bP Ad he gee iy Myre wield Cs levee ne i . ‘ ‘iter mite tat oeacorte o recitations Sele IO Ro ‘ a eames atgrart ieee st laste ganar apie, BEET ara : agaist ae estes eee ce Perm) Se para aen wt Yok i Se Cada er mei rere cae nee n . ; “ne atone aka i Arey Aatacanys ) ; Jak i eit Wen sepa utr tinea Ni Satur aha rm) Piso ka oe ay : ‘ re ‘- eee v 0 ate Nata Micaela nt sah apeane at Cn . Seabee ep NY c a it one oi Whe ATi Be be ®) Hera el ae oa Ne mei eg tL! paternity) nti 1 int M hatteatatahhiton mead aati aiden ‘ see rsh Misia Neadyanies ent ie : riaitueeeh shale Nanaia 4 ton She Qivew ape cade . CMC es) mens atone (ern iets ith ease nat fake nl aatalibeted ney Wea iy ate fi tet et eh ap Gee aia ingia leases Y On en ‘ ence We ‘ i Lies ; 4 arte icon sa ne estan ik Niet Goun ee Sicatearys Runa al s Reese fe Sree veil in sree . My Donnie Tr aSpatnctaace dete A f Aarne rsh ba a ST % ; raven CP) Abs rnoenaa rc ime ra MIN ta Paeach ae Sueil a Aen . Pee MN hay Ny ‘inte coe ben ene tAy4 " ; i Whasetcticd | Vrain he I a SRUUCAN AA ride i on RNAS Aly . Watch EO Aye Ay ie dou Veet WEN hel ete : {eet meee W Mh ede vee hehe Vase Nie has Ds Ith ea Bad itt tt xi ae tard atyane Py Meant Satoshi win dog de) Jeary we Wee allt i irae ” 1S aye & dedete ban ee, na AiG : MAS Se itso ede SM eben hast need avid UY ied b NSN i Mick hey Na? Hirth ; ios Reet wort” AM Q ; Ae i SoMa tts ican Urey Vhs (ohh ented $ t Apa hbo raids! ake ay aaa ad tase, veda ata ity iy ¥ i fra pri ii fon Wha a Assit: Rept ea uch wet yerd . 4 rene a : hy ry Ta E t, D devcny tsa ty A he f Min na Ss thor hione betye , top he Ww ones RE NE ws : SS ert Date ete te ED pet ie Ae'td Nan betes Lia eave a Need aL det Cannes tee CESAR UNDA RN Gaol her PN Car nat ay “4 Pr anis Ceo ate i-th Y) be tana pea nalde ts PA * MEA? hie oi huh asi rh) ) 18, % end ve aint . Ra IM aera el sy ; Ms inked tony yi f 7 Bs , y) ty i rae, an uf Fahd Men Cay AY 4 ol ut Cut ven Sacra ; Hh p ; ib Why ORNL) ; teeta at f fh Si Tait, Ada setr elt} y atk " CPA Ara rather Mo Penis ie ra FP Re PRA " eee i f\ ff) hit a aT 4 ‘ ONC : Anaee se Ad} Preteen ak tet ert fyi) erat NCIS ADIN ANT Hy “ wt al Mey tind upped ie ctaen nie ‘ Rasta ue ere WE EM WELS EIEN nt Faia nhy ae v , Pr ra Tt ee a . ie ie Saas daa be Vee Wd HANS ‘ Hee ON hehe Mihi eM att td ws Hen dad 9iWey UA SUES? y ; i i ‘ rare i ity H! nine ee nS ‘Stay i Meads , Teed a iensetd et A cep hs Ee a ath pas ry Abie ie aye ay aay ‘ ‘ i i %F nf tak Nara rahe ; , ied aired High ayer Say es " Kegpavest % ale ewi " Oe AN, nia ns) {yh oh . ; ¥ ay of ‘ va ARCA ; ie CA AOE " Py itininti eum res On) r ¥ wets recy btn trea Aarau Rare eA “ at fietrcineths Lanhises Fir de ‘ F eal prsse dy etre ; Micag ; ris ‘ “i eh ied ‘i + Pasir rors UR Nat iran Aptos aia Wyeth a (i Wate anit rad soda Reeinh sink CP a ey is “ pit saleby te Tyetaane : eat SW dil areas ‘ ota stots ‘ hse Se Rt ‘ : : me ety i ea ASRS hate ‘see Ki M tan ‘t ‘ bebs ‘ ‘ whey. \ a Y i i Hie ed peor hve) asad ‘ Ay (helrirt ‘ fas Sirdcns eh at ¥ Brees "1 baty are acy, yin ‘ ach bt mats 7 At ake eae ect ys ‘y 0 Be Stor a fie wae 5 “hi f wenn iy ff Panne rats myave’ vee sian! aia ate tayash laity il re Pica he EEE LR Wiley arch rai naa cat N Viva de ay Sade ok i . Niven a kok 5 Melay hs Watts Mey eovw Ravan Hi ‘Ww urn 7 art 688 ha sa vine len Chetan Ning ae: Wy Nee te a CaP MAN Phi dacat aed elie fH vee ie DS ee HN UR RI ait hd ear iranet tl Ta ale Ante ODT kD , By aii eh A Vasardan 4 ¥ Arie Arn ‘ ; ‘ “ { ie (err r tae c hie f ; i * ; yey MaNeA tia yee i ilar dota ¥. sient 0 : OMAN RR BIOENG ‘ ui wR Dts HAAN wit ve eecpleras oF Orit ¢. Hidieens we Oh) CUP he te urie + ' ry nae sgesoane wed Dass aw es pemaee eendta na tigiae: Nintarigi: aAnaitebuiaa aN ANCHO ICSC LN Lihat Wadia a eC Tea aay aus oS tar : ; ee Hey echt a ea Ma etree ll ite iet ‘ ith aegices 6 ( lial oie aeaamek fh * Leet etait a nh ert r Hokie Bese rhea t ohn ‘ 7 He ca lank snus es “ Pera Kult ‘ high + my ni fe SAW eR RM Lea i Sha Pa ale taherdarnrca a yea ard ee Cad ace FF seat ¥ Pein ee tae sa ‘ aide ana " ‘ MW Na OK Ly a yard firs Aneat ult Sstaltatinciiee a Dee) ay tye ay by “a i hana a) i 1 i f ay 4 , Yas 4 th Ve ' i ' b / : i rh ; oes 4 1 P a} i) dy UN | rea iv Hey i Pay atl y el iy Ay " ‘ y i i ah i ; a eh in’ 7 vas d gah ' i eS Pals nt on ; ih 5 H f i) MY, Margh 7 * : wy é ; iy a v ue py) AT sd . yin \ ‘ie 4 ‘ic Ties ® An pian 4 ah i Ante d f yt ¥, pa? ih by, ia Tah thy f° aaa ot el ee va] ana ai ON EK hop pa Nl wa WA ye hy Pel ad hie k AY Tear Vea riot Sete cman alt RY at eda Prgerg 7M hey Mant Oe eS ee er | Rae tO ‘on 1 pana © od new eh le Oa Nia tives A bane is begs why d/ 5 Nae a, vi bid fe hv A 4° ‘Or i “A hehe s,! > Vo es "sam dela ‘ i ws wee tad de ' Sy TW iif CC ae bree ») } r ae ik j A Liege Want | ; Pins i / ie ° DSi lata ia eee pyre" i nh fare 1) teks ay | a ; ay | VAY ht * PL f y ' < 1 an 7) i- , / bs “ a ; J q “yy j it ite Ai) i : o) Asp { | “ | Md Hie a ke ADVERTISEMENT The work of the Bureau of American Ethnology is conducted under act of Con- gress ‘‘for continuing ethnologic researches among the American Indians under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution.” Two series of publications have been issued by the Bureau under authority of Con- gress, Viz, annual reports and bulletins. The annual reports were hitherto author- ized by concurrent resolution from time to time, and were published for the use of Congress and the Bureau. The present report is published hy authority of section 73 of the act of Congress approved January 12, 1895, entitled ‘‘An act providing for the public printing and binding and the distribution of public documents.” The publi- cation of the series of bulletins was authorized by concurrent resolution first in 1886, and more definitely in 1888, and twenty-four numbers of this series have been issued for the use of Congress and the Bureau. In addition, the Bureau has supervised the publication of a series of quarto volumes bearing the title, ‘Contributions to North American Ethnology,” begun in 1877 by the United States Geographical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. This series comprises Volumes I to VII and IX. The above publications are distributed primarily by Congress, and the portions of the editions printed for the Bureau are used for exchange with libraries and scien- tific and educational institutions and with special investigators in anthropology who send their own publications regularly to the Bureau. The exchange list of the Bureau is large, and the product of the exchange forms a valuable ethnologic library independent of the general library of the Smithsonian Institution, This library is in constant use by the Bureau collaborators, as well as by other anthropologists resident in or visiting Washington. Most of the volumes of the annual reports and all of the volumes of the ‘“ Contri- butions to North American Ethnology” are out of print. Exchanges and other contributions to the Bureau should be addressed, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C., U.S. A. i ae + ' . a FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION hoo = OE ALE ARs JEOy en sh Dew DIRECTOR ASSN i) TT K\\D* / Oo 2) AP yy, e ~ warrong, WW WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1897 i* a + kr , ) i f F 7 } i , : ; i] ' , - ‘ na i ’ « BS iB f é ~ \ + ; ‘ LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN InstITUTION, BuREAU oF ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., July 1, 1894. Str: I have the honor to submit my fifteenth annual report as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. The first part consists of an explanation of the plan of the Bureau and its operations during the fiscal year 1893-94; the second part comprises a series of special papers setting forth certain results of the work of the Bureau relating to arche- ology and the social organization of the American Indians. I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, Director. Honorable S. P. Laneuey, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. IIt 2 y 4 i i ‘ * 2 . S ‘ es d P i , 4 wy - A ; : = A { + : . - CONTENTS REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Page 1h CCINOHOM ac eco pkesed taecec naob adeess Haoons cone SasoEsEs bose pepeee sede XVII MOMMY TENCE), soe cee coe saeebac ee soebsHe gegose ode SaeE eee saenebe Se cene XX Operations during Wi ulye ase te eer sa ewe alec ee se ese eee seca sa = XX Operations unin ONO CUS be eee ame aaa een ee = ane eae sees aa XXIV Operations urine 56 p LOM De lees aa ne see ee eel eee ere XXVII (OperAiOns Gites OO OWES o-Ssco cosas cosede SSanes sece sacocspeSDEees XXXII Operations a urin oy NOOMD Oleee sate alseaa as aee mace = Sama ener een aa XXXVI Operations durine December cess = -aiaae= = see see a ae ee XLII OPOLA EONS TT Oy) aN eee ee alae aah ale ie ae eel oe XLVI OperabionsiGurin ee DTU Any; eas 22 ee eaten sete ae = ncaa L Operationsiduring, Marches 2.2. sae2 sore - cos 2-2 eects ecsececee sss LIV Oncmminona dining JAA, a s Gs00 seen ses ssasas epee XCIX ORAM Ein KOTO IME sae aaac cosnco peloee Sons Sas Sone Sano eses Seco esBEeoee c iomepalwors Gasca Grand eyruines sa -mlesee sels ies eae a= cul Olin Reina NIRINON . <52 560 agconesopene Aron a5ostoc0 poe Gor soosce Bese Sena ceae CIV ACCOMPANYING PAPERS STONE IMPLEMENTS OF THE POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE, BY WILLIAM HENRY HOLMES IPREMIGINY MOOS < se sed eodnbocos. uABAGaeHe RSs a AONE R bess Snaeaocacoss soosem Eonar 13 Clievaiign T= liiniiGhine Wis) cteacneces sess Codes See bn asses peeees coeece eseSeeEc 19 shemiel dkotumv.estigatlon as eas ese se ete ea ea at iala = = == 19 Ta coh ReneS BENG oS Se Se encone sosee de ececs SaSeed Bese HeSeeoeso> 20 VI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Chapter I—Introductory—Continued. Page Characteriof thestoneimpiements 2. = = ate le = ee eee eee 21 Materials(and their/distribution= --=225-—- = -- = ee ee a eee 21 QW EMA bN® pace sacsos asos Socnse cseecbeS to roes sar eses sass osse sos ese 23 WPA REO WN) 65 Semen snot ono oeD SSHoeeeSed oaub Su sons cots Soke Stoo oeeSee 24 Livan USVEREES) ese o8 toes Sade sano caso cee Sobre Seass eso sso see 24 Slapin Pup LOC CSS OS ere emt eet ee ee eee 25 Chapter II—Manufacture of flaked stone implements -----.--..---.---.------ 29 Thinmafeho te geyay hie irs WG aes oo ae oos Hoss SSeS See a eSSsee Sees eseses sas sS: 29 Quarry-workshops of the District of Columbia ...-..........-..-.-..---- 30 History ofsthe researc hiee seeteere see ees eee see eee 30 Geologyrofathellocalityee sce eeee eee == eee eee ee 31 Letbihys [PVM EC LEY AY Cisne o moooon sess oasetone Sods esse edee HSS seeseesonee 33 Location of the quarries ses-.sssse en ete eanee te nee ee eee 33 Operations son (te (Sit Cease ene eee ee ate eee 35 Discovery: and Teconnolssance=s-- === jae ae eee ase eee ee 35 The first tren chixs- 3-2 ac) = ns ones sees ee eee eee eee 36 Theitree pits. 25-2 oe~ eae se eee eee oe eee 44 The.second trench: 52 -.2- --je-moee ee ee ee eeaee eee ee 45 Theitihird trench) 2 -ees eases see ae see eee eee ere eee 45, he fourthrand fitth trent hes eee 49 The sixth trench) 222. saicceee ee eee ese eee eee ee ee ae eee 50 Other Piny branchi sites: eae ae see eee eee 51 Biny, branch) sh0 pS eee aees= a= eae ee eee eee 52 General features, -- =o eer eee eee Shao ase =H Se Shes ceaae 52 Special features eam rce omens ee ee ates ee ee aes 53 The quarry-shop product. - =< <= oo pee = ee ae see eee ee 53 Toolsused'in flakin gee 2 2.2 epee a-eeyeee eee eee eee ee eee 58 Processesiof manufacture 22 .(c 2 22s ais soe ee eee eee eee 58 Destiny ofitheiquarty bladesa---as- see = seaee eee eee eee eee 62 The Dumbarton heights quarry-shops-..-..--.-.---.---.---.---.-------- 62 POCRtHUON oo mnie os tri ne Olsens Sales ae ae ee ree 62 Geology of the (site cae ee meee ee eee 63 Distributionio faquaxnya pits see ase eee eee eee ete 64 AUS NO MTP 5 3555 oaoS cone cos SooS espe cso ber She eer AGaS rence eEdae 64 Other Rock icreekisites::5-2-- tos s2,c2so 5 =e see sania nie ee eee re eee eee 66 Shop sites of the middle Potomac valley - .---...--.-.---...-.-..----.---- 66 Falls;sectioniof the: Potomac) ---2-sass.e-- 62a eee eee eee eee 66 Anacostia valley )3-.- 2.22 s- sersse a-.e nis ee eee eee eee 69 The tidewater Potomac. -.. 2... 22 sa sean eee ee ee eee eee 71 Sites in: James Tivervalley: <-- ~~. .- a. = = a5 see ee eee eee 72 Quarries‘of thevhighland .--_.\-=.- 5-2-2 --2ssecceqaseece eee eee eee eee 72 Materials: quarried). --2--.-s25..02csesososes samen eee aoe eee Pee ee 72 ocation;and) producto o- --coc ces s-- eh a<-fea ee eee eee 73 Rhy oliteiquarries: 2... oo-- see se ane = eee ee eee ee eee 73 lint quarries: 2. 2¢<--~s2s-e- Sscc 52-45-56 eae Bee nee eee 77 Jaspersand-arcillite quarries <25--- =-----2- eee =e eee eee 7 Cacheste ncn cet cerca se eecre aaa san eae eee ee a ee 78 Chapter Li[—Blaked’ stone implements \------->----.- - 22 =o eno eee eee eee 80 Goneralifeaturess=- on ose onan a= aloo eee eae ee ne ee ee ee 86 implementsiof leat-blade eenesisia-—-aaes— === ele |e eee eee 82 Mypical characters). ccre- cess sere aoc ewe ate ee Oe eee ee 82 Blades—blanks, cutting implements ...-..........----.-----.-------- 84 Specialized blades—projectile points, etc ..........-----.------.----- 84 Narrow-shafted blades—perforators or drills-....-.-...---.---.-----. 85 Specialized blades, etc—scrapera)---- -- 2-22 - o 2 ns eee eee 85 Relation of clay and steatite pottery Various articles of steatite Chapter VI—Distribution of stone implements ---............-..--..-------- The area investigated Distribution of materials CONTENTS Chapter III—Flaked stone implements—Continned. Leaf-blade implements grouped by material -.......-..-..-----..-------- @uartzitenmplements esas ease cence ee eine ee elem inane ns ciciela) sintalal Soee Sees tens so Soeeens Ssseesqccee 240, FHag MOU Ket One WOW ons eno s noone coos Boesoo oe snes cee se ssenuesegseede= 240 Mhe Hotcan gars om Wane Dae Oem mien ale pare ial eee eal oe 240 The Mandan ------ Be eo Jee eiasee aa a SSeS testo? qascecise-ceeseseces: wall GN) EDGR GE aoe cooo cena ogusae ooSsee Sas Sooncomccecs cecegs creasaeces Secnecds 242 4Mave (Chita (re JNITERO Gh = 5.655066 a5 5850000 codecs ESoe Sees Sars psec asa cece sooc 243 TAD LENS sc sie See ae Sees hoop esp sbe Cooe cose Peed Been cone Seee habe hes eae aiosicis 243 sMhewbutel Oe seca cays a se cient easisees eens se eces 268 SOWING. comp etosdes sogoue Hone Sooe Soeanesdeesy case ace seeecssGEcee 268 Kateimarsmetvuim. oo. ccmcm.ccececcrc sce cies cess Seeciccteessse: sooeesee 273 IRON = 5086 ce ose reacsose Boca co0e Hees codgeocL SanubecupSceED DeSean 274 IPA oN NS Se isocaenos Sone 356 Sono ebb o ecoD bo aa oo osSo deousu nes os 291 INA ROONEY) as Sarees oRgean Abas Sbob Dobe no0s eons Seep ease ae Se S56 292 IND brevis bed gna b Cin as seats o seers teeters sate aoe oa avalos aeta see aa 292 (MnO ENG oS soeacs qecene aaa nolo pause epson ssbbSos sea seeeocoeed 292 StocSlakomessssceectcass cae, 22cm 52th cee ccivae oe eee eee erases 296 Rawikkateinas seco sesces, cco cccs cece s2s ceceesceeassc= SUseee se eeceee 299 Mnakatcinaver see te een cea cice toes see ce ctenie eee sso glebiere ae 303 Comparative study of Kateina dances in Cibola and Tusayan-------.---.---- 304 THE REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN, ARIZONA, BY COSMOS MINDELEFF Mt rod UC tONa2s< 4 aec1e = wis soe se cisions Seee sae cele se ees cio Sae wie eeeee coe eeeeee tess. 321 DESO MON OE WES NUN E555 ope SoSscdossoee seSs6sos050n aes ses esene csasgec 321 ConditiomomCasa Grandenn Sol ie eae eee ee eee ee eaee seem ee eee cee == 323 IPI GINS, Wore WN) SEN 655 Comoe ne -eadmosee specs Seon aeeobES pos paso seeups DaSkeS 325 TSCOM WOM Ol TING Os sonbas BA SSSoSaossR osor coh obad neo coSsedcsSs Be coSaESSS5R 326 Reserva tloncot thei an dleeeeec vee claire decieis aisle) seit sata = = sient eee cere oe 330 Specimens found in the excavations.......--.---.---------------------/------ 330 PR Dts eee cate rea tacya ree Saysistalelcisin sisinteteiSie we wine wie iee ey severing artiscne 12 He sels eee 333 I. Contract for repairing and preserving Casa Grande ruin, Arizona.... 333 Il. Plans and specifications for the preservation of the Casa Grande ruin, Iara, We ils « seeco oe Sboae Jae eOSnsOne conn adecec cade Senbarecose ser 335 Generaliprequirements sesso sae ae eee at ee areal 335 @learinpioutjthedébris=s24- 2-2. ostelescisa= oe safes a sees =e 335 Wing Girone: Walle eee Seog ekeae soeess seeeceeses ese cuceeese 336 LOU ioe TING) Newnes io Be Re Oe Ren Be coos} aoe seeenoBeeees Boca oees 336 [BRENIG tent + cdocostede Soe cone Se SaecH astra enodac -saSEECoSeeceass 336 WARNING, «aan econ ee seas nee ose no ace tbs eeecccnene sae acseneoe 337 IROOL sas seer eee iene ne oe eeecios co aceeas se ec cece cavsisteesdeceeoees 337 x REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Exhibits—Continued. M1: Plansiand sections: « .2.--<2 -2=se)32 Gees cc ose eee ade eee eee IVE Oath-ofi@isinterestednesss 52 .5-2c2sa-cicnesaecceine resem eee Sener eee Wi wBlds 2s. coeds cece ssc a sas cose sce eee pee aaron ce eeretoete Viz, Indorsements:~. 2.25. oe ese nace, Ses eseeceee wae See eee aes Vill Reportof/MribiiCRizere—- 2 -\-ossee. aes sees eee ee eee Supplement Correspondence and report relating to the condition of Casa Crande in 1895, with recommendations concerning its further protection. -...--.....--. I. Il. Ill. LiVe VI. Letter of Reverend Isaac T. Whittemore, custodian of Casa Grande, to the Secretary of the Interior, recommending an appropriation for further protecting the moins assesses eee eee eae Indorsement of Mr Whittemore’s letter by the Acting Secretary of the Interior’. 2. ssc,<2 ssn eae eee oad eee pee eee ee ee eee Letter of the Acting Director of the Bureau of American Ethnol- ogy to the Secretary of the Interior suggesting an examination of Casa Grande with a view of its further protection..........-. Letter of the Acting Secretary of the Interior to the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology approving the suggestion that Casa Grande be visited with a view of determining the desirabil- ityof tts further protec ylOnees==—eeese es eeeetee eee eae . Letter of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Interior regarding the examination of Casa Grande by Mr WJ MeGeecss-5 22 oo. es eee ea seee ease cee ees Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Interior on the examination of the condition of Casa Grande by Mr W J McGee, with a recommendation con- cerning its further protection... --. SSosad sacCuaonNoSU oDoSee on ae Page 337 338 338 339 340 B44 ddd B44 344 344 347 dAT 348 ILLUSTRATIONS FRONTISPIECE. Group in plaster illustrating quarry-shop work.---.----------- Puate I. 10 Ill. IV. sovile XVII. XVIII. XIX. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXITI. XXXIV. XXXYV. Map of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province. .-..------------ Map iomthe Piny branch) quarries... =o. =] = eaneseeeas = - a= Quarry-shop refuse exposed in the bank of the rivulet...---..---.-- View looking north up the rivulet at the foot of the quarry slope-- - . View from the bed of the rivulet, showing exploitation pits ---.-.--- . Section of quarry exposed by the first trench ...--...-.--.--------- . Section of ancient pit filled with quarry-shop refuse from aboye-.-- . Portion of an extensive deposit of shop refuse near the quarry face-. . Section showing the irregnlar quarry face ...-..-------------------- . Roots of a chestnut tree growing in a bed of shop refuse---.-....---- 7, Section showing deposits filling the quarry exposed by the third (RON a oon Seeass roggse dee Soe eee bs SEE Sor penoSy SSobeo cooEeererse Section showing the quarry face exposed by the fifth trench ---. ---- Quarry-shop rejects—progressive series -......--.------------------ Blade-like rejects from the quarry-shop refuse. ....-.--...---------- Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop GHC s cece pane ee saabou So SsEy Snes chobos bosoanose ste ceeeao seaone . Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop TOLUBOMS See ta eign aaa was stam nic cia Pee win rcs cla steelers Sew area tee . Broken blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made OM YS. CER SAO NS sacs Sope AOR SpO Gao. seen Sseaue og SSussosS Fragments of blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made in theiquarry-shopsaa.--. = sse- a eeeeaiee § ies 22 eee ee eee Relation of the flaked blade to the parent bowlder ...--.-.---------- Two specimens of flaked stone found in a single cluster--..--------- Core-like forms from which flakes have been taken....-...-.-.------ Site of the Dumbarton quarry, showing refuse-covered slopes. ----. - Potomac bowlder bed exposed in grading U street...-.-..--.--.----- Series of rejects from the South mountain rhyolite quarry -.-..----- Rhyolite cache blades from a garden on Frogmore creek, near Balti- Rhyolite blades from various caches-.-...-...--..-------------------- Quartzite cache blades from Anacostia and Bennings sites ---.-.----- Relation of specialized leaf-blade implements to the original blade-. Scraping implements of quartz and quartzite. ........-------------- Series of flaked forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac- ture of projectile points from quartzite bowlders -....-...---.---- Quartzite blades of varying size and outline, mainly unspecialized, from Potomac village-sites or ot ot or or OL oot lor or) or © for) i) XII PLATE XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. 1G LVI. LVII. LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXIl. LXIIT. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXVIII. LXIX. LXX. LXXI. LXXII. LXXIII. LXXIV. LXXy. LXXVI. LXXVII. REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main projectile points, from Potomac village-sites..........--...-.-....... Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main arrow- points, from Potomac Village-sites _........-:-..------.-.- Series of forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac- ture of arrowpoints from quartz pebbles.................. Quartz blades showing slight traces of specialization. ...._-- Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints- - Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints. . Quartz arrowpoints of eccentric shapes.............-..-.--- Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in shaping rhyo- lite implements: 6:\.- mis eees= seseeeri os eae soe eee Unspecialized rhyolite blades, mainly from Anacostia viJlage- GUC mane Gere eee L Oa na USHa So a6e on Sede Hoa eacesees AaEB eR SeS Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely knives and spearpoints, mainly from Anacostia village-sites........... Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely projectile points, mainly from Potomac village-sites....................---.- Rhyolite arrowpoints, mainly from Potomac village-sites. -... Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in the shaping of leaf-blade implements from argillite................-.-- Sharpened bowlders from Potomac village-sites............-. Sharpened and battered bowlders from Potomac shell heaps... Rude axes made by sharpening and notching quartzite bowl- ders by flaking, from Potomac village-sites..............-. Rude ax-like implements from Potomac village-sites.-....-_. Rude axes or picks made of quartzite bowlders sharpened and notched by flaking, from Potomac village-sites............. Slightly modified quartzite bowlders used as Lcanglaatant Bae Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the shaping of celts by fracturing, battering, and abrading---- Group of celt-axes from the Hag aia TOPO eee ee eee Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the shaping of thei sTooved| asc. seen ee ee ae Outlines of grooved axes illustrating range of form. ....---.. Group of grooved axes from Potomae-Chesapeake village-sites . Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making - Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making - Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making...---.-. Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making. -..._-_. Specimens illustrating breakage in celt making.........--.. Specimen illustrating roughed-ont celt, very thick at lowerend Specimen from celt shop, probably rejected on account of defective works. 22222. a. et aan eee ee Ee Specimens illustrating the manufacture of grooved axes_.... Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray... -- Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray Rerforated tabletsofjslaterce.-- 94.20) ee ee nese eee ee Winged ceremonial stones from the vicinity of Washington... Pitted stones and mortar from tidewater village-sites........ Mortars, pestles, and sinker(?) from the tidewater province-. Abrading stones from the vicinity of Washington. Hammerstones from Potomac village-sites...........-.-.---- Surface of soapstone quarry, showing various phases of the CHULIN oyop eral ONG eee ee ene ee oe a Incipient vessels broken during the shaping operations .-...- Page PLaTE LXXVIII. LXXIX. LXXX. LXXXI. LXXXII. LXXXIII. LXXXIV. LXXXYV. LXXXVI. LXXXVII. LXXXVIII. LXXXIX. KC. XCI. XCIl. XCIII. XCIV. XCV. XCVI. XCVII. XCVIII. XCIX. . Specialized and partially specialized objects of steatite ---. I. Graded series of flaked implements ...--....-......-..----. . Quarry . Results of experimental flaking by percussion and pressure. . A, Shield with star symbol; CIX. CX. CXI. CXII. CXIII. CXIV. CXV. CXVI. CXVII. CXVIII. CXIX. CXX. CXXI. CXXII. § CXXIII. CXXIV. CXXV. ILLUSTRATIONS Series of forms showing steps in the steatite-shaping process - Quarry-shop rejects showing early stages of the steatite Bapin MOL ke ee ae aa ae haa a oale nie mints eral aia er Examples of unfinished steatite vessels View of the Clifton quarry after clearing out ...-.....----- Implements used in cutting steatite......--..-....----.---- Map and sections of the Connecticut avenue steatite quarries. Map showing trenching of the ancient steatite quarries on the northern hill Surface of ancient steatite quarry exposed by trenching ---- Chisei-like implements used in cutting steatite Steatite-cutting implements of eruptive rock.......--.-.--- Fragment of a steatite quarry implement Implements used in cutting steatite.........-...----.---.-- Implements used in cutting steatite......-....----.-------- Mass of steatite partially cut out by means of stone chisels-- Grooved axes used in soapstone quarries ..---.----------- Rude grooved pick used in quarrying steatite.-......--.---- Implements used in cutting steatite............--..---.---- Pointed implements used in cutting steatite...-.....-..---- Steatite pick made by sharpening a grooved ax...--.-..---- Grooved ax used and broken in asteatite quarry. -.-....----- Grooved axes sharpened by flaking for usein quarrying steatite Small articles made of steatite.......-..-.--...-.-.-.------ group in plaster set up on the Piny branch site. ---- B, Soydluta shield with star and unknown symbol; C, Symbolic sun shield_.-.---- ace eLnerNatackaceremonyrat Walples-. 2-22-5225 s2se20\-222-- I. Hahaiwiiqti, Natdcka, and Soy6kmana..-.....--.--.-..---.- eb ollvoree slakomanasecnaseere sete sccees see eee emcee eee aay . Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain- cloudisymbolism 22.2 2222 cesiswts soo oe eee een se eacies sacs Doll of Cailakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as Cala- kotaka) Head-dressoteall oso ka saseee ete eerie ie eens eae eal eees ASPowdmiimaskys tesco soos ates so o= soso ete eont es eno ees Maprof the\ Casa Grandelgroup;------------ -----=-=-=---=-- Ground plan of Casa Grande ruin.......---..--.-------.~--- Generaliviewior Casal Grand cesses scenes see enee see ese > Interior wallisurface 2. < ese ss ockee eo =< ses se eiaciose = == West front of Casa Grande, showing blocks of masonry---- Plan showing ground-level erosion, tie-rods, limits of work, andylines:on eround Sections =- nee. -1-=se> === - -)= = = 1) == Jast-and-west ground sections North-and-south ground sections South front of the ruin, showing underpinning and ends of tie-rods Section! through A-B of roof ies showing suggested roof SUP POLL oes oe sae eee a see estes oe idee Secic ene ane = Section through C-D of roof plan, showing suggested roof support Map showing location of Casa Grande reservation and ruin. XIV FIGURE 1. to 42, 46. . Implement used in entting steatite; from the Olney quarry . Implement used in cutting steatite; from Sandyspring quarry ..--- . Gouge-like implement grooved for hafting ..--....--....-.....---- . Map showing distribution of rejects of manufacture ..........-.-- . Map showing distribution of implements.-..-....--.....-.--...--- . Cross section illustrating successive removal of flakes from bowlders. . Sisseton and Wahpeton camping circle..........--..---.---..----- FP SISSELON CANIN 1 C IEC] Onsen setae ee ae ae eee PSiiCaBx( CaM PIN oO CINClO seems ee ase dese ae seasons ee Chee ene ne Oplalaicampineicire] tice a pecs se eee aae ee eee eee meee Enero 7 Omaharcampin oycire] 6 cn-em nese sess sei = a ee eee oe eee ne * Inke-sabeygentile}assembly assess ee eee eer eee see eee ees subonikaicam piney Circleyn = =e ce. = eae eae ee eee eee eee ee . Kansa camping circle . Osage camping circle . Tablet of the Palahikomana mask REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys. .....-. . Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries. . Panoramic view of Piny branch quarry-sites, looking north ...-.--. . Section across bed of rivulet at base of quarries .....-....---...... Cross section at beginning of the first trench.........-.....--..--- » Crossisection at the) twentieth toote----eeceses scence eaaeaeieeee tees sACLOSsisection at the nortiet a do00tene=-see-e se eeme cee seen eee ere . Supposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bits of rhyolite- 7 Mlaikin py by@press UT sane ena ne le ears esate oe ee ee eee ae a laking byspressure) =. sesermsete eee = eee eee ee eee . Probable manner of hafting the smaller chisels.---..-...-......--. . Probable manner of hafting the single-pointed and the two-pointed Chisels Or PiCkss sec chs scepter pee oes = sketchimaplof thelClittonqnartys sense seee eer eee ee ee . Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking..---.-.--..---- 20. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking....--.---.. etcs 21. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder...--. ....-..--- . Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder. ...-_..--......- . Implement used in cntting steatite; from quarry in Howard county, Maryland! 2s2-0cse > ce scsrceeies coats se ee ao ae ee eee eee . Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard county, Maryland) :2 0c jo8- season = soot eee ae see eeeerse ee eee meer 7 Maskvotebawikkatcmar(sideiview) 2s) eee e ce cen ee ceeeeee eee eee . Mask of Pawikkateinamana ceremony .-.-.- 8. Symbolism of the helmet of Himiskatcina (tablet removed) .....-- NW LOT Noa Si OS ~1 bh 6 (o-2) or) NHOwWNWNNNWW Wh oOo NUDawWw wd wv Sar N WS hiPORL OF TE; DIRECTOR FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE Dw hee OH HEN OLOGY By J. W. Powe ., Director INTRODUCTION Researches relating to the American Indians were continued throughout the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, in conformity with act of Congress. As set forth in previous reports, ethnic relations, or the rela- tions existing among races, peoples, and tribes, are measureably unlike those recognized by naturalists in the classification of orders, genera, and species of animals and plants. In biology the primary unit recognized by investigators is an individual organism, and the secondary unit is a norm or type (perhaps represented by an individual organism of average character- istics) standing for the species, genus, or order; hence biology is the science of organic things, considered as saieadivells and types of individuals. From one point of view, mankind, like other living things, may be regarded as an assemblage of indi- vidual organisms conforming to certain types, and from this standpoint the races of men may be regarded as species of the genus Homo, or as varieties of the species Homo sapiens; but from a more elevated point of view mankind may be seen to display distinctive characteristics of great importance by which the class is clearly set off from that including the plants and the beasts. Viewed from this higher standpoint, the races and peoples and tribes of the earth are assemblages of interrelated XVIL 15h THT XVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY and more or less intelligent groups; the primary unit of the investigator of mankind from this standpoint is not the indi- vidual, but the group—the pair, family, clan, gens, tribe, or confederacy among primitive men, the family, body-corporate, municipality, body-politic, state, nation, or alliance among civi- lized peoples—while the secondary units are not biotic norms or types, but the normal products of collective activity in the vari- ous groups, comprising languages, arts of welfare and pleasure, institutions, and opinions. Accordingly the science of man, defined from this standpoint, is primarily and in every essential respect superorganic, and is clearly set apart from biology as from all other sciences. There are thus two essentially distinct points of view from which the science of man may be regarded: From one stand- point man is an animal, and his kind is an assemblage of indi- vidual organisms susceptible of arrangement by type into varieties, and the science of man, regarded from this standpoint, is closely akin to biology; while, from the higher standpoint, mankind must be regarded as an assemblage of superorganic and essentially collective groups, and may be classified by the products of collective activity; and from this standpoint the science of man is fundamentally distinct. For certain purposes it is desirable, and indeed necessary, to regard man alterna- tively from the two poits of view, and to connect the two widely diverse branches of the science of man, and this is com- monly done under the general term Anthropology. Sometimes it is desirable to study mankind with special reference to racial and tribal characteristics, and in such manner as to weigh the varietal features of the genus and species, and such studies are combined under Ethnology; but it has been found that, after the primary division into three, four, or five races, the varietal features afford little or no aid in defining and classifying tribes, so that ethnologic researches on any given continent are neces- sarily carried forward in accordance with the superorganic science of man. For most purposes it is found best to study both primitive and civilized peoples as superorganic groups, in which each individual reflects and is molded by the character- istics of his associates, and this is the function of Demology ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIX or Demonomy (67/405, people; Adyos, discourse; véjos, law). Accordingly, demonomy may be considered as the science of humanity, or the science of those attributes which distinguish mankind from the lower organisms; and these attributes may be classed as demotic, in contradistinetion from the biotic char- acteristics of animals and plants. Thus far in the researches relating to the American Indians it has not been found necessary to consider in detail the essen- tially biotic features which have led systematists to regard ’ the American aborigines as a distinct race, since these features are in large measure common to all of the aborigines of both American continents; but it has been found necessary to con- sider in detail many of the essentially demotic features displayed by the various tribes. Proceeding with the study of demotic characteristics, it was ascertained that all of the native tribes, so far as known, are grouped or regimented in similar fashion, so that it is inexpedient to discriminate and classify the Indians on the basis of their mode of grouping; for classified in this way all the known tribes are essentially alike, and collectively form but a single category. Further research showed that, while the primary demotic units are essentially alike, the secondary units, representing the products of collective activity, are diverse; and accordingly the researches concerning the relations of the Indian tribes were directed chiefly toward the products of intellectual activity among the tribes. In this way the researches were gradually divided into five principal lines, with their various subdivisions and ramifications, viz: (1) arts, or esthetology; (2) industries, or technology; (3) institutions, or sociology; (4) language, or linguistics; (5) opinions and beliefs, or sophiology. Practical considerations from time to time have led to special activity in certain lines or branches and to temporary inactivity in other lines and branches; yet, so far as seemed feasible, the work of the Bureau has been so conducted as to develop alike the five categories of secondary demotic characteristics. The plans and personnel of the Bureau have remained prac- tically unchanged, except that, at the beginning of the fiscal year, Mr W J McGee was added to the corps and appointed xx REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Ethnologist in Charge, and entrusted with many administra- tive details. With the beginning of the fiscal year the method of prepar- ing administrative reports was modified. In lieu of oral monthly reports of progress, with more extended annual reports, formal monthly reports have been required, and these have been sum- marized periodically for transmittal to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. The current operations of the Bureau are set forth fully in these reports; and the periodical summa- ries are incorporated herein as a detailed exhibit of work and progress. MONTHLY REPORTS OPERATIONS DURING JULY Work in sign language and pictography—Colonel Garrick Mal- lery was occupied throughout the month in correcting and revising the proofs of a memoir on the ‘ Picture-writing of the American Indians,” which forms the greater part of the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau. This memoir, which will occupy about 800 octavo pages and will contain about 1,500 figures m the text, besides 54 full-page plates, is at this date all in type, and the correction, as well as the preparation of lists of contents and illustrations, index, etc, is well advanced. Work in mounds and earthworks—During the first part of the month Professor Cyrus Thomas was engaged in preparing the index to his ‘Report on Mound Explorations,” which accom- panies the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau. The greater part of the proofs of this volume have been revised, but some time was devoted to fimal proof correction. During the month Professor Thomas gave some time to the study of the Maya codices, with the view of settling, if possible, the question of the phoneticism of the writing therein, the set- tlement of this question being of great importance to American archeology. In the course of the work the investigation on the “Time Periods of the Mayas” was continued; and it was shown from the Dresden codex that the civil year used therein comprised 365 days, divided into 18 months of 20 days each, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XxI with 5 supplemental days, this usage coinciding with the calen- dar found in vogue at the time of the Spanish conquest. Other collateral results of interest were obtained. Jastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes spent the earlier part of the month in organizing the work for the year. Later he proceeded to different points in Delaware valley for the pur- pose of continuing studies of ancient quarries and quarry-shop rejects in that highly interesting archeologic region. A new quarry-shop was discovered within 15 miles of Trenton, yield- ing abundant rejects corresponding precisely with the supposed paleolithic objects found in that locality. Subsequently Pro- fessor Holmes proceeded to Chicago for duty in connection with the final arrangement of certain groups in the World’s Columbian Exposition under the immediate supervision of the Director. In the closing days of the month he visited a num- ber of interesting archeologic localities in Ohio, extending in particular his detailed observations of the Newcomerstown gravels—the only case now strongly held to indicate the exist- ence of man during the glacial period in this country. Mr Gerard Fowke, under Professor Holmes’ general super- vision and under the immediate direction of the Ethnologist in Charge, proceeded to the valley of the Tennessee for the pur- pose of making collections from the litthe known but highly interesting interior shell mounds found in that region. His work has been successful, several cases of materials have been obtained, and Mr Henry Walther is now engaged in preparing and marking them for deposit in the National Museum for purposes of ethnologic study. My William Dinwiddie, under Professor Holmes’ immediate direction, spent the greater part of the month in collecting materials representing the arts and customs of the Indians along the shores of Chesapeake bay. While the results of his work hardly equal expectations in point of quantity, much of the material is of exceptional interest, and his negative determi- nations are of value to the Bureau. Western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindeleff was occupied during the earlier part of the month in outfitting for several months’ work in the Pueblo country; afterward he proceeded XXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY to Holbrook, Arizona, and preliminary reports indicate that his work is now organized and beginning to yield valuable results in the form of material for reports, as well as in the form of valuable and sometimes unique collections. Work in synonymy—Myr James Mooney spent the earlier portion of the month partly in collecting and revising material for the Synonymy, partly in preparing for a trip to Oklahoma for the purpose of collec ‘ting additional material from various Indian tribes, notably the Kiowa. Subsequently Ma Mooney enjoved a short vacation. Mr F. W. Hodge continued work on the Synonymy, making a careful examination of Bandelier’s monographs of southwest- ern history and archeology, by which considerable progress was made in the location of Pueblo settlements not previously identified. Final descriptions of the Tiwa and Piro tribes (including their history from 1540) were prepared, and several minor and collateral subjects were elaborated. Work in mythology—During the earlier part of the month Mrs Matilda CG. Stevenson continued the elaboration of mate- rial relating to the Zuni for early publication. During the later half hie began revision of the proofs of a memoir on the Sia Indians, which constitutes the le: ading “accompanying paper” of the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau. The illustrations of this memoir are completed, and a third of the text has been composed. Throughout the month Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has been oce upied in the arrangement of exhibits for the W ‘orld’s Columbian Exposition, under the immediate supervision of the Director. Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued the arrangement of Biloxi texts, with interlinear and free English translations and notes, adding many pages of Biloxi phrases, making a total of 245 typewritten foolscap pages, which are substantially ready for the printer. Progress was also made in the preparation of slips for the Biloxi-E nglish dictionary. In addition, Mr Dorsey corrected considerable portions of the galley-proof and second- -page revise of Riges’ “ Dakota Gram- mar, ‘Texts and Ethnography,” forming volume rx of Contri- butions to North American Ethnology. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIII Dr Albert 8. Gatschet spent the month in the elaboration of field materials pertaining to the Peoria language. About 2,000 words were extracted from the notes and placed on slips. Progress was made also in extracting the grammatic elements and in analyzing prefixes, suffixes, and alterations and_per- mutations of consonants and vowels within the same word, classifiers of the adjective, reduplication of the root, ete. All of the grammatic matter also was recorded on slips and in books for use in the preparation of a Peoria dictionary and grammar. On the whole, satisfactory progress has been made in determining the structure of the Peoria language. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt temporarily discontinued his work on the lexicography and grammar of the Tuskarora-Iroquoian dialect during June, and throughout the last month has been occupied in preparing a special description of the sociology of the Iroquoian peoples. This study has already led to valuable results, not only directly, but indirectly through the elucida- tion of the meaning of terms determined or modified by social relations. Mr Hewitt’s kinship with the Iroquoian peoples gives him special advantages in the work. He has been able to formulate the rights, duties, privileges, and obligations of the two phases of the family group, as well as that pertaining to the gens. Collateral results of importance have flowed trom Mr Hewitt’s studies. Work in bibliography—TVhe bibliographic work of Mr James C. Pilling has been seriously interrupted by ill health; but a part of the month was occupied in a careful examination of the Bibliography of the Chinookan Languages recently issued from the press, with the purpose of providing for the correc- tion of supposed errors due to the illness of the author at the time of proof revision. It was found, however, that the con- dition of the publication is satisfactory, and it will at once be distributed. Work in sociology—During the earlier part of the month Dr W. J. Hoffman was occupied in arranging and classifying data and material relating to the Menomini Indians of Wisconsin. Subsequently, under instructions of July 15, he set out on a trip for research and collection among these Indians. XXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY The time of the Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied chiefly in administrative work and in examining sociologic mate- rial in the archives of the Bureau and in organizing study thereof. Publication—TVhe Eighth Annual Report was received from the bindery during the month, and other reports are advancing satisfactorily. Columbian Exposition—Vhe Director, with Professor Holmes, Mr Cushing, and Mrs Stevenson, has been engaged during part of the month in arranging the Bureau exhibit in the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago. OPERATIONS DURING AUGUST Work in sign language and pictography—Colonel Garrick Mal- lery has continued, and during the month completed, the revi- sion of proofs of his memoir on the ‘ Picture-writing of the American Indians.” He has also completed the preparation of table of contents, bibliography, and general index, and these have been composed, and he has revised the proofs thereof. The stereotype plates were also examined and corrected. This work is now on the press as the body of the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau. Work in mounds and earthworks—Professor Cyrus Thomas has continued the revision of proofs of the closing portions of his “Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnol- ogy.” During the month the lists of contents and illustrations, and also the general index, have been revised in proof, and all are now stereotyped. The monograph, which is the most vol- uminous ever prepared on this subject, considerably exceeding in this respect the classic work of Squier and Davis, comprises 730 pages, including 344 cuts in text and 42 plates. It forms the body of the Twelfth Annual Report, the introductory mat- ter of which will shortly be printed. A part of the month was spent by Professor Thomas in con- tinuing his researches concerning the Maya codices. He also completed the preparation of a paper relating to certain objects found in mounds, designed for publication as a bulletin and to supplement the above-described report. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXV Eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes, together with his assistants and collaborators, continued work in eastern arche- ology. Mr William Dinwiddie made an extended collecting trip over the country about the head of Chesapeake bay, pro- curing considerable new material and obtaining valuable infor- mation concerning the distribution of aboriginal art products with respect to waterways and other geographic features. Mr Gerard Fowke continued the collection of material from the interior shell mounds of Tennessee and forwarded considerable quantities of interesting material, which is now beine cleaned and labeled by Mr Henry Walther. Professor Holmes himself spent a part of the month in special studies concerning the development of the shaping arts. His ideas were formulated in a preliminary paper, and it is expected that the matter will be expanded and suitably illustrated, and that it will then be incorporated in a final report on the aboriginal stone art of the territory now forming eastern United States. Western archeology—My Cosmos Mindeletf remains in the field engaged in surveys of the Pueblo country of northern Arizona, and his reports indicate satisfactory progress in the surveys as well as in the collection of material. Work in synonymy—In the absence of Mr James Mooney on field duty, and in the absence of Mr F. W. Hodge on leave, little progress was made in this work during the month. Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has been occupied in revising proofs of her memoir on “The Sia,” which forms the leading paper accompanying the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau. The revision of galley proofs was com- pleted, and most of the page proofs, together with the proofs of illustrations, have now been revised. Work in linguistics—Reverend J. Owen Dorsey continued the correction of the proofs of Riggs’ * Dakota Grammar, Texts and Ethnography,” forming volume 1x of the Contributions to North American Ethnology. The page proofs of the body of this work have now all been revised, and proofs of the list of illustrations, index, etc, are in hand. In view of the time which has elapsed since the commencement and even since the completion of the original compilation, it has seemed wise XXV1 REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY to supplement the work by a brief chapter setting forth the results of recent investigations concerning the Dakota lan- guages, and Mr Dorsey has begun the preparation of this chapter. He spent a part of the month in an examination of the dictionary slips of the various Siouan languages, for the purpose of formulating a series of characters absolutely neces- sary tor recording the words of Indian languages. Dr A. 8. Gatschet has continued researches on the Peoria language, chiefly in extracting grammatic elements and in studying: the permutations of vowels and consonants, in which direction interesting results have been obtained. Certain terms in the vocabulary have also been found of exceptional interest as suggesting, and in some cases explaining, steps in the devel- opment of mythic concepts. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has continued work on the Iroquoian- English dictionary, making satisfactory progress therein. Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling was occupied throughout the month in preparing cards taken from the Chi- nookan and Salishan bibliographies for imcorporation in the final works on those subjects. In addition, he has critically examined plate proofs of the Salishan bibliography for the purpose of eliminating minor errors; and some progress has been made in the preparation of manuscript for the next num- ber of the bibliographic series. Work in sociology—Dr W..J. Hoffman reports from Keshena, Wisconsin, the successful commencement of the season’s re- searches into the ceremonials of the Menomini, Ottawa, and Ojibwa Indians; he has in addition already sent in certain collections of importance representing the aboriginal arts of the Indians of the Lake Superior region. One of these, a birchbark canoe, typical for that region, has been transmitted to the National Museum. The Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied chiefly in administrative work, in examining matter designed for publica- tion, and in continuing the arrangement of sociologic material in the archives of the Bureau. Miscellaneous—As incidentally set forth above, publication is proceeding satisfactorily. The distribution of the Eighth ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXVIL Annual Report and the Bibliography of the Salishan Languages has been commenced. The stereotyping of the Tenth Annual Report has been completed, and the plates are on the press. The body of the Twelfth Annual Report has been stereotyped, and the Eleventh Annual Report is rapidly passing through the printer’s hands, the first of the three papers bemg now in page proof, the second well advanced in galleys, and the third just coming in. Work in the preparation of illustrations has been continued, and a number of remarkably fine plates designed to illustrate reports by Mrs Stevenson on Zuni ceremonials, and by Mr James Mooney on the Ghost dance, have been completed. The Bureau has assumed possession of its new quarters in the Adams building, but the transfer of persons and property has been unexpectedly delayed and is not yet completed. The Director has continued the installation and arrangement of the Bureau exhibit at the World’s Columbian Exposition, and has been aided therem by Mr Cushing, and for a part of the month by Professor Holmes and Mrs Stevenson. OPERATIONS DURING SEPTEMBER Work in mounds and other antiquities—Dr Cyrus Thomas was occupied during a part of the month in final critical examina- tion of proofs of texts and illustrations of his monograph on the Indian mounds of eastern United States. The remaining portion of the month was spent in carrying forward the re- searches concerning the Maya codices and in work relating thereto. The investigation is laborious and slow by reason of the large number of historic, linguistic, and other comparisons required at every step. Some time has been occupied in exam- ining the literature relating to Central American deities and mythology, with special reference to the Maya Pantheon, with the object of identifying the glyphs describing such deities. A new study has also been made of the symbols representing days and months, in order to utilize these names in the inter- pretation of other characters. The recent work indicates that the Maya writing is in some measure phonetic, but also com- prises the use of the rebus, or what Brinton characterizes as the ikonographic method of writing. XXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has continued his researches concerning the aboriginal arts of eastern United States, interrupted only by duty in Chicago installing exhibits of the Bureau at the World's F air, from the 1st to the 19th of the month. During the closing part of the month substantial progress was made in the digestion of field notes and prepara- tion of reports for the press. A monograph on aboriginal pot- tery, begun a year or two since and temporarily laid aside, has been again taken up with a view to completion for publication as volume vit of Contributions to North American Ethnology. Satisfactory progress has been made in the rearrangement of text and in the preparation of the drawings and photographs, which the text is designed to elucidate. Mr William Dinwiddie, under Professor Holmes’ supervision, was occupied during the greater part of the month in collect- ing trips along the shores and tributaries of Chesapeake bay, with the object of demarking more exactly, by means of art products, the territory belonging respectively to the different aboriginal peoples; while Mr Gerard Fowke continued collec- tion of material from the interior shell mounds of Tennessee and Kentucky. This material, together with that sent in by Mr Dinw iddie, is now being cleaned and labeled 1 oy Mr Henry Walther preparatory to transfer to the National Museum. Western archeology—My Cosmos Mindeletf has continued operations in the Pueblo country. On August 28 he left Winslow for the Rio Verde by way of Sunset and Chaves passes, Stoneman lake, and Rattlesnake tanks. The road was difficult, but was traversed without loss. On reaching the Verde he withdrew his field outfit, which had been stored for two years. Progress southward was delayed by mishaps, and at Flagstaff for repairs. He left Flagstaff on September ils. soon reaching the Little Colorado at the mouth of San Fran- cisco wash, where the condition of the roads was such as to delay progress, so that he reached Winslow only on the 20th and Holbrook on the 24th. While this journey, necessary to obtain the outfit, was tedious, no time was lost, for the course pursued described a great circle, and Mr Mindeleff was able to examine the country on both sides of the Little Colorado from ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIX the mouth of the Puerco, and in two lines across the Mogollon mountains. The closing days of the month were spent at Holbrook, outfitting for further work; but progress in this direction was slow by reason of exceptional rain storms and floods. Work in sign language and pictography— Having practically completed the proof revision of his memoir on the Picture- writing of the American Indians, Colonel Garrick Mallery has taken up the material relating to sign language, gesture speech, pantomime, ete, with a view of monographing this sub- ject also, and satisfactory progress has been made in the arrangement of the matter. A part of the month was, how- ever, spent in field work in the Lake Superior region for the purpose of obtaining more precise information concerning cer- tain points on which the data at hand are obscure. His memoir on Picture-writing, forming the body of the Tenth Annual Report, is stereotyped; and it is reported to be on the press. Work on the Synonymy of Indian tribes—Myr F. W. Hodge continued the preparation of material for the Synonymy. During the month the Jumanos (a formerly important tribe occupying an extensive area in what are now the states of Chihuahua, in Mexico, and New Mexico, in the United States) were described as completely as the material obtainable will permit, the work leading to a tentative identification of this little-known tribe of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with the Comanche of a later period. Work was carried for- ward also on the Pueblos and on the synonymy of the tribes of the Piman stock, much valuable information relating to the po ’p- wation, mission names, etymology, ete, of the latter tribe being obtained from rare publications. Extended correspondence in relation to the Pima and other peoples was also conducted. Mr James Mooney remains in the field. During the month of September he was occupied on the Kiowa reservation in Oklahoma, making additions to Kiowa linguisties and ethno- logic materials, particularly in collecting mystic songs, which were recorded by means of the graphophone. Some material for synonymy was obtained. XXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson was occu- pied in part throughout the month in revising the page proofs and illustrations of her memoir on “The Sia,” forming part of the Eleventh Annual Report. In addition, she was engaged in the examination of anthropologic material at the World’s Fair in Chicago, serving for a time as an honorary judge of exhibits. Having completed his work in arranging the exhibits of the Bureau of Ethnology at the World’s Fair, Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing returned to Washington and resumed researches in mythology about the middle of September. Since that time he has carried forward a study of the origin of aboriginal games, which are largely divinatory. The arrows, dice, and other objects used in the games, and the symbolism (often highly esoteric and significant) employed therein have received special attention. Curious coincidences or identities between certain divinatory games of this country and those of the Orient have been brought to light. With the collaboration of Mr Stewart Culin, of the University of Pennsylvania, Mr Cush- ing has made good progress in the preparation of a bulletin on this subject. In addition, Mr Cushing has made researches concerning the significance of the Swastika or Fylfot cross, long known in the Orient, though its meaning was not inter- preted; and by study of various forms of this object from different American localities, in connection with legend and myth, he has ascertained that the American swastika is a wide- spread wind symbol, and plays an important part in occidental mythology. Finally Mr Cushing has prepared an elaborate report on the collections of the Bureau at the World’s Colum- bian Exposition, particularly those conneeted with aboriginal mythology. Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey has continued and completed the revision of page proofs, illustrations, ete, for Riges’ “Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography.” He has also prepared a supplement thereto in the form of an introduc- tory chapter, and of this also the proofs have been revised. In addition to this literary work, Mr Dorsey has continued the elaboration of linguistic material, especially that of the Biloxi Indians of Louisiana. He has given attention also to Indian ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXI phonetics, with the view of devising a complete alphabet adapted to the representation of the various obscure and deca- dent vocatives of primitive languages. Dr A. 8. Gatschet continued his researches concerning the Peoria language along lines already laid down. Over two thousand Peoria words are now recorded on cards. In addition, he made during the month a careful examination of an elabo- rate English-Nez Percé dictionary and Nez Pereé grammar, representing the work of the late Miss 8. L. MeBeth, who was for many years a missionary teacher among the Nez Percé Indians of Idaho. This voluminous manuscript work was conveyed to the Bureau early in the month by Miss Kate C. McBeth. Mr Hewitt continued the preparation of linguistic material already described, and was engaged also for a considerable part of the month in the elaboration of the system of government of the Iroquois, the modes of acquiring and conveying infor- mation of a political character, and also the primitive methods of agriculture. Work in bibliography—Mr James ©. Pilling continued biblio- graphic work, completing the portion of his catalog pertaining to the Chinookan and Salishan languages, by preparing cards taken from the bibliographies of these stocks. Work in sociology—Dr W. J. Hoffman continued field work, spending the greater part of the month among the Menomini fo) Indians of Wisconsin, with a view to completing a report on abo- riginal cult societies, mythology, ancient customs, and linguis- tics. Satisfactory progress was made in this work. In addition, he continued the collection of valuable material representing the pristine habits and domestic life of the Lake Superior Indians, sending in a typical dug-out canoe and also a very old mortar and pestle used originally for the grinding of grain and latterly for the preparation of medicinal and magic compounds. This objective material has been received, and will shortly be transferred to the National Museum. The Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied chiefly in administrative work. In addition, a definite arrangement was effected with Senor Manuel Antonio Muniz, M. D., surgeon- XXXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY general of the Peruvian army, for the publication of a memoir on prehistoric trephining, the memoir being based on the finest collection of trephined crania (numbering nineteen examples) ever brought together. The condition of the material and the nature of Doctor Muniz’s work were such as to require consid- erable study. Publication—An advance copy of the Ninth Annual Report was received during the month, and the edition of the report is now in the bindery. The Tenth Annual Report is still on the press. All galley proofs and most of the page proofs of the body of the Eleventh Annual Report have been revised, while the Twelfth Annual Report is practically ready to be put on the press. A concurrent resolution authorizing the publication of the Thirteenth Annual Report has been introduced in the House of Representatives, and, as already stated incidentally, volume 1x of the Contributions to North American Ethnology has been completed during the month, and is now stereotyped. Removal of office—During the month the Bureau was trans- ferred to its new quarters on the sixth floor of the Adams building, 1333 and 1335 F street. Exposition work—The Director remained in Chicago com- pleting the final details of arrangement of the Bureau collec- tion at the World’s Columbian Exposition. OPERATIONS DURING OCTOBER Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con- tinued the work of assembling 3) voluminous materials on sign language which he has gathered collecting, and arranging the in connection with other work from time to time during sey- eral years. The work has progressed satisfactorily and the preparation of the final report on the subject is under way. Work in mounds and other antiquitiee—Dr Cyrus Thomas has continued researches concerning the Maya codices, together with collateral studies relating to this special investigation as well as to the investigation of mounds and other earthworks. Certain results of special interest in the Maya research were reached about the end of the month, and will be reported later. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXII Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has continued his researches concerning art in stone and the art of pottery making, particularly in eastern United States. In addition, he made during the month a field trip to an island in Potomac river near Point of Rocks, recently invaded by a freshet in such manner as to lay bare an ancient village site and aboriginal workshop. The association of objects in the workshop proved of special significance, and Professor Holmes calls attention to the fact that here for the first time indications were found that blocks of stone were used as anvils in the production of certain classes of stone implements and weapons. This indication will be followed sedulously with the view of comparing methods of manufacture in different sections and among different peoples, and possibly of correcting earlier inferences concerning these methods. Professor Holmes’ office work has yielded satisfactory results in the preparation of manuscript and illustrations for reports of the nature already indicated. The collections made by Messrs Fowke and Dinwiddie con- tinue to come in, and are proving of interest and importance. Mr Fowke’s connection with the Bureau has now been severed; and, with the completion of Mr Dinwiddie’s field work during the month, he was transferred to work in connection with the Synonymy, under the direction of Mr Hodge. Work in western archeology— Mr Cosmos Mindeleff remained in the field. His formal report of the month’s operations has not yet been received, but correspondence during the month indicates fairly satisfactory progress in surveys and in making collections, though especially bad weather, including heavy rains and destructive freshets, has interfered with his move- ments. Work in synonymy—Mr James Mooney remained in the field collecting information among the Kiowa, Arapaho, Caddo, and associated tribes of Oklahoma. In the early part of the month he had an opportunity of witnessing the great tribal ceremony of the Arapaho, the Sun dance, and succeeded in making a number of photographs illustrating it. Mr Mooney was also so fortunate as to observe other primitive ceremonials 15 ErH— III XXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY now dropping into disuse. Extended data connected with the Ghost dance were collected, together with songs and myths bearing thereon, as well a vocabularies and notes on the tribal organization of the Caddo and other tribes. Mr F. W. Hodge, who has been placed in charge of the library, in addition to his work on the Tribal Synonymy, has been occupied chiefly in the transfer and arrangement of books and pamphlets from the old quarters of the Bureau to its present domicile. In addition, he prepared a catalog of and general index to publications of the Bureau, which has been sent to the printer as a bulletin. Also, he completed the Piman synonymy and described the Concho tribe or division with its various settlements formerly in the Concho valley of eastern Chihuahua. The relations of this people are obscure; of their language nothing is known to literature; and it is uncertain whether they were connected linguistically with the Piman or neighboring tribes, or whether their relations were with the peoples of Texas and the interior. Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has con- tinued the work of preparing a report on certain myths and ceremonials of the Zuni, and has made satisfactory progress. Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has been occupied chiefly in the study of gaming apparatus from Mexico and Indian Terri- tory, and in comparing these occidental games with certain analogous games of the Orient, as well as various other games of divinatory origin or character from different sources. Sat- isfactory progress was made in the preparation, by Ma Cushing jointly with Mr Stewart Culin, of a memoir on ‘Arrow Games and their Variants in America and the Orient.” Many signifi- cant facts and relations bearing on the concepts have been brought to light in the course of Mr Cushing’s investigations. Collateral lines of study have been pursued by Mr Cushing with success. Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued the revision of proofs of his ‘Study of Siouan Cults,” forming part of the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau, and also revised the galley proofs of Riggs’ “Dakota Grammar, Texts and Ethnography,” forming volume 1x of the Contributions to ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXV North American Ethnology. In addition, he has been occupied largely in the rearrangement of the linguistic material of the Bureau, cataloguing the manuscripts and storing them in rae proof vaults in the Bureau office. During the later half « the month he was occupied in part in collecting W ee texts as dictated by Philip Longtail, an intelligent representa- tive of that tribe, and in this way has been able to close a serious hiatus in knowledge concerning the Siouan tribes. Dr A. 8. Gatschet has continued his work on the Peoria language. He now has more than three thousand Peoria words arranged on slips. In addition, he has a large body information relating to the grammatic structure of the lan- guage under not fewer than forty captions, the whole being systematically arranged with a view first to reference and later to publication. