parties 
proposing them; and consequently, 
the evil, instead of being destroy 
ed, would necessarily be aggra- 
vated, 

Fully convinced of the calami- 
ties that may be brought on society 
by a departure from sound prin. 
ciples of legislation, or by the 
adoption of such as are suggested 
by the uninformed, the prejudiced, 
or the designing, the author ‘of the 
work before us makes an appeal 
to the sound sense .of his country - 
men, and calls them to the serious 
consideration of the grounds on 
which political constitutions ought 
to be raised and maintained, Those 
who look into beoks only for a- 
musement; those who are inca. 
pable of secing objects with calm 
philosophic temper and clearness, 
or whose judgments are chained 
down: in, adamantine fecters. by 
their passions or by party connec- 
tions; we advise to throw aside, 
withoue reading, the volume that 
we are going to review: but let it 
be seriously perused by those whe 
are in search only of truth, and 
who azz ready to embrace it under 

Whats 


>ACCOUNT OF BOOKS. 


whatever form it may present it- 
Self. _ Let such persons open it, 
in the full certuinty -of mecting 
with principles, we will not’ say 
in all cases irrefragably just, bat in 
general irresistibly true. They 
may be sure of finding calm discus- 
sion, and a fair appeal to their 
understanding. They will find 
the author thé steady friend of ra. 
tional liberty, and the determired 
enemy of despotism, whether aris. 
ing from the cold blooded tyranny 
of an individual, or from general 
confusion and anarchy. They will 
see’ that Mr. M. combats many 
opinions which are at present ex- 
tremely’ popular, not because they 
are entertained by a great part of 
the people, but because they are 
calculated, in his opinion, to injure 
the public, and to endanger the 
throne of liberty. There are many 
sints in it on which we diffir 
widely from Mr. M.: but what 
work of equal extent, particularly 
in the present ferment, could be 
producyd, that must command the 
acquiescence of mankind in ail its 
dottrines? His conceptions, in- 
deed, are generally just, and his 
arguments powerful ; his know- 
edge of human nature is profound ; 
-his acquaintance with the history 
of ancient and modern times is €x? 
tensive and correét ; and his pow- 
ers of reasoning are to beisurpassed 
ouly by his moderation: and tem- 
per:—which failed but once (we 
believe) in the course of 513 pages, 
and that was when speaking of 
‘Thomas Paine.->  - : 
Having thus charaéterized the 
publication before us, we will now 
proceed to give a summary of its 
‘conterts. It is divided into two 
books, the former subdivided into 
eight, the latter into ten chapters. 


(517 


The author sets out with a quo- 
tation from Mr. Burke’s celebrated 
Refle&tions on the French revolu- 
tion;’** that circumstances alone 
render’ every political principle 
beneficial or obnoxious ;’” and he 
strongly controverts the truth of 
it, omat least Shews that ir might 
lead to error from the ambiguity 
of the term ‘ political.’’ Politics, 
he observes, is a word that serves 
to express both the whole science 
of government, and the art’ and 
practice of administering. public 
affairs. It ought, therefore, to be 
ascertained in which sense it. is 
used. Legislation he employs as 
a more proper, because an ‘unam- 
biguous term, for expressing the 
former. He says it may be-re- 
solved into principles that are inva- 
riable; and that the mode only-of 
applying them depends on the cir- 
cumstances of the moment. The 
doétrine of expediency, he admits> 
muy be useful to a statesman ac- 
tually engaged in the government 
of a~particular nation: but even 
with him the author would have it 
@perate only n-gatively. 

© Circemstaices (says he) may 
render pernicious a measure: ab- 
straétedly good, but no -¢trcum- 
stances can render permanently be- 
neficial a measure abstractedly bad. 
A virtuous and intelligent states? 
man is influenced by expediency no 
further, than if o’casion requires 
to desist from action, Unlike the 
mariner who is ignorant oftnaviga. 
tion, and ‘who therefore, for the 
sake’ of iminediate ease’ and safety, 
from whatever: point the wind may 
blow,’ steers his ship right before 
it: he proceeds in spite of adverse 
Winds, by- an oblique -cousse, to 
his destined port, or at the worst 
casts anchor. For from that ex- 

9p Pp ee tremity 


sis]: ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


tremity to which the seaman. is 
sometimes exposed, of being forced 
to scud before the storm, the states- 
man is or ought to be exempt, 
The elements which he has to ma- 
nage, the passions, habits, and 
prejudices of the people, are in 
some degree under his contrqul or 
guidance ; and if ever a political 
tempest arises, it must be ascribed 
to same gross violation, immediate 
or remote, of the principles of le- 
gislation *.’ 

Mr. Michell blames those who, 
at the present moment, see in our 
political constitution nothing but 
perfection, while its assailants are 
pointing out numberless defe&ts in 
it. General panegyric opposed to 

eneral censure does not, in his 
mind, convey any idea of ability in 
the defenders of our own frame of 
government ; and nothing honour- 
-able to it can be derived from the 
‘arguments of those who defend it 
eniy by pointing out greater de- 
fects in the French constitution ; 

He then proceeds to examine 
the principles tha: ihe Frencg have 
Jaid down as fundamental maxims 
of legislation, whi¢h he reduces to 
two; 

Man is born equal ; 

And he continues equal in his 

r ghts ; 

So far is he from admitting therm 
to be true, that he contends most 
strenuovsly that, as far as they 
are applicable to legislation, they 
strongly enforce the necessity: of 
framing-a constitution on principles 
dire€ily opposite. Nature, he al- 
Jows, shews no partiality to any 
yank inthe distribution of her fa- 


‘ 


vours either mental or corporeal ; 
a d-fference, however, and a great 
one, exists between indivicuals of 
all ranks, and it is produced not 
by nature but by education, occu~ 
pation, and cxertion. The two 
former, he observes, separates. by 
an immense space the savage from 
the civilized man, and the clown 
from the gentlemun; the latter 
produces a distinétion not much 
less between one gentleman and 
another. He contends that it is 
only in an age of general corruption 
and apathy respecting the duties of 
citizens, that one man so far ex. 
cels his contemporaries ; and that, 
as the depression of one wave is 
necessary to raise another to the 
appearance of a mountainous height, 
he is indebted for his super-emi. 
nence as much to their indolence as 
to his own exertions. 

Integrity distinguishes one able 
man from anotlicr, as much as 
ability distinguishes an enlightened 
from an ignorant man, Men, 
therefore, he concludes, ought not 
to be placed on a footing of equa- 
lity in the service of the public ; 
the man of sense ought ta be pre- 
ferred to the blockhead; and the 
man of sense and honesty united to 
him who possesses the former with. 
out the Ok ‘ The chief care 
of a legislator should be to insure 
the integgity of those who must be 
trusted ; god if that be inflexible, 
we may be satisfied that their abi- 
lities will prove equal to their 
dyties.’ 

In his IId chapter, he pursues the 
consideration of the equality of 
rights ; aud he maintains that, in 


¥ * Bacon speaks with great contempt of this system of expediency. Essayr om 


“Empires 


the 


‘ACCOUNT: OF BOOKS. 


the acceptation of the term by the 
French, it is either inapplicable to 
er subversive of their system of 
legislation.. Equal proteétion frem 
the power jof government,» and 
from the injustice of individuals, 
he admits:to be the right of every 
man in society ; and on this point 
he makes this judicious remark : 

* Civil rights may be as sacred 
in.an absolute monarchy, as in a 
pure democracy: in neither, is 
-there much security that they will 
continue so. But the degree of 
authority which the sovereignty 
assumes over its subjects is by no 
means a criterion ‘of liberty, for 
personal independence is often most 
restrained in constitutions that are 
esteemed most free.’ 

The inequality of rights exem- 
plified in the exemptions from cer- 
tain burthens.of the state enjoyed 
by privileged orders, he traces up 
to times of conquest, when the 
congucrors assumed to themselves 
privileges which they did not allow 

- to tlie conquered. 

* Latterly indeed (says he), all 
peasants, whether descended from 
the conquerors or their subjects, 
became vassals; but it was because, 
in those times of confusion and 
violence, the poor Frank, unable to 
defend himself, voluntarily sur- 
rendered his liberty, in order to 
obtain protection under the wing 
of a powerful chieftain. And al- 
though all the states of Europe may 
shew privileged orders, exempt 
from the burthens which bear*on 
the community, this is the rem- 
nant of what conquerors formerly 
arrogated to themselves, and what 
no one pretends to justity.’ 

It is not necessary, he observes, 
to annihilate a constitution and dis- 
organize a nation, in order to force 
[fivileged bodies to make a sacri- 


[510 


fice of such exemptions ; in France, 
at least; it certainly was not ne. 
cessary, because, whether from vir- 
tue.or necessity, the Fyench nobles 
were ready to surrender them with- 
out a struggle. The exemptions 
and the rank which the nobility 
enjoyed he considers in a very dif- 
ferent point of view; the former, 
he says, ought to be abolished, as 
originating from the arrogance of 
conquerors oppressing or guarding 
against a vanquished) nation ;° the 
latter ought to be retained as de« 
rived from sound principles. of le. 
gislation, tending to the general 
benefit of the community,» The 
views of the French, when con- 
tending for the equality of rights, 
he insists, are political powers, the 
public cfices of governments; and 
the filling of them, he maintains, 
ought not to be called a right, but 
a duly. In this sense he shews that, 
instead of saying every man has # 
right to aspire to such offices; we 
ought to say that the state has a 
right to call on every man, accord- 
ing to his capacity, to take: his 
share in the service of his countrys 
This leads him to considerations 
respecting the army and navy. 
When citizens wish to serve only 
in lucrative or easy stations, either 
the public service must stand still; 
Or government must have recoursé 
to measures the most harsh and 
apparently incompatible with lis 
berty, in order to keep up a public 
force by both land and sea for the 
general defence. 

From the whole he deduces the 
following inferences : 

« The various offices of state are 
duties created by society, not 
rights brought by men into society, 
and possessed antecedent to it. The 
object therefore of the social union 
could net be as the French legisla- 

L1l4 tors, 


520], 


tors declare, “ The maintaining 
our: natural, civil,» and: political 
rights* 5”? for this “last right (if 
they will use the term) has exist- 
ence only subsequent to, and in 
consequence of, the formation of 
society. The natural rights of men, 
in which it is allowed all continue 
equal, are not infringed, although 
the offices of state are restridted to 
particular classes. And theircivil 
rights: may. be equally respe¢ted or 
violatedci inany form of government 
whatever; if the latter should 
happen, no more is proved, than 
that. the Beverage neglect or be- 
tray their duty.’ 

“dn chapter HI. book I. Mr. M. 
examines. another favourite posi- 
tion of the French revolutionists, 
viz. “the will of the majority is 

binding on the whole ;’? and he 
cortroverts. it, if not with com. 
plete success, at least with. great 
Ingenuity. His first objection is 
founded “on the difficulty, if not 
impossibility, of ascertaining what 
is the unbiassed will of the majority 
of ‘a nation as to ics particular 
question : 

‘In cities (says he}; a very 
small portion. of the inhabitants 
may, with the advantages of union 

-and: preconcerted operations, dic- 
tatewith uncontrollable authority 
tothe whole. 
Romans (among whom this prin- 
ciple prevailed) were content to 
surround the forum, and pre- 


occupy all the avenues to the hust- - 


ings with anarmed mob, by means of 
which the most alert faction passed 
what laws it pleased+. ‘he tero- 
cious Parisians, by a liberal exer- 
cise of the Janthorn and pike, awe 


_ far more secure. 


