Leppert ODT DBAS ANAS | PEE IIINS, ANALY ROMA, NL aa yt re , : , se ae ss Bias we ny : mis j ean ; me THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TO THESECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Low WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1919 cn yak awT: 40 aAOTEH TANIA A gO UATAUA |» @ e. OOOH Tm ee “AHY 40 Gey ey a0 Oe BODRUM AOFM INI = , SIRI 1et | Oh he ee eal x ee be iy LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BurReEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., August 4, 1912. Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the Thirty- third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth- nology, for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1912. With appreciation of your aid in the work under my charge, I am Very respectfully, yours, F. W. Hones, Ethnologist-in-charge. Dr. CHarLes D. WaLcort, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. € = errmaensr a0 marr 12 tee - mere eivand eevcoowrie > ¥ oO T ME eens A qo Fees > = a _SEOE .& faepank Oy, Hatyscilen Et i 7 “Titik ott Mtwernad thetise of “rortent ahd. yard r, Monk. to wast Mit ‘hove Peng FE leisaik! SbF “OS sot & habe ahot Tavett oft wt | igo . Yee hog f aro sit at bin tuner bo nvetinion ripped . “(fit 4839) ie ye eal ioe E ety y . ae Tita = chee f : ee i a ue _——_ Et = 1 ‘i taigoonci A) ats ie 3 = nook siscH® UT a. tere teg > aeinbicge Maaire, os oe @relawoe © ts , ’ cA Ss 2 aa % CONTENTS REPORT OF THE ETHNOLOGIST-IN-CHARGE ISSUE ah] Ch GSeaTG h Gs Senter eye eer ate nama ciete cto ex hsek cea lele LEAT LOLI TOS es - cits Sate EEE 7d EOE ES ae aD Or ae Ie aecte SAE NIT UStrSs GON Ss sere ve eee rae Se eee oo eae FSA eS Till eka areas maha Nc lee Ae ere ene A eS ec eee ee ie IRTOPelb yacee eee eters aye er eee cia soe Sel Se staan Bee CESS ee eeeS ACCOMPANYING PAPERS Uses of plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region, by Melvin Ran- olp hy Galnroren((pls el — GO) seme essere ta tay ec ene ae eer s ope rat pete elefelerer ere Preliminary Account of the Antiquities of the Region between the Mancos and La Plata Rivers in Southwestern Colorado, by Earl H. Morris (pls. SEY a5 Se SS Ta ee ee ee Ne ee ee eee Designs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery, by Jesse Walter Fewkes (pls. 76-90: Hi Seo ANN ep te yore at teense ciate ayela(einie ate nSSeo Cesc eee acne OaBeaoe The Hawaiian Romance of Laieikawai, by Martha Warren Beckwith (pls. Cie) ood arabs OGe nec OGee Se Se ora en Isat Sea eee B ec ae ic see nee eee erae Warn xe ere eco Oe itl eee roe erage cin oie eisiolers occ/ainlondsicie:cisialeniaamshebienika ge 5 Page 1 obhactietew el abjeoifedet Av never hhh: pes vault & ays allo"? wt raged os Mad YR 4 tS aniss jevertermadt tepey ays iar] onset j { * ec(hl 2 aa 7ey { ' Az i om Y Mall obwiniilay'l uo Peet otal pa i nt sh wal fwd lo ovement nabkewell ai REPORT OF THE ETHNOLOGIST-IN-CHARGE ee ee en v4 "7a THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY F. W. Hopnar, Ethnologist-in-Charge The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1912, were conducted in accordance with the act of Congress approved March 4, 1911, making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government, which act contains the following item: American ethnology : For continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, including the ex- cavation and preservation of archzologic remains, under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or compensation of all necessary employees and the purchase of necessary books and periodicals, including payment in advance for subscriptions, forty- two thousand dollars. SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES The systematic researches of the bureau were conducted by the regular staff, consisting of eight ethnologists, and with the aid of specialists not directly connected with the bureau, but the results of whose studies were procured for publication. These operations may be summarized as follows: Mr. F. W. Hodge, ethnologist-in-eharge, was occupied with administrative affairs during the greater part of the year, but from time to time, as opportunity afforded, he was engaged in the preparation of an annotated Bibliog- raphy of the Pueblo Indians, with the result that almost 9 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 1,100 cards bearing titles, descriptions of contents, etc., of writings pertaining to the Pueblos were completed. Knowledge of the Pueblo Indians commenced with the year 1539, and these people have been the subject of so much attention by early Spanish explorers and mission- aries, as well as by ethnologists and others, in recent years, that the literature has become voluminous and widely seat- tered. The need of a guide to this array of material has been greatly felt by students, and for this reason Mr. Hodge has prepared notes on the subject for a number of years with the view of their final elaboration in the form of a bibliography. Late in August Mr. Hodge proceeded to New Mexico, and after a brief visit to the archeological sites in the Rito de Los Frijoles, northwest of Santa Fe, where ex- cavations were conducted in conjunction with the School of American Archeology in 1911, continued to El Morro, or Inscription Rock, about 35 miles east of Zuni, for the purpose of making facsimile reproductions, or squeezes, of the Spanish inscriptions there, which have such an im- portant bearing on the early history of the Pueblo tribes. El Morro is a picturesque eminence of sandstone rising from the sandy valley, and by reason of the former exist- ence of a spring at its base, which is now merely a seep, it became an important camping place of the early Spaniards on their journeys to and from the Rio Grande and. the Zui and Hopi pueblos. The inscriptions of these early explorers were carved near the base of the rock, chiefly on the northern and southern sides of the highest portion of the mesa, and in the main consist of the names of the visitors with the dates of their visits, but in a number of cases elaborated with a more or less full statement of the object of the journey. The earliest of the inscriptions is that of Juan de Ofnate, the colonizer of New Mexico and founder of the city of Santa Fe, who inscribed his name and the object of his visit in 1606, on his return from a perilous journey to the Gulf of California. Others who visited the rock and left . ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 11 a record are, in order of date: Gov. Francisco Manuel de Silva Nieto, who escorted the first missionaries to Zuni in 1629; Juan Gonzales, probably a member of the small military escort accompanying the same party, and bearing the same date (1629) ; Lujan, who visited Zuni in 1632 to avenge the murder of Fray Francisco Letrado, one of the missionaries who accompanied Silva Nieto; Juan de Archuleta, Diego Martin Barba, and Agustin de Ynojos, 1636; Gov. Diego de Vargas, 1692, the conquerer of the Pueblos after their rebellion in 1680 which led to their independence of Spanish authority during the succeeding 12 years; Juan de Uribarri, 1701; Ramon Paez Hurtado, 1709; Ju. Garcia de la Rivas, Feliz Martinez, and Fray Antonio Camargo, 1716; Joseph de Payba Basconzelos, 1726; Juan Paez Hurtado and Joseph Truxillo, 1736; Martin de Elizacochea (bishop of Durango) and Juan Tgnacio de Arrasain, 1737; and others of the eighteenth century. These inscriptions were all carefully photo- graphed by Mr. Jesse L. Nusbaum, with whose aid Mr. Hodge made paper squeezes which were brought to Wash- ington and transferred to the National Museum, where Mr. Nusbaum later made plaster casts of the paper nega- tives, insuring the permanent preservation of the inserip- tions in this manner. This work was accomplished none too soon, since deterioration by weathering is progressing in some parts of the cliff face bearing the inscriptions, while vandalism is perhaps playing an even more serious part in the destruction of these important historical records, notwithstanding the fact that El Morro has been created a national monument by Executive order. Early in September Mr. Hodge joined Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, director of the School of American Archeology, and his assistants, in the Jemez Valley, about 65 miles northwest of Albuquerque, for the purpose of conduct- ing excavations, under the joint auspices of the bureau and the school, in an extensive ruined pueblo on a mesa 1,800 feet in height, skirting the valley on the west. This village was occupied within the historical period by the 107 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Jemez people, by whom it is known as Kwasteyukwa. The ruins cover an area approximately 850 by 600 feet, and even on partial excavation exhibited distinct evidence of occupancy at two different periods. The original pueblo was considerably larger than the one later. inhabited, although the latter was built on the ruins of the older and of the same materials. The walls were of tufa blocks, rudely shaped and set in adobe mortar; the rooms were small, the masonry crude, and practically none of the walls remain standing above ground. A large artificial reservoir in a northwestern angle of the ruin furnished the water supply, and various smaller depressions prob- ably mark the sites of kivas. The later inhabitants—those within the historical period, or about the first half of the seventeenth century—buried their dead in and beneath the debris of the older part of the pueblo. The mortuary accompaniments were of the usual character, speaking in general terms—pottery, traces of textiles, stone and bone implements and other objects, and a few ornaments. The finding of glass beads with the remains of a child, and an iron nail in another grave, bear testimony of the comparatively recent occupancy of the village by the Jemez Indians. It was the custom of the inhabitants to throw large stones into the graves, resulting in the break- ing of almost all the pottery deposited with the dead. The fragments were carefully preserved, however, and will be repaired by the National Museum. FOE ep Di JS Ae eo Athi 1 = : UMM albe ve i (ep syed, 90 vvibiot vata 0 aan ea . ; 4 4 he Ae a 2 a fa : AMEE tl iit ya dis i Te HH 5 Mt Awtt ior { Ae ae ‘Pini t ant Fen Puate 1. 14, 15. a. ILLUSTRATIONS, . Pulsatilla patens (Pasque flower). 6. Typha latifolia........- . Sagittaria latifolia. b. A sluggish stream growing full of arrow- [erie (Saainicnrey EVI lb)- DR aes sega Geeta aR eee cso la SEEmeneee . A mass of Stipa spartea bent under the wind. In the background can be seen a number of plants of Echinacea angustifolia in bloom. 6. Bunch of Stipa spartea; bunch of long-awned seeds of Stipa spartea; a hairbrush made from awns of Stipa spartea. . Zizania aquatica (wild rice). Herbarium specimen of straw, a few grains not hulled, and a handful of hulled grains as pre- pared for food. 6. Zizania aquatica, habit................-- . Arisaema triphyllum. 6. Habit picture of Arisaema triphyllum. Panaxotritoliumimay also be S@CD) sss <5 ope ce lean ni . Tradescantia virginica (spiderwort). 6. A circle of Cottonwood leaf toy tipis as made by Indian children of Plains tribes. . .--. . Erythronium mesochoreum, entire plant, bulbs, and flowers. b. Erythronium mesochoreum, habit of growth on the errs . Yucca glaucain bloom. 6. Yucca glauca in fruit.. SAE . A bundle of yucca leaves bound up to demonstrate + use as drill in fire making. 6. A piece of yucca stem prepared to demon- strate use as hearth piece in fire making. c. A dry yucca plant. MpIIPISKVCISI COLOR rsn ee era see eam nisee senile Bae heen Sere as 2 th Tubers and fruit of Nelumbo lutea. 6. Nelumbo lutea, habit-. - Thalictrum dioicum (early meadow rue). 6. Aquilegia cana- CONSIS. sai cing eo owieiressjovec eras Sisis se liemisiownlens mses see =mssleays sis . Sanguinaria canadensis, detail. 6. Sanguinaria canadensis, habit BP ei oe ee ears oie ateis Data a Sie SislasSdip le cctools Se erereimtereeias . Wild strawberry native to wild meadows of Nebraska. b. Woman of the Teton Dakota pounding chokecherries (Padus melano- Carpe) told ry or, will teriSUp ply (oc el ates =tn eee lester letie i= Foliage and fruit of Prunus besseyi (sand cherry). 6. Branch of Prunus besseyi showing prolificness of this fruit. .....-...---- Herbarium specimen of Psoralea esculenta (tipsin)........-....--- 16. A string of roots of Psoralea esculenta (tipsin) peeled and dried tospreservelforiwinler supply s <:e.amm lets scene = eens syne la ais = 17. a. Vine of Glycine apios (Apios tuberosa). 6. Tubers of glycine apios;(Atpiositilberosa) 2 cn..ccw <- sacec seine ovine eeeinaesee seems 18. a. Specimen of Falcata comosa showing leafy branches with pods and small beans produced thereon from the petaliferous flowers. b. Leafless branches which grow prostrate on ground surface and four large beans produced underground from the cleisto- gamous flowers of these leafless branches.............-------- 19. a. Clusters of fruits of Rhus glabra. 6. Cordage made from inner bark of Tilia americana (basswood); a bundle of raw fiber and a piece of cord made by hand from the fiber ........-...----- 74936°—19—33 erH——4 49 66 66 94 50 PLATE 20. 21. 22. 23. 24, 25. 26. 27. ILLUSTRATIONS a. A cactus native to Nebraska. 6. Gathering buffalo berries (Lep- AIL yLAes ALPeN Led) Same eerie aes eae eee ialore Heracleumlanatimpeese testes) cea ae eeee ne eee eat Cornus}amomumpnibloomt. 5.2.0.5. seer ee eee eee eee ene a. Asclepias syriaca, flowers. b. Habit of Asclepias syriaca........ Asclepiasisymiacasinuitee 5. <7j22 20ers eee ee Ree eee eee ete Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory). An entire plant, show- ing the large root, about 4 feet long-----.--------- = 2-22 see a. Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory), a perennial flowering plant native in the sand hills of Nebraska, showing habit. b. Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory).....-..-.-.---- a. Pepo foetidissima (wild gourd) in bloom. 6. Strikes Two, an aged man of the Arikara tribe, gathering his tobacco.......-. . Varieties of squashes and pumpkins cultivated by tribes of Indians of Nebraska from immemorial time...........-....-------------- . a. Staminate and pistillate flowers of watermelons grown from seed obtained from Penishka, an old man of the Ponca tribe. bs Uniton vane’ Of ADOVCL. sameeren tec ae sete setae 29A. Watermelon grown from seed obtained from Penishka, an old man 30. of the Pon Cariribe cn cost oscar ee ee EEE a. Echinacea angustifolia interspersed with Stipa spartea. b. Tops and tubers of Helianthus tuberosus.....-.......-------- weeps 30/A\.. Whacinaria SCATIOSUS'=22 55.25 se = tenement cs <'=:< = = = eee Page 104 108 108 108 108 110 110 114 116 PHONETIC GUIDE 1. All vowels are to be given their continental values. 2. Superior n (") gives a nasal modification to the preceding vowel. 3. A consonant sound approximating the German ch is shown by hi. 4. A lengthened vowel is shown by doubling, e. g. buude, pakskiisu, ete. 5. Unless indicated as a diphthong, vowels do not unite in sound, but each vowel forms a syllable. 51 Pa »~ i a a 8 ee is <. ras ‘ta 7 i ae * ° i T AS Z ny itis TTR MOH SS ‘ - ~ ae _ ; an : - 7 f eatin? { Moe cia odd avis OH a) siu loaf A Lk ra Jawa ig ruthie eV ICT t aiff of powa: of hare iF AzRT ap Re (ie ale); wwrIIque . ‘g i ayworle er Ay namie) orld diamaizonegga Pan 2 Sivas ba Ak er 7 « ch t t wl MESTABAIY , i Fared 2 9 santild; rob ¥ d revo el fares Home it bd r Saves oi stian joa ob klowor arbi tial fib ‘a. en a Stbai oiled : : aldaliveg eitriot lowoy dose ud a oto - - — - USES OF PLANTS BY THE INDIANS OF THE MISSOURI RIVER REGION By Menvin Ranpnoren Gi~mMore INTRODUCTION During the period which has elapsed since the European occupancy of the continent of North America there has never been a thorough- going, comprehensive survey of the flora with respect to the knowl- edge of it and its uses possessed by the aboriginal population. Until recent years little study had been made of the ethnobotany of any of the tribes or of any phytogeographic region. Individual studies have been made, but the subject has not claimed a proportionate share of interest with other phases of botanical study. The people of the European race in coming into the New World have not really sought to make friends of the native population, or to make adequate use of the plants or the animals indigenous to this continent, but rather to exterminate everything found here and to supplant it with the plants and animals to which they were accustomed at home. It is quite natural that aliens should have a longing for the familiar things of home, but the surest road to contentment would be by way of gaining friendly acquaintance with the new environment. What- ever of good we may find in the new land need not exclude the good things we may bring from the old, but rather augment the sum total contributing to our welfare. Agriculture and horticulture should constantly improve the useful plants we already have, while discovery of others should be sought. We shall make the best and most economical use of all our land when our population shall have become adjusted in habit to the nat- ural conditions. The country can not be wholly made over and ad- justed to a people of foreign habits and tastes. There are large tracts of land in America whose bounty is wasted because the plants which can be grown on them are not acceptable to our people. This is not because these plants are not in themselves useful and desirable, but because their valuable qualities are unknown. So long as the peo- 53 54 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [BTH, ANN. 33 ple of the country do not demand articles of food other than those to which our European ancestors were accustomed those articles will be subject to demand in excess of production, with consequent en- hancement of cost, while at the same time we have large land areas practically unproductive because the plants they are best fitted to produce are not utilized. The adjustment of American consumption to American conditions of production will bring about greater im- provement in conditions of life than any other material agency. The people of any country must finally subsist on those articles of food which their own soil is best fitted to produce. New articles of diet must come into use, and all the resources of our own country must be adequately developed. Dr. J. W. Harshberger has well stated the practical uses and the correlations of ethnobotanic study: Phytogeography, or plant geography in its widest sense, is concerned not only with the distribution of wild plants, but also with the laws governing the distribution of cultivated plants. In order to determine the origin of the lat- ter—that is, the original center from which the cultivation of such plants has spread—it is necessary to examine the historic, archeologic, philologic, eth- nologic, and botanic evidence of the past use of such plants by the aboriginal tribes of America. This investigation affords interesting data which can be applied practically in enlarging the list of plants adaptable to the uses of civi- lized man. ... Ethnobotany is useful as suggesting new lines of modern manufacture, for example, new methods of weaving goods, as illustrated by the practical application of the careful studies of pueblo fabrics by Frank H. Cushing. It is of importance, therefore, to seek out these primitive races and ascertain the plants which they have found available in their economic life, in order that perchance the valuable properties they have utilized in their wild life may fill some vacant niche in our own, may prove of value in time of need or when the population of America becomes so dense as to require the utilization of all of our natural resources.” NEGLECTED OPPORTUNITIES That we have had in the past exceptional opportunities for ob- taining aboriginal plant lore, which we have failed to recognize, disdained to accept, or neglected to improve, is well shown by an incident narrated in his journal by the great botanical explorer, Bradbury, in the beginning of the nineteenth century. How much information might then have been obtained which is no longer avail- able! In 1809 Bradbury accompanied a trading expedition up the Missouri River as far as the villages of the Arikara. I proceeded along the bluffs [in the vicinity of the Omaha village which was at that time near the place where Homer, Dakota County, Nebr., now is] and was very successful in my researches, but had not been long employed when T saw an old Indian galloping toward me. He came up and shook hands with 1 Harshberger, Phytogeographic Influences in the Arts and Industries of American Aborigines, p. 26. GILMoRE] ETHNIC BOTANY 55 me and, pointing to the plants I had collected, said, “Bon pour manger?” to which I replied, ‘ Ne pas bon.” He then said, ‘Bon pour medicine?” TI re- plied, “ Oui.” He again shook hands and rode away. ... On my return through the village I was stopped by a group of squaws, who invited me very kindly into their lodges, calling me Wakendaga’* (physician). I declined ac- cepting their invitation, showing them that the sun was near setting, and that it would be night before I could reach the boats. They then invited me to stay all night; this also I declined, but suffered them to examine my plants, for all of which I found they had names.” ETHNIC BOTANY In savage and barbarous life the occupation of first importance is the quest of food. In the earliest times people had to possess a practical working knowledge of plants with regard to their utiliza- tion for food; those which were edible, those by which shift could be made at need to avert famine, and those which on account of deleterious properties must be avoided at all times, came to be known by experience of all the people in their range. In the process of experiment some plants would be found which, though not proving useful for food, would disclose properties which could be used as correctives of unhealthy conditions of the body; some would be found to allay fevers, some to stimulate certain func- tions, others having the effect to stop hemorrhage, and so on. Certain persons in every tribe or social group, from taste and habit, would come to possess a fund of such knowledge, and to these all simpler folk, or those more occupied with other things, would resort. These wise ones then would know how to add the weight and dignity of ceremony and circumstance so that the laity should not fail to award due appreciation to the possessors of such knowl- edge; thus arose the rituals connected with the uses and the teach- ing of the same. Persons who desired to acquire such knowledge applied to those who possessed it, and if of approved character and prudence they, upon presentation of the customary fees or gifts, were duly instructed. These primitive professors of botany would then conduct their disciples on private excursions to the haunts of the plants and there impart to them the knowledge of the charac- teristics and habits, ecologic relations, and geographic distribution of the plants, together with their uses, methods, and time of gather- ing, preserving, and preparing for medicinal use, and the proper way to apply them. 1 Bradbury must have been mistaken as to the meaning of the people or have misun- derstood the term used, because the Omaha word for “ physician” is wazathe. The word waka"dagi means ‘‘something supernatural.” This may be the word Bradbury heard and has given as wakendaga, or he may have misunderstood some other word. No such word as wakendaga has been found by me in the Omaha language. * Bradbury, Travels in the Interior of America, p. 75. 56 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 Besides this body of special plant lore there was also a great deal of knowledge of plants in general and their common uses, their range, habits, and habitat, diffused among the common people. There was also a body of folk sayings and myths alluding to plants commonly known. INFLUENCE OF FLORA ON HUMAN ACTIVITIES AND CULTURE The dominant character of the vegetation of a region is always an important factor in shaping the culture of that region, not only directly by the raw materials which it supplies or withholds, but indirectly also through the floral influence on the fauna. The chase of the buffalo with all that it entailed in habits of domestic life, in- strumentalities and forms of government, industrial activities, and religious rites, was directly related to the prairie and plains forma- tions of vegetation. The food staples, the style of housebuilding, and forms of industry were quite different in the prairie region from what they were in the eastern woodland regions, and in the desert region of the Southwest they were different from either of the first two regions. The Dakota came into the prairie region from the east in the lake region, impelled by the onset of the Chippewa, who had the ad- vantage of firearms acquired from the French. In the lake region they had as the most important article of vegetal food the grain of Zizania aquatica, As they migrated westward the quantity of Zizania diminished and the lack had to be supplied by substitution of something which the prairie might afford. One of the food plants of greatest importance they found on the prairie is Psoralea escu- lenta. The Dakota name of the wild rice, Zizania aquatica, is psi and of Psoralea esculenta is tipsina. From the etymology of these two names Dr. J. R. Walker, of Pine Ridge, has suggested that the second is derived from the first, indicating the thought of its useful- ness as a food in place of what had been the plant of greatest im- portance in the food supply of the region formerly inhabited by this people. Doctor Walker offers this suggestion only as a possible ex- planation of the derivation of tépsi™na. Tinta is the Dakota word for “ prairie”; na@ is a suffix diminutive. It is suggested, then, that in tipsi"na we have a compound from ¢i*ta-psi"-na. This seems a plausible explanation. It need not imply that Psoralea was thought to be like Zzania, but only that it was a little plant of the prairie, tita, which served a use like to that of Zizania, psi". This is probably a case in point, but whether so or not, instances could be cited of the influence of vegetation on language, as in case of some names of GILMorE] INFLUENCE OF FLORA 57 months, Wazchushtecha-sha-wi, Red Strawberry moon—i. e., the moon (lunar month) when strawberries are red ripe, the name of the month of June in the Dakota calendar. The prevalence of certain plants often gave origin to place names. As examples of such names may be cited the Omaha name of Logan Creek, tributary of the Elkhorn River, 7aspa"-hi-bate-ke (meaning river where clumps of Crataegus are). Another instance is the Omaha name of Loup River, which is Vu-ta"-ke (river where nw abounds). Nu is the Omaha name of Glycine apios. The Omaha name of Little Blue River is M/aa-ozhi-ke (river full of cottonwoods, maa). The character of the flora of a region has its effect on the style of architecture. The tribes of the eastern woodlands had abundance of timber for building, so their houses were log structures or frames covered with bark. In Nebraska, where the forest growth was very limited, the dwelling was the earth lodge, a frame of timbers thatched with prairie grass and covered with earth. A people living with nature, and largely dependent upon nature, will note with care every natural aspect in their environment. had not twined and attached itself, she took it as a warning not to trust him. Dodder was said to be used as a dyestuff to give an orange color to feathers. For this purpose the vines were boiled and the ma- terials to be dyed were dipped. A Mexican Indian now living at v BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25 Sa hel “aa me aks et ie IPOMOEA LEPTOPHYLLA (BUSH MORNING-GLORY), AN ENTIRE PLANT, SHOWING THE LARGE ROOT, ABOUT 4 FEET LONG Photo by courtesy of Dr. R. J. Pool, University of Nebraska BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 26 a, IROMOEA LEPTOPHYLLA (BUSH MORNING-GLORY), A PERENNIAL FLOWERING PLANT NATIVE IN THE SAND HILLS OF NEBRASKA, SHOWING HABIT b. IRPOMOEA LEPTOPHYLLA (BUSH MORNING-GLORY) Photos by courtesy of Dr. R. J. Pool, University of Nebraska GILMORE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 111 Pine Ridge said his people call it rattlesnake food and say that rattlesnakes take it into their dens for food. BoraGINnaCcEAE LirHosPERMUM CANESCENS (Michx.) Lehm. Bazu-hi (Omaha-Ponca). Children used the root of this plant in sport to chew with their gum (gum of Stphium laciniatum) to make it of a red color. The flowers of this plant were likewise used to color gum yellow. VERBENACEAE Versena Hasrata L. Wild Verbena. Chathaloga pezhuta (Dakota) ; pezhuta, medicine. Pezhe maka" (Omaha-Ponea) 3 pezhe, herb; maka”, medicine. Among the Teton Dakota the leaves were boiled to make a drink as a remedy for stomach ache. Among the Omaha the leaves were steeped merely to make a beverage like tea. MENTHACEAE Mownarpa Fistutosa L. Wild Bergamot, Horsemint. Heliaka ta pezhuta (Dakota), “elk medicine” (Kekaka, elk; pez- huta, medicine; ta, genitive sign) ; or keliaka ta wote, food of the elk (wote, food). Pezhe pa (Omaha-Ponca), “ bitter herb” (pa, bitter; pezhe, herb). Tsusahtu (Pawnee), ill smelling. By the Teton Dakota the flowers and leaves are boiled together to make a medicine which is drunk to cure abdominal pains. The Winnebago used for pimples and other dermal eruptions on the face an application made by boiling the leaves. Monarpa FISTULOSA VAR. Washtemna. Wakpe washtemna (Dakota), “fragrant leaves” (watipe, leat; washte, good; mna, odorous). This form is one of the plants connected with the Sun dance, according to J. Owen Dorsey. Izna-kithe-iga hi (Omaha-Ponea), referring to its use in com- pounding a pomade for the hair. Sometimes called pezhe-pa mé"ga in distinction from the other pezhe-pa, in reference to its finer essence and more delicate plant body (mi"ga, female; fe- male pezhe-pa). Tspstu (Pawnee), meaning, if any, not found. 