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has been steadily employed in the office, chiefly in describing little-known customs of the Troquoian people, special attention being given to food products, notably maize. The etymologic elements of certain geographic terms were also investigated. Toward the close of the month Mr Hewitt was employed, under the supervision of Mr Dorsey, in arranging the linguistic and other manuscripts of the Bureau in fireproof vaults, and in preparing a card catalog to these archives Work in bibliography—My Pilling has been actively engaged o his in bibliographic work. An opportunity for comparing elaborate collections with those of other students has just been afforded through the publication of a “Bibliografia Espanola de Lenguas Indigenas de América” by Count Vinaza. The result of the comparison tends to establish the substantial completeness of the Pilling collection. After making this comparison, Mr Pilling continued the preparation of the main bibliographic catalog, adding titles taken from the Chinookan and Salishan bibliographies, and has introduced certain modi- fications in the arrangement of the catalog with the view of facilitating reference. Work in sociology—TVhe Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied largely in administrative work and in the editing and proof revision of the publications of the Bureau. XXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Dr W. J. Hoffman was occupied throughout the month im the elaboration of the material gathered among the Menomini Indians during the last four years, and especially during the last season, and satisfactory progress has been made in the preparation of this material as a monograph of that tribe among reports of the Bureau. Publication—Vhe Ninth Annual Report has been received and the distribution has been commenced. The Tenth Annual Report is leaving the press. The greater part of the Kleventh Annual Report has been stereotyped, and the remaining portion is passing rapidly through the printer’s hands. The Twelfth Annual Report will be put on the press so soon as conditions in the printing office permit. Volume 1x of the Contributions to North American Ethnology also is practically ready for print- ing. revision of bibliographic matter is especially laborious and nee- essarily proceeds slowly. Galley proofs of nearly all of the matter, with page proofs of a considerable portion and page revises of a quarter of the volume, were examined, corrected, and returned to the printing office during the month. Publications—The printing of the Tenth Annual Report is announced to be substantially completed and the sheets practi- eally ready for the binder. The Twelfth Annual Report is ready to go on the press immediately, and the Eleventh is ready, except the index, which will be completed within a few days. The revision of proofs of the bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians, by J. Garland Pollard, was completed during the month, and the document has been directed to go on the press. The bul- letin comprising Mr Pilling’s Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages is well advanced in composition. All of the bulle- tin on “The Maya Year,” by Dr Thomas, is in type, and most of 15 ETH——1IV L REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY the galley proofs and a part of the page proofs have been revised. The bulletin on Chinook Texts, by Dr Franz Boas, is partly composed, and the earlier galley proofs have been revised. The text and illustrations for the Thirteenth Annual Report were examined and in great part “prepared” during the month, and the bulletin on ‘‘An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Terri- tory” was also made ready for transmittal to the printer. OPERATIONS DURING FEBRUARY The field operations for the month were limited to the work of two parties, viz, that of Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo country and that of Mr William Dinwiddie, under the direction of Professor Holmes, in Virginia, the work of the former being part of a systematic exploration and that of the latter being of a special character designed chiefly to yield material for addi- tion to the collections in the National Museum. Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con- tinued the preparation of a monograph on this subject. During the month substantial progress was made not only in the prep- aration of copy for the text, but also in the execution of draw- ings required to illustrate the text, the subject being one which can be presented in satisfactory manner only by the free em- ployment of the graphic method. Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Cyrus Thomas has con- tinued researches relating to the Maya codices. During the month especial attention was given to the symbols and names for days and months of the Maya calendar, with the view of preparing a bulletin on the subject, and during the later portion of the month satisfactory progress was made in the preparation of this bulletin. Meantime the proofs of the bulletin on “The Maya Year” were revised. Hitherto there has been some dis- crepancy between the aboriginal Maya codices on the one hand, and the post-Columbian Maya books and the Spanish chronicles on the other, as to the duration of the year in the calendar of these people and concerning certain other matters; but Dr Thomas’ researches are resulting in the explanation and clearing away of these discrepancies and thus in establishing ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LI more Clearly than ever before the authenticity and trustworthy character of the codices. Work in eastern archeology—PVProtessor W. H. Holmes has been fully oecupied in the preparation of reports embodying the results of his researches in the field and museum extend- ing over several years. In seeking to discover the methods employed in aboriginal manufacture he has not been content with inferences from the form, structure, and markings of the art products, but has tested these inferences by repeating the process and with his own hands manufacturing utensils and implements in imitation of aboriginal objects, and in this way he has in many cases obtained more exact knowledge of the methods employed than would be possible by other means. The general tendency of this study is toward simplification of the processes represented in the products—e. ¢., he has shown that pottery, formerly supposed to have been molded in bas- kets or bags, was really wrought in much simpler fashion, the markings supposed to indicate the texture of baskets or bags being produced by beating or pressing with simple sticks or paddles wrapped with cord, and he finds that this beating or pressing greatly improves the texture of the clay and was thus a useful adjunct to pottery making. This discovery suggests that the supposed ornamentation was really incidental rather than primary in the minds of the potters. During the month the bulletin by Professor Holmes on “An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Territory,” with the requisite illustrations, was com- pleted and transmitted to the Public Printer. Early in the month intelligence came to this office to the effect that an aboriginal soapstone quarry of remarkable extent had been discovered at Clifton, Virginia, and that the owners of the quarry were willing to have the site examined and the material found therein conveyed to the National Museum. Mr William Dinwiddie was immediately dispatched to the locality, under the direction of the Ethnologist in Charge and, being impressed with the promise of a rich reward in relics of the soapstone implement makers, promptly made au arrange- ment with the owners, Messrs Hunter Brothers, for detailed examination and for the removal of specimens. The contract LIL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY proved timely, for within an hour representatives from another institution appeared on the ground, prepared to arrange for the removal of the material. Work was at once begun and was continued throughout the month. The quarry has been largely cleared of débris and refuse and has been found to be the finest example of aboriginal soapstone quarry known in eastern United States. A large amount of material, including some eighty partly complete soapstone pots, a number of implements used in the work, and many of the pits or depres- sions from which pots have been removed have already been collected, and a good series of photographs and drawings representing the quarry and the mode of operation has been made. The work is still under way. The indications are that the Clifton soapstone quarry will come to form the type for eastern United States, and that the collection therefrom in the National Museum will become the standard for that class of aborigial industry. Work in western archeology—Myr Cosmos Mindeleff remains im the field and reports satisfactory progress in working up the results of explorations and surveys. Inclement weather during most of the month prevented field operations, so that the explorer’s time was spent chiefly in camp, arranging notes, executing plans, ete. Work in synonymy—Myr James Mooney spent the month in elaborating the material for the synonymy of the eastern Siouan peoples and in arranging copy for text and illustrations of his report on the Ghost-dance religion of the plains tribes In connection with the work on synonymy he brought together a considerable amount of collateral material unsuitable for in- troduction in the condensed work, and this was put in the form of a paper on the Siouan Tribes of the East, which was par- tially completed. Mr F. W. Hodge continued to divide his energies between the work on synonymy and his duties as librarian. He, too, in his researches for the synonymy, found collateral material which he brought together in the form of a separate paper on the Jumano Indians, which was nearly completed during the month. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LIII The growth of the library during the month has been quite satisfactory, and a large number of publications of standard character, including several complete series, have been obtained. Work in mythology—Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has, so far as the state of her health permitted, continued the preparation of her report on the Zuni. Most of the illustrations for this mono- graph are now completed, and the final revision of the copy for text is well advanced. Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has continued the preparation of text and illustrations relating to the arrow games of Amer- ica; and Mr Stewart Culin, who is writing on the arrow games of the Orient with the view to joint publication, has also made satisfactory progress. Mr Cushing has not allowed his re- searches relating to divinatory games completely to interrupt his more general studies relating to Zuni mythology; his work in this direction, being stimulated anew by the appearance of Nordenskiéld’s magnificent work on the Cliff-dwellers of Mesa Verde, is yielding valuable results, which will be set forth in subsequent reports. Work in linguistics—During the greater part of the month Mr J. Owen Dorsey was engaged in arranging the Kwapa texts collected in January and in writing the interlinear trans- lations therefor. The material proves quite rich and is sufti- ciently complete for publication in case it be found inexpedient to collect additional data; the texts, with interlinear and free translations, would form a volume of fair size. Some days were spent by Mr Dorsey in the arrangement of the Winnebago texts collected earlier in the winter. Dr A. 8. Gatschet during the first half of the month remained in Philadelphia, and during this period, as well as during the Lo) later portion of the month, he was occupied in constructing a vocabulary of the Shawnee language. At the same time the grammatic elements were extracted and arranged. About 2,500 terms have already been extracted for the Shawnee vocabulary. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the greater part of the month in studying the relations between the Shahaptian and Waiilatpuan groups of languages, as well as the relations LIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF E'THNOLOGY between these and the Lutuamian group. These studies, made under immediate instructions from the Director, have an impor- tant bearing on the classification of the linguistic stocks, and have already materially clarified knowledge concerning the relations of a number of tribes of northwestern United States. Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pillmg was occupied mainly in reading and correcting proof of the Bibliography and in of the Wakashan Languages—now nearly finished preparing a chronologic index of the same. Some time was given also to the collection of material for the Shahaptian bibliography. Publications—The printing of the Tenth Annual Report is completed, and the sheets are in the bindery; the Twelfth Annual Report is on the press, while the Eleventh is practically ready to follow. On February 16 the Thirteenth Annual Report was transmitted through the Secretary to the Public Printer, and work thereon has already been commenced. The bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians, by John Garland Pollard, is completed, and the edition has been delivered and distribution commenced. Mr Pilline’s Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages is all in pages, and the revision of the proofs is nearly completed. Dr Thomas’ bulletin on The Maya Year has also reached the stage of page proofs, and all of the first and part of the second page proofs have been revised. The bulletin on Chinook Texts, by Dr Franz Boas, is mainly in type, and about half of the proofs have been revised. A bulletin by Professor Holmes on “An Ancient Quarry in Indian Territory,” alluded to in previous reports, was sent to press during the month. OPERATIONS DURING MARCH The chief work of the month has been in the office. Field operations have been carried forward only by Mr Cosmos Mindeletf in the Pueblo country of Arizona, and by Mr Wil- liam Dinwiddie, under the direction of Professor Holmes, in Virginia. Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has con- tinued the preparation of a monograph on Gesture Signs and ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LV Signals, and satisfactory progress has been made in the com- pletion of the text of this monograph, and the execution of illustrations has been forwarded with energy, over fifty impor- tant drawings having been made. During the month the printed sheets of the monograph on pictography were received from the printing office for the purpose of placing the plates. Work in Indian hieroglyphs——Early in the month Dr Cyrus Thomas finished the revision of proofs of the bulletin on the Maya year. The remainder of the month was occupied in the preparation of a memoir on the signification of the sym- bols and names of days and months in the Central American calendar. The task has proved of unexpected magnitude, and extended comparisons and studies have been found necessary. This work is approaching completion. Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has continued the preparation of monographs on the fictile ware and stone art of eastern United States, and both works are approaching completion, a large number of illustrations, both photographic and drawn in pen and ink, having been prepared and arranged. In addition, some time has been devoted to the arrangement of material in the National Museum, such material being in part newly collected and in part that returned from the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago. Also he revised and prepared an introduction for a bulletin by Gerard Fowke on “Archeologic Investigations in James and Potomac Val- b] leys.” Furthermore, some days were spent in the field at the Clifton soapstone quarry. Mr Dinwiddie was occupied throughout the month in clearing the Clifton soapstone quarry noted in the last report, in study- ing the methods employed by the aboriginal quarrymen, in making photographs of the quarry, ete. The locality proves to be of great interest. By reason of the abundance of mate- rial in the form of implements, partially completed or imperfect vessels, together with pitted surfaces from which the blanks were taken, the quarry may be regarded as a type. The remark- ably rich collection of objects will greatly enhance the material relating to aboriginal industry already in the National Museum. LVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Work in western archeology—Myr Cosmos Mindeleff remains in the field, engaged chiefly in the elaboration of maps and notes relating to ruins examined during the preceding months of the fiscal year. Work in synonymy—In the course of his work relating to the synonymy of the eastern Siouan peoples, Mr Mooney brought together a large amount of information relating to these tribes, a part of which is new, while another part is recorded only in rare literature and finds its explanation in the newer informa- tion. He has been able to identify several tribes whose hab- itations were recorded by earlier explorers and to trace the migrations of each. This information, which is too elaborate for introduction in the Synonymy, but which nevertheless elu- cidates that work, has been brought together in a paper on the “Siouan Tribes of the Kast,” which will shortly be transmitted for publication asa bulletin. Meantime Mr Mooney has continued his general work on the synonymy and has at the same time carried forward the preparation of his work on the Ghost dance. Mr Hodge continued work on the synonymy of the south- western tribes, and also kept charge of the library. In addition, he made during the month a journey to New York for the pur- pose of examining a collection of manuscript documents relat- ing to equatorial America in possession of Professor Le Metayer de Guichainville. The accounts and samples of these docu- ments which had reached Washington indicated that they might prove of great value to students of the early history of the Spanish conquerors and their relations to the aborigines. Con- siderable information of importance was obtained from the examination of the collection. The accessions to the library continue numerous and valu- able, the current literature of anthropology in the different countries being especially well represented. Work in mythology—Myr Frank Hamilton Cushing has con- tinued his study on the arrow games of America, and satisfac- tory progress has been made in the preparation of text and illustrations. Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson is still engage c=) he) ed in the preparation of her report on the Zuni, though progress has been hindered 5 ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LVI by ill health. The myths of the aborigines of the southwest are of exceptional interest, since they exemplify in many cases the influence of environment on the minds of the devotees, and in some cases, moreover, they indicate the migrations of the peoples among whom they are found. Accordingly, the studies seem of exceptional importance in American anthropology. Work in linguistics—Dr A. 8. Gatschet continued the extrac- tion of voeables and grammatic elements of the Shawnee lan- guage from the material collected by him in 1892 and 1893. The systematically arranged material is now inscribed on somewhat over two thousand cards, mm condition for ready examination or publication. Several vocabularies and gram- mars submitted to the Bureau during the month were also examined. Mr J. Owen Dorsey completed the arrangement of the Win- nebago texts with interlinear translations early in the month. These texts, collected during the present fiscal year from Philip Longtail, have proved a rich source of information relating to language, customs, and beliefs of the tribe to which they per- tain. The later portion of the month was spent in preparing an introduction to the synonymy of the Siouan family and to the study of the connection between onomatology and mythology as exemplified in the Siouan languages. In both these directions satisfactory progress was made. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt spent a considerable part of the month in the study of the relations of the Lutuamian language for the immediate use of the Director. This study affords an important basis for the classification of linguistic stocks of northwestern United States. It has been conducted with zeal and success. Work in bibliography—Myr James C. Pilling has continued the revision of the proofs of the Wakashan bibliography, which is now substantially completed. Meantime he has gone on with the preparation of material for the Shahaptian bibliography, now nearly ready for the press. The completion of this work is delayed by some uncertainty concerning the relations of certain northwestern languages, upon which Mr Hewitt has been at work; but while this delay affects the issue of the LVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Shahaptian bibliography it does not retard the bibliographic work in general, for the study of literature and the collection of titles relating to other western stocks receive constant attention. A large number of titles relating to the languages of Mexico have recently been brought together. Publications—The Tenth Annual Repert has passed through the folding room and the Twelfth is going through the press, while the Eleventh will at once follow. The Thirteenth Re- port is in the printer’s hands and proofs are daily expected. The bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians by John Garland Pol- lard has been distributed. The revision of the proofs of Dr Thomas’ bulletin on The Maya Year has been completed and the work has been ordered stereotyped. Mr Piling’s Bibliog- raphy of the Wakashan Languages has been revised, and most of the matter is stereotyped. Three signatures of the bul- letin on Chinook Texts by Dr Franz Boas are in pages, and both page and galley proofs are passing rapidly through the hands of the author and through this office. Proofs of the bulletin by Professor Holmes on “An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Territory” are daily expected. Two bulletins, respec- tively by Mr James Mooney on “‘Siouan Tribes of the East” and Mr Gerard Fowke on ‘“Archeologic Investigations in James and Potomac Valleys,” have been prepared during the month and will be transmitted for printing so soon as the illus- trations have been completed. OPERATIONS DURING APRIL The field work of the month has been limited to that carried forward by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo country, and restricted operations in Virginia by the Ethnologist in Charge, Professor W. H. Holmes, and Mr William Dinwiddie; with these exceptions, the operations represent work conducted in the office. Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has made satisfactory progress in the preparation of his monograph on gesture signs and signals. A number of the requisite draw- ings have been executed and a portion of the text has been made ready for the printer. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LIX Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Cyrus Thomas has con- tinued his researches relating to the Maya hieroglyphs. During the month he brought to substantial completion the text of the bulletin relating to the day names and symbols of the Maya calendar; at the same time he supervised the execution of the requisite illustrations. Among the interesting questions con- fe) nected with the Maya calendar is the origin and significance of the hieroglyphs used as symbols for days. Some of these have already been interpreted by Brinton, Seler, and others, and it has been inferred from these interpretations that the entire system of symbols represents a system of mythologic concepts; so that the calendric inscriptions not only comprise chronologies akin to those of the plains Indians, but also embody records of the beliefs of the writers. Dr Thomas has been able to confirm some of the conclusions reached by other investigators and to correct others. Work in eastern archeology—Protessor W. H. Holmes has completed the preparation of his monographs on fictile ware and stone art. Both of these works are substantially com- pleted as to text and illustrations. During the month a large number of objects previously collected have been examined, and the results of the examination are incorporated in the report. A few additional trips by Professor Holmes and Mr Dinwiddie were made to the Clifton soapstone quarry for the purpose of completing the collections of material from this point, and some of this material has been used as subjects of discussion and illustration in Professor Holmes’ monographs. In addition, the Ethnologist in Charge and Professor Holmes repaired to the Pass creek site, near Luray, Virginia, for the purpose of collecting additional data relating to the stone art products in the large mound on this site. A considerable addi- tional collection of stone work was found in the mound and vicinity; also an aboriginal cemetery was discovered in the plowed field, and a typical collection of mortuary pottery was made. The stone implements are of exceptional interest in that the turtleback forms are rejects from the manufacture of celts—the rejects hitherto studied by Professor Holmes repre- sent predominantly or exclusively the manufacture of narrow, LX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY pointed objects, such as spearpoints or arrowheads. The col- lections at Pass creek prove rich, and several of the objects have already been drawn for incorporation in Professor Holmes’ report. The geologic relations of the material used in the manufacture of the implements are also of exceptional interest, and were worked out in detail. Work in western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindeleff has con- tinued operations in New Mexico. By reason of the approach- ing exhaustion of his allotment, the exploratory operations were somewhat curtailed and the elaboration of notes and diagrams proportionately extended. Mr Mindeleff finds the Pueblo country overrun by specula- tors in primitive pottery and other relics, which are collected and sold as products of Aztec art. The operations of these speculators are ruinous; the material is collected without ade- quate study of association, so that its value as a record of aboriginal conditions is largely lost; and in addition the meth- ods employed are destructive of all material except that of portable character and commercial value. Mr Mindeleff making every attempt to forestall these destructive operations; and to enable him to do so advantageously he is continued in the field at some sacrifice in efficiency of work on reports and illustrations. Work in synonymy—Mr F. W. Hodge has continued work on the synonymy of the southwestern families and tribes in addi- tion to the routine work of the library, and in both directions his work has been eminently satisfactory. The preparation of the synonymy involves extended literary research, and prog- ress is necessarily slow; but the collection of data has now reached such a condition as easily to permit preparation for the press, and it is planned to beein publication as soon as practicable in bulletin form by linguistic stocks. Mr James Mooney completed the preparation of his bulletin on the “Siouan Tribes of the East,” and this work will be for- warded for publication so soon as the map required for its illustration is completed. Since the completion of this manu- script, Mr Mooney has been engaged on the final chapters of his report on the “ Ghost-dance Religion,” which is approaching completion. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXI Work in mythology—Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has con- tinued the preparation of a memoir on the arrow games of America, and Mr Stewart Culin, who has shared and supple- mented Mr Cushing’s work by researches relating chiefly to divinatory games in other countries and comparative studies in primitive gaming in all countries, has completed his contri- bution to the subject. The researches of Messrs Cushing and Culin have brought to light many significant facts bearing on the usages, beliefs, and ethnic relations of early peoples. Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has continued the preparation of her report on the Zuni. Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey divided the month between (1) recording on dictionary slips the words of the Winnebago texts recorded last year, and (2) the extension of the phonetic alphabet required for the utterance of primitive languages. In the former work good progress was made; and in the latter, thanks to the aid furnished by the venerable Archdeacon John Joseph Nouri, of the Eastern Church under the Chaldean Patriarch of Babylon, excellent progress also was made. Dr A. 8. Gatschet continued the extraction of Shawnee vocables and grammatic elements; in addition, he gave some time to perfecting the Peoria, to making additions to the com- parative vocabulary of the Algonquian languages, and to the study of the Mexican material recently collected by Dr Carl Lumnholtz. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued general linguistic studies relating to the northwestern families, and in addition made, in connection with Dr Gatschet, critical examination of the Lum- holtz Mexican material and transcribed a considerable part of the Tarahumari vocabulary, with a view to publication. The material collected by Lumholtz is of great interest, since sev- eral of the tribes examined yet retain the primitive condition in many respects, the language in particular being hardly modified through the advent of white men. In one case his linguistic material represents a decadent dialect, only three or four individuals remaining who are familiar with it. Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling has continued the preparation of material for the Shahaptian bibliography, LXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY which would be ready for the press were it not deemed well to withhold it for possible modification, growing out of a change in classification of the northwestern families. Meantime he has made good progress in the collection and arrangement of the elaborate material for bibliographies of the Mexican fam- ilies. During the month the revision of page proofs of the Wakashan bibliography was completed, and that document has been stereotyped and sent to the press. Publications—Vhe Tenth Annual Report is in the bindery; the Twelfth, including its illustrations, has been printed and is now in the folding room; the Eleventh is on the press. Proofs of the process illustrations of the Thirteenth Report have been received and galley proofs of the text are daily expected. The bulletin on ‘The Maya Year” by Dr Cyrus Thomas has been delivered and the distribution is under way. Mr Pilling’s Bib- liography of the Wakashan Languages has been ordered on the press. The bulletin on ‘Chinook Texts” by Dr Franz Boas is passing through the printer’s hands somewhat slowly by reason of the highly technical character of the composition and the limited type available for it, and by reason of the fact that the author finds it necessary to revise two proofs at his present residence in Chicago. Proofs of the illustrations of Professor Holmes’ bulletin on “An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Verritory” have been received, and the text will doubtless follow in atew days. The bulletins by Messrs Mooney and Fowke are in the hands of the artist for the final arrangement of illustrations. OPERATIONS DURING MAY As during preceding months the chief work has been con- fined to the office, field operations being limited to the surveys by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo country, together with a single field trip by the Ethnologist in Charge. Work in sign language—-Colonel Garrick Mallery has con- tinued the preparation of his monograph on ‘Gesture Signs and Signals,” which is now well advanced. In the progress of the work various significant points are brought out, which will be duly elaborated in the final report Among recent results may ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LX1I be mentioned a body of evidence tending to explain the sup- posed community of sign language not only among very dis- tinct tribes, but among primitive peoples of widely diverse nationalities. The recent comparison of facts indicates that the ready interchange of ideas by gestures among primitive peoples is simply the outcome of sense training in a certain direction, and that the apparent mystery in the interchange is due only to the fact that the cultured observers to whom it appeals lack this particular sense training. This and other problems connected with sign language are receiving close attention from Colonel Mallery. Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Thomas continued his researches relating to the Maya symbols and other Mexican and Central American hieroglyphs. His bulletin on this sub- ject is completed in accordance with the initial plan, but is withheld pending the settlement ef certain philologic ques- tions suggested in the course of the inquiry. The researches in hieroglyphs are of peculiar difficulty, but Dr Thomas has made satisfactory progress during the month. Work in eastern archeology—During the month Professor W. H. Holmes terminated his work in this Bureau and repaired to Chicago to assume charge of the department of anthropol- ogy in the Field Columbian Museum, his resignation taking effect with the close of the month. Before departing he turned in the manuscripts and illustrations for two monographs—one on fictile ware, the other on stone art. Work in western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindeleff has con- tinued operations in New Mexico, though by reason of the exhaustion of his allotment the work has been less extensive than during the earlier months. Satisfactory progress has been made in the preparation of maps, plans, and other manuscripts. Work in synonymy—Mr F. W. Hodge has continued the preparation of manuscript for the synonymy of the south- western tribes. During the month advantage was taken of the presence in Washington of Dr Carl Lumbholtz, who has spent some seasons among the tribes of Chihuahua, Mexico, and much valuable information regarding the Tarahumari and LXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Tepehuani Indians and their settlements was obtained from him for use in the synonymy of the Piman stock. Meantime Mr Hodge continued the administration of the library, and reports valuable additions by gift and exchange. Mr James Mooney has continued work on the synonymy, and has also nearly brought to completion his memoir on the Messiah religion and the Ghost dance, which it is proposed to incorporate in the Fourteenth Annual Report. During the month the map required to illustrate his bulletin on the eastern Siouan tribes has been completed, and the data will be for- warded for publication within a few days. Work in mythology—My Frank Hamilton © ‘ushing has been employed on his memoir relating to primitive arrow games. Some time was spent also by him, with the assistance of Mr Wilham Dinwiddie, in arranging figures and groups and other materials in the National Museum, and in making photographs of the most significant of these for the Museum collection. Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has made satisfactory progress on her memoir relating to the Zuni, and it is expected that this elaborate report w ill within a few months be ready for the press. Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey ¢ ompleted the prep- aration of the index to volume 1x of the Contributions to North American Ethnology, and also made a critical examination of a paper by Dr Thomas concerning supposed loan words from Polynesian languages, found among the Indians of Mexico and southwestern United States. His chief work, however, was that on the Winnebago dictionary, already noted. A large number of dictionary slips, with notes, grammatic elements, and free English translations, were prepared. Dr A. S. Gatschet was employed chiefly in the extension of his Shawnee dictionary and in extracting grammatic elements from the 750 manuscript pages of text and other material relat- ing to this language. Meantime material additions were made to his comparative Algonquian vocabulary. He, too, made an examination of the linguistic material sent im by Dr Thomas. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt spent the first half of the month in trans- literating the Tarahumari material collected by Dr Carl Lum- holtz, part of the time with the assistance of the collector. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXV Although satisfactory progress was made, this body of linguistic material is not yet ready for the press. The later portion of the month was spent in critical study of the comparative list of Maya and Polynesian words sent in by Dr Thomas. The results of the examination were put together in an elaborate report, which, though not designed for publication, will greatly facilitate dealing with related questions by the collaborators of the Bureau in the future. Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling practically brought to completion his Shahaptian bibliograpl-y and spent a portion of the month in the extraction of title cards from the recently published Wakashan bibliography. The greater part of the month, however, was spent in collecting titles relating to the languages of extreme southwestern United States and Mexico. Publications—During the month the Tenth Annual Report has been delivered from the Government bindery and the dis- tribution is well under way. The Eleventh and Twelfth reports are in the bindery; galley proofs of nearly half of the Thirteenth Annual Report have been received and_ revised. The Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages has been delivered and distribution is in progress. The bulletin on “Chinook Texts” by Dr Boas is still passing through the prin- ter’s hands. Galley proofs of Professor Holmes’ bulletin on “An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Territory” have been re- ceived and are undergoing revision. The illustrations for the bulletins by Messrs Mooney and Fowke have been completed and they will shortly be sent forward for publication. Pro- vision has been made for publishing a bulletin by Dr Boas on the physical characteristics of the Siouan peoples, the text of which, however, has not yet been received. OPERATIONS DURING JUNE The work has been confined chiefly to the office, field operations being limited to the surveys by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo country. Work in sign language—Colonel Garrick Mallery has been occupied throughout the month in comparative study and writing on gesture signs and signals. 15 ETH Vv LXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY The recent publication of Colonel Mallery’s monograph on pictography in the Tenth Annual Report has stimulated interest in the general subject of picture writing and sign language, and many inquiries and suggestions in regard to the subject are received through correspondence. This fact is at once a gratifying indication of the interest felt in the subject by the people of the country and an incentive to the author to complete at the earliest possible date the monograph on which he is now engaged. Work in Indian hieroglyphs—Dr Cyrus Thomas has con- tinued researches relating to the symbols used in the codices and other inscriptions of the Maya and related peoples. The month was occupied in comparative studies of calendrie and other terms of southwestern America, a bulletin on this subject being practically ready for publication and withheld only for the purpose of verifying certain provisional conclusions. Work in eastern archeology—Vhe work on this subject during the month was limited to the preparation of illustrations for some of Professor Holmes’ reports by photographing groups at Piny branch, which work Mr F. H. Cushing kindly super- vised, Mr William Dinwiddie assisting. Work in western archeology—Mr Cosmos Mindelett has con- tinued surveys and the collection of objective material -in the Pueblo country. During the month he examined a number of ruins in the valley of San Juan river, finding all of the types so abundantly represented on the Rio Verde (described in his report on that district in the Thirteenth Annual, and termed ‘“bowlder-marked sites”). ‘Though commonly small, some of the ruims are extensive; all are located with reference to adja- cent areas of tillable land, and none are defensive. The ruins are usually found on low, irregular terraces, skirting the river chiefly on the northern side, where the conditions are more favorable to irrigation. Most of the ruins are now marked only by heaps of the water-worn bowlders, sometimes showing wall lines, but generally lying in confused heaps, often dis- turbed by prospectors and relic hunters. Here and there definite structures remain; in one of these Mr Mindelett was surprised to find masonry constructed of tabular sandstones, an anomalous phenomenon requiring further study. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXVII Mr Mindeleff concludes from his researches of the year that the first settlements in the region are marked by the bowlder- marked sites; that these were followed by small settlements and easily defended sites, accompanied by cliff dwellings, cavate lodges, etc; and that larger settlements were subse- quently formed and valley sites located, not defensible as regards site, though the structures were defensive. ‘These conclusions are in harmony with those deduced from the struc- tures of Canyon de Chelly, where, however, the sequence is more complete. Detailed information concerning the different types of structure is reported by Mr Mindeleff. Work in synonymy—Mr F. W. Hodge has continued work on the descriptions and synonymy of the southwestern tribes for corporation in the cyclopedia, the chief work during the pres- eut month being the amplification of the Piman synonymy, He has remained in charge of the library, and, in addition, spent a part of the month in revising proofs of the Thirteenth Annual Report and of Professor Holmes’ bulletin on “An Ancient Quarry in Indian Territory.” Mr James Mooney has brought to completion his memoir on “The Ghost-dance Religion,” which is incorporated in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau. Meantime he has continued the arrangement of the material for the synonymy of the eastern Siouan tribes. His bulletin on these tribes was reexamined during the month and is forwarded herewith for publication. Work in mythology—Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing spent a portion of the month in revising his memoir on primitive arrow games, to which reference has been made in previous monthly reports. Some time was spent also in revising and supple- menting his paper on ‘Zuni Creation Myths” now in press as part of the Thirteenth Annual Report. In addition, he was occupied for some days in the arrangement of figures and groups in the National Museum. Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has continued the preparation of her monograph on Zuni ceremonials, making satisfactory progress therein. Work in linguistics—Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued work on the Winnebago dictionary, together with the notes to his large LXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY collection of Winnebago texts and the free English translation of the texts, making satisfactory progress. In addition, he prepared a list of ethnologie manuscripts relating to Indian languages, including a considerable part of the linguistic mate- rial in the archives of the Bureau. Dr ALS. Gatschet continued the preparation of the Shawnee dictionary, giving especial attention to comparisons between this dialect and forty or fifty other dialects of the Algonquian. He calls attention to the astonishing multiplicity of the Algon- quian dialectal forms and points out that, while the linguistic stock rests on a purely nominal basis morphologically, the dia- lectic diversification is great. Other interesting features of these languages have received attention. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued the transliteration of Tarahu- mari and Tubari material collected by Dr Carl Lumholtz, with a view to publication, at least of the latter, in bulletin form, Work in bibliography—Mr James C. Pilling spent the month in arranging material for bibliographies of the southwestern languages in and contiguous to Mexico. The alphabetic arrangement of the material has now progressed to the end of the letter R, the notes and collations having been made as complete as possible with the information at hand. He ex- presses acknowledgment to Bishop Hurst, whose rich library contains much material collected by missionaries and others relating to the Indian languages. Pi Wlications 06 Eleventh and Twelfth Annual reports are still in the bindery, but well advanced, and the editions are looked for daily; nearly a third of the Thirteenth An- nual is in pages; the material for the Fourteenth Annual is ready and only awaits the passage by the Senate of the con- current resolution authorizing publication, this resolution hav- ing already passed the House. Material for the Fifteenth Annual is in hand and practically ready for the press when- ever publication is authorized. Dr Boas’ voluminous bulletin on “Chinook Texts” is still passing through the printer’s hands, 96 pages being stereotyped. The proofs of text and plates of Professor Holmes’ bulletin on an abc wiginal quarry have been approved and ordered stereotyped de printed. Bulletins by Messrs Mooney and Fowke have been sent forward and recom- mended for publication. Volume 1x of the Contributions to ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXNIX North American Ethnology, comprising Riggs’ Dakota Gram- mar, Texts and Ethnography,” has been completed by the preparation of the index, and the document is now on the press. SUMMARY REPORT CLASSIFICATION OF THE WORK As set forth on an earlier page, five primary lines of research relating to the collective or demotic characteristics of the American aborigines are pursued in the Bureau. These lines, with the corresponding branches of knowledge, comprise (1) arts, or esthetology; (2) industries, or technology; (3) institu- tions, or sociology; (4) forms of expression, or linguistics; and (5) opinions and beliefs, or sophiology.. In addition, two primary lines of research relating to the aborigines considered as organisms are recognized, viz, somatology and psychology. Each of these seven lines of research is of such extent and importance as to form the basis for a distinct science ; and each comprises a number of principal branches, any one of which is sutticiently extended to form an important specialty. Since there are only about a dozen scientific collaborators in the Bureau, it follows that there are more specialties than collabo- rators; and it has been found necessary to select those special lines of research which seemed of most importance, and to assign them to the collaborators best equipped for carrying them forward. Sometimes, on the other hand, it has been found desirable temporarily to combine two or more primary lines of investigation in the assignment of a single collabo- - rator, for the purpose of utilizing opportunity—e. @., to obtain general information at a minimum cost or to procure data con- cerning a disappearing tribe. To meet these practical condi- tions, a somewhat arbitrary classification of the work has been adopted and has varied from time to time. During the year the researches have related chiefly to (1) archeology; (2) de- scriptive ethnology; (3) sociology; (4) pictography and sign language; (5) general linguistics; (6) mythology, or sophiol- ogy; (7) psychology, and (8) bibliography. Classified by method, the operations of the Bureau com- prise (1) field work, including exploration; (2) office researches, LXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY and (3) publication, together with the requisite administrative work and ancillary operations. EXPLORATION The most extended exploratory work of the year was that of Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in connection with archeologie sur- veys in the Pueblo country of New Mexico and Arizona. He left Washington early in July, 1893, and, outfitting at Hol- brook, proceeded to the Hopi villages of Tusayan, and toward the end of August to the valley of the Little Colorado, which he explored im some detail. Contrary to expectations, this region was found to be poor in relics of the aborigines; only a few small and unimportant ruins are scattered over the valley, and the sites were apparently occupied for short peri- ods only. It is noteworthy that, according to Hopi tradition, it was along a valley tributary to the Little Colorado that the large timbers used in the construction of the Spanish churches and mission buildings prior to 1680 were transported on the backs of Indians from San Francisco mountains, nearly 100 miles away; and this tradition appears to find corroboration in Mr Mindeleft’s observation of a party of Tusayan Indians transporting poles from the foot-hills of the same mountains over the same route by the use of burros. The reason for the dearth of ruins gradually became apparent as the explorations were continued; the topography about the Little Colorado and the character of the stream itself are such that its waters could not be controlled for purposes of irrigation by any means at the command of ancient pueblo builders; even mod- ern engineering skill has thus far failed to control the stream, although many efforts in this direction have been made. Only at intervals are there floodplain lands suitable for primitive cultivation and within easy reach of irrigation de- vices, and in such places ruins are usually found. This is notably the case near the old Sunset crossing, where, perched on the hills overlooking the floodplain, can be seen the ruins of ten or more villages, the largest of which would have accom- modated a population of 200. The ground plan of this vil- lage shows a number of rectangular rooms, the whole bearing ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXxI a strong resemblance to the plan of ruins found near the Tu- sayan villages. ‘Tradition recites that this village (or possibly a neighboring one) was called Homolobi, and was occupied by the Water clan, the last to reach Tusayan. ‘The indica- tions are that the period of occupancy was short. Mr Mindeleff found the river at Mormon crossing, or ‘‘The Crossing of the Fathers,” too high for fording, and his party proceeded with difficulty along the northern bank to the old Sunset crossing near Winslow. After fording at this point, the party proceeded to Verde, crossing the Mogollon mountains by way of Sunset and Chaves passes. At Verde an old field outfit was taken up, and the party returned by way of Flagstaff, reaching Little Colorado river at the mouth of San Francisco wash. ‘This region was formerly a favorite hunting ground of the Tusayan, large parties leaving the villages to hunt antelope and other game so recently as ten years ago; but the game has nearly disappeared, and the annual hunting parties of fhe Tusa- yan Indians are now but a memory. From ¢ San Francisco wash the party followed the southern branch of the river to Winslow, and the northern side thence to Holbrook. Leaving Holbrook early in October, Mr Mindeleff proceeded northward toward Canyon de Chelly. Advantage was taken of the opportunity to examine the locality of a supposed ruin some 35 miles north of Holbrook, concerning which rumors have been current for several years, and the supposed ruin was found to be a natural dike rising from the summit of a low hill as a wall of black basalt over 100 feet long, generally less than 2 feet thick, and sometimes 18 feet high. Near its western end the remains of a habitation consisting of one or two rooms was found, the ground being strewn with poisherds. So striking is this dike that the Navaho guide insisted, even when standing before it, that it is artificial; yet examination leaves no doubt as to its real character. Canyon de Chelly was reached about the middle of October, and detailed examination of its cliff ruins was begun at once and continued nearly to the end of December. More than sixty ruins were examined, eround plans of many of them were made and a large series of photo- graphs were taken. The results of this interesting survey will be incorporated in the Sixteenth Annual Report. LXXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Leaving Canyon de Chelly in December, the party proceeded by way of Pueblo Colorado, and Fort Defiance to San Juan river, where it was planned to winter. In crossing Tunicha mountains a snowstorm of unprecedented severity for the season was encountered, and the party missed the trail and for a time were lost; among other accidents a wagon was over- turned in such manner that Mr Mindeleff was caught beneath it and his shoulder dislocated, whereby he was disabled for some months. Fortunately the expedition was rescued by a party of ranchmen from Fort Defiance, organized for the purpose when the severity of the storm was realized. The success of the expedition and even the preservation of the lives of its members must be ascribed largely to the humanity which in- spired the rescue party and the energy with which they pushed into the mountains, rendered almost impassable by the snow and wind. The expedition reached San Juan river a few days later, and soon afterward disbanded. When able to resume work Mr Mindeleff began a reconnois- sance of San Juan valley, not completed at the end of the fiscal year. ‘This district was found rich in ruins, mainly of a type resembling the oldest ruins in Canyon de Chelly. San Juan valley is terraced, and the river itself is a swift mountain stream, and conditions are thus favorable for irrigation by primitive as well as by civilized men. The detailed surveys here were accordingly extended, and resulted in substantial contributions to the archeology of southwestern United States. Mr James Mooney spent some months, beginning with July, on the iowa reservation in Indian Territory, and subsequently visited the Arapaho and Cheyenne Indians for the purpose of collecting information concerning habits and customs as well as beliefs and languages. He was provided with a graphophone, by means of which he was able to record a number of aborig- inal songs, both with and without instrumental accompaniments, and in single voice effects as well as in chorus. Altogether he spent five months in field work, of which part was exploratory. Colonel Garrick Mallery spent the greater part of the month of September among the Indians of northern Wisconsin and northeastern Minnesota for the purpose of verifying and cor- recting notes obtained through correspondence. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXIII Dr W. J. Hoffman spent July and August and a portion of September among the Ottawa Indians near Petoskey, Michi- gan, the Ojibwa Indians at La Pointe reservation, Wisconsin, and the Menomini Indians at Keshena in the same state, and among the several tribes information pertaining to customs and beliefs was obtained. Mr J. Owen Dorsey spent the month of January, 1894, on the Kwapa reservation in Indian Territory, investigating the social organization of the tribe and recording their myths and traditions. During the earlier part of the year the Director took advan- tage of opportunities growing out of work in connection with the Geological Survey on the Pacific Coast to visit several Indian tribes and to continue his researches relating to their habits, myths, and languages. ARCHEOLOGY Professor W. H. Holmes was occupied throughout the year in archeologic researches, chiefly in eastern United States The first half of July was spent in organizing the work of the year, and later he proceeded to different points in Delaware valley for the purpose of continuing studies of ancient quar- ries and quarry shops. A new quarry shop was discovered on Delaware river, 15 miles above Trenton, yielding rejects cor- responding precisely with the objects so abundantly found in the gravels on which the city of Trenton is built, and which were formerly classed as paleoliths. Subsequently he visited a number of interesting localities in Ohio, giving especial attention to the gravels at Newcomerstown, in or apparently in which an artificially shaped stone has been found, this being the only case now strongly held to indicate the existence of man during the Glacial period in this country. In October he visited an island in Potomae river, near Point of Rocks, flooded by a recent freshet in such manner as to lay bare an ancient village and aboriginal workshop. This workshop proved of considerable interest in that here ummis- takable indication was found for the first time that blocks of stone were used as anvils in the production of certain classes of stone implements and weapons. LXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY During February Professor Holmes directed the exploration, by Mr William Dinwiddie, of an aboriginal steatite quarry near Clifton, Virginia. This quarry was found especially instruct- ive by reason of its large size, the great number of partly completed utensils found within the opening and in the neigh- boring dump heap, and the excellence of its preservation. In April Professor Holmes, accompanied by Mr McGee, Ethnologist in Charge, repaired to an interesting site near the mouth of Pass creek, not far from Luray, Virginia, for the pur- pose of collecting additional data relating to a noteworthy series of stone art products, to which attention was called during the preceding fiscal year by Mr Gerard Fowke. A considerable additional collection was made and an abo- riginal cemetery, from which a typical collection of mortuary pottery was taken, was discovered in a neighboring’ field. The stone art products in this locality are of exceptional inter- est, as the “turtleback” forms are rejects from the manufacture of celts. The rejects hitherto studied by Professor Holmes represent, exclusively or predominantly, narrow-pointed instru- ments, such as spearpoints or arrowheads, while those found at the mouth of Pass creek represent predominantly the manu- facture of broad and thin pointed objects. A sufficiently com- plete series of rejects and nearly completed forms to illustrate all stages in manufacturing was brought together. Mr McGee extended the observations from this locality up Pass creek with the purpose of discovering the original source of the pebbles and cobbles used by the primitive artisans, and was rewarded by finding, well toward the headwaters of the stream, a large mass of intrusive rock, from which the pebbles were originally derived. This part of the study also proved of exceptional interest, as it indicated the delicacy with which the Indian manufacturer adjusted himself to his environment; in situ the rock is too massive and obdurate for working by primitive methods; in the upper reaches of the stream the bowlders derived from parent ledges are too large for reduc- tion without the use of metal; below the confluence of Pass creek with the Hawksbill the pebbles are too small and too > scant for profitable working; while just above the confluence, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXV at the site discovered by Mr Fowke, the pebbles are at the same time of suitable size and sufficiently abundant for easy working by primitive methods—in short, the best and, indeed, the only feasible site for the aboriginal factory was that selected for the purpose. The material is a peculiarly tough and strong erystalline rock, which flakes fairly well and is at the same time adapted to battering and grinding. During the first three months of the year Mr Gerard Fowke was oc cupied, under Professor Holmes’ general instructions, but under the immediate direction of the Ethnologist in Charge, in making collections from the little-known but highly inter- esting interior shell mounds in the valley of Tennessee river. This ee yielded excellent results, particularly in the form of material collected for the enrichment of the National Museum. The collections were duly cleaned, prepared, and tabulated, and transferred to the Museum by Mr Henry Walther. Mr William Dinwiddie, under Professor Holmes’ immediate direction, spent the greater part of the months of July, August, and September in archeologic reconnoissance along the shores and tributaries of Chesapeake bay with the object of demarking more exactly by art products the territory belonging respec- tively to the different peoples. His work also yielded abun- dant collections for the enrichment of the department of arche- ology of the National Museum for the benefit of contemporary and future students. During February and March, as already noted, Mr Dinwid- die was occupied in investigating the aboriginal steatite quarry at Clifton. The quarry was cleared and its walls and floors were found to yield numerous and characteristic traces of primitive workmanship; a rich collection of broken and_par- tially finished utensils was made; a good series of photographs, showing with unprecedented accuracy the details of the quar- rying and manufacturing operations, was taken; a number of the tools used in the work were found, while the entire collec- tion has been brought together for study and preservation in the National Museum. The general results of the investiga- tion of this quarry have been incorporated in the aecompany- ing paper by Professor Holmes. LXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY The results of the work by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in New Mexico and Arizona are of much importance. The examina- tion of over sixty ruins in Canyon de Chelly verifies the con- clusion previously reached by the same investigator that the cliff dwellings here were primarily farming outlooks, and that the home villages were commonly located on wholly indefen- sible sites on the canyon bottoms. It was found that the ruins are divisible into several groups, apparently representing a chronologic sequence. In the latter ruins highly suggestive details are found illustrating the gradual assimilation of intro- duced or‘accultural ideas. Among other results there was obtained a series of drawings and photographs showing the development of chimney structure from the first crude attempts to imitate a form known only from casual observation and description to a more finished structure, though the most finished product was far from perfect, while the first attempts were exceedingly crude. Mr Mindeleff was led to conclude that the foreign ideas exemplified in the chimneys and other structures were introduced in the architecture of Canyon de Chelly at a late period of the occupancy of the territory, prob- ably only a few decades before its abandonment. Other details, such as the constructive use of adobe, were traced through the various stages of development in the same way; and some ruins were found in which the old and the new ideas find expression side by side in such manner as to indicate that the village was occupied before the introduction of the foreign ideas, and that the occupancy continued until after the ideas were definitely crystallized. One interesting group or series of ancient ruins was found, which had apparently been overlooked by previous visitors. They occur in the upper part of the canyon and are nearly obliterated. The structures were always located on sites deter- mined wholly by agricultural necessity and methods without reference to defensive ends. Mr Mindeleff is of opinion that these are the oldest ruins in the canyon, belonging to the ini- tial period of occupancy, which extended over many decades. Close attention was given also to a number of large ruins situated in the canyon bottom without reference to defense, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXVII also overlooked by previous explorers. These differ from the preceding type and are in some respects the most important ruins of the canyon. They apparently represent the home pueblos occupied contemporaneously with the cliff dwellings, and bore the same relation to the latter that Zuni bears to Nutria, Peseado, and Ojo Caliente, or that Oraibi bears to Moenkapi. The cliff dwellings were apparently occupied as a rule only during the summer months, the occupants resort- ing to the pueblos during the winter Thus the cliff dwellings appear to represent a phase rather than a chronologic epoch in the history of the pueblo builders. Although the researches are not yet « ompleted, Mr Mindeleff is of opinion that while some of the ruins may be pre-Colum- bian, others were undoubtedly occupied in the seventeenth century, and that the occupancy was probably continuous as regards the district, though probably not continous as regards particular tribes or subtribes. A general result of the study was the classification of the various types of ruins, in a chron- ologic order, in such manner that the history of the canyon from the earliest occupancy up to the recent advent of English- speaking settlers is clearly indicated. In combining the data acquired in Canyon de Chelly with those obtained from Rio Verde during previous years, Mr Mindeleff finds reason for the conclusion alae the ruins of the former district represent the first settlements in the San Juan country, and that further developments will be found in the tributary valleys, and also that the large communal buildings on the tributaries of the San Juan, representing the highest architectural art attained by the pueblo builders, will prove to be the ultimate form of the primitive village of this district. During the year Dr Cyrus Thomas completed the revision of proofs of text and illustrations of his ‘“‘Report on Mound Explorations,” and the work was put through the press as the body of the Twelfth Annual Report. The document comprises much information relating to the Indian mounds of the Missis- sippi valley and eastern United States, and it seems reasonable to hope that the monograph may come to be regarded as a standard source of information on the subject. Subsequently LXXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Dr Thomas gave special attention to the hieroglyphs and codices of the Maya—the ancient inhabitants of Yucatan. One of the results of the work is the demonstration that the time system recorded in the Dresden codex is precisely the same as that mentioned by the early Spanish authors, except that the years begin with what are considered the last instead of the first of the four-year series. It is also shown that this brings the calendar of the Dresden codex into harmony with the calendars recorded at Palenque, Lorillard, and Tikal. A portion of the results of Dr Thomas’ work on this subject is published in one of the bulletins of the Bureau, a brochure of 64 pages, entitled ‘The Maya Year.” Other results are incor- porated in a memoir on the origin and significance of the calendric terms, which is not yet completed. During the year Mr Hilborne T. Cresson, of Philadelphia, was occupied in archeologic researches, chiefly in Guatemala and eastern Mexico, under a provision of the De Laincel fund and under the general supervision of the Director of the Bureau. Some of the results of his interesting researches have been made public through various scientific journals Specially noteworthy among the results of the archeologie work in the Bureau during the current year are the mono- graphs by Professor Holmes on ‘Ancient Pottery of Eastern United States” and “Stone Art of Eastern United States.” Both embrace the results of researches extending over many years; both are elaborately illustrated from material preserved in the National Museum; both represent the mature conclusions of an able and carefully trained archeologist. The classification and interpretation adopted by Professor Holmes are primarily indigenous, though his comparative studies have extended over the archeologic literature of the world, and it is believed that his conclusions will form a firm basis for those branches of arche- ology to which his work relates. To him science is indebted for a consistent method of interpreting primitive art products through study of the arts of primitive peoples cognate to those whose relics have come down to us from prehistoric times. It was with great regret that the Director accepted his resignation toward the end of the fiscal year, in order that he might trans- fer his labors to the Field Columbian Museum. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXIX DESCRIPTIVE ETHNOLOGY An important line of work in the Bureau for some years past has been the collection and systematic arrangement of tribal names and characteristics, with brief description of the habits, customs, arts, beliefs, and institutions of the aborigines. The information thus collected has been recorded on cards under the head of Tribal Synonymy. During the last year Mr F. W. Hodge devoted several months to the descriptive ethnology of several southwestern families, the Piman, Tanoan, Keresan, and Zunian stocks receiving chief attention. Advantage was taken of the pres- ence in Washington of Dr Carl Lumboltz, who has spent several seasons among the tribes of Chihuahua, to obtain val- uable information relating to the Tarahumari, Tepehuani, and Tubari Indians for use in the synonymy of the Piman stock. Mr Hodge’s literary research during the year will probably enable him to identify the obscurely recorded Jumano of the early Spanish explorers with the Comanche of more recent date. In connection with the condensed descriptions contained in the systematic work, Mr Hodge has made progress in the preparation of a biblography of the Pueblo Indians, designed to serve as a basis for further research concerning this inter- esting portion of our aboriginal population. Mr J. Owen Dorsey made a number of important additions to the portion of the tribal synonymy relating to the Siouan tribes, and Mr James Mooney devoted some time to classifying and extending the material already obtained relating to the Cherokee Indians. Dr Albert S. Gatschet also made contri- butions to this work. Although the collection of material for the general descriptive ethnology of the Tribal Synonymy of the American Indians was commenced some years since, and although a large body of information has been collected and arranged on cards for office use, publication has not yet been undertaken, partly by reason of the great volume of material, partly because the work is of such character as not soon to be completed, since each new investigation yields additional information; but LXXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY within the last five years the records have been found so use- ful, and the demand for information contained therein so extensive, that a plan for publication has been formulated. In accordance with this plan the material will be arranged by linguistic stocks and published in bulletin form in the order of completion, each bulletin comprising a stock. In addition to the usual pagination the bulletins devoted to the subject will be consecutively paged (at the bottom) for the series, and it is proposed to complete the series by a bulletin so arranged as to form at the same time an index to the whole and an abbre- viated dictionary of the tribal and other names used by the American Indians. In accordance with this plan the materials pertaining to a number of the stocks have been made ready for the press, with the exception of brief introductions which remain to be written. During the first half of the fiscal year Dr W. J. Hoffman continued the investigation of the Menomini and _ related Indians in field and office and prepared an elaborate memoir, entitled ‘“‘The Menomini Indians,” which has been submitted for publication in the Fourteenth Annual Report. This tribe, located in northeastern Wisconsin, has long been known in a general way, but has received little scientific study. Dr Hoff- man’s memoir embraces a history of the tribe from its dis- covery by Nicollet in 1634 to the present day, including the several treaties made with the Federal Government; it includes also the genealogies of the two rival lines of hereditary chiefs, together with an exposition of the ceremonials of the several cult societies, and of the mythology, industries, arts, and man- ufactures of the tribe. SOCIOLOGY From time to time during the year the Director found oppor- tunity for collecting additional information relating to the insti- tutions of the American Indians and for the elaboration of material collected during previous years. Mr McGee also made progress in the arrangement of material pertaining to this sub- ject gathered by various collaborators. Mr James Mooney spent several months in the field collecting information rela- ting to the Kiowa, Caddo, Arapaho, and Cheyenne Indians, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXI of which a large part is sociologic. In addition, he prepared during the year a memoir on the ‘“‘Siouan Tribes of the East,” which has been sent to press as one of the series of bulletins of the Bureau. In this paper the relations and movements of the tribes recorded by early explorers and settlers of eastern United States are analyzed and, after comparative study for the purpose of combining the various consistent records and eliminating the uncertainties due to vague geographic and eth- nographic records, grouped as a consistent body of informa- tion relating to the aboriginal landholders of cisappalachian United States. The memoir represents much patient research among early maps and throughout the earliest literature of the United States. It is enriched by synonymy of the various tribes of the district, and incidentally considerable information relating to the organization and social institutions of these tribes is incorporated. PICTOGRAPHY AND SIGN LANGUAGE The earlier part of the year was spent by Colonel Garrick Mallery in revising the proofs of his monograph on ‘“ Picture- writing of the American Indians,” which has since been pub- lished in the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau. Some years were devoted by Colonel Mallery to the collection of information on this subject and the subject of sign language and gesture speech among the aborigines, and this monograph represents the product of labors in the interesting line of research to which it appertains. By reason of the invasion of white men, many of the primitive customs of the Indians have been modified and some have been lost; and in few directions is the modification more complete than in that of inscribing records on rocks and other surfaces; and it has been the pur- pose to render this work as complete an exposition of the crude graphic art of the American Indian as it is possible to make at this time. It is believed that the work will be found praeti- cally exhaustive and a standard source of information. During the remaining portion of the year Colonel Mallery has been engaged in the preparation of a companion monograph on the sign language of the American Indians. The material for this 15 ErH— VI LXXXIl REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY work is even more evanescent than that drawn on in the prep- aration of the preceding work; but the author’s studies have extended over many years and a large part of western Amer- ica, and he has been favored by rich contributions from corre- spondents of the office. The work is fully illustrated, as is necessary, since it is only by graphic presentation that definite ideas concerning the multiform gestures and motions used in primitive interchange of thought can be clearly expressed. The monograph is approaching completion. LINGUISTICS The languages of the American Indians have received a large share of the attention of the Bureau ever since its insti- tution. It has been the policy to collect texts and vocabularies and material for grammars as rapidly and extensively as pos- sible before the disappearance of the primitive languages. Only a small part of the material so collected has been pub- lished; but the vaults of the Bureau are rich in data pertain- ing to the languages of many tribes representing most of the linguistic stocks of the American Indians. Perhaps on no other continent is the linguistic diversity of the primitive peoples wider than in northern America, and the dialectic variability is eminently striking. The aboriginal languages of this continent accordingly give an admirable opportunity for the study of the facts and causes of linguistic development; and from the beginning it was deemed important to collect the largest possible body of material for examination and discus- sion in its bearing on the general subject. Carrying out the general policy, only subordinate attention has been given to publication, and publication has been made only in cases in which the material seemed especially typical or exceptionally complete. Thus, while the amount of linguistic material pub- lished is not voluminous, the manuscripts constantly accessible for purposes of study are abundant—richer, it is believed, than any other body of linguistic records of a primitive people. Dr A. 8. Gatschet devoted the entire year to linguistic work. Early in the year he was employed in translating texts and in extracting lexic and grammatic elements of the Peoria and ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXIII Shawnee languages, recorded by him during the preceding two years. This work gave abundant opportunities for comparing the two tongues with the forty or fifty other dialects of the Algonquian stock, and the interesting results of the comparison were embodied in a comparative vocabulary of the Algonquian languages. By this comparison the intimate relations between the dialects is strikingly shown, and at the same time the mul- tiplicity of forms into which the original tongues have been diversified has been brought out. Morphologically the Algon- quian tongue is built on a purely nominal basis, yet in the various dialects a wide variety of ideas are expressed with surprising perfection. In all the Algonquian dialects verbal roots combine with other verbal roots in a single word, giving a peculiar and forcible expression to the verbal form. The compounding of words is further extended by numerous adject- ival suffixes descriptive of quality, these suffixes indicating whether the noun qualified by such an adjective is an animate or inanimate subject, and showing whether complexion, size, age, or other qualities are to be determined. This method of adjectival suffixes extends also to the numerals, and in some dialects there are special suffixes to qualify numeral cardinals as determining animate or inanimate objects in the plural. Dr Gatschet’s recent studies have brought out the fact that the Algonquian languages of the western group (Arapaho, Chey- enne, and Siksika) differ considerably in their phonetics from the eastern dialects, these differences being especially shown in the nasalization found among the western representatives of the stock. Mr J. Owen Dorsey spent the earlier part of the year in office work on the Biloxi language, completing its systematic arrangement for preservation and reference. He also revised the proofs of Contributions to North American Ethnology, volume 1x (Riges’ Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnogra- phy”), as well as his own memoir, entitled “A Study of Siouan Cults,” in the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau. Both of these documents have now been published. The month of January was spent on the Kwapa reservation in Indian Terri- tory in investigating the social organization of the tribes and LXXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY recording their myths and traditions in the form of texts. After his return from the field these texts were translated liter- ally, but the preparation of explanatory notes and free trans- lations was deferred. Some time was spent in the elaboration of a list of the characters required for recording the various sounds in the Siouan, Athapascan, and other linguistic families; in this work he had for a time the assistance of a skilled ori- ental linguist, Dr J. J. Nouri, from whom he obtained for com- parative purposes many of the peculiar sounds of the Semitic and other Eastern languages. Some time was spent also in the examination of supposed linguistic affinities between the Maya and Malay languages, and during the year he recorded in final form eight Winnebago texts, dictated by Philip Long- tail. Subsequently literal translations of these texts were made, and the preparation of explanatory notes and free English translations was begun and the lexic elements were extracted. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the earlier part of the year m researches concerning the social relations recorded in the Iroquois language and the literature relating to the people. In the course of this work it was shown that the independence of the tribe in local affairs was little, if at all, curtailed by the confederation of the ‘Five Nations,” certain clans and gentes being privileged from the beginning of the historical leagues (for there were undoubtedly several) to nominate lord-chiefs and vice-chiets to the league councils. Subsequently Mr Hewitt made examination of the data for the classification of the Waiilatpuan and Shahaptian groups of languages. Despite the paucity of the linguistic material, he found that the groups display peculiarities apparently due rather to divergent growth than to original diversity, this being exceptionally true of the position of the attributing or predi- cating word in the word-sentences or compound stems. In the lexicon the Shahaptian dialects show specific superficial differences from the Waiilatpuan group, but nevertheless a large and important number of stems pertaining to the former, which have the same or cognate significance, accord substan- tially in sound or form with terms in the latter; there are, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXV moreover, in many of the dialects striking proofs of the effects of discordant linguistic growth. The general result of the study was to prove that the two groups of languages have had a common history in part; and this conclusion has been pro- visionally accepted in the classification of linguistic material in the Bureau vaults. Other important studies relating to the affinities of the aboriginal languages of northwestern America were successfully carried forward. Mr Hewitt also aided in the linguistic comparison of the Maya and Malayan terms collected by Dr Thomas. Some time was given also to the arrangement and transliteration of the Tubari material collected by Dr Carl Lumbholtz in Mexico, with a view to publication. This collection, although not large, is of a special interest, since it was obtained from the last three surviving representatives of the tribe who alone survive. During the last months of the year Mr Hewitt made a fruitful study of the so-called irregular or anomalous verb in the Tuskarora or Mohawk dialects. In connection with his memoir on the Menomini Indians, already noted, Dr Hotiman compiled a considerable vocabulary representing the language of this tribe. In addition to the Tubari material, in part transliterated by Mr Hewitt, Dr Carl Lumholtz turned over to the Bureau the vocabularies collected from the Tarahumari and Tepehuani tribes occupying the mountainous portions of the state of Chihuahua, in the Republic of Mexico. Several other valuable contributions to the linguistic material of the Bureau were made during the year. Among these may be mentioned a manuscript of more than a thousand pages, representing the vocabulary and grammar of the Nez Percé Indians of Idaho, collected by the late Miss 8. L. McBeth and kindly transmitted to the Bureau by her sister, Miss Kate C. McBeth. MYTHOLOGY The myths and cognate beliefs of the American aborigines are of exceptional interest, since they exemplify in many cases the influence of environment on the minds of the devotees, and in some cases, moreover, the myths indicate the migra- LXXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY tions of the peoples among whom they are found. Accord- ingly, the studies by Mrs Stevenson and Mr Cushing of the mythology of the Pueblo tribes, particularly that of the Zuni, are of utmost importance in American anthropology. Having completed his work in arranging the exhibits of the Bureau of Ethnology at the World’s Fair, Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing returned to Washington and resumed researches in mythology about the middle of September. Almost continu- ously since that time he has, in conjunction with Mr Stewart Culin, of the University of Pennsylvania, whose attention has long been devoted to the games of the Orient, carried forward a study of the origin of aboriginal games, based on his intimate acquaintance with the games of the Zuni and a knowledge gained by his investigations at the Columbian Exposition. A study of these primitive games reveals the fact that they were not played primarily for amusement, as among civilized peoples, but chiefly for divination, which was practiced in con- nection with industries and enterprises of all sorts; so that divinatory games occupied a prominent place in the thoughts and exercised an important influence on the daily life of these people. It was found also that in the Orient the games were actually played with arrows and were still recognized as arrow games by the players themselves as late as the eleventh or twelfth centuries B. C., thus giving historic evidence of the arrow origin of lot and dice games in the Orient, and confirm- ing, in Mr Culin’s estimation, Mr Cushing’s hypothesis as to the identical origin of such games in America. ‘These researches have also brought to light many significant facts bearing on the usages, beliefs, and ethnic relations of early peoples. Mr Cushing was greatly aided in this work by Mr Louis C. Mocte- zuma, an educated young Mexican, from whom he obtained much information regarding the Indian games of his country. Mr Cushing has not allowed his researches relating to divin- atory games completely to interrupt his more general studies relating to Zuni mythology, and during the year has given special attention to the origin and primitive use of fire. Fire myths are nearly universal, and fire wi ship Common among primitive peoples; and it is the possession of the fire art which, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXVII perhaps more than any other characteristic, distinguishes man- kind from the lower animals. The conquest of fire has not yet been clearly traced, but Mr Cushing’s researches are con- tributing materially to knowledge of the subject. The manuscript ef Mr Cushing’s paper bearing the title ‘Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths” was brought to completion and at the close of the year was partially in type as one of the accompanying papers of the Thirteenth Annual Report. Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson, although partially disabled by overwork and exposure during her last field season among the Sia Indians of New Mexico, began in July the revision of the proofs of her article on that tribe, which cover pages 3-157 of the Eleventh Annual Report. On the completion of the proof reading, early in September, Mrs Stevenson continued the preparation of a report on certaim myths and ceremonials of the Zuni tribe, among whom she has spent a number of sea- sons. Notwithstanding ill health, she succeeded in completing the preparation of most of the illustrative material of the mon- ograph and made progress in the final revision of the text. PSYCHOLOGY The Director has found opportunity for continuing his in- vestigations in primitive modes of thought, carried on during previous years. The results of these studies were imparted to the members of the Bureau in a series of informal lectures, establishing a firmer and more definite basis for their researches in Indian mythology and sociology. BIBLIOGRAPHY The work on the bibliography of native American lan- guages was continued by Mr James C. Pilling. As in pre- vious years much time was consumed in procuring new material for the main catalog, from which are prepared the bibliographies of the various linguistic stocks. This work necessitates a careful review of all the catalog material relat- ing to Americana generally—those of auction sales, of book- sellers’ catalogs, of the reviews, ete—and these furnish brief titles, which are used as memoranda for further research. In LXXXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY this manner several hundred new titles have been added to the main catalog during the year. For his painstaking and untiring patience in this tedious task, Mr Pilling is receiving high praise. The press reviews of the stock bibliographies already issued indicate the regard in which they are held, for their incomparable completeness, by students in all parts of the world. During the last year there was issued a Bibliografia Espanola de Lenguas Indigenas de América, by the Count of Vinaza, bearing the imprint Madrid, 1892. Although issued years after the appearance of Mr Pilling’s “proof sheets,” and although the compiler of the Bibliografia had unusual facilities, among them access to the archives of Spain—an advantage enjoyed by few foreigners—but seventy-five titles not already contained in Mr Pilling’s catalog were found in the Vinaza work. The month of August was taken up by Mr Pilling with an examination of the plate proofs of the bibliography of the Salishan language, then ready for press, but little correction worthy of notice was necessary. The bulletin, which com- prises 86 pages and 4 facsimiles, was delivered by the Public Printer in the middle of November. During November work was renewed on the Wakashan bibliography. A trip extending over a few days was made to _ Lenox and Astor libraries, New York city; some new material was obtained and defective titles were corrected. The work was forwarded to the Public Printer in January, and by the close of March the proof reading was finished. This bibliography, which was ready for distribution early in May, comprises 70 pages and 2 facsimiles. During the proof reading of the Waka- shan bibliography the preparation of the bibliography of the Shahaptian languages was begun, and at the close of the fiscal year was in an advanced stage of progress. PUBLICATION During no similar period of the Bureau’s history have so many pages of ethnologic material been put in type. Since the close of the last fiscal year (1892-93) most of the proof read- ing of the Tenth Annual Report was completed. The volume ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXIX was received from the printer in June, 1894. The monograph accompanying this report, ‘Picture Writing of the American Indians,” by Garrick Mallery, covers 807 pages and is illus- trated by 54 plates and 1,290 figures. On July 27, 1893, the Eleventh Annual Report was sent to the Public Printer, and before the close of October all the proofs had been read. Proof reading of the Twelfth Annual Report was in progress at the close of the year 1892-93, and continued until April, 1894. This report, which, in addition to the administrative report of the Director, contains a paper by Dr Cyrus Thomas, entitled “Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology,” was in the bindery at the close of the year. In February, 1894, the manuscript of the Thirteenth Annual Report was sent to the Public Printer, and in June the first proofs were received. With the close of the fiscal year all the illustrations for this annual had been engraved and proof reading was well advanced At the close of the year 1892-93 the proof reading of the “Bibliography of the Salishan Languages,” by James Con- stantine Pilling, was almost completed. This bulletin was delivered by the printer in November, 1893. ‘The Bibliogra- phy of the Wakashan Languages,” by the same author, was sent to the printer in December, 1893; the first proofs were received in January, 1894; the proof reading was finished in April, and the edition was delivered a month later. Karly in January of the present year the manuscript of a bul- letin by Mr John Garland Pollard, on ‘The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia,” was sent to the Public Printer, and by February 6 the final proofs had been revised. This bulletin was delivered in April, 1894. At the close of the last fiscal year proof reading of Riggs’ “Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography,” which forms Contributions to North American Ethnology, volume rx, had been in progress about a month, and by the end of July the volume was in page form. The first proof of a bulletin entitled “The Maya Year,” by Dr Cyrus Thomas, was received early in February, 1894, the XC REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY manuscript having been transmitted January 19. This brochure passed through the press and was delivered in May. In January, 1894, there was also sent to the Public Printer the manuscript of the first of a proposed series of bulletins, entitled ‘‘Chinook Texts,” by Dr Franz Boas. The first proofs were received in March, and by the Ist of July 176 pages and a number of galleys were in type. Another bulletin, “An Ancient Quarry in Indian Territory,” by William H. Holmes, was sent to the Public Printer on Feb- ruary 17, and by the close of June the paper was in type. The following publications were received from press during the fiscal year: Ninth Annual Report, for 1887-88, containing, in addition to the Director's report of 46 pages, the following papers: (1) “Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition,” by John Murdoch; pages 3 to 441, plates 1-11, figures 1-428. (2) “The Medicine-men of the Apache,” by John G. Bourke; pages 443 to 603, plates 11—vin1, figures 429-448. Tenth Annual Report, for 1888-89, containing, in addition to the Director’s report of 30 pages, ‘Picture-writing of the American Indians,” by Garrick Mallery; pages 3 to 807, plates I-IV, figures 1-1290. Bibliography of the Salishan Languages, by James Constan- tine Pilling; x11, 86 pages (including 4 pages of facsimiles). The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia, by John Garland Pol- lard; 19 pages. The Maya Year, by Cyrus Thomas; 64 pages, 1 plate. Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages, by James Con- stantine Pilling; x1, 70 pages (including 2 pages of facsimiles). This report is accompanied by five papers comprising the results of recent researches, viz, “Stone Implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater Province,” an elaborately illus- trated monograph by W. H. Holmes; ‘‘The Siouan Indians,” a preliminary sketch by W J MeGee;. ‘Siouan Sociology,” a posthumous paper by J. Owen Dorsey; ‘‘Tusayan Katcinas,” by J. Walter Fewkes; and a description of ‘The Repair of Casa Grande Ruin, Arizona, in 1891,” by Cosmos Mindeleff. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCI MISCELLANEOUS Classification of manuscripts—In the current appropriation for American Ethnology provison was made for rental of quarters for the use of the Bureau, and in accordance there- with the sixth floor of the Adams building on F street was leased. In addition to increased floor space for the use of its collaborators when not engaged in field work, the Bureau now has two large fireproof vaults, in which has been sately depos- ited the large body of valaable manuscript material in its possession. This material, comprising over 1,100 specific linguistic papers, 60 miscellaneous linguistic papers, and 236 gic subjects has been manuscripts on miscellaneous ethnolo tentatively catalogued by subject, linguistic family, and author. World's Columbian Exposition—The preparation of the exhibit of the Bureau at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago was assigned to Professor William H. Holmes, who supervised the collection of material and its arrangement in the National Museum preparatory to shipment. He was assisted in the work by Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing and Mr James Mooney, and it is a pleasure to acknowledge the facilities provided and the aid rendered by the officers of the National Museum, especially Dr G. Brown Goode and Dr Otis T. Mason. The exhibit was installed in the Government building at Chicago by Professor Holmes, aided by Mr Cushing, largely under the supervision of the Director. Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson also aided in this work. On completing the installation Mr Holmes returned to Washington, leaving to Mr Cushing the final arrangement of a number of lay figures, which constituted one of the most striking features of the exhibit. Mr Cushing remained in charge of the exhibit until the middle of September, mean- while continuing the study of primitive games noted above. Much of the work in Chicago was by the Director in person. It is gratifying to be able to state that the figures and other objects representative of the American aborigines exhibited by the Bureau at Chicago met with high praise from American and foreign students and received the award of a medal and diploma for specific merit. XCII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Library—F rom the time of the establishment of the Bureau until the autumn of 1893 the books received through gift, exchange, or purchase were temporarily deposited in the library of the Geological Survey. When the Bureau moved into independent quarters, Mr Hodge, in connection with his work on synonymy, was placed in charge of the library, which then numbered about 2,600 volumes. At the close of the year the library had increased to 4,350 volumes, chiefly through exchange. FINANCIAL STATEMENT Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, “for continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or compensation of all neces- sary employees” (sundry civil act, approved March 3, 1893). $40, 000. 00 Balance July 1, 1893, as per last annual report............--- 10, 509. 29 —- $50, 509. 29 Salaniessoncompensationeasees sess seeeee seece ee ee eee eee 36, 958. 74 Traveling and field expenses.................-..-- $3, 702. 98 Transportation and freight...-..-.-.....-...-..-..- 503. 39 Collections purchased ass=-seeeeee ee = eee ae 1, 300. 58 Be] Ans ERO eI bs =e ee eee ee eee 292. 63 Mlustrations' for reports=s.- esses. | sea eee eee eee eee 1, 884. 76 Publicaionstfor li braryeeeeseeerea set ees eee eer eee 435. 67 DS tablonery ens e cack se secics Soe oe eae ee eae eens 185. 32 Office rentals sac see seer ees binee eee ee eee 999. 96 Office furniture (purchased, moving, and repair) ---- 600. 53 Miscellaneous current expenses..-..............-.. 142. 08 Miscellaneous (temporary services, copying, ete) 204. 75 10, 252. 65 47, 211. 39 Balance: July?) 18942 2. coe ees aoe ea eee ene eee eee 3, 297. 90 ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCIII CHARACTERIZATION OF ACCOMPANYING PAPERS DISTRIBUTION OF SUBJECTS Of the five papers accompanying this report, two relate to archeology, and thus represent one of the branches of the science of technology; these are Professor Holmes’ monograph on the stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake province, and Mr Mindeleft’s account of the restoration of Casa Grande ruin. Two of the papers are more strictly ethnologic in the limited sense of the term, and treat of one of the great linguis- tic stocks or families of North America, the Siouan Indians; one of these is general, while the other is devoted primarily to the sociology of this group of Indians, and thus to the third of the sciences of humanity. The remaining paper, on Tusayan Katcinas, is a description and discussion of forms and cere- monies connected with aboriginal belief, and hence represents the science of sophiology. Thus in object-matter and in mode of treatment the memoirs touch a considerable part of the field covered by the science of man. The geographic range of the subjects is considerable. The first paper relates to the middle Atlantic slope, and especially to the territory about the national capital, where geographic conditions profoundly affected the aborigines as they have less profoundly, but in a parallel way, affected the civilized invad- ers; the second and third papers deal with the interior area extending from the borders of the Atlantic to the foothills of the Rocky mountains and from the shores of the Gulf north- ward beyond the international boundary; the scene of the fourth paper is laid in the Pueblo country of southwestern United States, while that of the fifth is in southern Arizona, near the Mexican frontier. The Indian tribes treated in the papers traverse the entire range in aboriginal culture from that of the hunting and war- ring Siouan Indians—the typical savages of North America— to that of the peaceful pueblo builders, whose sedentary habits can only be regarded as pointing the way which leads XCIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY to civilization; and the prehistoric works described range in like manner from those characteristic of a people primitive as the Siouan to those of castle-building agriculturists akin to the Moctezumas in custom if not in blood. STONE IMPLEMENTS OF THE POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE In many respects this monograph by Professor Holmes may be regarded as a model in method and a standard in results; and the suecinet chapters and well-chosen illustrations speak for themselves. Yet there are certain features of the work summarized in the paper which are worthy of special note. Now that demonomy (ante, page x1x) is well advanced in the process of organization into a science, the equipment of workers in this, as in other branches of research, has become important. Thus far the sciences of humanity have hardly found their way into the curricula of colleges and universities, so that it is im- practicable to rely on collegiate examinations and diplomas as evidence of training in any of the constituent sciences; accord- ingly the ranks of workers in demotic science are replenished and extended by the enlistment of volunteers trained in other departments of science, but led toward demonomy by choice or circumstance. The qualifications of investigators in demon- omy are, therefore, determined by three factors, viz, (1) natural aptitude, (2) training in other lines of scientific work, and (3) experience and success in demotic research. All of these factors are combined in Professor Holmes’ equipment. Pri- marily an artist of such genius and deftness as to see a brilliant career before him, his taste for scientific studies led him first into geology, where again he was notably successful, and later into archeology, in which, from the first, he displayed especial aptitude; his training in geologic work, facilitated as it was by the exact perception and manual dexterity acquired in art work, served to render him familiar with approved scientific methods; and when, in the fullness of his vigor, he entered the field of archeology, his work was eminently successful from the outset. His archeologic researches had already extended over some years when, in 1889, he undertook the systematic study of the Potomac-Chesapeake region. His skill and success are attested ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCV by the reputation achieved in his favorite field; even before the completion of the accompanying memoir he was chosen as the head of the department of anthropology in the Field Columbian Museum, and tendered a professorship in Chicago University. His standing and qualifications may be characterized the more freely because he is no longer connected with the Bureau. Something of the comprehensive and painstaking methods pursued in the work may be gleaned from Professor Holmes’ memoir; yet the breadth and soundness of his foundation are hardly suggested by the details of the superstructure. Asa geologist on the Hayden Survey of the Territories and later on the United States Geological Survey, he had occasion to tray- erse the western plains, the Rocky Mountain region, and the plateau country, nearly all the way from the Canadian bound- ary on the north to the Mexicam frontier on the south, and this in early days while yet the Indians were numerous and retained their aboriginal characteristics. Accordingly he had many opportunities for ethnologic observation, and was led by pre- vious training to give special attention to the manual arts of the tribesmen; indeed, it was chiefly his contact with the Indians in the course of his geologic work that induced him to take up systematic studies of aboriginal arts and handicraft During this stage of his career he learned to think as the Indian thinks about the simple native arts; he learned to imitate aboriginal methods and manipulations in the manufacture of stone; and he learned to interpret relics of primitive culture as they are interpreted by primitive minds. Thus when he turned to the examination of aboriginal relics in eastern United States his equipment in actual knowledge concerning the details of primitive art was exceptionally—indeed almost singularly— complete. Taking up the study in a favorably conditioned province, he first acquainted himself with the work of previous investigators of the locality and with the researches and opinions of arch- eologists generally. He then entered the field and, with a force of laborers always under his eye, made extensive excavations and examined a body of material unprecedented in quantity. The specimens actually examined and studied could be enum- XCVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY erated only in thousands, measured in wagon loads, and weighed in tons. Trained by actual contact with Indians, he inter- preted the specimens and their associations and the ancient quarries as they would be interpreted by Indians accustomed to such work, and every inference concerning the methods employed in quarrying, selecting material for working, shaping the objects, and manipulating the crude appliances was tested by actual imitation, the imitation itself being guided by actual knowledge of primitive methods. While this is true of all of the lines and localities of work, it is most emphatically true of the ancient quarries of quartzite bowlders and their products on Piny branch. Even here the investigation was not allowed to rest. The distribution of the products of manufacture was traced in the light of actual knowledge of Indian habits in such manner as to ascertain the genealogy and development of the implements and the various by-products, failures, culls, rejects of all sorts, as well as chips, spalls, cores, and bowlders aban- doned after one or more test blows. Thus the study of a typ- ical locality and its products was profound and thorough beyond precedent. The relics were studied with respect to individual characteristics, with respect to form and distribution, with respect to the forces expended in their manufacture and. utili- zation, with respect to their genesis and development, individual and collective, and with respect to the motives and designs of the prehistoric manufacturers. The work began with trained observation, passed to generalization based on unprecedented wealth of material, proceeded to inference guided by precise knowledge of primitive modes of thought and action, and went on to verification by imitation and by comparison with known homologues. In extent and thoroughness of study, in wealth of material examined, in thoroughness and scientific character of the investigation, Professor Holmes’ work on the quartz- ite quarries and their products may safely be considered to stand unrivaled, at least so far as the Western Hemisphere is concerned. The results of the work are set forth too fully in the intro- ductory and concluding divisions of the monograph to require repetition; yet one of the conclusions would seem to be worthy ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCVILI of special emphasis; the outcome of the study of the quartzite quarries and implemeuts suffices to demonstrate that whatso- ever be true of other countries and provinces, the rudely flaked stones of the Potomac-Chesapeake province do not represent a lower or more primitive culture than that of the Indians found in the province by John Smith and other explorers, and do represent the by-products, waste, or rejectage, of stone-working by the the Algonquian and neighboring Indians. Thus, what- soever be true of other districts, in this district the rudest stone- work known to the archeologist and the finest stone carving, pottery, basketry, and woodwork represent a single culture stage. This conclusion is not put forth tentatively or provi- sionally, but as a final result of the most thorough single piece of archeologic research ever conducted in America. While the chief subject of the monograph is the description and discussion of the quartzite quarries and implements, there are other features of note. The account of the quarrying and manufacture of steatite depicts with remarkable fullness and clearness a little-understood phase of aboriginal art in east- ern United States. The tracing of several materials used in primitive art to their sources in distant mountains is one of the minor triumphs of American archeology, and illustrates well the thoroughness of the methods pursued in the work; and there are other features worthy of careful attention by students of archeology. THE SIOUAN INDIANS The summary sketch of the Siouan Indians prepared by Mr McGee, as an introduction and complement to a somewhat technical account of the sociology of the tribes, develops several interesting points. One of the great linguistic groups of North America is that comprising the Siouan tribes of the interior. Some years ago it was ascertained through linguistic researches, originating with the late Horatio Hale, but continued and perfected in the Bureau, that some of the tribes found near the shores of the Atlantic by white pioneers were closely related with the Siouan tribes of the plains; it was also ascertained that certain archaic 15 ETH VII XCVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY terms and ideas prevailing among the plains tribes bore evi- dence of derivation from the terms and ideas of the eastern people, thus indicating that the wandering buffalo hunters of the plains were descended from the woodland tribes on the borders of the Atlantic. Then, when the history of the Siouan Indians was wrought out from the records of the white pio- neers, it was found that from the time of first observation to the time of settlement most of the tribes moved westward along various routes, and when the traditions of the tribesmen were collected by Dorsey and others they were found to recount westward migrations of some of the groups long before the advent of white men. ‘Thus the linguistic features, the histor- ical records, and the native traditions, coincidentally indicate a westward drift and great expansion of the Siouan tribes and confederacies, certainly from the valley of the Ohio, and probably from the Appalachian mountains, to and across the Mississippi, and thence over the greater part of the great plains stretching from the Arkansas to the Saskatchewan. The Siouan Indians accordingly form a noteworthy example at once of the growth and of the inland extension of a natural group of primitive men. Finally, study of the interaction between the Siouan Indians and their environment seems to give clear and decisive indication as to the reason for the west- ward migration of the greater part of the stock and for the enormous increase and multiplication of the tribes; it has been discovered that the ancient Siouan habitat slightly overlapped the ancient habitat of the American bison or buffalo, and that it was undoubtedly the quest and conquest of this singularly facile game that gradually led the huntsmen down the tribu- taries and across the Mississippi and over the plains beyond. The history thus developed is especially significant in its bear- ing on the general question concerning the growth of peoples on passing from the coasts toward the interior when food supply and other conditions are favorable. The summary description of the Siouan Indians is of interest, too, in that the partial domestication of animals by these tribes is set forth in some detail. It is shown that the Indians of the plains, like those of several other provinces, had domesticated ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XCIX the dog, which was used for draft and burden and as a source of food, as well as for protection by night, and that no other animals were completely domesticated, though some were partly tamed and kept for ceremonial purposes. It is shown also that the horse was acquired about the beginning of the present cen- tury, partly from the southwestern plains, but partly from the Cayuse country beyond the Rocky mountains. Incidentally it is shown that the domestication of animals is not a simple process, and that there is an important stage antecedent to domestication proper in which the relation between animals and men is collective and one of mutual toleration. In their mythology the Siouan Indians are typical of the American aborigines, and the principal features of the myths and ceremonials of the tribes are set forth clearly and accu- rately in the sketch. The description of the Siouan ‘waka"da” is notably satisfactory, and indicates well the combination of vagueness and comprehensiveness which characterizes primi- tive belief. SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY A few months after the close of the fiscal year dealt with in this report the Bureau and ethnologic science sustained a heavy loss in the death of James Owen Dorsey, a collaborator of the Bureau from its institution and a frequent contributor to the reports. He had just completed a paper on the sociology of the Siouan Indians, and it, with the foregoing sketch of the stock, has been incorporated in the present report. To superficial observers, primitive peoples often appear to be nothing more than unorganized masses or hordes, and the latter term has been largely used by writers to express the supposed unorganized condition; but more careful students of the American Indians have found that the individuals and groups are arranged in accordance with a remarkably elabo- rate system—a system often transcending in extent and defi- niteness that found among civilized people. In the absence of written statutes, there are many devices for adjusting and maintaining the demotic relations. Thus, among most of the Siouan tribes, the clans habitually arrange themselves in a certain order on making camp, and this order expresses the Cc REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY rank of the clansmen and perpetuates the system of organiza- tion; and when several tribes unite and camp together the tribes themselves are arranged in fixed and invariable order, expressing and perpetuating their social and civil law. This subject has been dealt with by Mr Dorsey, and also by the Director, in previous reports; but the various known details concerning the social system of the Siouan Indians are now for the first time brought together in complete form. These details appear in the accompanying paper, while some of the general principles are set forth in the brief treatise on regi- mentation forming part of this administrative report. TUSAYAN KATCINAS As exploration was pushed over the southwestern portion of the country a quarter of a century ago, the Pueblo peoples began to attract attention; and when the early observations indicated that these aborigines of the semideserts are charac- terized by a more advanced culture than that of the tribes inhabiting the fertile plains and fruitful woodlands, and also by a remarkably elaborate system of belief and ceremonial, profound interest was excited among intelligent people, and many travelers from eastern United States, and even from Europe, sought opportunities for visiting the Pueblos and wit- nessing the ceremonial dances. Among the earliest scientific students of the Pueblos were the Director and several collab- orators, at first of the United States Geographical and Geolog- ical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, and afterward of the Bureau of Ethnology; and a number of papers on the Pueblo Indians were published in the early reports of the Bureau. These publications still further augmented interest in the Pueblo peoples, and among those thus attracted was Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, a well-known philanthropist and patron of learning. Mrs Hemenway’s interest increased as her studies of the subject advanced, and she finally organized, at private cost, a scientific exploration of the Pueblo country for the purpose of investigating the people and studying their antiquities. The first expedition was placed in charge of Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, and the work was prosecuted with success for two years, when Mr Cushing’s health failed, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CI and Dr J. Walter Fewkes was placed in charge. During the exploration a valuable collection was made and transferred to eastern United States, and at the same time systematic researches were carried forward concerning the beliefs, sym- bols, and ceremonials of the people. Many of the results of the later researches have been made public by Dr Fewkes in different publications; the matured results of one of the lines of study are incorporated in the accompanying paper. In some instances the use of aboriginal terms is unavoidable in the deseription and discussion of aboriginal customs, since the more highly differentiated terms of civilized language fail to express primitive ideas. The word ‘katcina” is an example. Its primary significance can be grasped only when the mytho- logic system of its users is understood. Among the mystery- loving and devout Pueblo Indians many deities are venerated or worshiped, and most of these are arranged in grades or ranks; i.e., ina vague thearchy. Among some, at least, of the tribes the deities of first rank are held to be anthropomorphic or zoomorphie at will, though in fundamental conception they seem to personify the greater objects of nature. Subordinate to these there is commonly a series of beast-gods, which are considered zoomorphic, though possessed of mystical powers far transcending those of existing animals; and ‘there are usu- ally still lower orders of deities, both animate and inanimate, cor- responding with mystical potencies imputed to various bodies. Primarily the katcinas of the Tusayan people seem to be deities of the second order, or beast gods, which may be sym- bolized by animals or their representations, but which the believer regards as possessing mystical powers, including the control of natural phenomena and human affairs, either directly or through coalition with other deities. In addition to this primary meaning, a multitude of secondary meanings cluster about the term. It is applied to the priest or dramatungist who represents the deity in the ceremonial; to the mask sym- bolizing the deity; to the statuette symbolizing the drama- turgist; to the ceremonial in honor of the deity, and perhaps to the place at which or the time during which the cere- monial is performed. To understand fully these multifarious secondary meanings, it is necessary to realize something of the crude and ill-difterentiated ideation of the primitive man CII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY whose vocabulary is limited, whose concepts are few, and whose mental processes are involved with a maze of incon- gruous associations; but the indefinite and arbitrary modes of thought prevailing among primitive people are incidentally treated in other portions of the volume and need not be fur- ther elaborated here. It is needful only to indicate the impos- sibility of expressing the idea conveyed by the aboriginal term katcina by any word or combination of words in the languages of civilization; the idea is essentially primitive and is not susceptible of direct rendering into the terminology of the higher intellectual plane. In his introduction Dr Fewkes properly cautions the reader against misapprehension concerning the use of such words as od.) delta: «: emphasis, as must be apparent in view of the foregoing ex- planation concerning the term katcina. Students of Indian mythology feel compelled to use common language wherever worship,” ete. This caution demands special possible without actual violence to primitive meaning, even when the terms are liable to misconstruction. With this cau- tion the concepts of the Indians, imperfectly expressed ‘by these terms, can readily be gathered from the context and the general treatment of the subject. While the paper does not profess to be a final or complete monograph, and while it acquires value largely from the fact that it is an original record of observation, students will find the systematic arrangement of the material and the introduc- tory and other notes suggestive and useful. To lay readers, the paper may be recommended as a notably faithful account of some of the most interesting ceremonials among the pecu- liarly cultured Pueblo Indians, the ancient neighbors and per- haps kindred of the Mexican princes eulogized—yet quickly dethroned and often slaughtered—by the European pioneers in Mexico. THE REPAIR OF CASA GRANDE RUIN On February 4, 1889, Honorable George F. Hoar laid before the United States‘Senate a petition from Oliver Ames, gover- nor of Massachusetts; William E. Barrett, speaker of the Massachusetts house of representatives; Mrs Mary Hemenway, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CuI eminent as a benefactress of many institutions of eaucation; William Claflin, Francis Parkman, Dr Edward Everett Hale, Oliver Wendell Holmes, John Fiske, William T. Harris, and John G. Whittier, “calling the attention of Congress to the ancient and celebrated ruin of Casa Grande, an ancient temple of the prehistoric age, of the greatest ethnologic and scientific interest, situate in Pinal county, near Florence, Arizona,” and praying “that the Government will take further measures to have the ruin protected from injury by visitors or by land- owners in the neighborhood.” (Congressional Record, vol. xx, pt. 2, p. 1454). Thus was initiated a movement on the part of the Congress toward the preservation, for the benefit of the people, of one of the remarkable aboriginal antiquities of the United States. The movement resulted in an inquiry concerning the condition of the ruin and a detailed examina- tion by collaborators of the Bureau of Ethnology (the results of which have been published in the Thirteenth Annual Report), and it eventuated in a small appropriation by the Congress for the protection of the ruin, and in the reservation of the site through an Executive order. Accordingly, this impressive record of an ancient culture has been set apart forever for the instruction of the public, and the Federal Government has established a precedent for the protection of its priceless relies. The history of the works for the preservation of the ruin is set forth in the accompanying paper by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff. CIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ON REGIMENTATION The officers of the Bureau have now been engaged for many years in investigating the institutions of savagery, and w hile these resear ater are far from complete and many questions are unsettled it seems desirable, for many reasons, that an outline of certain conclusions should be published. Regimentation in sociology is the analog of organization in biology. The accomplishment of justice in institutions is the analog of function in the biotic realm. Often the terms organ and function are transferred from biology to sociology. This double use of terms is a very general device of speech, and is both legitimate and useful when properly understood; but the terms organ and function are tropes in sociology, and must be so understood lest they should lead astray. By regimentation is meant the grouping of people by institutional bonds, while the accomplishment of justice is the social function or office which a confederation or group of people performs. Two radically distinct methods of regimentation are found extant in the world and recorded in the history of the past; these may be known as the tribal system and the national system. By the tribal system men are organized on the basis of kinship, real or artificial. By the national system men are organized on the basis of territory. Thus kinship groups are found in tribal society, territorial groups in national society. In history, transitional forms are found, the most important of which are feudal. Thus, feudal society exhibits both methods, and forms a connecting link in the evolution of tribal into national government. In savagery families are organized into clans, and clans sometimes into tribes, and tribes into confederacies. Some- times intervening units are discovered, but the family, clan, tribe, or confederacy are always found. In barbarism fami- lies, gentes, tribes, and confederacies are organized into a hier- arc lay of units, and there are sometimes intervening units. The difference between the clan of savagery and the gens of bar- ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CV barism is important and fundamental. The clan 1s a group of people reckoning kinship in the female line, while the gens is a group of people reckoning kinship in the male line. Tribes reckon kinship in the male or female line together with affinity, and adopted members of the tribe are given artificial kinship. When tribes unite in confederacies, artificial kinship is estab- lished as a legal fiction, and the members of one tribe know the members of another tribe and address them by kinship terms. ‘Che manner in which this kinship organization is elab- orated varies greatly from tribe to tribe. Radical differences exist between the tribes of savagery and the tribes of barba- rism. In barbarism patriarchies are found as concomitant with nomadic tribes, but in savagery the patriarchy does not exist, nor are savage peoples properly nomadic, as nomadism begins with the domestication of animals and higher agriculture. The plan of organizing states into units of different orders so as to form a hierarchy of groups is denominated regimentation, and it can be made clear by explaining primitive regimentation. With national states, territorial organization obtains. People are divided into bodies or groups by districts. No two nations are organized in precisely the same manner; though the general plan is the same—i. e., by territorial boundaries—the specific manner in which the organization is worked into detail is ever variable. It is impossible here to set forth all these various methods. It will be sufficient to take some one nation and explain its organization as a type, and for this purpose the Government of the United State is chosen. The grand unit, or the nation, is divided into states and inchoate states, or territories States are divided into counties, and counties are divided into townships, sometimes called towns. In addition to the hierarchy of units thus enumerated, there are cities and villages, which are again divided into wards, and these again into polling districts, while other dis- tricts are sometimes found. The various units thus set forth are established for executive purposes. This regimentation is that which obtains for executive purposes. There is another system of regimentation for judicative pur- poses. In part, but only in part, judicial districts coincide CVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY with executive districts, and there are national courts, state courts, county courts, and municipal courts. Again, judicative functions are differentiated, as criminal and civil, and special courts are organized therefor, while other courts are organized, as railroad commissions, warehouse commissions, ete. A third system of regimentation is used for legislative pur- poses, and in this system the districts correspond only in small part with those established for executive and judicative pur- poses. A fourth system of regimentation is established for opera- tive purposes. The General Government carries on works, states carry on works, counties carry on works, and cities and towns carry on works. Still a fifth system of regimentation is found, namely, that for school purposes. By the district system thus briefly and imperfectly elabor- ated the people are organized or regimented into bodies, and special functions are relegated to the several units. These functions are constitutive, legislative, executive, operative, and judicative. It is by constitutive action that regimentation is accomplished; and it is by regimentation that specialization is accomplished. This specialization is carried on to such an extent in the United States that much of the government is local self-government. Every school district has special fune- tions, every township special functions, every county special functions, every state special functions, and every municipality special functions; while general functions are exercised over all by the Federal Government. Thus, the people of the United States are constituted and regimented into a congeries of hierarchies of units all woven into one complex system as the Government of the United States, and so adjusted in inter- dependent parts as to secure a high degree of specialization. Tn addition to the governmental regimentation, there is a vast congeries of societies or corporations organized for religious, industrial, educational, and other purposes, all of which con- stitute part of the state or nation. The regimentation of all people is founded on natural fami- lies, for there are husbands and wives, parents and children; ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CVII but such families have lineal and collateral lines of kinship involving both parents. A larger group than that composed of parents and children is organized in the crudest society known. For this purpose all of these persons reckoning con- sanguineal kinship through the female line are regimented or organized in a clan. The term clan should Sere be used to designate this group, though it is sometimes improperly used to designate other groups. The husband and wife do not belong to the same clan, but the husband belongs to the clan of his mother, while the wife belongs to the clan of her mother. It is thus that the first constitutive unit of organized society is based on kinship reckoned through the female line. The next unit recognizes kinship by affinity, and a number of related clans that intermarry constitute the tribe. The term tribe should always be used in this manner. Curiously enough all of the terms which are used in defining the units of regimen- tation are often used promiscuously, so that clan, gens, tribe, and confederacy, with many other terms which are synony- mous, have a vague meaning in popular estimation; but in science we are compelled to give a definite meaning to funda- mental terms. A clan, then, is a union of persons who reckon consanguineal kinship in the female line; a tribe is compounded of clans whose members reckon kinship by consanguinity and affinity, while a confederacy, which is more or less ephemer call, is a union of tribes reckoning kinship as a legal fiction. In the clan the group is ruled by an elder man. But this elder man may or may not be the oldest living male in the clan; to understand this it becomes necessary to understand the method of kinship naming in vogue in savagery. In the clan the children of one woman are not ony brothers and sis- ters to each other, but also ‘‘brothers” and “sisters” to such of their cousins as reckon kinship in the female line. Thus, if there be three sisters their children call one another by recip- rocal kinship names, as “brothers” and ‘‘sisters;” but if there be three brothers their children do not call one another by common kinship names, but by the kinship names determined through their mothers; that is, they call one another cousins. Among the collateral descendants through the female line there are thus a number of persons of varying ages calling CVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY each other ‘‘brother” and “sister,” though the term used always has a further significance in that it designates relative age, so that there is no single term for brother, but two, one signify- ing elder brother and the other younger brother; there are also two terms for sister, one signifying younger and one elder. Now, it is a law of savage society that one person must address another in the clan, in the tribe, and in the confederacy by ¢ kinship term, and as superior age always gives authority, to address a person as elder is a symbol of yielding authority, @ author- ity. There is a curious modification of this custom which is a legal fiction. If any individual in the group of brothers exhib- its superior ability, the clan or some other constituted authority takes him out of his kinship rank into a higher rank. Thus and to address him as younger is a symbol of claimin his kinship name is changed; younger brother becomes ‘‘elder brother,” and elder brother becomes “younger brother” by a legal fiction; or the son may become the legal ‘‘father” and the father the legal “son.” A promotion in kinship is always attended with much tribal ceremony. Among the Iroquoian tribes it is called “putting a spike on the horns.” In some tribes it is called ‘ adding a feather to the bonnet,” in others it is “adding a stripe to the war paint.” There is often a preliminary course of instruction for the ceremony, which is performed by the priest. Impor- tant promotions may be revoked, and a man who becomes unworthy in his office may have his “horns” knocked off, or his “feathers” plucked out, or his “paint” washed away. In all such cases he falls back to his natural kinship name and state. Every clan in a tribe receives a special name, which has come to be known as its totem. Thus in a tribe there may be a buffalo clan, a beaver clan, a cloud clan, a wind elan, an eagle clan, and a parrot clan, with others. Sometimes the clan name is the common name for all persons in the clan, but more often there is a group of names signifying some real or mythologic characteristic of the animal or object taken as the totem. For example, in the buffalo clan there may be a name signifying ‘“‘sitting bull,” another “standing bull,” still another ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CIX “mad buffalo;” and names taken from the mythology of the butfalo may be used. The clan name or totem is used to distin- guish the members of one clan from the members of another. It is never used in the first and second persons, but always in the third person. In direct address the kinship name express- ing relative age must always be used. Uncles in the clan are addressed as ‘‘ fathers,” cousins in the clan as ‘ brothers” and “ sisters.” If two or more tribes unite in a confederacy, the first thing to be considered in the council by which such a confederacy is established is the kinship terms by which one tribe shall address another. Where two unite, one may be called “father” and the other ‘‘son,” while with the females ‘ mother” and “daughter” are used. One may be called “elder brother” and the other ‘‘ younger brother,” with ‘elder sister” and ‘younger sister.” In compounding many tribes in this manner curious complications arise. We thus see that a savage tribe is regimented by kinship through devices of naming, especially for the clan, tribe, and asinine , and these names are so constituted that relative age is always expressed, for the elder has rights and the younger duties. As in territorial organization special functions are relegated to the several units, so in kinship regimentation special func- tions are relegated severally to the hierarchy of bodies thus constituted—that is, certain offices are performed by the clan, others by the tribe, and still others by the confederacy. The possession of property which is exc slusiv ely used by the indi- vidual is inherent in the individual, such as clothing, ornaments, and various utensils and implements. Individual property can not be inherited, but at death is consigned to the grave. That property which belongs to the clan, such as the house, the boat, the garden, etc, inheres in the corporate person. No article of food belongs to the individual, but is the common property of the clan, and must be divided by the authorities of the clan, often according to some rule by which some special part is given to the person who provides the food. Thus when a hunter dispatches a deer a particular portion is given to him; Cx REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY other portions may be given to those who assisted in its cap- ture. All the rest is divided according to the needs of the indi- viduals of the clan. The women gather fruits, seeds, or roots. That which is consumed at the time is divided by like methods, but that which is preserved for future use sometimes becomes the property of the clan. The elder man of the clan is responsi- ble for the training of children, and it is no small part of his duty daily to exercise them in their games and to instruct them in their duties. Thus he who enforces clan custom is the same person who instructs in clan custom, and when councils of tribe or confederacy are held he is the representative of the clan in such councils. The chief of the confederacy is usually the chief of one of the tribes, and the chief of the tribe is usually an elderman in one of the clans. There are clan councils, tribal councils, and confederate councils, chief coun- cilors and eldermen. Another organization, which involves all civie relations, must be explained. There is a body of men, and sometimes women also, who are known as medicine-men, or shamans, or some- times as priests, who control all religious ceremonies, and who are diviners. As disease is supposed to be the work of human or animal sorcery, it is their function to prevent or thwart sorcery. They have the management of all ceremonies relat- ing to war, hunting, fishing, and gathering the fruits of the field and forest. It is their office to provide for abundant har- vests, to regulate the climate, and generally to divine and control good and evil by means of ceremonies. The principal shamans are men, but all the people are united into shaman- istic societies. Usually there is some determined number of these societies, over each of which some particular shaman pre- sides, but he has subordinates, each one of whom has some particular office or function to perform in the societies. Some- times a person may belong to two or more of these societies; usually he has the privilege to join any one, and a revered or successful shaman will gather a great society, while a shaman of less skill will preside over a society more feeble. Let us call these ecclesiastic corporations, and call the sha- mans priests. ‘The only corporations in savagery are ecclesi- ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CxI astic. The way in which they are regimented ana controlled differs from tribe to tribe, and there is a great variety of cere- monial observances. In all civic councils the ecclesiastic au- thorities take part and have specified functions to perform, and introduce into civie life the ceremonies which they believe will procure good fortune. Perhaps the ecclesiastic authorities may be more powerful than the civic authorities, and the hereditary line of special ecclesiastic governors may gradually overpower the civic constitution and absorb it as a secondary element in the ecclesiastic constitution, for it must be remembered that the chief priests are men; the women play a very small part in ecclesiastic affairs. Now, as the men manage ecclesiastic affairs as chief priests, so civil affairs are managed mainly by men as eldermen, and the conflict which sometimes arises between the two forms of government is mainly between men and men—between able eldermen and able shamans. Some- times both offices are combined in one person, and the great elderman may also be the great shaman. There are five fundamental principles of justice; that is, to secure justice, five fundamental purposes must be considered: Justice is the establishment of peace. Justice is the establish- ment of equality. Justice is the establishment of liberty. Justice is the establishment of equity; and justice is the estab- lishment of truth. In all law, primitive and modern alike, these principles are recognized, and all institutions are organ- ized for these purposes. In the study of North American tribes it is always found that the purpose assigned and recognized for the organization of that unit is the establishment of peace. Two or more bodies have come to war and finally agree to live in peace and make a treaty, and the terms of the treaty are invariably of one character if they unite as a tribe. If they unite as a confed- eracy, it is for other purposes. This fundamental condition for the organization of a tribe is that the one party agrees that its women shall be the wives of the other, with a reciprocal obli- gation; and this is the characteristic which distinguishes tribes from confederacies. A body of people that is organized for the purpose of regulating marriage is a tribe, and a body of CXIl REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY people organized for war is a confederacy, Thus the organiza- tion of a tribe itself is the first recognition of the principle of peace in the origin of constitutions. The principle of equality is recognized in the method of dis- tributing the spoils of the arrow, the fish net, and the fruit basket, which is an equal division to all the members of the clan. The principle of liberty is first recognized when slavery is established, and the means of obtaining freedom are provided, and that is always the case in savage society. Slaves are cap- tured enemies, who therefore deserve to die. They are not always killed, but sometimes (even quite often) adopted into the tribe. A captive can not become a member of the tribe without some kinship position, therefore he must be adopted by some woman as her child, and adoption in savagery is often called new birth. Now, he takes the kinship name under a legal fiction—that is, he is “younger” to every living person of the tribe at that time, and all persons subsequently born are younger to him. This is not yet slavery. If the captive belongs to a tribe of hereditary enemies who have from time immemorial been designated by some opprobrious term, as cannibals, liars, snakes, etc, then it may be that the captive is doomed to per- petual younger brotherhood, and can never exercise authority over any person within the tribe, though such person may be born after the new birth of the captive. This is the first form of slavery. Usually, though not invariably, the captives adopted are children. Now such children may ultimately become use- ful members of the tribe and by their virtues even win rank in kinship, and a captive may thus pass from slavery to freedom. The many methods adopted for conferring freedom would be a long and weary story, but they are practically the same as those conferring rank in kinship. This must be briefly explained, though it has been already shown in part. ‘The suecessful war- rior, hunter, or food gatherer is rewarded by a special portion of the spoil as an equity. Now he who has for a term of years been successful in any of the activities of tribal life and who exhibits skill and wisdom therein is promoted by giving him an advanced kinship designation. One or more grades may be climbed at one time and promotions may follow one another ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXIIL rapidly, so that a brilliant youth may become an e:aer man, and gray-haired men must address him as ‘‘father,” and he must even call his natural grandfather ‘ grandson.” By such methods primordial equity is established. That which in modern civilization is the highest function of the court and best exhibits the talents of the advocate is the discovery of facts; but ready methods for discovering the truth prevail in savagery. This is the function of the priest, who by some form of divinition discovers the facts. Thus it is that justice is distributed in its five elements of peace, equality, liberty, equity, and truth. Justice is not always performed in savage society, and it even goes awry in civilized society; hence we have remedies in savagery and civilization alike. But sometimes there is no remedy, when punishment is executed. We have already shown how exogamous groups are organized. A man can not marry within his clan, because already the clan has promised its women for the wives of another clan, vet the marriage may be accomplished and crime is done. This is incest. Often nominally the punishment is death, and sometimes the law is executed, but there are many ways by which justice may be done without inflicting the ultimate penalty. The crime may be condoned and a price paid, and this often done may ulti- mately result in a custom of marriage by purchase. The clans of a tribe may prosper equally, and there may be more men in one clan than there are women in another, and men may quarrel or even fight for wives, and such contest may ulti- mately be reeulated by law; this results in marriage by y yager of battle. If the woman is unwilling, it may also require cap- ture, and this may be legalized under certain forms and cere- monies, and we have marriage by capture. But young men and young women form mutual attachments which are some- times stronger than tribal law, and they may abscond and live together as mau and wife. If they can successfully maintain themselves in the wilderness until a child is born, the child becomes the certificate of marriage and the wedding is thus legalized, and with this certificate the crime is atoned. This is the only marriage by choice. 