The less sanguinary. 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


their opponents into'silence; and’ 
compel. them to adopt ‘the same 
Opinions. ° As to the will of a* 
great nation, we need only. refer 
tothe arguments so ‘often‘used by” 
ouropposition, to prove thefutility 
of addrésses, as evincive of ithe gc. 
neral opinion, The sameargaments 
may be applied with equal. ‘force to 
petitions or resolutions of any:kind, 

on any particular . question; from’ 
corporate bodies or districts. = It 
is more difficult indeed for a faction 
to establish a tyrannic sway over 
an’ extensive country, than ‘over a 
singie city ; but that sway, iftonce 
established, is, from the obstacles 
which the discontented meet~ in 
their endeavours to form a union, 
_ The inferior but 
united force of Paris itself, awed 
into. acquiescence by a faction, 
has easilyvquelled the successive in. 
surrections in La Vendee, Lyons, 
Marseilles, “Toulon, and various’ 
other places and provinces of 
France; though there can be no 
doubt but that the discontented 


would, if united, as easily have 


overwhelmed the city of Paris.’ 
Supposing this difficulty about 
ascertaining the wili of the majo. 
rity to. be removed, there would 
remain a strong objection to the 
principle itself. He aliows, for 
argumentation, the right of the 
majority of a nation to change the. 
constitution from monarchy to a 
republic, or its religion from Chris- 
tianity to Paganism: but it docs not 
foliow that the majority has any 
right to legislate for the minority. 
Such.a change as is above stated, 
he contends, wouldamount toa dis- 
solution of the compaét on which 


* New Constitution of France, by Sa iowce te. 


+ ‘Fergus. Rom, Repub, book iii, chap. 3. and passim,’ 


the 


ACCOUNT OF BOOKS, 


the society of such a nation was 
originally founded. Hissentiments 
on’this head'are thus expressed : 

‘ Admitting that the majority 
have aright to legistate for them- 
selves, they have no right to le- 
gislate for others. An: appea? to 
reason or equity is futile; for what 
appears to one man very" ‘reason. 
able, may to another seem perfect 
nonsense, or pernicious sophistry. 
But in these cases, reason is always 
negleéted, and force. or fraud must 
determine the dispute. The former 
society being dissolved, all rights 
of pre-occupincy are superseded ; 
for one party has as good a claim 
as the other.; and they are virtually 
in the situation of two independent 
tribes or nations, landing at the 
same moment on an unsetiled 
country. If they cannot agree to 
divide it, one must expel the other. 
It is a legitimate cause of war, 
in which neither party can assume 
a right to treat the other as rebels 
or traitors. If the victors in such 
a contest deny the vanquished the 
liberty of withdrawing themselves, 
their families, and property, from 
the disputed territory, and settling 
themselves elsewhere, they viclate 
every principle of justice and hu- 
manity. 

* That a part of a nation, whe- 
ther they form a majority or not, 
may be justified in endeavouring 
to obtain an alteration in the esta- 
lished constitution, and even in 


- committing, if necessary, the jus- 


tice of their cause to the decision 
of the God of battles, I do not 
deny. But be it remembered, no 
slight motives can justify them ; for 
they in fact dissolve the social bond, 
and renounce the parent that gave 
them birth. Whereas they who 
support the established constitution, 
can in hardly any case descrve 


[521 


blame, The sincerity éf that man, 
whe; when > advanced 


in years, 
changes his religion, has’ always 
been heid suspicious; for - similar 


reasons, if a man» should-at onee 
renounce the established céfstitu. 
tion of his country, and adopt orie 
of an Opposite nature, we may rev. 
sonably suspect him to be'actuared 
by passion, or selfish interests° At 
least, -#f, instead of appéaling* 
to the sword, such men choose "to 
try their cause at the bar of reason, 
the onus probaudi \iessolely on them: 
their opponents have only to urge 
that they still prefer the constitu. 
tion and religion in which they 
were bred. If such a cause were 
to be tried by Minos himself, 
surely the majority mast he ine 
finitely great on the side of the in- 
novators, or he would decree that 
it is for them to scek- some foreiyn* 
settlement, and there try what 
success will attend their new! 
adopted situations,’ ’ 
In chapter IV. the*writer ad- 
verts to the abuses that ‘hive fol- 
lowed ‘closely on the heels of the 
French principles, and which (he 
observes) some politicians have 
endeavoured to excuse, by alluding 
to the gross ignorance of the 
people; to which, and not to ‘the 
dottrines, they ascribe the excesses 
that have disgraced France. Mr. 
M. lays the blame on those who 
promulgated doétrines which it 
was not possible that the people 
should truly understand, because 
they could not comprehend the 


‘ niceties of metaphysical definitions. 


He next examines the opinion 
€ that the most unlimited freedom of 
the press is essential to the acquire- 
ment and preservation of freedom ;” 
and he says that, if by this be 
meant that freedom ¢annot exist, 
unless all kinds of ,doctrines are 

without 
‘ 


522] ANNUAL REGISTER, 17696. 


without restraint promulgated 
among al] ranks of society, expe- 
rience has proved the maxim to 
be false. Calling history to his 
aid, he thus argues : 

_* The republics of ancient 
Greece were undoubtedly free ; 
many carried freedom to excess ; 
yet the art of printing being then 
unknown, the communication of 
knowledge was necessarily confined 
toa few. Books were scarce andex- 
cessively dear, therefore beyond the 
reach of the multitude : and in mat- 
ters of religion, the most jealous and 
crue} inquisition was exercised over 
writers and teachers. The Swiss 
Cantons acquired their freedom at 
a period, when probably not one 
in a thousand could read or write ; 
they have continued to preserve it 
for centuries (many of the‘Cantons 
in the form of a pure democracy), 
without the aid of newspapers and 
political pamphlets, which their 
poverty banishcs much more ef. 
te€tually than any law could do. 
In ovr own country, almost in our 
own times, freedom, triumphed 
over monarchica! prerogative, both 
in the ara of Charies 1. and James 
TI. Yet from the former to the 
latter period, the communication 
of political knowledge was much 
confined by the disinclination or 
inability of she people to read. It 
is said, that now corruption and 
mismanagement are in the ex- 
treme, and we are directed to re- 
store the constitution to its former 
purity ; a good one, therefore, 
could subsist without this general 
diffusion of political knowledge, 


which, if it has not produced, at 


Jeast has not prevented the progress 
of corruption.’ 

He then goes on to animadvert 
on the advice given by those who 


desire that the public may not be 
alarmed at the want of restraint-on 
the press, for that truth and virtue 
will always  preponderate. ‘Ihe 
following observations on this head 
are just-and forcible : 

‘Let parents and tutors answer 
for the youth under their care; 
Ict us, if possible, rise above our 
own vices, and answer for our- 
selves. Have we not experienced, 
that the exhortation of the divine, 
the lecture of the moralist, though 
aided by the di¢tates of our own 
conscience, form but an insofii- 
cient barrier against the suggestions 
of passion, and the corruption 
which artful sophistry, flattering 
inclinations which we are secretly. 
ashamed of, pours into the heart ? 
In the declining age of Greece and) 
Rome, did the doétrines of Zeno 
or Epicurus make the greater num. 
ber of proselytes? In both nations 
there was no want of men, who 
by their writings, even by theex~ 
amples of their lives and aétions, 
endeavoured to uphold the cause 
of virtue; yet they scarcely re- 
tarded, they did not prevent, the 
rapid progress of vice, which pur. 
sued its triumphant course, until it 
expired in the ruins of a corrupted 


peopie.’ 


Having combated the opinions 
of others respetting the licentious- 
ness of the press, he thus delivers 
his own: ; 

‘ ‘The licentiousness of the press, 
such as is now permitted, ts in- 
compatible with national prospes 
rity ; it requires to be regulated ; 
but to ascertain the line which se- 
parates excess of liberty from im- 
proper restraint, and to determine 
where the power of enforcing the 
law sbould be placed, is a task 
which requises, if it does not éx- 

cced, 


ACCOUNT OF BOOKS, 


weed, the greatest abilities.. Thus 
much, however, may be established 
as certain; itis better that many 
things should be concealed. which 
might be communicated, than that 


even a few should be communi. . 


cated which ought to be withheld. 
It is absolutely necessarySto take 
every precaution against this dan- 
gerous class of men. The elo- 
quence of a writer is as powerful 
as that of an orator, is more exten- 
Sive in its effects, and full as likely 
to be made an engine to intro- 
duce despotism into the bosom of 
liberty.’ 

The 5th chapter of this work 
treats of /uxury; by which term 
the author means that excessive 
appetite for enjoyment of any kind, 
mental or corporeal, active or pas- 
sive, which leads a man to neglect 
his duties, and to injure himseif 
or others, in order to obtain the 
object of his desire. Mr. M. une. 
quivocally denies that luxury, which 
isa vice in those who are addi@ted to 
it, is prodactive of good to others; 
and—hear ‘it, ye financiers, who 
look to luxury for the chief source 
of revenue ; hear it, ye manufac- 
tarers, who are engaged in those 
branches by which luxury is fed, 
and the kingdom, it is said, is 
enriched !—he maintains that £ 70 
national advantage whatever can 
justly be ascribed to luxury.’ 

Chapter VI. contains a disserta- 
tion on the law of Primogeniture ; 
which Mr. M. seems to consider as 
unjust, but which he would not 
venture to abolish, . because he 
thinks the abolition would be at. 
tended with some collateral in- 
- jurious circumstances, more than 
counterbalancing the good that 
might be expected from it. . An 
equal right of inheritance would 


[523 


tend, in his opinion, ‘to support 
that. natural noblesse, § without 
which all legal institutions would 
soon be abolished, or become nu- 
gatory ;, more members of opulent 
families would marry, :and fewer 
families would become extinct.’ 

He then proceeds to shew that 
the accumulaticn of landed pro. 
perty might arrive at a most per. 
nicious excess, without the opera- 
tion of the law of primogeniturc. 
‘ To abclish this law (says ‘hej 
wocld not therefore ensure the. 
removal of the evil, while the most 
preponderating genius .could not 
pretend to foresee the probable 
consequences of a_ sudden” and 
violent abrogation of a custom that 
has grown with our growth, and 
strengthened with our strength, 
and actually pervades, like a vital 
principle, the whole system of our 
jurisprudence, legislation, and man. 
ners.” 

In chapter VII. Mr. M. ‘enters 
at large into the discussion of the 
much agitated question, which 
ought most to be encouraged, 
‘© great or small farms ?’? and on 
this subject he displays much know. 
ledge and ability ; but we cannot 
pretend to give a summary of his 
different arguments, the matter 
branching out into a great veriety 
of collateral considerations, such 
as poor’s rates, new enclosures, &c. 
In the agitation of this important 
question, he has principally in his 
eye Mr. Arthur Young’s System of 
Agriculture, which he in many 
instances strongly condemns. 