1Siouan Cults, p. 454. 112 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 In addition to these two forms, the Pawnee, as said before, recog- nize and name two other forms. All these four forms are included in our taxonomy under the name Monarda fistulosa. The two remain- ing forms, according to the Pawnee classification and nomenclature, are tsakus tawirat and parakaha. The latter name, parakaha, sig- nifies “ fragrant”; tsakus tawirat, “shot many times still fighting” (tsakus, shot many times; tawirat, still fighting). In the order of decreasing desirability for fragrance the Pawnee classify the four forms in this order: parakaha, tsakus tawirat, tsostu, and tsusahtu, which last name, meaning ill smelling, shows that it is undesirable, according to their suspectibilities, for this purpose. One or more of the other forms may often be found wherever the last, tsusahtu, the common type form of MJonarda fistulosa, is found. The Pawnee characterize them thus: fsusahtu, with stiff strong stems; tsostu, with weaker stems and smaller leaves; the next two with weak stems, the most fragrant one, parakaha, with stems “as weak as straw.” But they also find differences in the roots, and they say these must be com- pared in order to make identification certain. The differences noted by the Indians among these varieties, if we may be allowed to call them varieties, are fixed and hereditary and not accidental or dependent on season or situation. Of this I am assured by my own experience with living specimens of the two forms designated by the Dakota Hehaka ta pezhuta and walipe washtemna. J have transplanted specimens of these two forms from the wild state and have had them under observation at all seasons for five years. I have also noted these two forms in the wild state stand- ing in close proximity to each other. I give this extended discussion because I have found taxonomists reluctant to admit the possibility of this distinction; at the same time they did not put it to the proof. Heproma uispma Pursh. Rough Pennyroyal. Maka chiaka (Dakota). An infusion of the leaves was used as a remedy for colds. It was used also as a flavor and tonic appetizer in diet for the sick. Menta canapensts L. Wild Mint. Chiaka (Dakota). Pezhe nubtho” (Omaha-Ponca), “ fragrant herb” (nwbtho”, fra- grant). Kahts-kiwahaaru (Pawnee); “swamp medicine” (kahis, from hkahtsu, medicine; kiwahaaru, swamp). Wild mint was used by all the tribes as a carminative, fow this purpose being steeped in water for the patient to drink and sweetened with sugar. Sometimes this infusion was used as a beverage, like tea, not alone for its medicinal property but for its pleasing aromatic flavor. GILMoRE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 113 The Dakota used mint as a flavor in cooking meat. They also packed it with their stores of dried meat, making alternate layers of dried meat and mint. A Winnebago informant said that traps were boiled with mint in order to deodorize them so that antmals might not be deterred by the scent of blood from entering them. AGASTACHE ANETHIODORA (Nuit.) Britton. Fragrant Giant Hyssop, Wild Anise. The leaves of this plant were commonly used to make a hot aqueous drink like tea to be taken with meals. It was also used as a sweet- ening flavor in cookery. SoLaNACEAE PuHYSALIS HETEROPHYLLA Nees. Ground Cherry. Tamaniokipe (Dakota). Pe igatush (Omaha-Poncea) ; pe, forehead; igatush, to pop. The name has reference to the use by children of the inflated persist- ent calices which they pop on the forehead in play. Nikakitspak (Pawnee) ; nikako, forehead; kitspak, to pop. The fruits of the edible species, P. heterophylla, are made into a sauce for food by all these tribes. When a sufficient quantity of them was found they were dried for winter. When the Dakota first saw figs they likened them to Physalis (Tamaniolipe), and called them Tamaniolipe washichu", “ white man’s tamaniolipe.” Puysauis LANCEOLATA Michx.t Prairie Ground Cherry. Maka" bashaho-sho" (Omaha-Ponea), “crooked medicine ” (bashasho"sho", crooked, referring to the root of this species). Ha"pok-hischasu, (Winnebago), “owl eyes” (ha"pok, owl; hischasu, eyes). The root of this plant was used in the smoke treatment. A decoc- tion of the root was used for stomach trouble and for headache. A dressing for wounds was also made from it. Nicorrana quaprivatvis Pursh. Tobacco. (PI. 27, b.) Chandi (Dakota) ; Teton dialect, chanli. Nini-hi (Omaha-Ponea). This species of Vicotiana was cultivated by all the tribes of Ne- braska. Since the advent of Europeans tobacco is one of the crops whose culture has been abandoned by these tribes, and they have all lost the seed of it,so that the oldest living Omaha have never seen it growing; but they sometimes receive presents of the prepared tobacco 1This is the species which is intended by the reference on p. 584 of The Omaha Tribe, Twenty-seventh Rep. Bur. of Amer. Ethn, The reference here names Physalis viscora, no doubt an error for P. viscosa. But P, viscosa is native to the Atlantic coast and is not found in the territory of the Omaha. 74936°—19—33 eru——8 114 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 from other tribes to the north, who are still growing it. From an old man, Long Bear, of the Hidatsa tribe in North Dakota, who was then 73 years old, I obtained specimens and seed in 1908, by which I was able to determine the species. I planted the seed and have had it growing every year since. The plant, when full grown, is only about 60 em. or 70 cm. in height. It is very hardy and of quick maturity, so that ripe seed will be found in about 60 or 65 days after coming up, and fruit bearing continues till frost comes. According to Nuttall, Nicotiana quadrivalvis was cultivated by all the tribes along the Missouri. A Pawnee informant said that his people in the old time prepared the ground for planting this tobacco by gathering a quantity of dried grass, which was burned where the patch was to be sown. This kept the ground clear of weeds, so that nothing grew except the tobacco which was planted. The crop was allowed to grow thick, and then the whole plant—leaves, unripe fruit capsules, and the tender, small parts of the stemts—was dried for smoking. The unripe seed capsules, dried separately, were specially prized for smoking on account of the flavor, pronounced by the Indians to be like the flavor now found in the imported Turkish tobacco. A Winnebago informant-told me that his people prepared the to- bacco by picking off the leaves and laying them out to dry. Next day the partially dry leaves, imp and somewhat viscid, were rolled like tea leaves and again laid to dry. When fully dry the leaves were rubbed fine and stored away. In this finished state the tobacco looks somewhat like gunpowder tea. The Indians said it was of very pleasant odor for smoking. The species of tobacco which was culti- vated by the Winnebago, as well as the other tribes of the eastern woodland region, was WVicotiana rustica L. It appears that this species was cultivated by all the tribes from the Mississippi River eastward to the Atlantic Ocean. It.is said that the woodland tribes eagerly accepted presents of prepared tobacco of the species Vicotiana quadrivalvis from the tribes of the plains region and sought to obtain seed of the same, but the plains tribes jealously guarded against allowing the seed to be exported to their woodland neighbors, ScroPHULARIACEAE PENTSTEMON GRANDIFLORUS Nutt. Wild Fox-glove. A Pawnee informant said that he uses this plant as a remedy for chills and fever, but it is not of common knowledge and use. The preparation is a decoction of the leaves, taken internally. 1 Pickering, Chronological History of Plants, p. 741. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27 a. PEPO FOETIDISSIMA (WILD GOURD) IN BLOOM b. STRIKES TWO, AN AGED MAN OF THE ARIKARA TRIBE, GATHERING HIS TOBACCO GILMorE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS WabGs PLANTAGINACEAE Prantaco Magor L. Plantain. Sinie maka" (Omaha-Ponca). A Ponca gave me the information that a bunch of leaves of this plant made hot and applied to the foot is good to draw out a thorn or splinter. RUBIACEAE Gatium TrIrLoruM Michx. Fragrant Bedstraw, Lady’s Bouquet. Wau-pezhe (Omaha-Ponea), woman’s herb, or wau-inu-maka", woman’s perfume (waw, woman). The plant was used by women on account of its fragrance, a deli- cate odor given off in withering, which resembles the odor of sweet- grass, a handful of the plant being tucked under the girdle. CAPRIFOLIACEAE Sampucus canapensis L. Elderberry. Chaputa (Dakota) ; chaputa-hu, elder bush. Wagathahashka (Omaha-Ponca) ; wagathahashka-hi, elder bush. Skirariu (Pawnee). The fruits were used for food in the fresh state. The larger stems of the bush were used by small boys for making popguns. A pleas- ant drink was made by dipping the blossoms into hot water. Visurnum tentaco L. Black Haw, Nannyberry. Mna (Dakota) ; mna-hu, black haw bush. Na'shama" (Omaha-Ponea). Wuwu (Winnebago). Akiwasas (Pawnee) ; naming names. The fruits were eaten from the hand, not gathered in quantity. Visurnum oputus L. “ High-bush Cranberry,” Pembina.* In the north, where Sambucus canadensis is not found, boys made popguns from stalks of Viburnum opulus after removing the pith. 1The name pembina is herewith proposed as a popular name for this shrub because of the atrocious ineptness of the name “ high-bush cranberry,” since the berry of Viburnum is nothing like a cranberry, and also because of the fact that the name pembina is already commonly applied to this shrub and its fruit by the people of northern North Dakota and Manitoba. The word pembina is a white man’s corruption of the name of this berry in the Chippewa language, which is nepin-minan, summer-berry ; nepin, sum- mer; and minan berry. The pronunciation of pembina is indicated thus: pém’-bi-na. This name was applied to a river and mountain in North Dakota, and subsequently to a town and county of that State. The Chippewa call the river Nepin-minan Sipi (Summer- berry River), because of the abundance of these berries growing along the course of that stream. 116 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 33 They made the piston from a piece of Amelanchier alnifolia or of the young growth of Quercus macrocarpa. The fibrous inner bark of Ulmus americana and of U. fulva was used for popgun wads. In the north, where Betula papyrifera is found, its papery bark was chewed to a pulp and used for this purpose, while on the western prairie the tops of Artemisia were chéwed and so used. SYMPHORICARPOS SyMPHORICARPOS (L.) MacM. Coral Berry, and S. occipENTALIS Hook. Wolf Berry, Buck Brush. Zuzecha-ta-wote sapsapa (Dakota); black snake food (zuzecha, snake; wote, food; ta, genitive sign; sapsapa, reduplication of sapa, black). Ishtogalite-hi (Omaha-Ponea), eye-lotion plant (i"shta, eye). The leaves were steeped to make an infusion used for weak or inflamed eyes. CUCURBITACEAE Perro rorripissma (H. B. K.) Britton. Wild Gourd. (PI. 27, a.) Wagamu" pezhuta (Dakota), pumpkin medicine (wagamu”, pump- kin; pezhuta, medicine). Niashiga maka" (Omaha-Ponca), human-being medicine (niashiga, human being; ma/a", medicine). They say it is male (niashiga maka" nuga) and female (niashiga maka" miga). This is one of the plants considered to possess special mystic properties. People were afraid to dig it or handle it unauthorized. The properly constituted authorities might dig it, being careful to make the prescribed offering of tobacco to the spirit of the plant, accompanied by the proper prayers, and using extreme care not to wound the root in removing it from the earth. A man of my ac- quaintance in the Omaha tribe essayed to take up a root of this plant and in doing so cut the side of the root. Not long afterward one of his children fell, injuring its side so that death ensued, which was ascribed by the tribe to the wounding of the root by the father. This plant is one which is held in particularly high esteem by all the tribes as a medicinal agent. As its range is restricted to the drier parts of the Great Plains, it happens that since the tribes are confined to reservations they can not get it as easily-as they did in old times. This explains why, when I have exhibited specimens of the root in seeking information, the Indians have asked for it. While they fear to dig it themselves, after I have assumed the risk of so doing they are willing to profit by my temerity; or it may be that the white man is not held to account by the Higher Powers of the Indian’s world. The root is used medicinally according to the doctrine of signa- tures, simulating, it is believed, the form of the human body, and SWIL TVIYOWSWW! WOYS VHSVYSAN 4O SNVIGNI 3O SHEIuL Ad GALVAILIND SNIMdWNd GNV SAHSVNOS 3O SAILAIYVA 80 31V1d 1LHYOdSY TVANNV GHIHL-ALYIHL ADOTONHLA NVOIYAWYV 3O NVadnd Awe © i al + o GILMorE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS alalizg thought to be male and female. As a remedy for any ailment a por- tion of the root from the part corresponding in position to the affected part of the patient’s body is used—for headache or other trouble in the head some of the top of the root is used; for abdominal trouble a bit of the middle of the root; and so on. A number of species of Cucurbitaceze were of undoubted aboriginal American culture, as attested by the writings of the earliest explor- ers, missionaries, and settlers, as well as by the stories, traditions, myths, and religious ceremonies of the various tribes. From all the evidence I have it appears that the tribes of Nebraska prior to Euro- pean contact certainly cultivated squashes and pumpkins of several varieties, gourds, and possibly watermelons. (Pl. 28.) When we seek the region in which may possibly be found the original prototypes of the cultivated species grown by the tribes of Nebraska, naturally we must look to the region of the Rio Grande or beyond. Cucursrra LaGeNARIA L, Dipper Gourd. Wamnuha or wakmu (Dakota). Peke (Omaha-Ponca). Among the tribes generally the gourd was grown in order to pro- vide shells of which to make rattles. For this purpose the gourd was indispensable, as rattles made therefrom were essential for all ritualistic music. In order to fashion a rattle, the contents of the gourd were removed and a handle was attached. Seeds of Arisaema triphyllum or small gravel were placed in the shell. Pero pero (L.) Pumpkin. Wamnu (Dakota) ; Teton dialect, wagamu". Wata" (Omaha-Ponca). Since the advent of Europeans and the consequent disturbance of the aboriginal activities the tribes have lost many of the varieties of their old-time cultivated plants. Some varieties lost by one tribe are still retained by some other tribe, while the latter probably no longer enjoys plants still in possession of the former. Of their old- time squashes the Omaha can describe the following eight varieties, although they have lost the seed of most of them. They do not dis- tinguish between pumpkin and squash, but call them both wata" with descriptive modifiers affixed. 1. Wata” Kti, “real squash” (Ati, real). This term would seem to indicate that this variety has been longest known by the tribe. It is described as being spherical in form, yellowish in color, “like a cottonwood leaf in the fall.” 2. Wata” mifa, small, spherical, spotted black and green. 3. Wata” nide bazu, large oval, pointed at the ends, greenish in color. 4, Wata" kukuge, speckled. 5. Wata" mika snede, long wata" mika. 118 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 6. Wata" mika ska, white wata" mika. 7. Wata" mika saba, black wata" mika. 8. Wata" mila zi, yellow wata" mila. These last four squashes, called wata" mifia, were small summer or fall squashes. The Omaha planted their squashes at the time of blossoming of the wild plum. Cucurbita maxima of Tropical or Subtropical America. The pumpkin called in Brazilian ‘“jurumu” (Maregr. 44), in Carib “jujuru” or “babora” (Dese.), and cultivated from early times: ‘‘ pompions” were seen by Colum- bus in 1498 on Guadalope (F. Columb, 47) ... OC. maxima was observed by De Soto in 1542 in Florida, and is known to have been cultivated by the North American tribes as far as the St. Lawrence.’ April 12, 1528 (Cabeza de Vaca, and Churchiil Coll.), arrival of exped. of Pamphilo de Narvaez on north side of Gulf of Mexico, west of Mississippi R. Landed, proceeded inland, and observed pumpkins and beans cultivated by the natives.” About their howses they have commonly square plotts of cleered grownd, which serve them for gardens, some one hundred, some two hundred foote square, wherein they sowe their tobacco, pumpons, and a fruit like unto a musk million, but lesse and worse, which they call macock gourds, and such like, which fruicts increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of July, and contynue until September; they plant also the field apple, the maracock, a wyld fruit like a kind of pomegranett, which increaseth infinitlye, and ripens in August, contynuing untill the end of October, when all the other fruicts be gathered, but they sowe nether herb, flower, nor any other kynd of fruict.’ Perro maxima (Duch.) Peterm. Squash. This species is found in tropical and subtropical North America. The squash, called by the New England tribes ‘“ askutasquash” (R. Will), and cultivated from early times :—observed under cultivation by the natives by W. Wood, R. Williams, and Josselyn; is known to have been cultivated through- out our middle and southern States; by the natives in the West Indies, as appears from Dalechamp pl. 616, and was seen by Chanvalon on Martinique (Poiret dict. nat. x1, 234.) * To the southwest, whence came the crop plants of aboriginal cul- ture in Nebraska, the remains in ruins sometimes reveal the identity of plants of ancient culture there. The occurrence of squash seeds in some of the mortuary bowls is important, indicating the ancient use of this vegetable for food. It may, in this connec- tion, be borne in mind that one of the southern clans of the Hopi Indians was called the Patui or Squash family.’ Pepo pepo, Dr. J. H. Coulter says, “ Has a naturalized variety in southern and western Texas, .... (C. tewana Gray).”® 1 Pickering, Chronological History of Plants, pp. 709-710. 2Tbid., p. 869. 3 William Strachey, Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia, p. 72 (1612). 4Pickering, op. cit., p. 747. 5 Fewkes, Two Summers’ Work in Pueblo Ruins, p. 101. ® Coulter, Botany of Western Texas, p. 124. GILMORE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 119 Pumpkin seeds have been found in old Pawnee graves in Nebraska. The squash is mentioned in the Onondaga creation myth, showing that it has been in cultivation by that tribe from ancient times, and this is evidence of its wide distribution from the area of its origin. Religious expression is one of the most conservative elements and does not readily take up any new thing, hence the religious songs of a people indicate those things which have been for a long time familiar to that people. Allusion is made to the squash in some of the oldest religious songs of the Pima tribe in the southwest. One of the most ancient hymns to bring rain is the following. Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a! He the All-seeing Sees the two stalks of corn standing; He’s my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a! He the All-seeing sees the two squashes ; He’s my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a! On the summit of Ta-atukam sees the corn standing; He’s my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a! On the summit of Ta-atukam sees the squash standing; He’s my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o woiha! Another Pima rain song: Hi-ihiya naiho-o! The blue light of evening Falls as we sing before the sacred Amina. About us on all sides corn tassels are waving. Hiteciya yahina! The white light or day dawn Yet finds us singing, while corn tassels are waving. Hitciya yahina-a! The blue light of evening Falls as we sing before the sacred 4mina. About us on all sides corn tassels are waving. Hitciya yahina! The white light of day dawn Yet finds us singing, while the squash leaves are waving.” Cucurpira Fictrot1A Bouché. (C. melanosperma, A. Br.) The specimens correspond closely with the description of this species (hitherto known only as cultivated in European gardens and conjectured to be from the East Indies) excepting in the shape of the leaves, which have the lobes (often short) and sinuses acute instead of rounded. Guadalajara, culti- vated; September (620).—The fruit, called “ cidra cayote ” or “ chila cayote,” is about a foot in length, resembling a watermelon in appearance, with a hard outer shell, the contents white and fibrous, and seeds black. It keeps for many months without decay. A preserve is made of the inner fibrous portion. The name “ cayote,” given to this and other cucurbitaceous species in Mexico, may be the equivalent of the “chayote” of Cervantes and the “chayotli” of Hernandez.* 1 Hewitt, Iroquoian Cosmology, p. 174. 2 Russell, The Pima Indians, p 332. 8 Watson, Contributions to American Botany, p. 414. 120 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 Crrrunius crrruttus (L.) Karst. Watermelon. (Pls. 29, 29A-) Saka yutapi (Dakota), Santee dialect, eaten raw (saka, raw) ; Yankton and Teton dialect, shpa"shni yulapi, eaten uncooked (shpa'shni, uncooked). Saka thide (Omaha-Ponea), or saka thata, eaten raw (saka, raw). Wathaka ratdshe (Oto). When I first inquired of the Omaha in regard to their ancient cultivated crops, they named watermelons as one of the crops grown from time immemorial. They said they had a kind of watermelon which was small, round, and green, having a thin rind and red flesh, with small, black, shining seeds; that it was different from the melons now grown from seed introduced since the coming of white men. I read the statement made by an early explorer coming up the Missouri River that the Oto brought presents of watermelons to the boat. I received from the Ponca, the Pawnee, and the Cheyenne an account which was perfectly uniform with that I had from the Omaha, even to the gestural description of the melon. Lastly, I was told by a white man who was born in northern Texas and had been familiar all his life with the natural characteristics of northern Texas and southern Oklahoma, that he had often found and eaten wild watermelons on the sand bars and banks of Red River, Pecos River, and other streams of northwestern Texas. He said further that his father had told him of finding them on still other streams of that region. This man described the wild watermelons to me exactly as all the tribes before mentioned had described their culti- vated melons. This hitherto unthought of probability of the presence on the American continent of an indigenous species of Citru/lus caused me to make search through the literature and to make inquiry by corre- spondence, with the results I have here appended. The more I searched into the matter the more unlikely it seemed to me that even so desirable a fruit as the watermelon, should it be granted to have been introduced by the Spaniards at the time of their very first set- tlement, could have been disseminated with such astonishing rapidity and thoroughness as to be found so common among so many tribes of eastern North America from the Gulf of Mexico to the Great Lakes, and from the Atlantic coast to the Great Plains. Such a result would be all the more astonishing, considering the barriers to be passed in its passage from tribe to tribe; barriers of racial an- tagonism, of diverse languages, of climatic adaptation, and the ever- present barrier of conservatism, of unwillingness of any people to adopt a new thing. But if none of these barriers had intervened, and if each tribe had zealously propagated and distributed as rapidly as possible to its neighbors, it can scarcely be believed that time BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29 a. STAMINATE AND PISTILLATE FLOWERS OF WATERMELON GROWN FROM SEED OBTAINED FROM PENISHKA, AN OLD MAN OF THE PONCA TRIBE b. UNIT OF VINE OF ABOVE Photos by courtesy of W. E. Safford, U. S. Department of Agriculture aINI|NIUBy Jo JuawyRdaq ‘Ss ‘A ‘p4osses "yg *M Jo Asaynoo Aq sojoud 3g1¥L VONOd SHI SO NVW G10 NV ‘VHHSINSd WOYS GANIVL8O G3a4aS WO NMOYS NOTAWYALYM V6E 3ALV1id LYOdSaY IVANNYV GYIHL-ALYIHL ADOIONHLA NVOIYAWYV 40 NvaYnd GILMoRE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 121 enough had elapsed for this to be accomplished at the first contact of the French and English explorers. The watermelons grown by the various tribes seem to be of a variety distinct from any of the many known varieties of European introduction. I append here some quotations from literature which I have found in various sources bearing on the subject. J. M. Coulter (Cont. U. S. Nat. Herb., vol. m, p. 128, Botany of Western Texas), after describing adds: “ Said by Dr. Havard to be found wild in many places west of the Pecos.” Concerning its origin, C. Conzatti, in “Los Géneros Vegetales Mexicanos,” p. 348, states: Es género introducido del Viejo Mundo, y de él se cultiva entre nosotros una de las dos especies que conprende: C. vulgaris Schrad., 6 ‘ Cidra- cayote.” * According to De Bry the watermelon is— Une plante dont l’origine est incertaine d’aprés les auteurs. Linné (Sp., p. 1435) dit: “ Habitat in Apulia, Calabria, Sicilia.” Seringe (Prodr., III, p. 301) dit: “in Africa et India.” Puis il ajoute une variété décrite au Brésil par ‘Maregraf, ce qui complique encore la question, .. . La planche et le texte de Marcgraf (Bras., p. 22) me paraissent bien s’ap- pliquer 4 la Pastéque. D’un autre coté, rien ne prouve que la plante n’efit pas été apportée au Brésil pas les Européens, si ce n’est le fait d’un nom vulgaire Jaee, mais argument n’est pas fort. Marcgraf cite aussi des noms européens. Tl ne dit pas que l’espéce ffit spontanée, ni trés genéralement cultivée. Sloane Vindique comme cultivée 4 la Jamaique (I, p. 226), sans prétendre q’elle fit américaine, et assurément le silence des premiers auteurs, sauf Marcgraf, le rend bien peu probable.” Je conclus de ce qui précéde que toutes les espéces de Citrullus énumérées dans la synonymie que j’ai donnée ci-dessus n’en font qu’une; que cette espéce, toujours annuelle, et par 14 facile 4 distinguer de la Coloquinte officinale, est essentiellement africaine; qu’elle existe encore 4 l’état sauvage en Afrique, et qu'elle est cultivée depuis un temps immémorial dans la vallée du Nil, d’ot elle a passé, méme anciennement, chez la plupart des peuples civilises du bassin méditerranéen Aujourd’hui, elle existe dans tous les pay chauds de la terre, et comme les graines en sont jetées au hasard, partout o0 on la consomme, il n’y a rien, d’étonnant qu’on la retrouve 4 demi-sauvage dans beaucoup de contrées ot elie n’existait certainement pas primitivement.* Saka¢ide uke¢i®, the common watermelon, was known to the Omahas before the coming of the white men. It has a green rind, which is generally striped, and the seeds are black. It is never dried, but is always eaten raw, hence the name. They had no yellow saka¢ide till the whites came; but they do not eat them.* The Mahas [Omahas] seem very friendly to the whites, and cultivate corn, beans, melons, squashes, and a small species of tobacco [Nicotiana quadri- valvis].° 1Conzatti, Los Géneros Vegetales Mexicanos, p. 248. *De Candolle, Geographie Botanique, Tome 2, p. 908. *Naudin, Revue des Cucurbitacées, Annales des Sciences Naturelles, 4° Serie, Tome X11, pp. 107-108. 4Dorsey, Omaha Sociology, p. 306. 5’ Bradbury, Travels in the Interior of America, p. 77. 122 USES GF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 Watermelous are cultivated in great plenty in the English and French- American colonies, and there is hardly a peasant here who has not a field planted with them. ... The Indians plant great quantities of watermelons at present, but whether they have done it of old is not easily determined. For an old Onidoe Indian (of the six Iroquese Nations) assured me that the Indians did not know watermelons before the Europeans came into the country and communicated them to the Indians. The French, on the other hand, have assured me that the Illinois Indians have had abundance of this fruit, when the French first came to them, and that they declare, they had planted them since times immemorial. However, I do not remember having read that the Europeans, who first came to North America, mention the watermelons in speaking of the dishes of the Indians of that time.’ After several miles of marching along extensive and well-cultivated fields of squashes, pumpkins, beans, melons, and corn the Dragoons reached the village. Here then was the Toyash or Pawnee Pict village, the main goal of this ex- pedition. . . . Col. Dodge encamped in a fine position about a mile from the village, and the hungry Dragoons were soon enjoying the Indian hospitalities. Dishes of corn and beans dressed with buffalo fat were placed before them. For dessert the soldiers enjoyed liberal supplies of watermelons and wild plums.* When Garces was among the Yumas in 1775 they were raising “countless” calabashes and melons—calabazas y melones—perhaps better translated squashes and cantaloupes, or pumpkins and muskmelons. The Piman and Yuman tribes cultivated a full assortment of cucurbitaceous plants, not always easy to identify by their old Spanish names. The Sandia was the watermelon invari- ably ; the melon, usually a muskmelon, or cantaloupe; the calabaza, a calabash, gourd, pumpkin, or squash of some sort, including one large, rough kind like our crook-neck squash.” ® MELONS AMONG THE NATCHEZ Father Petit in a letter to Father d’Avauguor, from New Orleans, July 12, 1730, writes, “Each year the people assemble to plant one vast field with Indian corn, beans, pumpkins, and melons, and then again they collect in the same way to gather the harvest.” 4 The vegetables they [the Iroquois] cultivate most are Maize, or Turkey corn, French beans, gourds, and melons. They have a sort of gourd smaller than ours, and which taste much of sugar [squashes]; they boil them whole in water, or roast them under the ashes, and so eat them without any other preparation. The Indians were acquainted, before our arrival in their country, with the com- mon and water melon.® Toute sorte de Melons croissent 4 souhait dans la Louisiane; ceux d’Espagne, de France, et les melons Anglois, que l’on nomme melons blanes, y son infiniment meilleurs que dans les Pays dont ils portent le nom: mais les plus excellens de tous sont les melons d’eau. Comme ils sont peu connus en France, of l’on n’en voit guéres que dans la Provence, encore sont-ils de la petite espéce, je crois que lon ne donne trouvera point mauvais que j’en la description. 1Kalm, Travels into North America, vol. 2, p.,385. 2 Pelzer, Henry Dodge, p. 100. ®* Russell, The Pima Indians, p. 91. 4 Jesuit Relations, vol. 68, p. 137. 5 Charlevoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America, vol. 1, p. 250. GILMoRE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 123 La tige de ce melon rampe comme celle des notres, et s’étend jusqu’A dix pieds de Vendroit d’oti elle sort de terre. Elle est si délicate, que lorsqu’on l’écrase en marchant dessus, le fruit meurt; et pour peu qu’on la froisse, il s’échaude. Les feuilles sont trés découpées, d’un verd qui tire sur le verd de mer, et larges comme la main quand elles sont ouvertes. Le fruit est ou rond comme les potirons, ou long: il se trouve de bons melons de cotte derniére espéce; mais ceux de la premiére espéce sont plus estimés, et meritent de l’étre. Le poids des plus gros passe rarement trente livres; mais celui des plus petits est toujours au dessus de dix livres. Leur céte et d’un verd pale, mélé de grandes taches blanches, et la chair qui touche A cette cote est blanche, crue, et d’une verdeur désagréable; aussi ne la mange t-on jamais. L’intérieur est rempli par une sub- stance légere et brillante comme une neige, qui seroit de couleur de rose: elle fond dans la bouche comme seroit la neige méme, et laisse un goft pareil & celui de cette eau que l’on prépare pour les malades avec de la gelée de groseille. Ce fruit ne peut done étre que trés rafraichissant, et il est si sain que de quelque maladie que l’on soit attaqué, on peut en satisfaire son appétit sans crainte d’en étre incommodé, Les melons d’eau d’Afrique ne sont point & beaucoup prés si délicieux que ceux de la Louisiane. La graine du melon d’eau est placée comme celle du melon de France; sa figure est ovale, plate, aussi épaisse & ses extrémitiés que vers son centre, et & environs six lignes de long sur quatre de large: les unes l’ont noire et les autres rouge; mais la noire est la meilleure, et c’est celle qu’il convient de sémer pour étre assuré d’avoir de bons fruits, pourvi qu’on ne la mette pas dans des terres fortes, of elle dégénéreroit et deviendroit rouge.* TRANSLATION All kinds of melons grow admirably well in Louisiana. Those of Spain, of France, of England, which last are called white melons, are there infi- nitely finer than in the countries from which they have their name; but the best of all-are the watermelons. As they are hardly known in France, except in Provence, where a few of the small kind grow, I fancy a description of them will not be disagreeable to the reader. The stalk of this melon spreads like ours upon the ground, and extends to the length of ten feet. It is so tender that when it is in any way bruised by treading upon it the fruit dies; and if it is rubbed in the least it is scorched. The leaves are very much divided, as broad as the hand when they are spread out, and are somewhat of a sea-green colour. The fruit is either round like a pompion, or long. There are some good melons of this last kind, but the first sort are the most esteemed and deservedly so. The weight of the largest rarely exceeds thirty pounds, but that of the smallest is always about ten pounds. Their rind is of a pale green colour, interspersed with large white spots. The substance that adheres to the rind is white, erude, and of a disagreeable tartness, and is therefore never eaten. The space within that is filled with a light and sparkling substance, that may be called for its properties a rose-coloured snow. It melts in the mouth as if it were actually snow, and leaves a taste like that of the water prepared for sick people from currant jelly. This fruit cannot fail, therefore, of being very refreshing, and is so wholesome that persons in all kinds of distempers may satisfy their appetite with it, without any apprehension of being the worse for it. The watermelons of Africa are not near so refreshing as those of Louisiana. 1Le Page du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, Tome 2, pp. 12-14. 124 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH, ANN. 33 The seeds of watermelons are like those of French melons. Their shape is oval and flat, being as thick at the ends as towards the middle; their length is about six lines, and their breadth four. Some are black and others red; but the black are the best, and it is those you ought to chuse for sowing, if you would wish to have the best fruit; which you can not fail of if they are not planted in strong ground where they would degenerate and become red. MELONS GROWN BY INDIANS OF VIRGINIA BEFORE THE COMING OF WHITE MEN ... but none of the Toils of Husbandry were exercised by this happy People, except the bare planting a little Corn and Melons, ... And indeed all that the Hnglish have done since their going thither, has been only to make some of these Native Pleasures more scarce... . hardly making Im- provements equivalent to that Damage.’ MELONS FOUND BY LA SALLE IN TEXAS IN 1687 This instrument [wooden hoe] serves them instead of a hoe, or spade, for they have no iron tools. When the land has been thus tilled, or broken up, the women sow and plant the Indian corn, beans, pompions, watermelons and other grain and garden ware, which is for their sustenance. [Account of the Cenis, (Caddos), 1687.]? ... We met a company of Indians, with axes, going to fetch barks of trees to cover their cottages. They were surprised to see us, but having made signs to them to draw near, they came, caressed and presented us with some water- melons they had... We halted in one of their cottages, ... There we met several women who had brought bread, gourds, beans and watermelons, a sort of fruit proper to quench thirst, the pulp of it being no better than water.® WATERMELONS AMONG THE ILLINOIS We continued some time in Fort Louis [on the Mississippi among the Illinois] without receiving any news. Our business was, after haying heard mass, which we had the good fortune to do every day, to divert ourselves the best way we could. The Indian women daily brought in something fresh; we wanted not for watermelons, bread made of Indian corn, baked in the embers, and other such things, and we rewarded them by little presents in return.* The natives of the country about (among the Poutouatannis [Pottawatomies] which is half way to Michilimaquinay) till the land and sow Indian corn, melons and gourds.® : MELONS AND OTHER CULTIVATED PLANTS AMONG TRIBES OF WESTERN PRAIRIES The savage peoples who inhabit the prairies have life-long good-fortune; animals and birds are found thee in great numbers, with numberless rivers abounding in fish. Those people are naturally very industrious, and devote 1 Beverley, History of Virginia (1705), Book 11, p. 40. 2Cox, Journeys of La Salle, vol. 11, p. 139. 3Ibid., pp. 190-191. “Tbid., p. 222. 5Ibid., p. 229. GILMoRE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 125 themselves to the cultivation of the soil, which is very fertile for Indian corn. It produces also beans, squashes (both small and large) of excellent flavor, fruits, and many kinds of roots. They have in especial a certain method ot preparing squashes with the Indian corn cooked while in its milk, which they mix and cook together and then dry, a food which has a very sweet taste. Finally, melons grow there which have a juice no less agreeable than re- freshing.* The relation of Marquette’s first voyage, 1673-1677, mentions ‘‘ melons, which are excellent, especially those that have red seeds,’ among the Illinois.* Thence we ascended to Montreal. . . . The latitude is about that of Bordeaux, but the climate is very agreeable. The soil is excellent, and if the Gardener but throw some Melon seeds on a bit of loosened earth among the stones they are sure to grow without any attention on his part. Squashes are raised there with still greater ease, but differ much from ours—some of them having when cooked, almost the taste of apples or of pears.* WATERMELONS AMONG CULTIVATED CROPS OF VIRGINIA INDIANS Several Kinds of the Creeping Vines bearing Fruit, the Indians planted in their Gardens or Fields, because they would have Plenty of them always. at hand; such as Musk-melons, Watermelons, Pompions, Cushaws, Macocks and Gourds. 1. Their Musk-melons resemble the large Jtalian Kind, and generally fill Four or Five Quarts. 2. Their Water-melons were much more large, and of several Kinds, dis- tinguished by the Colour of their Meat and Seed; some are red, some yellow, and others white meated; and so of the Seed; some are yellow, some red, and some black; but these are never of different colours in the same Melon. This Fruit the Muscovites call Arpus; the Turks and Tartars Karpus, because they are extremely cooling: The Persians call them Hindannes, because they had the first Seed of them from the Indies. They are excellently good, and very pleasant to the Taste, as also to the Eye; having the Rind of a lively green colour, streak’d and water’d, the Meat of a Carnation and the Seed black and shining, while it lies in the Melon. 8. Their Pompions I need not describe, but must say they are much larger and finer, than any I ever heard of in England. 4, Their Cushaws are a kind of Pompion, of a bluish green Sccioar! streaked with White, when they are fit for Use. They are larger than the Pompions, and have a long, narrow Neck. Perhaps this may be the Heushaw of T. Harriot. 5. Their Macocks are a sort of Melopepones, or lesser sort of Pompion or cushaw. Of these they have great Variety; but the Indian Name Macock serves for all, which Name is still retain’d among them. Yet the Clypeate are sometimes called Cymnels, (as are some others also) from the Lenten Cake of that Name, which many of them very much resemble. Squash, or Squanter- Squash, is their Name among the Northern Indians, and so they are call’d in New-York and New-England. These being boil’d whole, when the Apple is young, and the Shell tender, and dished with Cream or Butter, relish yery 1 Perrot, Mémoire, in Blair, Indians of the Upper Mississippi, vol. 1, p. 113. (Writ- ten probably during 1680 to 1718.) 2 Jesuit Relations, vol. 59, p. 129. 3 Relation of 1662-1663, in Jesuit Relations, vol. 48, p. 169. 126 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 ~ well with all sorts of Butcher’s Meat, either fresh or salt. And whereas the Pompion is never eaten till it be ripe, these are never eaten after they are ripe. 6. The Indians never eat the Gourds, but plant them for other uses [They] use the Shells, instead of Flagons and Cups. 7. The Maracock, which is the Fruit of what we call the Passion-Flower, our Natives did not take the Pains to plant, having enough of it growing every- where; tho’ they eat it . . . this Fruit is about the Size of a Pullet’s Egg. Besides all these, our Natives had originally amongst them, Jndian Corn, Peas, Beans, Potatoes, and Tobacco. This Indian Corn was the Staff of Food, upon which the Indians did ever depend. There are Four Sorts of Indian Corn: Two of which are early ripe, and Two, late ripe, all growing in the same manner; every single Grain of this when planted, produces a tall, upright Stalk, which has several Ears hanging on the Sides of it, from Six to Ten Inches long. Each Ear is wrapt up in a Cover of many Folds, to protect it from the Injuries of the Weather. In every one of these Ears are several rows of Grain, set close to one another, with no other Partition, but a very thin Husk. So that oftentimes the Increase of this Grain amounts to above a Thousand forsone. The Two Sorts which are early ripe, are distinguish’d only by the Size, which shows itself as well in the Grain as in the Ear and the Stalk. There is some Difference also in the Time of ripening. The lesser Size of Early ripe Corn yields an Ear not much larger than the Handle of a Case Knife, and grows upon a Stalk between Three and Four Feet high. Of this are commonly made Two Crops in a Year, and, perhaps, there might be Heat enough in Hngland to ripen it. The larger Sort differs from the former only in Largeness, the Ear of this being Seven or Eight Inches long, as thick as a Child’s Leg, and growing upon a Stalk Nine or Ten feet high. This is fit for eating about the latter End of May, whereas the smaller Sort (generally speaking) affords Ears fit to roast by the middle of May. The grains of both these Sorts are as plump and swell’d as if the Skin were ready to burst. The late ripe Corn is diversify’d by the Shape of the Grain only, without any Respect to the accidental Differences in colour, some being blue, some red, some yellow, some white, and some streak’d. That therefore which makes the Distinction, is the Plumpness or Shriveling of the Grain; the one looks as smooth, and as full as the early ripe Corn, and this they call Flint-Corn; the other has a larger grain, and looks shrivell’d, with a Dent on the Back of the Grain, as if it had never come to Perfection; and this they call She-Corn. This is esteem’d by the Planters as the best for Increase, and is universally chosen by them for planting; yet I can’t see but that this also produces the Flint-Corn, accidentally among the other. All these Sorts are planted alike, in Rows, Three, Four or Five Grains in a Hill; the larger sort at Four or Five feet Distance, the lesser Sort nearer. The Indians used to give it One or Two Weedings, and make a Hill about it, and so the labour was done. They likewise plant a Bean in the same Hill with the Corn, upon whose Stalk it sustains itself. The Indians sow’d Peas sometimes in the Intervals of the Rows of Corn, but more generally in a Patch of Ground by themselves. They have an unknown Variety of them (but all of a Kidney-Shape), some of which I have met with wild; but whence they had their Indian Corn I can give no Account; for I don’t believe that it was spontaneous in those parts. Their Potatoes are either red or white, about as long as a Boy’s Leg, and sometimes as long and as big as both the Leg and Thigh of a young Child, and GILatorE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 17 very much resembling it in Shape. I take these Kinds to be th2 same with those, which are represented in the Herbals to be Spanish Potatoes. I am sure, those call’d Hnglish or Irish Potatoes are nothing like these, either in Shape, Colour, or Taste. The Way of progagating Potatoes there, is by cutting the small ones to Pieces, and planting the Cuttings in Hills of loose Earth; but they are so tender, that it is very difficult to preserve them in the Winter, for the least Frost coming at them, rots and destroys them, and therefore People bury ’em under Ground, near the Fire-Hearth all the Winter until the Time comes, that their Seedings are to be set. ‘ How the /ndians order’d their Tobacco I am not certain, they now depending chiefly upon the Hnglish for what they smoak; but I am inform’d they used to let it all run to Seed, only succouring the Leaves ‘to keep the Sprouts from growing upon, and starving them; and when it was ripe, they pull’d off the Leaves, cured them in the Sun, and laid them up for Use. But the Planters make a heavy Bustle with it now, and can’t please the Market neither.* CULTIVATED CROPS, INDIANS OF VIRGINIA; MELONS Pagatowr a kind of graine so called by the inhabitants; the same in the West Indies is called Mayze; Englishmen call it Guinney-wheate or Turkie wheate, according to the names of the countrey from whence the like hath been brought. The graine is about the bignesse of our ordinary English peaze and not much different in forme and shape: but of divers colours: some white, some red, some yellow and some blew. All of them yeelde a very white and sweete flowre being according to his kinde, at maketh a very good bread. Wee made of the same in the countrey some mault, whereof was brued as good ale as was to bee desired. So likewise by the help of hops thereof may bee made as good Beere. .. . Okindgier, called by us beanes, because in greatnesse and partly in shape they are like to the Beanes of England, saving that they are flatter... . Wickonzowr, called by us peaze, in respect of the beanes for distinction sake, because they are much lesse; although in forme they little differ. . . . Macocqwer, according to their severall formes, called by us, Pompions, Mellions, and Gourdes, because they are of the like formes as those kindes in England? I have also seen, once, a plant similar to the Melon of India, with fruit the size of a small lime.* He does not state at what stage of growth he saw it “the size of a small lime.” He mentions pumpkins in the same elation. They [the Illinois Indians as seen by him on his first visit] “live by game, which is abundant in this country, and on Indian corn [bled d’inde], of which they always gather a good crop, so that they have never suffered by famine. They also sow beans and melons, which are excellent, especially those with a red seed. Their squashes are not of the best; they dry them in the sun to eat in the winter and spring.‘ 1 Beverley, History of Virginia, Book 11, p. 26 et seq. *Hariot, A Briefe and True Report, pp. 13-14. 8 Bressani’s Relation, 1652-1653, in Jesuit Relations, vol. 38, p. 243. ‘Narrative of Father Marquette, in French, Histortcal Collections of Louisiana, pt. Iv, p. 33. 128 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [BTH, ANN. 33 DESCRIPTION OF DOMESTIC LIFE OF VIRGINIA INDIANS IN 1585; MENTION OF MELONS. From De Bry: “Some of their towns ... are not inclosed with a palisade, and are much more pleasant; Secotan, for example, here drawn from nature. The houses are more scattered, and a greater degree of comfort and cultivation is ob- served, with gardens in which tobacco... is cultivated, woods filled with deer, and fields of corn. In the fields they erect a stage ...in which a sentry is stationed to guard against the depredations of birds and thieves. Their corn they plant in rows... , for it grows so large, with thick stalk and broad leaves, that one plant would stint the other and it would never arrive at maturity. They have also a curious place ... where they convene with their neighbors at their feasts, ... and from which they go to the feast. On the opposite side is their place of prayer... , and near to it the sepulcher of their chiefs ... They have gardens for melons... anda place... where they build their sacred fires. At a little distance from the town is the pond ... from which they obtain water.’ * In the light of what I had heard from the Indians and what I found in the writings of the first white men who came in contact with the tribes, I wrote to several persons, whose replies follow; these are self-explanatory. ... As to Shawnees raising watermelons before the advent of our white brethren, I doubt it; I have never heard of their raising any melons except those whose seed was first given them by the early Jesuit fathers when they lived on the Wapakoneta in Ohio. However, they did raise a small pumpkin, which they called by a name meaning “little pumpkin,’ from which T deduce that they probably raised a larger variety, but of which they seem to have lost the seed. DECEMBER 4, 1914. PIERREPONT ALFORD, Beontuchka, Okla. I regret that I can not give you anything worth while about watermelons in North America. I have met the plant throughout the eastern United States, particularly in the Southern States, but only as an escape. JANUARY 12, 1914. J. K. SMALL, New York Botanic Garden, Bronx Park, New York City. We have the small round melon with the small black seed. We sell it under the name of the Pickaninny. ... I don’t know anything about the origin of this variety; we got it from a woman in Kansas. JANUARY 13, 1914. Henry Fretp Seep Co., By Henry Fievp, President. We have your favor of the 8th instant, and in reply mail you a copy of Burpee’s Annual for 1914, and for small fruited variety of watermelon refer you to the Baby Delight, described on page 21. We also have offered for several seasons seed of Burpee’s Hungarian Honey watermelon, which is early, 1De Bry, quoted by Thomas, Mound Explorations, p. 622. GILMoRE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 129 small in size, and has deep-red flesh of finest quality. . . . The seed of Baby Delight, you will note, is not black, but of a light brown... . JANUARY 14, 1914. W. ATLEE BurRPEE & Co., Philadelphia, Pa. Your letter received. I did not answer at once because I wished to confer with Prof. Thoburn, who has been absent from the university investigating some mounds supposed to be of historical interest. He agrees with me that the watermelons to which you refer in your letter are what are popularly known as the “ volunteer melon.” I have a ranch in an Indian neighborhood and the so-called “ pie melon” or citron is almost a pest. The “volunteer melons.” are not unusual and they often hybridize with the “pie melon.” This may account for the fact that the ‘“ volunteer melon ” differs from the ordinary melon of commerce. While I have no proof to sustain my statement, I do not believe that the melon is indigenous to Oklahoma. Should there develop any further information in regard to the subject I shall be glad to communicate with you further. I shall be much interested in the results of your investigation and hope to keep in touch with the work which you are doing in this line. JANUARY 23, 1914. A. H. VAN VLEET, Professor of Biology and Dean of the Graduate School, the University of Oklahoma. Micrampenis topata (Michx.) Greene. Wild Cucumber. Waknaknahecha (Dakota). Wata"gtha (Omaha-Ponca), from wata", squash or melon, and ingtha, ghost; ghost melon. An Oglala said the seeds were used for beads. CAMPANULACEAE Lospeia cArpDINALIs L. Red Lobelia, Cardinal Flower, Red Betty. This species is peculiar in its situation in Nebraska, in that it is found in some isolated areas, all within the ancient domain of the Pawnee Nation. These areas are far distant from any other region in which the species is found. It is listed among “ Species peculiar to the Republican District.”? Again “ Lobelia cardinalis and L. iaflata, which are known for one or two stations in IIT [Sand Hill region] along the southern edge of the State.” ? In another part of the present work the suggestion is made that the presence of this species in the Pawnee country may be due to introduction by Pawnee medicine-men. This explanation is sug- gested in view of the value placed on the mystic powers attributed to the species by that people. One use of this plant was in the composition of a love charm. The roots and flowers were the parts used. Other plants combined with Lobelia in compounding this charm were roots of Panax quinquefolium and Angelica* and the seed of Cogswellia daucifolia. 1Clements and Pound, Phytogeography of Nebraska, p. 81. *Tbid, p. 297. *Sce discussion of Panac. 74936°—19—33 ETH 9 130 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 ComPposITak Henrantuus annuus L. Sunflower. Wakcha-zizi (Dakota), “ yellow flower ” (wadicha, flower ; Zizi, re- duplication of 27, yellow). Zha-zi (Omaha-Ponca), “ yellow weed” (zha, weed; 2, yellow). Kirik-tara-kata (Pawnee), “ yellow-eyes” (kirik, eye; tara, hav- ing; kata, yellow). T can not find that the sunflower was ever cultivated by any of the Nebraska tribes, although its culture among eastern tribes is re- ported by explorers, and it was and still is cultivated by the Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa in North Dakota. P. de Charlevoix, in a letter written in April, 1721, mentions sunflowers as one of the crops of the tribes of eastern Canada. The soleil is another very common plant in the fields of the Indians, and which rises to the height of seven or eight feet. Its flower, which is very thick, has much the same figure with that of the marigold, and the seed is disposed in the same manner; the Indians extract an oil from it by boiling, with which they anoint their hair. * Champlain observed the sunflower cultivated by Indians in Canada in 1615.” All the country where I went [vicinity of Lake Simcoe, Ontario] contains some twenty to thirty leagues, is very fine, and situated in latitude 44° 30’. It is very extensively cleared up. They plant in it a great quantity of Indian corn, which grows there finely. They plant likewise squashes, and sunflowers, from the seed of which they make oil, with which they anoint the head. . . . There are many very good vines and plums, which are excellent, raspberries, strawberries, little wild apples, nuts, and a kind of fruit of the form and color of small lemons, with a similar taste, but having an interior which is very good and almost like that of figs. The plant which bears this fruit is two and a half feet high, with but three or four leaves at most, which are of the shape of those of the fig tree, and each plant bears but two pieces of fruit. [Podo- phylum peltatum, May apple?] Among the Teton Dakota a remedy for pulmonary troubles was made by boiling sunflower heads from which the involucral bracts were first removed. The Teton had a saying that when the sunflowers were tall and in full bloom the buffaloes were fat and the meat good. A Pawnee said that the seeds pounded up with certain roots, the identity of which is not yet ascertained, were taken in the dry form, without further preparation, by women who became pregnant while still suckling a child. This was done in order that the suckling child should not become sick. The sunflower ,is mentioned in the Onon- daga creation myth.* 1Charleyoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America, vol. 1, p. 250. 2Champlain'’s Voyages, vol. 111, p. 119. 