15 ETH V1 : CXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Now, in all of these extratribal marriages, crime is com- mitted, and the peculiar methods and ceremonies of marriage by purchase, marriage by wager of battle, marriage by capture, and marriage by choice result in the reestablishment of justice as it is conceived in the savage mind. We have already ex- plained much of personal law in the explanation of the law of marriage and the law of promotion and reduction. Yet there are other subjects worthy of present consideration. Murder is punished with death. The crime is against the clan, and any member of the clan may become the avenger, though often some particular person is delegated to that office. The mur- derer may also be defended by his clan; in such case the death of any of the murderer’s clan atones for the death of the mur- dered man, but the murderer may be declared an outlaw by his clan, and any man of any clan may dispatch him with impunity. In some cases murder may be atoned by substitu- tion; that is, the murderer may be expatriated, driven from his home and clan, and thus become dead to his own people and then be adopted by the injured family to replace the murdered person. Thus the wife of the murdered man may adopt the murderer for her husband; in so doing he loses his own name and all relations of kinship and adopts the name and relations of kinship of the murdered man. A quarrelsome man may embroil clans, and this may be carried on to such an extent that the clan will declare him an outlaw. Sometimes murder is atoned by the payment of a stipulated or customary price, and usually blood barter is graded by rank. Maiming is also avenged by the clan, ‘‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth;” but it may be compounded by common agreement between the belligerent clans. A belief in witchcraft is universal. A person suspected may finally come to be universally recognized as practicing black art. Such a wicked person is killed as an outlaw. The wizard may not have such a reputation in his own clan, but may be accused of witchcraft by another clan; if there is a wish to preserve him, his witchcraft may be compounded. We have already explained the equal division of property in the clan, the equitable division made to the successful hunter, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXV and that personal property is inherited by the grave, while clan and tribal property belong to a perpetual person. Theft sometimes but rarely occurs; when it does, the object stolen may be restored; when it can not be restored, the theft is com- pounded in some multiple proportion. The only corporations in savagery are ecclesiastic, and crimes against the medicine societies are those which result from the divulging of secrets or the teaching of rites by unauthorized persons or the exer- cise of such rites by persons incompetent therefor. Proceed- ings for witchcraft are conducted by the ecclesiastic bodies. Such, in outline, are the plan of regimentation and the fun- damental principles of justice recognized in the most primi- tive tribal states found among mankind. This stage of society is known as savagery. Savages are primitive sylvan men; they are denizens of forest and wold without the skill neces- sary to clear away the forests and establish higher agriculture and domesticate herds of animals. When these feats are ac- complished, then men are said to have reached the stage of barbarism. Savagery gradually develops into barbarism and barbarism itself is represented in the plan of regimentation, which involves a change in constitution, legislation, execution, administration, and adjudication. The change of regimentation is represented by the extinction of the clan and its replacement by the gens. The term gens is here used to mean the unit of goverment herein described as a group of persons who reckon consan- guineal kinship in the male line. We have already described the double organization of every savage tribe as civil and ecclesiastic, and noted the conflict which arises between the e@roups as ani organized. A power- ful ecclesiastic organization will sometimes absorb the civil organization, especially when the priest and elderman is the same person. Quite often the sacerdotal office is hereditary, descending from father to son, and thus grows up a method of reckoning kinship in the male line as fundamental. Now there are many circumstances in primitive life which reinforce this tendency. When the men of the clan have to go to the annual fishing ground for the summer catch, they take with CXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY them their wives and children Such wives and children are no longer under the power of the eldermen; they are geo- graphically separated from them, for the men of the clan who work together are distinct from the men of the other clans where each group fishes by itself. Hunting is often managed in this manner by clans. Such annual hunting and fishing excursions weaken the authority of the mothers, brothers, and uncles, and stfengthen the authority of husbands and fathers. But there are two agencies which seem to be even more potent. Agriculture is born in arid lands where irrigation is necessary, and the men of the clan unite to manage the stream which is used in irrigation and to protect the crops which lie under the canals, though the crops themselves may be cultivated chiefly by the women. Here again there is a geographical segrega- tion of the women and children under the immediate supervi- sion and control of husbands and fathers. Finally, animals are domesticated and there are flocks and herds under the control of the men. The pasturage for one clan flock is in one valley and for another clan flock in another valley, for the property is thus kept apart; and this also serves to segregate the women from the men of their clan kindred and place them under the authority of husbands and fathers. By all of these methods clanship is broken down and a new fundamental method of reckoning in kinship is developed through males; this is the gens. Much time may be taken in making these changes, while the authority of the clan is gradually weakened and the authority of the gens established. Many of the tribes of North America are in the transitional stage. When the change is made, councils as well as ecclesiastic bodies are still controlled by men, but the regimentation is rad- ically distinct. Perhaps the most fundamental change that comes is the right of the father over his own children, especially m‘ deciding their marriage relations, for this right is not trans- ferred from clan to gens, but from clan to father. With this change comes another of fundamental importance. With the acquisition of herds, farming lands, and stores of grain, wealth is accumulated, and this wealth is controlled by the gentile patriarchs. It is no longer clan property, but gentile property ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXVII in the possession and under the control of the patriarch, who wields a power never known in savagery. The patriarch now is always chief and priest and the practical owner of the wealth; he thus becomes the master of the destiny of his retainers. A particular effect is noted in the council. The number of persons who compose the council is gradually reduced, and these chiefs and councilors are regimented into patriarchies for war and public works, while instruction falls mainly into the hands of husbands and fathers, and the wife is no longer controlled by her clansmen, for she is no longer under their protection. Thus the husband becomes the master of the wife and children. In the clan the head is an elderman and is an ‘‘uncle” or ‘oreat uncle” because kinship is reckoned through females. This is expressed in Indian tongues by the aphorism that ‘the woman carries the clan,” while in barbarism ‘‘the man carries the gens.” This is the first great revolution in tribal society ac- complished by the consolidation of power in the hands of the few and the organization of the gentile family. The gens is ruled by the patriarch who represents the family in the councils of the tribe and the confederacy and holds all the property in trust for the gens over which he rules by civil law with civil sanction and ecclesiastical law with ececlesiastic sanction. In savage society there is no written language, hence the laws are classed and expressed in terms of kinship, but in barbaric society an additional mnemonic and classific method is devel- oped, which must now be delineated; it arises out of ecclesias- tic functions of government and ultimately becomes dominant so as to modify the kinship system. In savagery the world is divided into regions—the east, west, north, south, zenith, nadir, and center. This is continued in a more highly developed form in barbarism until it finally becomes the dominant system. Sometimes the regions are but five in number—east, west, north, south, and center; but more often the seven regions are recognized. Sometimes the number five, but more commonly the number seven, becomes the sacred number. This division of the world into regions is naturally born in the usages of language and at last becomes as deeply woven into society as CXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY language itself, and the reality of the regions becomes sacred, as language is held to be sacred. The theory of the regions is not only woven into their speech and into their institutions, but it becomes one of the principal elements of picture writing and is represented by some form of the cross signifying the east, west, north, and south, to which are attached some other devices for representing the zenith, nadir, and center. Thus the swastika is found as a symbol among many savage tribes, and it seems to be universal among barbaric tribes. These world symbols often govern methods of architecture. The theory of worlds is of vast extent and of profound influ- ence. It is found to pervade tribal society not only in America, but elsewhere throughout the world. I am tempted in this place to go to the Orient for an example to show how laws and the maxims of laws are formulated in savage and barbaric society, but I must premise the statement by explaining one other method of formulating laws. The particulars of law are often represented by numbers—one number for each finger of the hand; and the reciprocal rights and duties by the five num- bers represented by the five fingers of the other hand. Thus by pointing in the direction of one region with the proper finger of the right or left hand any particular law or maxim can be expressed in gesture speech. I quote from the Sigalowada Sutta, a table of aphorisms published by Rhys-Davids in his book on Buddhism, which might be duplicated as a method of schematization in many of the tribes of North America. The scheme in which the apho- risms are arranged is by regions. It has the same design as a scheme that the swastika has as a picture writing, and both are as natural to the human race as the recognition of the cardinal points. The regimentation in kinship society is taken by anal- ogy from the recognized relationship of consanguinity and affinity for schematic and mnemonic purposes. The following schemes prevail among savage and barbaric people for a great variety of purposes: Schemes of four, five, six, or seven are derived from the regions, schemes of five are fixed and perpet- uated by the number of fingers on the hand, schemes of ten are derived from the number of fingers on both hands, and ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXIX schemes of twenty from the number of fingers and toes, while schemes of four are sometimes found derived in a fanciful way from the colors of the four regions—east, west, north, and south. The scheme which Rhys-Davids records from India is, first, a scheme of six regions; second, it is a scheme of reciprocal fives as the fingers on the hand are reciprocal. In the second division of the sixth regional group it will be noticed that the last aphorism violates the symmetry of the arrangement. In all others there are five; in this there are six. This peculiarity may be found anywhere in North America and South America. It is the thirteenth of the baker’s dozen. It is the common method of showing that the tale is complete. Thus Rhys- Davids: The Teacher was staying at the bambu grove near Rajagriha; and going out as usual to beg, sees the householder Sigala bowing down, with streaming hair, and wet gar- ments, and clasped hands, to the four quarters of the heaven, and the nadir, and the zenith. On the Teacher asking the reason why, Sigala says that he does this, ‘* bon oring, reverencing, and holding sacred the words of his father.” Then the Teacher, knowing that this was done to avert evil from the six directions, points out to him that the best way to guard the six quarters 1s by good deeds to men around bhim—to his parents as the east, his Teachers as the south, his wife and children as the west, his friends and relatives as the north, men devoted to the religious life (whether Brah- mans or Buddhist mendicants) as the zenith, and his slaves and dependents as the nadir. Then in an orderly arrangement, evidently intended to assist the memory, after some general precepts and a description of true friendship, the chief duties men owe to one another are thus enumerated under the above six heads: 1. PARENTS AND CHILDREN Parents should— 1. Restrain their children from vice. 2. Train them in virtue. 3. Have them taught arts or sciences. 4, Provide them with suitable wives or husbands, 5. Give them their inheritance. The child should say— 1. I will support them who supported me. 2. I will perform family duties incumbent on them. 3. I will guard their property. 4. I will make myself worthy to be their heir. 5. When they are gone, I will honor their memory. 2. PUPILS AND TEACHERS ‘The pupil should honor his teachers— . By rising in their presence. . By ministering to them. . By obeying them. . By supplying their wants. . By attention to instruction. oF whe Cxx REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY The teacher should show his affection to his pupils— . By training them in all that is good. . By teaching them to hold knowledge fast. . By instruction in science and lore. . By speaking well of them to their friends and companions. . By guarding them from danger. ore oboe 3. HUSBAND AND WIFE The husband should cherish his wife— . By treating her with respect. . By treating her with kindness. . By being faithful to her. . By causing her to be honored by others. - . By giving her snitable ornaments and clothes. oF ob The wife should show her affection for her husband— ° . She orders her household aright. . She is hospitable to kinsmen and friends. . She is a chaste wife. . She is a thrifty housekeeper. . She shows skill and diligence in all she has to do. oe ON Re 4. FRIENDS AND COMPANIONS The honorable man should minister to his friends— 1. By giving presents. 2. By courteous speech. 3. By promoting their interest. 4. By treating them as his equals. 5. By sharing with them his prosperity. They should show their attachment to him— 1. By watching over him when he is off his guard. 2. By guarding his property when he 18 careless. 3. By offering him a refuge in danger. 4, By adhering to him in misfortune. 5. By showing kindness to his family. 5, MASTERS AND SERVANTS The master should provide for the welfare of his dependents— 1. By apportioning work to them according to their strength. 2. By supplying suitable food and wages. 3. By tending them in sickness. 4. By sharing with them unusual delicacies. 5. By now and then granting them holidays. They should show their attachment to him as follows: 1. They rise before him. 2. They retire later to rest. 3. They are content with what is given them. 4. They work cheerfully and thoroughly. 5. They speak well of him (or perhaps properly to him). 6. LAYMEN AND THOSE DEVOTED TO RELIGION The honorable man ministers to mendicants and Brahmans— 1. By affection 1n act. . By affection in words. . By affection in thoughts. . By giving them a ready welcome. . By supplying their temporal wants. om ew bo ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT CXXI They should show their afiection to him— 1, By dissuading him from vice. . . By exhorting him to virtue. . By feeling kindly towards him. . By instructing him in religion. . By clearing up his doubts. 6. By pointing the way to heaven. wo bo oT I have spoken of phratries as a system of groups, sometimes found in savagery and always in barbarism. We are now able to explain the meaning of the phratry. There may be many clans or gentes in a tribe, and two or more clans or gentes may constitute an intervening unit which we call the phratry. With the Muskhogean there are four phratries, one for the east, one for the west, one for the north, and one for the south. With the Zuni there are six phratries, one for the east, one for the west, one for the north, one for the south, one for the zenith, and one for the nadir Thus the phratries are organized by mythologie regions; and this method of regimentation finds expression in the structure of the council chamber, in the plaza, and in the plan of the village. Here in the phratry we have the beginning of district regimentation, which ultimately pre- yails in civilization. The fabric of primitive society is a web of streams of kin- dred blood and a woof of marriage ties. This tapestry is wrought in wonderful patterns, for on it can be traced the outlines of primitive mythology. Some scholars have seen in the fabric only the mythic patterns enwrought and tailed to discover the real institutional foundation. lo ELH——x -% 15 ELH—1 SlONE, IMPEEMEINTs POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE BY WILLIAM HENRY HOLMES CONTENTS IPROEIOIAY TOUR) «He cooe sao SS ee Sena Soba D0 SSonee cenca=sosspo ~ooese Secpsesoneee Cheyer lI tiple ay aa no Sh5q choses coocde5 Season edesrn Seadaetoneasssser TING HENLE TIME MEP MON 25 Saco csnconeenaesenes coos bene paper sese soeees ANG) eae re YONGE Soe Bae osaps= coSsee ones SSS ep eecess oases Ssosee Characteriot wherstoneimplementsiee eee aaa a = anion eee aaa Materia lsranditheim Gis ort bUGl OM epee tela gaiee rae alae ielersteste tae ae Qubham alike Soeo hoae SSeS CCI OR IG a AAaae EAE eSe COR nee 6 bae eeae nnoceS sopnSe ETD VOGT S26 eo cemcceakcece ansnss case Os aobe seoaee cee acacia case uosece IOWANS EVES ocho acco sa base boss Sess Sees Hedond Pesce poccscoe cass SJE Mae PE CS en oe Seo seb seed o oceans SEsaesoe ease secsae cece ssoe Chapter II—Manufacture of flaked stone implements -.---..-.----------------- NRRL ATCA CUENIEOC IN e555 sone pe cn es osob abo swene cooqoned oncucooEacds Quarry-workshops of the District of Columbia ......---.---------------- ISUCiTeTAy OT TANG IRE TRON Sebas costo nese Sos cecesoticanasb csbo enc caSssomue Geolopysotethesl ocalliit yee see aera steers aeteiste ater ate ee ae ete ote mle IBY WENO CMENOTIES 5 casanndosssecdeden asosecodeen cesses dneesoecos Operationsion; thes ive=e se eee eee ec eene == ere sear ea Discovery and reconnoissamce rs. -- ee =e = a= Wherfirst trench. sa- <<< see csee see se seceee eles tess eceee IMIS (REO) Olle Baas ea nek eoueskecopcado ceaculSsun ssogesoumasu ose Mhesecontltrenchy 222m see oases eee eee See e eee se ein=iee)= Ano Wate e No noose ec eeas Kase asosaeesesae suc sacs bdasos Thettourthiandsitth tren chess eee -— eee ae ae =i eee = AUER UI Ne Ae one oSacas Heo aeenes saeeee sadacesso0s50e Othersbimiy) Dran chy sites eer eeon rae mere mse sera fe tat steam Pinyabranchishopsesssece-le recesses seesee seers esas see aie =i (Cemenlaimmb ei econccossscacsascecentes Ssachpeqpensssssossende Specialtteatumesiesessee seer serie cee eect Saale ee aaa aiaa heouarcy-shop pLloducteemsseeseseeeeeoeace es ee cee = aes Mooletused Sint alcin pars seer ra teas esate ar eaten eee at eee IPPOCORSeS OlmMan Uta COUN Oper ete eee eae eerie see eat ale acai Destiniyzof therquarny blades. sete seem ste ele = ala elnle a ieleteienlel= === The Dumbarton heights quarry-shops...-..---.-----.---------------- LOCATON, — 25asccenae cocoon OaReas oa aso ecenad Cbonpascssseos0eaED5 Geologyrotsthelsitesn sacseerae ees locisinsels see e-em eee ele ee Distributionvoe hq Wacky puts soem eae eae eae a ena alel TOR CLTENG od o3 cods caso onde soabes SoSSan Des As EEosnech Sesesposcaes @thereRockscreekesiteseeserre saaean sete meee elaine nee eine Shop sites of the middle Potomac valley. .........---.--.----------------- Hallssectionioi they hOvomaCsses= ner eme elec ee eee me eee l= ee eee J MACOS EN VERY oa cascassoconoecsdesod a50d o-oncnodecadaane Goes ondeee Mhertidewaterseotom ae eens eee a ae aaa sale ieie iene inten ee ee =m SILOS AM ESULDVOL sViallO Vee tarere teers ae wiela se eee ee aia ye ere ai — i ol od] wm OO tw wo ras wows Ot Ot OT OT St OU wo 6 CONTENTS [BTH. ANN. 15 Chapter II—Manufacture of flaked stone implements—Continued (Minas we Tay NIN byl 3 oot coe see eee See acess Goeoer cos ssconesens Marterialsiqntannie dies ame a=) =e ate aaa aa eer ree ocationrandaprodu etree meets eee ponecssapacue me eeromtes Rby oliterquarries sss seme cee cts ete ear eee ulin t/QWATries esse secrete aie ace te one aaa ee ee Jasper andeare il iwerg WALGLOS as ett ea ae a a a (OVO NTS) Gempte Gene Seeger Heer OSE es bana mnos sons saeoads> decease sconecses Chapter III—Flaked stone implements........--.---------------------.------ (Gemenallefe ste epee erste ea ee Implements of leaf-blade genesis... -.-- ---- --<- <2. eee enon ne woe Dypicalicharactersy- see eee eee eee sae aeae ee alae eee eee eee Blades—blanks, cutting implements. .....-..-.-.-.-.---------------. Specialized blades—projectile points, etc .....-.-.-.----.------------ Narrow-shafted blades—perforators or drills .....-.-.---.------------ Specialized blades, etc—scrapers -...--....-.-.----..---.---.---.--.. Leaf-blade implements grouped by material ..-.......-.-.-..----...----- Qe iiAut Mino Gye ES soso soso oeos ses seer anseomcetoesbe cuss sencsee Quartzamy lem ents Sarees se eee eee ee ete ee Rhyoliteimplementsisas-aeeeeeaeeaee anes ree See eee eee eee Dlinitiand jasperimplementsseseeseseeeee eee ae eae eee eee AS ulin) iy ICM Seo casccsesos soconesaboee coos esenos SHSsesssosesa5 Rude flaked implements. ..-..--.---.----- Ejoe even meee eyenaete sete Chapter 1V—Battered and abraded stone implements. .........-...----.----- General processes of manufacture Speciallin rOcesse@si ese ecm a cteeeis aaeeae ieee aaa He ee eee eee eee Classes of implements WER CIEE GG Gl ~ se coracnoec anh Saab conn ends Hoda SaaedemEes cdaueg deseee Examples of the implements Manufacturing Shops! =a -crse- ons ee\ase= = seein es o-as aes eee Comparison of celt making with blade making .....-....-.--...-..------ Miscellaneous/pecked implements! = =~ --- == ese ees tees eae sce Character, use, and distribution of the material Surface indications of quarrying -..-.----.----- Nose smdeecadave cee cise Speciallinvestigations .- 5222. s2s—. 222 one = nee ee ee ee eee Barlyaknowled gelotistea tite =e eee ee eee eee Development of the quarrying industry Mining and shaping operations Quarry product. .25.-(52. 2 does eae ee eee eee reece Implements used in quarrying and cutting Character of; the'tools! — 5-5-2 32:c-cne= oss ece sneer eaeeee eee Manner of using the tools Steatite quarries: <2 56 <.5- 222s. ssonseces cess sees See nea ee esse eee oeee MheiClittonigartyeee== eres ries see senate eee eee eee eee eee (hei Connecticut avenuelquarriess---— es -ees eee eee eee eters IST bOTAGUTO 22 =~ pee earesin< = ee olen = sieloels ose eee ee eee Site and surface indications Excavations made MROOIS'RECOVELEM 527 areeitey ests Fe = ate ae eer ero ee ere Pee eee Correlation with bowlder quarries 94 94 96 96 102 103 105 105 105 105 106 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 111 111 112 113 113 116 116 117 118 119 123 HOLMES] CONTENTS Chapter V—Incised or cut stone utensils—Continued Steatite quarries—-Continued The Shoemaker quarry.-.--------------------------------+--+++----- Meat tiles aya ubes ieee te tee ee eal laa em mala mle leer =I Mhe Bry amb QUAL Y= = 2-2 22-2 e= 2 a ee me i i Quarries of the Patuxent valley ----..-..----------------------------- Quarries near Olney ---- .--- ---------------------+ +--+ +--+ -+2--2---- Falls Church and Holmes run quarries .--.--------------------------- Amelia county quarries ..-.--.-----------------------------+----+---- Madison county quarries-.-.- .-.------------------------------------- Culpeper county quarries -...--..----------------------++--+++------ Brunswick county quarries .-...-.------------------------------+--- Relation of clay and steatite pottery -.-.-.------------------------------- Worst cians es tisitseny ee oqooaeos sacs Ses BS osoe Sees onpoeess Seae oe oaooS Chapter VI—Distribution of stone implements. ...--.------------------------ The area investigated .......-..----------------------------------------- DFG OTA LOE SEW 52 eee Sep en os eeeec roses Sohe ces specomesolmecoeoce Geologic distribution of stone. -..--..-------------------------------- Geology and art .----..-<--------- ---+-- <2 222-2 -- one eee ee Comparative distribution of implements :.--.-.---------.--------------- Distribution by classes..--.-------------------=--- -4--=------- ---=-- Distribution by particular sites .-..-..-..--.------------------------ Distribution by genesis and function..----------.------------------- RGSS, 5. oes cane Uo cep consaadeccose=se6d ce cooasebeoagcsssu depp ecdanssdacsas Supplementary notes........---------------++-+222-- --2-2 be 22-2 eens eee ILLUSTRATIONS {Nore.—In cases of inconsistency in the sizes of the illustrated objects as given in the descriptive titles thereof and in the following list the sizes given in the latter should govern. } FRCNTISPIECE. Group in plaster illustrating quarry-shop work..--...-.--..-.---- PLATE I. te II. Vie Ve VI. VII. VILI. IX. X. XI. xT, XIII. SxoIVis XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXII. XXXIV. Map of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province. .......---.---- Mapiotiherbinyibrancluquarties treme ==22 = eee eae see Quarry-shop refuse exposed in the bank of the rivulet........--..-- View looking north up the rivulet at the foot of the quarry slope. -. View from the bed of the rivulet, showing exploitation pits .....-.-- Section of quarry exposed by the first trench ...........-.--..----- Section of ancient pit filled with quarry-shop refuse from above... - Character of quarry-shop refuse at the fortyfourth foot..........--- Face of the trench at the seventyseventh foot. ................----. Character of refuse deposits at the seventyseventh foot-.........--- Pocket of refuse deposits at the seventyseventh foot-...........---. Portion of an extensive deposit of shop refuse near the quarry face. -- . Section showing the irregular quarry face.......-.......--.-------- Roots of a chestnut tree growing in a bed of shop refuse .-....-.--- Section showing deposits filling the quarry exposed by the third WIN sano beoc Aseeba snes dae Gomer Se Aas per eeE amon odearoonneEeass Section showing the quarry face exposed by the fifth trench -....--. Quarry-shop rejects—progressive series -......-..------------------ Blade-like rejects from the quarry-shop refuse. ..-.--.......-------- Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop TO LUSO Mepteaemepte e ar ees woes ee wal a ee cise sce wintete snare mee ceri . Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop TOLUSO eases ees means el or eelels a eiareie siecle weiss cee iceiese ale spareieieeie.s - Broken blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made IMRUH OAqAaArVy-SHOPSiseea=eeec se cel eeyeee se ceeds celle ieee ee se eer Fragments of blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made in the quarry-shops (# actual size)..........--.---------.--- Relation of the flaked blade to the parent bowlder (? actual size) - -. Two specimensof flaked stone found in a single cluster (4 actual size) - Core-like forms from which flakes have been taken (# actual size). -- Site of the Dumbarton quarry, showing refuse-covered slopes--.. --- Potomac bowlder bed exposed in grading U street. ...-...-.--..---. Series of rejects from the South mountain rhyolite quarry. -...----- Rhyolite cache blades from a garden on Frogmore creek, near Balti- MOLE! (VAC UULAIEST ZO) eer eeeCee ate mys oe ee cee cafes cate etees Soka eiee Rhyolite blades from various caches (# actual size) .-.--...----.---- Quartzite cache blades from Anacostia and Bennings sites (} actual GILAD) 5 copabo paces n cones Beas FOr So eraA CO ae Nn ree eer ene Relation of specialized leaf-blade implements to the original blade. - Scraping implements of quartz and quartzite (} actual size) ....---. Series of flaked forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac- ture of projectile points from quartzite bowlders...-.....--.------ Page 13 or St ot TS OH on © 10 PLATE XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVITI. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLITI. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVI. XLIX. L. LI. LIl. LIII. LIV. LV. LVI LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. ILLUSTRATIONS Quartzite blades of varying size and outline, mainly unspecial- ized, from Potomac village-sites (# actual size)..........---- Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main projectile points, from Potomae village-sites (} actual size) ....-..-... Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main arrowpoints, from Potomac village-sites (# actual size) Series of forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufacture of arrowpoints from quartz pebbles Quartz blades showing slight traces of specialization (# actual Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints (} actual size) Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints (4 actual size) Quartz arrowpoints of eccentric shapes (? actual size) __-. Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in shaping rhyo- lite}tmplomentse: 22-22 = Se 222 = ees stale eases seem eee Unspecialized rhyolite blades, mainly from Anacostia village- sites: (2 a@ctuallsize) 2022-5 ves 2c tae eee ee eee eee Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely knives and spear- points, mainly from Anacostia village-sites (} actual size)... Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely projectile points, mainly from Potomac village-sites (? actual size) Rhyolite arrowpoints, mainly from Potomac village-sites (# ac- tual size) Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in the shaping of leaf-blade implements from argillite. -.- 2 = Sharpened bowlders from Potomac pillaees Ft G Detval size) - Sharpened and battered bowlders from Potomac shell heaps (4 actual size) -..--..------ Rude axes made by sharpening andl sayin quartzite ene ders by flaking, from Potomac village-sites (} actual size) —- Rude ax-like implements from Potomac village-sites (+ actual U4) ARES CASAS ace Bar OREO a REG OORenasap oyserotcas asHae Rude axes or picks made of quartzite bowlders sharpened and notched by flaking, from Potomac village-sites (a } actual size; bactualisize) So aces het ce cesse sete oe eae ee nae ree eee Slightly modified quartzite bowlders used as implements (4 ac- tual size) Series of specimens illustratin g progressive stages in the shaping of celts by fracturing, battering and abrading (about } actual SIZE soos eiateeeipoaca.ce so es selene el oseise es crete seen e eee . Group of celt-axes from the tidewater region. ...-..-....----- LVII. Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the shaping Of thejprooved axe. 2255 Messen oe See eee ee eee Outlines of grooved axes illustrating range of form..---..---- Group of grooved axes from Potomac-Chesapeake yillage-sites (about -Pactualisize) Sas-a-c0 eee ee esas meee eee eee Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making--.. Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making---. Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making---------- Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making..-...-..--- Specimens illustrating breakage in celt making Specimen illustrating ronghed-ontcelt, very thick at the lower end (ETH. ANN. 15 Page 60 60 60 63 64 64 64 64 67 68 68 70 83 HOLMES] ILLUSTRATIONS PLatTE LXVI. Specimen from celt shop, probably rejected on account of defective wONksaease ae ceseme ao scien tenes sisem.ce eae escl LXVII. Specimens illustrating the manufacture of grooved axes ----- LXVIII. Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray---------------- LXIX. Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray..--..-.--------- WxeXen Pertoratedita blets wares) abeppia eat eta teen aiaye arate == LXXI. Winged ceremonial stones from the vicinity of Washington -. LXXII. Pitted stones and mortar from tidewater village-sites ---- ~~~. LXXIII. Mortars, pestles, and sinker(?) from the tidewater province. - LXXIV. Abrading stones from the vicinity of Washington -----.------- LXXV. Hammerstones from Potomac village-sites-......---.--------- LXXVI. Surface of soapstone quarry, showing various phases of the cut- (Hl O NEMA IS) o5e osescosecstos Soo dee Ss 35 soda poses 4osseseac LXXVII. Incipient vessels broken during the shaping operations ~~. ---- LXXVIII. Series of forms showing steps in the steatite-shaping process. - LXXIX. Quarry-shop rejects showing early stages of the steatite SEY NOVAS one ea Sopaasecde cess en SeouUenesaereaness cose LXXX. Examples of untinished steatite vessels.-.......-.------------ LXXXI. View of the Clifton quarry after cleaning out .----.-..------- LXXXII. Implements used in cutting steatite................-.-....-.- LXXXIII. Map and sections of the Connecticut avenue steatite quarries. LXXXIV. Map showing trenching of the ancient steatite quarries on the LXXXV. LXXXVI. LXXXVII. LXXXVIII. LXXXIX. XC. XCI. XCIl. XCHII. XCIV. CO Map aN ME coos Gao sep ass RUsdads saea Sao neebSacsoe seeeus Surface of ancient steatite quarry exposed by trenching. ----- Chisel-like implements used in cutting steatite...-..--...---- Steatite-cutting implements of eruptive rock Fragment of a steatite quarry implement Implements used in cutting steatite.........-....------.----- Implements used in cutting steatite....-..--..--- Mass of steatite partially cut out by means of stone chisels- -- Grooved axes used in soapstone quarries...-....---.---------- Rude grooved pick used in quarrying steatite-.........-..---- Implements used in cutting steatite........--..----..-------- Pointed implements used in cutting steatite........----.----- XCVI. Steatite pick made by sharpening a grooved ax.....--.--.---- XCVII. Grooved ax used and broken in a steatite quarry.----..------ XCVIII. Grooved axes sharpened by flaking for use in quarrying steatite XCIX. Small articles made of steatite.....-.........-..-.--.-------- C. Specialized and partially specialized objects of steatite-...--- CI. Graded series of flaked implements. ...-...-..-.-------------- CII. Quarry group in plaster set up on the Piny branch site... _-. Clit . Results of experimental flaking by percussion and pressure. - FIGURE 1. 9 . Section of bowlder beds exposed in quarry face . Section exposed by trenching on outer angle of terrace....-------- . First step in bowlder flaking . Second step in bowlder flaking 2. Fragment of rhyolite from the Potomac . Supposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bits of rhyolite. General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys. -.----- . Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries. . Panoramic view of Piny branch quarry-sites, looking northward - . . Section acruss bed of rivulet at base of quarries -...-.....----.--- . Cross section at beginning of the first trench ) Cross section at the twentieth foot-.--.....-2-.---2-.-------.----- Cross’section atthe fortiethifootss----. =a. sss -cecese =~ se cee 11 Page 103 104 106 106 108 110 112 12 ILLUSTRATIONS [ETH. ANN. 15 Page BIGURE 4: Blakinp by pressureless cee cie es ee as eee eee eee 81 15: sMlakkin o ibya pressures a= ie sects =e ise eee aeons eee eee erate 81 16. Probable manner of hafting the smaller chisels -......--.--..--.- 112 17. Probable manner of hafting the single-pointed and the two- ohisel@ior pioks(22ac saccscoecinse oo See niente nest eee ee eersaee 113 18 Sketchimap of thei Cliftoniquarty s2s-ss— 32s ale tee a ee 115 19. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking (4 actual size). 120 20. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking (4 actual size). 121 21. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder (4 actual size)... 121 22. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder (4 actual size).. 122 23. Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard county, Maryland (4 actual size) .........--...---..----.------ 127 24. Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard county, Maryland) actuallsize) --25.-2-.2ce-n = 22-9 -na- =o seeee 128 25. Implement used in cutting steatite; from the Olney quarry (4 ac- tal\\siZe)) 25-2 hs sssisce soca asmielo oan sc semaseaeawios acne sea etnees, 129 26. Implement used in cutting steatite; from Sandyspring quarry (Gractuallsize) sere sae ne reer oe acre eee nee nee 130 27. Gouge-like implement grooved for hafting (} actual size) -.-- ..-- 131 28. Map showing distribution of rejects of manufacture .--...------- 138 29. Map showing distribution of implements --..---.....---.-------- 139 29a. Cross section illustrating successive removal of tlakes from bowlders!=-2--- sso seoceeeeceeececss toss qonooasiceaso conces 152 * ' LA Th 1 i ; ’ ; Ae » a ara t x rat, ¥ th Bes « wy "af a * , Lat % . on ' BUREAU OF ETHNO FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT FRONTISPIECE GROUP IN PLASTER ILLUSTRATING THE WORK CARRIED ON IN AN ABORIGINAL QUARRY WORKSHOP Prepared by the author for the World's Columbian Expositi at Chic W STONE IMPLEMENTS OF THE POTOMAC-CHESA PEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE By WiLLiAM HENRY HOLMES PREFATORY NOTES I The Indian tribes inhabiting the great province drained by the tide- water tributaries of the Chesapeake were simple fishermen, hunters, and warriors whose art aimed at little beyond the supply of passing needs, and the district now furnishes almost nothing in the way of art remains to attract the popular eye. Little has been preserved beyond the simplest varieties of stone implements; but inconspicuous and ele- mentary as these objects are, they have attracted much attention on the part of archeologists, and are now eagerly studied because of their bearing, not only on the history of the region and its people, but on questions of general import in the history of primitive progress. The explorations and studies recorded in the present paper were undertaken for the purpose of determining, if possible, the precise status of these remains, thus making them safely available to the historian of the race whoseeks first of all asafe basis on which to found his structure. But some special questions have arisen that for the time overshadow the more general features of the investigation. The earlier studies of the stone implements of the province developed decided differences of opinion as to the significance of a peculiar class of rudely flaked stones found in vast numbers about the head of tide- water in James, Potomac, and Susquehanna valleys. The main ques- tion at issue may be stated as follows: Do these rude objects form part of the remains left by the peoples of the region known to us historie- ally—the Algonquian tribes and their neighbors—as their associations in a general way indicate; or do they belong to an earlier race of much lower culture as suggested by the fact that somewhat analogous forms, found in other parts of the world, characterize the art of very ancient and primitive peoples? The most extensive deposits of the rudely flaked stones are found along the bluffs in and about the city of Washington. The careful 13 14 STONE IMPLEMENTS (RTH. ANN. 15 investigations so fully recorded in these pages have proved beyond the shadow of a doubt that the great deposits are on the sites of work- shops connected with extensive quarries where the raw material (Cre- taceous bowlders) was obtained. It was further found that the widely scattered specimens of the same class were on sites (village-sites or otherwise) yielding less plentiful supplies of the available raw material where manufacture had been conducted on a smaller scale. That the vast body of the rudely flaked stones of the province are rejects of manufacture was readily shown. As a second step in the investigation it was deemed necessary to determine the exact relations of these objects with the real implements of the region, This was accomplished by first determining by most careful studies of the rejectage of the great flaking shops just what the product of the flaking operations was. This product, so far as the progress of specialization of form on the shop sites indicates, was found to be a leaf-shape blade. A third step in these explorations was then undertaken for the purpose of determining the destiny of these blades—where they were carried and how and by whom used. Many specimens of identical form were found on Indian village-sites in all parts of the surrounding region, and in several cases on sites of historic Algonquian settlements, where they were intimately intermin- gled with the midden refuse, pottery, and neolithic implements. it was further discovered that a large percentage of the countless stone implements—knives, spearheads, arrowpoints, ete—found in the broad valley below, were of leaf-blade genesis; that before they received their final shapes by trimming, stemming, and notching, they had been blades, corresponding exactly with those produced in the multi- tude of shops. The shops are, therefore, a necessary complement of the implements of the region and the implements are a necessary com- plement of the shops. The shops, great and small, are thus definitely connected with the great body of implements of the region, and these implements are directly connected with the dwelling sites of the his- toric peoples. The practical unity of the stone art of the region is in this way fully established, no type of implement or shaped stone not being fully accounted for by the well-established facts and necessary conditions of recent Indian occupancy. That these demonstrations should be complete and satisfactory, studies were made of quarries of other materials in the neighboring highland, where the conditions proved to be the same in every respect. Similar leaf-shape blades were made and carried out to the surrounding valleys where they and the implements specialized from them are found closely associated with the more local art products. That the subject should be further rounded out and completed, all known classes of implements have been studied and relegated to their proper categories, and the history of their manufacture and the classes of rejectage pertaining to them have been determined. In all this work BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. 1 DELAWAR 13 Porta ine ee SZ en / WELDON Ry & MAP OF THE POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE TIDEWATER PROVINCE Extending from the heavy broken line (the fall line) on the west to the dotted line on the east HOLMES] PALEOLITHIC MAN 116 there has not been found a single feature of the art remains or indus- trial phenomena of the region suggesting the presence of other than the known peoples. The full series of Ulustrations presented in this paper will enable the student to make comparisons and arrive at his own conclusions. Great care has been taken to arrange these illustrations so that they will tell the story clearly and fully. It is fortunate for those who may wish to verify or question the results reached in this study that the full range of phenomena is still well within their reach, and need only to be properly consulted to reveal the whole truth. ‘It is not attempted in the present paper to apply the results reached to the settlement of controversies arising elsewhere. The same is true of the preliminary paper published while the investigations were under way. Contrary to statements repeatedly made by writers on the sub- ject, the question of the existence of a paleolithic period in Europe is not believed by me to be in any way involved. The verity of the deter- minations of Boucher de Perthes and his followers has never been ques- tioned, and it is held that, where average conditions prevail, the paleo- lithie step, as usually defined,is the reasonable and natural first step in human progress. The proper settlement of local questions, and especi- ally the question whether local evidence points toward a paleolithie or other early man in Potomac valley, is all that is directly sought. The student, however, should not lose sight of the fact that the history of flaked stone implements, as developed by these studies, is their history everywhere, and that the lessons to be learned are of primary importance to the science of archeology. The chief lessons are those of the need of a full and proper discrimination of all the varied phenomena connected with the making, the using, and the dis- tribution of the implements, and the impartial application of these phenomena to the elucidation of the history of culture and race. II It must be regarded as a striking circumstance that a large part of the varied phenomena considered in this paper are assembled within 2 or 3 miles of the capitol of the nation, much of it being within the capital city or within the area over which the city streets are now laid out. The greatest aboriginal bowlder quarry known, and the most important implement shops yet observed on the Atlantic slope, are located on Fourteenth street 24 miles from the President’s house. One of the most interesting native soapstone quarries in the great series extending along the eastern base of the highland from Massachusetts to Georgia is on Connecticut avenue extended, barely beyond the, city limits; and the most important ancient village-site in the whole tide- water province is situated on Anacostia river within the city and little nore than a mile from the capitol. Partly within the city limits 16 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH, ANN. 15 and extending up the Potomac to Little falls, we have a great native fishing ground surrounded by a multitude of inhabited sites from which our collectors have filled their cabinets with curious objects of art. The spot now the political center of the nation was thus in prehistoric times a chief resort of the native peoples of the region. It may not then be too much to expect that the glimpses of aborigi- nal life afforded by this study will prove of interest to the student of history, and the numerous phases of suburban scenery presented in the photographie views will doubtless be appreciated by future generations of Washingtonians. III Until recently it was hardly suspected that the Potomac-Chesapeake province was so rich in ancient remains. The arts and industries of the historic aborigines were extremely simple, and no striking monuments or remains of any kind are found to tell of vanished peoples. Careful exploration has, however, developed evidences of an intelligence and enterprise hardly to be expected of tribes of indolent savages. The use of stone by the prehistoric aborigines was limited to the manufac- ture of implements and utensils, but their knowledge of the mineral resources of the region was so extensive that no deposit of bowlders, no ledge of flakable stone, no deposit of available stone of any kind, seems to have escaped their attention. Quarrying and manufacture were extensive, and the distribution of the product extended in several cases for a hundred miles or more beyond the source of supply. The historic tribes of the region were mainly of the Algonquian lin- guistic stock, the stock of Powhatan and King Philip, and this notable people may be connected by means of the art remains of their numer- ous village-sites with the great body of ancient inhabitants whose domain extended from South Carolina to Nova Scotia. There are some traces of departure from ordinary Algonquian types of art, but these are not decided enough to warrant the assumption that other peoples of independent culture were directly concerned. The culture status indicated by the remains here brought to the attention of students is precisely that of the historic inhabitants encountered by John Smith. IV The explorations embodied in this paper began in 1889 and con- tinued with much interruption until 1894. It is evident from this that the field has been but imperfectly covered, for the tidewater Chesa- peake country comprises upward of 20,000 square miles of territory, nearly every mile of which abounds in important traces of ancient aboriginal occupancy. To visit all and examine all would require a good part of a lifetime. Realizing this, the method was adopted of passing rapidly over the various sections and selecting a few typical examples of each class of sites or groups of phenomena for minute examination. The detailed studies made of these sites serve in a great 382} ¢ |jeusa,UI 1NO,UOD | YOU! OY} 0} 388) 0/7 }NOGE e[B9G *aAN}ORyNURU jo asnjed pur sdoys ay} Jo UOI}NqijsIp a4} SezedIPUI BUIWop 84} pur Ajayew!xosdde saudenb ey} a}yeo\pul sease papeys oy) SSINYVNO HONVYE ANId SHL JO dvVW Wife Wd LYOd3¥ IVANNY HIN331L414 ASOIONH 13 40 NWaHNS HOLMES] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LA, measure to illustrate the whole subject, and though imperfect in many ways, form nuclei about which additional details can be assembled as they are acquired. Vv There are many students of the aboriginal history of the Potomac- Chesapeake province to whom I am indebted for assistance and who should be mentioned in connection with the archeologie study of the region. Prominent among the collectors who have gathered and pre- served the fast disappearing relics are Mr J. D. McGuire, of Hllicott, Maryland. The collection of this gentleman, now installed in his charming home in Ellicott, represents a large part of the province, and includes notable series of objects from the soapstone quarries and from the village-sites and shell banks of the Potomae and Chesapeake. Mr McGuire’s writings include an important paper on the quarrying of soapstone as indicated by surface phenomena, and various other arti- cles in which more or less specific references are made to the general archeology of the province. Among the numerous collections of Potomac river material that of Mr W. Hallett Phillips, of Washington, takes first rank. It affords the student more satisfactory opportunities for study than any other collection, as the various sites were systematically visited and the specimens properly cared for and labeled. Many of the illustrations presented in this paper are from his well-stocked cabinets. Mr Elmer kh. Reynolds has for many years been an enthusiastic col- lector of local relics, and his various accumulations have largely gone to supply the museums of Europe. He has written valuable papers on the Potomac shell deposits and the soapstone quarries of the District of Columbia. The historian of the Potomac valley is also deeply indebted to the efforts of Mr 8. V. Proudfit, of Falls Church, Virginia, whose extensive collections, consisting of many thousands of specimens, were gener- ously donated to the National Museum. Mr Proudfit’s paper on local archeology is among the most important issued up to the beginning of systematic work by the Bureau of Ethnology. Few students of the region have contributed more largeiy and sue- cessfully to the exposition of our local antiquities than Mr Louis A. Kengla, formerly of West Washington, whose collections are preserved by the Georgetown University and whose valuable pamphlet on the archeology of the District was published as a Toner prize essay by that institution. Another collector, later in the field than the others yet hardly less persistent and successful, is Mr Thomas Dowling, junior, whose aid I have sought on various occasions. Many specimens from his collee- tions appear in the illustrations of this paper. Mr William Hunter, of Fairfax county, Virginia, made extensive collections along the banks of the Potomac in the Mount Vernon region, 15 ETH 2 18 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15 and on the opposite side of the river Mr O. N. Bryan gathered many things of value, both series of objects having found a resting place in the National Museum. Mr John Bury made a valuable collection from the Anacostia village-sites, which was acquired recently by the Bureau of Ethnology. Baltimore has contributed her share to the work of preserving his- toric materials through her well-known citizen Colonel W. H. Love, whose large collections of specimens and extensive knowledge of sites have been of much service in the preparation of the present memoir. Among the many others who have taken an active part in the work of collecting are Mr J. C. Lang, of Washington, Mr C. M. Wallace, of Richmond, Mr M. H. Valentine, of Richmond, Mr H. M. Murray, of West River, Maryland, and Prof. Thomas Wilson, of Washington. There are still others to whom acknowledgments must be made. To Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, who a few years ago made a careful study of the Amelia county, Virginia, soapstone quarry; to Mr F. W. Von Dachenhausen, whose collections from the vicinity of Washington have been drawn upon for illustration, and to Mr De Lancey W. Gill, of the Geological Survey, who has been closely associated with me in the work of collecting and elaborating, I am greatly indebted. I wish especially to acknowledge the assistance given by Mr William Dinwiddie, who has been almost constantly associated with me in field work and in the office, and who was intrusted with much of the labori- ous task of quarry excavation; by Mr Gerard Fowke, who conducted the exploration of the Piedmont regions of Virginia and Maryland; and by Major J. W. Powell and Mr W J McGee, to whom I am greatly indebted for encouragement, sympathy, and support at all times and in all places. The artists whose work adds so much to the effectiveness and scien- tific value of this publication are Miss Mary M. Mitchell, Mr H. C. Hunter, and Miss Frances Weser. The landscape photographs are largely the work of Mr Dinwiddie, and the series of plates of flaked stones are from the studio of Mr T. W. Smillie, of the National Museum. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. III QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE EXPOSED IN THE BANK OF THE RIVULET The gneiss appears in the bed of the stream beneath the left foot of the figure Yyoues} ysily 84} Jo Buiuuideq ayy eyeo!puy 0} paced si aindiy ayy jo puey ye) S41 BdO1S AYYVND SHL 3JO LOOS SHL LY LAINAIY AHL dM HLYON SNIXOOT Ma3lIA Al Td L4Od3Y IWANNY HLN33L4I4 ADOTONHL3 30 NVauNs CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY THE FIELD OF INVESTIGATION Previous to the year 1889 littie archeologic work was done by the Bureau of Ethnology in the Atlantic coastal region, save, perhaps, in North Carolina, where a number of mounds had been opened under the direction of Dr Cyrus Thomas. A vast, though not an especially attractive field, extending from New Jersey through Delaware, Mary- land, Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida, had never received careful or systematic attention. In 1890 the Director of the Bureau decided to begin the survey of this zone, and the first work undertaken was an examination of the tidewater Potomac. Work was begun in the District of Columbia; and with Washington as the initial point, exploration was carried westward into the Piedmont region and east- ward and southward to the Atlantic coast. The great artificial shell fields scattered along the brackish and salt water shore-lines appeared to be the leading feature of interest, and toward these attention was at first directed; but another and some- what distinct field of investigation soon sprang into prominence. Within the decade ending with 1890 much interest had arisen in regard to the significance of certain rudely flaked stones found in great num- bers in the region about Washington. These objects were thought to be of archaic type, and consequently to have an important bearing on two questions of great interest to archeologists, the first relating to the development of art in its early stages, and the second to the nature of the beginnings of man’s prewritten history in this country. A preliminary examination of the subject made it apparent that a solution of the problems thus suggested could be obtained only by a systematic study of the origin, manufacture, distribution, and geologic relations of the articles in question. It was decided to take up this study, and thus the field of investigation was greatly enlarged. The period required for exploration was lengthened indefinitely, and it became necessary to complete certain sections of the work for publica- tion before the whole field could be covered. Division of the subject- matter of investigation into at least two parts was found to be easy and convenient. The main problems of the stone implements sepa- rated themselves readily from the history of the peoples and the ordi- nary traces of their prehistoric and historic presence. 19 20 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15 It appeared also that there were convenient geographic subdivisions of the subject, and that in one case at least the geographic unit cor- responds very closely with a well-marked ethnologic unit, and strangely enough also with an important unit of colonial history. The great Potomac-Chesapeake province, with its system of tidewater inlets, con- stitutes a natural subdivision of the coastal zone. Formerly the Sus- quehanna flowed southward through a restricted valley, entering the sea outside of capes Henry and Charles. By subsequent depression of the land this valley and its tributaries were submerged, and the floods rose until the tide reached Richmond on the James, Washington on the Potomac, and Havre de Grace in the main valley, and one-third of the land became sea, the tortuous shore line following the contours of the hills and valleys in and ont in a marvelous maze. Tens of thousands of square miles of upland were transformed more or less completely into a maritime province, and this became the seat of a native confeder- acy, ruled over by the renowned Powhatan at the period of colonization. This district was thus a native ethnologic unit—a unit in race and eul- ture—and the circumstances of colonization made it a unit in the history of civilization: it is the territory explored, conquered, and mapped by the intrepid John Smith; it is therefore a unit of exploration, conquest, and cartography. It further appears, from what has been learned of the past of the region, that the historic peoples and conditions pass back without break into the prehistoric era, no traces of distinct occupation or culture phenomena having been found. Archeology but. supplements history, and the archeologist works to great advantage in a unique and charm- ing field illumined by the graphic records of the Roanoke, the James- town, and the Saint Mary colonies. In treating the history of this provinee, it would seem the natural order to present, first, the historical phases of aboriginal occupancy, passing afterward back into the archeologie field; but this order proves inconvenient (as just indicated), and special studies of certain phases of art must receive first attention. The present paper is therefore devoted to examination of the derivation, manufacture, nature, and place in time and culture of the stone implements of the tidewater province—the province of John Smith. This will be followed by other studies, or by a single paper, on the aboriginal history and general archeology of the same area. The Chesapeake tidewater province lies to the eastward of the heavy dotted line on the map presented in plate 1. This is the fall line, where the streams descend from the Piedmont plateau to the tidewater lowland. THE ART REMAINS STUDIED The art remains of a vanished people available for the archeologist comprise all material forms shaped or in any way modified by their hands, whether from design or from the incidents of use. There are BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V VIEW FROM THE BED OF THE RIVULET, SHOWING EXPLOITATION PITS The first figure is at the beginning of the trench, and the third figure 1s at about the fortieth foot BuiAuenb jo povad ay} souls saos0} jeinyeu Aq padueieal sjeuoyey) ',9 !s}id jo sees} Suimoys ‘asnyes doys jo s}isodag ‘0 !sjaneid adojs jeioippeesg '19 | speq sap|Mog (d10z0sayy) DeWO}OY 'G !s}sIyDs BOI) 'D HONSYL LSHi4 SHL AB G3SOdXS AYYVND JO NOILOAS UMGG KAW YY S WN \\ y *792TST t; e . » TA Td 480d34 IWANNY HLN331314 ASOIONH13 30 NvauNE HOLMES] MATERIALS UTILIZED IN THE ART Dill (1) fixed works, consisting of structures—mortuary, defensive or other- wise—d welling sites, stone hearths, pits, cemeteries, quarries, implement shops, and refuse deposits. There are (2) portable works, including implements, utensils, weapons, and articles of dress, ceremony, and diversion. The subject chosen for this paper, the stone implements, includes but a small section of this great field, but nevertheless a most important one. It will be necessary to deal not only with the things themselves which belong to the second group mentioned, but with their origin and manufacture, leading thus to an investigation of the quar- ries and workshops, which are fixed remains, and to a study of the industries arising from their operation. The materials used by a great group of tribes like that occupying the tidewater country in colonial and precolonial times were numerous, and the forms given them in art were naturally extremely varied, but the visible remains today are confined to a few materials, and conse- quently to a limited number of forms. The consideration of these tangible evidences is of the utmost importance to archeology, and their study leads naturally to inquiries into the various arts and industries concerned in their production. Besides this, much may be learned and much more may be surmised with respect to arts and industries of which no material traces remain, and correct inferences may be drawn regarding the customs, habits, and culture of the peoples. The materials utilized in art were sought and obtained at much expense of time and labor, and the industries to which this search gave rise were no doubt of great moment to the people, although little attention has been paid to the subject by students. Clay was used for pottery, and ocher was obtained for paint. Vegetal and animal sub- stances also were sought and fully utilized. Stone was most exten- sively used by the primitive inhabitants of the tidewater region, and on account of its durability it is by far the most important material with which we have to deal in the prehistoric study. We can but con- jecture as to the beginnings and progress of this search. When men first appeared they found vast supplies of water-worn stones suited to immediate use scattered over the country. These, however, did not serve for all classes of needs, and the energetic savages penetrated the hills, laid bare the rocky deposits, and little by little acquired a mastery of the geologic resources of the province. CHARACTER OF THE STONE IMPLEMENTS MATERIALS AND THEIR DISTRIBUTION Stone exists in many varieties, forms, and conditions, which differ greatly in the various sections of the country, thus giving much diver- sity to the manner of its utilization and to the forms employed in art, and many local peculiarities of art phenomena have arisen. Moreover, the tribes of this region were not fully sedentary and the materials 22 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15 acquired in one section were carried into another, giving rise to much variety in the materials employed by a single people or assembled in a given place. This complexity was also increased to some extent by trade, and no doubt by the undertaking of long journeys for the purpose of securing desired materials. Transportation was confined mainly to the smaller and more laboriously finished articles of use. Unshaped raw materials were not extensively transported, and the large body of the heavier tools and utensils made where material was plentiful were deserted when the locality was abandoned. The peculiarities of the materials procurable in the tidewater region are very marked. The geologic formations found within this area include only limited portions of the crystalline or older sedimentary rocks, but are derived from them by erosive forces and consist of fragmental deposits, such as sands, clays, gravels, and beds of bowl- ders. The great rivers of Mesozoic and Cenozoic times swept down from the highlands, bearing fragments of all varieties of rocks and depositing them in beds along the margin of the sea. These trans- ported fragments were, when first taken up by the water, sharp and rugged, but by constant rolling they were reduced to rounded forms, and ineluded all sizes from grains of sand and minute pebbles to bowl- ders and even to great masses. All classes of rocks were thus seized by the floods and carried seaward; but all varieties did not reach the sea, Save perhaps as sand or clay. The softer rocks were reduced to powder before the journey was fairly begun; brittle and much-flawed varieties, and all friable shales and slates, separated into minute frag- ments and formed beds of sand and gravel; the tough, hard, homo- geneous pieces were rolled and rounded and carried ever onward, refusing to break or to be reduced to dust, and finally rested along the seashore and more especially about the mouths of the great rivers. The primitive inhabitants of the crystalline highland had to make use of massive forms of rock or of rude angular or slightly water-worn fragments, and the reduction of these to available sizes and forms was a difficult work. But the inhabitants of the lowlands were born to more fortunate conditions. The agents of nature—the floods—had with more than human intelligence and power selected the choice bits of rock, the tough quartzite, the flinty quartz, the tough and brittle lavas, the indurated slates, the polished jasper, and the beautiful flints, from all the cliffs and gorges of the mountains, and had reduced them to convenient sizes and shapes, and had laid them down in the beds of the shallow estuaries, where through the subsequent rising of the land and the cutting of valleys they were found at the door of the tidewater lodge, ready or almost ready for immediate use in the arts. Each river coming froma different section of the highland secured and transported the varieties of rock most prevalent in its drainage basin, so that the erveat tidewater region is divided into mineralogic areas corresponding somewhat to those of the mountain valleys supplying the material. PL. Vil FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY o; ( 0 iny’sy ie) Oo Yoo SECTION OF ANCIENT PIT FILLED WITH QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE FROM ABOVE The rectangle elaborated in the lower figure indicates approximately the area included in the photograph reproduced in plate VIII HOLMES] ART INFLUENCED BY MATERIALS 23 It will readily be seen that these conditions of mineral resources must have had a marked effect on the art of the region, and thus on the culture of the natives inhabiting it. One drainage area supplies quartz mainly, and the art is quartz art; another supplies quartzite, and the art is quartzite art, and soon. All of these and other condi- tions will be considered in the discussion of the distribution of the remains of the region, to which subject a subsequent chapter is devoted. All kinds and conditions of rock in both lowland and highland were exposed to some extent on the surface of the ground and were thus readily obtained, but the more desirable varieties occur in the main beneath the surface, and when the demand for them was great they had to be sought and quarried, thus giving rise to one of the most important of primitive industries. QUARRYING Quarrying begins with the removal of a fragment or mass of mate- rial partially buried in the ground. It is but a step further to the uncovering and removal of portions wholly buried, and only another step to quarrying on a large scale. The methods and extent of the quarrying necessarily differed with the peoples and their circumstances, with the nature of the material, and with the conditions under which it existed. Of the details of quarrying operations our knowledge is yet imper- fect, though much has been learned in certain directions; and of the tools used in quarrying, aside from those made of stone and left on the sites, no definite information has as yet been obtained. It is quite likely that implements of wood, buckhorn, and bone were used as in foreign stone-age quarries, but traces of these have wholly disappeared from the sites thus far examined. Fire may have been used in some localities as an agent in fracturing masses of stone, but the tidewater region furnished little material, save perhaps quartz, suitable for manipulation by this means. Massive forms of rock are found west of the fall-line or western border of the tidewater country. Flint, jasper, and rhyolite were quarried far back in the highland, and vein quartz was found, and, no doubt, to some extent quarried, in a multitude of places over the whole Piedmont region, and down to avd even below the margin of the tidewater area. Steatite or soapstone is a tough, massive rock interbedded with gneissic formations, and rarely occurs in detached masses. In the beginning of its use it was secured where exposed on the surface by prying off small masses. When its compact- hess made this impracticable it was removed by cutting out roundish masses with stone picks. The lumps thus secured were ready for the sculptor’s chisel. In time quarrying developed and was extensively carried on in many parts of Virginia and Maryland beyond the tide- water border. In the tidewater province proper, quartzite occurs in the shape of bowlders or cobbles only, which, mainly during the Potomac and 24 STONE IMPLEMENTS (HTH. ANN. 15 Lafayette periods, were derived by erosive forces as fragments from heavy strata in the mountainous region to the northwest. Heavy deposits of these stones accumulated about the mouths of the rivers; by subsequent erosion they were exposed to view in many places and most advantageously for human use in the steeper bluffs that border the streams. Countless numbers, loosened from the well-compacted beds by erosion, descended to the lower slopes and into the streams to be again deposited at lower levels. The surface or float cobbles were extensively used, but the aborigines came to need more than could thus be obtained, and resorted to digging them from their places in the bluffs. The implement makers seem to have found that the freshly removed stones were more easily worked than surface finds, and quar- rying, thus encouraged, was carried, in at least