Chapter VIII. treats of theGame 
laws. However they might have 
been originally introduced, Mr. 
M. is of opinion that in some 
countries in Europe they are op- 
pressive, and peshaps absurd in 

England ; 


524] 


England : but he ‘does not allow, 
_ with modérn reformers, ‘ that every 
‘one should “have a-jright to -kill 
game wherever he can find: it.’ 
After all, Mr. M. recommends a 
material ‘alteration “in the whole 
system ofigame laws, and thinks it 
would:be! better for the public that 
game should be made private: pro- 
perty.. gin 
From game the author ‘proceeds 
to the consideration of ‘the tithe 
tuws. He pronounces the opinion 
to be ill-founded, which states 
tithes to be a heavy burthen 
on the farmer; whose’ situation 
would, according to him, be pre- 
cisely rthe same, whether a tenth, 
a fifth, or 2 twenticth of ‘the pros 
duce of the land were levied for the 
support of the clergy. He cone 
tends that this tax falls solely’on 
the landlord, who is obliged to let 
his land proportionably lower. on 
account of the tithes.—He, howw- 
ever, admits the tax to. be impoli- 
tie, for this plain reason, that it is 
a continually varying one, on the 
produce of skill and jabour, and 
on the uncertain bounty of nature ; 
and consequently that it is always 
galling and vexatious, 
Chapter J. of Book II. opens 
with the important questions, whe- 
ther there ought to be ailowed, ina 
state, a distinétion of orders among 
its citizens ; and which form of go- 
vernment iy preferable, a monar- 
chical or a republican. For his 
arguments on these topies we must 
refer to the chapter itself, which 
contains much sound sense: and 
able reasoning. We shall content 
ourselves with stating, that he ts 
decidediy for the existence of -a 
body of nobility ; without which, 
he maintains, there would be an 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


infinitely greater distance than with 
it, between the rich and the poor ; 
he insists that population is increased 
by an institution which contributes 
to render marriages more frequent 
in the higher classes of society, be- 
cause, wherever birth, without 
any other. recommendation, is a 
passport into society, celibacy will 
be-less frequent; that it checks the 
rage of appearance, the vanity of 
shew, arid removes one great tempt- 
ation to expence, the chief cause 
of venality ; that it brings forwards 
to public life that description of 
men by whom the nation has the 
best chance of being served ; that 
it renders manners more amiable 
and sociable ; and finally, that al. 
mdst all the objections which are 
urged against the institution of nos 
bility, may be equally if not more 
justly urged against wealth; the 
abolition of which would convulse 

and destroy secicty. 
The discussion of this subjeét, 
together with that of the form of 
government, is carried on through 
the first five chapters of the second 
book, and branches out imto’a very 
Jony, interesting, and ingenious 
dissertation. respecting a standing 
army ; for which Mr. M. is a stre- 
nuous advocate. He does not ar- 
gue for a standing army as a mere 
machine of goverament, calculated 
to enable the crown to enforce 
measures dangerous to or incom. 
patible with a free constitution, — 
but, for a standing atmy modelled 
on principles that would make it a 
guirdian and. firm support of the 
constitutional liberty of the subject; 
a body ‘so organized and officered 
as that, though the crown might 
at al] times look for its co-opera- 
tion in all constitutional pursuits, 
it 


ACCOUNT-OF BOOKS. 


it would be the last part. of the 
community from which the go- 
yernment would dare to ask for or 
expect assistance, when the service 
in which it was io be employed 
wou'd be attended with injury or 
even dzngcr to the liberty of the 
country. 

Mr. Michell suggests several im. 
provements respecting the age at 
which gentlemen should be allowed 
to sit in parliament. At 21 he 
thinks 4 man cannot be properly 
qualified for the important duties 
of a legislator; and therefore he is 
of opinion that he ought not to be 
eligible by law for a seat in the 
legislature, before he has attained 
the age of 30 years.” 

In chapter VI. Mr. M. speaks of 
the qualification of electors ; and, 
instead of extending the right of 
suffrage to every male of the age 
ef 21, he contends most strenu- 
ously for withholding it from all 
those who possess not fixed pro. 
perty, but who-are altogether de. 
pendent for their subsistence on the 
wages of their daily labour; and 
he maintains that, without this 
restriction, it 1s impossible that the 
gonstitution should be secure. 

_ Mr. M, would disfranchise only 
the populace, and would commu. 
nicate the right ef voting to all 
above that class, with the double 
view of preventing an aristocratic 
‘tyranny, and sprealing as widely 
as possible an interest in the public 
‘wellure. ‘Ko mark the line of 
‘discrimination is the business (says 
he), of -a legislator occupied in 
frawing a particular constituricn, 
aod inust be adapted to the manners 
fof exch parviculur prople.: It beionys 
to him also to ascertain what are 
the ofices which may be rendered 


[525- 


elc@tive, and to what.in a monar- 


chy the prince, in a republic the 4 
senate, should nominate.’ f 

The question of suffrage natu- 
rally leads to that of representa- 
tion. The author gives an historical 
account of the manner in which it 
was introduced into our. constitu- 
tion, and then observes that the 
idea of it became at last so cherished 
by the people, that representation 
was wish them a synonimous term 
for liberty; so that those who 
were not represented were consi- 
dered as not free. Mr. M, insists 
that this opinion is founded in 
error; or that it must be admitted 
that women, minors, and foreign. 
ers, residing among us are slaves ; 
for they are not represented by any 
one deputed by them to appear and 
a&t for them. 

He concludes the chapter with’ 
some very handsome compliments 
to the British House of Commons ; 
from which, he says, constituted 
as it always has. been, the nation 
has derived great happiness, wealth, 
and glory. 

The VIIth chapter treats of a 
monarchical and a republican form 
of government, and gives to the 
former a decided preference. 

Inchaprer VIII. he treats of the 
nature and extent of power that 
ought to be trusted to the king. 
He remarks that, if a sovereign 
does not possess sufficient legal 
power to enforce a vigorous and 
effective government, he must ob- 
tain it through influence, or an. 
archy willensué. 

In chapter IX. he investigates 
the origin, progress, und decay of 
absolute power in. France ; sand 
this discussion leads him to search 
for the foundation of British free» 
dom, 


8206] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


dom, and the causes of the real 
danger that threatens our constitu- 
tion. 

In the beginning of the Xth and 
Yast chapter, eur author is impar- 
tial enough to acknowledge that, 
though the British constitution be 
in its nature calculated to preserve 
the fabric of liberty in this coun. 
try, it does not follow that any 
other state would to a certainty at 
wisely in adopting it. § ‘The bless- 
ing of freedom, (he says), depends 
chiefly on the manners of a people ; 
its existence therefore is compatible 
with almost every form of govern- 
ment; and perhaps it will be 
found that every community, far 
advanced in civilization, or long 
established, contains within itself 
such remnants of past, or such 
seeds of future freedom, in cus- 
toms and prejudices, which have 
crept in by degrees, that an en- 
lightened patriotic legislator will 
always adopt the maxim of Taci. 
tus—rhe secret of fitting up a new 
state consists in retaining the image 
of the cld.? Observing, next, that 
the British parliament is the only 
senate that ever was able to re. 
strain the power of kings, without 
annihilating monarchy, and to 
effect this restraint without tu. 
mult or violence, he says, ¢ it is 
worth while to discover, if possible, 
what in reality ure those peculiari- 
ties in its construction, to which we 
ought to ascribe its peculiar excel- 
lencies.? ‘This investigation forms 
the principal subject of the Xth 
chapter, which touches on too 
gteat a vericty of obje&s to be 
paricularized by us. Some re- 
thatks, Lowever, made by Mr. M. 
we cannot refrain from inserting 
here, as containing new ideas on 
subjects already so trite, thar ir 


might have been thought that no. 
thing new could be said on them. 
It has been a favourite measure 
with reformers, to” counteraét the 
venality of rotten boroughs, either 
by adinitting the inhabitants of 
the neighbouring hundreds to a 
right of voting equally with the 
burgesses, or persons holding by 
burgage tenure, or by entirely dis- 
franchising those boroughs, and 
granting to populous towns the 
right not now enjoyed by them, 
of scnding members to parliament. 
Neither of these remedies would, 
in his opinion, remove the evil; 
foc the venality, taking its rise 
from the corrupt manners of the 
people, cannot be remedied by a 
transfer of the franchise from one 
set of electors to another, ‘as both 
would most certainly a€t in the 
same manner.’ The expences at- 
tending elections, he says, are 
such, that gentlemen of moderate 
landed property are almost excluded 
from the House of Commons ; and 
such land-owners as do take seats 
it it are possessed of estates so 
very large, as to be candidates for 
a peerage, and therefore are more 
open to corruption than men of 
moderate ingomes. ‘The number 


-of merchants admitted into the 


House of Commons he also con. 
siders as highly dangerous to the 
constitution ; assuming it as a 
maxim, that they attend more to 
their private interest than to the 
public weal. He also objects, in 
the following terms, to the admis- 
sion of a great number of lawyers 
into the house, 
© Lawyers must be bad legisla. 
tors, uniess to professional skill they 
join a mass of general knowledge, 
‘Lhis cannot be expefted in men | 
whose time, from their youth up. 
wards, 


ACCOUNT OF BOOKS. 


wards, has been totally absorbed 
in the studies and practice of their 
profession, and this must be the 
case with all eminent lawyers, who 
alone can afford a seat in parlia- 
ment. But if we also consider, that 
of late years the highest honours and 
the most lucrative offices of state, 
are prizes which every lawyer, who 
can join parliamentary consequence 
to professional eminence, 1s sure to 
obtain; we cannot be surprized if 
lawyers have, in general, proved 
themselves the most zealous parti- 
sans of faétion, the most subser- 
Yient tools of government.’ 

‘The constitution is also in dan- 
ger, hesays, from the edmission of 
too many military men; since such 
members, in his opinion, tor the 
most part consider their se1t in par- 
liament as a step subservient to, 


perhaps necessary for, their pro-_ 


tessional zdyancement, and there- 
fore betray their duties as senators. 
He then adds the following ob- 
servation: 

. €If, in addition to this change 
in the charaéter of the members, 
we aiso take into consideration the 
great increase of power that the 
senate has necessarily arrogated to 
itself, since the crown was render. 
ed catirely dependent on its good 
will; when we recolleét that ex- 
Gessive power corrupts the best dis- 
positions; that the actual exercise 
of what the House of Commons 
possess, is incompatible with a mo. 


{527 


narchical government; and that 
this defe€t in the constitution can 
be palliated only by the general 
venality of individuals; we need 
not be at a loss to account for the 
degeneracy of parliament *.’ 

Hence it is evident that our 
author is an advocate for reform, 
but onprinciples very different from 
those on which reform has hitherto 
been defended : he would first reform 
the manners of the eleétors, as the 
best means of securing political in. 
tegrity in the elected: he would then 
introduce a greater portion of the 
landed interest into parliament, 
and considerably lessen the number 
of professional men and merchants 
who should be admitted to sit in 
ic; and he would extend the pow- 
er of the crown, at the same time 
that he would diminish that of the 
Touse of Commons, by making the 
prince less dependent on it:—but 
it isnot the lower house alone, ac- 
cording to Mr. M. that calls for re- 
form ; the House of Lords, in his opi- 
nion, stands in as much need of it. 