8 Hewitt, Iroquoian Cosmology, p. 174. GILMORE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS ill Hewiantuus ruserosus L. Jerusalem Artichoke. (PI. 30, b.) Patgi (Dakota). Parle (Omaha-Ponca). Pathi (Winnebago). Kisu-sit (Pawnee) ; kisu, tapering; sit, long. The people of all the Nebraska tribes say they never cultivated this plant, though they used its tubers for food. The Pawnee say they ate them only raw, but the others, according to their own state- ment, ate them either raw or boiled or roasted. Champlain reports seeing Helianthus tuberosus under cultivation by Indians near Cape Cod in 1605 and again at Gloucester in 1606." Rartipipa conpumnartis (Sims) D. Don. Watlicha-zi chikala (Dakota), little wakcha-zi (chikala, little). An Oglala said the leaves and cylindrical heads of this plant were used to make a beverage like tea. Ecurinacea AncustirotiA DC. Narrow-leaved Purple Cone Flower, Comb Plant. (PI. 30, a.) Ichalipe-hu (Dakota), “ whip plant ” (échalipe, whip). Mika-hi (Omaha-Poncea), “ comb plant ” (mzka, comb) ; also called thigahai, to comb; also called i"shtogalite-hi, referring to its use for an eye-wash (@"shta, eye). Ksapitahako (Pawnee), from zksa, hand; pitahako, to whirl. The name refers to its use by children in play when they take two stalks of it and whirl one round the other, the two stalks touch- ing by the two heads. Also called Saparidu kahts, mushroom medicine, so called from the form of the head, compared to a mushroom (saparidu). This plant was universally used as an antidote for snake bite and other venomous bites and stings and poisonous conditions, Lchi- nacea seems to have been used as a remedy for more ailments than any other plant. It was employed in the smoke treatment for head- ache in persons and distemper in horses. It was used also as a remedy for toothache, a piece being kept on the painful tooth until there was relief, and for enlarged glands, as in mumps. It was said that jugglers bathed their hands and arms in the juice of this plant so that they could take out a piece of meat from a boiling kettle with the bare hand without suffering pain, to the wonderment of onlookers. A Winnebago said he had often used the plant to make his mouth insensible to heat, so that for show he could take a live coal into his mouth. Burns were bathed with the juice to give relief from the pain, and the plant was used in the steam bath to render the great heat endurable. 1Champlain’s Voyages, pp. 82, 112. 132 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 23 Smpuium rerrouiatum L. Cup-plant, Square-stem, Angle-stem. Zha tanga (Omaha-Ponea), big-weed, because of its size; ashude- kithe because of the use of root stocks in the smoke treatment; and zha-baho-hi, weed with angled stem (zha, weed; baho, hav- ing corners; Az, plant body). Rake-ni-ozhu (Winnebago), weed that holds water (rake, weed; ni, water; ozhu, in, full or containing). Another name is rake- paraparatsh, square-weed (paraparatsh, square). The root stock of this plant was very commonly used in the smoke treatment for cold in the head, neuralgia, and rheumatism. It was used also in the vapor bath. A Winnebago medicine-man said a decoction was made from the root stock which was used as an emetic in preparatory cleansing and lustration before going on the buffalo hunt or on any other important undertaking. It was thus used also for cleansing from ceremonial defilement incident to accidental proximity to a woman during her menstrual period. Smzpurum Lacrniarum L. Pilot Weed, Compass Plant, Gum Weed, Rosin Weed. Cha"shinshitla (Dakota), Teton dialect, cha"shilshilya. Zha-pa (Omaha-Ponea), bitter weed (zha, weed; pa, bitter), and maka"-tanga, big medicine, or root. Shoka"wa-hu (Winnebago), gum plant (shoko"wa, gum). Kahts-tawas (Pawnee), rough medicine (/ahtsu, medicine; tawas, rough); also called nakisokwt or nakisu-kiitsu (nakisu, pine; kzitsu, water). The children gathered chewing gum from the upper parts of the stem, wheye the gum exudes, forming large lumps. The Omaha and Ponca say that where this plant abounds lightning is very prevalent, so they will never make camp in such a place. The dried root was burned during electrical storms that its smoke might act as a charm to avert lightning stroke. According to a Pawnee a decoction made from the pounded root was taken for general debility. This prep- aration was given to horses as a tonic by the Omaha and Ponca, and a Santee Dakota said his people used it as a vermifuge for horses. Amprosta ELATIOR L. Ragweed. White Horse, an Omaha medicine-man, said that this plant was an Oto remedy for nausea. In the treatment the surface of the abdomen of the patient was first scarified and a dressing of the bruised leaves was laid thereon. Borsera PApposa (Vent.) Rydb. Fetid Marigold, Prairie-dog Food. Pizpiza-ta-wote (Dakota), prairie-dog food (pizpiza, prairie dog; wote, food; ta, genitive sign). Pezhe piazhi (Omaha-Ponca), vile weed, referring to its odor (pezhe, herb; piazhi, bad, mean, vile). Askutstat (Pawnee). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30 a. ECHINACEA ANGUSTIFOLIA INTERSPERSED WITH STIPA SPARTEA Photo by courtesy of Department of Botany, lowa State Agricultural College b. TOPS AND TUBERS OF HELIANTHUS TUBEROSUS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30A ; ie i LACINARIA SCARIOSA GILMonE] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 133 The Teton Dakota say that this plant is always found in prairie- dog towns, and that these animals eat it. A decoction of Boebera together with oe is used as a medicine for coughs in horses. According to the Omaha it will cause nosebleed and they use it for that purpose to relieve headache. The leaves and tops, pulver- ized, were snuffed up the nostrils. GUTIERREZIA SAROTHRAE (Pursh) Britton & Rusby. Broom-weed. A decoction of the herb was given to horses as a remedy for too lax a condition of the bowels. They were induced to drink the bit- ter preparation by preventing them access to any other drink. GRINDELIA sQuARROSA (Pursh) Dunal. Sticky Head. Pte-ichi-yukia (Dakota), curly buffalo (pte, buffalo; ichi, together ; yuka, curly, frizzly). Pezhe-wasek (Omaha-Ponca), strong herb (wasek, ee Bakskitits (Pawnee), stick-head (bak, head; shitits, sticky). Among the Teton Dakota a decoction of the plant was given to children as a remedy for colic. A Ponea said this was given also for consumption. The tops and leaves were boiled, according to a Pawnee informant, to make a wash for saddle galls and sores on horses’ backs. Soriaco sp. Goldenrod. Zha-sage-zi (Omaha-Ponca), hard yellow-weed (zha, weed; sage, hard; 27, yellow). Goldenrod served the Omaha as a mark or sign in their floral calendar. They said that its time of blooming was synchronous with the ripening of the corn; so when they were on the summer buffalo . hunt on the Platte River or the Republican River, far from their homes and fields, the sight of the goldenrod as it began to bloom caused them to say, “ Now our corn is beginning to ripen at home.” Asver sp. Prairie Aster. An unidentified prairie aster was declared by a Pawnee to be the best material for moxa. The stems were reduced to charcoal which, in pieces a few millimeters in length, was set on the skin over the affected part and fired. Lacrniarra scartosa (L.) Hill. Blazing Star. (PI. 30 A.) Ao"tashe (Omaha-Poncea) ; also called maka"-sagi, hard medicine. Kahtsu-dawidu or kahtsu-rawidu (Pawnee), round medicine (kahtsu, medicine; rawidu or dawidu, round). A Pawnee said the leaves and corm were boiled together and the decoction was given to children for diarrhea. An Omaha made the statement that the corm after being chewed was blown into the 134 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [BTH. ANN. 33 nostrils of horses to enable them to run well without getting out of breath. It was supposed to strengthen and help them. The flower heads mixed with shelled corn were fed to horses to make them swift and put them in good condition. AcHILLEA MILLEFoLIUM L. Yarrow, Milfoil. Ha*k-sintsh (Winnebago), woodchuck tail (ha"k, woodchuck ; sintsh, tail). Named from the appearance of the leaf. An infusion of this herb was used by the Winnebago to bathe swellings. For earache a wad of the leaves, also the infusion, was put into the ear. ARTEMISIA DRACUNCULOIDES Pursh. Fuzzy-weed. Thasata-hi (Omaha-Ponca). Rake-hitshek (Winnebago), bushy weed, or fuzzy weed (rake, weed; hi"shek, bushy, fuzzy). Kihapiliwus (Pawnee), broom (kiharu, broom; piliwus, to sweep). Among the Winnebago the chewed root was put on the clothes as a love charm and hunting charm. The effect was supposed to be secured by getting to windward of the object of desire, allowing the wind to waft the odor of the herb thither. The Omaha ascribed the same powers to this species and used it in the same ways as they did the gray species of this genus next mentioned. It was used also in the smoke treatment. A Winnebago medicine-man said a handful of the tops of this species dipped into warm water served as a sprinkler for the body to relieve fevers. According to a Pawnee in- formant a decoction made of the tops was used for bathing as a remedy for rheumatism. Brooms for sweeping the lodge floor were made by binding together firmly a bundle of the tops. From this use comes its Pawnee name. The plant was liked for this purpose because of its agreeable, wholesome odor. Artemisia rricipa Willd. Little Wild Sage. Wia-ta-pezhihuta (Dakota), woman’s medicine (wia, woman; ta, genitive sign; pezhihuta, medicine). The name refers to its use as explained farther on. Pezhe-lota zhinga (Omaha-Ponca), little gray herb (pezhi, herb; Kiota, gray; zhinga, little). riéwokki (Pawnee). A decoction of this species was used for bathing and was also taken internally by women when menstruation was irregular; hence the Dakota name. ARTEMISIA GNAPHALODES Nutt. Wild Sage. Pezhikota blaska (Dakota), flat pezhihota. Pezhe-liota (Omaha-Ponea), gray herb. ciLmore] TAXONOMIC LIST OF PLANTS 135 Ha*witska (Winnebago), white herb (Aa"wi", herb; ska, white). Kiwaut (Pawnee). All that is said of this species applies in general to all species of Artemisia, A bunch of Artemisia was sometimes used for a towel in old times. A decoction of the plant was taken for stomach troubles and many other kinds of ailments. It was used also for bathing. A person who had unwittingly broken some taboo or had, touched any sacred object must bathe with Avtemisia. The immaterial essence or, to use the Dakota word, the to”, of Artemisia was believed to be effec- tual as a protection against maleficent powers; therefore it was always proper to begin any ceremonial by using Artemisia in order to drive away any evil influences. As an example of the use among the Omaha of Artemisia to avert calamity it is related that two horses ran wild in the camp, knocking down the Sacred Tent. Two old men, having caught the horses, rubbed them all over with wild sage, and said to the young son of their owner, “If you let them do that again, the buffaloes shall gore them.” In the ceremonies of the installation of a chief among the Omaha wild sage was used as a bed for the sacred pipes.2. One of the per- sonal names of men in the Ze-sinde gens of the Omaha tribe is Pezhe-hota.? ‘ It has already been mentioned that the various species of Arte- mista were used in old times as incense for the purpose of exorcising evil powers. It has also been stated that cedar twigs or sweet grass, either one, were used as incense to attract good powers. Some Christian Indians also still employ all these species as incense for these specific purposes, in church services, especially at Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and on occasion of funerals. The writer has seen the use of Avtemésia as an incense before a church door just before the body was carried into the church. A small fire was made before the steps of the church, Artemisia tops being used to raise a cloud of smoke. Arctium minus Schk. Burdock. This plant is a European introduction, probably not earlier than the time of the first overland traffic by horses, mules, and oxen. It is even now found commonly only along or near the old military roads. It has been adopted by the Indians for medicinal use. White Horse, of the Omaha, gave information, which he had obtained from the Oto, of a decoction of the root being used as a remedy for pleurisy. 1 Dorsey, Omaha Sociology, p. 235. 2Tbid., p. 359. *Tbid., p. 244. 136 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 LycopEesM1A JUNCEA (Pursh) D. Don. Skeleton Weed. The Omaha and Ponca made an infusion of the stems of Lygo- desmia for sore eyes. Mothers having a scanty supply of milk also drank this infusion in order to increase the flow. In the north where Silphiuwm laciniatum is not found Lygodesmia was used for producing chewing gum. ‘The stems were gathered and cut into pieces to cause the juice to exude. When this hardened it was collected and used for chewing. ANCIENT AND MODERN PHYTOCULTURE BY THE TRIBES In former times the plants cultivated by the tribes inhabiting the region which has become the State of Nebraska comprised maize, beans, squashes, pumpkins, gourds, watermelons, and tobacco. I have not found evidence of more than one variety each of tobacco and watermelons. By disturbance of their industries and institu- tions incident to the European incursion they have lost the seed of the larger number of the crop plants they formerly grew. By search among several tribes I have been able to collect seed of many more varieties than any one tribe could furnish at the present time of the crops once grown by all these tribes. Of maize (Zea mays) they cultivated all the general types, dent corn, flint corn, flour corn, sweet corn, and pop corn; each of these in several varieties. Of beans (Phaseolus vulgaris) they had 15 or more varieties, and at least 8 varieties of pumpkins and squashes (Pepo sp.). After diligent inquiry, the only cultivated crop plants of which I am able to get evidence are corn, beans, squashes and pumpkins, tobacco, and sunflowers. ‘These are all of native origin in the South- west, having come from Mexico by way of Texas. But a large num- ber of plants growing wild, either indigenous or introduced by human agency, designedly or undesignedly, were utilized for many purposes. No evidence appears that any attempt was ever made looking to the domestication of any of these plants. The reason for this is that the necessary incentive was lacking, in that the natural product of each useful native plant was always available. In their semiannual hunt- ing trips to the outlying parts of their domains, the Indians could gather the products belonging to each phytogeographic province. The crop plants which they cultivated, however, were exotics, and hence supplemented their natural resources, thereby forcing a dis- tinct adjunct to the supply cf provision for their needs. But since the advent of Europeans the incentive is present to domesticate certain native plants which were found useful. This incentive arises from the fact that the influx of population has greatly reduced or almost exterminated certain species, and, even if ¢ GILMorr] CONCLUSION 137 the natural supply should suffice, the present restriction in range and movements of the Indians would prevent them from obtaining adequate quantities. This restriction results from the changed con- ditions of life and occupation, which necessitate their remaining at home attending to the staple agricultural crops or working at whatever other regular employment they have chosen. As a con- sequence, I have found in every tribe the incipient stage of domesti- cation of certain wild fruits, roots, and other plant products for food or medicinal use, for smoking, or perfume. I have thus been privileged to see the beginnings of culture of certain plants which in future time may yield staple crops. In this way a lively con- ception can be formed of the factors which in prehistoric time brought about the domestication in Europe and Asia of our present well-known cultivated plants. CONCLUSION From this partial survey of the botanical lore of the tribes of the region under consideration we may fairly infer, from the general popular knowledge of the indigenous plants, that the tribes found here at the European advent had been settled here already for many generations and that they had given close attention to the floral life of the region. From the number of species from the mountain region, on one hand, and the woodland region, on the other, and also from the distant southwestern desert region, which they imported for various uses, we know they must have traveled extensively. The several cultivated crops grown by the tribes of Nebraska are all of southwestern origin, probably all indigenous to Mexico. From this fact we can see that there was widely extended borrowing of culture from tribe to tribe. The present study suggests the human agency as the efficient factor in the migration of some species of wild plants, or plants growing without cultivation. If this be the true explanation it affords the key to the heretofore puzzling isolation of areas occupied by certain species. From the floral nomenclature of each tribe we find that they had at least the meager beginning of taxonomy. The names applied to plants show in many instances a faint sense of relationship of species to species. My informants generally showed keen powers of perception of the structure, habits, and local distribution of plants throughout a wide range of observation, thus manifesting the incipiency of phyto- geography, plant ecology, and morphology. The large number of . 138 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [BTH. ANN. 33 species used and their many uses show considerable development of practical plant economy, or economic botany. All these considerations of the relations between the aboriginal human population and the flora of the region are instructive to us as indicative of what must have been the early stages in the develop- ment of our own present highly differentiated botanical science. In this study of ethnic botany we have opportunity to observe the be- ginnings of a system of natural science which never came to maturity, being cut off in its infancy by the superposition of a more advanced stage of culture by an alien race upon the people who had attained the degree of culture we have here seen, 139 NAMES GLOSSARY OF PLANT GILMORBE] etree teen e eee USiUIgey | IA SARS Pes See ae eae eee Sree eer med | anan = mse meee OAT TUL TET: |rotttttes-+*-*goprds seidoposy | *BUBO BIS nota sites ste cases secteeees seeeeeesss-pyepg Bjoyetyzeg |oocottcctteto sss ysnaqaseg | -tmoqzy ‘eqejuepyy vystmE}Iy pee g = se 89s SUMS Sune Pia co cee tae "BI OUOUZ0d |). ae "BXOUT He BIO N-TU 20h) |e yen ceri ae oses PITM. seporeydeus vismmej1y “THYOMIM ~esuTyzZ BOY-oYZ0g |” “BINYIYyZ9,7 B} ubAul A “98Bs PIA O[}4TT |** neve eS Splsij BISTMEIIV “snantd-ey nT veseeeseoonppqyseyy, [ococreeccteeeteeec eet seseeseeeeesss-pgoan Azam [otto septoynounovip BIsTUIELLy “TBA ~8}TU NS}YBY YLO.IOH OSYIN Greece as Se C Mera ue NUDIS FRG NEP Bera | a i ok panne Waianae | Pea ere qidqnd-eqy-up-yoer |-* 777° canyTAydyy vurewsty Uns sa cenaeneeeereaeee anes +++ yo0pmg *+*-snutur umtjory ATIOHAWENA' || 255 ae tes sees ee eee ares Fa Simca T TEC G Bre U0 Pate OUT CE) UT | escent acne | Cocca cain eUTqUIN]OO PITA |*""*"**** “sIsuepeuRo Bide; mMby Meaaeucat ge Dhan s See pore sesseeesssunyeyy equqryyem [octtteccretceeeceecceeseeeecee|eeec sees ee sees ce sees eeeeeesse]oesso2+-*- poupurpso eUOMIOLY SS SN Sym a me Bele Pa a ag RR ae Sere MASS ub ye eAUTYZ-OL Pager areca rae esa arate ae L AVA CD ED BD CXR fouomeny cresss**"*SISUPPBUBO SUCTION “SODIQS OD BES nt ee aes ae eee se Seer e rere, ssviz yutof entg |**"*""*""“snqeomy uosodoipuy *AGBUOMISAU |S 272 2 test See tases earn teas te raises ss yekiee ceesege eS bs's)=| se sei sve e yaciiee se artless case Sanaa Sut4s 1098 ~Rsoolndy Bydiowy Ago Re “*-*Suyseoys {ued prey “***"streoseuvo Bydioury peetenercniesaearer-paonnOY 7 | oo 22a TE MBOT MG | mooyeyseg !Aiseq oun |*"-**"*** “BTOJTaTe JeTYouReULy vettceeegeeerseeeeeslecceeetereseeesoereee ees seteeeeeeeseeece eee eseeeterec|eceeseereeeeeeeeeepggmgeyyp [occrtttss ttt JOTIEIo vIsoIqury “(Sat “BSI, BAIPISO) BAIPISQ:|"-°**77 TTT doyaryg |**"""* VYBUBIUB-CYuOYZueN [Te ky Fs i me sreceeri"updsey, FOOD DESEO SCR TIOS sees purg, Gacosostmcncneacs ideind wyvg RODE SOR OCGOOOEO ojo} odquM poeta ny ETIZVYuvU BINYZIT Sones se-o--=-9]0an By ezIdzey *(uBS BI -uBYQ JoI[VIP uoy,) Vduey, Saag aeesissanicices ysnu Stumoag “IOMOLE -an0o efdind {ue~d quiog peaaulecrs) U1B{UNOUI-dt{}-W0-MOUg Fatal VUTA GAOT ‘lappoq paes eAory presi cine cinemas TOTAULIO}E AA RCO roe sieqienb s,qure’y ere cisisnresese 5 a.e Arreq yon yy pale eras eercge qooMsIoq EL Sie neh oie: joo1pel {vo} UeIpuy bis Ss eee ysoyoo ony et BOCES Coa AMOT[BUL e]d.n *prosireur prey ‘{jeuuey Bop - ewes winaeacewseecceeeed yong sede SOE CeO 2 pod 9]}}81 xorg Fasag ede AG pod 919981 914917 Pictescielalevejcin'lels 5 poom Apiejjng eae STULIOJ TOG ay BUTI AI GL as cisitieepnisine soso ds unjesmb a “eTTOJIIsNsue BoowuTyo “ninaeqnd puvydeysdsecy “unyeulsueur tun{[Aydosory ~-exoptied Bynosng Bieeie es ‘BLIBMest] BIIGIMoNyD EIS et ta) ds sngevqeig Nn aaa ate: eUvoTIeMIe SN[AIOD ree cohen BIOJTHOTOIS SNUIOD pire ee Rlorer ee a ‘eTfoyuedse snii0g pte eer ee sacs UINMOUIe SNuIOD Bo aee BYOsIONep BIT[AMSsz0—5 FERS R A Snes “snq[naj1 snyqnayio uinqye wintpodousy) Fehas caaot epost [Adioas eoAsovureyD Femrclearig nets strequep1000 sueD OS EICOOCEL SUePUBIS STLIYSPIAD. Ssaairieeme SnUBOTIONIG SNYOURAL) *-**saprlomorer} wnypAydomes pes cemener BI BION[OAUT GOYA [2D OCT arc esodded viaqe0 gq pes cteee seats siayuAded enjog Eee “-ByeojoRIq BISYdeg peers euBlTUTOreS snyeseljsy ar enisise SE ‘Bsolaqn} svideposy ‘ome OFBqoOUTT AA “OUIEU BYU “OUIBU BIOYVC “OULU YST[sUG WOUIMIOD penUyAOO—ANVN OIIIZNAIOS UAGNOD ATIVOILLUAVHd TY GHONVUUV ponulu0pj—ydpisouowu sry} UL pauotjUuow sawou yuvjid fo havsso]H *oumeu OYTZUAIOg 141 OF PLANT NAMES LOSSARY ] 7 G GILMORE] “S}ISqe] “MPTASP-NSYEM “OYBSICABL TyBIYRS “PTANNY-S} Ye “qUOYTPEPLIS “nstrysyedyeg “4ISUSTS “RyBY-LAC]-YLIM “synyoL, “SUIPISABE yseynssyP[esnyeyey aL "SI “OXCUPIM “npeimy-nivdy “TIBINYTYV eae taba eae a eyoys-20 A BIE I eftoq-yurmoyy an Yysynys-0} pea wenn eee cee eee eee eee ee eee cence ence eens edyayo-1ysyoH | yequmg [7-777 uinyeurures uopsedooA'T Seager TSS py pel SO a I a ICIS AI IIS III Co y.Nsh ay! |] AO IoC gi ayers] gg gHovseh lols (aleya slot ePIC IE AIO SSO OO II 3 eS SE OIE AO IO ICS EG “JOAMOT] [BUTPIO SeITEqO] pay |~ ~~~ "~~ **"*"~“st[euTpsvo eIjeqoT cote eens eee eeetee eens Toetizugy |e oe en seein anne ane asl TOO dD MAN Fs 2a SUAUSOUGO DIM MLS sO] a otter eee n eee e eee e eee eel ee eee eee e eee e cece renee neal ane e enw w memento Apipomeyy [77-7777 aNgeyjequin wanyrT Be eters PENN Wy-uquny-og, |---| = noo; gtaqey |7-"->-- 77> ByBq1dvo ezepedserT mS SCTE apryzem-ofoyuoyz, |--*- 77-77 eynd-eyouryyseyy |--*77 77 ++ 77 =" Auseq opeyng |~~*~~~~** > wayuesie vordsredeT poerentecae SUBD, IS-TIQuiRy [7-7-9220 gec rss] eed qooms PIIM |7-7 7°77 7" "7 “snyBIIO snaATyET, TpWeN Mpp-edeanye MA ---(GSes-eHeIV Ost) ayseqoy | ‘vyoyeA TyoDPedemnyem |--7777 7 qeqs Sumepg | PESO WBORS MUTE OuaT dicta cine cue Selma ciemien Weeyy sorcteress=222"==--3Bp99 Poy ~“eueTUIdItA sniedtans Sia a elareib's a aisles waiolats Sar, asepL scceseererees*santiem HOBIE * BIdTU SUB[SN LE weno tanec cin wiam AUIVIS-ubyCIL Pree RE ERI er yc) end "*****JO[OOISIOA STIT pet vewcen lice cwswstscituceesaes ° As0]3-SuTas0 ur ysngy “ey[{ydojdey voomody m ~-Jelios deays * BOOB[OTA ST[BXOUOT, bzccteceeeeonee : -jou-eUI-YON0} PITAL ~epyred sueyeduay IYI TYS-uBYRIV --eANAT-uBYyO | Sat Canren eee Ory RUBOTIOUIB Sn[NUIA A, “"ISu0N |* “TsuBy) ~-- £10 yor |" *""BYUBAO BIIOOTH BYyeUl-Vqeyz, ope, “qyoorsearvaq ‘druszed Mop |7--*-""- "> ~ WInj}eUur] UNe[oe1e} oo “BYBIYO wBYVyy |” STG A OMATLTIO FM | janie atau mat epidsiy eulospay “oyut "7" 1Bueg |” *-JaMoyuns snoreqny, |7""-*-""** Snsosoqny snyyueyeyy “WRU, VAY Al:1+(0)0 (1). mati a a Sas TOMA [LULLG)) | eis s cee aaa snnuue snyyue roe SVOT[OUGN |p smcecaereca ae UTM AA | ome oe 901} oayjoo AYonjuey |" 7-77" BOOP Snpepoouurd y Bin OCIS OOS OCU IUCI SEC ISOC OON | FS II I OBINJOIVS VIZOIIOTNH WaaseaDoseneS eyysopyeyormy | Arleqasoor |-**-"* SISUALMOSSTUL BLIB[NSsOIy weeeeeeeeeeeeessyocpmeoumag [octcct tt eynd-yoy oy | peer Ayo |7°77°*7 7+ "BsoseNbs erepuy bebe eces exces Sees wrwouray [777 teamoaTT pIEAN [777777777 eIOprdey eznyAhoATD ceeeee sees (o[q WoO4oy,) Op |°777 7777777777 OYeJod werpuy [777777777777 777 “sot oUTOATDH se seeeeeess-9--opunyseeyrpy, [octtcctcccc ce 9]0M B10. | ~-wNd punosd ‘vad ofeyng |° ~~~ wndzeolsse10 uouMMIdoay cree eee ee ees sees guggd-ne ny [octtccccc cece ce ee eee eeescee|ssececeeccres “janbnoq ,serpey |" 7°77 7777 TAaMIO gy] wNyeDH pan SoS SeC SSDS ae alyges [ote ttt crrcc set ysy |o777 77 woraeaAsuued snurrengy BORO SS a5 eypazysnyze MA |77 77777777 ATIOQMRIYS PIT [7°77 7 BUBTUTSITA BIIEse IT OOOO PIII aquiyiqulAy |- "7 *77* 7 -BYDTUTIO BY. BYR [7 areeq pumMody |-~-** "=" BSOMIOD BY BO[B pO per eg aaen tn anesetrs Snr cccr sap ce se saens Sonera SSISICEOS OOS hy she ni(ols -- "mM esoyoosour tuntuOIyy AIG, Peer ar ricns allJuOUl-T-BYubUe AL \" srortrcessesseeeseserseeseres)- Tend OOyBM fYysnq suTuINg |**~**~ vomndsmdosjze snwuAuong [ETH. ANN. 33 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS 142 Oo a he tA ROS serrrtesesreseceserss copa ay [e-*"*aNtIyBAA JO unmese Ay |**-****"-**ysenbs furydum,y |**-- “eurxeur ode; ‘oded odeg BEE ARAEEEB SC 0 sec eeeeeeeeees|seceeeeess ss ueyBUEBSTYSBIN: [tect t et eyngzed unumeseyy feces panos pyray [ooo 77727 RaIssrprjooy oda BB 6 Onrecdoencrscbno sacha lbGcspoboer SoODISASaOscS SQDS SSH POOHOSeOaO G00 eae since fates Cog ssreptseonemac eAopaxos pray [ooo stuoprpuead WoTIA4s;Ue,7 SASH Si Saag A IY Sa SIS OASIS LNG |e eae pM BI-ZUY-CYYBay [ote = odaaio Braisat\ |" * eyojonbummb snsstaoueyqyse gq RES SOROS OREO CD CREIS COR 2h.dr| Ponce tconannDEinoe: SomOc seetece|eeeeecerereeeessspq-pqnygap [ccectcccrcerr ree eeeeesee sees ees espe Bpasort SE ARUBA SHEDS REREO Sec nohcdood |poabooDntEeooLoCoan staeeeeeece| eee eeeec eects eeeeeeecereeeeeee| ceeecersererererseesSnoguty [orcs ++ tnojonbumb xeueg *ed.ieo *synieeyeu-1deeyeN |---"* "77" * DT | haeiie ee kcacaea BsUTYZ BAuBN | 92557275 Smee s YBCn BUC) hme ne ae Ado YOYN w19}sa\\ | -OuUB[ouL snpey ‘eueu snpe.yT ssngeyeptg |occccetteeeret eee feeee BCObOLRAmC copnbcnellanecbosegsonete ccc ppayoyag |r geod -9s01 PITM Orel “QUBIIND YOVT PITA ~~ oBtuns q0oug yeo qniog ~-Jaaoy enbsed ‘aMoy UIT s1v0-001J, Prrcrerscsstes urejueyd esie'T are tanyeraoey wMTy 1S eine an asia see snpTea sndiig i ree a) BYCIOPO VUBISBABS nears sisueptueo tuvumsueg <9 ene BIOITIB] BIILIYIIVg 3 “snyedesouemAy xounyy *snds1o xoumnyy “snsos1ys snqny * > sT/ejJUepToIO snqny “Bloout}eid GSO YY UIMUBITIOUIB SOQTYT BIqR[s SNYA SUIBUTINIOD BPIGYe AY sieer se gee giee ane Biqni snosent) sSetee sales edivo019eUl snosenty Reeacsar sis eee sueyed eB[[yes[n Rebees sneak BIO YIN} Ba[BIOS, [ Re Easel Sesse BJ UETNOse VaTeIOST po ee in léasseq snunig: PopFsesegesss vireo ewe sNUNI Retes st escoses Tyuesues snqndog pe oL OR IOJOOISINA SNJONSATO TL sceteecssesasnes Joleu ofejuel prseeececceless euvAR LMU SNUTT isis Sie aie BuO ee BodR[OJAY erseereeets Byeloooury stTesAt esececeeas eAydosojoy syesAy erst Gie emits; SUBS[NA snjoasey. “WINPIPUB MINUII}SO[LIA T ‘umemdimd wmurejsojeje7 [ETH. ANN. 33 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS 144 “StSBADLY *SISBYTN “4BYe J OFVS}IEL “BYR L OFBSPICL *“(BABYBA -BAT OST®) YsnNIByoeR} IIT “TYSIPIEN “SYTPPAS “SINS}I seeeee tree TTA, “""SIPPTP PEM. macs eyysunye ynunysoy, “(ysjeandeie ft QAVA OS[) NYZO-TU-Qyery +o +>=*>-yRTBYSuBN BsecI66 too -2-=>-supyRyy oYZ0q VAR CAGE “COprgysMD u0YZQ OSTR) 9PIYZ woyzq “BMG wOYZ ~-aYUONSVsIqQyye AM SOCIO sereeee es opupy ~s7"*""nanyzad vsO[BYyuTyO Bd 1z941-0, -ednqnjnq-a, ie “8, d PSE PCO GLEE TNANTTUN 040} npur-eyoH ‘0307 BYOyeM “OUIBU VOUAC “OUIVU OSBQOUUT AL “OUIBU BYBUIO “OULU BIOYVC *---=-WepUry A OSOOCDOOS IO *eurdny es[e yy Sete ice on: SPOOM-9T]}-JO-4807, PEEIOEEOOC SOC “--ysniq yong Sete es RSS APA ls Aqreqes0p esti o[ pes ‘ssbid eutdnoi0 SEC OCEDCRI TIS ~ssvid ysnolg Beacoo terseesee= += porvapjoy “‘queyd dno WHa}S e[sUB ‘We}s elenbg An 22 Sis alee BIRISBY BUAqIO A 9 93S “77 *""IsIN-BAN. ISIN-BA 1) pessoet seen stTpAvul o8eIys (1) aaectcccss's “"---Bqyeqieq Baus) eee ec eeeeee “7+ ++ sTT0RI3 BONN Fatah sek toa cla TSBMOY} SNUI] “--BaTny SNOT], ~"BUBOTIONIG SMUT] pecoS eS Seaaae vromeL eydAT, ase ssecas ROTUISILA BIYUBOSOPBLL, Ce winiajrarod wofAxoT, * WOPUeIPODIX0} UOIPUEpPoOdTXOT, Siig pobre seins BUBOLIOWL BILL, pe Sean eOsIqmoY stsdoursety y, sieehers wundavoAsep tins4oTey,L “~-s1/ejuepjoo0 sodivowoydurAs ‘sod -rnooyduiAs sodreowoydudg Sa seeasetes sess soqinds edyg ettee ess euerneyom turds sie Sey peceete gee eee ds o8epyjog PERG D ELT en ReoRqJ1oy Xe[TIg Sie si sa wingeroysied winmdyig ‘OMIBU YSTsUG, UOTUUIO, “OUIeE OYT}WOTNgG PynayAO)N—ANVN OIIILINGIOS YHaNnt ATIVOILUAVHdTY GHONVUUV penulyUuoj—ydoIHoUoUul sry] UL poworjwaw saunu punjd fo fupssoly GLOSSARY OF PLANT NAMES 145 GILMORE] ‘SIEIIN “s}ISexeH “ns}qeM ePPiMGO “4LOYTPEPLIS -eqeeL SIGE “synsEy wee e ween e ccc ee rece eenee alg [otcrcttttt to eputaea\atg Cee ae | ae eS bss eqBUeAL wee emnemensnewenaecmein==erie=|- == en ae~ ni eyyeuyyeg woUZ PROS CEC ANIC OD GOCE Sart 2 4 Merge ep Ose a: TH-CANPRANC ee gues epeH eee ee eee Pee ee nnn uByLyy esueyg CI EEUU REY. [5 Se ae ee, ‘ e Be DORT IOIO O-7I Ol PIIM [7777 BoQeNbSe VUVzZ1Z BOSC OCHO SOIR IOS gO C1 wiog [roceestreet resets sour Baz coors ss-yse Appoug |*** “Winuvoyeure UM[AxoqjueZ, “gouoAeq ystuedg |--"" "7" "7-770 T To" ones Boon L -*-JaqJ0S POOM MOTIAA [77777777777 BIOLIJS STVXOYJUR NX pa ere scan: oe ae eqynyzedueyy |” sres-s"-*"KT9010 Joomg |" ""* pores scenes pyovyurysepy [tttt tt toc odes PEL ¢¢ S10q, ‘Sime a oe a Byoe}BIM | -WeIO YSNG-YsIY,, -BUTqueg “= sqAys]uoy rUOYZUTYSE MA oe eer BOIOIO SIJTA snyndo wmuimqrA 10 74936° —19—33 ETH 146 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 33 Glossary of plant names mentioned in this monograph—Continued ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY UNDER DAKOTA NAME Dakota name. Scientific name. Dakota name. Aoryeyapi (also Hasta»- ka). Chasdi (Teton dialect Charli). Chathaloga Pezhuta..... Chan-ha sa" Cha» Pezhuta........... Chas-shasha hi»chaka. .. Cha*-shasha.........