two places, over acres of ground. The bowlders were not always easily loosened and removed, as the rounded stones were held together by a matrix of sand and clay which had assumed almost the consistency of a sandstone; but the miners did not always penetrate the formation from above or even directly from the face of the outcrop. It happened that in many cases the bowlder beds rested on a surface of disintegrated gneiss exposed in bluff slopes, and by removing the upper surface of this with such pikes as were at hand the bowlders were undermined and easily knocked down. So far as observed, the bowlder deposits containing workable stone in any considerable quantity rest on the gneissic surfaces where they were laid down by the waters of the ancient sea. Quartz, which was more generally if not more extensively used than any other material, is found in two forms. It occurs in countless veins which penetrate the gneissic rocks over a large district west of the fall-line. Being much less destructible than the gneisses, it weathers out in dike-like ridges and breaks up into blocks and angular pieces which spread over the ground in vast numbers. Choice varieties of this vein rock were, without doubt, quarried to some extent, but it was so plentiful on the surface that quarrying was not generally neces- sary. Carried down by the streams of all periods, it occurs plentifully as pebbles and bowlders in all formations in the tidewater region, and was Selected or quarried along with the quartzite. Jasper, flint, rhyolite, and other varieties of stone were rather rare within the tidewater districts, occurring sparingly as pebbles, small bowlders, and worn fragments in gravel deposits and in the beds of rivers. They were procured, however, by the tidewater tribes from masses in place in the uplands and mountains, the quarries being guile extensive, as will be shown subsequently. MANUFACTURE INITIAL STAGES Having secured the raw materials from the surface or by quarrying, the next step was either to utilize them unchanged or to shape them for use. Sharp-edged and pointed stones were used for cutting, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII = Mie = ™4 “Qe = CHARACTER OF QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE AT THE FORTYFOURTH FOOT The bowlders have nearly all been broken and many pieces are part!y shaped HOLMES] STAGES OF MANUFACTURE 25 digging, etc, and rounded cobbles from the river or from gravel beds were well suited for striking, pounding, grinding, etc, but with these unmodified forms we have little to do, as it is not easy to say that any given specimen was used at all unless it bears decided marks of use; and decided marks of use may be regarded as giving the object an artificial form, as in the case of the improvised mortars, mullers, and hammerstones so common in the Chesapeake-Potomac region. SHAPING PROCESSES The shaping processes by means of which stone was made to assume artificial forms adapted to human needs are varied and ingenious and their mastery is of the greatest importance to all primitive peoples. These. processes are distinguished by such terms as breaking, flaking, cutting, drilling, scraping, pecking, grinding, and polishing. All are purely mechanical; none are chemical, save a possible use of fire to induce changes in the rock in some parts of the quarry work. % z Q 8 = x t = Re x S = 5 N Py 2 SS s z 3 FS Y 8 Ni = ae - te wry Fig. 1—General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys, showing gneissic formations and their relation to the overlying beds of Potomac gravels. and Severn formations; two in the Eocene period, named in order of deposition the Pamunkey and the Chesapeake; one in the Neocene period, known as the Lafayette formation; and one in the Pleistocene, named after the Federal District the Columbia formation. The Potomac formation rests on the uneven surface of the gneissic rocks exposed in Rock creek valley, and is composed to a great extent of coarse sediment and fragmental rocks, brought down mainly by the great streams that drained the highland. The lower members of this formation are usually of very coarse materials, and in the Rock creek region they consist largely of pebbles and bowlders of quartz and quartzite, well rounded by water action. The Lafayette formation, resting on the upper surface of the Potomac series in this region, is not to any extent concerned in the present study, although in some sections of the Potomac valley the heavy bowlder deposits included in it were utilized by the aborigines. Especially heavy accumulations of bowlders oceur along that por- tion of the old shore-line bordering the exit of the ancient Potomac — ee ee +48)s u) ae suo} adeys-jea; 49/4) snoJaWnU pue eWWeY 84} Aq padeys 10 uayosq uaaq you aaey sadaid may d330 1334 N3A3S 38N43Y dOHS 4O G38 VW NI ONIMOYD 33UL LNNISSHO VY 4O SLOOU AIX Td 18Od3yH IVANNY H1IN33i315 ASOTONH13 =O Nvay"nE HOLMES] DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA GEOLOGY 33 river from the highland and its entry into the sea, now the District of Columbia; and as the streams draining this shore-line after its eleva- tion from the sea cut down through the sedimentary formations, these bowlders were exposed, and are now found outcropping in the sides of the valleys at the base of the sedimentaries and resting on the gneisses. Other beds of bowlders are found higher in this section, but none happen to be so well suited to the use of the primitive implement maker as those representing the work of the waves along the crystalline beach. The surface of the gneisses was somewhat uneven, sloping gently beneath the waves, and the bowlder beds laid down on this sur- face are of uneven thickness and not of uniform character when fol- lowed out horizontally, coarseness decreasing with distance from the river channel. The aboriginal inhabitant, seeking for stone suitable for his use, discovered these outcrops of bowlders along the bluffs of the Potomae and its tributaries, and soon ascertained that the deposits were heavier and the quality of the material better and more uniform in Rock creek valley than in any other section. This discovery led in time to subterranean search on the more favorable sites and finally to extensive quarrying, the evidences of which are now brought to light. Fic. 2—Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries. Owing to the friable nature of the bowlder beds and of the gravels and sands overlying them, the terrace slopes bordering the streams (save where erosion had recently been particularly active) offered no good exposures of the bowlders in place, but were covered with depos- its, often many feet in thickness, of gravelly talus derived from the erunbling edges of the strata. The bowlders contained in this over- placed deposit were the first to be utilized, and the work then extended to the bowlder beds proper, and the refuse of the quarrying was added to the creeping slope gravels or talus. The section given in figure 2 shows the relation of the gneisses, the bowlder beds, and the superficial deposits of sand and gravel outerop- ping in the quarry ravine. PINY BRANCH QUARRIES LOCATION OF THE QUARRIES In passing out of the city by way of Fourteenth street extended, the bridge over Piny branch of Rock creek is reached at a point 14 miles 15 ETH——3 34 STONE IMPLEMENTS [erH. ANN. 15 beyond the present city boundary, Florida avenue. Here we are already in the midst of the quarry-shop sites, and the rudely worked stones may be picked up on all sides. The quarries occur about half way up the wooded slopes north and south of the branch, on both sides of Fourteenth street, but the refuse has descended to the stream beds and is found everywhere in the over- placed gravels of the lower levels. The most extensive evidences of ancient working occur on the northern side of the stream west of the road. Here the terrace is upward of 100 feet in height and its faces extremely steep. The map presented in plate 11 serves to indicate the distribution of quarries over an area of about half a mile square. The bluffs at this point are capped with about 40 feet of the Potomae formation, clays, sands, gravels, and bowlder beds, the Neocene deposits of the Lafayette formation which forms the higher levels of the region having disappeared from the outer promontories, or being but slightly represented by obscure remnants. Beneath the Potomac beds the gneisses are exposed (figures 1 and 2) and may be seen at several N == SSS 4 z = = ae i SEC Wy SRL = Sx, = Os PSY NG e5a. le, “a PZ aw cS GI OEE BS ot LZ SES \ Zi I Vig / ~ Ms \ Ee Ae ASG Jy I Gin Ze Sess aN (// ff S ‘ss > AMIS I, YS SY7, Ky oS = Se fF EE VAT Srneer Fic. 3—Panoramie view of Piny branch quarry sites, looking north. The irregular dotted line indi- cates position of the quarries and the crosses mark the principal points of study, points, especially about the bridge. They are more fully exposed farther down toward Rock creek, into which the branch flows half a mile below. The gneisses, as well as the Potomac beds resting on them, disintegrate and crumble on and near the surface through the action of various agencies, thus giving rather smooth though steep slopes on which the forest maintains itself with much uniformity. The surfaces are usually covered with a veneering of slope deposits com- posed of the disintegrated rocks and of vegetal mold, and this over- placed material abounds, up to the quarry level, in artificial débris. It was at first thought that this association of the worked stones with deposits of gravel might be of value as a means of determining the age or period of occupancy, but examination developed the fact that the gravel represented no definite period, its deposition extending from the present back indefinitely into the past. In figure 3 a generalized view of the Piny branch quarry sites is depicted; it will give a comprehensive idea of the configuration of the angi ~ i AHOSISH Ni 1334 €1 30V4 AYYVND “HONSYL GHIHL SHL AB GaSOdxXa AYYVNO 3HL ONINNA SLISOdSG ONIMOHS NOILOSS rere 3993332 225 RS reno $006 99 999005955 9955550090 9999229309055 2939229292909 7900929 7999932509 2 29999905999999099939 999393299992 390 999999 95359090999999 99 3232 23) oo, - OS Ne ") LITNAIY y = oS COS ooo sSlCoeoe os, 1 io Bess wae. CECE SOO gee ; SoS SES ° FORRES S SESSSUESSS PR” ec0Se0g oo S COC}: Jovy Agen AX Td L80d34 IWANNY HINSSL4I4 ASOIONHL] 40 NvaYNE or HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES v0 locality. The view looks northward across the valley of the branch; a dotted line half way up the slopes separates the sedimentary and erys- talline rocks, and in connection with it the quarry sites are indicated by dark figures. The sites examined by trenching are indicated by small crosses. OPERATIONS ON THE SITE DISCOVERY AND RECONNOISSANCE So far as known the first discovery of worked stones on the site of our excavations at Piny branch was nade about 1880 by Mr De Lancey W. Gill, of the United States Geological Survey, who was engaged in sketching on the bank of the stream and by chatice ob- served a flaked stone in the gravel at his feet. Subsequently Mr Gill came upon a number of heaps of quarry-shop refuse in the second ravine west of Fourteenth street, at the point selected in 1889 for our trenching operations. : In September, 1889, I visited Mr Thomas Blagden, owner of the prop- erty, to obtain permission to work on the premises, and learned from him that about the year 1878 a street contractor had been permitted to collect material for paving from these bluffs, and that various piles of refuse found by us on the surface were gathered together at that time, a portion only of the material collected having been carried away. At that time a narrow roadway was cut leading from the creek up the little ravine to the site of our recent labors. Mr Blagden subsequentiy informed me that while a boy, some twenty-five years ago, he had observed the great quantities of bowlders at this point, and desiring to know something of the reasons for their accumulation, had secured help to dig a trench, which was abandoned, however, before the bed of bowlder refuse was fully penetrated. I have no doubt that the evi- dences of former excavation discovered at the fiftieth foot of our first trench, and which caused us no little perplexity at first, is thus fully accounted for. In beginning the examination of this site the first step taken was a careful examination of its topographic features with especial reference to such eccentricities of contour as might be due to the agency of man. Extensive working over of surface deposits, especially if the pitting were deep, would leave inequalities of profile which, if not obliterated or obscured by natural agencies, would be easily recognized as artificial. Such inequalities were readily found; indeed, they are so well defined in places that even the inexpert observer could not fail to detect them. It was partly on account of peculiarities of profile that excavations were undertaken at the spot selected, and the results have shown that these surface indications were not deceptive. Toward the upper end of the ravine the elevations and depressions resulting from the ancient quarry work are more pronounced. Hither the disturbances here are more recent than below or else the leveling agencies of nature have been less active. 36 STONE IMPLEMENTS [#TH. ANN. 15 THE FIRST TRENCH In selecting the position and course for a section through a series of deposits so extensive, and of which so little was known as to depth and mode and order of occurrence, there was considerable danger of missing the most instructive and vital spot. It seemed clear, however, that the section should cut the face of the slope from base to summit, and if necessary extend across the level surface of the spur and con- tinue down the opposite side. This would in all probability reyeal the true character of the art-bearing deposits; their relations to the geologic formations of the terrace, ancient and modern; the conditions of original deposition, and the effects of natural causes acting for an unknown period on distribution. After looking over the ground carefully it was decided to go well up the ravine and rather beyond the apparent middle of the heavier deposits, so that other sections could be run if found necessary, or so that other investigators following should find a large portion of the area untouched. The sequel showed that a better selection could hardly have been made, and the results are so satisfactory, so far as the main points at issue in the investigation are concerned, as to make unnecessary the cutting of other complete sections. The point selected for the beginning of the section was in the bed of the ravine, a few hundred feet from its junction with Piny branch, and where a line could be drawn from base to summit of the hill without serious embarrassment from the forest trees. This line crossed slightly to the left of the center of a gentle convexity in the profile of the lower half of the slope, thought to be due in a measure to deposits of artificial nature. After a preliminary surface exploitation of the section, made to ascertain whether or not any considerable excavation would be neces- sary, a line was stretched on the surface of the ground, and to this numbered tags were fixed at intervals of one foot, to facilitate the accu- rate recording of data. To further serve the same purpose, a section of the hillside was drawn and divided into squares. For convenience of reference, this section was divided transversely into parts of 10 feet each. It was also arranged to make cross sections at intervals of 10 feet, representing the conditions exhibited in the front wall of the exca- vation; these were to be divided into square feet for record. This plan was substantially carried out, though modifications were made to suit various exigencies of the case. Sections were made at frequent inter- vals where increased interest demanded, all being scaled in the same manner. At every available point photographs of the vertical expo- sures were taken; and in connection with them detailed drawings were made recording character of soil and formations and manner of occur- rence of relics. Before describing the excavation, the conditions existing within the immediate channel of the rivulet at the base of the section may be FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY = 0 We 0" \ SECTION SHOWING THE QUARRY FACE EXPOSED BY THE FIFTH TRENCH Bowlder bed undercut by ancient quarrymen at the right and shop-refuse deposit at the left HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES ail sketched. The channel was about 6 feet deep and 10 feet wide at this point; the section across it, including both banks, is shown in figure 4. The slopes of the terrace rise from the steep banks of this inner chan- nel at an angle of from 20 to 25 degrees through a vertical distance of 60 feet, giving a distance (measured on the slope) to the summit ot about 160 feet on either side. This notch-like ravine is the result of a long period of erosion, which possibly extends far back into early Cenozoic or even Mesozoic time. It had much its present outline, and no doubt a greater part of its present depth, before man made his appearance in the region. The area drained through this ravine is quite restricted, and, if wholly wooded, the work of erosion would be extremely slow, the refuse descending from the opposite sides so freely as to clog the channel, save at the time of great freshets. The clearing of the fields at the head of the basin has, in recent times, given some additional power to the floods, and the channel is now not only quite clear, but bears evi- (a) a. Q PIVULET. 7 Fia. 4—Section across bed of rivulet at base of quarries. dence of considerable recent deepening. The gneisses are exposed on the bottom and in the sides of the channel at the point crossed by our section, save where covered by the half-compacted art-bearing talus. The latter deposit is in places as much as 8 or 10 feet deep, and con- tains innumerable relics from the great shops along the slopes above on the right and left. An excellent illustration of the appearance of the art-bearing débris, from a photograph taken at a point about 30 feet below the initial point of the section, is given in plate ur. Partially shaped implements and broken fragments project from the bank in great numbers. The exposure here is 8 feet in depth, but the deposits do not extend far into the bank, forming only a veil over the irregular surface of the gneiss. The latter is exposed beneath the left foot of the standing figure and slopes back from the rivulet bed at a lower angle than does the bank, as shown in the section, figure 4. A general view of the ravine looking up from the beginning of the section is given in plate Iv, and will serve to convey a clear impression 38 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15 of the scenic characteristi¢s of this retired and charming spot soon to be overwhelmed by the growing city. The left hand of the standing figure rests on the spot at which the excavation in the bank began; here the art-bearing talus deposit covered the gneiss with a veneering hardly more than a foot thick; its character and contents are shownin figure 5. This is the first of the series of* crosscuts or transverse sec- tions, and represents the front wall of the excavation within a foot of the beginning of the trench. Partially shaped implements and artificial refuse, which may have come from any part of the slopes above, occur throughout the deposits at this point. Near the surface a leaf-shape blade of ordinary type was found, and at 15 inches in depth three others, more or less perfect, together with typical turtle- backs, were encountered. Surtace soll with flaked pleces. Ee ae iS) 3 ine ‘ cae bake A Melee Grave! with bow/lders and : Hlakred preces . > re ey AS gia oh roge eye Beet 5 oa Do a Sy ) Or . Ue // Gneiss. LL Fia. 5—Cross section at beginning of the first trench. The exploitation pits (plate v), intended to determine something of the probable nature and extent of the work to be undertaken, were dug along the line of proposed excavation from the starting point in the ravine to the top of the terrace. It was observed that in the lower half the profile ef the slope was convex, and that in the upper it was slightly concave. The convexity of the lower part, from the first figure leaning against the young tree to 20 feet beyond the third figure, is due to accumulations of refuse along the lower margin of the quarries, while the depression above (beyond the limit of the picture) is due to the pits left along the quarry face when the site was abandoned. Continuing the excavation beyond the point at which the first cross section (figure 5) was taken, the art-bearing deposits became quite BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY PayIOM opts aaQ—ahnys 8477 payIOM sapis GIOG—aIn}s pwosagy peyIOMat saps To*— AbD)S DLYL QUARRY-SHOP REJECTS—PROGRESSIVE SERIES, BEGINN | FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVil E \WLDER AND ENDING WITH THE THIN BLADE First stage—One side work stage—Both sides worked Second Third stage—Both sides reworked BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Xvii 2WLdeR AND ENDING WITH THE THIN BLADE HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 39 shallow. The dark mold of the surface was about 4 inches deep, and between the first and tenth foot of the section yielded numerous flaked stones and many artificial fragments and flakes; beneath this and rest- ing on the uneven surface of the gneiss was a foot or more of quite compact gravelly clay, containing a few pebbles and occasionally a small bowlder; at the base the deposit contained much mica, derived from the decaying gneiss on which it rests. In this lower gravel there were no traces of art. Up to the twentieth foot these conditions remained practically unchanged. It will be seen, however, by reference to the longitudinal section (plate v1), that the surface of the gneiss rises less rapidly than the surface of the slope, and that the talus gravels increase in thickness to 5 feet. These pass down into a layer of pink and white clay,which rests on the gneiss. Worked specimens were found as before in the top soil, and artificially broken bowlders occurred in the gravel a_ foot deep. In the lower part of the dark soil a small pocket or cluster of chips was found, and between the tenth and twen- tieth foot several chipped stones in various stages of elaboration were un- earthed. The cross section at the twen- tieth foot is shown in figure 6. Through- out the gravel occa- sional bowlders were found, some reaching 6 inches in diameter. From the twentieth to near the twentyfifth foot the conditions and the con- tents of the section showed no important change. The dark soil reached a thickness of 8 inches, and was underlain by a bed of light sandy sub- soil, not before differentiated, about a foot thick. Many partially shaped stones were found in these beds. Beneath this again were gravels and gravelly clays. At about the twentyfifth foot the conditions of the deposits were observed to change. The limit of the compact gravels and clays form- ing the base of the deposit was reached, and a mass of rather loose heterogeneous material was encountered. The edge of an ancient excavation had been reached, though this fact was not at first appre- SURFACE SOIL WITH SS ( FLANED PIECES. "| GRAVEL WITH BOWLDERS. AND FLAKED PIECES BOWLDEA GAVEL. Fic. 6—Cross section at the twentieth foot. 40 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15 ciated; for the idea of aboriginal quarrying had not yet been more than suggested, and the changes observed in the deposits were at first attributed to natural distributing agencies. In the light of facts sub- sequently observed, this body of heterogeneous material came to be recognized as part of the débris accumulated in an ancient trench, which was cut obliquely by our trench. The ancient trenching had been 4 or 5 feet deep at this point, and the side wall was quite broken and irregular, sloping at a low angle in some places and in others being vertical or even undercut. The digging had not penetrated to the gneiss surface at this point, The margin of the old trench is seen at b, plate vi. From this point (the twentyfifth foot) the work of exca- vation was carried through the quarry SURFACE SOIL mire eowLDEns refuse and little by = little many novel 2 and striking fea- | tures were brought é ; to light, until at the S a eightythird foot the upper quarry face was reached. Near the lower margin of the an- cient digging a small percentage of oO i — > a artificial material SESS NO | | eos 2 EL) was encountered, SSD | ee but before the thir- Bae tyfifth foot was reached the hetero- geneous nature of DBeD S95 9O12O0 SOS 0269022 )( Se the deposits began DCO BVODOQODO90 Bono L DGS to be apparent. It GNENSS. became clear that nearly the entire mass from the sur- face of the ground to the gneiss floor, a thickness of from 6 to 12 feet, had been worked over by the primitive quarrymen. ‘There was abun- dant evidence of the nature of the operations carried on both in secur- ing and in working up the bowlders. The cross section exposed in the front wall at the fortieth foot is given in figure7. As might be expected in the refuse heaps of such a quarry there was little regularity and slight continuity in the deposits, so that the section exposed along the left wall of our excavation seldom corresponded closely with that along the right. The running section given in plate vr is not literal, but is drawn to express in a somewhat generalized way the conditions observed. Fie. 7—Cross section at the fortieth foot. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVili BLADE LIKE REJECTS FROM THE QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE—a, b, AND c SHOWING SLIGHT SPECIALIZATION (ACTUAL SIZE) BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XIX REJECTED BLADES OF MOST ADVANCED FORM FOUND IN THE QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE (ACTUAL SIZE) BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX REJECTED BLADES OF MOST ADVANCED FORM FOUND IN THE QUARRY-SHOP REFUSE ‘ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 41 Between the fortieth and the fortyeighth foot the trench crossed, at about 3 feet from the surface, what had been a pit or transverse trench with sloping sides, between 2 and 3 feet deep. This had been filled with material previously worked over and containing much shop refuse. The character and relations of the deposits are well shown in the sections and photographs presented herewith. The upper figure in plate vir represents a detailed study of the con- tents of the ancient pit as seen in the left wall of the excavation. Of this interesting exposure it was impracticable to obtain photographs, since the cutting was too narrow to permit the use of the camera; but the drawing was carefully made, and being supplemented by photo- graphs of the face of the cutting at the fortieth and also at the forty- fourth foot, serves to assist in giving a satisfactory idea of the leading characteristics of the deposits. The bottom of the depression had been somewhat uneven when the filling-in began. The material, most of which consisted of fractured or partially flaked bowlders, had accu- mulated rapidly, and for a depth of 3 or 4 feet contained only a very small percentage of sand, clay, and gravel. Scattered over the bot- tom and sides was a layer of light, coarse sand which had descended from above and partially filled in the spaces between the bowlders and fragments; and throughout the mass, where the interspaces were filled at all, it was chiefly by coarse sand, small pebbles, and the flakes from the manufacture of implements. A very decided bedding of these coarse materials was apparent, its curves following and repeating those of the bottom of the depression, but diminishing toward the surface. In the stratum of finer material overlying the coarser contents of the pit and in the dark loam of the surface there was also a slight sagging and thickening, indicating that the obliteration of the pit had been but recently accomplished. It was observed that the distribution of the filling materials was unequal, the coarser gravel and larger bowlders being lodged at the left in the section, which was the lower side of the ancient pit (a, plate VII). This was to be expected, for the source of supply of filling débris was from above, and as the tool maker worked over the material upon the slope the heavier pieces rolled down until stopped by irregularities of the surface. It was also noticed that the percentage of flakes and fail- ures was greatest at the left side of the depression from the fortyfirst to the fortysixth foot, where the flakers, if would appear, must have occupied the pit margins. 3 That the work was done on this spot, and that little subsequent dis- tribution has taken place, is clearly seen, as the failures and broken tools often lie together with the flakes struck from them. It is safe to conclude also that the accumulation was rapid. The accumulation of the finer and more compact bed overlying the contents of the pit was probably slower and was no doubt due partially to natural slope agen- cies, thoughit contains a large percentage of worked material; the darker 42 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15 soil of the surface was filled with shop refuse, most of which has not been far removed from the spot of manufacture. The cross sections are too limited in extent to show clearly the bedding of the accumulations, but they serve to illustrate the nature of the contents of the pits. The conditions at the fortyfourth foot are given in (b) plate vir. By earrying the excavation to the right and left the outlines of the old depressions were found to be irregular and extended so far that I did not undertake to define them fully. It appeared, however, that our section had cut the deepest part of this particular depression. A pho- tograph covering the rectangular space outlined by a dotted line in the section is reproduced in plate vu. I am fortunate in being able to present such an illustration of the composition of the refuse at this point, as it affords evidence that can not be gainsaid, and the student may study the nature, conditions, and relations of the component parts with ease. The picture covers a space about 2 feet wide by 3 high, the top being 24 feet below the surface of the ground and the bottom within a few inches of the deepest part of the ancient excavation. The unusual number of large bowlders is a notable feature, but it will be found that the broken and worked ones far outnumber the unbroken, and that several partially shaped tools are in sight, occupying positions no doubt very much the same as when dropped by the workman. A turtleback appears near the base beneath the large split bowlder; others are seen to the left and a little higher, while numbers are seen to be dropping out of the loose, open mass of refuse near the middle of the picture. The section abounds throughout with artificial material. After passing the fiftieth foot the deposits exhibited the usual phe- nomena, and no features of exceptional interest were encountered until the seventieth foot was reached. The bottom of the old pits continued at about the same level, so that the artificial deposits became gradually deeper as we advanced. Occasionally small masses of the Potomac gravel (small bowlders and pebbles held together by an indurated sand matrix) were encountered, indicating the proximity of the ancient quarry face. The pitting had been carried down almost to the gneiss floor, which was here nearly level, being covered with a bed of sharp yellow sand from an inch to a foot thick. It was afterward ascer- tained that this layer of sand formed a part of the original Potomae deposits and separated the gneisses from the beds of bowlders above, as shown in the section. The artificial deposits, about 7 feet deep at the sixtieth foot, deepened to 10 or 11 feet at the quarry face 20 feet farther on. 2 Between the fiftieth foot and the sixtieth the refuse was distributed in alternating beds of gravelly earth and shop deposits, as shown in the general section. These beds constituted the refuse derived from extensive operations along the quarry face. After passing the seven- tieth foot the layers of refuse were inclined toward the quarry face, as indicated in the section. (3ZIS IWNLOV) SdOHS AYYVND 3H1 NI SOVW SWHO4 GSLVYHOSV1S ATHDIH LSOW 3H1 ONILNSSSHd3y S30V1a NaNous XX “Td LHOd3Y IVWONNY HLN3314I4 ADSOIONHL]S JO NvayuNe HOLMES) THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 43 The quarry face (plate x1IT) was encountered at about the eightieth foot, but sloped back in steps to the ninetieth foot and beyond. It showed a stratum, 10 feet or more in thickness, consisting largely of medium size quartzite bowlders embedded in a matrix of nearly pure sand, so indurated that the bowlders were extremely difficult to remove, and considerable masses of the conglomerate could be knocked down and removed without breaking up. The face was extremely irregular, indicating that when deserted the ancient quarrymen had penetrated to greatly varying depths; they had descended to the gneiss surface in excavations from 10 to 12 feet deep, had removed the bowlders by direct attack from above, froin the front, and by undermining, and had selected and thrown out those best suited to the purpose of the flaker. Few of those left in the pits and dump had been more than tested by the removal of a flake or two. The work of shaping was in the main carried on about the margins of the pits out of the way of the quarry- man. The earth, gravel, and undesirable bowlders were thrown back against the lower side of the pits, lodging in irregular beds sloping into the pits, as shown in the section. Between the seventythird foot and the seventyeighth our trench passed through large pockets or masses of shop refuse. The largest body, consisting of tons of chips, failures, and broken bowlders, was confined to a space extending from3 to 7 feet from the surface; smaller pockets of the same character were found as deep as 9 feet. The exposure in the sides and front of our trench showed these deposits clearly, and illustrations are selected from the fine series of photo- graphs taken. Plate 1x represents nearly the full height of the front of our trench at the seventyseventh foot, and plates x and Xz illustrate the composition of the refase in detail, showing a preponderance of rather large bowlders, most of which have been partially worked or broken to test the material. The portion shown in plate xt belongs lower in the section, extending down from the seventh nearly to the ninth foot in depth. Several shaped pieces are in sight. In plate XII we have a fine illustration of the clusters of shop refuse at about the eightieth foot. The clinging wet earth obscures many of the fine flakes, but enough is seen to indicate the very great amount of work done on this spot. The mass was made up of unshaped refuse and of shaped specimens, illustrating the whole range of quarry-shop work from the first flake to the rude thin blade; the latter, it was gradually learned, being the almost exclusive product of the flaking operations. A sec- tion showing the quarry pit and the face of Potomac bowlders is pre- sented in plate xm. This terraced face, receding in irregular steps, _appears to have undergone little change since it was deserted by the prehistoric quarrymen. The bowlders are compactly bedded and retain their places with great tenacity. The deepest work of which evidence was discovered was about 11 feet beneath the present surface. It is probable that when deserted the pit at the quarry face was much deeper, as considerable degra- 44 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eTH. ANN. 15 dation of the slope must have taken place since the desertion of the quarries. In another trench farther up the ravine the quarry face was exposed to a depth of from 12 to 15 feet. Plate cur and the frontispiece, deseribed in the supplement, serve to illustrate the probable conditions under which the work was carried on by the savage quarrymen. The miner with a strong wooden pike is seen dislodging bowlders from the bed; a second workman is breaking up a large mass of quartzite, and the flaker engaged in roughing- out the blades is seated near at hand. The life-size group from which these views were taken was prepared under the writer’s direction for the World’s Fair, in Chicago. The figures were modeled by U.S. J. Dunbar, sculptor, and were costumed after drawings published in the works of Hariot and John Smith, the assumption being that this work on Piny branch was done by the Algonquian tribes known to the colo- nists of Jamestown and Roanoke. However this may be, the work of procuring and working the bowlders is, I am convinced, correctly indicated by this group. The quarry was about 60 feet wide where crossed by our trench, and was 3 or 4 feet deep at the lower margin and 11 feet deep at the quarry face. The bowlders, forming a large part of the mass worked over, had nearly all been tested for flakability by the removal of a flake or two, or had been more or less fully worked. All of the material removed from the trench was carefully assorted and studied by us, and the important results reached through its consideration will be given further on. If we allow that the ancient operations were somewhat uniform in extent along the terrace face, say for a distance of 500 feet, the mate- rial worked over on this side of the ravine would amount to 100,000 cubie feet or more, and the number of bowlders secured and worked or partly shaped would reach millions. THE TREE PIT Lateral excavations from the first trench were made wherever the appearance of the refuse encouraged it, but the deposits did not vary in anyimportant respect. About 10 feet north of this trench, opposite the sixtieth foot, stands a chestnut tree some 3 feet in diameter and rather massive at the base. For the purpose of determining the relation’ of this tree to the artificial deposits, an excavation was made uncover- ing nearly one-half of the roots to the depth of about 7 feet. The main root penetrated the refuse and passed through the undisturbed gravel and into the decayed gneiss beneath. The roots had made their way through the deposit of compact quartzite fragments, inclosing many of them almost completely (plate XIV) and assuming irregular distorted forms imposed by the angular stones. As a matter of course, the tree postdates the quarry period, as do other trees much older. In one of the ravines near Fourteenth street a white oak, at least 200 years old, grows in the Same manner in a mass of shop retuse. 1 Reap eds yotey / eee “ew PL. XXII FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FRAGMENTS OF BLADES REPRESENTING THE MOST HIGHLY ELABORATED FORMS MADE IN THE QUARRY SHOPS FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XxXill BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY (ACTUAL SIZE) RELATION OF THE FLAKED BLADE TO THE PARENT BOWLDER FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY N OF PLATE XXIIl AND THE FLAKES MADE IN SHAPING THEM, (ACTUAL SIZE) TOGETHER WITH THE LOWER SPECIME WERE FOUND IN A SINGLE CLUSTER TWO SPECIMENS OF FLAKED STONE THAT, HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 45 The refuse about the roots of the chestnut tree contained more than the usual percentage of partially shaped tools, and several bushels of these, showing rude leaf-shape outlines, were collected. A photograph made shortly after beginning the excavation shows the inclosure of worked stones in the base of the tree and their prevalence in the mass of refuse (plate XIv). THE SECOND TRENCH A second trench carried across the old quarry in the spring of 1890 failed to furnish features of especial interest and added little to the fund of information acquired from the trench made the previous year. It was not expected, however, that this second excavation would expose exten- sive deposits of refuse or well-marked quarrying. The site was chosen in a depression, or incipient gulch in the slope, where no marks of dis- turbance could be detected, whereas the first trench was carried across a convexity in the face of the hill, which convexity bore every indica- tion of being the result of artificial disturbance and accumulation. Havy- ing determined that surface appearances in the first case really indicated the conditions beneath the surface, the second trench was made where no indications of artificial disturbance could be noted. This trench was 100 feet north of the first. No well-defined shop sites were discovered, and evidences of ancient quarrying were quite meager. Artificial refuse was evenly distributed throughout the overplaced gravels to a depth of about 5 feet. These conditions would seem to indicate that the shal- low depression in which the trench was dug had been filled from shops and quarries at the right and left, or perhaps from random working at higher points on the slope. Excavation was begun in the rivulet bank, here about 6 feet high. The immediate bank was found to consist of a mass of refuse, well filled with broken bowlders and rejects and chips which exhibited a sort of rude bedding as if rearranged by the action of the rivulet or as if deposited on its successive though very narrow flood plains. Our trenching soon passed through these deposits. The gneiss which formed the bed of the stream rose rapidly beneath the loose mass forming the bank, and at 10 feet from the stream approached within 3 feet of the surface. From the tenth to the thirtieth foot the gneissic surface followed the slope of the hill at a pretty uniform depth of 3 feet; beyond this it passed horizontally beneath deposits of Potomac bowlders. Overplaced gravels from the tenth foot to the end of our trench contained but few artificial objects, and these did not occur at a greater depth than about 5 feet. These gravels for the most part were made up of a heterogeneous mixture of clay, sand, and pebbles, with occasional bowlders. Near the bottom they consisted principally of material derived directly from the disintegrating surface of the Potomac bowlder beds. THE THIRD TRENCH The site for a third trench was chosen with the view of secur- ing evidence on two questions of especial interest. The first was the 46 STONE IMPLEMENTS [erH. ANN. 15 question of the relation of the ancient quarrying to the present bed of the rivulet; the second related to the significance of a series of depres- sions observed along the upper part of the slope a little above the quarry level (as determined at other points) and immediately below the upper margin of the terrace slope. The place selected was about 200 feet farther up the gulch than the second trench, and where the length of the slope was only 80 feet and the height about 40 feet. At this point the Potomac bowlder bed outcrops at or but little above the level of the stream bed, and it was thought that evidence of ancient excavation might be found so near the present bottom of the gulch as to indicate the comparative recentness of the work. Observations on this point are given in detail further on. As to the other question, it was surmised that the depressions along the upper part of the slope marked the sites of ancient pits, and inves- tigation showed that this surmise was not far wrong. The depressions are in all cases a little higher up than the old pits and above the bowlder bed level, and are apparently the result of miniature land- slides, by means of which the original quarry pits were filled up. The phenomena disclosed in this trench are quite interesting and may be given in some detail. Entering the bank on the level of the stream bed, we followed the surface of the gneiss for a number of feet. Within the first 10 feet patches of undisturbed Potomac bowlder gravel remained on the gneiss surface. At about the twentieth foot the bowlder bed began to thicken, and its upper surface rose with the slope of the talus. The bank of the rivulet was between 4 and 5 feet in height, and was composed of loose heterogeneous refuse, which, as the excavation advanced, was found to be rudely bedded with the slope as indicated in the section (plate xv). The loose refuse was from 5 to 7 feet deep, and rested on the gneiss or the uneven surface of the bowl- der bed. Broken cobbles, rude rejects, broken embryo implements, and chips were pretty evenly distributed throughout the mass. At the twentyseventh foot the floor of the quarry made an abrupt descent of 3 or 4 feet. In advancing beyond the twentyseventh foot the bottom of the ancient quarry rose but slightly, and at the fortieth foot it was 10 feet beneath the surface. The deeper parts were filled with loose material— clay, gravel, and bowlders—intermingled with which were a number of fragments including chips and broken, wnfinished tools, but there was not here or in the vicinity any very decided evidence of chipping on the spot. The lowest point of this ancient pit was only 2 feet above the present bed of the gulch at the nearest point. Between the thirtieth and the fortieth foot no features of particular interest were encountered. As shown in the longitudinal section, a number of pockets of shop refuse occurred between the twentyeighth foot and the thirtyfifth. These inay have been shop sites, but had more the character of refuse descended from above into depressions or AXX "Td 1HOd34 IWANNY HLINSS14I4 ASOTONHLS 40 NW3HNE HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 47 pits. The mass of material about these pockets and beyond, up to the fortyfifth foot, was comparatively barren of artificial refuse. The mid- dle parts of the mass of filled-in material, as indicated in the section, is quite homogeneous, as if never worked over by man, and must have descended into the quarry pit en masse as a miniature landslide from above. It consists of loose, crumbling, sandy clay of reddish color—a characteristic of the higher-level beds—containing some gravel and occasional bowlders. Rather high up in the sides of the trench could be seen indications of old overplaced débris containing shop refuse and coarse materials, all of grayish color. Near the surface the over- placed gravel was again reddish and | barren of art. In approaching the fiftieth foot, pockets of shop ref- use began to ap- pear, and at from + to 6 feet deep and beyond the fifty- sixth foot charac- teristic quarry- shop phenomena were encountered. Beds of clay and refuse of varying colors were seen dippinginto the hill as the quarry face was approached. Nature distributes her materials with the slope, but art reverses this; as [207% 72.) Go LIS Sue y SER arama een Pee oe oe: © cere“ OO. theearthis thrown [F2w- SS EO RTS out of a quarry pit it forms layers con- F16: 8—Section of bowlder beds exposed in quarry face 13 feet in height. forming roughly to the slope into the pit. The section exposed in this trench is given in plate xy. At the fiftyseventh foot a descent of 2 feet was made into a deeper portion of the ancient quarry as shown in the section. At the sixtieth foot the bottom of the old quarry was 13 feet beneath the present sur- face, and at about the sixtythird foot the quarry face was encountered. When this was uncovered to the full width of our trench, the section shown in figure 8 was disclosed. Beginning at the top there were about 5 feet of overplaced slope material, dark above from the presence of vegetal mold and composed of sandy clay below; beneath this were 48 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15 the Potomac beds in place, comprising, first, about 3 feet of coarse loose-bedded sands of varied kinds, then alternating layers of sand, gravel, and bowlders, and at the base a compact layer of bowlders. The ancient workmen had penetrated this latter bed at this point only to the depth of a foot or two. On the bottom and against the quarry face were a few chips and chipped bowlders, but the mass of material filling up the ancient excavation was barren of art and consisted of a mixture of clay with sand and gravel, derived from the margins of the ancient pit chiefly by sliding from the overhanging front wall. This wall or quarry face as uncovered by us was only 12 or 15 feet high, but when the ancient miners deserted the spot it must have been very much higher, probably 20 feet if the period was recent and perhaps more if the time was remote. As already stated, the configuration of the slope showed that a slide had taken place, leaving a hollow just under the crest of the slope and giving a rounded mass on the site of the ancient digging. Beneath the highest part of this mass our trench disclosed the deepest point reached by the aborigines. The filling up by sliding en masse was thus shown by the surface configuration of the site as well as by the character of the filling material. It appears that the bottom or floor of the ancient quarry was quite uneven, but its fuli conformation could not be made out from the dis- closures of a trench 3 feet wide. In examining the sides of our trench in the vicinity of the ancient quarry face I discovered that our left wall had for several feet coincided lere and there with the steep side wall of the ancient excavation. The digging of this trench amply repaid the labor expended, as answers were obtained to a number of the questions presenting them- selves. It was found, first, that the ancient quarrying was carried on at a level only 2 or 3 feet above the present bed of the rivulet, and second, that the trenches had been filled by sliding masses in such manner as to produce inequalities of the surface not yet effaced. In addition, the conclusions reached by a study of the other trenches were confirmed: 1, that there were well-defined quarries with quarry faces of considerable vertical extent in the Potomac bowlder deposits; 2, that little shaping was done in the deeper pits save that required in testing the quality of the stone; 3, that the only work in the shops about the excavations consisted in the roughing-out of leaf-shape blades; 4, that the ancient diggings were extremely irregular, much labor having been expended in exploitation and in reaching the heavier deposits of workable bowlders; and, 5, that undermining was by no means the exclusive method of reaching and securing the bowlders. Study of this trench afforded a remarkable instance of the confusion possible in the association of works of art with gravel bluffs where workable stone was sought. Had the cutting for a roadway or other modern improvement been made along the side of this gorge the exposures in the walls would have shown “implements” embedded Cu PL. XxVI FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT ETHNOLOGY BUREAU OF SITE OF THE DUMBARTON QUARRY, SHOWING REFUSE-COVERED SLOPES DESCENDING FROM THE QUARRIES ALONG THE MARGIN OF THE CREST HOLMES] THE PINY BRANCH QUARRIES 49 under unaltered gravels at a depth of 13 feet (a, figure 8), and it is thus seen that in such a cutting the detection of the true conditions might be next to impossible without careful and extensive excavation. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH TRENCHES A number of trenches were opened about the southwestern point of the promontory as indicated on the map. It was expected that these would throw light on various peculiar features of the topography, and also add to the information regarding quarrying and manufacture. The results are all that could be desired. The fourth trench was opened on the rounded point of the promon- tory 300 feet south of the first trench, while the fifth was made a little farther around toward the east. The phenomena observed in these trenches were so nearly identical that L shall omit detailed mention save of the latter and more interesting. The fifth trench furnished much of the evidence necessary to com- plete the story of the ancient quarries. The general conditions were uniform with those revealed in the first trench. At the thirtyfifth foot a pocket of shop refuse of unusual interest was encountered. As exposed by the trench (plate xv1) it was 4 or 5 feet in horizontal extent and perhaps 5 feet deep, and its upper surface was 2 or 3 feet beneath the surface of the ground. No part of the quarries, 30 feet across (measured on the slope) and from 6 to 9 feet deep, was entirely free from flakes and flaked stones, but the work of shaping had been carried on most extensively on this one spot. From the deposit upward of 40 blades, broken near the finishing stage, were recovered, though the search made was by no means exhaustive; fully one-fourth of the shaped pieces remained in the excavated débris. This pocket of refuse was not essentially different in any of its features from those encoun- tered in the first trench, but it had somewhat more the appearance of a trimming or finishing shop than any yet seen. There were few large or rude pieces and the flakes averaged small; still no traces were found of specialized shapes, or even of well-trimmed edges or points. The highest form made was a roughed-out blade such as a majority of those found in caches. The most interesting feature of this trench was its quarry face, which was encountered at about the fortieth foot. It was discovered that extensive undercutting had been done by the ancient quarrymen, and, as we advanced, the overhanging face was found to extend forward several feet, as shown in plate xvi. The phenomena of this quarry face are instructive in one important direction. They reveal, with more than usual clearness, a favorite method of the ancient quarrymen. The massive bowlder bed all around this promontory had been depos- ited on the gneiss. Entering the face of the bluff on the surface of this rock, rendered friable by decay, the overplaced stratum of com- pacted bowlders and sand was undermined, so that the quarrying of 15 ETH 4 50 STONE IMPLEMENTS [BDH ANN. 15 the bowlders became a comparatively easy matter. They were easily loosened and fell into the hand of the workman from the matrix of com- pacted sand, as clean and fresh in color as when deposited by the sea in Mesozoic times. By thus working on the gneiss surface, antler picks or wooden stakes sharpened by fire would serve to perform the work of undermining and knocking down, whereas our men found it a diffi- cult task to penetrate the closely compacted conglomerate from its upper surface or from the front, even with the aid of steel picks. THE SIXTH TRENCH The examination of the third trench made it clear that in certain cases the ancient pits had been filled, or partially filled, by the sliding of sand and gravel from the quarry wall and from the bluff above. This fact led to the opinion that some of the unique features of conformation observed about the outer point of the terrace were, in a measure at least, due to slides brought about by quarrying operations. To one familiar with the ancient quarrying in this locality, the concavity on the horizon of the bowlder outcrop and the convexity of profile just below, as seen in the sections, would at once be attributed to human agency. In this case, however, the deformation is on such a scale that natural agencies could alone have accomplished the result. On the southwestern angle of the spur, and at a level about 60 feet below the crest, there is a roundish hump or shoulder 100 feet or more across and rising perhaps 15 feet above what would seem to be a normal profile. This ocenrs just beneath the level of the bowlder outcrop, and thus has the appearance of a great dump heap to the quarries. The character of the rocks forming the bluff is such that they dis- integrate very gradually, and with ordinary activity of the erosive forces a slope of sufficient declivity to invite landslides would not occur. The question arose as to whether extensive quarrying on the face of the bowlder bed and the consequent undermining of the super- posed beds of gravels and sands, here some 40 feet in thickness, might have brought about the sliding of a mass from above sufficient to produce the hump observed. The only possible means of arriving at a satisfac- tory solution of the question was by trenching. w My " 7 i a yy Bi t ! Af ’ ad OI A * Pi = ee ' . i ‘ ‘ A a i? ”% i, ’ Ll ot t 7 iy te oy + 1 : ' ia § 1 \ ' : if ' 4 F Wy } { 4 ae Ty OF ; af : " 2 5 r ny Sringe ; " 4 a ¥ v fe es : : ri * 2 ‘ , a hi PY ra , F rt . ' FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY QUARTZ ARROWPOINTS OF ECCENTRIC SHAPES, OBTAINED MAINLY FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES] THE DUMBARTON HEIGHTS QUARRY 65 particular interest was encountered. The mass, to a depth gradually increasing to 8 feet as we advanced, consisted of earth and gravel, intermingled with shop refuse. This rested on the uneven floor of the old quarry, composed of the undisturbed, firmly compacted bowlder- bearing gravels. The ancient workmen rarely penetrated, save on the outer margins of the quarry, to the gneiss bed. At the fortyfifth foot a pocket of refuse, containing broken bowlders, failures, broken blades, and flakes, in considerable quantities, was exposed. This was at a depth of about 5 feet. The conditions were identical with those of the Piny branch sites as the quarry wall was approached. The characteristics of the exposures in the trenches may be summed up in a few words. The quarry débris consists of a hetero- geueous mass of sandy clays, sand, gravel, bowlders of quartz and quartzite, and shop refuse, all well compacted and difficult to penetrate and remove with pick and shovel. The shop refuse includes broken bowlders up to a foot in greatest dimension, rejects representing all varieties of failures, unfinished tools broken at various stages of development, and numberless flakes. These are generally distributed throughout the mass of quarry debris, but at intervals clusters or pockets were encountered, where considerable shaping had been done at a single sitting or on a particular spot. The quarry face was reached at a distance of about 55 feet from the beginning point of the trenching. It was, at the point reached, quite abrupt, being nearly vertical for about 5 feet. The full depth was about 7$ feet. At other points, exposed in various lateral trenches, the old quarry face was found to be very poorly defined. It would appear that the ancient quarrymen did not work with any considerable regularity or system. Numerous excavations had been carried into the sloping face of the hill, and had been abandoned ear the crest. The series of terminations constitute an irregularly scalloped and variously inclined quarry face. A detailed description of the numerous short trenches, opened at various points along the margin of the promon- tory crest, need not be given. The conditions are uniform, and at no | point was the ancient work so extensive as where the first two trenches were dug. In one of the side trenches a good deal of chareoal was found, and at the depth of about 6 feet a charred log more than 10 feet long and in places a foot in diameter was encountered. It rested on or near the bottoin of the ancient excavation, and consisted of a shell of echareoal, the interior uncharred portion having been entirely replaced by sand, which had found its way through the crevices. There is no reason to suppose that it was used by the ancient quarrymen in their work, or that it was anything more than a log which, having fallen into the deserted pit, was burned by forest fires. Charred wood and small masses of charcoal were found, but man’s agency was not necessarily involved in their production. 15 ETH i) 66 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH, ANN. 15 The nature of the quarrying, the processes of implement shaping, and the quarry product correspond closely with those of the Piny branch site, and a description would but repeat what has been already said in the previous section. OTHER ROCK CREEK SITES North of the Dumbarton heights quarries the bowlder beds oceur near or on the summits of the hills, and traces of ancient manufacture are occasionally seen. On a high point less than a quarter of a mile west of the crossing of Connecticut avenue and Pierce mill road, much shop refuse is found. This is within a few hundred yards of the Rose hill soapstone quarry, and represents the extreme limit of the Poto- mac bowlder deposits in this direction. The new Naval Observatory on the ridge south of the quarry just described is built on an ancient quarry site. Quarrying, apparently on a limited scale, was carried on in the banks of the ravine now occupied by the power house, as the excavations for foundations and drainage exposed quantities of the chipped bowlders. The blutts of Rock creek within the suburbs of the city are lined with sites on which the ancient bowlder worker established his shops. The work was everywhere the same, save that as a rule quarrying was not carried on to such an extent as to leave traces of the pitting. On both sides of the creek at the crossing of Massachusetts avenue the refuse of bowlder flaking is strewn over the slopes from base to summit of the bluffs. The cutting of U street at a point overlooking the Massachu- setts avenue bridge on the east has exposed an excellent section of the base of the Potomac bowlder beds. A portion of the exposure is shown in plate xxvil. Beneath the bowlders is the crumbling surface of the micaceous gneiss. Considerable flaking was done on the surface at this point, and clusters of flakes and failures occur on the slope back of the seated figure. Beyond is the valley of Rock creek and the heights on the west. In the Zoological park, a little farther up the valley and connecting around the faces of the Mount Pleasant blufts to the Piny branch site, are numerous spots on which considerable work was done. It may be added that on the level upper surfaces of the plateau occupied by Mount Pleasant and by neighboring suburbs there are traces of aboriginal occupation, consisting chiefly of finished, often broken flaked implements of ordinary varieties, and rarely of pecked and polished tools. SHOP SITES OF THE MIDDLE POTOMAC VALLEY FALLS SECTION OF THE POTOMAC A study of the manufacture of stone implements in the Potomac region would properly include an examination of the thousands of ae un us 10 DULIMO] OU} Ul $0}1s-OBe]}IA Woy OU 'y puE 'D Yf'9 ‘syoofes doys-Auenb 91 SLNSWA1dWI SLITOAHY SDNIdVHS NI Sd3LS SAISSAYDOUd ONILWHLSNTI SWNYO4 G3193713S ADOTONHL3 JO NvaHNe HX “Id LHOd34 TWANNW HLN331315 HOLMES} THE LITTLE FALLS SHOP SITE 67 sites up and down the river and in the affluent valleys on the east and west, but there is a great degree of sameness in the materials employed and in the work done. While a few typical localities thoroughly stud- ied illustrate the whole subject, the presentation will not be complete without a brief sketch of the whole field. Investigations in the ancient bowlder quarries of the Rock creek valley were concluded in June, 1890, and attention was at once turned to the study of related phenomena in the surrounding region. That portion of the Potomac between the head of tidewater and Great falls—about 10 miles of the most interesting and picturesque part of its course—possesses very considerable archeologic interest. The nat- ural phenomena are quite distinct from those of Rock creek, and as a consequence there is a distinet class of archeological phenomena. The falls portion of the Potomac was evidently a great fishing resort for the, aborigines, where at one time or another every available site was occupied for more or less permanent G@welling. The section was rich in the materials most utilized in native art. All kinds of rocks were found; there were bowlders of quartz, quartzite, and slate; fragments of these and other rocks; veins of quartz suitable for use in arrow mak- ing; rounded masses of traps and metamorphosed slates, the favorite materials for making grooved axes and celts; soapstone in extensive beds; clay, and occasional bits of rare stones brought down from the distant mountains. The deposits of bowlders were not of a nature to encourage extensive quarrying as on Rock creek, but the varied resources were fully and constantly drawn on by the dwellers by the river. In cases the villages were distributed over beds of river drift which furnished nearly every variety of stone and in many forms; and the art products of such a site, as picked up by the archeologist, are varied in the extreme. There were considerable deposits of bowlders on the northern terraces from Georgetown to above Cabin John bridge, and quartz was everywhere. The most notable sites of the fishing villages are in the vicinity of Little falls. Some are on the terraced bluffs overlooking the river on both sides, while others are on the floodplain, only a few feet above high tide or above the ordinary river current, being swept freely by every spring freshet. On the left bank of the river, almost at the foot of Little falls and about a quarter of a mile below the bridge, is a site that may receive par- ticular attention. The floodplain is here several hundred feet in width, extending from the river, at the point where tide and cascade meet, back to the canal. This floodplain has been carved by the river out of the gneiss rocks, the scarred surface of which retains enough soil to encour- age vegetation; the young growth develops during the summer, to be torn up by the freshet of the following spring. A portion of this plain, over against the canal and just above the antiquated Eades mill, half amile below the bridge, was so free from invasion by the waters and had 68 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15 accumulated so much soil that a small patch has been plowed and planted during recent years. In the spring of 1880 the great flood swept the site, tearing out pits and trenches and denuding the field of its soil. This spot was soon after this event visited by collectors who obtained numerous spearheads and arrowpoints, with some other well- fashioned relics. In the spring of 1890 I visited the site and found many objects of art and obseryed some interesting facts. Mainly the objects found were rude, representing that part of the art products not desired by collectors of specimens, but such as are essential, along with the more finished things, to the story of the occupancy of the site and the pursuit thereon of native arts and industries. The river had in former years deposited on the corrugated surface of the plain numbers of worn and partially worn stones of every variety. - At one point was a bed of well-rounded bowlders containing many flakable pieces. Living on this site, surrounded by banks of gravel and heavy beds of bowlders, the savageartisan did not need to quarry the material from which to flake his projectile points and his knives. He gathered them at his lodge door, and with deft hand carried them through all the stages of manipula- tion from the first flake to the finished implement. Quartz and quartz- ite were freely used, and the soil is filled with the refuse of manufac- ture. The rejects are identical in every essential respect, so far as the rude stages are concerned, with those of the Piny branch quarries. But here at home the work was carried further; here the various forms were specialized, the points were affixed to the arrowshafts and spears, and here, within the limits of the village at which they were made, they were used and lost. Knives and scrapers and perforators and drills were made and used, and were lost or broken and left with the other village refuse. On this site were found the fine-grain tough stones utilized for axes and chisels. They were selected by the primitive artisans from the heaps of drift, in shapes resembling the art form desired. They were broken and flaked, if need be, into approximate shape, and were then battered or pecked into final form and ground and polished aceord- ing to custom or need. Specimens were collected illustrating every step from the beginning to the end of the process. Along with the other forms, several picks and chisels of the variety used in cutting soap- stone were discovered. Their presence is explained by the fact that near at hand occur outcrops of soapstone, and an ancient quarry has been observed near the Virginia end of the bridge and within a stone’s throw of Little falls. Hammerstones, whetstones, pestles, mortars, as well asfragments of ordinary Potomac pottery and pieces of soapstone ornaments and vessels, were found. It would seem that every form of relic known in the Potomac region, from the rudest turtleback to the most finished tool of polished stone, oceurs on this site—a site, it should be remarked, so modern inits period of occupancy that it is still swept by the annual freshets. Numerous illustrations of articles from this site will appear in subsequent sections of this paper. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY UNSPECIALIZED RHYOLITE BLADES, MAINLY FROM ANACOSTIA VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE) N NNUAL REPORT PL. XLV BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL Pp SPECIALIZED RHYOLITE BLADES, PROBABLY LARGELY KNIVES AND SPEARPOINTS, MAINLY FROM ANACOSTIA VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES] DOWLING FARM QUARRY-SHOP 69 An important village-site occurs on the high terrace overlooking the northern end of the bridge, formerly occupied by Freeman’s green- houses, now the property of the Baltimore and Ohio railway company, and another site yielding great numbers of relics is situated on the Donaldson place, high above the river on the southern side. In June, 1890, my attention was ealled to a series of chipped stones obtained from the farm of Thomas Dowling, about a mile above Cabin John bridge and 8 miles from Washington. The collection was made by Thomas Dowling, junior, and included many of the rude forms common on the quarry-shop sites already examined, as well as a number of well- finished implements. During a visit to the locality it became apparent that this was an ordinary shop site, which bore also considerable evi- dence of having been occupied for dwelling. The site is a hundred yards beyond the Dowling gate, on a terrace, the summit of which is about 20 feet above the Conduit road and 160 feet above the Potomac. Back of the terrace, which is but a few acres in extent, the hills rise gradually to their full height of some 350 feet above the river, The surface of the terrace is Somewhat uneven, and is covered with recks of varying sizes, including many bowlders and masses of quartzite with irregu- larly shaped remnants of other varieties of stone. Much of this mate- rial was utilized by the aborigines. It is tobe noted that the available material supplied by this site does not correspond closely to that of the great quarry sites of Rock creek. The hills above furnish but few work- able bowlders until we go far back from the river. During the early Pleistocene Columbia period these lower terraces were subject to river overflow and thus received accessions of bowlders and fragments of rock from the up-river country, but this material is inferior, both in quantity and in quality, to that of the Potomac formation. It does not appear that extensive quarrying was carried on in this locality, as the deposits would not warrant it. ANACOSTIA VALLEY The estuary of Anacostia river varies from one-quarter to three- quarters of a mile in width in its lower course, but just above Ben- nings bridge it becomes quite narrow. It is bordered for the most part by low alluvial terraces which rise from the water to the base of the slopes of the plateau, here reaching nearly 300 feet in maximum height. In places low bluffs composed of Columbia gravels approach the river banks, and in the angle between the Anacostia and the Potomac the Columbia formation oeceurs in terraces varying from a few feet to nearly 100 feet in altitude; on these in the main the city of Washington is built. The only members of the Columbia formation of particular interest in this study are the bowlder-bearing gravels. These are extensively exposed in places, and in the vicinity of the navy-yard reach a thick- ness of 2U feet or more, though the bowlders are not generally suited to the use of the implement maker. They are often of quartzite and r (0 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH, ANN. 15 of a suitable size for flaking, but the material is not sufficiently glassy, and they are so scattered throughout the great mass of gravel that quarrying was not encouraged. Workable bowlders were weathered out in considerable numbers, however, and these were used by the aborigines. Quartz bowlders and pebbles were also found in plenty, and in some localities were sufficiently abundant to lead to extensive manufacture. Such a locality occurs on the left bank of the river near the Pennsylvania railway bridge. Here the terrace gravels are filled with workable pebbles, and many rejects and also many finished points are found on the sites, which were dwelling places as well as implement factories. The turtlebacks are often very minute, being in many cases less than an inch in length. Although the inhabitants of the tidewater section of Anacostia river were thus well supplied near at hand with the ordinary varieties of stones, they probably found it advantageous to visit the hills higher up when an unusual supply was ealled for. The Potomac bowlder beds, which furnish the best materials in the region, outcrop around the slopes of the hills bordering the north- western branch of the Anacostia, 10 miles up. In the vicinity of Riggs mill, 54 miles above Hyattsville and a mile northwest of the Maryland Agricultural College, the manufacture of quartzite tools was carried on quite extensively. It has not been ascertained definitely that quarrying was resorted to, but there is a strong probability that such was the case. The bowlder beds are very heavy at this point, and agriculture is much impeded by the millions of rounded stones that come to the surface in the fields. A small percentage of quartz pebbles are intermingled with those of quartzite. The heaviest de- posits of bowlders occur in the middle slopes about the mill, and the refuse of manufacture is found everywhere. The conditions are much the same as on the Rock creek sites. Here, however, all stages of the shaping process are represented, from the tested bowlder with one or two flakes removed to the finished arrowpoint and spearhead. Many pieces have one side worked, others have both sides rough flaked, and a very large number are reduced almost to the typical quarry blade. There are here more broken blades—that is, of those apparently almost completed—than at any other point yet examined. At Jeast a hundred were found in an hour’s search. It is worthy of special note that on these sites a considerable amount of specialization was carried on, and some finished points are found, while there are many fragments of those evidently broken in trimming the edges and tips and in adding the notches; this was not true of the Rock creek quarries. This difference is accounted for by the fact that the Anacostian sites were habitable in places, and traces of encamp- ments where finishing shops were probably established are found at a number of points. The occurrence of implements and projectile points of exotic materials on several of these sites is satisfactory proof of the presence of dwellings. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI vy ee Ben sy he NS De Spl e ¥ ne SPECIALIZED RHYOLITE BLADES, PROBABLY LARGELY PROJECTILE POINTS, MAINLY FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE) BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII RHYOLITE ARROWPOINTS, MAINLY FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES} ANACOSTIA VALLEY QUARRY-SITES Cl Many similar sites oceur at corresponding localities on the other branches of the Anacostia. There is little doubt that the inhabitants of Nacochtank resorted to the quarries of Rock creek and Piny branch; for great numbers of leaf-shape blades of quartzite, as well as of quartz and rhyolite, are found on the chain of sites extending all the way from Bennings to a point opposite Alexandria. THE TIDEWATER POTOMAC The Potomac formation, which yields the great body of workable bowlders, extends far down the river, but is found to yield smaller amounts of available materials as the distance from Washington increases. The outcrops are generally at considerable altitude above the river, and at many points on the lower levels there are deposits of bowlder-bearing material derived from the erosion of the Potomac beds. This redistribution is now going on, so that everywhere there are more or less extensive accumulations of workable bowlders. The superior formations, the Lafayette and Columbia, also yield considerable work- able stone, which is reassorted and redistributed by the river. There are in places deposits of exceptionally heavy bowlders of limited extent as far down as the confluence with Chesapeake bay. About the mouth of the Wicomico, for example, bowlders are found in large numbers. On Popes creek and along Port Tobacco river the gravels furnish many bowlders of all sizes, which were extensively used by the shell-bank peoples for mortars and mullers, and for shaping both small and large implements. The valley of Zakiah creek, in Charles county, is noted for the great number of arrowpoints and spearheads to be found on its banks; while the gravels are well supplied with workable pebbles of quartz and quartzite, suitable for the implement maker. On the western side of the river, from Rosslyn to Potomac creek, and extending far back into the hills, extensive deposits of bowlders are exposed. In all of this district no quarries have been observed, although it is probable that in hundreds of places bowlders have been obtained by excavation; but it would appear that the deposits outside of the immediate vicinity of Washington were nowhere sufficiently rich in workable material to encourage quarrying on a large seale. Workshops are, however, found throughout this region, and refuse corresponding in every respect to that of the great quarries is widely distributed. Especially notable sites are the high terraced points about Mount Vernon and on the island of Chopawomsie, several miles below. From the former Mr Willian Hunter has made extensive collections, now for the most part owned by the National Museum, and it is not unusual to see collections of quartzite and quartz points from the neighboring fields offered for sale to visitors at Mount Vernon. At Chopawomsie a bed of bowlders outcrops near the upper end of the island only a few feet above low water. The débris of manufacture of quartz and 12 STONE IMPLEMENTS (eH. ANN. 15 quartzite tools is very plentiful on the island, and large collections have been made of these, and of finished implements as well, by Mr W. H. Phillips, of Washington. The débris of flaking duplicates the refuse of the quarries in character. : There is hardly a village-site on tidewater Potomac where quartz pebbles were not found and worked, and the workshops are innumer- able. It is evident that manufacture was carried on wherever the proper material was obtained, and it is equally clear that the processes employed and the articles produced were uniform throughout. SITES IN JAMES RIVER VALLEY The manufacture of quartzite and quartz implements was carried on very extensively in all the principal valleys draining into the Chesa- peake on the west. They are found scattered over the country, and on the more fully occupied sites along the rivers the store of arrowpoints and spearheads seems next to inexhaustible. The great collections made by M.S. Valentine, esquire, and bis sons, in the James and neigh- boring valleys; of Mr C. M. Wallace, mainly about the falls of the James, and of J. H. Wrenshall, on Dan river, bear testimony to this. Nearly all of the stones along Moccasin and Gillys creeks below Rich- mond are of sandstone or soft quartzite, unsuitable for arrow making, and very few chips are found along the banks of either. The banks of Shockoe creek are composed mostly of quartz and hard quartzite peb- bles, and the bed of the creek is filled with them. If any quarrying was ever done here, no traces of such work have survived the changes due to grading for various improvements. It is probable that the aborigines did very little digging, as the creek would wash out more stone than they could well utilize. On the surface, and especially on the slopes of the park of ‘‘Chimborazo,” quartz and compact quartz- ites exist in great plenty, but it is useless to seek for evidences of aboriginal work now. Near the ocher mills, about 5 miles above the mouth of the Appo- mattox, as also at points on the opposite side of the river, pebbles of quartz occur in the greatest profusion. On the bluff back of the mills the ground is covered with flakes and spails, and it appears that much work was done here. On a bluff 30 feet high between Gravelly run and the mouth of Baileys creek the ground in the few places where it is exposed is covered with small flakes and chips. It seems to have been a village-site, or at least a place where the implements were finished after being blocked out elsewhere. QUARRIES OF THE HIGHLAND MATERIALS QUARRIED In a brief and necessarily imperfect manner the history of stone flak- ing within the valleys of the tidewater region has been sketched in the foregoing pages. Incidentally it was shown that much of the material . | 7 MRACVMY ASR TRGVIESIAOORS OUITARTSUL) BMBOT OFTIIIZE: tESSIVE STEPS IN THE SHAPING OF LEAF-B! a.b,cd ROM ARGILLITE, FROM VILLAGE- AND S classed as rejects BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY YLV SFROM ARGILLITE, FROM VILLAGE- AND SHOP-SITES AT POINT PLEASANT, PENNS be classed as rejects ANIA FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI AAA SVOMNS4 Te akage TGs Ta O32 Tee-VOeet TMA SRA ITV MORD 2TUSIORA : atom se bata & HOLMES] QUARRIES OF THE HIGHLAND ( employed in the tidewater region for stone implements was not indig- enous. It will now be desirable to study the origin and manufacture of the exotic materials so extensively employed by the natives of the lowland. The local materials were not of the best varieties, including little else, as I have shown, than brittle quartz and refractory quartzite. The other materials sought in the highland at distant points are rhyolite, jasper, argillite, and flint. All are found in limited quantity as pebbles in the tidewater portions of the valleys in which they occur in place in the highland, and the refuse left by arrow makers is found sparsely scattered over the valleys. This refuse is closely analogous in its forms with corresponding refuse resulting from the shaping of quartz and quartzite pebbles. In some manner the natives of the lowland acquired a knowledge of the location of the deposits of these mate- rials in the highland, and quarries were opened and worked and trans- portation of the material, shaped or partly wrought, became an important industry. LOCATION AND PRODUCT RHYOLITE QUARRIES First in importance of the exotic materials used by the inhabitants of the lowland is a variety of rather coarse-grain rock found in South mountain, a high group of ridges extending from near the Potomac at Harpers Ferry to the southern side of the Susquehanna at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. It is an ancient eruptive rock of the acidic class, occur- ring interbedded with other formations and outcropping in narrow belts parallel with the trend of the range. It is generally bluish gray in color, though sometimes purplish, and is often banded and mottled by what may be regarded as flow lines. Dark varieties closely resemble slate, and the structure is often somewhat slaty. Generally it is flecked with light-colored crystals of feldspar, by which character it is easily recognized. Its fracture is often uncertain on account of a shaly or laminated structure, but it is capable of being worked more readily into large and long implements than any other of the several varieties of rock found in the upper Potomae valley. The history of the discovery of this material may be of interest to archeologists. On taking up the study of the tidewater region it was observed that at least one-fourth of the implements collected were made of a gray slaty stone. These objects were in the main knife-like blades, projectile points, drills, ete, of usual types of form, though occasional ruder pieces and flakes were found. In a very few cases larger masses of the rock were reported, one weighing several pounds having been obtained from the banks of the Potomac opposite Mount Vernon. It was of compact flakable stone, and although of turtleback type had somewhat the appearance of a core or mass from which flakes had been removed for shaping small implements. It may have been 74 STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15 used or intended for use as an implement, although this is not proba- ble. Itis shown in figure 12. A much larger piece, an oblong blade- like mass, was found by Mr J. D. MeGuire in the Patapsco valley. Such shapes are very common in the quarries, and are often mere rejects of the blade maker. For several years the source of this stone remained unknown. Members of the Geological Survey were engaged in examining parts of the Piedmont plateau drained by the Potomac, and I appealed to them to keep a lookout for the stone. In the summer of 1892 Professor Fic. 12—Fragment of rhyolite from the Potomac, 10 miles below Washington. G. H. Williams, of Johns Hopkins university, an assistant geologist on the Survey (whose untimely death in 1894 was a serious loss to science), reported its occurrence in South mountain, and in the autumn he and Mr Arthur Keith, of the Geological Survey, furnished me with a map of the formations so far as outlined at that time. The outerops extended in broken narrow belts through Maryland and Pennsylvania, as already mentioned. Barly in November, 1892, I set out in search of the quarries. Taking a team at Keedysville, Maryland, I crossed the mountain ridge at sey- eral points, finding excellent outcrops of the rock at many points, but no trace of aboriginal operations appeared until I reached Maria BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX Wy ii) Yh) HI | SHARPENED BOWLDERS FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES] SOUTH MOUNTAIN RHYOLITE QUARRIES 75 Furnace, Pennsylvania, on a branch of the Monocacy, 10 miles south- west of Gettysburg. Here the mountains rise abruptly and to great heights from the narrow stream bed, and the rhyolite forms a large part of the rocky mass. A cluster of flakes was observed on the road- side some 2 miles above the railway crossing, and extensive aboriginal quarries were soon found on the mountain side half a mile up the north- ern slope. During the first visit only a preliminary examination was made. The ancient workings observed cover several acres of the wooded moun- tain side. The pitting is not pronounced, although traces of disturb- ance are readily recognized and the entire soil is filled with broken masses of the rock and the refuse of blade making. Near the lower margin of the quarries a small patch had recently been cleared and planted in peach trees. Here countless numbers of the partially shaped pieces were to be seen, and in an hour I had my wagon loaded with turtlebacks, broken blades, and hammerstones. The rock tends to break in flattish forms, and the rejects indicate that the blades made here averaged long and thin as compared with the shapes made from the compact bowlders of the tidewater region. As in all the quarries so far examined, blade making was, so far as the refuse indicates, the almost exelusive work of the shops. Plate XXVIII is devoted to the illustration of specimens of successive grades of development, from the mass of raw material reduced to convenient size for beginning shaping operations to the long slender blades almost as fully developed or advanced as are the blades found in the caches and on the village-sites of the lowland. No evidence was found of attempts at specialization of form, and there is not the least doubt that finishing operations were conducted subse- quent to transportation to the villages in the valleys. Shops where many small flakes were found contained fragments of unspecialized blades only. The hammerstones were not numerous, and were as a rule rather unsymmetric globular masses of greenish-gray eruptive rock—probably a diabase. These and probably other quarries of South mountain were the centers from which the natives distributed rhyolite over a vast area including 20,000 square miles or more of the Chesapeake-Potomac region. The quarry examined is 75 miles northwest of Washington, and was readily accessible to the inhabitants of Potomae and Patuxent rivers. The amount of material transported was very great, and the industry must have been a most important one, frequent journeys to the mountains of Pennsylvania being a necessary feature. By a study of the range of quarry elaboration it is readily deter- mined that the chief product was a blade corresponding to the prod- ucts of other quarries, and differing only as a result of the difference in material, It has already been mentioned that multitudes of speci- mens derived from this or other similar quarries in the mountains are 76 ‘' STONE IMPLEMENTS (ETH. ANN. 15 scattered over the tidewater province. In a few cases flaked masses have been seen weighing a number of pounds, much larger than would ordinarily be carried to points distant from the quarry. It is possible that in cases they are derived from water-transported masses. As would naturally be expected, a great many blades of the roughed- out type are found in the lowland. Several caches have been reported, and in plates XXIX, XXX, and Xxxxr examples from a number of these are given. Through the kindness of Colonel, W. H. Love, of Baltimore, I am able to present the remarkable set of blades given in plate XXIXx. The cache, plowed up in a garden on Frogmore creek, near Baltimore, contained eight pieces, three of them being broken. The entire blades range from 7 to nearly 1L inches in length, and in form are very narrow and thin, with straight sides, and with the usual broad base and acute point. The boldly flaked and handsome blade presented in a, plate XXX, was obtained, with several others like it, by Mr Brewer on South river, Maryland, from a few inches beneath the surface of the ground in a grove near his house. The two specimens ) and ¢ are of very different type, and the former is slightly specialized, rude notches having been broken in the sides near the base. These are from a cache of about a dozen pieces found near a village-site on the floodplain of the Potomae a few hundred yards below Chain bridge. Very much like the preceding, though ruder, were a number of blades found by Colonel W. H. Love on an island at Point of Rocks, Mary- land. I introduce these specimens here, as they clearly indicate what must have been a common practice with the South mountain quarry- men—the carrying away from the quarries of hoards of bits and roughly trimmed blades of rhyolite. The island has in recent years suffered much from the great floods that now and then devastate the valley, and a few years ago an ancient village-site of considerable extent was exposed by the removal to a few feet in depth of the surface soil. Pottery and stone implements of usual types were found, and at one point Colonel Love discovered what appeared to be a flaking shop, as many bits of broken rock flakes and chipped pieces were scattered about. Partly buried in the soil was a flattish stone a foot or more across and 2 or 3 inches thick, on and about which, as well as scattered through the soil near by, were numerous bits of rhyolite, a dozen or two being of the type shown in ¢, plate xxx, while others were ruder and some were mere flakes and fragments. Scattered about were a few finished and partially finished arrowpoints. The relation of these to the squarish stone, the presence of hammerstones, and the fact that the upper surface of the stone was considerably roughened and picked into holes by sharp points led to the surmise that possibly this was a shop, the stone being the anvil on which the fragments of rhyolite were placed to be shattered or shaped. Tam at aloss, however, to understand just how such appliances could be utilized in the work of flaking. A BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L SHARPENED AND BATTERED BOWLDERS FROM POTOMAC SHELL HEAPS (ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES] HIGHLAND COUNTY FLINT QUARRIES ad sketch indicating approximately the relation of the cluster of partially shaped fragments to the large stone is presented in figure 13. FLINT QUARRIES Flint does not occur in any considerable bodies within convenient reach of the tidewater region. Pebbles are found in limited numbers in the various bowlder deposits and along the stream courses. Lim- ited masses of the rock occur in the limestone formations of the Pied- mont plateau; and one considerable outcrop of the rock in Highland county, Virginia, is known to have been worked by the natives. In May, 1893, Mr Gerard Fowke, of the Bureau of Ethnology, at my re- quest made a reconnoissance in the region to verify the reports of extensive aboriginal quarries in Crabapple bottom, Highland county, and furnished the following notes: “On a spur that rises to a height of 200 feet, just west of the village of New Hampden, a large amount of flint has been released by the decomposition of the limestone in which it was embedded. It is mostly in the form of small nodules or fragments, although some of it is interstratified with the limestone. Over a considerable area on the Fie. 13—Supposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bits of rhyolite. northern end and at the top of the ridge, the’ earth has been much dug over by the aborigines for the purpose of procuring the stone. Most of the pits remaining are quite small, few larger than would con- tain a cartload of earth. The largest are on top of the ridge, where a few have a depth of 2 to 34 feet, with a diameter of 20 to 50 feet. The latter cover an area of about an acre; the others are so scattered that it is difficult to estimate their extent. There is no outcrop of stone at any point where digging has been done, and it appears that the searchers for the material had learned that the flint nodules and frag- ments were distributed through the soil excavated for them in such spots as proved to contain them in greatest abundance, making no effort to quarry out the stone in which they occur. At various places on the summit of the ridge the flint projected above the ground, and 78 STONE IMPLEMENTS [ETH. ANN. 15 there it had been battered off with stones; but there is no evidence that quarrying was resorted to. “Such portion of the hill as is not in timber has a heavy blue-grass sod, and the ground is visible only in a few small spots where animals have burrowed. Flint chips and flakes were found at several of these. At the foot of the spur at its northwestern terminus is a spring, around which these indications of manufacture are abundant; and it is reported that before the grass had become so thick a great many broken or unfinished implements were picked up. Spalls and chips are abundant in the face of the bank around the spring, but it can not . be ascertained except by excavation how far they extend. So far as could be learned the space covered by this workshop seems too limited to have been utilized for flaking more than a small part of the flint that could have been obtained by the amount of digging apparent; it may, however, be more extensive than reported, or there may be others in the vicinity which have been overlooked. This can be determined only by researches at such points as seem favorable for the location of arrowpoint factories.” It is a notable fact that the existence of these quarries was known and recorded at a very early date, as the following extract from Max- well’s Historical Register, Richmond, 1850, will show: On the lands of Mr John Sitlington, in Crabbottom, Highland county, there is an area of perhaps 100 acres all dug over in pits. This was the great treasury of that dark clouded flintstone out of which the Indians made those arrowheads of that color found all over our state. The rock there is in great perfection, and in inexhaustible quantity. It would surprise anyone to see what labor had been expended here and what vast quantity of the rock obtained. Here was the red man’s California. Flint implements occur so sparingly over the great tidewater areas that it seems hardly likely that extensive quarries existed within easy reach of the lowland peoples. No caches have been recorded, and it seems unnecessary to illustrate the forms of implements, which do not differ in type from those of other materials. In the Potomac valley above Harpers Ferry the village-sites yield flint arrowpoints and spear- heads, mostly black in color, in very considerable numbers. JASPER AND ARGILLITE QUARRIES Although these materials were used by the tidewater peoples, and although some of the articles found were undoubtedly derived from quarries, the exact location of these sources of supply can not be deter- mined. It is not improbable, however, that the quarries in Berks and Lehigh counties, Pennsylvania, furnished the material. Implements and other articles of these materials are later referred to. CACHES It will be observed that the leaf-shape blades made in the quarries are identical in character with the hoard or cache blades so well known all over the country. There can be little doubt that these hoards are BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI RUDE AXES MADE BY SHARPENING AND NOTCHING QUARTZITE BOWLDERS BY FLAKING, FROM POTOMAC VILLAGE-SITES (ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES] DISTRIBUTION OF CACHES (9 deposits of blades produced in the quarry-shops or on sites furnishing supplies of the raw material and transported and stored for utilization or trade. Few caches of the quartzite blades have been reported from the tidewater country. It is much more common to find deposits of blades of other materials not obtained in the region, and therefore brought from a distance by quarry workers or traders. At the mouth of South river, Maryland, near the banks of Selby bay, four hoards have been found, and are now for the most part in the collection of Mr J. D. MeGuire. Two are of argillite and one of jasper, brought, no doubt, from workshops in Pennsylvania, some 150 miles away, and one is of rhyolite, probably from the quarries on the head of Monocacy creek, in Pennsylvania. 3 =“ Ne Ratna eee ee ee hates ae § pishteed ofiyco tans - f 2 f j : | = Pa > i = 3 é g > 4 ’ oO fag ‘ , : ; 3 ; p ; _ ! 2 x oa cS of . : 2 =. r = & ° oe = = f : : Fe 5 oy J =} 4 >| 5 c s PSH. ADIT TE GEN Native materials Exotic materials BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Not implements Not transported Rejects 4 From quartz pebbles From quartzite bowlders From rhyolite quarried from the mass From jasper quarried from the mass SYNOPTIC GROUPING SHOWING ORIGIN, FORM GENESIS, AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE FLAKED-STONE IM) FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Cl Implements —————_ Transported Cache forms Specialized forms HE CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC TIDEWATER REGION. THE SCALE VARIES FROM ONE-THIRD TO ONE-SIXTH Native materials Exotic materials BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Not implements Not transported From quartzite bowiders | From quartz pebbles amen f —_—— ma, From rhyolite quarried from the mass From jasper quarried from the mass SYNOPTIC GROUPING SHOWING ORIGIN, FORM GENESIS, AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE F LAKED-STONE I FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Cl Implements Transported Specialized forms os -SIXTH CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC TIDEWATER REGION. THE SCALE VARIES FROM ONE-THIRD TO ONE HOLMES | RESUME 149 tion of a pointed end. The celt forms roughed-out by flaking were specialized by pecking processes and completed by grinding and ypol- ishing, the rejectage being unimportant, as the processes were not so violent as to lead to frequent breakage. Incision processes—Softer varieties of stone were shaped by cut- ting. The rock, chiefly soapstone, was extensively quarried from mas- sive deposits in the highland and worked into vessels, pipes, and a few less important varieties of objects. As with the other groups, the articles made were only roughed-out in the quarries, specializing and finishing being conducted mainly on sites of use. The implements employed in this work form a distinct class. Many of the quarry forms are rude sledges and picks, while the cutting tool proper is a chisel or pick—according to the manner of hafting—made of hard, tough stone and shaped usually by flaking, pecking, and grinding, Sites of manufacture for these tools have not been observed, and are probably scattered and unimportant. Distribution of implements—Distribution is found to present a num- ber Of points of interest, most of which pertain to the relation of the implements as found to the sources of the raw material. Rejectage of manufacture is little subject to transportation, though raw material in convenient form may have traveled a long way. The smaller imple- ments found their way to very distant parts, while the larger and especially the ruder forms remained on or near the sites of original use. Distribution from the great quarries was doubtless in large num- bers, and trade as well as use may have assisted in the dissemination. The general distribution over the country was brought about by many minor agencies connected with use. Each province, each district, and site, here and elsewhere, is supplied with art remains brought together by the various agencies of environment—topographiec, geologic, biologie, and ethnic—and the action of these agencies is to a large extent sus- ceptible of analysis, and this analysis, properly conducted, constitutes a very large part of the science of prehistoric archeology. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES I The quarry group presented in the frontispiece and again in another setting in plate Clr was prepared as an exposition exhibit rather than as a necessary feature of the studies recorded in the present paper. It may be further stated that it is intended to exemplify a great art of the race—the shaping of stone by flaking processes—rather than to illus- trate a satisfactorily established episode in the history of a particular people. After the return of the group from the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago, where it formed part of a set of exhibits illus- trating the various great quarry-shops of the United States, I con- ceived the notion that the figures could be taken to Piny branch and placed in the actual quarries, thus more graphically portraying the ancient operations. A site was selected for the purpose on the margin of a gulch near Fourteenth street, where some great oaks grow on the beds of ancient refuse; but before the project could be carried out I was called away from the work permanently. I happened, however, to mention my plans to Messrs Cushing and Dinwiddie, of the Bureau of Ethnology, and these gentlemen very generously took up the work, and the result is indicated in the accompanying view, plate cll, which on its receipt was a great surprise to me, as much more had been done than I had contemplated. It seems that Mr Cushing found traces of dwelling on the site selected, and resolved to restore the scenes of the past in all possible detail without deviating from the theoretic his- toric models. He established a camp, built the lodge of matting, carried out an antique wooden mortar and other appropriate utensils, laid a hearth of bowlders, and constructed the framework of poles for drying fish and game. The scene is altogether complete and realistic though the picture is somewhat lacking in contrast of light and shade. It remains only to say in this connection that I desire nothing more than that the group should be taken for what it is worth as an illus- tration of a most important industry carried on in nearly every part of the country. It will, however, I am sure, assist in conveying a deti- nite impression of the work prosecuted so extensively in the District of Columbia, and as it associates with the quarries the only people that have any claim whatsoever to the occupancy of the region and the site, the chances are greatly in favor of the practical correctness of the impressions conveyed. Since the completion of this group it has been a source of regret that a fourth figure was not added to illustrate the final steps of the work— the specializing of the blades by pressure processes—though it is true 150 TT _ ——— — oe -— - - om ONIHSNS “H “4 YW AS S3INOSSSOOV SINOLSIH 4O NOILWHOLSSY HLIM “SLIS HONVHYS ANIid SHL NO dM 13S Y31SVId NI dNOHD AYHWND J9p|noys Wo4} ainssaid Aq pajjadu joo} Buixe}} Jo asn seseoesasees OnraniziuiOneese secre eases eas eaeeeae eer MIS TOD yeepse eesti ete yan eae ae eee seicleise See Dakota-Asiniiboimeese=-e 4s seer eens ee = (eg demeet tere le eee eae asia see sPasi AOU CIRO hae aes tate ais ye eels epsienr eats si. Be Win OD at OMeeeieactan ee mere ans eee aaa ee NEVER ce ete sodgus sec usoet pees dane cose sode Wid atsas 22 sssss acne cect as enis see seas 2s The eastern and southern groups--.----.------- Generalimovementsle mesma secre see ae on Some features of Indian sociology..---.-----.--------- PEE PSO Ue INe ENED TAINS A PRELIMINARY SKETCH! By W J McGEE THE SIOUAN STOCK DEFINITION EXTENT OF THE STOCK Out of some sixty aboriginal stocks or families found in North Amer- ica above the Tropie of Cancer, about five-sixths were confined to the tenth of the territory bordering Pacific ocean; the remaining nine-tenths of the land was occupied by a few strong stocks, comprising the Algon- quian, Athapascan, Iroquoian, Shoshonean, Siouan, and others of more limited extent. The Indians of the Siouan stock occupied the central portion of the continent. They were preeminently plains Indians, ranging from Lake Michigan to the Rocky mountains, and from the Arkansas to the Sas- katchewan, while an outlying body stretched to the shores of the Atlantic. They were typical American barbarians, headed by hunters and warriors and grouped in shifting tribes led by the chase or driven by battle from place to place over their vast and naturally rich domain, though a crude agriculture sprang up whenever a tribe tarried long in one spot. No native stock is more interesting than the great Siouan group, and none save the Algonquian and Iroquoian approach it in wealth of literary and historical records; for since the advent of white men the Siouan Indians have played striking roles on the stage of human development, and have caught the eye of every thoughtful observer. The term Siouan is the adjective denoting the “Sioux” Indians and cognate tribes. The word “Sioux” has been variously and vaguely used. Originally it was a corruption of a term expressing enmity or contempt, applied to a part of the plains tribes by the forest-dwelling Algonquian Indians. According to Trumbull, it was the popular appel- lation of those tribes which call themselves Dakota, Lakota, or Nakota 1 Prepared as a complement and introduction to the following paper ou ‘'Siouan Sociology,’ by the late James Owen Dorsey. = 157 158 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 (“Friendly,” implying confederated or allied), and was an abbreviation of Nadowessioux, a Canadian-French corruption of Nadowe-ssi-wag (“the snake-like ones” or “ enemies”), a term rooted in the Algonquian nadowe (a snake”); and some writers have applied the designation to different portions of the stock, while others have rejected it because of the offensive implication or for other reasons. So long ago as 1836, however, Gallatin employed the term ‘‘Sioux” to designate collectively “the nations which speak the Sioux language,”! and used an alterna- tive term to designate the subordinate confederacy—i. e., he used the term in a systematic way for the first time to denote an ethnic unit which experience has shown to be well defined. Gallatin’s terminology was soon after adopted by Prichard and others, and has been followed by most careful writers on the American Indians. Accordingly the name must be regarded as established through priority and prescrip- tion, and has been used in the original sense in various standard publications.* In colloquial usage and in the usage of the ephemeral press, the term ‘*Sioux” was applied sometimes to one but oftener to several of the allied tribes embraced in the first of the principal groups of which the stock is composed, i. e., the group or confederacy styling them- selves Dakota. Sometimes the term was employed in its simple form, but as explorers and pioneers gained an inkling of the organization of the group, it was often compounded with the tribal name as “Santee- Sioux,” “Yanktonnai-Sioux,” ‘“Sisseton-Sioux,” ete. As acquaintance between white men and red increased, the stock name was gradually displaced by tribe names until the colloquial appellation “Sioux” became but a memory or tradition throughout much of the territory formerly dominated by the great Siouan stock. One of the reasons for the abandonment of the name was undoubtedly its inappropriateness as a designation for the confederacy occupying the plains of the upper Missouri, since if was an alien and opprobrious designation for a peo- ple bearing a euphonious appellation of their own. Moreover, colloquial usage was gradually influenced by the usage of scholars, who accepted the native name for the Dakota (spelled Dahcota by Gallatin) confed- eracy, as well as the tribal names adopted by Gallatin, Prichard, and others. Thus the ill-defined term “Sioux” has dropped out of use in the substantive form, and is retained, in the adjective form only, to designate a great stock to which no other collective name, either intern or alien, has ever been definitely and justly applied. The earlier students of the Siouan Indians recognized the plains tribes alone as belonging to that stock, and it has only recently been shown that certain of the native forest-dwellers long ago encountered by English colonists on the Atlantic coast were closely akin to the 'A synopsis of the Indian tribes . . . in North America,”’ Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., vol. 11, p. 120. 2“ Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico,"’ Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1891), pp. 111-118. Johnson's Cyclopedia, 1893-95 edition, vol. VII, p. 546, ete. pe eS Sie «ge 4 ———o- Aabee Mc GEE] SIOUAN TRIBES OF THE EAST 159 plains Indians in language, institutions, and beliefs. In 1872 Hale noted a resemblance between the Tutelo and Dakota languages, and this resemblance was discussed orally and in correspondence with several students of Indian languages, but the probability of direct connection seemed so remote that the affinity was not generally accepted. Even in 1880, after extended comparison with Dakota material (including that collected by the newly instituted Bureau of Ethnology), this distinguished investigator was able to detect only certain general simi- larities between the Tutelo tongue and the dialects of the Dakota tribes.' In 1881 Gatschet made a collection of linguistic material among the Catawba Indians of South Carolina, and was struck with the resemblance of many of the vocables to Siouan terms of like mean- ing, and began the preparation of a comparative Catawba-Dakota vocabulary. To this the Tutelo, @egiha, zoiwe/re, and Hoteangara (Winnebago) were added by Dorsey, who made a critical examination of all Catawba material extant and compared it with several Dakota dialects, with which he was specially conversant. These examinations and comparisons demonstrated the affinity between the Dakota and Catawba tongues and showed them to be of common descent; and the establishment of this relation made easy the acceptance ef the affinity suggested by Hale between the Dakota and Tutelo. Up to this time it was supposed that the eastern tribes ‘‘were merely offshoots of the Dakota; but in 1883 Hale observed that ‘while the language of these eastern tribes is closely allied to that of the western Dakota, it bears evidence of being older in form,”? and consequently that the Siouan tribes of the interior seem to have migrated westward from a common fatherland with their eastern brethren bordering the Atlantic. Subsequently Gatschet discovered that the Biloxi Indians of the Gulf coast used many terms common to the Siouan tongues; and in 1891 Dorsey visited these Indians and procured a rich collection of words, phrases, and myths, whereby the Siouan affinity of these Indians was established. Meantime Mooney began researches among the Cher- okee and cognate tribes of the southern Atlantic slope and found fresh evidence that their ancient neighbors were related in tongue and belief with the buffalo hunters of the plains; and he has recently set forth the relations of the several Atlantic slope tribes of Siouan affinity in full detail.’ Through the addition of these eastern tribes the great Siouan stock is augmented in extent and range and enhanced in interest; for the records of a group of cognate tribes are thereby increased so fully as to afford historical perspective and to indicate, if not clearly to dis- play, the course of tribal differentiation. According to Dorsey, whose acquaintance with the Siouan Indians was especially close, the main portion of the Sieuan stock, occupying the continental interior, comprised seven principal divisions (including 1Correspondence with the Bureau of Ethnology. 2“The Tutelo tribe and language,”’ Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., vol. XX1, 1883, p. 1. 3Siouan Tribes of the East; bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1894. 160 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ern. ANN. 15 the Biloxi and not distinguishing the Asiniboin), each composed of one or more tribes or confederacies, all defined and classified by lin- guistic, social, and mythologic relations; and he and Mooney recognize several additional groups, defined by linguistic affinity or historical evi- dence of intimate relations, in the eastern part of the country. So far as made out through the latest researches, the grand divisions, confed- eracies, and tribes of the stock,! with their present condition, are as follows: 1. Dakota-Asiniboin Dakota (** Friendly”) or Ot/-ce-ti ca-ko-wi" (Seven council-fires”) con- federacy, comprising— (A) Santee, including Mde-wa-ka"’-to®-wa® (“Spirit Lake vil- lage”) and Wa-qpe’-ku-te (‘‘ Shoot among deciduous trees”), mostly located in Knox county, Nebraska, on the former Santee reservation, with some on Fort Peck reservation, Montana. (B) Sisseton or Si-si’-to™-wa" (‘Fish-seale village”), mostly on Sisseton reservation, South Dakota, partly on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota. (C) Wahpeton or Wa/-qpe’-to®-wa" (“‘ Dwellers among deciduous trees”), mostly on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota. (D) Yankton or Lhank’-to"-wa" (‘End village”), in Yankton village, South Dakota. (2) Yanktonai or I-hank’-to*-wa"-na (‘‘ Little End village”), comprising— (a) Upper Yanktonai, on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota, with the Pa/-ba-kse (“Cut head”) gens on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota. (b) Lower Yanktonai, or Hunkpatina (““Campers at the horn for end of the camping circle]”), mostly on Crow Creek reservation, South Dakota, with some on Stand- ing Rock reservation, North Dakota, and others on Fort Peck reservation, Montana. (F) Teton or Ti/-to"-wa" (‘¢ Prairie dwellers ”), comprising— (a) Brulé or Si-tea"’-xu (“ Burnt thighs ”), including Upper Brule, mostly on Rosebud reservation, South Dakota, and Lower Brule, on Lower Brulé reservation, in the same state, with some of both on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota, and others on Fort Peck reservation, Montana. (b) Sans Ares or I-ta/-zip-teo (“ Without bows”), largely on Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, with others on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota. (c) Blackfeet or Si-ha/-sa-pa (‘ Black-feet”), mostly on Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, with some on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota. } The subdivisions are set forth in the following treatise on ‘‘Siouan Sociology.” Mo GEE] THE ASINIBOIN—THE (EGIHA 161 (d) Minneconjou or Mi/-ni-ko/-o-ju (‘Plant beside the stream”), mostly on Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, partly on Rosebud reservation, South Dakota, with some on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota. (e) Two Kettles or O-o/-he no™-pa (“Two boilings”), on Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota. (f) Ogalala or O-gla/-la (‘She poured out her own”), mostly on Pine Ridge reservation, South Dakota, with some on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota, including the Wa-ja/-ja (“Fringed”) gens on Pine Ridge reservation, South Dakota, and Loafers or Wa-glu’-xe (‘‘In-breeders”), mostly on Pine Ridge reservation, with some on Rosebud reservation, South Dakota. (g) Hunkpapa (‘At the entrance’), on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota. Asiniboin (‘‘Cook-with-stones people” in Algonquian), commonly called Nakota among themselves, and called Hohe (‘ Rebels”) by the Dakota; an offshoot from the Yanktonnai; not studied in detail dur- ing recent years; partly on Fort Peck reservation, Montana, mostly in Canada; comprising in 1833 (according to Prince Maximilian)!— (A) Itscheabiné (“Les gens des filles” =Girl people ?). (B) Jatonabine (‘Les gens des roches”=Stone people); appar- ently the leading band. (C) Otopachgnato (‘‘Les gens du large” =Roamers?). (D) Otaopabine (“Les gens des canots”=Canoe people”). (£) Tschantoga (“Les gens des bois”= Forest people). (Ff) Watopachnato (Les gens de ’age”= Ancient people”). (@) Tanintauei (‘‘Les gens des osayes” = Bone people). (H) Chabin (“Les gens des montagnes”= Mountain people). 2. Gegiha (‘4 People dwelling here”)? (A) Omaha or U-ma?-ha" (‘‘Upstream people”), located on Omaha reservation, Nebraska, comprising in 1819 (accord- ing to James)*— (a) Honga-sha-no tribe, including— (1) Wase-ish-ta band. (2) Enk-ka-sa-ba band. 1Travels in the Interior of North America; Translated by H. Evans Lloyd; London, 1843, p. 194. In this and other lists of names taken from early writers the original orthography and interpretation are preserved. 2Defined in ‘‘ The (/egiha Language,” by J. Owen Dorsey, Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. v1, 1890, p.xv. Miss Fletcher, who is intimately acquainted with the Omaha, questions whether the relations between the tribes are so close as to warrant the maintenance of this division; yet as an expression of linguistic affinity, at least, the division seems to be useful and desirable. 3 Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh tothe Rocky Mountains, performed in the Years 1819- 1820. . . underthe Command of Major S. H. Long, by EdwinJames; London, 1823, vol. 11, p. 47 et seq. 15 ETH 11 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 (3) Wa-sa-ba-eta-je (“Those who do not touch bears”) band. (4) Ka-e-ta-je (“Those who do not touch turtles”) band. (5) Wa-jinga-e-ta-je band. (6) Hun-guh band. (7) Kon-za band. (8) Ta-pa-taj-je band. (b) Ish-ta-sun-da (“Gray eyes”) tribe, including— (1) Ta-pa-eta-je band. (2) Mon-eka-goh-ha (‘* Earth makers”) band. (3) Ta-sin-da (“ Bison tail”) band. (4) Ing-gera-je-da (‘Red dung”) band. (5) Wash-a-tung band. (B) Ponka (“ Medicine” ?), mostly on Ponca reservation, Indian Territory, partly at Santee agency, Nebraska. (C) Kwapa, Quapaw, or U-ya’-qpa (“Downstream people,” a correlative of U-ma"/-ha®), the “Arkansa” of early writers, mostly on Osage reservation, Oklahoma, partly on Quapaw reservation, Indian Territory. (D) Osage or Wa-ca/-ce (“‘ People”), comprising— (a) Big Osage or Pa-he/-tsi (‘Campers on the mountain”), on Osage reservation, Indian Territory. (b) Little Osage or U-gséyq/-ta (“Campers on the low- land,”) ou Osage reservation, Indian Territory. (c) San-qsu/-y¢ir! (“Campers in the highland grove”) or ‘“Arkansa band,” chiefly on Osage reservation, Indian Territory. (F) Kansa or Ka"-ze (refers to winds, though precise signifi- cance is unknown; frequently called Kaw), on Kansas reser- vation, Indian Territory. 3. potwe're (“ People of this place”) (A) lowaor Pa-qo-tee (“ Dusty-heads”), chiefly on Great Nemaha reservation, Kansas and Nebraska, partly on Sac and Fox reservatien, Indian Territory. (B) Oto or Wa-to/-ta ( Aphrodisian”), on Otoe reservation, Indian Territory. (C) Missouri or Ni-u’-t’a-tei (exact meaning uncertain; said to refer to drowning of people in a stream; possibly a corrup- tion of Ni-shu/-dje, “Smoky water,” the name of Missouri river); on Otoe reservation, Indian Territory. 4, Winnebago Winnebago (Algonquian designation, meaning “ Turbid water people”?) or Ho-tean-ga-ra (“People of the parent speech”), 1 Corrupted to ‘*Chancers"’ in early days; cf. James ibid., vol. 111, p. 108. MC GEE] THE WINNEBAGO—THE MANDAN 163 mostly on Winnebago reservation in Nebraska, some in Wis- consin, and a few in Michigan; composition never definitely ascertained; comprised in 1850 (according to Schooleratft’) twenty-one bands, all west of the Mississippi, viz.: (a) Little Mills’ band. (b) Little Dekonie’s band. (c) Maw-kuh-soonch-kaw’s band. (d) Ho-pee-kaw’s band. e) Waw-kon-haw-kaw’s band. Jf) Baptiste’s band. ) Wee-noo-shik’s band. h) Con-a-ha-ta-kaw’s band. ) Paw-sed-ech-kaw’s band. ) Taw-nu-nuk’s band. k) Ah-hoo-zeeb-kaw’s band. ) Is-chaw-go-baw-kaw’s band. m) Watch-ha-ta-kaw’s band. n) Waw-maw-noo-kaw-kaw’s band. Waw-kon-chaw-zu-kaw’s band. (q) Koog-ay-ray-kaw’s band. (r) Black Hawk’s band. (s) Little Thunder’s band. (t) Naw-key-ku-kaw’s band. (w) O-chin-chin-nu-kaw’s band. 5. Mandan Mandan (their own name is questionable; Catlin says they called themselves See-pols-kah-nu-mah-kah-kee, ‘ People of the pheasants;”’ Prince Maximilian says they called themselves Numangkake, “ Men,” adding usually the name of their village, and that another name is Mahna-Narra, “The Sulky [Ones],” applied because they separated from the rest of their nation;* of the latter name their common appellation seems to be a corruption); on Fort Berthold reservation, North Dakota, comprising in 1804 (according to Lewis and Clark*) three villages— (a) Matootonha. (b) Rooptahee. (ce) ———-—— (Eapanopua’s village). 1Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, part 1, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 498. 2Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, 4th edition; London, 1844, vol. 1, p. 80. 3Travels, op. cit., p. 335. 4 History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark, by Elliott Coues, 1893, vol. 1, pp. 182-4. The other two villages enumerated appear to belong rather to the Hidatsa. Prince Maxi- milian found but two villages in 1833, Mih-Tutta Hang-Kush and Ruhptare, evidently corresponding to the first two mentioned by the earlier explorers (op. cit., p. 335). 164 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (rH. ann. 15 6. Hidatsa (A) Hidatsa (their own name, the meaning of which is uncertain, but appears to refer to a traditional buffalo paunch con- nected with the division of the group, though supposed by some to refer to “ willows”); formerly called Minitari (“‘Cross the water,” or, objectionally, Gros Ventres); on Fort Berth- old reservation, North Dakota, comprising in 1796 (according to information gained by Matthews!) three villages— (a) Hidatsa. (b) Amatilia (‘‘ Karth-lodge [village]”?). (c) Amaliami (** Mountain-country [people|”?). (B) Crow or Ab-sa/-ru-ke, on the Crow reservation, Montana. 7. Biloxi (A) Biloxi (“Trifling” or “Worthless” in Choctaw) or Ta-neks’ Ha*-ya-di/ (‘Original people” in their own language) ; partly in Rapides parish, Louisiana; partly in Indian Territory, with the Choctaw and Caddo. ; (B) Paskagula (‘‘Bread people” in Choctaw), probably extinct. (C) ? Moctobi (meaning unknown), extinct. (D) ?Chozetta (meaning unknown), extinct. 8. Monakan Monakan confederacy. (A) Monakan (‘Country [people of?]”),? extinct. (B) Meipontsky (meaning unknown), extinct. (C) ? Mahoe (meaning unknown), extinct. (D) Nuntaneuck or Nuntaly (meaning unknown), extinct. (2) Mohetan (‘People of the earth” ?), extinct. Tutelo. (A) Tutelo or Ye-sa’’ (meaning unknown), probably extinct. (A’) Saponi (meaning unknown), probably extinct. (According to Mooney, the Tutelo and Saponi tribes were intimately con- nected or identical, and the names were used interchange- ably, the former becoming more prominent after the removal of the tribal remnant from the Carolinas to New York.’) (B) Occanichi (meaning unknown), probably extinct. ? Manahoae confederacy, extinct. (A) Manahoae (meaning unknown). (BL) Stegarake (meaning unknown). (C) Shackakoni (meaning unknown). (D) Tauxitania (meaning unknown). 1 Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians; Miscel. Publ. No.7, U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, 1877, p. 38. 2Siouan Tribes of the East, p.37. Local names derived from the Saponi dialect were recognized and interpreted by a Kwapa when pronounced by Dorsey. MC GEE] EASTERN SIOUAN DIVISIONS 165 F) Ontponi (meaning unknown). F) Tegniati (meaning unknown). ) Whonkenti (meaning unknown). H) Hasinninga (meaning unknown). 9. Catawba or Ni-ya (“People”) (A) Catawba (meaning unknown; they called themselves Ni-ya, “Men” in the comprehensive sense), nearly extinct. (B) Woceon (meaning unknown), extinct. (C) ? Sissipahaw (meaning unknown), extinct. (D) 2? Cape Fear (proper name unknown), extinct. (2) ? Warrennuncock (meaning unknown), extinct. (F) ? Adshusheer (meaning unknown), extinct. (@) ? Eno (meaning unknown), extinct. (17) 2? Shocco (meaning unknown), extinct. T) 2? Waxhaw (meaning unknown), extinct. (J) ? Sugeri (meaning unknown), extinct. (A) Santee (meaning unknown). (L) Wateree (derived from the Catawba word wateran, ‘to float in the water”). (MW) Sewee (meaning unknown). (VY) Congaree (meaning unknown). 10. Sara (extinct) (A) Sara (“Tall grass”). (B) Keyauwi (meaning unknown). 11. ? Pedee (extinct) (A) Pedee (meaning unknown). (B) Waccamaw (meaning unknown). (C) Winyaw (meaning unknown). (D) “Hooks” and ‘ Backhooks” (?). The definition of the first six of these divisions is based on extended researches among the tribes and in the literature representing the work of earlier observers, and may be regarded as satisfactory. In some cases, notably the Dakota confederacy, the constitution of the divi- sions is also satisfactory, though in others, including the Asiniboin, Mandan, and Winnebago, the tabulation represents little more than superficial enumeration of villages and bands, generally by observers possessing little knowledge of Indian sociology or language. So far as the survivors of the Biloxi are concerned the classification is satis- factory; but there is doubt concerning the former limits of the division, and also concerning the relations of the extinct tribes referred to on slender, yet the best available, evidence. The classification of 166 THE SIOUAN INDIANS Jern. Ann. 15 the extinct and nearly extinct Siouan Indians of the east is much less . satisfactory. In several cases languages are utterly lost, and in others a few doubtful terms alone remain. In these cases affinity is inferred in part from geographic relation, but chiefly from the recorded feder- ation of tribes and union of remnants as the aboriginal population faded under the light of brighter intelligence; and in all such instances it has been assumed that federation and union grew out of that con- formity in mode of thought which is characteristic of peoples speaking identical or closely related tongues. Accordingly, while the grouping of eastern tribes rests in part on meager testimony and is open to question at many points, it is perhaps the best that can be devised, and suflices for convenience of statement if not as a final classification. So far as practicable the names adopted for the tribes, confederacies, and other groups are those in common use, the aboriginal designations, when distinct, being added in those cases in which they are known. The present population of the Siouan stock is probably between 40,000 and 45,000, including 2,000 or more (mainly Asiniboin) in Canada. TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE In the Siouan stock, as among the American Indians generally, the accepted appellations for tribes aud other groups are variously derived. Many of the Siouan tribal names were, like the name of the stock, given by alien peoples, including white men, though most are founded on the descriptive or other designations used in the groups to which they pertain. At first glance, the names seem to be loosely applied and perhaps vaguely defined, and this laxity in application and defini- tion does not disappear, but rather increases, with closer examination. There are special reasons for the indefiniteness of Indian nomen- clature: The aborigines were at the time of discovery, and indeed most of them remain today, in the prescriptorial stage of culture, i. e., the stage in which ideas are crystallized, not by means of arbitrary symbols, but by means of arbitrary associations,! and in this stage names are connotive or descriptive, rather than denotive as in the scriptorial stage. Moreover, among the Indians, as among all other prescriptorial peoples, the ego is paramount, and all things are described, much more largely than among cultured peoples, with reference to the describer and the position which he occupies—Self and Here, and, if need be, Now and Thus, are the fundamental ele- ments of primitive conception and description, and these elements are implied and exemplified, rather than expressed, in thought and utterance. Accordingly there is a notable paucity in names, espe- cially for themselves, among the Indian tribes, while the descrip. tive designations applied to a given group by neighboring tribes are often diverse. 1The leading culture stages are defined in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Etb: nology, for 1891-92 (1896), p. xxiii et seq. MCGEE] SIOUAN TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE 167 The principles controlling nomenclature in its inchoate stages are illustrated among the Siouan peoples. So far as their own tongues were concerned, the stock was nameless, and could not be designated save through integral parts. Even the great Dakota confederacy, one of the most extensive and powerful aboriginal organizations, bore no better designation than a term probably applied originally to associated tribes in a descriptive way and perhaps used as a greeting or countersign, although there was an alternative proper descriptive term—‘*Seven Council-fires”—apparently of considerable antiquity, since it seems to have been originally appled before the separation of the Asiniboin.! In like manner the (egiha, yoiwe’re, and Hoteangara groups, and per- haps the Niya, were without denotive designations for themselves, merely styling themselves ‘‘ Local People,” ‘‘ Men,” *‘ Inhabitants,” or, still more ambitiously, ‘‘ People of the Parent Speech,” in terms which are variously rendered by different interpreters; they were lords in their own domain, and felt no need for special title. Different Dakota tribes went so far as to claim that their respective habitats marked the middle of the world, so that each insisted on precedence as the leading tribe,” and it was the boast of the Mandan that they were the original people of theearth.’ In the more carefully studied confederacies the constituent groups generally bore designations apparently used for convenient dis- tinction in the confederation; sometimes they were purely descriptive, as 1n the case of the Sisseton, Wahpeton, Sans Ares, Blackfeet, Oto, and several others; again they referred to the federate organization (prob- ably, possibly to relative position of habitat), as in the Yankton, Yank- tonai, and Hunkpapa; more frequently they referred to geographic or topographic position, e. g., Teton, Omaha, Pahe’tsi, Kwapa, ete; while some appear to have had a figurative or symbolic connotation, as Brulé, Ogalala, and Ponka. Usually the designations employed by alien peo- ples were more definite than those used in the group designated, as illustrated by the stock name, Asiniboin,and Iowa. Commonly the alien appellations were terms of reproach; thus Sioux, Biloxi, and Hohe (the Dakota designation for the Asiniboin) are clearly opprobri- ous, while Paskagula might easily be opprobrious among hunters and warriors, and Iowa and Oto appear to be derogatory or contemptuous expressions. The names applied by the whites were sometimes taken from geographic positions, as in the case of Upper Yanktonai and Cape Fear—the geographic names themselves being frequently of Indian origin. Some of the current names represent translations of the aboriginal terms either into English (“ Blackfeet,” ‘Two Kettles,” “Crow,”) or into French (“Sans Ares,” ‘“ Brulé,” “Gros Ventres”); yet most of the names, at least of the prairie tribes, are simply cor- ruptions of the aboriginal terms, though frequently the modification is so complete as to render identification and interpretation difficult—it 1Cf. Schooleraft, ‘‘ Information,’’ ete, op. cit., pt. 11, 1852, p. 169. Dorsey was inclined to consider the number as made up without the Asiniboin. ?Riggs-Dorsey: ‘‘ Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography,”’ Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. 1x, 1893, p. 164 3Catlin: ‘‘ Letters and Notes,”’ op. cit., p. 80. 168 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 is not easy to find Waca/ce in ‘‘Osage” (so spelled by the French, whose orthography was adopted and mispronounced by English-speaking pioneers), or Pa/qotce in “ Iowa.” The meanings of most of the eastern names are lost; yet so far as they are preserved they are of a kind with those of the interior. So, too, are the subtribal names enumerated by Dorsey. PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS PHONETIC AND GRAPHIC ARTS The Siouan stock is defined by linguistic characters. The several tribes and larger and smaller groups speak dialects so closely related as to imply occasional or habitual association, and hence to indicate community in interests and affinity in development; and while the arts (reflecting as they did the varying environment of a wide territorial range) were diversified, the similarity in language was, as is usual, accompanied by similarity in institutions and beliefs. Nearly all of the known dialects are eminently vocalic, and the tongues of the plains, which have been most extefsively studied, are notably melodious; thus the leading languages of the group display moderately high phonetic development. In grammatic structure the better-known dialects are not so well developed; the structure is complex, chiefly through the large use of inflection, though agglutination sometimes occurs. In some cases the germ of organization is found in fairly definite juxtaposition or placement. The vocabulary is moderately rich, and of course represents the daily needs of a primitive people, their surroundings, their avoca- tions, and their thoughts, while expressing little of the richer ideation of cultured cosmopolites. On the whole, the speech of the Siouan stock may be said to have been fairly developed, and may, with the Algon- quian, Iroquoian, and Shoshonean, be regarded as typical for the por- tion of North America lying north of Mexico. Fortunately it has been extensively studied by Riggs, Hale, Dorsey, and several others, includ- ing distinguished representatives of some of the tribes, and is thus accessible to students. The high phonetic development of the Siouan tongues reflects the needs and records the history of the hunter and warrior tribes, whose phonetic symbols were necessarily so difteren- tiated as to be intelligible in whisper, oratory, and war cry, as well as in ordinary converse, while the complex structure is in harmony with the elaborate social organization and ritual of the Siouan people. Many of the Siouan Indians were adepts in the sign language; indeed, this mode of conveying intelligence attained perhaps its high- est development among some of the tribes of this stock, who, with other plains Indians, developed pantomime and gesture into a surpris- ingly perfect art of expression adapted to the needs of huntsmen and warriors. Most of the tribes were fairly proficient in pictosraphy; totemic and other designs were inscribed on bark and wood, painted on skins, MCGEE] GRAPHIC SYMBOLISM 169 wrought into domestic wares, and sometimes carved on rocks. Jona- than Carver gives an example of picture-writing on a tree, in charcoal mixed with bear’s grease, designed to convey information from the “Chipe/ways” (Algonquian) tothe ‘* Naudowessies,”' and other instances of intertribal communication by means of pictography are on record. Personal decoration was common, and was largely symbolic; the face and body were painted in distinctive ways when going on the warpath, in organizing the hunt, in mourning the dead, in celebrating the vic- tory, and in performing various ceremonials. Scarification and maim- ing were practiced by some of the tribes, always in a symbolic way. Among the Mandan and Hidatsa scars were produced in cruel ceremo- nials originally connected with war and hunting, and served as endur- ing witnesses of courage and fortitude. Symbolic tattooing was fairly common among the westernmost tribes. Eagle and other feathers were worn as insignia of rank and for other symbolic purposes, while bear Vos and the scalps of enemies were worn as symbols of the chase and battle. Some of the tribes recorded current history by means of “winter counts” or calendarie inscriptions, though their arithmetic was meager and crude, and their calendar proper was limited to recog- nition of the year, lunation, and day—or, as among so many primitive people, the “snow,” ‘‘dead moon,” and ‘“‘night,”—with no definite sys- tem of fitting lunations to the annual seasons. Most of the graphic records were perishable, and have long ago disappeared; but during recent decades several untutored tribesmen have executed vigorous drawings representing hunting scenes and conflicts with white soldiery, which have been preserved or reproduced. These crude essays in graphic art were the germ of writing, and indicate that, at the time of discovery, several Siouan tribes were near the gateway opening into the broader field of scriptorial culture. So far as it extends, the crude graphic symbolism betokens warlike habit and militant organization, which were doubtless measurably inimical to further progress. It would appear that, in connection with their proficiency in gesture speech and their meager graphic art, the Siouan Indians had become masters in a vaguely understood system of dramaturgy or symbolized conduct. Among them the use of the peace-pipe was general; among several and perhaps all of the tribes the definite use of insignia was com- mon; among them the customary hierarchic organization of the abo- rigines was remarkably developed and was maintained by an elaborate and strict code of etiquette whose observance was exacted and yielded by every tribesman. Thus the warriors, habituated to expressing and recognizing tribal affiliation and status in address and deportment, were notably observant of social minutiz, and this habit extended into every activity of their lives. They were ceremonious among themselves and 1Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America in the Years 1766, 1767, and 1768; London, 1778, p. 418. 170 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 crafty toward enemies, tactful diplomatists as well as brave soldiers, shrewd strategists as well as fierce fighters; ever they were skillful readers of human nature, even when ruthless takers of luman life. Among some of the tribes every movement and gesture and expres- sion of the male adult seems to have been affected or controlled with the view of impressing spectators and auditors, and through constant schooling the warriors became most consummate actors. To the casual observer, they were stoics or stupids according to the conditions of observation; to many observers, they were cheats or charlatans; to scientific students, their eccentrically developed volition and the thau- maturgy by which it was normally accompanied suggests early stages in that curious development which, in the Orient, culminates in necro- maney and occultism. Unfortunately this phase of the Indian char- acter (which was shared by various tribes) was little appreciated by the early travelers, and little record of it remains; yet there is enough to indicate the importance of constantly studied ceremony, or symbolic conduct, among them. The development of affectation and self-control among the Siouan tribesmen was undoubtedly shaped by warlike dis- position, and their stoicism was displayed largely in war—as when the captured warrior went exultingly to the torture, taunting and tempting his captors to multiply their atrocities even until his tongue was torn from its roots, in order that his fortitude might be proved; but the habit was firmly fixed and found constant expression in commonplace as well as in more dramatic actions, INDUSTRIAL AND ESTHETIC ARTS Since the arts of primitive people reflect environmental conditions with close fidelity, and since the Siouan Indians were distributed over a vast territory varying in climate, hydrography, geology, fauna, and flora, their industrial and esthetic arts can hardly be regarded as dis- tinctive, and were indeed shared by other tribes of all neighboring stocks. The best developed industries were hunting and warfare, though all of the tribes subsisted in part on fruits, nuts, berries, tubers, grains, and other vegetal products, largely wild, though sometimes planted and even cultivated in rude fashion. The southwestern tribes, and to some extent all of the prairie denizens and probably the eastern rem- nant, grew maize, beaus, pumpkins, melons, squashes, sunflowers, and tobacco, though their agriculture seems always to have been subordi- nated to the chase. Aboriginally, they appear to have had no domes- tic animals except dogs, which, according to Carver—one of the first white men seen by the prairie tribes,—were kept for their flesh, which was eaten ceremonially,' and for use in the chase. According to 1Op. cit., p. 278. 2Op.cit., p.445. Carver says, ‘t The dogs employed by the Indians in hunting appear to be ailof the same species; they carry their ears erect, and greatly resemble a wolf about the head. They are exceedirgly useful to them in their hunting excursions and will attack the fiercest of the game they arein pursuit of. They are also remarkable for their fidelity to their masters, but being ill fed by them are very troublesome in their huts or tents.” Mc GEE] IMPLEMENTS AND WEAPONS IL Lewis and Clark (1804-1806), they were used for burden and draft;! according to the naturalists accompanying Long’s expedition (1519-20), for flesh (eaten ceremonially and on ordinary occasions), draft, bur- den, and the chase,’ and according to Prince Maximilian, for food and draft,’ all these functions indicating long familiarity with the canines. Catlin, too, found “dog’s meat . . . the most honorable food that can be presented to a stranger;” it was eaten ceremonially and on important occasions.‘ Moreover, the terms used for the dog and his harness are ancient and even archaic, and some of the most important ceremonials were connected with this animal,® implying long-continued association. Casual references indicate that some of the tribes lived in mutual tolerance with several birds’ and mammals not yet domes- ticated (indeed the buffalo may be said to have been in this condition), so that the people were at the threshold of zooculture. The chief implements and weapons were of stone, wood, bone, horn, and antler. According to Carver, the ‘“‘ Nadowessie” were skillful bow- men, using also the “casse-téte”? or wareclub, and a flint scalping- knife. Catlin was impressed with the shortness of the bows used by the prairie tribes, though among the southwestern tribes they were longer. Many of the Siouan Indians used the lance, javelin, or spear. The domestic utensils were scant and simple, as became wanderers and fighters, wood being the common material, though crude pottery ‘1Coues, “History of the Expedition,” op. cit., vol. 1, p. 140. A note adds, ‘‘The dogs are not large, much resemble a wolf, and will haul about 70 pounds each.” 2Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River . . . under the Command of Stephen H. Long, U.S. T. E., by William H. Keating; London, 1825, vol. 1, p.451; vol. 1, p.44,et al. Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains . . . underthe Command of Major S. H. Long, U.S. T. E., by Edwin James; London, 1823, vol. 1, pp. 155, 182, et al. Say remarks (James, loc. cit., p.155) of the coyote (?), ‘‘Thisanimal . . . is probably the origi- nal of the domestic dog, so common in the villages of the Indians of this region [about Council Blafts and Omaha], some of the varieties of which still retain much of the habit and manners of this species.”’ James says (loc. cit., vol. 11, p. 13), ‘‘ The dogs of the Konzas are generally of a mixed breed, between our dogs with pendent ears and the native dogs, whose ears are universally erect. The Indians of this nation seek every opportunity to cross the breed. These mongrel dogs are less com- mon with the Omawhaws, while the dogs of the Pawnees generally have preserved their original form.” “Travels in the Interior of North America; London, 1843. The Prince adds, ‘‘In shape they differ very little from the wolf, and are equally large and strong. Some are of the real wolf color; others are black, white, or spotted with black and white, and differing only by the tail being rather more turned up. Their voice is nota proper barking, but a howl like that of the wolf, and they partly descend from wolves, which approach the Indian huts, even in the daytime, and mix with the dogs” (ef. p. 203 et al.). Writing at the Mandan village, he says, ‘The Mandans and Manitaries have not, by any means,so many dogs as the Assiniboin, Crows, and Blackfeet. They are rarely of true wolt color, but generally black or white, or else resemble the wolf, but here they are more like the prairie wolf (Canislatrans). We likewise found among these animals a brown race, descended from European pointers; hence the genuine bark of the dog is more frequently heard here, whereas among the western nations they only howl. The Indian dogs are worked very hard, have hard blows and hard fare; in fact, they are treated just as this fine animal is treated among the Esquimaux”’ (p, 345). 4“ Letters and Notes,’ ete, vol. 1, p. 14; ef. p. 230 et al. He speaks (p.201) of the Minitarj canines as ‘'semiloup dogs and whelps. ”’ ®Keating’s ‘‘ Narrative,"' op. cit., vol. 11, p.452; James’ ‘‘Account,”’ op. cit., vol. I, p. 127 et al. According to Prince Maximilian, both the Mandan and Minitari kept owls in their lodges and regarded them as soothsayers (‘'Travels,”’ op. cit., pp. 383, 403), and the eagle was apparently tolerated for the sake of his feathers. Cassa Tate, the antient tomahawk "’ on the plate illustrating the objects (‘‘ fravels,”’ op. cit., pl. 4, p. 298). ie THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 and basketry were manufactured, together with bags and bottles of skins or animal intestines. Ceremonial objects were common, the most conspicuous being the calumet, carved out of the sacred pipe- stone or catlinite quarried for many generations in the midst of the Siouan territory. Frequently the pipes were fashioned in the form of tomahawks, when they carried a double symbolic significance, stand- ing alike for peace and war, and thus expressing well the dominant idea of the Siouan mind. ‘Tobacco and kinnikinic (a mixture of tobacco with shredded bark, leaves, etc!) were smoked. Aboriginally the Siouan apparel was scanty, commonly comprising breechelout, moccasins, leggings, and robe, and consisted chiefly of dressed skins, though several of the tribes made simple fabrics of bast, rushes, and other vegetal substances. Fur robes and rush mats com- monly served for bedding, some of the tribes using rude bedsteads. The buffalo hunting prairie tribes depended largely for apparel, bed- ding, and habitations, as well as for food, on the great beast to whose comings and goings their movements were adjusted. Like other Indians, the Siouan hunters and their consorts quickly availed them- selves of the white man’s stuffs, as well as his metal implements, and the primitive dress was soon modified. The woodland habitations were chiefly tent-shape structures of sap- lings covered with bark, rush mats, skins, or bushes; the prairie habi- tations were mainly earth lodges for winter and buffalo-skin tipis for summer, Among many of the tribes these domiciles, simple as they were, were constructed in accordance with an elaborate plan controlled by ritual. According to Morgan, the framework of the aboriginal Dakota house consisted of 13 poles;* and Dorsey describes the syste- matic grouping of the tipis belonging to different gentes and tribes. Sudatories were characteristic in most of the tribes, menstrual lodges were common, and most of the more sedentary tribes had council houses or other communal structures. The Siouan domiciles were thus adapted with remarkable closeness to the daily habits and environ- ment of the tribesmen, while at the same time they reflected the com- plex social organization growing out of their prescriptorial status and militant disposition. Most of the Siouan men, women, and children were fine swimmers, though they did not compare well with neighboring tribes as makers and managers of water craft. The Dakota women made coracles of buffalo hides, in which they transported themselves and their house- holdry, but the use of these and other craft seems to have been regarded as little better than a feminine weakness. Other tribes were better boatmen; for the Siouan Indian generally preferred land travel to journeying by water, and avoided the burden of vehicles by which his 1Described by Coues, ‘‘ History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark,” 1893, vol. I, p. 139, note. 2“Tfouses and House-life of the American Aborigines,’’ Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. rv, 1881, p. 114. MCGEE] THE BUFFALO AND THE HORSE 107/83 ever-varying movements in pursuit of game or in waylaying and evad- ing enemies would have been limited and handicapped. There are many indications and some suggestive evidences that the chief arts and certain institutions and beliefs, as well as the geographic distribution, of the principal Siouan tribes were determined by a single conspicuous feature in their environment—the buffalo. As Riggs, Hale, and Dorsey have demonstrated, the original home of the Siouan stock lay on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountains, stretch- ing down over the Piedmont and Coastplain provinces to the shores of the Atlantic between the Potomac and the Savannah. MCGEE] FORMER HABITAT 187 stretching from the Rocky mountains to the Mississippi and from the Arkansas-Red river divide nearly to the Saskatchewan, with an arm crossing the Mississippi and extending to Lake Michigan. In addition there were a few outlying bodies, the largest and easternmost bordering the Atlantic from Sautee river nearly to Capes Lookout and Hatteras, and skirting the Appalachian range northward to the Potomac; the next considerable area lay on the Gulf coast about Pascagoula river and bay, stretching nearly from the Pearl to the Mobile; and there were one or two unimportant areas on Ohio river, which were temporarily occupied by small groups of Siouan Indians during recent times. There is little probability that the Siouan habitat, as thus outlined, ran far into the prehistoric age. As already noted, the Siouan Indians of the plains were undoubtedly descended from the Siouan tribes of the east (indeed the Mandan had a tradition to that effect); and reason has been given for supposing that the ancestors of the prairie hunters fol- lowed the straggling buffalo through the cis-Mississippi forests into his normal trans-Mississippi habitat and spread over his domain save as they were held in check by alien huntsmen, chiefly of the warlike Caddoan and Kiowan tribes; and the buffalo itself was a geologically recent—indeed essentially post-glacial—animal. Little 1f any definite trace of Siouan occupancy has been found in the more ancient prehis- toric works of the Mississippi valley. On the whole it appears probable that the prehistoric development of the Siouan stock and habitat was exceptionally rapid, that the Siouan Indians were a vigorous and virile people that arose quickly under the stimulus of strong vitality (the acquisition of which need not here be considered), coupled with execep- tionally favorable opportunity, to a power and glory culminating about the time of discovery. ORGANIZATION The demotie organization of the Siouan peoples, so far as known, is set forth in considerable detail in Mr Dorsey’s treatises! and in the foregoing enumeration of tribes, confederacies, and other linguistic groups. Like the other aborigines north of Mexico, the Siouan Indians were organized on the basis of kinship, and were thus in the stage of tribal society. Allof the best-known tribes had reached that plane in organ- ization characterized by descent in the male line, though many vestiges and some relatively unimportant examples of descent in the female line have been discovered. Thus the clan system was obsolescent and the gentile system fairly developed; i. e., the people were practically out of the stage of savagery and well advanced in the stage of barbarism. 1Chiefly ‘‘ Omaha Sociology,”’ Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1881-82 (1884), pp. 205-370; ‘‘A study of Sionan cults,’’ Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1889-90 (1894), pp. 351-544, and that printed on the following pages. 188 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 Confederation for defense and offense was fairly defined and was strengthened by intermarriage between tribes and gentes and the prohi- bition of marriage within the gens; yet the organization was such as to maintain tribal autonomy in considerable degree; i. e., the social struc- ture was such as to facilitate union in time of war and division into small groups adapted to hunting in times of peace. No indication of feudalism has been found in the stock. The government was autocratic, largely by military leaders sometimes (particularly in peace) advised by the elders and priests; the leadership was determined primarily by ability—prowess in war and the chase and wisdom in the council,—and was thus hereditary only a little further than characteristics were inherited; indeed, excepting slight recogni- tion of the divinity that doth hedge about a king, the leaders were practically self-chosen, arising gradually to the level determined by their abilities. The germ of theocracy was fairly developed, and appar- ently burgeoned vigorously during each period of peace, only to be cheeked and withered during the ensuing war when the shamans and their craft were forced into the background. During recent years, since the tribes began to yield to the domina- tion of the peace-loving whites, the government and election are deter- mined chiefly by kinship, as appears from Dorsey’s researches; yet definite traces of the militant organization appear, and any man can win name and rank in his gens, tribe, or confederacy by bravery or generosity. The institutional connection between the Siouan tribes of the plains and those of the Atlantic slope and the Gulf coast is completely lost, and it is doubtful whether the several branches have ever been united in a single confederation (or ‘“‘nation,” in the language of the pioneers), at least since the division in the Appalachian region perhaps five or ten centuries ago. Since this division the tribes have separated widely, and some of the bloodiest wars of the region in the historic period have been between Siouan tribes; the most extensive union possessing the slightest claim to federal organization was the great Dakota confed- eracy, which was grown into instability and partial disruption; and most of the tribal unions and coalitions were of temporary character. Although highly elaborate (perhaps because of this character), the Siouan organization was highly unstable; with every shock of conflict, whether intestine or external, some autocrats were displaced or slain; and after each important event—great battle, epidemic, emigration, or destructive tlood—new combinations were formed. The undoubtedly rapid development of the stock, especially after the passage of the Mississippi, indicates growth by conquest and assimilation as well as by direct propagation (it is known that the Dakota and perhaps other groups adopted aliens regularly); and, doubtless for this reason in part, there was a strong tendency toward differentiation and dichotomy in the demotic growth. In some groups the history is too vague to indicate this tendency with certainty; in others the tendency is clear. asinine = a 2 PES SS Ae PO MC GEE] CONTRAST BETWEEN CERTAIN STOCKS 189 Perhaps the best example is found in the (egiha, which divided into two great branches, the stronger of which threw off minor branches in the Osage and KKansa, and afterward separated into the Omaha and Ponka, while the feebler branch also ramified widely; and only less notable is the example of the Winnebago trunk, with its three great branches in the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri. This strong divergent tendency in itself suggests rapid, perhaps abnormally rapid, growth in the stock; for it outran and partially concealed the tendeney toward convergence and ultimate coalescence which characterizes demotic phenomena. The half-dozen eastern stocks occupying by far the greater part of North America contrast strongly with the half-hundred local stocks covering the Pacific coast; and none of the strong Atlantic stocks is more characteristic, more sharply contrasted with the limited groups of the western coast, or better understood as regards organization and development, than the great Siouan stock of the northern interior. There is promise that, as the demology of aboriginal America is pushed forward, the records relating to the Siouan Indians and especially to their structure and institutions will aid in explaining why some stocks are limited and others extensive, why large stocks in general charac- terize the interior and small stocks the coasts, and why the dominant peoples of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were successful in dis- placing the preexistent and probably more primitive peoples of the Mississippi valley. While the time is not yet ripe for making final answer to these inquiries, it is not premature to suggest a relation between a peculiar development of the aboriginal stocks and a peculiar geographic conformation: In general the coastward stocks are small, indicating a provincial shoreland habit, yet their population and area commonly increase toward those shores indented by deep bays, along which maritime and inland industries naturally blend; so (confining attention to eastern United States) the extensive Muskhogean stock stretches inland from the deep-bayed eastern Gulf coast; and so, too, three of the largest stocks on the continent (Algonqnian, Troquoian, Siouan) stretch far into the interior from the still more deeply indented Atlantic coast. In two of these cases (Iroquoian and Siouan) history and tradition indicate expansion and migration from the land of bays between Cape Lookout and Cape May, while in the third there are similar (though perhaps less definite) indications of an inland drift from the northern Atlantic bays and along the Laurentian river and lakes. HISTORY! DAKOTA-ASINIBOIN The Dakota are mentioned in the Jesuit Relations as early as 1639-40; the tradition is noted that the Ojibwa, on arriving at the Great Lakes in an early migration from the Atlantic coast, encountered representatives !'Taken chiefly from notes and manuscripts prepared by Mr Dorsey. 190 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ern. ANN. 15 of the great confederacy of the plains. In 1641 the French voyageurs met the Potawatomi Indians flying from a nation called Nadawessi (enemies); and the Frenchmen adopted the alien name for the warlike prairie tribes. By 1658 the Jesuits had learned of the existence of thirty Dakota villages west-northwest from the Potawatomi mission St Michel; and in 1689 they recorded the presence of tribes apparently representing the Dakota confederacy on the upper Mississippi, near the mouth of the St Croix. According to Croghan’s History of Western Pennsylvania, the “Sue” Indians occupied the country southwest of Lake Superior about 1759; and Dr T. 8. Williamson, “the father of the Dakota mission,” states that the Dakota must have resided about the confluence of the Mississippi and the Minnesota or St Peters for at least two hundred years prior to 1860. According to traditions collected by Dorsey, the Teton took posses- sion of the Black Hills region, which had previously been occupied by the Crow Indians, long before white men came; and the Yankton and Yanktonnai, which were found on the Missouri by Lewis and Clark, were not long removed from the region about Minnesota river. In 1862 the Santee and other Dakota tribes united in a formidable outbreak in which more than 1,000 whites were massacred or slain in battle. Through this outbreak and the consequent governmental action toward the control and settlement of the tribes, much was learned concerning the characteristics of the people, and various. Indian leaders became known; Spotted Tail, Red Cloud, Crazy Horse, Sitting Bull, American Horse, and Even-his-horse-is-feared (commonly miscalled Man-afraid-of- his-horses) were among the famous Dakota chiefs and warriors, nota- ble representatives of a passing race, Whose names are prominent in the history of the country. Other outbreaks occurred, the last of note resulting from the ghost-dance fantasy in 1890-91, which fortunately was quickly suppressed. Yet, with slight interruptions, the Dakota tribes in the United States were steadily gathered on reservations. Some 800 or more still roam the prairies north of the international boundary, but the great body of the confederacy, numbering nearly 28,000, are domiciled on reservations (already noted) in Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota. The separation of the Asiniboin from the Wazi-kute gens of the Yanktonai apparently occurred before the middle of the seventeenth century, since the Jesuit relation of 1658 distinguishes between the Poualak or Guerriers (undoubtedly the Dakota proper) and the Assini- poualak or Guerriers de pierre. The Asiniboin are undoubtedly the Essanape (Essanapi or Assinapi) who were next to the Makatapi (Dakota) in the Walam-Olum record of the Lenni-Lenape or Delaware. In 1680 Hennepin located the Asiniboin northeast of the Issati (Isan- yati or Santee) who were on Knife lake (Minnesota); and the Jesuit map of 1681 placed them on Lake-of-the-Woods, then called ‘*L. Assi- nepoualacs.” La Hontan claimed to have visited the Eokoro (Arikara) MCGEE] ASINIBOIN AND (EGIHA HISTORY oi in 1689-90, when the Essanape were sixty leagues above; and Perrot’s Mémoire refers to the Asiniboin as a Sioux tribe which, in the sey- enteenth century, seceded from their nation and took refuge among the rocks of Lake-of-the-Woods. Chauvignerie located some of the tribe south of Ounipigan (Winnipeg) lake in 1756, and they were near Lake- of-the- Woods as late as 1766, when they were said to have 1,500 war- riors. It is well known that in 1829 they occupied a considerable territory west of the Dakota and north of Missouri river, with a popu- lation estimated at 8,000; and Drake estimated their number at 10,000 before the smallpox epidemic of 1858, which is said to have carried off 4,000. From this blow the tribe seems never to have fully recovered, and now numbers probably no more than 3,000, mostly in Canada, where they continue to roam the plains they have occupied for half a century. (EGIHA According to tribal traditions collected by Dorsey, the ancestors of the Omaha, Ponka, Kwapa, Osage, and Kansa were originally one people dwelling on Ohio and Wabash rivers, but gradually working westward. The first separation took place at the mouth of the Ohio, when those who went down the Mississippi became the Kwapa or Down- stream People, while those who ascended the great river became the Omaha or Up-stream People. This separation must have occurred at least as early as 1500, since it preceded De Soto’s discovery of the Mississippi. The Omaha group (from whom the Osage, Kansa, and Ponka were not yet separated) ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Mis- souri, where they remained for some time, though war and hunting parties explored the country northwestward, and the body of the tribe gradually followed these pioneers, though the Osage and Kansa were successively left behind. Some of the pioneer parties discovered the pipestone quarry, and many traditions cling about this landmark. Sub- sequently they were driven across the Big Sioux by the Yankton Indians, who then lived toward the confluence of the Minnesota and Mississippi. The group gradually differentiated and finally divided through the sep- aration of the Ponka, probably about the middle of the seventeenth century. The Omaha gathered south of the Missouri, between the mouths of the Platte and Niobrara, while the Ponka pushed into the Black Hills country. The Omaha tribe remained within the great bend of the Missouri, opposite the mouth of the Big Sioux, until white men came. Their hunting ground extended westward and southwestward, chiefly north of the Platte and along the Elkhorn, to the territory of the Ponka and the Pawnee (Caddoan); and in 1766 Carver met their hunting parties on Minnesota river. Toward the end of the eighteenth century they were nearly destroyed by smallpox, their number having been reduced from about 3,500 to but little over 300 when they were visited by Lewis 192 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 and Clark, their famous chief Blackbird being one of those carried off by the epidemic. Subsequently they increased in numbers; in 1890 their population was about 1,200, They are now on reservations, mostly owning land in severalty, and are citizens of the United States and of the state of Nebraska. Although the name Ponka did not appear in history before 1700 it must have been used for many generations earlier, since it is an archaic designation connected with the social organization of several tribes and the secret societies of the Osage and Kansa, as well as the Ponka. In 1700 the Ponka were indicated on De V'Isle’s map, though they were not then segregated territorially from the Omaha. They, too, suffered terribly from the smallpox epidemic, and when met by Lewis and Clark in 1804 numbered only about 200. They increased rapidly, reaching about 600 in 1829 and some 800 in 1842; in 1871, when they were first visited by Dorsey, they numbered 747. Upto this time the Ponka and Dakota were amicable; but a dispute grew out of the cession of lands, and the Teton made annual raids on the Ponka until the enforced removal of the tribe to Indian Territory took place in 1877. Through this warfare, more than a quarter of the Ponka lost their lives. The displacement of this tribe from lands owned by them in fee simple attracted attention, and a commission was appointed by President Hayes in 1880 to inquire into the matter; the commission, consisting of Generals Crook and Miles and Messrs William Stickney and Walter Allen, visited the Ponka settlements in Indian Territory and on the Niobrara and effected a satisfactory arrangement of the affairs of the tribe, through which the greater portion (some 600) remained in Indian Territory, while some 225 kept their reservation in Nebraska. When the @egiha divided at the mouth of the Ohio, the ancestors of the Osage and Kansa accompanied the main Omaha body up the Mississippi to the mouth of Osage river. There the Osage separated from the group, ascending the river which bears their name. They were distinguished by Marquette in 1673 as the ‘‘Ouchage” and “Autrechaha,” and by Penicaut in 1719 as the “ Huzzau,” “Ous,” and “Wawha.” According to Croghan, they were, in 1759, on ‘‘ White creek, a branch of the Mississippi,” with the “Grand Tue;” but“ White creek” (or White water) was an old designation for Osage river, and “Grand Tue” is, according to Mooney, a corruption of Grandes Eaux,” or Great Osage; and there is accordingly no sufficient reason for sup- posing that they returned to the Mississippi. Toward the close of the eighteenth century the Osage and Kansa encountered the Comanche and perhaps other Shoshonean peoples, and their course was turned southward; and in 1817, according to Brown, the Great Osage and Little Osage were chiefly on Osage and Arkansas rivers, in four vil- lages. In 1829 Porter deseribed their country as beginning 25 miles west of the Missouri line and running to the Mexican line of that date, being 50 miles wide; and he gave their number as 5,000, According to MC GEE] (EGIHA HISTORY 193 Schoolcraft, they numbered 3,758 in April, 1853, but this was after the removal of an important branch known as Black Dog’s band to a new locality farther down Verdigris river. In 1850 the Osage occupied at least seven large villages, besides numerous small ones, on Neosho and Verdigris rivers. In 1873, when visited by Dorsey, they were gathered on their reservations in what is now Oklahoma. In 1890 they num- bered 158. The Kansa remained with the Up-stream People in their gradual ascent of the Missouri to the mouth of the Kaw or Kansas, when they diverged westward; but they soon came in contact with inimical peoples, and, like the Osage, were driven southward. The date of this divergence is not fixed, but it must have been after 1723, when Bourg- mont mentioned a large village of “*Quans” located on a small river flowing northward thirty leagues above Kaw river, near the Missouri. After the cession of Louisiana to the United States, a treaty was made with the Kansa Indians, who were then on Kaw river, at the mouth of the Saline, having been forced back from the Missouri by the Dakota; they then numbered about 1,500 and occupied about thirty earth lodges. In 1825 they ceded their lands on the Missouri to the Government, retaining a reservation on the Kaw, where they were constantly sub- jected to attacks from the Pawnee and other tribes, through which large numbers of their warriors were slain. In 1846 they again ceded their Jands and received a new reservation on Neosho riverin Kansas. This was soon overrun by settlers, when another reservation was assigned to them in Indian Territory, near the Osage country. By 1890 their population was reduced to 214. The Kwapa were found by De Soto in 1541 on the Mississippi above the mouth of the St Francis, and, according to Marquette’s map, they were partly east of the Mississippi in 1673. In 1681 La Salle found them in three villages distributed along the Mississippi, and soon after- ward Tonty mentioned four villages, one (Kappa=Uyaqpaqti, “Real Kwapa”) on the Mississippi and three (Toyengan=Ta*wa*-jiya, “Small Village”; Toriman=Ti-uad¢iman, and Osotonoy=Uzutiuwe) inland; this observation was verified by Dorsey in 1883 by the discovery that these names are still in use. In early days the Kwapa were known as “Akansa,” or Arkansa, first noted by La Metairie in 1682. It is prob- able that this name was an Algonquian designation given because of confusion with, or recognition of affinity to, the Kansa or Kaze, the prefix “a” being a common one in Algonquian appellations. In 1687 Joutel located two of the villages of the tribe on the Arkansas and two on the Mississippi, one of the latter being on the eastern side. According to St Cosme, the greater part of the tribe died of smallpox in October, 1699. In 1700 De V’Isle placed the principal ‘“Acansa” village on the southern side of Arkansas river; and, according to Gravier, there were in 1701 five villages, the largest, Imaha (Omaha), being highest on the Arkausas. In 1805 Sibley placed the “Arkensa” 15 ETH 15 194 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [erH. ANN. 15 in three villages on the southern side of Arkansas river, about 12 miles above Arkansas post. They claimed to be the original proprietors of the country bordering the Arkansas for 300 miles, or up to the conflu- ence of the Cadwa, above which lay the territory of the Osage. Sub- sequently the Kwapa affiliated with the Caddo Indians, though of another stock; according to Porter they were in the Caddo ceuntry in 1829. Asreservations were established, the Kwapa were re-segregated, and in 1877 were on their reservation in northwestern Indian Terri- tory; but most of them afterward scattered, chiefly to the Osage country, where in 1890 they were found to number 232. LOIWE/RE The ancestry and prehistoric movements of the tribes constituting this group are involved in considerable obscurity, though it is known from tradition as well as linguistic affinity that they sprung from the Winnebago. Since the days of Marquette (1673) the lowa have ranged over the country between the Mississippi and Missouri, up to the latitude of Oneota (formerly upper Iowa) river, and even across the Missouri about the mouth of the Platte. Chauvignerie located them in 1736 west of the Mississippi and (probably through error in identification of the waterway) south of the Missouri; and in 1761 Jefferys placed them between Missouri river and the headwaters of Des Moines river, above the Oto and below the Maha (Omaha). In 1805, according to Drake, they dwelt on Des Moines river, forty leagues above its mouth, and numbered 800. In 1811 Pike found them in two villages on Des Moines ~ and Iowa rivers. In 1815 they were decimated by smallpox, and also lost heavily through war against the tribes of the Dakota confed- eracy. In 1829 Porter placed them on the Little Platte, some 15 miles from the Missouri line, and about 1853 Schooleraft located them on Nemaha river, their principal village being near the mouth of the Great Nemaha. In 1848 they suffered another epidemic of smallpox, by which 100 warriors, besides women and children, were carried off. As the country settled, the Iowa, like the other Indians of the stock, were collected on reservations which they still oceupy in Kansas and Oklahoma. According to the last census their population was 273. The Missouri were first seen by Tonty about 1670; they were located near the Mississippi on Marquette’s map (1673) under the name of Ouemessourit, probably a corruption of their name by the Illinois tribe, with the characteristic Algonquian prefix. The name Missouri was first used by Joutel in 1687. In 1723 Bourgmont located their principal village 50 leagues below Kaw river and 60 leagues below the chief settlement of the Kansa; according to Croghan, they were located on Mississippi river opposite the Illinois country in 1759. Although the early locations are somewhat indefinite, it seems certain that the tribe formerly dwelt on the Mississippi about the mouth of MCGEE] LOIWE’RE AND WINNEBAGO HISTORY 195 the Missouri, and that they gradually ascended the latter stream, remaining for a time between Grand and Chariton rivers and establish- ing a town on the left bank of the Missouri near the mouth of the Grand. There they were found by French traders, who built a fort on an island quite near their village about the beginning of the eighteenth century. Soon afterward they were conquered and dispersed by a combination of Sac, Fox, and other Indians; they also suffered from smallpox. On the division, five or six lodges joined the Osage, two or three took refuge with the Kansa, and most of the remainder amalga- mated with the Oto. In 1805 Lewis and Clark found a part of the tribe, numbering about 300, south of Platte river. The only known survivors in 1829 were with the Oto, when they numbered no more than 80. In 1842 their village stood on the southern bank of Platte river near the Oto settlement, and they followed the latter tribe to Indian Perritory in 1882. According to Winnebago tradition, the poiwe’re tribes separated from that ‘“ People of the parent speech” long ago, the Iowa being the first and the Oto the last to leave. In 1673 the Oto were located by Mar. quette west of Missouri river, between the fortieth and fortyfirst parallels; in 1680 they were 150 leagues from the Illinois, almost oppo- site the mouth of the Miskoncing (Wisconsin), and in 1687 they were on Osage river. According to La Hontan they were, in 1690, on Oton- tas (Osage) river; and in 1698 Hennepin placed them ten days’ journey from Fort Creve Ceur. Iberville, in 1700, located the Iowa and Oto with the Omaha, between Wisconsin and Missouri rivers, about 100 leagues from the Illinois tribe; and Charlevoix, in 1721, fixed the Oto habitat as below that of the Lowa and above that of the Kansa on the western side of the Missouri. Dupratz mentions the Oto as a small nation on Misscuri river in 1758, and Jefferys (1761) described them as occupying the southern bank of the Panis (Platte) between its mouth and the Pawnee territory; according to Porter, they occupied the same position in 1829. The Oto claimed the land bordering the Platte from their village to the mouth of the river, and also that on both sides of the Missouri as far as the Big Nemaha. In 1833 Catlin found the Oto and Missouri together in the Pawnee country; about 1541 they were gath- ered in four villages on the southern side of the Platte, from 5 to 18 miles above its mouth. In 1880 a part of the tribe removed to the Sac and Fox reservation in Indian Territory, where they still remain; in 1882 the rest of the tribe, with the remnant of the Missouri, emigrated to the Ponka, Pawnee, and Oto reservation in the present Oklahoma, where, in 1890 they were found to number 400, WINNEBAGO Linguisticaily the Winnebago Indians are closely related to the Loiwe’re on the one side and to the Mandan on the other. They were first mentioned in the Jesuit Relation of 1636, though the earliest 196 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 known use of the name Winnebago occurs in the Relation of 1640; Nicollet found them on Green bay in 1639. According to Shea, the Winnebago were almost annihilated by the Illinois (Algonquian) tribe in early days, and the historical group was made up of the survivors of the early battles. Chauvignerie placed the Winnebago on Lake Supe- rior in 1736, and Jefferys referred to them and the Sae as living near the head of Green bay in 1761; Carver mentions a Winnebago village on a small island near the eastern end of Winnebago lake in 1778. Pike enumerated seven Winnebago villages existing in 1811; and in 1822 the population of the tribe was estimated at 5,800 (including 900 warriors) in the country about Winnebago lake and extending thence southwestward to the Mississippi. By treaties in 1825 and 1532 they ceded their lands south of Wisconsin and Fox rivers for a reservation on the Mississippi above the Oneota; one of their villages in 1832 was at Prairie la Crosse. They suffered several visitations of smallpox; the third, which occurred in 1836, carried off more than a quarter of the tribe. A part of the people long remained widely distributed over their old country east of the Mississippi and along that river in lowa and Minnesota; in 1840 most of the tribe removed to the neutral ground in the then territory of Iowa; in 1846 they surrendered their reserva- tion for another above the Minnesota, and in 1856 they were removed to Blue Earth, Minnesota. Here they were mastering agriculture, when the Sioux war broke out and the settlers demanded their removal. Those who had taken up farms, thereby abandoning tribal rights, were allowed to remain, but the others were transferred to Crow creek, on Missouri river, whence they soon escaped. Their privations and suffer- ings were terrible; out of 2,000 taken to Crow creek only 1,200 reached the Omaha reservation, whither most of them fled. They were assigned a new reservation on the Omaha lands, where they now remain, ocecupy- ing lands allotted in severalty. In 1890 there were 1,215 Winnebago on the reservation, but nearly an equal number were scattered over Minnesota, lowa, Wisconsin, and Michigan, where they now live chiefly by agriculture, with a strong predilection for hunting. MANDAN The Mandan had a vague tradition of emigration from the eastern part of the country, and Lewis and Clark, Prince Maximilian, and others found traces of Mandan house-structures at various points along the Missouri; thus they appear to have ascended that stream before the advent of the @egiha. During the historical period their movements were limited; they were first visited in the upper Missouri country by Sieur dela Verendrye in 1738. About 1750 they established two villages on the eastern side and seven on the western side of the Missouri, near the mouth of Heart river. Here they were assailed by the Asiniboin and Dakota and attacked by smallpox, and were greatly reduced; the two eastern villages consolidated, and the people MCGEE] MANDAN AND HIDATSA HISTORY 197 migrated up the Missouri to a point 1,430 miles above its mouth (as subsequently determined by Lewis and Clark); the seven villages were soon reduced to five, and these people also ascended the river and formed two villages in the Arikara country, near the Mandan of the eastern side, where they remained until about 1766, when they also consolidated. Thus the once powerful and populous tribe was reduced to tio villages which, in 1804, were found by Lewis and Clark on opposite banks of the Missouri, about 4 miles below Knife river. Here for a time the tribe waxed and promised to regain the early prestige, reaching a population of 1,600 in 1837; but in that year they were again attacked by smallpox and almost annihilated, the survivors numbering only 31 according to one account, or 125 to 145 according to others. After this visitation they united in one village. When the Hidatsa removed from Knife river in 1845, some of the Mandan accompanied them, and others followed at intervals as late as 1858, when only a few still remained at their old home. In 1872 a reservation was set apart for the Hidatsa and Arikara and the survivors of the Mandan on Mis- souri and Yellowstone rivers in Dakota and Montana, but in 1886 the reservation was reduced. According to the census returns, the Mandan numbered 252 in 1890. HIDATSA There has been much confusion concerning the definition and desig- nation of the Hidatsa Indians. They were formerly known as Minitari or Gros Ventres of the Missouri, in distinction from the Gros Ventres of the plains, who belong to another stock. The origin of the term Gros Ventres is somewhat obscure, and various observers have pointed out its inapplicability, especially to the well-formed Hidatsa tribesmen, According to Dorsey, the French pioneers probably translated a native term referring to a traditional buffalo paunch, which occupies a promi- nent place in the Hidatsa mythology and which, in early times, led to a dispute and the separation of the Crow from the main group some time in the eighteenth century. The earlier legends of the Hidatsa are vague, but there is a definite tradition of a migration northward, about 1765, from the neighborhood of Heart river, where they were associated with the Mandan, to Knife river. At least as early as 1796, according to Matthews, there were three villages belonging to this tribe on Knife river—one at the mouth, another half a mile above, and the third and largest 3 miles from the mouth. Here the people were found by Lewis and Clark in 1804, and here they remained until 1837, when the scourge of smallpox fell and many of the people perished, the survivors uniting in a single village. About 1845 the Hidatsa and a part of the Mandan again migrated up the Missouri, and established a village 30 miles by land and 60 miles by water above their old home, within what is now Fort Berthold res- ervation. Their population has apparently varied greatly, partly by 198 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [ern ANN. 15 reason of the ill definition of the tribe by different enumerators, partly by reason of the inroads of smallpox. In 1890 they numbered 522. The Crow people are known by the Hidatsa as Kiliatsa (They-refused- the-paunch), according to Matthews; and Dorsey points out that their own name, Absaruke, does not mean ‘* crow,” but refers to a variety of hawk. Lewis and Clark found the tribe in four bands. In 1817 Brown located them on Yellowstone river. In 1829 they were described by Porter as ranging along Yellowstone river on the eastern side of the Rocky mountains, and numbered at 4,000; while in 1854, according to Drake, they occupied the southern branch of the Yellowstone, about the fortysixth parallel and one hundred and fifth meridian, with a population of 4,500. In 1842 their number was estimated at 4,000, and they were described as inhabiting the headwaters of the Yellowstone. They have since been duly gathered on the Crow reservation in Mon- tana, and are slowly adopting civilization. In 1890 they numbered OSs THE EASTERN AND SOUTHERN TRIBES The history of the Monakan, Catawba, Sara, Pedee, and Santee, and incidentally that of the Biloxi, has been carefully reviewed in a recent publication by Mooney,! and does not require repetition. GENERAL MOVEMENTS On reviewing the records of explorers and pioneers and the few tra- ditions which have been preserved, the course of Siouan migration and development becomes clear. In general the movements were westward and northwestward. The Dakota tribes have not been traced far, though several of them, like the Yanktonnai, migrated hundreds of miles from the period of first observation to the end of the eighteenth century; then came the Mandan, according to their tradition, and as they ascended the Missouri left traces of their occupancy scattered over 1,000 miles of migration; next the Gegiha descended the Ohio and passed from the cis-Mississippi forests over the trans-Mississippi plains—the stronger branch following the Mandan, while the lesser at first descended the great river and then worked up the Arkansas into the buffalo country until checked and diverted by antagonistic tribes. So also the yoiwe’re, first recorded near the Mississippi, pushed 300 miles westward; while the Winnebago gradually emigrated from the region of the Great Lakes into the trans-Mississippi country even before their movements were affected by contact with white men. In like manner the Hidatsa are known to have flowed northwestward many scores of miles; and the Asiniboin swept more rapidly across the plains from the place of their rebellion against the Yanktonnai, on the Mississippi, before they found final resting place on the Saskatchewan 1Siouan Tribes of the East, 1894. MC GEE] SIOUAN MIGRATIONS 199 plains 500 or 800 miles away. All of the movements were consistent and, despite intertribal friction and strife, measurably harmonious. The lines of movement, so far as they can be restored, are in full accord with the lines of linguistic evolution traced by Hale and Dorsey and Gatschet, and indicate that some five hundred or possibly one thousand years ago the tribesmen pushed over the Appalachians to the Ohio and followed that stream and its tributaries to the Mississippi (though there are faint indications that some of the early emigrants ascended the northern tributaries to the region of the Great Lakes); and that the human flood gained volume as it advanced and expanded to cover the entire region of the plains. The records concerning the movement of this great human stream find support in the manifest reason for the movement; the reason was the food quest by which all primitive men are led, and its end was the abundant fauna of the prairieland, with the buffalo at its head. While the early population of the Sionan stock, when first the hunts- men crossed the Appalachians, may not be known, the lines of migra- tion indicate that the people increased and multiplied amain during their long journey, and that their numbers culminated, despite external conflict and internal strife, about the beginning of written history, when the Siouan population may have been 100,000 or more. Then came war against the whites and the still more deadly smallpox, whereby the vigorous stock was checked and crippled and the popula- tion gradually reduced; but since the first shock, which occurred at different dates in different parts of the great region, the Siouan people have fairly held their own, and some branches are perhaps gaining in strength. SOME FEATURES OF INDIAN SOCIOLOGY * As shown by Powell, there are two fundamentally distinct classes or stages in human society—(1) tribal society and (2) national society. National society characterizes civilization; primarily it is organized on a territorial basis, but as enlightenment grows the bases are multi- plied. Tribal society is characteristic of savagery and barbarism; so far as known, all tribal societies are organized on the basis of kinship. The transfer from tribal society to national society is often, perhaps always, through feudalism, in which the territorial motive takes root and in which the kinship motive withers. All of the American aborigines north of Mexico and most of those farther southward were in the stage of tribal society when the conti- nents were discovered, though feudalism was apparently budding in South America, Central America, and parts of Mexico, The partly developed transitional stage may, for the present, be neglected, and American Indian sociology may be considered as representing tribal society or kinship organization. 200 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 15 The fundamental principles of tribal organization through kinship have been formulated by Powell; they are as follows: I. A body of kindred constituting a distinet body politic 1s divided into groups, the males into groups of brothers and the females into groups of sisters, on distine- tions of generations, regardless of degrees of consanguinity; and the kinship terms used express relative age. In civilized society kinships are classified on distinctions of sex, distinctions of generations, and distinctions arising from degrees of consan_ guinity. II. When descent is in the female line, the brother-group consists of natal brothers, together with all the materterate male cousins of whatever degree. Thus mother’s sisters’ sons and mother’s mother’s sisters’ daughters’ sons, ete, are included in a group with natal brothers. In like manner the sister-group is composed of natal sisters, together with all materterate female cousins of whatever degree, Ill. When descent is in the male line, the brother-group is composed of natal brothers, together with all patruate male cousins of whatever degree, and the sister- group is composed of natal sisters, together with all patruate female cousins of whatever degree. IV. The son of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, father; the father of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, son. Thus a father-group is coextensive with the brother-group to which the father belongs. A brother-group may also constitute a father-group and grandfather-gronp, a son- group and a grandson-group. It may also be a patruate-group and an avunculate- group. It may also be a patruate cousin-group and an avunculate cousin-group; and in general, every member of a brother-group has the same consanguineal relation to persons outside of the group as that of every other member. Two postulates concerning primitive society, adopted by various eth- nologic students of other countries, have been erroneously applied to the American aborigines; at the same time they have been so widely accepted as to demand consideration. The first postulate is that primitive men were originally assembled in chaotic hordes, and that organized society was developed out of the chaotic mass by the segregation of groups and the differentiation of functions within each group. Now the American aborigines collect- ively represent a wide range in development, extending from a condi- tion about as primitive as ever observed well toward the verge of feudalism, and thus offer opportunities for testing the postulate; and it has been found that when higher and lower stages representing any portion of the developmental succession are compared, the social organ- izations of the lower grade are no less definite, perhaps more definite, than those pertaining to the higher grade; so that when the history of demotic growth among the American Indians is traced backward, the organizations are found on the whole to grow more definite, albeit more simple. When the lines of development revealed through research are projected still farther toward their origin, they indicate an initial con- dition, directly antithetic to the postulated horde, in which the scant population was segregated in small discrete bodies, probably family groups; and that in each of these bodies there was a definite organiza- tion, while each group was practically independent of, and probably 'Tlrird Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1881-82 (1884), pp. xliv-xlv. MCGEE] BEGINNING OF MARRIAGE 201 inimical to, all other groups. The testimony of the observed institu- tions is corroborated by the testimony of language, which, as clearly shown by Powell.' represents progressive combination rather than con- tinued differentiation, a process of involution rather than evolution. It would appear that the original definitely organized groups occasion- ally met and coalesced, whereby changes in organization were required; that these compound groups occasionally coalesced with other groups, both simple and compound, whereby they were elaborated in structure, always with some loss in definiteness and permanence; and that grad- ually the groups enlarged by incorporation, while the composite organ- ization grew complex and variable to meet the ever-changing condi- tions. It would also appear that in some cases the corporeal growth outran the structural or institutional growth, when the bodies—clans, gentes, tribes, or confederacies—split into two or more fragments which continued to grow independently; yet that in general the progress of institutional development went forward through incorporation of peoples and differentiation of institutions. The same process was followed as tribal society passed into national society; and it is the same process which is today exalting national society into world society, and trans- forming simple civilization into enlightenment. Thus the evolution of social organization is from the simple and definite toward the complex and variable; or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the environment-shaped to the environment-shaping; or from the biotic to the demotie. The second postulate, which may be regarded as a corollary of the first, is that the primary conjugal condition was one of promiscuity, out of which different forms of marriage were successively segregated. Now the wide range in institutional development exemplified by the American Indians affords unprecedented opportunities for testing this postulate also, The simplest demotie unit found among the aborigines is the clan or mother-descent group, in which the normal conjugal rela- tion is essentially monogamous,” in which marriage is more or less strictly regulated by a system of prohibitions, and in which the chief conjugal regulation is commonly that of exogamy with respect to the clan; in higher groups, more deeply affected by contact with neighbor- ing peoples, the simple clan organization is sometimes found to be modified, (1) by the adoption and subsequent conjugation of captive men and boys, and, doubtless more profoundly, (2) by the adoption and polygamous marriage of female captives; and in still more highly organized groups the mother-descent is lost and polygamy is regular and limited only by the capacity of the husband as a provider. The second and third stages are commonly characterized, like the first, \Notably in ‘Relation of primitive peoples to environment, illustrated by American examples,” Smithsonian Report for 1896, pp. 625-638, especially p. 635. 2Neither space nor present occasion warrants discussion of the curious aphrodisian cults found among many peoples, usually in the barbaric stage of development; it may be noted merely that this isan aberrant branch from the main stem of institutional growth. The subject is touched briefly in “The beginning of marriage,’’ American Anthropologist, vol. 1x, pp. 371-383, Nov., 1896. 902 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 by established prohibitions and by clan exogamy; though with the advance in organization amicable relations with certain other groups are usually established, whereby the germ of tribal organization is implanted and a system of interclan marriage, or tribal eudogamy, is developed. With further advance the mother-descent group is trans- formed into a father-descent group, when the clan is replaced by the gens; and polygamy is a common feature of the gentile organization. In all of these stages the conjugal and consanguineal regulations are affected by the militant habits characteristic of primitive groups; more warriors than women are slain in battle, and there are more female captives than male; and thus the polygamy is mainly or wholly polygyny. In many cases civil conditions combine with or partially replace the militant conditions, yet the tendency of conjugal develop- ment is not changed. Among the Seri Indians, probably the most prinitive tribe in North America, in which the demotie unit is the clan, there is a rigorous marriage custom under which the would-be groom is required to enter the family of the girl and demonstrate (1) his capacity as a provider and (2) his strength of character as a man, by a year’s probation, before he is finally accepted—the conjugal the- ory of the tribe being monogamy, though the practice, at least during recent years, has, by reason of conditions, passed into polygyny. Among several other tribes of more provident and less exclusive habit, the first of the two conditions recognized by the Seri is met by rich presents (representing accumulated property) from the groom to the girl’s family, the second condition being usually ignored, the clan organization remaining in force; among still other tribes the first con- dition is more or less vaguely recognized, though the voluntary present is commuted into, or replaced by, a negotiated value exacted by the gil’s family, when the mother-descent is commonly vestigial; and in the next stage, which is abundantly exemplified, wife-purchase pre- vails, and the clan is replaced by the gens. In this sueeession the development of wife-purchase and the decadence of mother-descent may be traced, and it is significant that there is a tendency first toward partial enslavement of the wife and later toward the multiplication of wives to the limit of the husband’s means, and toward transforming all, or all but one, of the wives into menials. Thus the lines of devel- opment under militant and civil conditions are essentially parallel. It is possible to project these lines some distance backward into the unknown of the exceedingly primitive, when they are found to define small discrete bodies—just such as are indicated by the institutional and linguistic lines—probably family groups, which must have been essentially, and were perhaps strictly, monogamous. It would appear that in these groups mating was either between distant members (under a law of attraction toward the remote and repulsion from the near, which is shared by mankind and the higher animals), or the result of accidental meeting between nubile members of different groups; that in the second case and sometimes in the first the conjugation MC GEE] CLASSIFICATION OF TRIBAL SOCIETY 203 produced a new monogamic family; and that sometimes in the first case (and possibly in the second) the new group retained a more or less definite connection with the parent group—this connection constituting the germ of the clan. In passing, if may be noted merely that this inferential origin of the lines of institutional development is in accord with the habits of certain higher and incipiently organized animals. From this hypothetic beginning, primitive marriage may be traced through the various observed stages of monogamy and polygamy and concubinage and wife-subordination, through savagery and barbarism and into civilization, with its curious combination of exoteric monog- amy and esoteric promiscuity. Fortunately the burden of the proof of this evolution does not now rest wholly on the evidence obtained among the American aborigines; for Westermarek has recently re- viewed the records of observation among the primitive peoples of many lands, and has found traces of the same sequence in all.!’ Thus the evolution of marriage, like that of other human institutions, is from the simple and definite to the complex and variable; i. e., from approx- imate or complete monogamy through polygamy to a mixed status of undetermined signification; or from the mechanical to the spontaneous; or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the provincial to the cosmopolitan. As implied in several foregoing paragraphs, and as clearly set forth in various publications by Powell, tribal society falls into two classes or stages—(1) clan organization and (2) gentile organization, these stages corresponding respectively to savagery and barbarism, strictly defined. At the time of discovery, most of the American Indians were in the upper stages of savagery and the lower stages of barbarism, as defined by organization; among some tribes descent was reckoned in the female line, though definite matriarchies have not been discovered; among several tribes descent was and still is reckoned in the male line, and among all of the tribes thus far investigated the patriarchal system is found. In tribal society, both clan and gentile, the entire social structure is based on real or assumed kinship, and a large part of the demotie devices are designed to establish, perpetuate, and advertise kinship relations. As already indicated, the conspicuous devices in order of development are the taboo with the prohibitions growing out of it, kinship nomenclature and regulations, and a system of ordination by which incongruous things are brought into association. Among the American Indians the taboo and derivative prohibitions are used chiefly in connection with marriage and clan or gentile organ- ization. Marriage in the clan or gens is prohibited; among many tribes a vestige of the inferential primitive condition is found in the curious 1The History of Human Marriage (London, 1891), especially chapters iv-vi, xiii-xv, xx-xxii. 204 THE SIOUAN INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 15 prohibition of communications between children-in-law and parents-in- law; the clan taboos are commonly connected with the tutelar beast- god, perhaps represented by a totem. The essential feature of the kinship terminology is the reckoning from ego, whereby each individual remembers his own relation to every other member of the clan or tribe; and commonly the kinship terms are classifie rather than descriptive (i. e.,a single term expresses the relation which in English is expressed by the phrase “My elder brother’s second son’s wife”). The system is curiously complex and elaborate. It was not discovered by the earlier and more superficial observers of the Indians, and was brought out chiefly by Morgan, who detected numerous striking examples among different tribes; but it would appear that the system is not equally complete among all of the tribes, probably because of immature development in some cases and because of decadence in others. The system of ordination, like that of kinship, is characterized by reckoning from the ego and by adventitious associations. It may have been developed from the kinship system through the need for recogni- tion and assignment of adopted captives, collective property, and other things pertaining to the group; yet it bears traces of influence by the taboo system. Its ramifications are wide: In some cases it emphasizes kinship by assigning members of the family group to fixed positions about the camp-fire or in the house; this function develops into the placement of family groups in fixed order, as exemplified in the Iro- quoian long-house and the Siouan camping circle; or it develops into a curiously exaggerated direction-concept culminating in the cult of the Four Quarters and the Here, and this prepares the way for a quinary, decimal, and vigesimal numeration; this last branch sends off another in which the cult of the Six Quarters and the Here arises to prepare the way for the mystical numbers 7, 13, and 7x7, whose vestiges come down to civilization; both the four-quarter and the six-quarter associa- tions are sometimes bound up with colors; and there are numberless other ramifications. Sometimes the function and development of these curious concepts, which constitute perhaps the most striking charac- teristic of prescriptorial culture, are obscure at first glance, and hardly to be discovered even through prolonged research; yet, so far as they have been detected and interpreted, they are especially adapted to fix- ing demotic relations; and through them the manifold relations of indi- viduals and groups are crystallized and kept in mind. Thus the American Indians, including the Siouan stock, are made up of families organized into clans or gentes, and combined in tribes, sometimes united in confederacies, all on a basis of kinship, real or assumed; and the organization is shaped and perpetuated by a series of devices pertaining to the plane of prescriptorial culture, whereby each member of the organization is constantly reminded of his position in the group. SEOULAN SOCTOLOG Y A POSTHUMOUS PAPER BY JAMES OWEN DORSEY In 1871, at the age of 23, James Owen Dorsey, previously a student of divinity with a predilection for science, was ordained a deacon of the Protestant Episcopal church by the bishop of Virginia; and in May of that year he was sent to Dakota Territory as a missionary among the Ponka Indians. Characterized by an amiability that quickly won the confidence of the Indians, possessed of unbounded enthusiasm, and gifted with remarkable aptitude in discriminating and imitating vocal sounds, he at once took up the study of the native language, and, during the ensuing two years, familiarized himself with the Ponka and cognate dialects; at the same time he obtained a rich fund of information concerning the arts, institutions, traditions, and beliefs of the Indians with whom he was brought into daily contact. In August, 1873, his field work was interrupted by illness, and he returned to his home in Maryland and assumed parish work, meantime continuing his linguistic studies. In July, 1878, he was induced by Major Powell to resume field researches among the aborigines, and repaired to the Omaha reservation, in Nebraska, under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution, where he greatly increased his stock of linguistic and other material. When the Bureau of Ethnology was instituted in 1879, his services were at once enlisted, and the remainder of his life was devoted to the collection and publication of ethnologic material, chiefly linguistic. Although most of his energies were devoted to the Siouan stock, he studied also the Athapascan, Kusan, Takilman, and Yakonan stocks; and while his researches were primarily linguistic, his collections relating to other subjects, especially institutions and beliefs, were remarkably rich. His publications were many, yet the greater part of the material amassed during his years of labor remains for elaboration by others. The memoir on “Siouan Sociology,” which was substantially ready for the press, is the only one of his many manu- seripts left in condition for publication. He died in Washington, February 4, 1895, of typhoid fever, at the early age of 47. WwW J M. 207 ALPHABET a, as in father. y (in Dakota), after a vowel has the sound ‘a, an initially exploded a. of n in the French bon, See™. i, as in what, or as o in not. fl, as ng in sing. ‘1, an initially exploded i. hn, its initial sonnd is expelled from the ii, as in hat. nostrils and is scarcely heard. c, as shin she. Sees. 0, as in no. ; 9, a medial sh, a sonant-surd. ‘o, an initially exploded o. é (Dakota letter), as ch in church. d, a medial b or p, a sonant-surd. ¢, as thin thin. p’, an exploded p. 5, a medial ¢, sonant-surd, q, as German ch inach. See h. ¢, as th in the. s, a medial z or s, a sonant-surd. e, as in they. 8 (in Dakota), as sh in she. Seec. ‘e, an initially exploded e. 4, a medial d or t, a sonant-surd. é, as in get. t’, an exploded t. ‘G, an initially exploded é. u, as 00 in tool. g, as in go. ‘au, an initially exploded u. & (in Dakota), gh. See x. ii, as 00 in foot. y (in Osage), an h after a pure or nasal- | u, a sound between o and u. ized vowel, expelled through the mouth | ii, as in German kiihl, siiss. with the lips wide apart. x, gh, or nearly the Arabic ghain. See &. h (in Dakota), kh, ete. See q. z (in Dakota), as zin azure. See j. i, as in machine. dj, as j in judge. ‘i, an initially exploded i. te, as ch in church. See ¢. i, as in pin. te’, an exploded te. j, as 2 in azure, or as j in the French | 40, a medial te, a sonant-surd. Jacques. ts’, an exploded ts. y, a medial k, a sonant-surd. 4s, a medial ts, a sonant-surd. k’, an exploded k. See next letter. ai, as in aisle. k (in Dakota), an exploded k. au, as ow in how. tw (in Kansa), amedialm,asound between | yu, as u in tune, or ew in few. mand b. The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, 1, m,n, p, T, 8, t, Ww, y, and z A superior n (") after a vowel (compare the Da- kota )) has the sound of the French n in bon, vin, ete. A plus sign (+) after any letter prolongs it. The vowels ‘a, ‘e, 4, ‘o, ‘u, and their modifications are styled initially exploded vowels for want of a better appellation, there being in each case an initial explosion. These vowels are approximately or partially pectoral sounds found in the Siouan languages and also in some of the languages of western Oregon and in the language of the Hawaiian islands. 208 CONTENTS Page Generaliteatnresofsorpanizaul Olen seep sence sel ae cise sealers chia ee sie eae 213 The Dakota tribes. .---...---.- BGA EO OD Se ScCS EE SORES Oo SEBS oe aoe ea ie 215 Desicnationandanodecioficamping sae- 2-2 ee = eee Sa Sen eee ea ae 215 TY aYEV I Wa ERT CUETO TO UP VU PP eS ee 215 ThenWiag pe-kute= osc J-~ 2c sce scisceoe ceteris cesaa sere cccs se asacccesete 216 Rh eaWaci pesto sweet OMNVia hpebOmrn sis rericta\ayeieie staeitsiacis mera sataetacate ere ta= 216 SLOP SisitORwa Or SissetOMes ce)! sis sss) oso sje cre e'mso Soler sis sis Si=i ole =,c¥eeleie oo secicle.s 216 hhoplanktoawalzvorsvanktonl. ose mistslec cee eee ee mies es cert co cee ene ae 217 Mheywhanitorwaln aor ank tonal =seevsee ssa oeeiess cece ee eee se ersee ee 217 MH OwibOLwatOLwhe LOM eee. a Meme ccc e mine cisteracinicinstae aol ce cise cleiece ee 218 Tee ali ATS} 0 eran ee OB ciara ces eens ERE Sere oer te Resi cee ee 218 SRN OMS UGCA UR a ee rein oa sinsn eersisete ele sie cieciers fein a = alcin\sersieise cee see SSieie se 218 ANNG EWAN SOD, 565 ss GhG6 abance sno a copa eco eeouS See eign ee OSCR USAArEne 219 Mhersiba-cap mor blackteetwe-s sssece =e se == . Wanaxe, Ghost...-.. . Ke k’it, Carries-a- turtle-on-his-back. sun-on-his- back. b Whos IOS oeen spor Qiiya, White eagle. - Has Nights] ese firebrand-to-sa- cred-pipes, or | Haiga jitga,. small Hanga. Hanga tanga, Large Hanga; Hanga utanandji, Han- ga-apart-from- | the-rest, or Ta | sindje qaga, Stiff- deer-tail. Subgentes a, Pank unikaci*ga, Ponka people. b, Qindj-ala", Wear-red-cedar (-fronds)-on-their-heads. a, Tadje unikaci*ga, Wind people, or Ak’a unikaci®ga, South-wind peo- ple, or Tci haci*qtci, Real Tei haci", Camp-behind-all. 6, Tadje jinga, Small-wind, or Ma" na®hind- je, Makes-a-breeze-near-the- ground, a, Wasabéqtci, Real Black-bear, or Saki" wayatce, Kats-raw (-food). b, Sindjalé, Wear-tails (locks of hair) -on-the-head. Not learned. Not learned. Not learned. a, Upa®-qtei, Real elk, or Ma"satha, referring to the color of the fur. b, Satha"ge, meaning unknown. a, Hiisada, Legs-stretched-out-sti ff; Qiiyunikaci"ga, White-eagle peo- ple. b, Wabi" ijupye, Wade-in- blood; Wabi® unikaci"ga, Blood people. a, Ha" nikaci*ga, Night people. 3, Daka" matyi®, Walks-shining (Star people?). a, Qiiyegu jinga, Hawk-that-has-a-tail- like-a-“ king-eagle;” ‘ Little-one- like-an-eagle.” 0b, Mika unikaci”- ga, Raccoon people, or Mika qla jinga, Small lean raccoon. A black eagle with spots. Subgentes not recorded. 232 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15 Gentes | Subgentes Il 14. Teedtinga, Buffalo a, Teedtinga, Buffalo with dark hair. (bull), or Si tanga, b, Yuge, Reddish-vellow buffalo. Big feet. (See Pouka Nuqe, Osage @uge, Kwapa Tuge.) V_ 15. Tei ju wactage, Tci- (Red-hawk people?). Subgentes not ju peacemaker. recorded. Il 16. Lu nikaci*ga, Thun- Subgentes not recorded. | der-being people; | | Leda" unikaci*ga, Gray-hawk peo- ple. Great changes have occurred among the Kansa since they have come in contact with the white race; but when Say visited them in the early part of the present century they still observed their aboriginal mar- riage laws. No Kansa could take a wife from a gens on his side of the tribal cirele, nor could he marry any kinswoman, however remote the relationship might be. There are certain gentes that exchange per- sonal names (jaje kik’iibe au), as among the Osage. Civil and military distinctions were based on bravery and generosity. Say informs us that the Kansa had been at peace with the Osage since 1806; that they had intermarried freely with them, so that ‘‘in stature, features, and customs they are more and more closely approaching that people.” He states also that the head chief of the Kansa was Gahi*ge Waday- inga, Saucy Chief (which he renders *‘ Fool Chief”), and that the ten or twelve underchiefs did not seem to have the respect of the people. Unmarried females labored in the fields, served their parents, car- ried wood and water, and cooked. When the eldest daughter married she controlled the lodge, her mother, and all the sisters; the latter were always the wives of the same man. Presents were exchanged when a youth took his first wife. On the death of the husband the widow searified herself, rubbed her person with clay, and became careless about her dress for a year. Then the eldest brother of the deceased married her without any ceremony, regarding her children as his own. When the deceased left no brother (real or potential) the widow was free to select her next husband. Fellowhood (as in cases of Damon and Pythias, David and Jonathan) often continues through life. The Kansa had two kinds of criers or heralds: 1, the wadji/pa”yi® or village crier; 2, the ie/‘kiye’ (Omaha and Ponka i/éki’¢é). In 1882, Satsile (a woman) was hereditary wadji’pa"yi" of the Kansa, having succeeded her father, Pezihi, the last male erier. At the time of an DORSEY] KANSA AND OSAGE DIVISIONS 230 issue (about 1882) Sa*sile’s son-in-law died, so she, being a mourner, could not act as crier; hence her office devolved on K’axe of the Taqtei subgens. In that year one of the Ta yateaji subgens (of the Taqtei or Deer gens) was iekiye number 1. Iekiye number 2 belonged to the Tadje or Kaze (Wind) gens. THE OSAGE In the Osage nation there are three primary divisions, which are tribes in the original acceptation of that term. These are known as the Tsiou uqse pe¢ii"da, the Seven Tsiou fireplaces, Hanya uqse pe¢i'da, the Seven Hanya fireplaces, and Waoaoe use peditda, the Seven Osage fireplaces. Each “fireplace” is a gens, so that there are twenty-one gentes in the Osage nation. The Seven Hanya fireplaces were the last to join the nation, according to the tradition of the Tsiou wactaye people. When this occurred, the seven Hanya gentes were reckoned as five, and the seven Osage gentes as two, in order to have not more than seven gentes on the right side of the tribal cir¢le. At first the Hanya uta¢angse gens had seven pipes, and the Wavase had as many. The Waoase gave their seventh pipe to the Tsiou, with the right to make seven pipes from it, so now the Wagaave people have but six pipes, though they retain the ceremonies pertaining to the seventh. When there is sickness among the chil- dren on the Waoave or right (war) side of the circle, their parents apply to the Tsiou (Tsiou wactaye?) for food for them. In like manner, when the children on the left or Tsiou side are ill, their parents apply to Fic. 38—Osage camping circle. the Pa"yka (wactaye?), on the other side, in order to get food for them, The Seven Tsiou fireplaces occupy the left or peace side of the circle. ‘heir names are: 1. Tsiou Singsay¢é, Tsiou-wearing-a-tail (of hair)-on-the-head; also called Tsiou Want”, Elder Tsiou; in two subgentes, Singsay¢é, Sun and Comet people, and Cinye i/nigk‘aci"’a, Wolf people. 