* A moment’s reflection (says he) 
will serve to convince us, that the 
political power vested in the lords, 
enables them to perform but a 
small part of what is required of 
them ; and ucless this power, their 
titles of honour, and their insignia 
of rank, are united to great per- 
sonal authority, derived from ample 
hereditiry possessions, and to the 
respect which is always paid to 


* © Those who are advocates for the present system’ of government, yct allow that 
it is supported by induence, seem not aware that their arguments lead to an absur- 
dity, ‘Uhe power of iafluencing a prepondcrating part of the people vested in 
the crown, is nugatory, unless there is also a disposition ia the people to be in- 
fluenced, Such a dispositiog implics 2 proportional annihilation of political ine 
tegrity. But where politicul integrity is in genoral extinét, the nation must de- 


honourable 


528] 


honourable. birth, their power 
would be hugatory, their. insignia 
ridiculous. Luxury, that bane to 
national prosperity, by causing the 
extinction of old families, incurably 
Vitiates, to a certain degree, the 
constitution cf the house of lords. 
A new-created peer will never be 
respected as much as one who de- 
tives his honours from a long line 
of ancestors. This evil would not, 
however, be very considerable, if 
the vacancies were supplied as they 
ought to be; but of late years, in- 
stead of selecting those commoners 
who are most distinguished by their 
family and fortune, peerages have 
been lavished on professional men, 
often of the most obscure birth, 
and who sometimes have not even 
attained an independence, but are 
compelled still to follow their pro- 
fessions, or trust to places and pen- 
sions for a maintenance, ‘This 
practice partly arises from the 
indolence and effeminate frivo- 
lity of those who are born to opu- 
lence, and who desert the service 
of the public, or at least consider 
it as subordirate to their pleasures 
and amusements; they therefore 
not only have no cJaims to any re- 
compense from. government, but, 
from the degradation of their per- 
sonal characier, are of little im. 
portance in the eye of the mini- 
ster. It procceds, however, still 
more from the necessity the mini- 
ster lies uncer, oi attaching to him- 
self as many men of professional 
eminence as possible, who, know- 
ing their own importance, make 
their own terms; and also of se- 
curing a devoted majority in the 
‘upper as wel! as in the lower house, 

* It behoves all parties at pre- 
sept to recolleét themselves. Pow- 
er, such as is vested in an English 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


peer, can safely be entrusted only 
to one who is altogether indepen- 
dent of the smiles of the prince, or 
the minister, as to his fortune; and 
it the house of lords is, as it always 
has been esteemed, the firmest sup- 
port to royalty, and a necessary 
refuge to the constitution against 
the fickleness and viclence of the 
people, it is the interest both of the 
people and of the crown to unite, 
as formerly, political power ‘and 
honorary splendour to hereditary 
opulence apd personal authority. 
Whatever may be his abilities and 
merits, however splendid his ser. 
vices, a new man {xovns homo), 
particularly if he has his fortune to 
make, is not competent to fulfil all 
that is required of a peer.” 

‘Then, criticising the famous pas- 
sage in Goldsmith, 


**\Princes and peers may flourish 
or may fade, 

A breath can make them,’ as a 
breath has made ; : 

But a bold peasantry, their coun- 
try’s pride, 

When once destroy’d, can never 
be supplied :” 


he says—The sentiment is false, for 
it would be still more difficult to 
re-establish a peerage than a pea- 
santry ; and he is certainly right, 
if it be truc that hereditary nobles 
are useful inasmuch as they are 
venerated by the public, and that 
antiquity of descent is one of the 
causes, if not the principal one, of the 
veneration in which they are held 
by the people. He then proceeds 
to shew that, notwithstanding the 
many additions mude to the list. 
of peers, the power of the aristo- 
cracy is rather on the wane, and 


that 


ACCOUNT 


that the influence of the democracy 
has long been gaining ground in 
ovr constitution, He insists that 
the monarchy, deprived as it is of 
the legal power necessary to its de- 
fence, cannot maintain itself with- 
out influence: but at the sdme 
time he admits that a government 
of influence is baneful in its nature ; 
and that the- resources of uo state 
whatever can for a continuance 
support it: he is therefore an ad- 
vocate for a relorim, though, as we 
have already said, on principles 
different from any yet recommended 
to the public. 

* Unless (says he) a radical ame- 
lioration of legislative policy takes 
place, anarchy will triumph, or des- 
potism wili crush every remnant of 
liberty. This horrid alternative can 
be prevenred only by a¢tive and stre- 
nuous exertions of the advocates for 
orderand raticnalfreedom. Whoever 
values his property and his honours, 
must owe their preservation to him- 
self; he can no longer enjoy them 
in indolence under the proiection of 
laws, or a constitution, for which 
the contending partics feel no reve- 
rence, which the one endezxvours to 
destroy, ard the other to abuse,’ 

A great blessing attending our 
government, he observes, is, that 
we need not disorganize in order 
to regenerate; and that a com- 
plete reformation may be obtained 
by adhering to the spirit, without 
departing from the forms, of our 
present constitution :—but, in or- 
der to proceed with effeét, he thinks 
the iegis!ature ought to begin in 
time. ‘Lo those who have ese 
and -to those who have hitherto 
possessed a kind of monopoly of 
places, he- gives very whclesome 
advice in the following words : 

¢ Vhe rich would do weil to imi- 
tate the fabled policy of the beaver, 
who is said to bite off the patt for 

Voi, XXXVI. 


OF BOOKS. [829 
which the hunters pursue him; and 
submits to be maimed in order to 
save his life. The upper rank cannot 
Jong retain an exclusive right to 
the lucrative offices of the state. 
The greedy multitude will at first 
insist on having a share; they will 
then take the whole, and the pii- 
vate possessions of the rich will soon 
follow. Before it is too late, all 
salaries and profits arising from of. 
fices of state should be infinitely 
reduced, and neither the populace 
nor their leaders will then be very 
keen in the pursuit of barren ho- 
nour and unprofitable labour.’ 

After the last chapter, are given 
Ior pages of notes, illustrating 
various propositions laid down in 
the body cf the work ; to which is 
subjoined an Appendix of 31 pages, 
containing many very judicious ob- 
servations on agriculture, enclo. 
sures, &c. ‘ 

Such is the outline of a work, 
which, we are convinced, cannot be 
read without benefit by any class 
or description of thinking men, 
It contains undoubtedly much that 
will be condemned, or at least dis. 
puted, by many, on the subjects 
of the army, militia, religion, gar- 
risons, royal prerogative, commerce, 
and reform: but the parts which 
may be condemned by some, will 
be infinitely overbalanced by those 
that must be praised by all. 


The History and Antiquities of the 
County of Leicester, compiled from 
the best and mostancicnt Historians, 
&S¢. Lucluding also, Mr. Burton’s 
Des:ription of the County, publishell 

ia 1622; and the later ColleBions 
of Mrs Uenbhley, Mr. Carte, Mr. 
Peck, and Sir Thomas Cave. By 
Fohu Nichals, F.S. A, Edinburgh 


and Perth, In 4 vols. folio. 
Vol. 1. Part. Containing Intro« 
Mm ducory 


530] 


duGory Records, Illustrations, Ge. 

and the Early History of the Town 

of Leicester: 

Vol. 2. Parti. Containing Framland 
Hundred, 

Common Paper; 5. 5s. Royal Paper, 
ql. 78. boards. Nichols. 1796. 
WE cannot sufficiently admire 

or applaud the extraordinary per- 

severance and assiduity of research 
which our estimable author must 
have bestowed on so dry but useful 

@ publication as the one now before 

us. 

We have no hesitation in placing 
the history of Leicestershire at the 
head of all the county histories 
which have yet appeared, for extent 
of information and minuteness of 
investigation, and though from its 
-bulk and locality, its merit is not 
likely to be sufficiently appreciated 
by the present generation, yet pos- 
terity will consider it as an inva- 
duable legacy, and be grateful to 
its disinterested author for so com- 
plete a collection of ancient records, 
authentic documents, and original 
information. 

The introductory volume begins 
with an account of Leicestershire 
extracted from Domesday book, 
with a translation. It is succeed- 
ed by a curious and valuable dis- 
sertation on Domesday book, closed 
by a tabulary description of Leices- 
tershire as it was in the time of 
William the Conqueror. Then fol- 
Jows an essay on the Mint ar Lei. 
cestershire, with views of coins, 
The names and arms of knights of 
the county of Leicester who served 
ynder Edward I, are next given, 
with other lists of persons who bore 
honours, &c. Acopy of the Testa 
de Neville, as far as it reiates to 
this county, a matriculus of the 
churches of the archdeaconry of 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


Leicester in 1220, a rotula of the 
churches of Leicestershire in 1344, 
and other tables relating to eccle- 
siastical matters, come next. These 
are followed by a variety of papers, 
containing taxations, lists of free. 
holders, knight’s fees, tenants iz 
capite, &c. &c. Mr. Leman’s trea. 
tise on the Roman roads and sta- 
tions in Leicestershire, with addi. 
ticnal observations by the bishop 
of Cork, and remarks on Roman 
roads by other writers, together 
with a learued essay on a Roman 
milliary found near Leicester, by 
the Rev. George Ashby, form the 
succeeding set of papers. The ri- 
vers and navigations of Leicester- 
shire are the subject of the nexe 
article, chiefly consisting of copies 
of the acts obtained for the purposes. 
of navigation, mostly of very late- 
date. Dr. Pulteney then contri. 
butes a catalogue of rarer plants 
found in the neighbourhood of 
Leicester, Loughborough, and ia 
Charley forest, drawn up with the 
judgment and accuracy that might 
be expected from so able a botanist.. 
The returns made to parliament of 
charitable donations within the 
county, fill a large number of suce 
ceeding pages, All the remaindes 
of the volume is composed of the 
history and antiquities of the town 
of Leicester, with a series of its 
bishops, of the kings, dukes, ang 
earis of Mercia, and their successors, 
earls of Leicester, A great pore 
tion of this trenches deeply on 
the general history of England, in 
which the Monttort family, with 
others who bore the Leicester title, 
made so conspicuous a figure, 
The writer (an anonymous at 
of Mr. Wichols) has also contrive 
to bring in the whole story of 
Thomas 4 Becket, who seems 10 
be 


a“ 
oe Ao 


ACCOUNT 


' ~ ea favourite charaGter with this 


memorialist, who certainly displays 
an intimate acquaintance with many 
nice historical points ; though few, 
we imagine, will follow him through 
all his narraticns and disquisitions, 
which are however little enlivened 
by the beauties of composition. 
An appendix of charters, deeds, 
und other legal papers, concludes 
this firse part of the introductory 
volume. 

The first part of the second vo- 
lume, containing an account of 


¥ramland Hundred, is a specimen. 


of what is to constitute the proper 
matter of the work. Every town- 
ship in the hundred is separately 
treated in an alphabetical order. 
The author’s general method is to 
give the name, situation, and con- 
tents of the distri; then to trace 
all the owners of the manor and 
the landed property of the place, 
from the earliest records, down to 
the present time: with this are 
introduced genealogies of ‘all the 
principal families, as well as anec- 
dotes, biographical and literary, 
of all extraordinary persons con- 
“nected, by birth or otherwise, with 
the township. Ecclesiastical mat- 
ter comes next, such as notices of 
all religious and charitable foun- 
dations, account of the church- 
living, its nature and value, pa- 
trons, and incumbents; monu- 
tental inscriptions, extracts from 
the parish register, population, and 
bills of moriality at different peri- 
ods, &c. Very tew details of na- 
tural history or economical matter 
are to be found ; and, indeed, lit- 
tle occurs for the amusement of a 
common reader, except the bio- 
graphical relations, some of which 
are curious. The present volume, 
comprising Belvoir castle and Sta, 


OF BOOKS: 


pleford, has a minute account of 
the noble families of Rutland and 
Harborough, the latter of which 
is peculiarly rich in genealogical 
illustrations, decorated with many 
fine engravings. Other distin. 
guished families, and not a few 
men of letters and divines of note, 
are recorded in the course of the 
work, We shall present our rea- 
der with the transcript of one arti- 
cle, as a neat model of topogras 
phical description, unattended with 
antiquities. It is an account of 
the natural history of the parish of 
Little Dalby, communicated by 
professor Martyn. 