-.-- Cha*shisshila (Teton dialect Chasshilshilya)- Chasshushka (also Tash- kada®). Hastatharka...........- Haste (or Haste sha) .... Hastatka .25 5-2 s-ccsns <0 Heliaka ta pezhuta...... Heyoka ta pezhuta...... Histe-chan.............. Hupestolasisc.22-22-5=5 Ichalipe-hu............. 2 Mashti»cha-pute......-- Mdo (Teton blo) efe-itazipan.cses- <--s OPIEe A eS «orm a2 2x Decorated smooth: wares/2--2 7422 2st a eee Sacer cs 12Y ele ee aa ORS BORER See Be one neh. 0Lt, se Bee eeenee [Roiteny mending irs assis «se 2c 2e -= Se en i ee ere te = ee fROttenyad CSLOWS sees eee ae see oe a se 2 oiele = eels eee erate ai= Stoneamplemaentsees = ses == a= -a ee- = oe eee ae ene areca = (Gia TG bie eai| Mon ees Sane RPE ESE ORE oo Ae Sha stiens Soacemerc Tey Bier lysis oe ae, do sees Gone eee: aaccooe sepa iene shear Gian poeeg soe Soe no ae ee ese eb acsaauaanco soeeesnecos (W@SCIGING) 5 Se ioe ce Acne ae Anew ose Cerarnetres haere oaesset ae POE TORU ers. cs arte oe twee oe is ye aie Stee aS aya) ata Ee oe tee IW Eni 5 eos Goer SEER ROE AR OO Bren eS Re SEAr eck 4 2 Samo eee Weatherclotihs ey <2 = 62252 fas s see Sees + oe ne Oe Mee ee see 158 CONTENTS Page I's Ruinsionthe mesas’ Sao 196 Hood bowls :.2e.s.s0..-ss55555secce eee See 22 3 2 eee 196 Globular bowls) ..2--. 3. 2. 4. Stee a 2 ae SREY «eee 196 Bowllwilth perforated (ears. - 22-22. --2-5----. --= ee eee 196 Bowl with double flare................:-. nates tees = 196 Globular vessels with wide mouths........:.......++.------ 196 Undecorated! waterijars= > 5..s--o- eee wee eee ee 197 Gourd=shaped bottles: 227-5 - 3-2 eee eset se 197 Dadlles:. 22st silence cccnicd cote oe ase Ree oe eee eee 198 Spoon-;or paddle... 5. . 202s. esos peep es. seagate oe 198 Bird-form) svase a. Sasaciss6 stern. tee ERE Ree ee ee 198 Rine-bottomed! vases 2-2 4ec se a- ee tee cea ee 198 Lamp (2) scece scone oe 2s ee 2 oe oe 2 ee oe teeta ws oe 198 Mountain-sheep effigy). 2. 2.22.22: 4 see ae ee eee 198 Gloudiblowerssszanis seers eesti wand gts Sey. cps eee 198 Colofiy-. 250 sesesen sees 2585 hoes ase Se eee ee eee 198 Decoration: - «tien cach Seas oe aay aoe ae ais he ee aint 176 a, Black-and-red bowl. 6, c, Black-and-white bowls............-..-.---- 176 Bigck-and=wiittenwaber Jalon crers a cee ee tele eee. ayretare ane Scieiseeiapsisieicie 176 Wood enlOb]ecismeemee san secant see see sees cee nee cae cise lees eee 178 Bone implementa gee. Ho so ae | a Se ese eee ae se Be Se ee SERS 178 Gs Rush yma Moms OS EVCCGaqULV Clas si) rs tates aclaias Sei ee ISe | ele Sin oie 178 a, Fire sticks and tinder. 6, Hairbrush of pine needles. c, Fragment of SUA AS OG pee rete cate PS che ayo rapa ow ares rors Se eecvajars thal oteyarare inte beteyatase Olsens Seelee 178 JE CLS ee I Ae Pie meee, ic ela io Stas Se ie MER RO Oe cise 3 Gow ae 180 ambleather clothe bo; Mathie e+. socese cate ot See ee emote oan ene 180 Sand aia wees ea. Sein Sek as te oneness ye ee te ewes Pace ised 180 Gand all ae sever ey. shee ne cnt aes Sei ance ther eee Sane tee mete 180 IMipcelllAncousiOb] CC ta seave cae tee eyes ee rescence Sea eee ee 180 Mascellaneous:obj CCtesiars.-ae as Doe chs se cases oo = ane esa eeeeee es 180 a, Ball of yucca. 6, A twist of yucca. c, Chain of yucca. d, e, Twists of yuccaseey, IbundleObberbserc cc's some sas scents cece cic oe eee ce 180 a, Portion of plaited band in two colors. 6b, Twist of yucca. c, Chain of yucca. d, Loop of split willow tied with yucca. e, Fragment of coarse rush mat. f, Corncobs tied together with yucca.........-.-.- 180 SUITE Om Ob setae a oye Se inte Bice easine arama Ree: ees isis eiere = eelow cee siemens 182 Gravenmy Evia N OO bocce oo mite oe a sels eres ase eae eee eiinese cmeeercin: 184 Pi TOO MMINVERVUILUN OFL7 3, SAjstoen oe ce tote as Sores Soon eee eR ee 190 Wile wane NON 17a: sc a asemecercracecine (ochre che ceeeine Soames ce Sas 190 NA iba Mirnyi ae See eee ee eee eeE oe ae er eee coe cee sat coeee cree 190 a, Grave below mouth of Long Hollow, Ruin No. 23. 6, Grave at head of Sila CE en ors Iai INO Theses Jae eae = RSS AN EE Se ee ee 190 a, Stone ruin at mouth of Cherry Creek, Ruin No. 20. 6, Masonry in BLONE ULI av SAteUIN OL 20 ices oe a ee Saye tao eee ct ree See real O2, Ibet reese 5 cathe ott) TS Ree eee aCe SIE iets te ee ee 196 GO GND OWS Seats sees mbps ears sos ois iv SISA Ea bs UES AEs cee en 196 160 ILLUSTRATIONS ADD NOD NIVWIIAIDS Powe SS ow I or Pe HB SODINATAHON YE SN God bowls o13seeec sad cela decease eee ene Seer ace ben ee eee eee eer x Undecorated ‘wasesisst ieee eee hc 2 re ene SE eee seer ei . WUndecoratediwaterijarsSance seers =e 222 oe ee eee eee ean eee eee ee . Cooking vessels with banded necks: - -.--- .< <<2 Ge 22222 oe ates sine . a, Bowl mended with yucca ties. 5, c, d, e, f, Pottery............----.---- > LONE ObIeCisee ee cee ce ook eee oe eee eee aoe etn eee eee Ohippedwmplements ss... p a) ee eee eee ae eee eee . Chipped implements and polished ornaments. ......-....--------------- TEXT FIGURES . Ground: planvot Magle Nest ELOuse sp ere cis as = oa ane erator SeBurial mound sat Lowney NOS. Osco. eee eer re cna oe eee = Ground planvothin NOs jee cee see ee eee set ooo. see eee exGroundyplanro keene NO 2 er cee =e eee ee oe a ao eee ears *QOutlines:otjcourd=shaped vesselst9 1. speeers=e- Se sce cee eee eens * Meta teiandimanoumasseae tees sce eee ete oo: cc ceeee eects Design on bow] from mouth of Long Hollow... ......--.---------------- . Design on bow! from mouth of Long Hollow. ...........--.---.--------- . Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow. ..........-.--.--.--------- . Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow. ..........-.-----.--------- . Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow. ............-.------------- PREFACE In the spring of 1913, at the suggestion of Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, director of the School of American Archeology, the Board of Re- gents of the University of Colorado placed in my hands the means with which to conduct excavations among the ruins in the region be- tween the Mancos and La Plata Rivers. The permit from the Sec- retary of the Interior was obtained through the School of American Archeology, hence the work during the summer of 1913 is officially recorded as having been done in collaboration with that institution.* As a result of the first season’s explorations, I was sent back to the same field, where I conducted excavations during part of the summer of 1914. In this research the School of American Archvol- ogy did not collaborate. Because of limited means, the explorations were not so thorough nor so extended as it would be desirable to have made them. Time could not be spared to draw plans of all the ruins visited, and those which are given are compiled from measurements taken with a tape- line. In many places it has been necessary to use the terms “ about,” “roughly,” and “approximately ” where exact determinations could have been made only by the expenditure of considerable time and money. Whatever of worth was accomplished depended largely upon those who assisted me, and I wish here to express my thanks to William E. Ross, E. K. Hill, and J. H. Lavery, all of Farmington, New Mexico, for their faithfulness to the work in hand under all cir- cumstances. Mr. Ralph Linton, of Swarthmore, Pennsylvania, con- tributed his services during part of the summer of 1913. Mr. A. B. Hardin, of Denver, Colorado, directed me to several of the most important ruins and furnished valuable information as to the loca- tion of springs and trails. 1 Bulletin of the Archeological Institute of America, Vol. IV, Nos. II and III, p. 41. 74936°—_19—33 rrH—11 161 162 ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO [xTH. ANN. 33 I am especially indebted to Prof. Junius Henderson, curator of the Museum of the University of Colorado, for the use of his office and photographie equipment while preparing this report, as well as for many other services which he has rendered. Since the excavations had to do with two very different types of ruins, I have treated each separately. By describing each type of building and the artifacts therefrom as a unit, a much better com- parison of the culture of the ruins in the cliffs with that of the ruins on the mesas can be made than, would otherwise have been possible. PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE REGION BETWEEN THE MANCOS AND LA PLATA RIVERS IN SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO By Eart H. Morris DESCRIPTION OF THE REGION The region here dealt with consists of a triangular plateau bounded on the west by the Mancos Canyon, on the east by the La Plata River, and on the south by the Colorado-New Mexico line. Its ele- vation varies from 6,000 to 7,000 feet above the sea. It is traversed from northeast to southwest by a low divide composed of a series of broken hills. The canyons which drain to the Mancos are exceed- ingly deep and rough, rivaling those on the opposite side of the river. The arroyos running to the La Plata are less precipitous and much of the country on that side of the divide is a rolling tableland. An unusually dense forest of pifion and cedar covers much of the region, and the parts not covered by forests are overgrown with sagebrush. Along the watercourses are cottonwoods and willows, and in the canyons draining to the Mancos quaking aspens, wild goose- berries, and chokecherries are of common occurrence. A few rock pines stand at the heads of the canyons, and along the foot of cliffs and in the deep coves are numerous spruce trees, some of them of large size. It appears that the pines, spruces, and aspens, together with the other plants common to the associations in which these are predominant, are being slowly crowded out by more xerophytic forms, a condition indicating that there is a less abundant rainfall than there was in times past. Until the coming of the whites, deer, elk, bear, and mountain lions, as well as smaller mammals, were plentiful, and even at present they are occasionally encountered in the fastnesses of the canyons. The sagebrush glades interspersed through the heavy timber fur- nished the aboriginal inhabitants with abundant and fertile land for cultivation. In the summer of 1914 corn could have been grown successfully without irrigation upon these mesas. Thus it appears that the region offered all the conditions indispensable to primitive culture. To-day it is uninhabited except for a few “dry farmers,” who are endeavoring to reclaim the lands west of Cherry Creek. 163 I. THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON Johnson Canyon is probably the largest of the eastern tributaries of the Mancos Canyon. It begins as a draw at the divide which forms the boundary between La Plata and Montezuma Counties, and 2 miles farther west drops down between perpendicular cliffs. From this point the bottom is a V-like gorge, often rendered impass- able by great blocks of stone which have broken away from the rim rock and crashed into the watercourse below. Where such is the case the dim trail ascends the steep talus slope, winds along precarious ledges, and, as soon as there is an opportunity, descends to the canyon floor. In describing the cliff-dwellings of Mancos Canyon neither Jack- son’ nor Holmes? mentions the ruins in this canyon. Nordenskidld speaks of them as follows: * The system of canons southeast of this river [the Mancos] also contains numerous cliff-dwellings of considerable size. I did not carry out any exca- vations there but only photographed a number of the most important ruins, namely, those in Johnson Canon. Prudden does not refer directly to the Johnson Canyon ruins but locates several of them on his map of the prehistoric ruins of the San Juan watershed.* Possibly three-quarters of a mile from the beginning of the box canyon the first fork of any considerable size runs off to the north. In it is located Mancos Spring. We found no other permanent water supply between the La Plata and the Mancos which is acces- sible, and in consequence this spring served as a base for all our operations in the vicinity. There is a large spring some 3 miles down the canyon, but its water is green and unpleasant to the taste. There are also numerous small drips at the base of the rim rock, which doubtless were used by the aborigines. 1[Bighth] Ann. Rept. of the Hayden Surv. for 1874, p. 369, 1876. 2Tenth Ann. Rept. of the Hayden Sury. for 1876, p. 393, 1878. *The Cliff-dwellers of the Mesa Verde, p. 69. 4The Prehistoric Ruins of the San Juan Watershed, pl. xvi. 164 THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 31 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY gton alch A\ Kay S Creek <~@Fafrmin herry Mancos z Nite, \M OI Round Butte 45% 7 U XxX ‘ Monrgos Spr ‘o ‘ =z ° U) < = H 1 ‘ Cam LSPrin ge. _ . ef, y iff Patace i t \ Spruce Tree’ S 1 House o} ‘ -\_Cl . ’ f , ; / i The } ; / ' \ Wig y (3 E /Ve@ \ \ \ \3 esa, wi ne > ) Fruitland \ 1 ) \ SS 4s MAP INDICATING SITES MENTIONED IN THE TEXT morris] THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON 165 Butmpincs 1. IN JOHNSON CANYON A short distance below the head of the box canyon an ancient trail scales the north wall. It consists of a number of steps or toe holds cut into the rock, which greatly facilitate the ascent of the sloping surface. Under the first arch of considerable size, also on the northern side of the canyon, are two depressions, with a capacity of about 3 gallons each, pecked into the rock floor of the cave. They are arranged to catch the drip from the cliff, and a very inconsequential rain is sufficient to fill them. Ruins at mouth of Spring Canyon—At this place are the ruins marked Nos. 1 and 2 on the map (pl. 31). Both are in a poor state of preservation. The one on the southern side of Johnson Canyon consists of six rooms built in a crevice which can be entered from the east end. The walls are poorly constructed. In one place they are built entirely of mud into which have been thrust many small frag- ments of stone (pl. 34, &), and in another they contain no stone what- ever, but are thickly chinked with broken pottery. They stand upon the edge of the cliff and reach to the roof of the cave. A passage runs the length of the crevice behind the apartments. Below the mouth of Spring Canyon practically every available site contains the remains of a small building. Few of these could have been used as dwellings, the majority probably having served as stor- age places for the crops raised on the mesas. The finding in one of them of several bushels of corncobs strengthens this conclusion. In the first 5 miles below Spring Canyon the party counted 15 of these ledge houses, and it is probable that there are many more hidden by the line of spruces which skirts the rim rock and concealed in the numerous ramifications which branch off from the main gorge on both sides. Ruin No. 3—Under a high arch on the north side of the canyon are the remains of the first building of noteworthy size (No. 3 on the map, pl. 31). An ascent of 300 feet brings one to the level of the cave in which it stands. The débris and ruined walls extend along the cliff for 150 feet. Four kivas form the most conspicuous feature, three of them at the western end of the cave, the other well toward its eastern extremity. In the central part of the rear of the cave a crack was walled up, and the five rooms thus formed are in- tact. Upon a detached bowlder at the front and near the western end perches a tower 7 feet square and 6 feet in height. The features of the rest of the building can not be determined, since even the bases of the walls have been disturbed. 166 ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO [nTH. ANN. 33 Several sandals, jar rests, and pieces of matting, besides the frag- ments of two pottery bowls (pl. 42, a, c) were gathered up among the fallen stones, a condition indicating that had there been previous visitors to the cave, they were not in search of relics. The red bowl (pl. 42, a) is of particular interest because it so closely resembles the one found by Nordenskidld in Spring House. At least four burials had been made beneath the shelving rocks which litter the floor of the cave.* These had been pawed out by animals, and whatever offerings had been placed with them were scattered and destroyed. In one was found the front of a feather- cloth jacket, part of which is shown in plate 49, a In the kiva, at the eastern end of the building, were the fragments of a strangely shaped vessel (pl. 41, 6, c) and a small water bottle (pl. 40, 6), as well as several bone implements. In a rat’s nest, under a great slab of stone which had fallen from the cliff into the northern side of the kiva, were sections of rush matting evidently taken from a large mat cut to pieces by the rodents. (PI. 49, 6.) The easternmost of the three kivas, at the western end of the cave, had been dismantled and used as a dumping place. The floor was covered to a depth of 18 inches with house sweepings, turkey drop- pings, innumerable bits of string, knotted strips of yucca leaves, feathers, and fragments of pottery. In one of the banquettes were a few fragments of the red bowl mentioned above. In the next kiva a beautiful bowl was found (pl. 42, 0), but seepage had destroyed any perishable objects which the room may have contained. Because of dampness the fourth kiva was not disturbed. The kivas present no unusual features, so I shall not describe them, letting the one in Eagle Nest House stand as a type for all those in Johnson Canyon. 2. IN LION CANYON Eagle Nest House—Ahbout three-quarters of a mile below Ruin No. 3 Johnson Canyon is joined from the north by a short and very rugged tributary known locally as Lion Canyon. At the junction the canyons are 500 feet deep. Where the west wall of Lion Can- von rounds off and merges into the north wall of Johnson Canyon the rim rock forms a high arch, which shelters a cave of consider- able proportions. Some 60 feet from the bottom a shelf crosses the rear wall of the cave. It is 20 feet wide at the east end, becoming gradually narrower toward the west until it runs out against the per pendicular cliff. Upon the shelf stands Eagle Nest House. No ruin in the Mesa Verde presents a more picturesque and majestic 1 The Cliff-dwellers of the Mesa Verde, pl. xxxIII and p. 84. 2? Nordenskiéld mentions such burials (op. cit., pp. 46, 47). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 32 EAGLE NEST HOUSE FROM MOUTH OF LION CANYON PLATE 33 THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY EAGLE NEST HOUSE FROM FOOT OF CLIFF AT WEST END MORRIS] THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON 167 appearance than does this building, when on rounding the bold promontory, at the fork of the canyons, it bursts upon the view, perched like the nest of a bird upon the precarious ledge. (Pl. 32.) Nordenskiéld shows this structure, to which he refers thus: “A figure of one of them is given here (fig. 40) as an example of an inaccessible, or at least almost inaccessible, cliff dwelling.” * So much was I impressed with the nestlike appearance of the ruin that I named it Eagle Nest House, and so refer to it in all my notes. I have found no mention of it except that made by Norden- skiéld, and I do not believe any name had been previously applied to it. A hard but not dangerous climb of 400 feet brings one to the base of the cliff below the ruin. Here the observer is impressed with the force of Nordenskiéld’s statement, for the ruin seems indeed inaccessible (pl. 33). The cliff overhangs above and below the shelf which supports it, and as the distance is too great to permit 3 2’ 1 e = C7; A~ STORE - STEPS []/ PASSAGEWay PILLAR. Fic. 1.—Ground plan of Eagle Nest House. WY 70 STORIES £OGE OF CLIFF PLAZA 40 FT. the casting of a rope over one of the protruding beams, direct access is impossible. However, from the east end of the ledge a crevice continues along the cliff for some distance. Near its end the wall below drops back to perpendicular. Here two large poles had been leaned against the cliff and fastened to the stump of a cedar which had grown conveniently at the bottom. I climbed to the end of these, pushing a.pole ahead of me until only 3 feet of it overlapped the top of the first pair; after lashing this to them and binding another pole beside it I clambered up these and repeated the process. The top of the fourth pair of poles reached to the ledge. Even after they had been securely fastened at the top it was not until the next day that my workmen could be prevailed upon to attempt the ascent. The ruin contains 12 rooms and a kiva (fig. 1). At the east end the outside wall of the house widens into a stout pillar built from 1Op. cit., p. 69. 168 ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO _ [5TH. ANN. 38 the ledge to the rock above. Behind the pillar, inclosed by the outer wall of the house on the left and by the front wall of room 11 on the right, is a passage or entry which ends in a series of steps leading up to what was the level of the kiva roof. This and the space which is dotted in the plan constituted a plaza quite large and commodious in view of the small proportions of the building. It is probable that the roof of room 11 was part of the plaza also. The open side of the court is flanked by a parapet 24 feet high. From the plaza a T-shaped doorway leads into room 1, which, being in as perfect a state of preservation as any room in the Mesa Verde, is worthy of description. Its inner dimensions are, parallel to the cliff, 5 feet 6 inches by 6 feet 6 inches in the opposite direc- tion. The height to the ceiling is 5 feet 7 inches. The walls bear successive coats of brown plaster, a new coat having been added, seemingly, when the one beneath became covered with soot and dirt. The roof is supported by two comparatively heavy beams, which run the long way of the room and are set into the walls. Upon these at right angles rest four smaller poles, which are covered by a layer of closely placed split sticks. and above them is a layer of indurated mud. In the southeast corner is a fire pit 18 inches in diameter. There is a smoke hole in the roof immediately above it, and the walls in that corner are black with smoke. Upon the roof is a flat slab, which was used to close the opening when there was no fire on the hearth. ¥ In the south wall 1 foot 9 inches from the west wall and 2 feet 10 inches above the floor is a neatly plastered niche 34 inches in di- ameter and 4 inches deep. In the southwest’ corner near the top of the south wall is a somewhat larger niche, and there is still an- other in the north wall 1 foot 7 inches from the northeast corner and 1 foot 6 inches up from the floor. In the northeast corner a small osier eyelet protruded from the wall through which was looped a long strand of yucca cord. Upon the floor were two bone needles. Between the rear wall of room 7 and the cliff were the remains of a burial, which had been disturbed by some agency. A few frag- ments of matting were with the bones. Rooms 8 and 9 contained grinding stones, fragments of pottery, bits of string, and a few bone implements. Room 11 seems to have been the kitchen. Upon the floor were three sets of millstones, and against the west wall were the remains of at least five coil-ware cooking pots, one of which is shown restored in plate 38, 6. In the rubbish were the fragments of a baking slab. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34 a. STONE AX WITH HANDLE OF SKUNK BUSH b. SECTION OF WALL FROM RUIN NO. 2 c. INCISED TRACINGS ON WALL OF KIVA IN EAGLE NEST HOUSE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35 a. KIVA IN EAGLE NEST HOUSE SHOWING POTTERY IN SITU b. KIVA IN EAGLE NEST HOUSE MORRIS] THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON 169 From the fire pit were taken a hairbrush (pl. 47, 6) and three sandals. Behind the bench which crosses the east end of the chamber and beneath the southeast corner of the wall was a stone ax (pl. 34, a), with its skunk-bush (Schmalizia trilobata) handle still attached. The small room at the east end was a storehouse. The walls extend to the rock above, and so little light enters through the small door in the east end that the interior is always dark. It appears that much labor was expended to retain the subter- ranean character of the kiva. As the presence of the ledge made excavation impossible, the space from the foot of the steps to the west wall of room 1 and back to the cliff was filled with loose rock and débris in order that the roof of the kiva might be on a level with the floors of the surrounding rooms. This does not apply to room 11, but doubtless there was a limit beyond which economy of space would not allow the builders to go, even though in conse- quence custom had to be somewhat violated. The kiva was constructed as follows: Except on the north, where the cliff interfered, two walls were built, one within the other. The outer wall was carried up to the desired level of the plaza, while the other was brought up only 24 feet. Upon it were erected the ped- estals which separate the banquettes and serve to support the roof. The outer wall forms a back for the banquettes and functions as a brace for the pedestals. The roof had fallen, but the beams were sufficiently in place to show that it had been constructed in the same manner as the one figured by Dr. Fewkes,’ so I shall not de- scribe it here. Otherwise the kiva was in an almost perfect state of preservation. In removing the débris three coil-ware jars (pls. 38, a; 40, c, d) were found against the west wall (pl. 35, a). The largest of these was in fragments, but the others were unbroken. With them were parts of two other large pots and toward the center of the room were two small dipper bowls. The measurements of the kiva are: Height, 8 feet 3 inches; diam- eter, 12 feet 9 inches; height of floor to banquettes, 2 feet 6 inches; height to top of pedestals, 4 feet 8 inches; width of banquettes above horizontal passage, 4 feet 5 inches; width of other banquettes, 3 feet ; depth of banquettes, 114 inches; width of pedestals, 1 foot 8 inches; distance of deflector from wall, 2 feet 2 inches; height of deflector, 2 feet; length of deflector, 2 feet; thickness of deflector, 8 inches; distance of fire pit from inside of deflector, 2 feet; diameter of fire pit, 1 foot 10 inches; first sipapu, 9 inches from pit; second, 9 inches from first; height of horizontal passage, 1 foot 5 inches; width, 1 1 Bull., 41, Bur. Amer. Hthn., pl. 15. 170 ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO [ETH. ANN. 33 foot 2 inches; bottom, 4 inches above floor; length of horizontal passage, 2 feet 3 inches; depth of ventilator shaft, 8 feet 3 inches. Two sticks crossed at right angles are set into the masonry just below the top of the air shaft. Resting upon these was a block of stone which closed the opening and came almost flush with the level of the plaza. In the east wall a few inches above the floor is a niche or “ cubby- hole” large enough to contain a fair-sized jar (pl. 35, 6). An unusual feature is the presence of a small niche in the fireward side of the deflector. I have found no mention of a nithe similarly placed in any kiva in the Mesa Verde. The presence of the two sipapu seems to render the kiva rather unusual, as only one other instance of the kind is on record.1. Somewhat more than a foot to the east of the first sipapu a mano was tightly plastered into the floor. The floor and the first 17 inches of the walls are plastered with brown clay. Higher up the walls are white and show few evidences of smoke. At the junction of the two zones is a dado like the one figured by Dr. Fewkes from the third story of the square tower in Chiff Palace.? (See pl. 35.) Beneath each banquette three clay- colored triangles extend up into the white, and between the series of large triangles are 29 to 34 smaller figures, such as could be made by a single dab of a brush. Nordenskidld shows practically the same decoration from a kiva in a ruin in Cliff Canyon and mentions having observed it also in two other ruins.’ There are numerous incised tracings in the white plaster of the upper walls. Those in the surface of a pedestal at the west side are shown in plate 34, c. In order to photograph these I traced them with charcoal, taking care not to add anything to the original. The masonry of Eagle Nest House is in places good, in others mediocre. Some of the walls toward the western end give evidence of hasty or careless construction. However, room 1 is as well built as are the better parts of Cliff Palace. The T-shaped doorway in the east end excites one’s admiration. The sides are so smooth and the angles so true that they might well be the work of a modern mason with his chisels and square. It appears that the stones were rubbed smooth after they were put in place. ~ It is doubtful whether there can be found in any of the subdivi- sions of Mancos Canyon a better example of a “unit-type” cliff- dwelling than is present by Eagle Nest House.