2. Tse qu/ya ingse’, Buffalo-bull face; in two subgentes, of which the second is Tse’ ¢aika’ or Mi" paha’, Hide-with-the-hair-on. The police- men or soldiers on the left side belong to these two gentes. 3. Mi k’i’, Sun carriers, i. e., Carry-the-sun (or Buffalo hides)-on- their-backs. These have two subgentes, a, Mi"i/niqk‘aci"’/a, Sun people; b, Mi®xa’ ska i/niqk‘aci"’a, Swan people. 4, Tsi/ou wacta/ye, Tsiou peacemaker, or Ta" wa"ya‘xe, Village- maker, or, Ni/wa¢é, Giver of life. These have two subgentes, a, Wapi", it‘a/oi, Touches-no-blood, or Qii¢a’ oii/yse, Red-eagle (really a hawk); 934 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eTH. ANN. 15 b, Qii¢a’ pa sa’, Bald-eagle, or ga"sa™ wnhiyk‘aci"’a, Syeamore people, the leading gens on the left side of the circle. 5. Ha® /nigk‘aci"’a, Night people, or Tsi/ou we/hayi¢e, the Tsiou-at- the-end, or Tse/¢anka’. Their two subgentes ares a, Night people proper; b, Wasa‘de, Black-bear people. 6. Tse qu’ya, Buffalo bull. In two subgentes, a, Tse qu’ya, Buffalo bull; ), (@u/qe, Reddish-yellow buffalo (corresponding to the Nuqe of the Ponka, Tuge of the Quapaw, and Yuge of the Kansa). 7. y¢ur, Thunder-being, or Tsi/haci", Camp-last, or Ma/xe, Upper- world people, or Niy/ka wakan‘yayi, Mysterious-male-being. Subgentes not recorded. On the right (Hanya or Waogaoe) side of the circle are the following: 8. Waoa’oe Want’, Elder Osage, composed of six of the seven Osage fireplaces, as follows: a, Waoa‘oe ska’, White Osage; ), Ke ki’, Turtle-carriers; c, Wake’¢e ste4se, Tall-flags (?), Ehna™ min‘gse tii’, They-alone-have-bows, or Mirke’¢e ste4se, Tall-flags; d, Ta ¢a/xii, Deer-lights, or Ta i/niqk‘aci"’a, Deer people; e, Hu i/niqk*acia, Fish people; f, Na'’pa*ta, a deer gens, called by some Ke ya/tsii, Turtle- with-a-serrated-crest-along-the-shell (probably a water monster, as there is no such species of turtle), 9. Hanya uta/¢angsi, Hanya-apart-from-the-rest, or Qii¢a/qtsi i/nig- k‘aci’a, Real eagle people—the War eagle gens, and one of the original Hanya fireplaces. The soldiers or policemen from the right side are chosen from the eighth and ninth gentes. 10, The leading gens on the right side of the circle, and one of the original seven Osage fireplaces. Pa"y/ka wacta/ye, Ponka peace- maker, according to a Tsiou man; in two subgentes, a, Tse’wa¢é, Pond- lily, and b, Waca‘de, Dark-buffalo; but according to Pa®y/ka waqa’yinya, amember of the gens, his people have three subgentes, a, Wake’¢e, Flags; 6, Wa’tsetsi, meaning, perhaps, Has-come hither (tsi)-after- touching-the-foe (watse); c, Qiinzse’, Red cedar. 11. Han’ya a/hii ti’, Hanya-having-wings, or Hii/saja, Limbs- stretched-stiff, or Qii¢ inigk‘aci"’a, White-eagle people, in two sub- gentes, which were two of the original Hanya fireplaces: a, Hii/saqa Want’, Elder Hiisaja; b, Hii/saqja, those wearing four locks of hair resembling those worn by the second division of the Wasape tu". 12. Wasa‘de ti", Having-black-bears. In two parts, which were originally two of the Hanya fireplaces: A, Singsay¢é, Wearing-a- tail- (or lock)-of-hair-on-the-head; in two subgentes, (a) Wasade, Black bear, or Han/ya Wa’ts‘ekawa/’ (meaning not learned); (b) Iiy¢in’/ya oit/ya, Small cat. B, Wasa’de ti", Wearing-four-locks-of-hair, in two subgentes, (a) Mi®xa/ska, Swan; (b) Tse/wa¢é qe/ya, Dried pond-lily. 13, U’pqa", Elk, one of the seven Hanya fireplaces. 14. Ka'’se, Kansa, or I/dats‘¢, Holds-a-firebrand-to-the-sacred-pipes- in-order-to-light-them, or A’k’a Vniqak‘aci"’a, South-wind people, or Tayse’ i/niqk‘aci’a, Wind people, or Pe4yse i‘niyk‘aci"’a, Fire people. One of the seven Hanya fireplaces. r DORSEY] DESCENT OF OSAGE CHIEFS 235 The following social divisions can not be identified: ga/de i/niyk‘a- ci’a, Beaver people, said to be a subgens of the Waoave, no gens specified; Pe/tqa" i/niyk‘aci"’a, Crane people, said to be a subgens of the Hanya(?)singsay¢é; Waptn’ya i/nigk‘aci"’a, Owl people; Ma"yin‘/ka Vniyk‘aci’a, Earth people; qaqpii’ i/niqk‘aci"’a, meaning not recorded. There is some uncertainty respecting the true positions of a few subgentes in the camping circle. For instance, Alvin Wood said that the Tsewa¢e qeya formed the fourth subgens of the Tse 4u’ya inqse; but this was denied by yahiye wajayinya, of the Tsi’ou wacta/ye, who said that it belonged to the Pa*yka wactaye prior to the extine- tion of the subgens. Tsepa yaxe of the Wasape gens said that it formed the fourth subgens of his own people. Some make the Tsiou wactaye the third gens on the left, instead of the fourth. According to yahiye wagayinya, ‘ All the Waoaoe gentes claim to have come from the water, so they have ceremonies referring to beavers, because those animals swim in the water.” The same authority said in 1883 that there were seven men who acted as wactaye, as follows: 1, Kaqiye wactaye, of the Tsiou wactaye subgens, who had acted for eight years; 2, Pahii-ska, of the Bald-eagle or Qii¢a pa sa™ subgens; 3, y¢ema*, Clermont, of the t——; 4, Ta®wa"ysi hi, of the t——; 5, Nigka kidana® of the Tsiou wehaki¢é or Night gens; 6, Pa*yka wagayinya, Saucy Ponka, of the Wa/tsetsi or Ponka gens; 7, Nigka waoi" ta"a, of the same gens. On the death of the head chief among the Osage the leading men eall a council. At this council four men are named as candidates for the office, and it is asked, ‘‘ Which one shall be appointed?” At this council a cuka of the Watsetsi (Ponka gens, or else from some other gens on the right) carries his pipe around the circle of councilors from right to left, while a Tsiou cuka (one of the Tsiou wactaye gens, or else one from some other gens on the left) carries the other pipe around from left to right. The ceremonies resemble the Ponka ceremonies for making chiefs. When the chiefs assemble in council a member of the Katse or Idats‘é gens (one on the right) lights the pipes. The criers are chosen from the Ka"se, Upqa", and Mi" k’iv gentes. The Tsiou Singsay¢é and Tse yuya ingse gentes furnish the soldiers or policemen for the Tsiou wactaye. A similar function is performed for the Pa"qka wactaye by the Waoaoe want" and Hanya uya¢angsi gentes. The Singsay¢e and Hanya ujat¢angsi are “akiga watanya,” chiefs of the soldiers; the Tse juya injse and Waoase Want" being ordinary soldiers, i.e., subordinate to the others. The Waoaoe Ke k’i" are the moccasin makers for the tribe. It is said that in the olden days the members of this gens used turtle shells instead of moccasins, with leeches for strings. The makers of the war-standards and war-pipes must belong te the Wagsave ska. Saucy Chief is the authority for the following: “ Should all the Osage wish to dwell very near another tribe, or in case two or three families of us wish to remove to another part of the reservation, we let the 236 y SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15 others know our desire to live near them. We make up prizes for them—a pony, a blanket, strouding, etec—and we ask them to race for them. The fastest horse takes the first prize, and so on. We take along a pipe and some sticks—one stick for each member of the party that isremoving. The other people meet us and race with us back to their home. They make us sit in a row; then one of their men or children brings a pipe to one of our party to whom he intends giving a horse. The pipe is handed to the rest of the party. The newcomers are invited to feasts, all of which they are obliged to attend.” When the Osage go on the hunt the Tsiou wactaye (chief) tells the Singsay¢é and Tse yuya ingse where the people must camp. The following even- ing the Pa"yka wactaye (chief) tells the soldiers on his side (the Wasage and Hanya uja¢angsi) where the camp must be on the following day. The members of the four gentes of soldiers or policemen meet in coun- cil and decide on the time for departure. They consult the Tsiou wactaye and Hanya (Pa"yka wactaye?) who attend the council. The erier is generally a man of either the Upqa" or Ka®se gens, but some- times a Mi® k’i" man acts. The four leaders of the soldier gentes call on the erier to proclaim the next camping place, etc, which he does thus: “Ha+! hada yasi™ ya" awahe’ot" tatsi’ a’pi"gau+! Ha-++-! (Nioiigse masi®’ta) Halloo! day tomor- on youmakeup shall they really Halloo! Missouri on the other row in packs say river side tei’ ivhe¢a’(e ta’tsi a 'di"tau-+-!” tent you place shall they really (?) ina line(?) say. whieh is to say, ‘‘Halloo! tomorrow morning you shall pack your goods (strike camp). Halloo! you shall lay them down after reaching (the other side of Missouri river) !” Then the four leaders of the soldier gentes choose a/kija (policemen) who have a quja™hanya or captain, who then acts as crier in giving orders, thus: “Ha+! nikawasa’e! Ha-+! yahi’ye wagja’yinya ni’kawasa‘e! a‘¢akiya_ tatsi’ Halloo! O warrior! —-Halloo, Chief Saucy ! O warrior! you guard — shall adi™tau’ ni’kawasa’‘e!” they say O warrior! really which means, **Halloo, O warrior! Halloo, O warrior, Saucy Chief! They have really said that you shall act as policeman or guard, O warrior!” These a/kiza have to punish any persons who violate the laws of the hunt. But there is another grade of men; the four leaders of the soldier gentes tell the captain to call certain men wa/pay¢a’oi utsi™, and they are expected to punish any a‘kija who fail to do their duty. Supposing Mi" k’it waqayinya was selected, the erier would say: “Ha-+! ni’‘kawasa’e! Ha-+, Mi" ki"! waja/yinya n‘ikawasa’e! Ha+! wa‘dayta‘oi uca’tsi" tatsi’ a’di®tan’, ni/kawasa’e! ” “Halloo, O warrior! Halloo, O warrior, Saucy Sun Carrier! Halloo, it has been really said that you shall strike the offenders without hesitation, O warrior!” DORSEY] OSAGE CHILD NAMING 23 The four headmen direct a captain to order a Hanya uja¢angst man to lead the scouts, and subsequently to call on a Singsay¢e man for that purpose, alternating between the two sides of the camping circle. There are thus three grades of men engaged in the hunt—the ordinary members of the soldier gentes, the akiga, and the wapay¢aoi utsi®. Should the Osage be warring against the Kansa or any other tribe, and one of the foe slip into the Osage camp and beg for protection of the Tsiou wactaye (chief), the latter is obliged to help the suppliant. He must send for the Singsay¢é and Tse yuya ingse (leaders), whom he would thus address: “I have a man whom I wish to live. I desire you to act as my soldiers.” At the same time the Tsiou wactaye would send word to the Patqka wactaye, who would summon a Wagavse and a Hanya uta¢angsi to act as his soldiers or policemen. Meantime the kettle of the Tsiou wactaye was hung over the fire as soon as possible and food was cooked and given to the fugitive. When he had eaten (a mouthful) he was safe. He could then go through the camp with impunity. This condition of affairs lasted as long as he remained with the tribe, but it terminated when he returned to his home. After food had been given to the fugitive by the Tsiou wactaye any prominent man of the tribe could invite the fugitive to a feast. The privilege of taking care of the children was given to the Tsiou wactaye and the Pa*yka wactaye, according to Saucy Chief. When a child (on the Tsiou side) is named, a certain old man is required to sing songs outside of the camp, dropping some tobacco from his pipe down on the toes of his left foot as he sings each song. On the first day the old man of the Tsiou (wactaye?) takes four grains of corn, one grain being black, another red, a third blue, and a fourth white, answering to the four kinds of corn dropped by the four buffalo, as meutioned in the tradition of the Osage. After chewing the four grains and mixing them with his saliva, he passes them between the lips of the child to be named. Four stones are put into a fire, one stone toward each of the four quarters. The Tsiou old man orders some cedar and a few blades of a certain kind of grass that does not die in winter, to be put aside for his use on the second day. On the second day, before sunrise, the 'Tsiou old man speaks of the cedar tree and its branches, saying, “It shall be for the children.” Then he mentions the river, the deep holes in it, and its branches, which he declares shall be medicine in future for the children. He takes the four heated stones, places them in a pile, on which he puts the grass and cedar. Over this he pours water, making steam, over which the child is held. Then four names are given by the headman of the gens to the father, who selects one of them as the name for the child. Meantime men of dif- ferent gentes bring cedar, stones, ete, and perform their respective cer- emonies. The headman (Tsiou wactaye?) takes some of the water (into which he puts some cedar), giving four sips to the child. Then he dips his own left hand into the water and rubs the child down the left 238 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15 side, from the tep of the head to the feet; next he rubs it in front, then down the right side, and finally down the back. He invites all the women of his gens who wish to be blessed to come forward, and he treats them as he did the infant. At the same time the women of the other gentes are blessed in like manner by the headmen of their respective gentes. THE IOWA The Iowa camping circle was divided into two half-circles, occupied by two phratries of four gentes each. The first phratry regulated the hunt and other tribal affairs during the autumn and winter; the second phratry took the lead during the spring and summer. The author is indebted to the late Reverend William Hamilton for a list of the lowa gentes, obtained in 1880 during a visit to the tribe. Since then the author has recorded the following list of gentes and subgentes, with the aid of a delegation of the lowa who visited Washington: First phratry Gentes Subgentes 1. Tu’-na"-p’i", Black bear. 1. Ta’-po-cka, a large black bear with a Tohi" and Qiyre wonane white spot on the chest. ; were chiefs of this gens 2. Pu’-xa ¢ka, a black bear with a red in 1880. Tohi» kept the | nose; literally, Nose White. sacred pipe. 3. Mu'-tei/-nye, Young black bear, a short black bear. 4, Ki/-ro-ko/-qo-tee, asmall reddish black bear, motherless; it has little hair and runs swiftly. 2. Mi-tci’-ra-tee, Wolf......-- 1. Ci’-ta® cka, White-wolf. Ma/-hi*wasachiefoftthis | 2. Ciin’-ta" ce-we, Black-wolf. gens. 3. Ci"’-ta® qo/-qoe, Gray-wolf. Ma-nyi’-ka-q¢i’, Coyote. 3. Tce’-xi-ta, Eagle and Na’ tci-tce’, i. e., Qra/-qtci, Real or Thunder-being gens. Golden eagle. Qra’htn’-e, Ancestral or Gray eagle. Qra’ yre/-ye, Spotted-eagle. Qra/’ pa ga", Bald-eagle. 4. Qo’-ta-tei, Elk; now ex- U»/-pe-xa qa"/-ye, Big-elk. tinct. The Elk gens 2. U*/-pe-xa yit’/-e, Young-elk (?). furnished the soldiers or 3. U».pe-xa Sre/-qoe yin’-e, Elk-some- policemen. what-long. 4. Ho’-ma yin’-e, Young elk (?). The difference between U*pexa and Homa isunknown. Theformer may be the archaic uname for ‘ elk.” a be SS DORSEY] IOWA GENTILE DIVISIONS 239 First phratry—Continued Gentes | Subgentes 5. Pa‘-qea, Beaver. Probably | 1. Ra-we’ qa” ye, Big-beaver. the archaic name, as 2. Ra-dSro’-yoe, meaning unknown. beaver is now ra-we. 35, Ra-we’ yin’-e, Young-beaver. The survivors of this 4. Ni/wa"-ci/-ke, Water-person. gens have joined the Pa-ca or Beaver gens of the Oto tribe. Second phratry GaRuetce Pigeon .sa22- 4. -- 1. Mi®-ke’ qa®’-ye, Big-raccoon. | 2. Mit-ke’ yini/-e, Young-raccoon. 3. Ru’-tee yin’-e, Young-pigeon. 4, Co’-ke, Prairie-chicken, grouse. %. A‘ru-qwa, Buffalo...-...-- 1. Tee-qo’ qa"’-ye, Big-buffalo-bull. 2. Tee-qo’ yin’-o, Young-buffalo-bull. 3. Tce p’o’-cke yin’-e, Young-buffalo- bull-that-is-distended (?). | 4. Tee yin’-ye, Buffalo-calf. 8. Wa-ka"’, Snake. An ex- | 1. Wa-ka™ 5i, Yellow-snake, i. e., Rat- tinct gens. tlesnake. 2, Wa-ka"/-qtci, Real-snake (named after a species shorter than the rattle- snake), 3. Ce’-ke yin’-e, Small or young ceke, the copperhead snake (?). 4. Wa-ka”’ qo/-qoe, Gray-snake (a long snake, which the Omaha call swift blue snake). 9. Man’-ko-ke,Owl. Extinct.) The names of the subgentes have been forgotten. An account of the mythical origin of each Lowa gens, first recorded by the Reverend William Hamilton, has been published in the Journal of American Folk-lore.! The visiting and marriage customs of the Iowa did not differ from those of the cognate tribes, nor did their management of the children differ from that of the Dakota, the Omaha, and others. Murder was often punished with death, by the nearest of kin or by 1 Vol. rv, No. 15, pp. 338-340, 1891. 240 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (ETH. ANN. 15 some friend of the murdered person. Sometimes, however, the mur- derer made presents to the avengers of blood, and was permitted to live. THE OTO The author has not yet learned the exact camping order of the Oto and Missouri tribes, though he has recorded lists of their gentes (sub- ject to future revision), with the aid of Ke-yreje, an Oto, Ckayoinye, a Missouri, and Battiste Deroin, the interpreter for the two tribes. These gentes are as follows: 1, Pa-ca’, Beaver; 2, Tuna’’-p’i", Black bear, or Mii"-tei’-ra-tce, Wolf; 3, A-ru’-qwa, Buffalo; 4, Ru’-qtea, Pigeon; 5, Ma-ka’-tce, Owl; 6, Tce’-xi-ta, Eagle, Thunderbird, ete; 7, Wa-ka™, Snake. THE NI-U’-T’A-TCI OR MISSOURI This tribe, which for many years has been consolidated with the Oto, has at least three gentes. It may have had more, but their names have not yet been recorded. 1, Tu-na®’-p’i", Black bear; 2, Tce-xi/-ta, Eagle, Thunderbird, ete, in four subgentes: (a) Wa-kan’-ta, Thunderbird; (b) Qra, Eagle; (ec) ypre’-ta", Hawk; (d) Mo’-mi, A-people-who eat-no- small-birds-which-have-been-killed-by-larger-ones (a recent addition to this gens, probably from another tribe); 3, Ho-ma’ or Ho-ta’-tei, Elk. THE HOTCANGARA OR WINNEBAGO The Winnebago call themselves Ho-tean/-ga-ra, “First or parent speech.” While they have gentes, they have no camping circle, as their priscan habitat was in a forest region. The following names were obtained from James Alexander, a full-blood of the Wolf gens, and from other members of the tribe: 1. Wolf gens—Common name, Cink i-ki/-ka-ra’-tea-da, or Cink- teank’i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, Those-calling-themselves-after-the-dog-or-wolf; archaic name, (e-go/-ni-na, meaning not recorded. 2. Black-bear gens—Common name, Ho*te’ i-ki/-ka-ra‘-tea-da, They- call-themselves-after-the-black-bear; archaic name, Tco/-na-ke-ra, mean- ing not recorded. 3. Elk gens—Common name, Hu-wa'’-i-ki’-ka-ra’-tea-da, They-call- themselves-after-the-elk; archaic name not recorded. 4. Snake gens—Common name, Wa-ka” i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, They-call- themselves-after-a-suake; archaic name not recorded. 5. Bird gens—Common name, Wa-nink’ i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, They-eall- themselves-after-a-bird; archaic name not recorded. This gens is com- posed of four subgentes, as follows: (a) Hi-tea-qee-pa-ra, or Eagle; (b) Ru-tcke, or Pigeon; (c) Ke-re-teti", probably Hawk; (d) Wa-ka"’- tea-ra, or Thunderbird. The archaic names of the subgentes were not recorded. 6. Buffalo gens—Common name, Tee’ i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea da, They-eall- themselves-after-a-buftalo; archaic name not recorded. DORSEY] WINNEBAGO AND MANDAN DIVISIONS 241 7. Deer gens—Common name, Tea’ i-ki/-ka-ra/-tea-da, They-call-them- selves-after-a-deer; archaic name not recorded. 8. Water-monster gens—Common name, Wa-ktee/-qii-ki/-ka-ra’-tea-da, They-call-themselves-after-a-water-monster; archaic name not recorded. Some of the Winnebago say that there is an Omaha gens among the Winnebago of Wisconsin, but James Alexander knew nothing about it. It is very probable that each Winnebago gens was composed of four subgentes; thus, in the tradition of the Winnebago Wolf gens, there is an account of four kinds of wolves, as in the corresponding lowa tradition. The Winnebago lodges were always built with the entrances facing the east. When the warriors returned from a fight they cireumambu- lated the lodge four times, sunwise, stopping at the east just before entering. THE MANDAN ° The Mandan tribe has not been visited by the author, who must con- tent himself with giving the list of gentes furnished by Morgan, in his “Ancient Society.” This author’s system of spelling is preserved: Wolf gens, Ho-ra-ta’-mit-make (Qa-ra-ta’ nu-man/-ke?). Bear gens, Mii-to/-no-miike (Ma-to’ nu-man/-ke). Prairie-chicken gens, See-poosh’-kii (Si-pu/-cka nu-man/-ke). Good-knife gens, Tii-na-tsi’-kii (Ta-ne-tsu/-ka nu-man/-ke?), Kagle gens, Ki-tii’-ne-miike (Qi-ta’ nu-man’-ke?). Flat-head gens, E-stii-pa’ (Hi-sta pe’ nu-man/-ke?), High-village gens, Me-te-ah/-ke. All that follows concerning the Mandan was recorded by Prince Maximilian in 1835. Polygamy was everywhere practiced, the number of wives differing, there being seldom more than four, and in general only one. The Mandan marriage customs resemble those of the Dakota and other cognate peoples. When a child is born a person is paid to give it the name chosen by the parents and kindred. The child is held up, then turned to all sides of the heavens, in the direction of the course of the sun, and its name is proclaimed. A Mandan cradle consists of a leather bag suspended by a strap to a crossbeam in the hut. There are traces of descent in the female line; for example, sisters have great privileges; all the horses that a young man steals or cap- tures in war are brought by him to his sister. He can demand from his sister any object in her possession, even the clothing which she is wear- ing, and he receives it immediately. The mother-in-law never speaks to her son-in-law, unless on his return from war he bring her the sealp and gun of a slain foe, in which event she is at liberty from that moment to converse with him. This custom is found, says Maximilian, among the Hidatsa, but not among the Crowand Arikara. While the Dakota, Omaha, and other tribes visited by the author have the custom of 15 EVH 16 NS oop eb 242 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (RTH. ANN. 15 “bashfulness,” which forbids the mother-in-law and son-in-law to speak to each other, no allowable relaxation of the prohibition has been recorded. THE HIDATSA Our chief authority for the names of the Hidatsa gentes is Morgan’s “Ancient Society.” Dr Washington Matthews could have furnished a corrected list from his own notes had they not unfortunately been destroyed by fire. All that can now be done is to give Morgan’s list, using his system of spelling: 1. Knife, Mit-che-ro/-ka. 2. Water, Min-ne pii’-ta. 3. Lodge, Bi-ho-hii’-ta. 4. Prairie chicken, Seech-ka-be-ruh-pii/-ka (Tsi-tska’ do-lipa/-ka of Matthews; Tsi-tska’ d¢o-qpa/-ka in the Bureau alphabet). 5. Hill people, E-tish-sho’-ka. ° 6. Unknown animal, Ali-nali-ha-nii/-me-te. 7. Bonnet, E-ku/-pii-be-ka. The Hidatsa have been studied by Prince Maximilian (1833), Hayden, and Matthews, the work of the last writer! being the latest one treat- ing of them; and from it the following is taken: Marriageamong the Hidatsa is usually made formal by the distribution of gifts on the part of the man to the woman’s kindred. Afterward pres- ents of equal value are commonly returned by the wife’s relations, if they have the means of so doing and are satisfied with the conduct of the hus- band. Sometravelers have represented that the ‘marriage by purchase” among the Indians is a mere sale of the woman to the highest bidder, whose slave she becomes. Matthews regards this a misrepresentation so far as it concerns the Hidatsa, the wedding gift being a pledge to the parents for the proper treatment of their daughter, as well as an evidence of the wealth of the suitor and his kindred. Matthews has known many cases where large marriage presents were refused from one person, and gifts of much less value accepted from another, simply because the girl showed a preference for the poorer lover. Marriages by elopement are considered undignified, and different terms are applied to a marriage by elopement and one by parental consent. Polygamy is practiced, but usually with certain restrictions. The husband of the eldest of several sisters has a claim to each of the others as she grows up, and in most cases the man takes such a potential wife unless she form another attachment. A man usually marries his brother’s widow, unless she object, and he may adopt the orphans as his own children. Divorce is easily effected, but is rare among the better class of people in the tribe. The unions of such people often last for life; but among persons of a different character divorces are common. Their social discipline is not very severe. Punishments by law, administered by the 1 Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians; U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey, miscellaneous publications No. 7, Washington, 1877. DORSEY] HIDATSA, CROW, AND BILOXI 243 “soldier band,” are only for serious offenses against the regulations of the camp. He who simply violates social customs in the tribe often subjects himself to no worse punishment than an occasional sneer or taunting remark; but for grave transgressions he may lose the regard of his friends. With the Hidatsa, as with other western tribes, it is improper for a man to hold a direct conversation with his mother-in-law ; but this custom seems to be falling into disuse. The kinship system of the Hidatsa does not differ materially from that of any of the cognate tribes. When they wish to distinguish between the actual father and a father’s real or potential brothers, or between the actual mother and the mother’s real or potential sisters, they use the adjective ka’ti (kaqt‘1), real, true, after the kinship term when the actual parent is meant. THE CROW OR ABSAROKA As this tribe belongs to the Hidatsa linguistic substock, it is very probable that the social laws and customs of the one people are iden- tical with those of the other, as there has been nothing to cause exten- sive differentiation. It is not known whether the Hidatsa and Crow tribes ever camped in a circle. Morgan’s list of the Crow gentes is given, with his peculiar notation, as follows: 1. Prairie Dog gens, A-che-pii-be’-cha. 2. Bad Leggings, E-sach’-ka-buk. 3. Skunk, Ho-ka-rut/-cha. 4, Treacherous Lodges, Ash-bot-chee-ah. 5. Lost Lodges, Ah-shin’-né de/-ah (possibly intended for Last Lodges, those who camped in the rear). 6. Bad Honors, Ese-kep-kii/-buk. . Butchers, Oo-sii-bot/-see. 8. Moving Lodges, Ah-hii-chick. 9. Bear-paw Mountain, Ship-tet/-zi. 10. Blackfoot Lodges, Ash-kane/-na. 11. Fish Catchers, Boo-a-da/-sha. 2. Antelope, O-hot-du-sha. 13. Raven, Pet-chale-ruh-pii’-ka. “1 THE BILOXI The tribal organization of this people has disappeared. When the few survivors were visited by the author at Lecompte, Louisiana, in 1892 and 1893, they gave him the names of three of the clans of the Biloxi, descent being reckoned in the female line. These clans are: 1, Ita atyadi, Deer people; 2, O"gi a"yadi, Bear people; 3, Naqotod¢a a"yadi, Alligator people. Most of the survivors belong to the Deer clan. The kinship system of the Biloxi is more complicated than that of any other tribe of the stock; in fact, more than that of any of the 244 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [ETH ANN. 15 tribes visited by the author. The names of 53 kinship groups are still remembered, but there are at least a dozen others whose names have been forgotten. Where the (degiha language, for example, has but one term for grandchild and one grandchild group, the Biloxi has at least fourteen. In the ascending series the Dakota and (egiha do not have any terms beyond grandfather and grandmother. But for each sex the Biloxi has terms for at least three degrees beyond the grandparent. The (egiha has but one term for father’s sister and one for mother’s brother, father’s brother being “father,” and mother’s sister ‘‘mother.” But the Biloxi has distinct terms (and groups) for father’s elder sister, father’s younger sister, father’s elder brother, father’s younger brother, and so on for the mother’s elder and younger brothers and sisters. The Biloxi distinguishes between an elder sister’s son and the son of a younger sister, and so between the daughter of an elder sister and a younger sister’s daughter. A Biloxi man may not marry his wife’s brother’s daughter, nor his wife’s father’s sister, differing in this respect from a Dakota, an Omaha, a Ponka, ete; but he can marry his deceased wife’s sister. A Biloxi woman may marry the brother of her deceased husband. Judging from the analogy furnished by the Kansa tribe it was very probably the rule before the advent of the white race that a Biloxi man could not marry a woman of his own clan. THE TUTELO It is impossible to learn whether the Tutelo ever camped in a circle The author obtained the following clan names (descent being in the female line) from John Key, an Indian, on Grand River reservation, Ontario, Canada, in September, 1882: On ‘one side of the fire” were the Bear and Deer clans, the Wolf and Turtle being on the other side. John Key’s mother, maternal grandmother, and Mrs Christine Buck were members of the Deer clan. There were no taboos. The Tutelo names of the clans have been forgotten. THE CATAWBA Dr A. 8. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited the Catawba tribe prior to March, 1882, when he obtained an extensive vocabulary of the Catawba language, but he did not record any information respect- ing the social organization of the people. For further information regarding the Siouan tribes formerly inhabit- ing the Atlantic coast region, see “Siouan Tribes of the East,” by James Mooney, published as a bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology. ers wee ON KATE CIUNAS BY JESSE WALTER FEWKES CONTENTS Page ToT MOG NOUMO he asec oscor Soe Gan conosocnbece peaconed Soedosnede SoDSbE BeSnoonEoo 251 Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations.......---------------- 255 Names of months and corresponding ceremonials --...-----.----------------- 256 Means of determining the time for ceremonials -....--------.-----.---------- 258 GIRERIRGH Gn OF CEma nO bs 52. Ss — eos sdemes Hauge soso sesccsdee Oses caes esas 260 Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas - -----..--------------------- 264 (CHECETGAC MYO USXO he o5 -geosoaecd esha cebeenesoceo nee eoe cep Co aaee asones 265 TSU NORA RD IMERKOD ES Co55oa5 Sasa Sea Sa Soae Sees seeoee ao bens scOserEs seemoocrS 268 SOWING, 2a se eee ca sees seas enSeoe desea ones dys Sbosacses ao eeoees5oeuec 268 Katcina’s return 273 IRON iN a= goenee cose so bSo ab sense ane Soe enn eHos SoSS see coe Sea meao CeaS 274 TERMI KGS, SOen o= ae See senda Sonu ssaacadar 291 Nhat eon) saan ene de ooen sses acoder saane BA race eee Baisfesioree eee 292 Albbrevistedecat cin asweesmess seme eer ae eahee are ie eee ati al clear ata) 292 (HMONG cae Gegace desecorcaeas cobere Sees Sees soemecedoe coGonRe 292 S@CHAKG@). s-ssacencsae abone cobepcHoed sseamsacces Hoos suso ce deeeeeoesad 296 Dn Al ARK UU ace Habs Sen rae ne need Roce Seas ae adi deo waemsostreceoceuse | ett) PA aca GCin ae mee ae ert Bee ee ean hoeee esses are eases eee: 303 Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan ....-..---.------ 304 PLATE CIV. CV. CVI. CVII. CVIII. CEX. CX. CXa? FIGURE 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44, 45. 46. 47. 48. TELUS TRATIONS A, Shield with star symbol; B, Soydluna shield with star and unknown symbol; C, Symbolic sun shield...--......--.------ (Rhe: Natackalceremoniysat Walp lec sme resettle tala ate se ieee Hahatwitiqti, Natacka, and Soyékmana.-.-......-........--.---- Molton slakoman ares see ee cecises tees sets ise iar elas a ee esis Kateina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain-cloud RAWAL WI oe e ce mea daoos coeccencusus ogee Udduor oe Sse copes sacere Dollof Calakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as Calakotaka) - Head-dressiof Alosok are s-a2) seen rae ia eaiseie osetia einen a AMPowammMashkce ccc: cee Sace cea nec se sieeysiale sie a ace = seni eecie Tablet of the Palahfkomana mask.........---...----.-.-------- Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Siocilako-.-- Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view)...-.---.-------.------------ Maskiofp bawikkateina) (Sldeivlew) = 2c s— ess ses eiee s ereriais| sas Maskcofehawikkatcinaman tise meciaeeene eens cassia eee StatinoteawAkKkatcin ace seer cmacisieeteciine = jeristiee eee aay Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged for reception COLEMONY; ears jars soe ses centere acoso seas ose ae eee aes. Symbolism of the helmet of Humiskatcina (tablet removed). -.-- THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONTALS CALLED KATCINAS’ By JESSE WALTER FEWKES INTRODUCTION In their use of the word Katcina? the Hopi or Moki apply the term to supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by statuettes in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthogra- phy “‘Cachena” is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of theupper Rio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan Indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural being of surbordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship plays a not inconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Kateina. When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so com- plex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations extending through many years. The plan which I have followed in my work, as will be seen in previous publications, has been to gather and record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis for generalization. My former publications on this subject have therefore been simply records of observations.’ For various reasons it has seemed well to anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with ten- tative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these obsery- ances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessi- tating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted. 'These studies were made while the aathor was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from 1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author. «The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; i as in what; ai, as i in pine; e, a3 a in fate; i, as in pique; i, as in pin; u, asin rule; t, asin but; li, as in the French tu; p, b, v, similar in sound; t and d, like the same in tare and dare, almost indis- tinguishable; tc, a3 ch in chink: ¢, as sh in shall; 1, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling sound; 1, m,n, k, h, y, 2, as in English. These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has been the field more thoroughly cultivated by the members of the Hemenway Expedition. 251 22, TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15 At the present stage of my researches it would be too early to write such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan villagers, but it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations, this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system, to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study. When I began my work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what appeared to be a hopeless confusion seemed well-nigh impossible, but as one cere- mony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to details, and that there was a logical connection running throughout all the religious observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations of which were practically little influenced by white races with whom the people had been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were studied more sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them which, whatever their origin may have been, placed them in marked con- trast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other Pueblos are embraced, the affinities of which carry us into different geographic regions of the American continent. 3ut while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of Athapasean or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and had in turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With strong affinities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with those of Mexico and Central America. The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination of its characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this is satis- factorily known, and not until then, can we advance with confidence to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and offer theories regarding its affinities with other ceremonial areas of the American race. It is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong to the same ceremonial type. [am sure that in prehistoric and historic times delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among the Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have migrated back to the Rio Grande again to make permanent homes in that section. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this Pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing about a consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell of their common character. It is too early in research to inject into sei- ence the idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and FEWKES] EXPLANATION OF TERMS 253 we outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or group of villages the implication involved in the expression, ‘‘ Father of the Pueblos.” Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its germ may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo peo- ple is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral out- side of a very limited area. In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayan ritual is divided. I have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not found sufficient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about them is too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of these ceremonies in other pueblos has been published; of theoretical expla- nations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the south- west will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts of the rituals of all these peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled. In the use, throughout this article, of the words “gods,” ‘ deities,” and “worship” we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which do not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic ideas resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumber- some term ‘supernatural beings”! is more expressive, and the word “spirit” is perhaps more convenient, except from the fact that it like- wise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive mind. Worship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the de- scription of the Indian’s methods of approaching his supernal beings. It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence of that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these terms from their convenience will still continue in common use. The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina? ritual is more prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, as would naturally be the case, but even there it is believed to be less striking than in the second group or those in which the performers are without masks. There exists in Hopi mythology many stories or the old times which form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the sym- bolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have I found the sequence of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth. In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to be 1“Souls” inthe broadest conception of the believers in Tylor’s animistic theory. 2'The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas will be spoken of later. 254 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (eTH, ANN. 15 comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples. Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited. While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction of the celebrations recounted in legends of times when real super- natural beings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythie stories, I fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element. The characteristic symbolism is preseribed and strictly conforms to the legends. Explanations of why each Katecina is marked this or that way can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carry- ing out of the sequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any story of creation or migration, did not appear in any abbreviated! Katcina which was studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is present, but only in the erudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, how- ever, we find an advance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt to represent a story or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soyaluna follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun with hostile deities or powers, in which both are personified. I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan concep- tions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of expla- nations which it naturally precedes. Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it has grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came first, myth or ritual? is outside the scope of this article. Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of cele- brations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explana- tion of this condition would be, and probably is, necessity. There is ‘It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate Katcinas. Are the former, for instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret elements have been dropped in the course of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex? T incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their redue- tion due topractical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated ‘‘ soul" or ‘ deified ancestor,’ and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is there evidence that their worship was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, ‘‘ Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with resigion; it is never and nowhere the whole of religion.” FEWKES] SEQUENCE OF CEREMONIALS. 255 not time enough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the corn must be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn is high and the crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the agriculturist is at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally he takes part in the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early summer religious observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious, his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting time with elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is coming and harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him, magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of August until March of the following year. It has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntarily changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time of the year. TABULAR VIEW OF THE SEQUENCE OF TUSAYAN CELEBRA- TIONS! The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid in the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials pre- sented to us for classification: ( Katcina’s return. A* 2 Powamt. l Paliiliikonti. The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary somewhat from year to year. Niman (Katcina’s departure). Snake or Flute (alternating). Lalakonti. Mamzratti. Wiiwiiteimti® (sometimes Naacnaiya). Soyaluna. J 1 By Gregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their own ‘‘moons"’ have been given elsewhere. 2The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined: the solar year is about equally divided into two parts by the Niman, which is probably the exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial year. 3There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wiiwiitcimti. 256 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15 Masked or Kateina Ceremonials Fan February March April-June July December ary } ‘Soyaluna. Pa. Powami. Paliiliikonti. Variable ab- | Niman. | | | breviated | | | | | Kateinas. | | | } Unmasked or Nine Days’? Ceremonials | | August September October November | oe | i, =i = , S50 | ical | =e A - Snake or Flute.) Lalakoiti. |; Mamzrauti.) Wiiwiitcimti or | | Nadacnaiya. | The Kateina chief, Intiwa, erects his altar every year in the Monkiva, but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the dance of the Niman by their appropriate presentation, thus: The men of the Wikwaliobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nacab- kiva in 1892; those of the Alkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the men of the Teivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the sum- mer. It thus will appear that the special supernatural personage represented varies from year to year within certain limits, and the variations mean nothing more than that the members of the different kivas participate in rotation, : NAMES OF MONTHS AND CORRESPONDING CEREMONIALS The Tusayan names of the months are as follows: | Months Ceremonials re | 1. Powamii/iyawt!....... Powamt. 3. _Kwiyaomii/iyawt. 4. Hakitonmii/iyawt. 5. Kelemii/iyawit. | 2. U'ciimii‘iyawi ........ Paliiliikonti. 'The word mii/iyawt means ‘‘moon,”’ by which it wonld seem that our satellite determines the smaller divisions of the year. FEWKES] CEREMONIAL CALENDAR 257 Months Ceremonials 6. Kyamii/iyawt ....2-..- | Niman. fieeleamldnyawleees eee | (Snake, Flute.) 8. Powa/mii/iyawt ....--- Lalakonti. 9, Hiiiikmii/iyawn. 10. U’eiimii/iyawi .......-| Mamzraiti. 11. Kelemti‘iyawi..-.--.-. W iiwiiteimti. 12. Kyamii‘iyawt......-. Soyaluna. | IsaRamiifyanill 2 o2-- 2s Kateina’s return. ere tally ae eat| The second part of the October (U‘cii) is said to be called Tii‘hoe. If this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to the ceremonial year. In the Pamii/iyawi, the Snake ceremony, and the Katcina’s return, the same Niiitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, ete) occurs. It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names as those of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions “named” and “nameless,” elsewhere used on good authority. The questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered. The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his house (Tawaki) at the summer solstitial rising 1s a most important question, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were 135, as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, 14. The comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be glad to accept the report that there were 13, in which case there would be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many ways. Although, however, therd is good evidence that 15 is recognized by some priests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially as it is derived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come to respect. I have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of those who hold that the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their calendar. If the second part of the U’eii moon be called Tii’hoe, we would have 14 moons, which would give 6 between 2 Powa, or 2 Pa, Kele, Kya, and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The Katcina’s return (Ukine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then occurs in the Pa moon; they end in Kya at the Niman (last, farewell). The group of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at the Pa moon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kya, or Soyaluna. 15 ETH——17 258 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15 In endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in the two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this interesting hint, dropped by one of the priests: ‘When we of the upper world,” he said, ‘are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people of the under world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or Flute, and vice versa.” The ceremonials in the two worlds are syn- chronous. ‘That is the reason,” said my informant, ‘“‘that we make the Snake or Flute pahos during the winter season, although the dance is not celebrated until the corresponding month of the following summer.” ! MEANS OF DETERMINING THE TIME FOR CEREMONIALS Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled in the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on the horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for religious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one at tatyiika,? which is called the sun house (tawaki) par excellence, another at kwiniwi, which also is called tawaki, or sun house. The points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial events are as follows: 1. Tawaki (hiitea, opening). The horizon point properly called savwiiwee marks the cardinal point tatyiika or place of sunrise at the winter solstice. The winter ceremony Soyéluna is determined not by sunrise, but by sunset, although, asa general thing, the time of summer ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise. 2. Masnamiizrii (masi, drab or gray; namiizrii, wooded ridge). This point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Piip’ce. 3. Paviin/teomo (paviin’, young corn; te6mo, mound). A point on the old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams canyon. 4, Honwitcomo (derivation obscure; h6nwi, erect). 5. Niivakteomo (niivak, snow; teomo, mound). When the sun reaches here on its northern journey the Honani or Badger people plant corn; the other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds. 6. Piilhomotaka (piilii, round, hump; homo, obscure; taka, man; possibly many hump-back men). When the sun reaches here the Patki ‘From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counter- part of the earth’s surface, and aregion inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons alternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to be performed there as here, and frequeut references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the “ breath-body"’ of the deceased, who enter it through a sipapu, often spoken of as a lake. I have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that of the damned. “The Tawaki of tatyiika is the sun house. There is no sun house at hépoko nor at tevyuna. The names of the four horizon cardinal points are, kwiniwi, northwest; tevyi'fa, southwest; tatyuka, southeast, and hopokyiika (syncopated hépoko), northeast. FEWKES] TIME OF CEREMONIALS 259 or Water people plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake- Antelope fraternities assemble for the Snake dance, 7. Kwiteala.! When the sun rises at this point on his northward journey general planting begins, which continues until the summer solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey the Nimankatcina is celebrated. 8. Taiovi (?). ; 9. Owatcoki (owa, rock; teoki, mound house). 10, Wii/nacakabi (wii/na, pole; caka, ladder). 11. Wakaeva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keams canyon. 12. Payaukyaki, swallow house. 13. Tiiyiika, summer solstice. We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon? worship is usual among primitive men, Whether that of the sun or of our sat- ellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss, but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essen- tial element of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can safely say, however, that the germ of their astronomy sprang from observations of the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at the same points on the horizon. The connection between these facts and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history, and have led to orientation, which plays such an important part in all their rituals. Thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association of time when the earth yielded them their crops with its approach, and the time when the earth was barren with its recession. These epochs were noticed, however, not by the position of the sun at mid- day, but at risings and settings, or the horizon points. The two great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is believed, connected with 1Note the similarity in sound to the Nahuatl month, Quecholli, in which the Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. See ‘A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan villagers,” American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. v1, No.3. Quecholli, however, according to both Sahagun and Serna, was in November. The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate their Snake-Autelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbre- viated snake rites. Thisis at mostonly abouta month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soydluna, the warriors’ return, in December. There are important comparative data bearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between Kwetcala and Quecholli (Kwetcoli). 2Miiyinwith, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mictlancihuatl. The name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo, the snakehero. (Seethe legend of the Snake Youth in Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. Iv, Boston, 1894.) 260 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15 solstitial amplitudes, and the equinoctial, horizontal points, uncon- nected with important times to agriculturists, were not considered as of much worth. There is every evidence, however, that the time of day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun, although the con- nection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordi- nated to observations on the horizon. CLASSIFICATION OF CEREMONIALS In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial obsery- ances, as determined by observations made during the last three years, I recognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or less arbitrary. These groups are called— I. The Katcinas. il. The Nine days’ ceremonials. The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins with the Katcinas’ return,! and ends with their departure (Niman). It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding of the Katcinas. ‘ There are significant likenesses between different members of the series of nine days’ ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several pairs, of which the following may be mentioned: I, Snake or Flute.” Il. Lalakonti and Mamzratti. IL. Powamti and Paliiliikonti. IV. Wiiwiiteimti and Naaenaiya. The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in both members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another kinship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as much as in the subordinate parts. Thus, Lalakonti and Paliiliikonti, Wiiwiitcimti and Mamzratti are brother and sister ceremonials, accord- ing to their conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain events in the ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between certain societies, but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of relationships. The term ‘‘ Nine days’ ceremonies” refers to the active® ceremonial days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance and the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremo- nial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and froni ; 'The Soyaluna has been called the Kactina’s return, which name is not inaccurate. It is, strictly speaking, a warriors’ celebration, and marks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. The Kateinas appear in force in the Pa celebration. ‘I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake-Antelope and the Flute societies, but the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently the similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to the relationships which they recognize between brother and sister societies ‘Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Jour nal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. tv, p. 13, 1894. FEWEES] NINE DAYS’ CEREMONIALS 261 this date to the final public exhibition there are sixteen days, a multi- ple of the omnipresent number four, Some of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremonials, counting the assembly and the final purification. The inception of the ceremony is called tedtcon yiinya, smoking assembly, in which the chiefs (mon/mowitti) meet together in the even- ing at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows: Teiitciib (Snake-Antelope fraternity)... . - Snake chief’s mother’s house. Mam 2ratle os se nlea-cccece ole aceek eee Salako’s. Walakonteeeeter ess eet eas soot Koteniimsi’s. NOyAluUNas sac seee ches sects s Se ee . Vénsi’s. BVViLUWAL GCI ree ars Sas mers nc oe ere seit ereia: Teiwiiqti’s. iEnsyan (EWU) ee es te see Talasvensi’s. INDICT ae See Sena ae ae ie ee ee .. Kwiimaletci’s. On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (teadkmofwi) at early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin, and to the six direction deities (nananivo mon/mowitt) that the priests are about to assemble to pray forrain, Eight days after the announce- ment the chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called yiinya, assem- blage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. ‘The first ceremonial day is Ciictala, after which follow the remaining days as already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting the days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, Niman, Lalakonti, and Mamzrauti are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine days of active ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When Naacnaiya is not celebrated, Wiiwiitcimti, Powamt, Soyaluna, and Paliiliikonti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials. The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days’ cere- monials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and nights; no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas; no Teuktwympkiyas.’ Altars and sand mosaics generally present. Indi- vidual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Tiponi’ generally brought out in the public dance. Many pahos,’ ordinarily of different Jength (Snake, Flute, Lalakonti, Mamzrauti), to deposit in shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, gen- erally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days. 1Clowns, called likewise ‘‘ mudheads”' and ‘‘ gluttons."’ 2The tiponi is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society. It is one of the wimi or sacred objects in the keeping of achief, and is the insignium of his official standing. The character of this object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear of corn surronnded by sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the con- tents of the more elaborate forms, see my description of the Lélakonti tiponi (called bundles of pahos). 'Pahos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour. Am. Eth, and Arch., vol.iv, p. 27. Preseribed forms vary with different deities. 262 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15 The following are the important nine days’ ceremonies: 1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the Lélenti or Flute observance. 2 The Lalakonti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many nights, and is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at Walpi in 1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have already been published.t| It has some likenesses with the Mam- zratiti, which follows it in sequence. There are four priestesses, the chief of whom is Kéteniimsi. Three tiponis were laid on the altar in Fig. 39—Tablet of the Palahikomana mask. the celebration of 1891, although it is customary for each society to have but one tiponi, which, with the other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of the chief priest. 3. The Mamzratti. This ceremonial has likewise been described.” In some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their heads personifying maids called Palahikomanas. In 1891 these per- sonages were represented by pictures* of the same on slabs carried in the hands of girls. In this way the variations of their celebrations in different years may be explained; sometimes women are dressed to impersonate the Palahikomanas, at others only pictures of the same are carried. 1The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892. 2Tbid., July, 1892 *Erroneously identified as Calako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mam- zrauti in 1891. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CIV. pact SHIELD WITH STAR SYMBOL. SOYALUNA SHIELD WITH UNKNOWN SYMBOL. 7% : A, HOEN & CO., LITH DRAWN BY MARY M. MITCHELL FEWKES] THE WUWUTCIMTI CEREMONY 263 4. The Wiiwiitcimti. The Naaenaiya, of which this is an abbrevi- ated observance, has been described.! One of the most prominent events is the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a measure distinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the New Fire ceremonies. In essentials the Naacnaiya and the Wiiwiitcimti are the same, but the former appears to be of less constant appearance and more compli- eated. In it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Talatumsi is brought into the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are made at her shrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire Anawita,” personifying Masauwitth, is hidden behind a blanket held by two assistants. The second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into two smaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills out the sequence of religious ceremonials between the Soyaluna and the Nimankatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is given the name of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity repre- sented, and women and children avoid looking at Katcinas when unmasked. The main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet or head, and varies in different presentations, but the remaining para- phernalia is constant, whatever personage is represented.* The mask (kii‘itii, head) is often addressed as ikwatci, ‘‘ my friend or double.” Prescriptively it must be put on and taken off with the left hand.* It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the head and resting on the shoulders. These masks or helmets are repainted at each pre- sentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be repre- sented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs or saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside the embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets now used give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are made of the skin of the bison. One can seldom purchase these helmets, as their manufacture is difficult, and instead of being discarded after use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations. ' The four societies who celebrate the Wuwiitcimti are the Adlwympkiya, Wuiwiitcimwympkiya, Tataitikyamt. and Kwakwantt. 2 Chief of the Kwakwanti, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes Masaiiwith is the Fire God. 3 The body, save fora kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered rain-cloud symbols. Thisistied by asash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle shelland sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn. Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle, and the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle. The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwéakwocis, and is spoken of as kyakyauina, desirable. The right hand is called tiinticmahtu, food hand. 264 TUSAYAN KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 15 There is a similar uniformity year by year in the time of the celebra- tion of the extended or elaborate Katcinas called Niman, Powéami, Paliiliikonti, Soyaluna, and the Pa or Katcina’s return. Their sequence is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katecinas or masked dances this uniformity is not adhered to. A certain number of these are cele- brated each spring and summer, but the particular abbreviated Kateina! which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may not be reproduced. While Katcinas or masked dances do not generally oceur during the interval of the nine days’ ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I have notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take place in this epoch. On September 20, 1893, a Kateina called Anakateina? was per- formed in Hano after the Niman had been celebrated in Walpi. Theoretically it would not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these person- ages to their distant home, an event which does not occur at Hano. It would be strange if later observations should show that Katcinas are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of these personages. DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF KATCINAS Our exact knowledge of the character of the Hopi Katcinas dates back to Schooleraft’s valuable compilation. While the existence of these dances was known previously to that time, and several refer- ences to similar dances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from the writings of Spanish visitors, our information of the Katcina cele- brations in Tusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is hardly of value in comparative studies. Inthe year named Dr P.S.G. Ten Broeck visited Tusayan and published a description of what was probably a Katcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so imperfect that we can not definitely say what Katcina was personated, his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge of the character of these dances among the Hopi Indians. It will be noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly from those of the present day. Ten Broeck noted that the male same. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tihus, many examples of which I have described in my article on ‘* Dolls of the Tusayan Indians” in Inter- nationales Archiv fiir Ethnographie, 1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the sym- bolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures on altars, ete. All pictorial or glyptie representations of the same Katcina are in the main identical, with slight variations in detail, due to technique. 2¥For a description of the Anakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archiology, vol. 1, No.1. FEWKES] PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF CEREMONIALS 265 (naktci?), and ‘‘visors' made of small willows, with the bark peeled off and dyed a deep brown.” He recognized that the female dancers (Katcinamanas) were men dressed as women and that they wore yel- low ‘“‘visors” and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time. He described the musical (?) accompaniment of the dance with the scapula of an animal rubbed over a “ground piece of wood.” He like- wise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancers with sacred meal, and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who accompanied the dance. The latter may have been personifications of the Little Fire Gods. The Hopi clowns, Tcukiwympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten Broeck, who described their comical actions. From his description of the byplay of their “assistants,” I find very little change has taken place since his time. In the Katcina which he observed food was dis- tributed during the dance, as I have elsewhere described is the case today. Although much might be added to Ten Broeck’s description, his observations were the most important which had been made known up to his time, and continued for forty years the most valuable record of this group’ of dances among the Tusayan Indians. CLASSIFICATION OF KATCINAS Before considering the various ceremonials in which the Katcinas appear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these super- natural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony of some of the best-informed men of the tribe. The various legends which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here, but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which they appear. These deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to the greater gods.’ They have been called intercessors between man \Thave also seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions sometimes wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humiskatcina bears a willow framework which forms a kind of visor, and if, as I suspect from the ‘‘large paste- board [skin over framework or wooden board} tower,” it was a tablet or nakei, the personification mentioned by Ten Broeck may have been a Humiskatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Humis, but there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as Ten Broeck observed. 2During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen, Bourke, and others. sThe Katcinas, sometimes spelteCachinas, are believed to be the same as the Zuni Kékos and pos- sibly the Nahuatl teotls. The derivation is obscure; possibly itis from katei, spread out, horizontal, the surface of the earth, nia, father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusayan Indians say that their Katcinas are the same as the Zuni Koko, pronouncing the word as here spelled. Cush- ing insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is Ka’ka. I find Mrs Stevenson, in her valuable article on the Religious Life of a Zuni Child, has used the spelling Kok’ko, which introduces the o sound which the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious ’ 266 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [RrH. ANN. 15 and the highest supernatural beings. There are misty legends that long ago the Katcinas, like men, came from the under world and brought with them various charms or nahii with which the Hopi are familiar. By some it is said that a Hondni (Badger) chief came up from the Atkyaa, or under world, in the center of a square whose four sides were formed of lines of Katcinas, and that he bore in his left hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back. The Katcinas recognized him as their chief, and became Kateina Honani, Badger Kateinas. The legend runs that in ancient times Hahaiwiiqti'! emerged from the under world followed by four sons, who were Katecinas, each bear- ing in his arms a pet called paliiliikontth, plumed serpent. Following these four came other Kateinas with pets (pokomatii), of whom the following are mentioned: One bearing pakwa, frog (water-eagle). One bearing patsro, water-bird. One bearing pawikya, duck. One bearing pavakiyuta, water on the backs bearers, aquatic animals. One bearing yiin/ocona, turtle. One bearing zrana, bullfrog. One bearing pavatiya, young water bearer (tadpole). The others with kwahii (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper’s hawk, swallow, and night hawk. The Stimaikoli pets for the six directions are: Sowilniwity eer sercce . yee et ee eee Kwintiwi. Pan/‘wu, mountaimisheep s2.---2 2-24-10. 25. Tevyiina. Teusbiovantelopel sees eee eee Tatyuka. Meaizrisa,Clkes