‘ This lordship is remarkably 
hilly, being thrown about in small 
swellings in such a manner, that in 
the greater part of it, it is difficult 
to find a piece of flat ground. The 
largest portion: of it is an ancient 
enclosure ; and none of the inha. 
bitants know when it took place, 
I thought at first to have disco- 
vered the date of it from the age 
of the trees in the hedge-rows ; 
but none of them which I have had 
an opportunity of examining are 
more than about 120 years old; 
but if the enclosure went no fur. 
ther back than this, we should 
have learnt the date of it from tras 
dition. I then searched the parish 
register, to find whether any depo- 
pulation had taken place since the 
time of Elizabeth; but could find 
none, and therefore concluded that 
the enclosure was at least as early 
as her reign. That there has been 
a depopulation I conclude, not only 
from the natural consequencé of 
enclosing, but frem the founda. 
tions of buildings which are dis 
covered in the closes near the 
church, 

‘ The wholelordshipis in pasture, 

Mm 2 except 


{53t 


532] 


except here and there a small piece 
which the landlords permit the te- 
nants to break up occasionally, 
when it becomes very mossy ; but 
then this is laid down again usually 
at the end of three or four years. 
‘There are'no woods; but there are 
some sinall plantations of oak, ash, 
and elm of no very long date. 
‘There is abundance of ash in the 
hedge-rowsS, and scarcely any other 
tree, The soil is a strong clay ; 
there is no waste ground vin the 
lordship; but it is not cultivated, 
in my opinion, to the best advan- 
tage. They depend chiefly on their 
dairies; they breed, however, very 
fine sheep, famous for the white- 
ness of their fleeces, which weigh 
from seven to nine pounds: they 
breed also fine horned cattle ; but 
the lordship, in general, is not 
good feeding ground. 

© This lordship is remarkable for 
having first made the best cheese 
perhaps in the world, commonly 
known by the name of Stilton 
cheese, from its having been origi- 
nally bought up, and made known, 
by Cooper Thornhill, the landlord 
of the Bellinmat Stilton, It began 
to be made here by Mrs. Orton, 
about the year 1730, in small 
quantities ; for at first it was sup- 
posed that it could only be made 
from the milk of the cows which 
fed in one clese, now called Orton’s 
close; but this was afterwards 
found to be an error, In 17:6 it 
was made only by three persons, and 
that in small quantities; but it is 
now made, not oniy from one, 
but from almost es ¢ry close in this 
parish, and in many of the neigh. 
bouring ones. It is well known 
that this sort of cheese is made in 
the shape, and of the size, of a 
collar of brawn. It is extremely 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1706. 


rich, because they mix among the 
new milk as much cream as it will 
bear, Jt requires much care and 
attendance; and, being in great 
request, it fetches 10d. a pound on 
the ‘spot, and 1s. in the London 
market. 

‘ ‘There is no stone, gravel, or 
sand, in this lordship, except a lit- 
tle sand-stone on the side cf Burs 
row-hills: it is mostly a strong blue 
clay ; and in some parts of it is 2 
good brick-earth. There is only 
one spring, and that a chalybeate 5 
it lies high, in a close belonging to 
the vicar, known by the name of 
the Spring-close; it runs over a 
great part of the year, and dis- 
charges itself into the valley, where 
the village lics. Nobody ever at- 
tempted to sink for a well in this 
parish, till, in the winter of 1777 
and 1778, Edward Wigley Hartop, 
Esq. dug and succeeded. . He pe- 
netrated through a bed of stiff blue 
clay ;/ and at the depth of 66 feet 
the water gushed in, when, I ap. 
prehend, the workmen were com. 
ing to the limestone rock, by their 
having thrown out some fragments 
of blue stone. ‘To the ‘depth of 


ro feet were frequent nodules of - : 


chalk ; at that depth the clay was 
foll of small selenites. At 30 feet 
dcep the clay was found to be full 
of peétens, and, other shells very 
pertect, but extremely tender. No- 
dules of /vdus helmonisi were inter- 
spersed ; ammonites of different 
specivs in great quantities, gry- 
phites, and other shells ; and plates 
of a clear foliaceous mica, resem- 
bling Muscoyy glass. Iam informe 
ed that the water did not prove 
good, and that little or no use ig 

made of this well. 
© T have not found any natural 
prodwctions, cither animal, veges 
: table; 


ACCOUNT 


table, or fossil, but what are com. 
mon in other places. There is 
neither wood nor waste ground in 
the parish; and we know, that 
where man has completely subdued 
the soil to his own use, he permits 
nothing to feed or prosper, but what 
is serviceable to his private interest. 

‘ The air here is dry and healthy ; 
fogs are not frequent, and clear off 
early when they happen. ‘The in. 
habitants are happy, and many of 
them live to a good old age. 

© Their fuel here is pitcoal, which 
they have chiefly brought from 
Derbyshire and some from lord 
Middleton’s coal. pitsnear Notting- 
ham. ‘The carriage being heavy, 
and the roads bad, it used to cost 
them 1d. or 16d. per hundred 
weight: bur, since the navigation 
has been completed to Loughbo- 
rough, they. get it for rod. or rid, 
_ per hundred. 

‘ No great road leads through the 
parish ; but the turnpike road from 
Oakham to Melton passes within a 
mile by Leesthorp, and they come 
upon it in going to Melton, at 
about the same distance before they 
come to Burton. 

‘ There is not any river that runs 
through the parish, or comes near 
it; and only one. inconsiderable 
brook, which is sometimes dry. 
This joins another, more conside- 
rable, that comes from Somerby by 
Leesthorp, and both, procceding 
jointly by Burton Lazars, fall into 
the river Eye, between Brentingby 
and Melton. 

‘ There is no papist in this pa- 
tish, nor one digsenter of any de- 
nomination, 

‘ ‘The parochial feast follows St. 
James; to whom the church is de- 
dicated, 

‘ There have been no perambulae 
tions time immemorial, 


OF BOOKS. [533 


© The rent of the whole parish 
is 14221, 5s. 

‘ The number of houses is 21 ; 
families 22; and inhabitants 123 ; 
three teams kept, 

© The land-tax at 4s. raises 1641. 
14s. 2d. 

‘ Labourers have 1s. ed. per day 
in summer, and 1s. in the winter ; 
in harvest rs. 6d. and their victuals. 
Land lets at 15s.an acre. 

¢ The nett expence of the poor in 
1776 was 271, 16s. 

¢ Medium of three years, 1783— 
1785, 451. 8s. 4d.” 

These volumes are illustrated by 
a very liberal provision of engrav- 
ings, in which a yiew is given of 
every individual parish-church, 
as well as of seats, monuments, 
antiquities, and other remarkable 
objects. An appendix to the se- 
cond volume contains a number of 
deeds, charters, and other papers 
relative to each hundred ; which 
addition will doubtless be repeated 
in the future volumes. 


See gS 2 TR RE EE BES 


Memoirs of the Life and Writings of 
the Abbate Metastatio, In which 
are incorporated Translations of his 
principal Letters, By Charles 
Burney, Mus. D. F, R.S. 8-0, 
3 Vols. 1796, 


THE name of Metastasio has 
long been associated in every Eu- 
ropean metropolis with the exqui- 
site pleasures of the noble, te opu- 
lent, and the polished. The eu- 
phony of his lines and the firness 
of his sentiments have been impress- 
ed on our recolleftion, in concert 
with the most vivid and brilliant 
displays of all the arts of delight. 
Melodies of the most fascinating 
composers, assisted by punctual or- 

Mm3 chestras, 


534] 


chestras, by singers the most com- 
passing and smooth toned, have 
concurred in winging the shafis of 
his song to our inmost sensibility. 
The painter’s magnificent perspec- 
tives, the dazzling pageants of the 
decorator, the easy floating motions 
of groups of graceful dancers, and 
ail the magic glories of realized 
mythology, have mingled at the 
theatre their influence with that 
of the poet, and have assisted in 
stirring up within us that luxurious 
irritation and tumult of feeling, 
which form the highest scope of the 
artist and the purcst enjoyment of 
the connoisseur. Stript, however, 
of all these circumstances of effect, 
Metastasio has acquired a reputa- 
tion for genius and abilities, which 
the philosopher who peruses his 
writings in the closet will not pro- 
bably, hesitate to ratify. Yet how 
often does it hapyen that, removed 
from within the glare of theatric 
illumination, the god of the opera- 
house has withered into an ordinary 
man; and that the liquid Jan- 
guage of the skies had Jent an ora- 
cular solemnity to simpte thoughts, 
or a bewitching harmony to insig- 
nificant insipidiries ? Be this, how- 
ever, as it may, and even supposing 
that the literary charaéter of Me- 
tastasio himselt should be fated to 
suffer depreciation by time ard 
revolutions in taste; should his 
dramatic writings even become a 
mere school-bock for the learner of 
Italian ;—yct he has resided so 
much at courts, and has been the 
darling of so many artists, that his 
life can never be an object of in- 
difference to those whose gentie cye 
preterably fixes on. those places and 
periods, in which the pleasures of 
man tave been the chief occura- 
tio: { his rulers; and in which 


ANNUAL REGISTER, 1796. 


factions have confined their blood. 
less struggles to the establishment 
of a theory of music, and have never 
extended their proscriptions bey ond 
the condemnation of a tragedy. 
To she inherent fashion of the 
subject of these volumes, is super. 
added the stronger recommenda. 
tion which they derive from the 
celebrity of the author. The his- 
torian of music is accustomed to 
convene and to satisfy an elegant 
audience ; and, whether he touches 
the harp or the monochord, he dis- 
plays a masterly hand. His ma- 
terials have been industriously col. 
lected’ at Vienna and in Italy, and 
comprehend, besides the well. 
known biographies of Retzer and 
of Christini, many works of infe. 
rior note, as well as the posthumous 
edition of the poet’s letters. ‘The 
bulk of this publication consists 
indeed of a translation of those 
letters, connected by the requisite 
interstices of narrative; all.which 
form a very amusing wh/e, 
Metastasio was born at Rome 
in 1698, where his father had set. 
tled as a cenfectioner. At school 
he displayed early talents as an fm. 
previsct.vz, and befcre eleven years 
of age could sing extemporaneous 
verses. Gravina, the civilian, 
known by having written tragedies 
on the Greek model, heard, admir. 
ed, and adopied the young bard ; 
to whem he gave a literary educa- 
tion, getting him admitted to the 
bar, and to deacon’s orders, that 
civil and ecclesiastical preferment 
might be aike open to him. 
When 22 years of age, Metustasio 
visited Naples, having inherited 
the preperty of Gravina, and at- 
tached himself as cicisbeo to the 
fermule singer Romanina. He there 
wrote an opera, which succeeded, 
as and 


ACCOUNT OF BOOKS. 


and from this time he applied wholly 
_to theatric poetry. In 1729 he 
was invited to Vienna as the Im- 
perial Laureate, and continued to 
furnish such dramas as his patron 
bespoke, until his death in 1782. 
Dr. Burney well observes, that it 
is possible for a man of learning, 
study, and natural acumen, to bea 
good critic on the works of others, 
without genius for producing ori- 
ginal works himself, similar to 
those which he is able to censure. 
The opinion of Metastasio, there- 
fore, may have its weight even 
when he criticises the great opera- 
writers of antiquity ; for the mo- 
dern opera is the only faithful imi- 
tation ot the ancient tragedy. From 
his practice it appears, however, 
that he entertained one fundamen- 
tal error in theory, and had not 
discovered that, in the opera, the 
means of imitation being peculiar- 
ly apparent, the distress should be 
more harassing, and the crimes 
‘more atrocious, in order to excite 
- an equal degree of tragic emotion 
with these representations which 
approach more nearly to real and 
common life. We had selected 


[535 


some passages in order to give an 
idea of the spirit of his criticism : 
but, finding them too long for our 
insertion, we must refer our rea- 
ders to the 3d vol. in which they 
occur, p. 356-379. 