* The alignment 1Pewkes Bull. 41, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 18. 2 Bull. 51, Bur. Amer. Hthn., pl. 13, a. 3Op. cit., p. 16. 4A definition and explanation of this term may be found in Prudden, Prehistoric Ruins of the San Juan Watershed, p. 234. MORRIS] THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON fal of dwelling rooms, kiva, and refuse heap found in buildings in the open is not preserved here, since by force of necessity the builders were compelled to conform their plans to the site upon which they built. The ruin is a “ unit-type ” dwelling adapted to a special site. It presents all the essential features: A kiva subterranean in signifi- cance if not in fact, and a series of chambers, part of them living rooms, and the rest used for storage purposes. It seems that the ratio here presented is: Living rooms, 11; storeroom, 1; kiva, 1. However, certain of the 11 rooms may have been, and probably , Were, used as storerooms. From the broken pottery strewn down the slope below, it appears that the refuse was cast over the cliff. It is impossible to say what disposition was made of the dead. Ruin No. 5—There are four other ruins in Lion Canyon worthy of mention. Following the base of the rim rock 10 minutes’ wall from Eagle Nest House one arrives at the site of Ruin No. 5. This stands under a high but shallow arch, which does not protect all parts of it from the elements.. Four rooms exhibiting very good masonry stand at the foot of the cliff, and the presence of large quantities of worked stone, as well as of roof beams and floor beams, scattered down the slope indicates that these rooms represent but a small part of the original building. The one kiva visible is at the northern end of the cave. Rains have beaten in upon it until the walls are denuded of plaster and mortar, and it is more than half full of débris from the walls and roofs of neighboring rooms. The parts which extend above the wreckage indicate that this kiva varies in no particular from the one just described. Some 20 feet above the lower ruin a ledge extends around the entire are of the cave. At the south end, where this is slightly broader than at any other part of its length, stands a cluster of 10 or 11 rooms. From these a rough, mortarless wall continues to the north end of the crevice. It is probable that the inhabitants of the lower dwelling intended to add to the house begun at the south end and hoisted the rack of loose stone to the ledge for that purpose. Ruin No. 6—This ruin (pl. 36), the largest cliff dwelling in John- son Canyon or any of its tributaries, is on the same side of the canyon, a few hundred yards above Ruin No. 5. The lodse and unstable condition of the detritus upon which it is built and the easy approach to the ruin account for its deplorable condition. It extends along the cliff for more than 200 feet and contains 6 traceable kivas and 31 rectangular rooms. The floor of the cave is very uneven and the walls have been built around and upon detached masses of stone, in many cases on sloping surfaces, with great care and considerable skill. In places they rise to a height of three stories, and marks on 1Fewkes, Bull. 41, Amer. Ethn., p. 8. i, ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO [2TH. ANN. 33 the cliff above show that originally they were surmounted by a fourth story. The great piles of fallen masonry indicate that the entire building was two or more stories in height and probably contained us many as 80 rooms. Because of the great quantity of accumulated débris, the determination of the features of the building and the relation of its parts was too great a task for the expedition to under- take because of its limited funds. The deflectors in two of the six kivas examined are constructed of poles 1 to 2 inches in diameter set into the floor and bound to- gether with willows. These are heavily coated with plaster. Nor- denskidld writes as follows:+ As far as I could ascertain by a hurried investigation, the ruins in Johnson Canon differ in no essential respect from the other cliff dwellings on the Mesa Verde. Estufas are present in all the larger ruins and preserve in all respects the ordinary type. I observed one single exception which affected only an un- important detail. In one estufa the low wall . . . consisted not of stone, as is usually the case, but of thick stakes driven into the ground close to each other and fastened at the top with osiers. On the side nearest to the hearth this wooden screen was covered with a thick layer of mortar, probably to protect the timber from the heat. It is probable that Nordenskidld refers to one of the kivas in this ruin. The deflector in Kiva K, Cliff Palace, is constructed in the same manner.” The ruin had been thoroughly ransacked by relic hunters many years before it was visited by the author. Although practically every nook and cranny had been pried into, a few good finds were made. At the southern end a kiva is built in between large bowlders, which have broken away from the cliff above. On top of one of the pilasters and scattered over the débris beneath were many fragments of a large water jar. The floor was cleared in an effort to find enough sherds to make possible a restoration (pl. 41, @). When tapped with a shovel handle the south half of the floor sounded hollow. The plaster when broken through was found to be resting upon a mass of dry grass and twigs. Evidently refuse had been thrown into the south side of the room to bring the floor up to the level necessitated by the presence of a shelving rock on the north. From the trash were recovered six sandals, a quiver, several jar rests, a wooden hoop with a netlike attachment, some fragments of a most excellent basket, and about 2 quarts of corn, the germs of which had not been destroyed by mice or weevils. “A square room was perched on the top of a large bowlder west of the kiva. Hidden beneath the floor in the northwest corner were two large coil-ware ollas (pl. 39). Over the tops of both were thin stone slabs and across the neck of one corncobs had been placed, the ends 1Op. cit:, p. 70. 2Fewkes, Bull. 51, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 57. 9°ON NINU 9€ 3ALV1d LYOdSyY TIVANNY GYIHL-ALYIHL ADOTONHLA NVOIYAWYV 40 Nvaund BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37 RAT LRAL/NINE, Si3) THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REP¢ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY COIL-WARE OLLAS THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39 ETHNOLOGY BUREAU OF AMERICAN th s SS b COIL-WARE OLLAS morRIS] THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON 175) resting against the flare of the neck. The space above these was filled with clay. Within was about a quart of fine dust not derived from any organic material; hence the reason for sealing the jar is difficult to imagine. The transportation of these large pots down the pre- cipitous cliff and back to camp at Mancos Spring was no small under- taking, asa slight blow would have reduced them to fragments. One was tied in a gunny sack and the other in a shirt, and after much labor they were deposited safe at camp. Ruin No. 7.—Ruin No. 7 is in a deep pocketlike cavern less than a quarter of a mile up the canyon from the ruin just described. The building consists of four groups of rooms somewhat separated from one another. The first to be reached on approaching the ruin from the south contains six rooms, which have been formed by walling up and partitioning off a deep crevice. The walls, which are intact, reach up to the rock. Eighty feet farther north is the central and most important part of the ruin. In this are seven rectangular rooms and two kivas. As may be seen in plate 37, 6, one room is in the second story, the walls reaching to the top of the cave. The floor dividing the stories has fallen. A short distance below the top of the walls four stout beams are set into the masonry, forming a square slightly smaller than the room itself. Some object seems to have been suspended from these beams, but there is nothing to indicate what this may have been. The kiva which appears in the foreground is nearly filled with débris; this was not excavated. The inclosure between the kiva and the two-storied part of the ruin is of exceptional interest, as it is a rectangular room which in many features resembles a kiva. The corners were filled to a height of about 3 feet with masonry, giving the room an oval instead of a rectangular form. Against the outside of the east wall a buttress of masonry was constructed, into which the horizontal opening extends and through which the ventilator shaft rises. The deflector, a slab of stone, had been broken down, but the fire pit was in the usual position. No sipapu was observed, but as the floor was much broken, it may once have been present. There is no trace of banquettes or pilasters, unless the tops of the triangles of masonry in the corners served as banquettes. The entire south wall and considerable sections of those on the east and west had fallen, so it was impossible to determine all the features of this singular apartment. This is the only instance observed in any of the ruins in Johnson Canyon in which a kiva differed from the one in Eagle Nest House in any but minor details. The third section of the ruin is about 100 feet farther along the cliff, where the latter has swung eastward toward the main canyon (pl. 37, a). It consists of a two-story tower, the cliff forming the rear wall, and a series of three rooms extending eastward in line 174 ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO _ [£TH. ANN. 33 with the upper half of the tower. The floor between the stories has been burned away, and the floor of the lower room has been dis- turbed by relic hunters. The fourth group of rooms is situated in a large crevice high above sections 1 and 2. Just north of the first cluster of rooms is a considerable space almost closed in front by a huge block of stone. In the dust and refuse which partially fill it several burials were made. Previous visitors had looted the graves, but part of one skeleton remained in the walled pit in which it had been interred, and bones of others were scattered about. It would appear that the first despoilers found many specimens, for large fragments of beau- tiful pottery, parts of a basket, some bits of feather cloth, and part of a split-willow burial mat were picked up among the trash. In the northwest corner of the oval kiva was the greater part of a splendid water jar, a restoration of which is shown in plate 43. Upon a sloping rock in front of the first group of chambers a human hand and a few other pictographs are pecked into the smooth surface. These are figured by Nordenskidld.2. Although there are in Johnson Canyon rock surfaces which offered excellent oppor- tunities for the execution of pictographs, these are the only ones observed. In many places there are grooves and depressions caused by the grinding of axes and awls, but pictographs are notably few. Ruin No. 8—In a deep cove close-grown with majestic spruces, almost directly across the canyon from Ruin No. 5, Ruin No. 8 is situated. It is small and presents only one feature worthy of men- tion. The walls of one room are built of poles set upright, bound together with osiers, and thickly coated with adobe plaster. This is a very unusual method of construction in cliff-dwellings of the Mesa Verde, but in northeastern Arizona it is common.’ It is of particular interest here, since, as I shall show later, the walls of the houses on the mesas were built almost entirely in this manner. Tf there are any ruins of note in the main gorge below the mouth of Lion Canyon, our party failed to find them.* ARTIFACTS POTTERY Structure.—The pottery from Johnson Canyon is of three types— coil ware, plain smooth ware, and decorated smooth ware. It 1One of the ruins in this canyon was the site of the phenomenal find made by the Wetherills and described by Nordenski6ld, op. cit., pp. 46—47. =Tbid pla xx, 2: *Fewkes, Bull. 50, Bur. Amer. Ethn., ‘p. 14. 4In September, 1915, Mr. N. C. Nelson and the writer found a ruin containing over 40 rooms and 8 kivas at the head of a long but shallow canyon parallel to and west of Lion Canyon. MORRIS] THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON gts appears that all types were constructed by the: coiling process, the resulting undulations having been obliterated, except upon the exte- riors of vessels of the first type. Coil Ware.—The seven coil-ware jars shown in plates 38, 39, and 40, varying in height from 6 to 15 inches, constitute an excellent series. The typical shape is marked by a globular base tapering toward the top and surmounted by a recurved lip upon which the coils have been erased. It is interesting to note that the coil-ware vases never have the concave bottoms found almost without excep- tion in the large black-and-white vessels of the Mesa Verde area. Although decorations other than the crenulations due to structure are seldom found, coiled fillets of clay applied over the ridges appear in plates 38, 5, and 39, b. Plain Smooth Ware—The plain smooth ware is illustrated by plate 40, a. I was at a loss to know what to call this vessel. It is a thick- walled, friable, shallow bowl, upon the interior of which is a layer of indurated ashes growing thicker from the rim to the bottom of the dish. It calls to mind baskets coated with clay which were used by some southwestern tribes as roasters. The material to be parched was placed in the dish together with live coals, after which the re- ceptacle was rotated and the ashes blown out with the breath. In the ruins of the Pajarito Plateau are found similar objects, which served as molds for the bases of large ollas. Decorated Smooth Ware.—Decorated smooth ware is the dominant type of pottery and offers the greatest variety of shapes. In many cases a wash of light-colored earth was applied over the darker paste of the vessel. By rubbing with a smooth stone or lke object an extremely fine, often glossy, surface was produced. Upon it designs were traced, which were made permanent by firing. Bowls comprise the most typical form, of which those appearing in plate 42, 6, c, are characteristic examples. The rims are not tapering or recurved. The large asymmetrical vase shown in plate 41, 6, c, is a unique specimen. The mouth is oval instead of round and the base is deeply concave. Just beneath the rim (pl. 41, 0) the coils are still apparent. The surface is not covered with a slip. In plate 48 is shown a water jar with pinkish-yellow and very friable paste. The slip is as white as chalk and superbly polished. The base of this vessel, as well as that of the other large water jar (pl. 41, a), is concave. It would be difficult to find a more beautiful example of the ceramic art of the Mesa Verde. Red Pottery.—Red pottery is extremely rare in the cliff-dwellings of the Mesa Verde. From a few fragments recovered from Ruin 176 ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO [nTH. ANN. 33 No. 3, most of which fortunately fitted together, I restored the bowl shown in plate 42, @ The paste is slate-gray in the center, be- coming yellow toward the surface. The slip is a dark brilliant red. The design, traced in black, is a combination of the rain-cloud and bird patterns, or at least of the symbols which are so interpreted on pottery from ruins known to be closely connected with recent Pueblo culture. These deep-red bowls with incurving sides and slightly flaring rims seem to be of a type widely distributed over the Southwest. Hough! figures one from Blue River, Arizona, identical in shape, and bearing a design resembling that upon the one here shown.? Nordenskiédld* recovered the fragments of another from the débris in Spring House, and the author found a segment of one in a refuse heap near Farmington, New Mexico. It is obvious that red vessels were highly prized, and it is probable that they were used for cere- monial purposes, a fact which would tend to make them still more precious. For such reasons they would be carried in trade far beyond the boundaries of the ceramic area to which they rightfully pertain. Pottery Mending—The high regard in which the ancients of Johnson Canyon held their pottery is shown by the fact that several of the vessels are carefully mended. The olla figured in plate 39, a, has a long crack across its bottom. Along this opposite sets of holes were drilled and yucca thongs were inserted to bind the seam to- gether, some of these still being in place. In the bottom of the pot shown in plate 40, d, are several small holes stopped with a mixture of pitch and dust. Plate 69, a, shows a bowl mended with yucca ties. Pottery Designs —The collection does not contain a sufficient series of designs to warrant much generalization on the symbols used in decoration. To judge from the numerous fragments, the absence of zoic forms and the predominance of geometric devices, consisting principally of terraced figures, sinistral and dextral volutes, and combinations based on the triangle, characterize the painted elements. STONE IMPLEMENTS Grinding Stones—Some of the metates are bowlders from the river gravel, rubbed smooth or slightly concave on one side, and others are blocks of hard sandstone. The manos are usually of igneous 1 Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila River Region, pl. 10. 2The writer has since found a brown-red bowl of the same shape, and having the same decoration, with an exterior ornamentation of white, at Aztec, New Mexico. 3 QOp. cit., pl, xxxIIL. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40 =3) d e€ a. PLATE. b. WATER BOTTLE. c,d, ec, COIL-WARE OLLAS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41 BLACK-AND-WHITE VASES PLATE 42 THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BLACK-AND-RED BOWL. a. b,c. BLACK-AND-WHITE BOWLS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 43 BLACK-AND-WHITE WATER JAR MORRIS ] THE CLIFF-RUINS OF JOHNSON CANYON net rock, also obtained from the gravel in the stream beds. Corn was reduced by being rubbed between the two stones. No true milling rooms, in which the metates are arranged in bins, as are described by Dr. Fewkes,1 were found in Johnson Canyon. It is probable, however, that these once existed, but were rendered undistinguishable by those who sacked the ruins in an undiscriminating search for relics, Awes.—The axes are small and well sharpened. The one shown in plate 34, a, illustrates the characteristic method of hafting. The grooves are not bounded by ridges or ferrules. The beveled edges were secured by long-continued rubbing upon the blocks and ledges of sandstone about the caves, in many of which are considerable depressions worn in this way. No hammers or mauls were collected. Potlids and Griddles—Round stone slabs which functioned as lids for jars were found in considerable numbers. The two ollas shown in plate 39 had covers of this type when found. In room 11 of Eagle Nest House were the fragments of a thin rectangular slab, polished as smooth as glass on one side, and burned to a glossy black. It seems evident that it was a griddle upon which meal cakes were fried. The Zufi use, or did use until very recently, a similar stone for this purpose, the interesting preparation of which is described by Mrs. Stevenson.? BONE IMPLEMENTS The collection of bone implements consists of needles, scrapers, and a knife (pl. 45). The pointed instruments were made from the bones of birds and mammals. These were sharpened in the same manner as were the axes. The scrapers are parts of large mammal bones, the trochanters having served as handles. In each case the shaft of the bone was cut across diagonally, and the edge thus left was worn smooth. The knife is a flat piece of bone with sharpened point and edges. Probably it was set in a wooden handle. WOODEN OBJECTS The articles of wood are shown in plate 44. A represents an object of unknown use similar to the one Dr. Fewkes calls a billet.* One of these was found in each of the kivas excavated. B is a hoop of willow bound together with yucca, which may have been used in the hoop-and-pole game.* Cis a digging stick of extremely heavy wood. The blunt end is shaped to afford a comfortable grip for the 1 Bull, 51, Bur. Amer, Ethn., p. 37. *The Zuni Indians, pp. 361-362. 3 Bull. 51, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 73. * Bull. 41, Bur. Amer, Ethn., p. 50. 74936°—_19—33 E1H 12 178 ANTIQUITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO [ETH. ANN. 33 hand, and the blade is beveled to an edge. / and ¢ are of unknown function. They are flat chips which have a curved edge, apparently the result of rubbing. / is a stick resembling some of the pahos figured by Dr. Hough.t. G@ and g’ are wooden objects whose use is undetermined. /Z is the head of a reed arrow. The notch for the cord and the sinew holding the stubs of the feathers are easily dis- tinguishable. J is the tip of a similar arrow. oe oa +. On a St TE > —« ae, he z crepe, REQ | weil, Nait Dirwliy 20 mn aaa? i : » ae = =u pi dud = INOrens CONTENTS Hiairod UC HON saeaae ee eee ee eee Coie aoe mioicre Nalonine saa ame acinsenizaiad Chronology of Hopi pottery symbols.......-.- teense eens oes Lhe ruins sky athlon eee eee rae ce aaa so Ue sea sects aledssns fioeee SUVALKARC DOCH at eee mete ee earn cet sae ae atte seen ecawa ase 22 J SUC eM te Tede es bac ene See Ree eee Bee ae ese ae Meee ore Quadruped fioures! secant es = este oot e ban Saas ee ae See eee Repl iano nea senor eee seers eae cocoa a AS EN Se re aes: Wimped fictres secs sere pert tte Ge oe e ter soemea ce Seek eoe se Se eteegases Worsaltviews OMbInd semen e se oe SNe a= cee ne ene Basel ne oe aeere ee Lateral views of birds............-.-.----- Si iaesnasheseetose oases Se Heather d Cxip is Mee memmerT ci) cee cite Seen at aces se sear ce eee Feathers suspended from strings-...._.. 2 222: .--.222-:----25-:- Siyveband se Meee Nace: arteacac Mee N EES e eR eee a ar eec ees se Vertical attachmentito sky=bandoc.--co-2 see sae sees ee 222s sae eaee Birds attached longitudinally to sky-band-..........-.-.-.-.-.------ Decorations on exteriors of food bowls. ......-.--.-.-.--.------- Curved figure with attached feathers. .............------------- Spidenandinsectewsnesecrc tee Soh ae eee Soe er ewe Seance a: gee Buttertyeamdsmotheesses emma ees ete ois ewe eset ereces thoes e Geometricalidesigns: oss 2o-ne2 ete ot cc sone ee keep seetinnesseeseecees IReant Gloudsseessceeeit ce soe as eee eee oe ae dele vi nel nes See Gisee ees NunveMiblemeseee see en eco Oe anise ne eb ase Set Ansa eee Rectangular figures representing shrines. ...................-.---------- Symbols introduced from San Juan River settlements. .......--..- sas she Symbols introduced by the Snake people....-..-...-.------------------- Ran oanke pOc Wma eee eccie ctee Jae oe arcica nasdsn ts coos acon ee camece ae Symbols introduced from the Little Colorado.........-..--..---.-------- Symbols introduced by the Badger and Kachina clans..-.....-.-...-.--- Symbolsantroduced fromvAwatobie - << 26 see woe ces seer sister eee olin alcoMan a serene aes ee nee erage ee ke os aay aes ek me Symbol stoivlano) clans scecets secs ee ce iase coq (orate Stel Seis ree Sees Conclusion ses serene. oa nae BSR CGS MRE Lee COREA BC EEE ae oon 74936°—19—33 erH——14 209 marie —_— ' c red yt 7 ive Tate ae : rf - = P 1 ' . . = . ' « = b 4 J . F = wt . : ', = - 7 . 5 . i oe «MYA - a J ” 7 * ; | net on, aie “lie © EE ; Te ay 7 ane 4 eee iw bis, ; 5 ne ae’ rife : 3 - ix 7 i rel : Te : iyit iui a Gyhty re ae? « 2 =i. , ening heovar ght Song iretauiyp) 7 r i re A te ; i ' i > ‘ate ve erate feng 7 4 | bet” ih koe enh Festi - ij = nae id rien tV yasktgy'f’ ond Ma ee = ’ ‘i ~ . fi ; i 4 ih oF i tie nang xn “) wo. ~~ gt aint “1 = eel " ; 7 ; pd he ieee ei ; | ut 1 ' P dal! 7 ate yeu i, «fend * fl Y af. . iT - tay —', eon), ee . | at ewiivall i re, x fe") rcp scrsiA wit Baars wii : 4 my er were ' . cv (Tae ieemalang ohne 8 is “ss bk aie ‘ a ~ WP: ‘a Sabie ne, (apes ow eet “ol, Vas ae : nt ry ia i A. 7 ke vas yé a ppl. acisiowl baa: \ oaths hi a Rate ee 7 Wis. ‘ ne seh ed 3 : = fam 3! ust t 7 acy rae ¢ ayy) a fate : Bing « ASaehtte oe aad i ; 8 7 a ‘ a en nT VE oe wan beh : snail los a : eal ies ae, uy « a1 te. : Fi as ly * a Se : hy ; ‘ ye tek h on ee ra 4 ay , on a " bY j v4 Tae 7 i i 1 red j Lie - J ‘ f a 7 i F tj cs ic :< a m7 5 j "i ae : - i ‘ Lig ; + 7 SOA ae ane An tae fe) \ ere : a _ (a 7 a 7 s : al eee ey : ‘ 1 i | selaete : See Sey (oe a : i Ba, en oan 76. ide 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24, 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES Page Various forms of conventionalized feathers.........---...---------------- 238 Conventionalyzed!tailffeath ers 2.22.5. 222-% <= 22 = jee ae se emesis 240 Conyentionalized feathers attached to strings (nakwakwoci)...-...-..-...- 240 DkyoDaNs ser. weer aetna =f 2 Gc vans ee See eee rere cls 242 Geometrical figures on outside of bowls. ..........--.------.---.-------- 250 Geometrical figures on outside of bowls. ...........--.---.-------------- 250 Geometrical! fisures:on)outsideiof bowls... - ~~ . saec-ceieees-e2- o-bekt cee teeacbee ee 221 Kneeling woman, showing hair in characteristic whorls .-.......-..------ 222 ‘Threethumanpiioumes: aes. S-e.8 rs ss factored sot Sd. Boa be bases 223 a; Dectsabs. rabbitieeend -dactt ted te Shastroked 5S ars Ss dhsaniteseess 224 Quadrupeds:ccaseeae seek Janse oaks seeds careend-eeed eckh heeGieeateres 224 Amteloperorimountain sheep sf [52s oneeooet eel ok Sedat ue oa ee ~ vo Salo ol itunes our ion ee a a se , oy wat an ~= 5 ss = ; 1 ‘ | ! se ae ib a 4 5 mh FEWEES] THE RUIN, SIKYATKI 251 CurveD FIGURE WITH ATTACHED FEATHERS The curved spiral figures shown in plates 85 and 86 are combina- tions of simple and complicated designs, among the most conspicuous of which are feathers. When these figures are placed in the same position it is possible to recognize three or four components which are designated (a) spiral, (b) appendage to the tip of the spiral, (c) a bundle of feathers recalling a bird’s tail, and (d) and (e) other parts of unknown homology occasionally represented. In plate 85, A the appendage 6 to the spiral a is two triangles and two sup- plemental spirals arising from their attachments. There is no rep- resentation of c, d, or e in this figure. In B of the same plate the elements a, b, c; and d are represented. The appendage 6 attached to the tip of the spiral a has the form of a feather of the first type (see pl. 76), and four parallel lines, ¢, indicating feathers, are attached to the body. The two toothlike appendages e, of unknown significance, complete the fig- ure. In plate 85, (, the design a has two dots 6 on the distal tip, from one of which arises a number of lines. The fact that 6 in fig- ure B is a feather leads to the belief that 6 in figure C’ is the same design. Plate 85, D and Z, have a resemblance in form, a and ¢ being repre- sented in both; 6 and e are wanting in #. The different elements in these designs can be readily seen by comparing the same lettering in F and G, and in plate 86, A and B, where a new element, ¢, is intro- duced. Plate 86, B and £, are highly conventionalized designs; they sug- gest bird form, examples of which have been already considered elsewhere, but are very much modified. There can be no doubt that it was intended to represent birds or parts of birds as feathers in many of the above figures, but the perspective is so distorted that their morphology or relative position on the bird to which they belong can not be made out. In plate 86, A, for instance, the bird’s body seems to be split in two parts and laid on a flat plane. The pendent body, ¢, in the middle would be a representation of a bird’s tail composed of three feathers and with a double triangle terminating in dots from which arise lines of would-be feathers. Two of the parts, a and ¢, that occur in the last mentioned, are found in plate 86, B, in somewhat modified form. Thus the position of the tail feathers, ¢, figure C, is taken by feathers of a different form, their extremities being cut off flat and not curved. The bundles of feathers in B and C are here reversed, the left side of B corre- sponding to the right of (, and the appendage on the left of the tail 952 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 of B being represented by the appendage on the right of C. There are other remote likenesses between them. Sper anv Insects Other flying animals, like bats and insects, are depicted on Sik- yatki pottery, but not as constantly as birds. The spider, and insects like the dragon fly, moth, and butterfly, are the most common. In Hopi mythology the spider? and the sun are associated, the former being the symbol of an earth goddess. Although no design that can be referred to the spider has yet been found on Sikyatki pottery, it is not wanting from Hopi (pl. 87, ec). The symbol of the dragon fly, which occurs on several bowls from ancient Hopi ruins, is a line often enlarged at one end to form a head, and always with two crossbars near this enlargement to indi- cate wings. As this insect lives near springs and is constantly asso- ciated in modern symbolism with water it is probable that its occur- rence on ancient Hopi pottery has practically the same significance as in modern conceptions. Burrerrty anp Morn Five typical figures that may be referred to the butterfly or moth occur on Sikyatki pottery. These figures have in common a trian- gular body which suggests a highly conventionalized picture of a bird. Their wings are, as a rule, ex- tended horizontally, assuming the attitude of moths while at rest, there being only one of the five examples where wings are folded above the back, the normal position of these organs in a_ butterfly. With one exception, all these con- ventional butterfly figures bear two curved rows of dots on the head, probably intended to repre- sent antenne. Bot BERTH OER gee) The figure of a moth in figure 79 has a body of triangular form, and the extremities of the wings are shown on each side of a medially placed backward-extending projection, which is the posterior end 1The Kokyan, or Spider, clan is not made much of in Hopi legends gathered at Walpi, but Kokyanwiigti, the Spider woman, is an important supernatural in the earliest my- thologies, especially those of the Snake people. She was the mentor of the Snake youth in his journey to the underworld and an offering at her shrine is made in the Oraibi Snake dance. The picture of the spider with that of the sun suggests that the Spider woman is a form of the earth goddess. No personation of Spider woman has been seen by the author in the various ceremonies he has witnessed. FEWKES] THE RUIN, SIKYATKI 253 of the abdomen. These wings bear white dots on their posterior edges suggesting the markings on certain genera of butterflies.’ There arises from the head, which here is circular, a single jointed appendage curved at the end, pos- sibly the antenna, and an unjointed appendage, like a proboscis, in- serted into a figure of a flower, mounted on a stalk that terminates at the other extremity in five parallel extensions or roots. A row of dots about the periphery of the flower suggests petals. The figures are accompanied by crosses representing stars. The second moth design (fig. 80) has even a closer resemblance to a bird than the last, for it also has’ L a single antenna or row of dots Fi¢.80.—Butterfly with extended proboscis. connected by a curved line. It likewise has several curved lines resembling a crest of feathers on top of the head, and lines recalling the tail of a bird. The head this figure bears is a cross suggesting a female butterfly or moth.’ The body in figure 81 is crossed by five lines converging at one angle, imparting to it the appear- ance of having been formed by a union of several spherical triangles on each of which appear rectan- gular spaces painted black. A head is not differentiated from the body, but at the point of union of the five lines above mentioned there arise two rows of dots which have the form of circles, each inclos- ing a dot. From analogy these are supposed to represent antenne. FG. 81.—Highly conventionalized butterfy. The middle of wing-shaped ex- tensions recalling butterfly de- signs are marked by circular figures in figure 82, but the absence in this figure of a head with jointed appendages renders it doubtful whether it represents an insect. The shape of the body and its 1 Except that the head bears a jointed antenna this figure might be identified as a bird, the long extension representing the bird's bill. ? The figures of serpents on the sand mosaic of the Antelope altar at Walpi bear similar crosses or diagonals, crossing each other at right angles. The Antelope priests interpret this marking as a sign of the female. 954 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [ETH. ANN. 33 appendages resembling feathers indicate, so far as they go, that this design represents some bird. ‘ It will be noted that in one of the above-mentioned figures, identi- fied as a moth, flowers are indicated by dotted circles, while in an- other similar circle, figures, also surrounded with dots, are repre- sented on the wings. One pair of wings is represented in the last- mentioned figure, but a second pair placed behind the larger may have been confounded with the tail feathers. In one of these fig- ures from Sikyatki there is a row of dots around the margin of the wings—a common but not univer- sal feature in modern pictures of butterfly figures. None. of the butterfly figures have representa- tions of legs, which is not strange Rees _.| considering how inconspicuous Fic. 82.—Moth. these appendages are among these insects. A most striking figure of a butterfly is represented by six drawings on the so-called “butterfly vase” (fig. 83). These, like the above- mentioned, resemble birds, but they all have antenne, which identify them as insects. These six figures (pl. 90) are supposed to be con- nected with the six cardinal points which in modern Hopi belief have sex—the butterfly corresponding to the north, male; to the west, female; to the south, male; to the east, female; to the above, male; and to the below, female. The wings of all these insects are rep- resented as extended, the anterior pair extending far beyond the posterior, while both have a uni- form color and are without mar- ginal dots. The appendages to the head are two curved rows of dots representing antenne, and two parallel lines are the mouth parts or possibly the proboscis. The markings on the bodies and the terminal parallel lines are like tail feathers of birds. The heads of three figures, instead of having diagonal lines, are covered with a crosshatching, 6, 6, 6, and are supposed to represent the males, as the former, a, a, a, are females.? Fie. 83.—Moth. 1 Rain, lightning, animals, plants, sky, and earth, in the modern Hopi conception, are supposed to have sex. FHWKES | THE RUIN, SIKYATKI 255 A moth with a conventionalized geometric form is represented in figure 84 with outstretched wings, a rounded abdomen, and a spotted rectangular body recalling designs on the upper embroidered margin of mod- ern ceremonial blankets. A like figure has been elsewhere described by the author asia) butterfly. It) oecurs.om the!» 715,847 Mot ox geometrical form. stone slab which once formed one side of an Awatobi altar.2 We have more complicated forms of butterflies represented in figures 85-87, the identification of which is even more doubtful than the last. Figure 86 reproduces in its several parts figure 85, being composed of a central design, around which are arranged six triangles, one of the last being placed Fic. 85.—Geometrical above, another below, the <> ADSE OE NE main figure, and there are two on each side. The design, figure 88, is circular, the alternately colored quadrants Fic. 86.—Highly conven- forming two hourglass combinations. The — 740d buttery. double triangle, shown in figure 84, resembles a butterfly symbol, having a close likeness to a figure of this insect found on the Awatobi tablet above mentioned. This figure also resembles triangular de- signs painted on the walls of mod- ern Hopi rooms and in cliff-dwell- ings (Cliff Palace). These figures present very remote likenesses to butterfly symbols and their identi- fication as such is difficult. Fic. 87.—Geometrical form of moth. GEOMETRICAL DEsIGNS The geometrical designs on the pottery from Sikyatki. consist of two well-recognized groups: (1) Purely ornamental or nonsymbolic geometrical figures, and (2) highly conventional life forms. Some of the figures of the second group may be geometrical representations of birds or other animals; but the former are simply embellishments used to beautify the objects on which they are! painted. Purely decorative designs, not being sym- bolic, will not be specially considered, as they do Fic. 88.— Circle not come within the scope of the present treatise. An — /B triangles. interpretation of the significance of many of the second group of geometrical designs is not possible, although they probably represent animal forms. 1The Butterfly in Hopi Myth and Ritual, fig. 61, f. 2Tbid., p. 586. 256 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 The strictly geometrical figures so frequently found on pottery from Silkyatki recall the linear decorations almost universal in an- cient southwestern ware. No one who has carefully compared specimens of decorated pot- tery from Sikyatki with examples from any other southwestern re- gion could fail to be impressed with the differences in some of the geometrical designs from the two localities. Such designs on the Sikyatki ware are almost always rectangular, rarely curved. As compared with pottery from cliff-dwellings there is a paucity or entire absence of terraced designs in the ancient Hopi ware, while zigzags representing lightning are comparatively rare. The char- acteristic geometrical decorations on Sikyatki pottery are found on the outside of the food bowls, in which respect they are notably dif- ferent from those of other ceramic areas. Designs on Sikyatki pot- tery show few survivals of preexisting materials or evolution from transfer of those on textiles of any kind. Such as do exist are so masked that they shed little light on current theories of art evolution. The designs on ancient Hopi pottery are in the main mythological, hence their true interpretation involves a knowledge of the religious ideas and especially of such psychological elements as sympathetic magic, so prevalent among the Hopi of to-day. The idea that by the use of symbols man could influence supernatural beings was no doubt latent in the mind of the potter and explains the character of the symbols in many instances. The fact that the bowls on which these designs are painted were found with the dead, and contained food for the departed, implies a cult of the dead, or at least a belief in a future life. Rarn Crioups The most constant geometric designs on Pueblo pottery are those representing the rain cloud, and from analogy we would expect to find the rain-cloud figures conspicuously on ancient Hopi pottery. We look in vain on Sikyatki ware for the familiar semicircular symbols of rain clouds so constant among the modern Hopi; nor do we find the rectangular terraced form which is equally common. These modifications were probably lately introduced into Hopiland by those colonists of alien clans who came after the destruction of Sikyatki, and consequently are not to be expected on its pottery. Their place was taken by other characteristite forms closely allied to rectangular terraced figures from which hang parallel lines, rep- resenting falling rain in modern symbolism.t. The typical Sikyatki rain-cloud symbol is terraced without rain symbols and finds its nearest relative on pottery derived from the eastern pueblo region. 1Introduced into the Hopi pueblos by colonists from the Rio Grande; its most con- spicuous variant can be seen on the tablets worn in a masked dance called Humis (Jemez) Kachina. FoWKES] THE RUIN, SIKYATKI PAST The form of rain-cloud symbol on Sikyatki pottery may be regarded as characteristic of the Kokop clan which, according to legends, settled this ancient pueblo. Modified variants of this form of rain- cloud symbol occur on almost every specimen in the Sikyatki collec- tion, and can be seen hanging from “sky-bands” with appended star signs or without such connections. The most common Sikyatki symbol of a rain cloud is shown in fig- ure 89 and plate 90, 7,7. These rain-cloud designs rarely occur singly, being more often six in number, as if intended to represent the six cardinal points recognized in Hopi ceremonies. We find the Sikyatki rain-cloud symbols resembling somewhat those of the mod- ern Zuni, or figures of clouds found on the characteristic designs on Little Colorado ceramics. Somewhat similar angular terraced forms are almost universally used in eastern pueblos as rain-cloud symbols, but the semicircular forms (fig. 90) of modern Hopi ceremonials, being apparently a highly specialized modification, rarely occur on Sikyatki pottery. Fie. 89.—Rain cloud. Srars The star sign occurs as an equal armed cross formed by the ap- proximation of four squares, leaving a central uncolored area. It is generally accompanied by a rain-cloud symbol or bird figures, although likewise found without them. We often find one arm of the component arms of the cross missing and two of the remaining arms adherent to a band; often these crosses have a circular enlargement at the junc- ne i A tion of their arms. A simple equal armed cross is the sole decoration on the interior of numerous food bowls, and there are several examples of St. Andrew’s crosses, the triangular arms of which have been in- terpreted as representing four conventionalized birds; no exam- ple of a cross with unequal arms has yet been found on Sikyatki pottery. These crosses, like that with four arms representing the Sky god in modern Hopi symbolism, probably represent the Heart of the Sky. A similar cross is figured on paraphernalia used in modern Hopi rites or on altar slabs; when it is represented by a wooden frame, it is called tokpela, and hangs before the altar. The same object is sometimes attached horizontally to the top of the helmet of the 74936°—19—33 rrH——17 - 258 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [ETH. ANN. 33 personification of the Sky godt The swastika is rare in ancient pottery and was not found at Sikyatki, although a single example was dug up at Awatobi and a few others were obtained from the Little Colorado ruins. A multiple cross, formed of three parallel lines crossing three others at an angle, generally accompanies certain conventionalized figures of birds and in one example there are two multiple crosses, one on one side and one on another of a moth or butterfly symbol. The multiple cross is supposed to represent six canes used in a game, and on a prehistoric decorated bowl from ancient Shongopovi,? we find what appears to be a highly conventionalized bird figure occu- pying one-half of the interior of the bowl, while four figures repre- senting these canes appear on the other. The bird figure, in this instance, is interpreted as a gambler’s god, or a representation of the god of chance. Sun Emeiems The most conventionalized sun emblem is a circle or ring with attached feathers. The Sikyatki design (pl. 87, >) is a circle bear- ing on its periphery appendages believed to represent feathers, with accompanying lines, gen- erally painted red, to represent the rays of the sun.° Le The identification of the bird whose feathers are used in sun @ emblems has not yet been made, although the position of similar feathers on the body of other bird designs suggests that they repre- sent eagle feathers. The feather of the eagle is commonly associ- Fic. 91.—Ring with appended feathers. ated with both ancient and mod- ern pictures representing the sun. Thus we have on a vessel from Sikyatki in figure 91 a design bearing four feathers arranged at in- tervals a quadrant apart alternating with radiating lines. If we interpret this figure in the light of modern symbolism the circle 1Qne symbol of the Sky god has the form of a Lightning god. It has a single curved horn on the head, lightning symbols on the legs, and carries a wooden framework in one hand and a bull-roarer in the other. 2Twenty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pt. 1, fig. 74. %In modern Hopi symbolism the sun is a disk with representations of eagle feathers around the periphery and radial lines at each quadrant, symbolic of the sun’s rays. In disks worn on the back where real feathers are used the radial lines, or the sun’s rays, are represented by horsehair stained red. In ceremonials the Sky god is personated by a bird whose figure occurs on Sikyatki pottery. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 87 BIRD, SUN, AND SPIDER AND SUN SYMBOLS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 88 CONVENTIONALIZED BIRD FIGURES FEWKES] THE RUIN, SIKYATKI 259 would be regarded as the sun and the feathers would be identified as eagle feathers, while the lines might be considered to represent the red rays of the four cardinal points. In a bowl found at old Shongo- povi, a ruin inhabited at the same epoch as Sikyatki, the sun takes the form of a sky bird. In this design the ring figure is replaced by a bird with wings, tail, and a beak, evidently the sun bird, hawk, F'6- 92.—Two circles with figure. or eagle (pl. 88, a). A theoretical interpretation of plate 88, b, is facilitated by a com- parison of it with the design painted on a bowl from the Wat- tron collection, now in the Field Colum- bian Museum. As this has all the parts represented in figure 75, the con- clusion would naturally be that the in- tention of the artist was to represent a bird figure. Ring or circle shaped figures are found on several bowls from Sikyatki, and in one case (fig. 92) we find two circles side by side separated by a rectangular figure. The meaning of these rings and the accompanying design is not known. Concentric circles diametrically accompanied with two figures, one with a head and two lateral feathers, the other with the form of a hash-knife figure, are shown in figure 93. In figure 94 the appendages of the ring design or sun emblem is much more complicated than any of the pre- ceding. Each of the four quadrants has two appendages, a cluster with two feathers, and a curved body with a sickle-shaped extension, the whole giv- ing a swastika-like appearance to the design. The interior of the circle is likewise complicated, showing a structure difficult to interpret. From comparisons with preceding figures this is likewise regarded as a sun emblem.* Fie. 93.—Sun with feathers. Fie. 94.—Sun symbol. 1In the Hopi ceremony, Powatawu, as performed at Oraibi, a picture representing the sun composed of a number of concentric circles of four different colors is made of sand on the kiva floor. 260 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [PTH. ANN. 38 The ring or circle shown in figure 95 hangs from a band that may be likened to the sky-band of previous description.t A tri- angle* is attached to the upper side of this band, while appended to the ring itself there is a featherlike object corre- sponding to a bird’s tail and wing. This figure is unique in the Sikyatki collection of ancient Hopi pictography. In figure 96 we find a leg appended to the lower side of the ring balanced by three wing feathers above Fic. 95.— Ring with appended OF ON the Oppo- feathers. site side, two curved or crescentic extensions project- ing from the rear, diametrically opposite which arises a curved body (head) with terminating sickle-shaped prolongation. This figure may be considered a bird fic. 96.—Ring figure with legs design, having the tail twisted from a one ees lateral to a vertical position and the wing raised from the body. In figure 97 we find a similar ring still further modified, the ap- pendages to it being somewhat different. The ring is here broader than the last, inclosing an area crossed by two lines forming a cross, with short parallel lines at the ends of each arm. There is a head showing a circular face with dots indicating eyes and mouth. The head bears a crest of feathers between two horns. Here we have in place of the appendage to the lower side an elongated curved pro- jection extending to the left, balanced by a short, stumpy, curved appendage on the right, while between these append- ages hang four parallel lines suggesting the highly conventional feathers of a tail. The horns with the crest of feathers between them recall the crest of the Sun ic. 97. Sun emblem with appended feathers. 11f we interpret the sky-band as the path of the sun in the zenith the solar emblem hanging to it is significant. * Some of the significant sun masks used by the Hopi have the mouth indicated by a triangle, others by hourglass designs, FUWKES] THE RUIN, SIKYATKI 261 god, of the Kachina clan, called Tunwup, a Sky god who flogs the children of modern Walpi. The ring design in figure 98 has a bunch of three feathers in each quadrant, mecalling the Geaten of a sun emblem so well shown ue other kinds of feathers in plate 76, 6. In figure 99 we have a circle with four appended bifurcated geometrical extensions projecting outward on the periphery, and recalling featherless tails of birds. This is also a highly conventionalized sun emblem reduced to a geometrical figure. In connection with all these circular fig- ures may be considered that shown in figure 92, the form of which is highly suggestive. BiG) 26.5 SUnysyMbOl- In the various modificaticns above mentioned we detect two elements, the ring and its peripheral appendages, interpreted as feathers, head, feet, and other bird organs. Sometimes the ring predominates, some- times the feathers, and sometimes a bird figure replaces all, the ring being lost or reduced in size. This variation is primitive and quite consistent with the Pueblo concep- tions and analogies known to occur in Hopi ceremonial paraphernalia. This variation illustrates what is elsewhere said about the influence of the magic power on the pictorial art of Hopi.t The sun, to the Hopi mind, is likewise represented by a bird, or a compound of both becomes a Sky-god emblem; the horned serpent is the servant of the Sky god. We find among the modern Hopi several disks with markings and decorations of such a character that they are identified as representations of the sun. One of these is worn by the leader of the kachinas in a ceremony called the Powama, an elaborate rite, the purpose of which is to purify from evil influences. This Sun god? Fic. 99.—Sun symbol. 1 Pictures made by prehistoric man embody, first, when possible, the power of the animal or thing represented, or its essential characteristics; and second, the realistic form, shape, or outline. 2 Several Hopi clans celebrate in a slightly different way the return of their Sun god, which is known by different names among them. The return of the Sun god of the Kachina clan at Walpi, commonly called Ahiil, is elsewhere described. Shalako, the Sun god of the Patki clans, was derived from the Little Colorado region, the same source from which the Zuni obtained their personage of the same name. His return is celebrated on the East Mesa of the Hopi at Sichomovi, the ‘“‘ Zui pueblo among the Hopi.” Pautiwa is a Sun god of Zuni clans at Sichomovi and is personated as at Zufli pueblo. Kwataka, or the Sun god whose return is celebrated at Walpi in the winter solstice, Soyaluna, is associated with the great plumed serpent, a personation derived from the peoples of the Gila or some other river who practice irrigation. LEototo is a Sikyatki Sun god, derived from near Jemez, and is celebrated by Keres colonists. 262 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 is called Ahiil, and the symbolism of his mask, especially feathers attached to the head, suggests some of the Sikyatki designs con- sidered above. Recrancuniar Figures RepreseNTING SHRINES The word pahoki, prayer-stick house or “shrine,” is applied by the modern Hopi to the receptacle, commonly a ring of stones, in which prayer offerings are deposited, and receives its name from the special supernatural personage worshiped. These shrines are regarded as sacred by the Hopi and are particularly numerous in the neighbor- hood of the Hopi mesas.t| They are ordinarily simply rude inclo- sures made of stones or flat stone slabs set on edge, forming boxes, which may either be closed or open on one side. The simplest pic- tographic representation of such a shrine is the same as that of a house, or a circular or rectangular figure. A similar design is drawn in meal on the floor of the kiva or traced with the same material on the open plaza when the priest wishes to represent a house or shrine. Elaborate pictures made of different colored sands to represent gods are often inclosed by encircling lines, the whole called a house of the gods. Thus the sand picture on the Antelope altar of the Snake dance is called the house of the rain-cloud beings.? When reptiles are washed on the ninth day of the Snake dance they are said to be thrown into the house, a sand picture of the mountain lion. It is customary to make in some ceremonies not only a picture of the god worshiped, but also a representation of his or her house. The custom of adding a picture of a shrine to that of the supernatural can be seen by examining a series of pictures of Hopi kachinas. Here the shrine is a rain-cloud symbol introduced to show that the house of the kachina represented is a rain cloud. Sikyatki bowls decorated with figures identified as supernaturals often bear accompanying designs which may, from comparative reasoning, be interpreted as shrines of the supernatural being de- picted. They have at times a form not unlike that of certain sand pictures, as in the case of the curved figure accompanying a highly conventionalized plumed serpent. A great variety of figures of this kind are found on Sikyatki bowls,* and often instead of being a rectangular figure they may be elongated more like a prayer offering. The rectangular figure that accompanies a representation of a great horned serpent (fig. 100) may be interpreted as the shrine house of that monster, and it is to be mentioned that this shrine ap- pears to be surrounded by radial lines representing curved sticks 1Wewkes, Hopi Shrines Near the Bast Mesa, Arizona, pp. 346—375. 2The sand picture made by the Antelope priest is regarded as a house of the rain gods depicted upon it. % Seventeenth Ann, Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2. FHWKES] THE RUIN, SIKYATEI . 263 like those set around sand pictures of the Snake and Antelope altars of the Snake ceremonies at Walpi.t It is suggest- ed that the fig- ure below the mountain sheep (see fig. 18) and the circles with dots ac- companying the butterfly and bird de- signs may also represent shrines. At- tention is also called to the fact that each of the six ani- mal figures of the elaborate butterfly vase (pl. 90, ¢) is ac- companied by a rectangular de- sign represent- ing a shrine in which feathers Fic. 100.—Horned snake with conventionalized shrine. are visible. The general forms of these shrines are shown in figures 101 and 102. The one shown in figure 103 is especially instructive from its association with a highly conventionalized animal. The Sikyatki epoch of Hopi ceramics is more a closely allied to early Keresan? than to ancient Tanoan, and has many likenesses to modern Keresan pottery. In fact, none of the distinctive figures have yet been found on true Tanoan ware in any great numbers. There appear also no evidences of incre- 1The author has a drawing of the Snake altar at Michongnovi by an Indian, in which these crooks are not represented vertically but horizontally, a position illustrating a common method of drawing among primitive people who often represent vertical objects on a horizontal plane. An illustration of this is seen in pictures of a medicine bowl where the terraces on the rim normally vertical are drawn horizontally. 2JIn using this term the author refers to an extreme area in one corner of which still Survive pueblos, the inhabitants of which speak Keres. b Fic. 101.—-Shrine. 264 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 ments peculiar to the Little Colorado culture center of which Zuni is the modern survival; consequently we look in vain for evidence of b Fie. 102.—Shrine. early communication between these two centers; possibly Sikyatki fell before Zuni attained any promi- nence in the Little Colorado area.t Symeots IntTropuCcED rrom SAN JuAN River SETTLEMENTS Although the majority of Hopi priests declare that the earliest clan to settle Walpi was the Bear, coming from the east, by far the largest number of early colonists are said to belong to the Snake people which came from Tokonabi and other great settlements on tributaries of the San Juan in northern Arizona. The route of their migration is fairly well known from legendary sources sup- ported in late years by some limited excavations that have been made in ruins along its course, so that we know something of the character of the Snake pottery and the sym- bols, which these early col- onists brought to the Bear settlement at the base of the East Mesa. These are not unlike those found along the San Juan and its tributaries from the Mesa Verde to Wukoki near the Black Falls on the Little Colorado, west of the Hopi Mesa. This ware is commonly either black and white, or 103. — Conventionalized winged bird with shrine, red, and can be readily distinguished from that of Sikyatki by the wealth of geometrical decorations and the poverty of such animal figures as birds, reptiles, and insects. The designs of that early epoch appear to be uniform and hardly distinctive from those that occur in all parts of the Southwest. 