Let it not ‘be a reproach to 
our estimable biographer, that 
he has described, with the vo- 
luminous gravity of history, a 
groupe of poets, singers, actors, 
and musicians. It is well that a 
work of this kind should make its 
appearance. Weare scarcely ac- 
customed as yet to assign,.in hue 
man story, a place to each propore 
tioned to the extent of his influence 
on human happiness. The crowned 
and the titled have their peculiari- 
ties immortalized, although they 
may have never added to the en- 
joyments of a nation ten evenings 
of glowing delight. The amusers 
of our leisure, the artists of our plea. 
sures, may justly be ranked among 
the benefactors of society. Let it 
belong, then, to the muse of fame 
to elevate monuments over their 
remains, and to strew flowers on 
their grave, in token of our grates 
ful remembrance 4 


FUB 


THE 


CONTENTS. 


HISTORY or EUROPE. 


Car AU Po 


Situation of the French Nation and Government, and Views of the Diree~ 


tory.—Difficulties to be encountered Ly France at the Close of 1795.— 


~ State of Parties in England.—Temper of the British Nation.— Assem- 


thes fur the Purpose of a Parliamentary Reform, and Peace with France. 
—A great and dangerous Scarcity of Provisions.—Meeting of Parlia- 
ment.—Insu/ts and Outrages of an immense Mob against the King, on 
his Way to the House of Lords.—The regret of all People of Sense at 
this Treatment of the King.--Speech from the Throne.—Lebates 
thereon,—In the House of Commons.— And in that of the Lords = 1 


« 


CoH AuPs | dhe 


A Proclamation offering a large pecuniary Reward for the Discovery of 


any Persons guilty of the recent Outrages against the Person of the 
King. —Conference between the Lords and Commons on this Suljebt.— 
A Bill for the Safety and Preservation of the King’s Person und Go- 
vernment.—Delates thereon in Loth Houses of PuarTiament.—A Bill for 
the Prevention of Seditious Mectings.— Debates thereon —The two Lills 
under Discussion in Parliame:t occasion a general Alarm, and much 
Opposition without / oors.—In this Opposition the Lead was taken 
Ly the Whig-Club.— Which was followed ty the Corresponding Socie- 
ties and other Associations. —~As well as different Bodies legally incor- 
porated.—The Ministry still persevere in their Measures.—Delates on 
the numerous Petitions against the two Bills now pending in Parlia- 
ment.— General Indignation. against the Principles and. Oljects of 
these—The two Bills passed into Laws - - - - 16 


CHA PY Te 


fn the House of Commons, Regulations respecting the Sale of Flour, and 


s 


the Muking of Bread:—Maotions ty Mr. Lechmere and Mr. Wiithread, 
respecting the Causes of the Scarcity of Wheaten Flour, and the Hard- 
ships incident to the Labouring Poor,—Negatived.— Bill for encouraging 
the Cultivation of Waste- Lands.—Motions for the Support of the Land 
and Seq Service.—Striéiures on the Conduét of Ministry in the War De- 
partment.—Replied to by Mr, Windham.—Delates on the Ereélion of 
Barrocks,—A ‘Statement of the Expences of 1790, amounting from 

Wes stl ° ; twenty 


_ 


CONTENTS. 


seven to twenty-eight Millions sterling—-Dehates concerning the 
Terms of the Loan.—Vote.approving the Conduét of the Minister on 
this Subjeét.— New Taxes.—Debates thereon.— Message from the King, 
intimating his Disposition to enter into a Negotiation with the present 
Government of France.—An Address moved, expressing the Readiness 
of the House to concur in sucha Measure.—- Amendment thereon, moved 
ly Mr. Sheridan.—This rejeéted, and the Address éarried.—Motion 
Jor Peace by Mr. Grey.— Negatived - aH Le ie Ae 


CH A PLT: 


Free Negroes in the Island of Jamaica.— Hunted by Blood-Hounds.—Mo- 
tion by Mr. Grey, in the House of Commons, for an Inquiry into the 
State of the Nation.—Negatived.—Farther Taxes.—For paying the In- 
terest of an additional Loan.—Mortality among the Troops sent against 
the French West-India Islands. —Negleét and Distresses of the Troops. 
—Motion for Documents on these Sul-jecis by Mr. Sheridan,—De- 
bates thereon—Mr, Sheridan's Motion. agreed to.—Motion, in the 
House of Peers, for the Produétion of Papers respecting a Vote of Pare 
lament, in 1783, recognizing the Necessity of certain Public Reforms, 
—Delbates thereon.—The Motion negatived. Report of the Committee 
of Supply on the Resolution for granting a Subsidy to the King of Sar- 
dinia. Conversation on that Subjeét.—Charges laid against Mi- 
nistry by Mr. Grey, as Ground of Impeachment ; and a Motion on that 
Subjeél.— Negatived.—Motions, in both Houses of Parliament, against 
the Continuation of the War.—Negatived.—Motion, ty Mr. Wilber< 
Sorce, for the Abolition of the Slave-Trade, on a certain Day.—Negc- 
tived—The Session of farliament closed by a Speech from the 
Throne - - - - - - - - - » 60 


Qt Bio Vi 


First Cares and Employment of the French Direétory.—Deter mination ta 
keep alive the Martial Spirit of the French’ Nation.—And to. extend 
their Viélorics as far as possitle.—But, at the same Time to make a 
Sheu of Pacific Inclinations —Preparations for War on the Part of the 
Allies.— Attempt towards Negotiation between the French and_ the 
Allies at Basle, in’ Switzerland.—fiupture , threatened between thé 
French and Swiss Cantons.——Prevented.— Plan of the a Mi- 
litary Operations.— Manifesto of Charette.— Revival of thé War in La 
Vendée.— New Complexion of this.—-Total Defvat of the Insurgents.— 
Capture and Execution of Charette and Stoflet.—Manifesto of the Di- 
rectory for siestraining the Cruelties of their Soldiers.—Lenient Mea= 
sures.—Good Efjecis of these mii ar et ON eT ee 


Cai AP, VE. 


Address of the Direétory to the French Armies.— Determination to carry 
the War into Ltaly.—Difficulties to be encountered in carrying this Plan 
into Execution —Buonaparte—=The French Army, under his pai 

E ‘ ; “| makes 


CON PT ENR S. 


makes rapid Progress in Italy—The Austrians, under General Beau- 
lieu, constantly repulsed, yet not dispirited.—Vartous Aétions.—Sus- 
pension of Arms agreed on between’ the French and Piedmontese Armies. 
—General Beaulieu re-erasses the Po, for covering the Countries to the 

jorth af that Hiver.—dt Paris, Negotiation for Peace Letween the 
King of Sardinia and the French Repullic_—Treaty of Peace between 

rance and Sardinia ratified by the Legislative Bodies of France.— 
Exultation and Confidence of the French,—Improved ly Euonaparte, 
Sor the Purpose of leading on the Army to farther Exploits.—- Address 
to the Army.—General Oljeét and Tendency of Buonaparte’s private 
Conversation.—Homage paid to the Merit of Buonaparte and the 
Army, by the Direciory.--Buonaparte puts his Army in Motion.— 
Crosses the Po, and leaves General Beaulieu to break up his Camp.— 
Armistice between the French Army and the Duke of Parma,—The 
French advance toward the Capital of Lom(ardy.—Baittle of Lodi.— 
The Austrians retreat to Mantua.—The French proceed to Milan, 
where the French Generel allows his People some Days of Repose © 85 


_* 
CE Ars Wy Li 


Prultation of the French at the Successes of their Armies.—Their Army 
in Italy animated ty the Praises of their Countrymen, and tie Conver= 
sation as well. as the Proclamations of Buonaparte, toa high Passion jor 
Glory.—Enter the Duchy of Modena.—Spoliation of Monuments of 
Antiquity and Art.—dlhorrence of the Italian Nolility and Clergy to- 
wards the French greater than that of the inferior Classes.—-A yeneral 
Insurreétion ready to break out, quashed ly the Vigilance and Prompti- 
tude of Buonaparte.—The Austrians, under General Beaulieu, with 
the Connivance of the Venetians; take Possession of Peschiera.—Buona- 
parte advances against Beaulieu, who retreats to the Tyrolese.—The 
Venetians tremble before the French.—Dismiss from their Territories 
the Brother of the late King and Claimant of the Crown of France.~ 
Buonaparte takes possession of Verona.—Blockades Mantua.—Pre- 
pares to march into the Tyrolese— Detained by Insurreétions in - the 
Distriéts, known under the Name of Imperial Fiefs.—These being sup- 
pressed, he curries his dims to the Southward.— Reduces Tortona, Bo- 
logna and Urbino.—Menaces Rome.— Armistice between the Pope and 
Buonaparte.—Suspension of Hostilities with Naples.—Buonaparte the 
Friend and Patron of Menof Learning and Science. —Ambitious Views 
of the French Heputlic—Ilnsurrection in Lugo.—Quelled, and the 
City reduced by the French.—The Blockade of Mantua converted into 
aclose Siege—Raised ty Marshal Wurmser.— Aétions between. the 
French Army and that of the Austrians, reinforced hy Detachments 
Jrom Mantua.—enarkatle Instance of Presence of Mind in Buona 
parte.—The dustrians driven Lack beyond the ddige = =. =. QS 


& 


| CHAP, VII. +: 
Stahian Mobs excited against the French.—Suppressed by a Terror of the 
viélorious French.—Marshal Wurmser, pursued by Buonaparte, re- 
treats 


CONTENTS. 


tuto the Tyrolese.—The Siege of Mantua resumed.—Marshal Warmser, 
powerfully reinforced, makes Head against the French in the Venetian Tere 
ritories. —But is defeated.—The French take Possess.on of Trent.—Conti- 
nued Success of Buonaparte.—Marshal Waurmser, with the Remains of his 
Army, makes giod his Retreat, and takes shelter within the Walls of Man- 
tua.— Corsica, evacuated by the English, returns under the Givernm nt of 
France.—Pacification betwen France and Naples.—Includiag the 2ata- 
vian Kepublic.— Religious Zeal of the Romans.— Awakened by the Court 
of Rome ints Rage, and avowed Preparations for War against the Freach, 
A new Republic, composed of several small States.—Prevalence of the re- 
publican Spirit in Italy. —The Austrians, reinforced with Troops from 
Germany, advance against. the French.—Retahe Trent.—But are de- 
Seated with pr digisus Loss at Arcola.—The Austrians, though frequently 
defeated, return to the Charge.—High Spirit and Ciurage of the Tyroli- 
ans.—Devotion of the Army in Italy to the French Republic. —Patience of 
the French Suldiers under manifold Privations . = 109 


CL A. ae, 


Campaign in Germany.—Opposite Designs of the French and Austrians.— 
Successes of the French.—They invest Ehrenbyitstein,—Driven back, by 
the Archduke Charles, to Dusseldarff.—The Division of the French Army 
under M:reau takes Post at Strasburg.—The Plan f Operatiins proposed 
by this Generau—Crosses the Rhine.— Reduces the Fortress of Kebl.— 
Defeats the Aus.rians, under Marshal Wurmser, near Philipsburg.— 
And in various and successive Exgagemenis.—The Austrians retire, in order 
ta wait for Reinfarcements, into the Interisr of Germany.—FunGion of the 
French Troops under Jourdan and Kleber.—These united reduce Frank. 
Sirt.—Successes of Moreau in Swabia,—-C»ssation of Hostilities between 
the French and the Princes of Wirtemburg and Baden.—Condudi of Prussia. 
AA Prussian Army takes Possession of Nuremberg.—Impilicy of the French 
in the Mode of raising Contributiins.—Cause of this. —Dcpredations of the 
French in Germany.—Operations of the French Armies xader Moreau and 
Fourdan.—Disasiers of the Austrians.—The Emperor represents the Situ- 
ation f Germany, and bis cau Sitnation, in an Appeal to bis Bohemian und 
Hungarian Subjeds.—Diet of the Empire.—Partakes of the general Con- 
sternation of Germany.—Determination to open a Negotiatim for Peace 
with France. —The Tide of Success turned against the French by the Gere 
mans, under the Archduke Charles.—Obstinate Engog-ments.—Masterly 
Retreat of the French Armies.—Particularly of that under Moreau.—Cone 
sequences.—The Austrians occupied in the Siege of Kehl.—Sally of the Gar~ 
vison there.—Various A@ions.—Armistice beween the French and Austri- 
ans.—The Diet of the Enpire ve-onimated by the enterprising Spirit and 
Success of the Archduke Charles, solicitous to vegain the Favour of the Im- 
pevial Court “ + = ss 2 - 126 


CHAP, 


CONTENTS. 


CHA thee" 2 


State of Parties in France.—A Revival of the Reign of Terror threatened in 
the Siutheri Departments by Freron.—The Direétory desert and oppose 
the Facobin Interest.—Conspiracy of Facobins.— Discovered and defeated. 
—Arrangements respeBing the Estates of Emigrants.—Influence of the non- 
juring or refradory Clergy troublesome to Government.—Scandalous Neg- 
le& of the Execution of Fustice.—Criminal Trials.—Money and Fi- 
nance.—Tke same Impositions laid on the People of the Austrian Nether- 
lands as cn those of France.-—New Plots and InsurreP@ions.— Law for re~ 
conciling the different Fa&ims in France, by the Extinion of Terror.— 
Propisal for repealing a, L.ww which appeared to some to bear too hard 
on the Relations of Emigrants.—RejeGed.—But an equitable Alteration 
made in that severe Law.—This is a Matter of Triumph to the moderate 
ERT a) Nm OTe eer Tee - 147 


‘ Gr EAS Be EL. 

Effeds expeted in'France from a growing Spirit ‘of Moderation.—The Chief 
Objed in the Councils of France, how to break or to weaken the Power of 
England.—Plan of the French for that End.—Means for restoring the 
Pecuniary Credit of the French Republic.—A Rupture threatened between 

_ the French Councils and Executive DireGory, Prevented by the Necessity 

of their a@ing in Concert.—The Legislature invade the, Province of the 
Direfiory, by the Appointment of a Committe for judging in Cases of 
Appeals frm Emigrants.—Loftiness of the Dire&ory.— Humbled by the 
wise Economy and Firmness of the United States of America.— Feas 
husies and Disputes between the French and Americans—And an open 
Rupiure £ “ > = - - 164 
CHAP. Xi. 
The Haughtiness of the Direfory towards different Nations.—Particularly 
towards the Dutch, whem they cansider, not as Confiderates, but a cone 
guercd People.— Moderation of the Republic and pr-ponderating Party in the 
United Pr.vinces.—Batavian Convention. —Iis Proceedings.— Affairs of 
Geneva.— Meeting oft the National Institute of France.—Considered as an 
auspicious Omen of the Return of Peace and Reizn of the Arts.—And Li- 
erty of Thinkirg aud Publishing on all SubjeGts.—The Alliance between the 
Church and Monarchy of France, in the End, ruincus to both,—T be new, or 
constitutional, Clergy avow their Assent to the Separation of the Church from 
bhe Stote.—Yet venture to condemn some Things settled, or approved, by she 
__ republican Government.—Bui vehich they considered as adverse to the Dignity 
and Interests of the Ecchsiastical Order.—The Setilement of Ecclesiastical 
Affairs considered by the Generality of the French as a Matter of great 


Umportance . + : a * . . 175 
ws CHAP. 


4 


CONTENTS. 
C Hy Ave. . dei. 


Ge France, a General with fer Peace. —But the Popularity of the Wat awith 
England still continued. —Overture of Peace frim England tothe French 
Republic.— Negotiation for Peace at Paris. Abruptly broken off.— Affairs, 
Maritime and Colonial, French and British.—Infidelity of the French Goo 
wernment to their Engagements with the Dutch.—French Preparations 
and Expedition for ax Invasion of Ireland.—Defeated.—The Death of 
Catherine [I,— And the’ Resignation of General Washington 2 188 


CHRONICLE. 169. 


Births in the Year hee - - - - - - « 49 .]] 


Marriages 4 ri ae 3 Bs S a x 5t 
Promotions hae < 4 é x Daath ines Be BRD 
Deaths “ « = = i z ~ $5 
Sheriffs = A -" = 4 ° i“ 63 
APPENDIX ro THE CHRON ICLE. ; 
London Gazette, June = - - = = 78 
The like, Fuly 2 - 72 | 
Articles of Capitalaticn of the juond. of St. ae May a bedi 74 
The like of Cslombo, in the Island of Ceylon, Eeeruaty Lv Rakai 15 
The like of St. Vincent's, June it es a ny 80 
Die like of Grenada - 2 ye 3 J Sr 
London Gazette Extraordinary, Now. 3 - - - ibid, 
London Gazette, Nov. 29 * ~ gQ 
Articles of Capiiulation of Whine, February 16 - 92 
The like of Banda, March 8 Z - - ibid. 
Circular Letter to the Lieutenants of Counties on the Sea Coasts, Nov, 5 93 
Letter from the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the Lord ity ory Decst 94 
The like to the Bank P ibid. 
Account of the total nett Produce of all ihe Rene Sor one Year, endl ‘¢ OGober 
10, 1796 95 
Account of Wheat sell Me the Ci Marke!, Mark. la, fem Christmas 1795 
to Christmas, Se : a a 99 
Price of the Quartern L nah fie 1796 = = 100 
A general Bill of Christenings and Buri als ay 1796 3 Ior 
Substance af the A@ for preventing seditious Assemblies . = ibid. 
Averoge Prices of Corn for 1796 me - =" - 104, 
Fs hice ia Table far 1796 = ory - - 106 
Supplies pas by Parliament for 1746 - 106 
Princigal Pubke A&s passed in the Sixth Session of the Sewteiceuth Parlia- 
liament of Great ty z x a | 109 
Prices of Siock fir 1796 = = 3 110 
Trial of Mr. Willicm Stone for High Tveasee - 1It 


Petition of Sir Francis Blake to the House of Commins, Fe biases ne ‘fs 2 E 5 


CONTENTS 
Poe. SVE Aa eR A Pee Rs, 


His Majesty's Speech on closing the Session, May 19 - Ase 
The like on opening the Session, O@ober 6 - - - 118 
Protest of Earl Fitzcvilliam 3 - - - 120 
Message from the King, Dec. 12 = - - - 123 
The like, Dec. 17 S r. = = - - ibid. 
’ The like, Dec. 26 - 124 
Note transmitted to M. Ravibelini by Mr. Wickham, March 8 125 
Answer thereto, March 20 = A = es ibid. 
Note of Observation thereon, April 10 - - 126 


Explanatory Article to the Treaty beiween Great Britain ow America ibid. 
Treaty between Great Britain and the pie gid of Hesse Darmstadt, Fuse 


bam (=) - 128 
Letter from Sir G. Elle, vines of Corsica, to ie Chale of Porto Fer= 
' rajo - £33 


Articles by sibich che British aa took possession & Porto Rice, 134 
Proclamation by Gener al Forbes to the Planters of the Spanish Part of St. 


Daningo m = é ibid, 
Order by the ee in Dit September 3 -, - = 13 
The like, O&cber 12 - = - - - 138 
The like, November g « - - - - ibid. 
The like, December 28 - - - 139 


Auswer of the British Government to the Spans Declaration of War 14% 
Offcial Correspondence published by the British Government, relating to the 
_ Negotiation for Peace between Great Britain and the French Republic 149 


Credentials uf Lord Malmesbury in Latin, with a Translation 172 
Manifesto of the British Government against France, Dec. 27 - 173 
Speech of the Lord Lieutenant to both Houses of the Irish Parliament, Fan. 24 
I 7 

The Hike, April 15 . = 2. - - $2 
The like, Ofober 13 - - 183 
Proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant in ; Guaell, Wovaralon 16 182 
Decree of the National Assembly of the United Provinces for the Abclition of a 

privileged Church, August 13 183 
Proclamatiin of the same, fone the Feaporeatinn oft British Merchandizce, 

September 10 - - 1 84. 
Proclamation of the States. Goneral of the nial Prowinicte - 186 
Proclamation of the Dutch National Convention, March 16 188 
Manifesto of the Batavian Republic against Great Britain 7 ag 
Manifesto of Spain against Great Brivain, O&ober 5 . = 195 
Letter from General Beaulieu to the Genoese Gvernment, on entering their 

Territory a FS 197 
Address f the F: vench Minister to the Digs of Genoe - ibid, 


Note of the French Minister to the Genocse Secretary of State, Fulyio 198 
Letter from the aon Diredior, Suez, to the Commandant of Fort la 
Lauterne P = -} iu 3 199 


Reply, September 12 . - ibid. 
Letier frou M, Barthelemi to the Bur gtmatte Ts, Se, of the Sawis paginn Zoo 
eller 


Cr Or Ne Ty B's: 


Letter of the Executive Direélory, to the Helvetic Body - “- 200 
Declaration of the Executive Direttory to the Senate of Basle - 201 
Letter from the Sovereign Council of Basle to M. Barthelemi, April 9 ibid. 
Letter from M, Barthelemi to the Canton of Basle, May 9 - 203 
Answer of the Canton of Basle thereto, May \1 - - ~ 204 
Note from Mr. Wickham to the Senate of Berne, June26 = - . 205 
articles of the Concordat, agreed upon at Geneva, August 31 - 206 
Official Note of Count Bernstorff, Danish Minister of State +» 207 
Note from Citizen Grouvelle, the French Minister at Copenhagen to Count 

Bernstor ff - - - - - - - ~ - 208 
Answer of Count Bernstorff, Marchig  - - - - - 209 
Proclamation of the Queen of Portugal, for making Lisbon a free Port 210 
Manifesto of the Queen of Portugal, against the Batavian Republic 211 


Letter from the King of Naples to the Marquis del Vasto - 212 
Proclamation of the King of Naples, May 18 - - - - 213 
Ediét of the King of Naples, addressed to his Suljeéts - - 214 


Proclamation issued at St. Petersburg, respecting Dutch Ships, May 20, ib, 
Dispatch from Count Osterman to the Russian Minister at Madrid 215 
Answer of the Prince of Peace thereto, March 17 - - - 216 
Note from the Russian Minister at Stockholm, to all the Foreign Ministers, 
217 

Letter of Convocation, addressed by the King of Prussia to the different 
States, wishing to enjoy the Advantages of Neuiralily, April22 218 
Royal Prussian Hdiét, July 16 - - - - - - 219 
Declaration of the K. of Prussia, put against the Gates of Nuremlurg, 220 — 
Submission of the Imperial City uf Nuremburg, to the King of Prussia, 
August 16 - - - - - - ibid, 
Declaration in Answer delivered to the Magistrates nf Nuremburg — ibid, 
Hescript of the King of Prussia, respecting his Territories on the left Bank 
of the Rhine, December 29 - - - - 221 
Treaty of Peace letween the Duke of Wurtemlurg and Teck and the French 
Republic - - - - ~ - - 222 
Treaty of Peace between the French Republic and Margrave of Baden, ‘224 
Treaty of Peace between the French Republic and the King of the Two 


Sicilies - - - 227 
Offensive and Defensive Treaty of Alliance between France and Spain 228 
Treaty between France and Prussia, dugust 5 - - 232 


Treaty of Peace letween France and the Infant Duke of Parma 233 
Proclamation of the French Commissioner to the Citizens of St. Domingo, 


é 235 

of the Executive Dire€iory to the Armies of the Sambre and 

Meuse, May 29 - - - = - ~ 238 
gy General Buonaparte in dtaly - - » ibid. 

—— by Commissary of Salicetti - ~ - 240 

of Buonaparte to kis Brothers in Arms - - wbid, 

Address of the Deputies of Abbe to Buonaparte - - 241 
Buonaparte to the Republic of Venice - - - . = 242 
Buonaparte to the People of the Milanese - : -  2bid, 
Prociamation of the Wiunicipality of Milan, June 12 - 243 
Buonaparte to the Inhabitants of Tyrol - - - ibid. 
Buonaparte to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, June26 «= - 244 


Answer 


- CONT ENE S: 


a. 
Answer- = - - - - - - - 245 
Buoncparte, to the Grand Duke of Tuse te June-29 - ~ ibid. 
Answer - - - - ibid. 
The Executive Direftory to Citixen sF Ricotta July 31 - = 246 
The Ambassador of Sweden to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs 247 
Resolutions of the Executive Direéiory, dugust 5 - - 248 
Note from the Minister for Foreign Ajj xirs ‘to M. Barthelemi - ibid, 
Proclamation ly the General in Chief of the Army of Italy - 249 
Address of the French Ambassador to the Dutch Convention - ibid. 
Message from the Executive NY to the Council of Five Hundred, 
August 23 = - - - 251 
Proclamation hy the Executive Direétory, August 29 - - 252 
General Bucnaparte to the Executive Dirediory, Octoler 17 - 253 
Gentili to Buonaparte - - - - - ilid. 
Gentili to the French Commissioners - - 254 
Message of the Executive Directory to the Council of Fe Hundred, 
Oétoler 16 - - - - - ibid. 
The like, OGioler 26 - - 255 


Resolutions passed by the Council of ae Hundr edi Novenlen2 2 256 
Message of the Executive eeeery to the Council of Five Hundr et, De- 


cember 10 = : - 258 
Proclamation of the Gimmes pie Cais in Corsica = - 259 
Treaty of Peace letween the French Repultic and Sardinia 262 
Message of the Executive Directory to the Council of Five Hundred 265 
The like to the Council of Ancients - - - 267 
The like to the Council of Five Hundred - - - 20s 
Proclamation of the Fxecutive Directory - - - 270 
The Executive Direétory to the Citizens of Paris - = 272 
Address of the Executive Directory to the French Armies - ~ 274 
Proclamation hy Scepaux, in the Western Department — - 275 
Message from the Executive Direétory to the Council af Five Hundr ed ibid. 
Decree published at Modena, Oét, 18 - - - 276 
The Congress of Cispadana to the People of Bolded; &c. - ibid. 
Letter from the Pope to all the Catholics in France = OT 
Edict, published by the Pope, onthe Keception which his Sut ijeéis ought 

to give to the French - - 278 
Note of the Papal Minister to ‘he French Comittee: - - 279 
State Paper, published at Dresden, July 50 - - ibid, 
Declaration of the Eleéior of Hanover to the Diet of Bokision - 280 
Proclamation ly the Archduchess of Austria to the Tyrolese - ibid, 
Proclamation by his Imperial Majesty; x te Lf, dug. 14 - 281 
The like, Aug. 21 - - - 282 
The like, Sept. 18 - - - ~ 284 
Imperial Rescript to the Duke of Wi bileenBeerk - - - ibid, 
Resolutions of the States of Hungary — - - 287 
Substance of the Correspondence between the Gabinete of Vie enna and Rer- 

lin, respeéting the Line of Demarcation - - - 288 
Reply, by the Court of Vienna - - 289 
Message of the President of the United States to Congress - 2g0 


Noa Answer 


GOW RER RS oe 
Answer of General W, askington to a Resolution of the Hause of Representae 


tives - - - 2990 
Address of Bostey iy Wa Lington on bis re sitien Pes mm the Preiiteney of the 

United States of An Apieies September 17 2 x esa 28 
Note from the Pade Env y to the Executive Goverument of America 304 - 
Reply of the Executive Government thereta = 307 
Memorial prescuted by the French Envoy ta the American Secnconnter Foreign 

Affairs - - 310 
Nate publish ed ied the Reape Minister at Philadelphia 2 = 313 
Address of the President of the United States to Congress; November 15 ibid. 
Axsaer to the abave Aiddfess Tape . 3 z 317 
Reply of the President = = - - ~ 318 


CH AR AVC FoR RS 


Particulars of the earlier Years of Mr. Gibbous Life, and of the Course of 
Studies which laid ibe Foundation of his subsequent Cele brity,. written by 
himself - - - - 


- - I 

Acccunt of Solomon Gessner 2 2 z ‘ 8 
Some Particulars of the Death of C: pe ae 3 = =|. .340 
Biographical Account of the Cuunt de Buffon A a 342 
Mecount of Aposiole Zeno = = = ‘ re 346 
——— of the Peasantry of Norway i 347 
——— of the Hooxuanas, a wandering Tribe of § bel a is 349 

of the Celebratim of Good Fridey in Brussels = 351 
——— of the Alieration produced by the French Revolution at Strasburg 352 

— of the public Eativg-hor uses at Vienna “ z 353 
The Life and Writings of the Abbé Barthelemi 3 . 355 
Chara&er of Erasmus = e Pas E a 359 
Anecdates of the late Dr. Fames Fordyce, S e = 360 
Account of the Royal Society of Exglind 4 : s 362 
——— of the late Sir William Chambers : . = 364 
——— sf the late Fames Macpherson, Esq. — - és “8 


Interesting History f Don Pedra and Dona Ignex de Castro 371 
Exira&s from the Correspondence of Mr. Gibbon, with varias Men of Emi- 
uence inthe Literary World 4 5 . x 373 


NATURAL HISTORY. 


Some Perticulars in the Anatomy of a Whale = - ‘, 380 
An Account of the late Discover, of Native Gald in Ireland . 383 
A Minerological Accaunt of the Native Gold lately discovered in Tica. 385 
Onihe C. ld. felt on high Mountains, and at great Depths de 389 
Account of the great Speckled Diver, or Loon - a a 392 
Contrasts, and Cowsonancies, beteween Animals andthe Earth | = 394. 


Account of the Kainsi, a Species of Gazelle, ar Antela Be 
Rejiections on the certain Effecis of Heat and Cold on the living 5) System - 399 
Account f the Manner of Treating Bees in Portugal - 402, 


CONTENTS. 


On Plica Poloxica 403 
Onthe Pewer of fixed Alkaline Salts, . eee the Fles of Aossialh Srom 


Putrefa@ion = 7 406 
Observations on the Nature af Honey, Gamancbordy on its Saccarine Parts, 
avhen obtained in a solid Form - - - - 408 


USEFUL PROJECTS. 


First Report from the Sele@ Committce appointed to take into Consideration 


- the present high Price, of Corn ~ x = 4 = 413 
Second Report = 2 = 4 “ S 416 
Third Report 5 2 2 é - 418 
Appendix tothe Thi ae Report 2 422 
7 Ft chu Sinclair’s Address to the Board ae Agric wage s 438 
On the Use of Rice 443 
Specification of the Patent grin to Mr. Foress for kis Method of deteBing 

Errors in Book- heepiug 3 s 445 
Account of an Teaprovement in Sea. Comp 155€5 - ci 448 
Receipt to cure the Complaint of the Water in Sheep - - 449 


zo WA it iis OR ial et IS le I 8 


A short Account of severcl Gardens near Loudon, with Remarks on some 
Particulars, wherein they excel, or are deficient, upon a Fiew of t! em, 
tt December, 1691 = 450 
Sketch of the History of Sugar in the ra Tides, and th rough the iihie 
Ages = a = = 4.66 
Acciunt of Poetry in Stotland, during the Sinteenth Century 459 
Extrad from an Account of the C: ill: egiate Chapel es St Seplen ty Westa 


minster 


401 
Of Axcient Spain, ae, ils Origiot! Inbabitunts! . . 462 
Of the Tiljrians and Pannonians - = = - 465 
China, as known to the Ancients - - - 466 
Historical Account of Sculprure 468 


Letter from King Charles 11. to the Duke of Ontiand: an his te rating te 
Seals from Chancellor Cla rendon = = - 471 


MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. 


On the Influence of Cld upon the Health of the Inhabitants f Lendin 472 
The Domiphobia, or Dread of Home 


- - - 76 
On Watering Places - < - - - ene 
The Invention of Orgaus  « 483 
Ox the Injustice of the Charges hecaabn against the settee Philose andi 486 
Of the Ca auses of the Lacrease of Crimes - ~ - 453 


BORTRY. 


CONTENTS. 


POETRY. 


Ode for the New Year % a St 2 e 492 


Qe on bis Majesty's Birth-day ~ ce . ait ="493 
4 beautiful Spring in a Village - 494 
To Mrs. Bishop, with a Pocket Vilar dhte oun hev Husbeed - 495 
Lensra, a Ballad a - 496 
Mr. Surrebutter’s Commencement it his Leow ele . - | §az 
Address ts Forgetfulness - “ = > ae 
Sonnet, sacred ta the Memory of Picmlipe’ 3 = - 505 
The Person aad Habitation of Despair 4 2 - 506 
The Sorrcws of Sunday 2 ~ EOF 
The Man of Method, from the Bore; ae Literature “ -. $09 
Richardson, Bivins and Goethg. 2 2 = =. Ss 


Account of Books for 1796. Pe 
Zoanomia, or the Laws of Ovganic Life, wol. ii. 4to. Ly Erasmus Data, 


M. D. F. R.S. 1796 = 514 
Principles of Legislatian, by enh ies Michell, oe ee Esq. 8v2, ae 


516 
The Histary and Antiquities of the County of Leicester, by Fobn Nichols, F.S. A. 


Edinb. and Perth, falio, 1796 529g 
Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Mite Meta stasir, by “Charles Bur- 
ney, Mus. D. F.R.S. 3 vals. 8v0. 1796 ~ & ot ene 
»* ‘_- ae’ 


» Ta RTS BH 
Printed by B. M‘Millan, 
Bow Sticet, Covent Garden.