1There is no published evidence in Zuni legends that Sikyatki received increments from that pueblo. FEWKES] THE RUIN, SIKYATKI 265 We may judge of the character of the symbols and designs on pottery from the San Juan and from the ruins of Wukoki on the Black Falls of Little Colorado. It is characterized by an abun- dance of geometric figures and an almost total absence of life forms or painted figures of men and animals. The pottery is thin, well made, and sometimes colored red, but the majority of specimens are gray or black-and-white ware not especially different from a wide- spread type occurring pretty generally throughout the Southwest. Coiled and incised ware is more abundant than smooth painted, but these are not as varied in form as later examples. There is no evi- dence available that there was any very great difference between the Hopi pottery decorations of the first epoch and that of contemporary time in the Southwest. When the Snake clans arrived at Walpi they found the village of Bear people living on the terrace at the base of the East Mesa, possessed of a symbolism like that. of Sikyatki. The combined clans, Bear and Snake, were later joined by the Horn and Flute, and it is not unlikely that some of the likenesses between the pottery symbols of the settlement on the terrace below Walpi and Sikyatki may have developed about this time.? The designs on the ceramics of the Snake clans are best illus- trated by the prehistoric pottery from ruins and cliff-dwellings in Utah and along the San Juan area, where geometrical patterns far outnumber those representing life forms. This does not deny that many of the pieces of pottery from this region are finely made, equal in technique perhaps to some of the Sikyatki, but the geo- metric designs on San Juan pottery and that from Sikyatki are radically different. This difference conforms with tradition that the Snake clans left their homes at Tokonabi, in the San Juan region, and came to Hopi after the foundation of Sikyatki, which had probably developed its beautiful ceramic art before Walpi was settled. There is no evidence that the potters of the Snake clan ever introduced any modification in the symbolic decoration of pottery by the women of Sikyatki. Sympots InrrRopUCED BY THE SNAKE PEOPLE The designs on pottery taken from prehistoric ruins of pueblos or villages once inhabited by the Snake clans claim the archeologist’s especial attention. These clans were the most important early addi- tions to the Hopi villages and no doubt influenced early Hopi symbolism. There is little trace in early pottery that can be rec- ognized as peculiar to the Snake. The Snake clans formerly lived at Betatakin, Kitsiel, and neighboring ruins. 1Since the author's work at Sikyatki, excavations have been made by the Field Colum- bian Museum at this ruin, but nothing bearing on the relations of symbols has been pub- lished so far as known to the writer. 966 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 Among many significant differences that occur between the de- signs on pottery from the ruins in Navaho National Monument and those of Sikyatki may be mentioned the rarity of bird designs and the conventional feathers above described. Parallel lines and tri- angles have been found on the pottery from Kitsiel and Betatakin. Terraced figures are common; spirals are rare. Pottery designs from this region are simpler and like those of the Mesa Verde cliff- houses and the ruins along the San Juan River. Not only do the designs on prehistoric Sikyatki pottery have little resemblance to those from Tokonabi, a former home of the Snake clan, but the pottery from this region of Arizona is of coarser texture and differ- ent color. It is the same as that of the San Juan area, the decora- tions on which are about uniform with those from the Mesa Verde and Chelly Canyon. The best vases and bowls are of red or black- and-white ware. In the pottery symbols of the clans that lived at Tokonabi (Kit- siel, Betatakin, etc.) the archaic predominated. The passage archi- tecturally from the fragile-walled dwelling into Prudden’s pueblo “unit type” had taken place, but the pottery had not yet been greatly modified. Even after the Snake clans moved to Wukoki, near the Black Falls of the Little Colorado, we still find the sur- vival of geometrical designs characteristic of the prepuebloan epoch. Consequently when the Snake clans came to Walpi and joined the Hopi they brought no new symbols and introduced no great changes in symbols. The influence of the clans from the north was slight— too small to greatly influence the development of Hopi symbolism. TANOAN EPOCH The Tanoan epoch in the chronology of Hopi pottery symbolism is markedly different from the Keresan. It began with the influx of Tanoan clans, either directly or by way of Zufi and the Little Colorado, being represented in modern times by the early creations of Hano women, like Nampeo. It is clearly marked and readily distinguished from the Sikyatki epoch, being well represented in eastern museums by pottery collected from Hano, the Tewan pueblo on the East Mesa. Migrations of Tanoan clans into the Hopi country began very early in Hopi history, but waves of colonists with Tanoan kinship came to Walpi at the close of the seventeenth century as a result of the great rebellion (1680), when the number of colonists from the Rio Grande pueblos was very large. The Badger, Kachina, Asa, and Hano clans seem to have been the most numerous and important in modifying sociological conditions, especially at the East Mesa of the Hopi. Some of these came directly to Walpi, others entered by FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH 267 way of Zufi, and still others by way of Awatobi. They brought with them Tanoan and Keresan symbolism and Little Colorado elements, all of which were incorporated. The Tanoan symbols are very difficult to differentiate individually but created a considerable modification in the artistic products, as a whole. The symbolism that the colonists from the Little Colorado settle- ments brought to Walpi was mixed in character, containing certain Gila Valley elements. Among the last-mentioned were increments derived directly from Zuii, as shown in the symbolism of their pot- tery. Among the most important thus introduced were contributions of the Asa, Kachina, Badger, and Butterfly clans. The most im- portant element from the Little Colorado clans that originally came from the Gila Valley (Palatkwabi) are those connected with the plumed serpent.t It is possible to trace successive epochs in the history of ceramic decoration in the Little Colorado ruins and to identify, in a measure, the clans with which these epochs were asso- ciated, but to follow out this identification in this paper would take me too far afield and lead into a discussion of areas far distant from the Hopi, for it belongs more especially to the history of ceramic decorations of Zuni decoration and composition.? In the present article all the Little Colorado influences are treated as belonging to the Tanoan epoch, which seems to have been the dominant one in the Little Colorado when emigration, comparatively modern in time, began to Hopi. : Symeots InrropucEeD FROM THE LirrLE CoLorapo After the destruction of Sikyatki there was apparently a marked deterioration in the excellence of Hopi ceramics, which continued as late as the overthrow of Awatobi, when the Sikyatki epoch ceased. Shortly before that date and for a few years later there was a notable influx of foreigners into Hopiland; a number of southern clans from the Little Colorado successively joined the Hopi, bringing with them cultural conceptions and symbolic designs somewhat different from those existing previously to their advent. Among” these clans are those known in migration legends as the Patki peoples. Although we can not distinguish a special Patki epoch in Hopi ceramics, we have some ideas of the nature of Patki symbolism from large collections from Homolobi, Chevlon, and Chavez Pass. 1 The Tanoan people (clans) also introduced a horned snake, but different in symbolism from that of the Patki clans. ? The oldest pottery in the Zui Valley belongs to the same group as that of the oldest Little Colorado ruins and shows marked Gila Valley symbolism. The modern pottery of Zuni is strongly influenced by Tanoan characters. As these have been transmitted to Hopi they are considered under the term ‘ Tanoan epoch,” derived from Little Colorado settlements to which Zuii culturally belongs. 268 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [ETH. ANN, 33 From traditions and ceremonial objects now in use we also know something of the nature of the objective symbols they introduced into Walpi, and we can detect some of these on pottery and other objects used in ceremonies at Walpi. Some of these symbols did not come directly from the Little Colorado ruins, but went first to Awatobi and from there to Walpi? after the destruction of the former pueblo in the autumn of the year 1700. The arrival of southern clans at the East Mesa with their characteristic symbols occurred approximately in the seventeenth century, about 200 years after the date of the discovery of Hopi by Tovar. Awatobi received the Rabbit, Tobacco, and other clans from this migration from the south between the years 1632 and 1700, and Walpi received the Patki shortly after or at the same time the Hano clans came from the far east. The similarities in ancient pottery from the Little Colorado and that belonging to the Sikyatki epoch can not be ascribed to anything more profound than superficial contact. It is not probable that the ancient pottery of Awatobi or that of Kawaika and other Keres pueblos on the Awatobi mesa or in the adjacent plain was modified in any considerable degree by incoming clans from the south, but survived the Sikyatki epoch a century after Sikyatki had been destroyed. The advent of the clans from the Little Colorado into the Hopi country was too late to seriously affect the classic period of Hopi ceramics; it appears also not to have exerted any great influence on later times. Extensive excavations made at Homolobi, Chevlon, and Chavez Pass have revealed much pottery which gives a good idea of the symbolism characteristic of the clans living along this valley, which resembles in some respects the classic Hopi pottery of the time of Sikyatki, but several of these likenesses date back to a time before the union of the Hopi and Little Colorado clans. As a rule the bird figures on pottery from Homolobi, Chevlon, Chavez Pass, and other representative Little Colorado ruins are more realistic and less con- ventionalized and complex than those from Sikyatki. The peculiar forms of feathers found so constantly in the latter do not occur in the former, nor does the sky-band with its dependent bird figure ever occur on Little Colorado ware. We are here dealing with less-devel- oped conventionalism, a cruder art, and less specialized symbolism. Even if the colors of the pottery did not at once separate them, the expert can readily declare whether he is dealing with a bowl from Sikyatki or Homolobi. There are, to be sure, likenesses, but well- marked differences of local development. The resemblances and dif- ferences in the case of bird figures on prehistoric Hopi ware and that from the ruins on the Little Colorado can be readily shown by consid- ering figures 105, 106, and 107, found at Homolobi and Chevlon, and 1Pakatecomo in the plain below Walpi was their first Hopi settlement. FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH 269 the corresponding preceding bird figures. It may be interesting to instance another example. Figure 104 shows a lateral view of a bird with wings extended, bearing marginal dentations representing feath- ers on the breast and a tail composed of four triangular feathers and two eyes, each with iris and pupil. The upper and lower jaws in this figure are extended to form a beak, as is customary in bird designs from the Little Colorado ruins, but never found at Sikyatki. In figure 105 we have another lateral view of a characteristic bird design Fic. 104.—Lateral view of bird with double eyes. from the Little Colorado region, and figures 106 and 107 show hour- glass bodies, a special feature of the same region. In the same way many other distinctive characteristics separating figures of animals from the two regions might be mentioned. Those above given may suffice to show that each is distinctive and in a way specialized in its development, but the main reason to believe that the clans from the Little Colorado never affected the symbolism of Sikyatki is the fact that the latter ruin was destroyed before these clans joined the Hopi villages. 270 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 The ruins Homolobi and Chevlon were probably inhabited well into historic times, although there is no archeological evidence that artifacts from them were modified by European influences. The symbolism on pottery shows that their culture was composite and seems to have been the result of acculturation from both south and east. Some of the clans, as the Tobacco, that peopled these settle- ments joined Awatobi before its overthrow, while others settled at Pakatcomo, the ruins of which near Walpi are still visible, and later united with the people of the largest village of the East Mesa. So far as known. Sikyatki had been destroyed before any considerable number of people had entered the Hopi country from the Little Colorado, the event oc- curring comparatively late in history. The pottery from the Little Colorado differs from prehis- toric Hopi ware much _ less with respect to geometrical designs than life forms. The break in the encircling line, or, as it is called, the life gate, which is almost universally found on the ancient Hopi vases, bowls, dippers, and other objects, occurs likewise Fig. 105.—Lateral view of bird with double eyes. on pottery from Little Colo- rado ruins. Some of the encircling lines from this region have more than one break, and in one instance the edges of the break have appendages, a rare feature found in both prehistoric Hopi and Little Colorado ware.? The influence of Keres culture on Zuhi may be shown in several ways, thus: A specimen of red ware from a shrine on Thunder Mountain, an old Zuni site, is decorated with symbolic feathers recalling those on Sikyatki ware ascribed to eastern influence. The nonappearance of Keres and Tewa symbols on ancient pottery from the Zuni Valley ruins, Heshotauthla and Halonawan, and their 1As has been pointed out, the designs on ancient Zui ware are closely related to those of ruins farther down the Little Colorado, and are not Hopi. Modern Zuni as well as modern Hopi pueblos were influenced by Keres and Tewa culture superimposed on the preexisting culture, which largely came from the Gila. 2, No invariable connection was found in the relative position of this break and figures of birds or other animals inclosed by the broken band. The gaps in different encircling bands on the same bowl are either diametrically opposite each other or separated by a quadrant, a variation that would appear to indicate that they were not made use of in a determination of the orientation of the vessel while in ceremonial use, as is true of certain baskets of modern Navaho. FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH bAgalt existence in the mountain shrine above mentioned, implies that the latter settlement is more modern, and that the eastern clans united with preexisting Little Colorado clans comparatively late in its history. The first settlements in Zui Valley were made by colonists from the Gila. There are several ceremonies in the Walpi ritual which, like the New Fire, although immediately derived from Awa- tobi, came originally from Little Colorado pueblos, and other cere- Fic. 106.—Bird with double eyes. monies came directly to Walpi from the same original source. Among the former are those introduced by the Piba (Tobacco) clan, which brought to Walpi a secret fraternity called the Tataukyamu. This brotherhood came directly from Awatobi, but the Tobacco clan from which it was derived once lived in a pueblo on the Little Colo- rado, now a ruin at Chevlon, midway between Holbrook and Wins- low.1 The identification of the Chevlon ruin with the historic 1The author has the following evidence that the inhabitants of the village at Chevlon were the historic Chipias. The Hopi have a legend that the large ruin called Tcipiaiya by the Zuni was also situated on a river midway between Walpi and Zuii. The Hopi also say that the Chevlon pueblo was inhabited by the Piba (Tobacco) clan and that the Awatobi chief, Tapolo, who brought the Tataukyamu fraternity to Walpi from Awatobi, belonged to the Tobacco clan. The Tewa name of the Tataukyamu is Tcipiaiyu, or “men from Tcipia.” 272 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 Chipias has an important bearing on the age of the Little Colorado ruins, for Padre Arvide, a Franciscan missionary, was killed in 1632 by the Chipias, who lived west of Zuni. In other words, their pueblo was then inhabited. We know that the Piba joined Awatobi before 1700, or the year it was destroyed; consequently the desertion of the Chevlon ruin (Chipiaya, or Tcipiaiya) evidently occurred between 1632 and 1700, Fic. 107.—Two birds with rain clouds. not so much on account of Apache inroads as from fear of punish- ment by the Spaniards. As no clans from the other large pueblo on the Little Colorado or Homolobi joined Awatobi, we can not defi- nitely fix the date that this group fled to the north, but it was prob- ably not long after the time the Chevlon clans migrated to Awatobi, from which it follows that the Little Colorado settlements were in- habited up to the middle of the seventeenth century. While the 1Jt is known from an inscription on El Morro that a punitive expedition to avenge the death of Father Letrado was sent out under Lujan in the spring of 1632, hence the guilty inhabitants may have abandoned their settlement and departed for Hopi at about that time. FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH 273 Little Colorado clans did not influence the Sikyatki pottery, they did affect the potters of Awatobi to a limited extent and introduced some symbols into Walpi in the middle of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Among these influences may be mentioned those derived from Awatobi after its destruction in 1700. It is not possible to state definitely what modifications in pottery symbols were intro- duced into Walpi by the potters of the clans from Awatobi and the Little Colorado. Possibly no considerable modification resulted from their advent, as there was already more or less similarity in the pottery from these geographical localities. The southern clans introduced some novelties in ceremonies, especially in the Winter Solstice and New-fire festivals and in the rites of the Horned Serpent at the Spring Equinox. Symeots InrropuceD BY THE BapGer AND Kacuina CLANS As the clans which came to the Hopi country from Zuni were com- paratively late arrivals of Tewa colonists long after the destruction of Sikyatki, their potters exerted no influence on the Sikyatki potters. The ancient Hopi ceramic art had become extinct when the clans from Awatobi, the pueblos on the Little Colorado, and the late Tewa, united with the Walpi settlement on the East Mesa. The place whence we can now obtain information of the character of the sym- bolism of the Asa, Butterfly, Badger, and other Tewan clans is in certain ceremonies at Sichomovi, a pueblo near Walpi, settled by clans from Zuni and often called the Zuni pueblo by the Hopi. One of the Sichomovi ceremonies celebrated at Oraibi and Sichomovi on the East Mesa, in which we may find survivals of the earliest Tewa and Zuni symbolism, is called the Owakiilti. The Sichomovi variant of the Owakiilti shows internal sociologic relation to the Butterfly or Buli (Poli) clan resident in Awatobi before its fall. This state- ment is attested by certain stone slabs excavated from Awatobi mounds, on which are painted butterfly symbols. The Walpi Lala- konti, first described by the author and Mr. Owens in 1892, has also survivals of Awatobi designs. It appears that while it is not easy to trace any of the rich symbolism of Awatobi directly into Walpi pottery, it is possible to discover close relations between certain Awatobi symbols and others still employed in Walpi ceremonials. Sikyatki and Awatobi were probably inhabited synchronously and «us kindred people had a closeiy allied or identical symbolism; there is such a close relation between the designs on pottery from the two ruins that Awatobi symbols introduced into Walpi have a close likeness to those of Sikyatkit 1The Buli (Poli) clan is probably Tewa, as the word indicates, which would show that Tewa as well as Keres clans lived at Awatobi. No legend mentions Buli clans at Sikyatki, but several traditions locate them at Awatobi. 74936°—19—33 ETH 18 274 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 The natural conservatism in religious rites of all kinds has brought it about that many of the above-mentioned designs, although aban- doned in secular life of the Hopi, still persist in paraphernalia used in ceremonies. It is therefore pertinent to discuss some of these religious symbols with an idea of discovering whether they are asso- ciated with certain clans or ruins, and if so what light they shed on prehistoric migrations. In other words, here the ethnologists can afford us much information bearing on the significance of prehistoric symbols, One great difficulty in interpreting the prehistoric pictures of supernaturals depicted on ancient pottery by a comparison of the religious paraphernalia of the modern Hopi is a complex nomen- clature of supernatural beings that has been brought about by the perpetuation or survival of different clan names for the same being even after union of those clans. Thus we find the same Sky god with many others all practically aliases of one common conception. To complicate the matter still more, different attributal names are also sometimes used: The names Alosaka, Muyinwu, and Talatumsi are practically different designations of the same supernatural, while Tunwup, Ho, and Shalako appear to designate the same Sky-god personage. Cultus heroines, as the Marau mana, Shalako mana, Palahiko mana, and others, according as we follow one or another of the dialects, Keres or Tewa, are used interchangeably. This diversity in nomenclature has introduced a complexity in the Hopi mythology which is apparent rather than real in the Hopi Pantheon, as their many names would imply.t' The great nature gods of sky and earth, male and female, lightning and germination, no doubt arose as simple transfer of a germinative idea applied to cosmic phenomena and organic nature. The earliest creation myths were drawn largely from analogies of human and animal birth. The innumerable lesser or clan gods are naturally regarded as offspring of sky and earth, and man himself is born from Mother Earth. He was not specially created by a Great Spirit, which was foreign to Indians unmodified by white influences. As the number of bird designs on Sikyatki pottery far outnumber representations of other animals it is natural to interpret them by modern bird symbols or by modern personations of birds, many examples of which are known to the ethnological student of the Hopi. Tn one of a series of dances at Powamt, which occurs in February, men and boys personate the eagle, red hawk, humming bird, owl, cock, hen, mocking bird, quail, hawk, and other birds, each appro- priately dressed, imitating cries, and wearing an appropriate mask 1A unification of names of these gods would have resulted when the languages of the many different clans had been fused in religions, as the language was in secular usage. The survival of component names of Hopi gods is paralleled in the many ancient re- ligions. FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH ‘ PHS of the birds they represent. In a dance called Pamurti, a ceremony celebrated annually at Sichomovi, and said to have been derived from Zuni, personations of the same birds appear, the men of Walpi contributing to the performance. Homovi, one of the Hopi Indians who took part, made colored pictures representing all these birds, which may be found reproduced in the author’s article on Hopi katcinas.1 In the Hopi cosmogony the Sky god is thought to be father of all gods and human beings, and when personations of the subordinate supernaturals occur they are led to the pueblo by a personator of this great father of all life. The celebrations of the Powama, at the East Mesa of the Hopi, represent the return of the ancestors or kachinas of Walpi, while the Pamurti is the dramatization of the return of the kachinas of Sichomovi whose ancestors were Zuni kin. Life figures or animal forms, as birds, serpents, and insects, de- picted on Little Colorado pottery differ considerably from those on Sikyatki ware. Take, for instance, bird designs, the most abundant life forms on ancient pueblo pottery on the Little Colorado, as well as at Sikyatki. It needs but a glance at the figures of the former to show how marked the differences are. The leader of the kachinas in the Powami, which celebrates the return of these ancestral gods to the pueblo, Walpi, wears an elaborate dress and helmet with ap- pended feathers. He is led into the village by a masked man per- sonating Kototo.? Symepots Inrropucep rrom AWATOBI The women saved at Awatobi in the massacre of 1700, according to a legend, brought to Walpi the paraphernalia of a ceremony still observed, called the Mamzrauti. Naturally we should expect to find old Awatobi symbolism on this paraphernalia, which is still in use. The cultus heroine of the Mamzrauti is the Corn-mist maid, known by the name of Shalako mana or Palahiko mana.* We have several _ representations of this maid and their resemblance to the pictures of Shalako mana depicted by Hano potters would imply a common Tanoan origin. SmataKko Mana The most common figure on the third epoch of Hopi pottery, com- monly called modern Tewa and manufactured up to 1895 by Nampeo, a Hano potter, is a representation of the Corn maid, Shalako mana, 1 Twenty-first Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn. ?Tbid., p. 76. Eototo, also called Masaufi, was the tutelary of Sikyatki, as Alosaka or Muyinwu was of Awatobi. 2A somewhat similar personage to Shalako mana in Aztec ceremonies was called Xalaquia (Shalakia). 276 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [prH. ANN. 33 who, as shown, is the same personage as Marau mana and Palahiko mana in the festival of the Mamzrauti derived from Awatobi. The symbol of this goddess is instructive and easily recognized in its many variations. Her picture on Hano pottery is shown in fig- ure 108. The most striking features of her symbolism, brought out in plate 89,.are terraced bodies representing rain clouds on the head, an ear of maize symbol on the forehead, curved lines over the mouth, chevrons on the cheeks, conventionalized wings, and feathered gar- ment. It is also not uncommon to find carved representations of Tic. 108.—Head of Shalako mana, or Corn maid. squash blossoms occupying the same positions as the whorls of hair on the heads of Hopi maidens. The Shalakotaka male is likewise a common design readily recog- nized on modern pottery. Particularly abundant are figures of the mask of a Kohonino god, allied to Shalako, which is likewise called a kachina, best shown in paraphernalia of the Mamzrauti ceremony. It sometimes happens in Hopi dramatization that pictures of supernatural beings and idols of the same take the place of per- sonations by priests. For instance, instead of a girl or a woman representing the Corn maid, this supernatural is depicted on a slab of wood or represented by a wooden idol. One of the best-known fig- ures of the Corn maid (Shalako mana) is here introduced (pl. 89) to THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 89 it BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY S&S ZC] iticthl ig | Mh TLL LA SHALAKO MANA, CORN MAID (FROM TABLET DANCE) ma) AOR ia : Keita 3 ms NE. eae “ ny BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ee ro THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 90 ‘ ‘ 3 j- ; = ‘ TOP OF BUTTERFLY VASE Sy ay ie Se ec ee ny = = FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH 277 illustrate the relation of old Awatobi and existing Hopi symbolism; a modern figure (108) of this Corn maid, painted on a wooden slab, is sometimes carried by the Waipi women in their dance. Figures of the Awatobi germ god, Alosaka, otherwise called Muyinwit,* are depicted on the slabs used by most of the women at that time. The different designs on the slab under consideration (pl. 89) are indicated by letters and explained as follows: a represents a circular fragment of the haliotis or abalone shell hanging midway from a figure of an ear of corn, c. The cheeks are tattooed or painted with characteristic figures, cb, the eyes rectangular of different colors. The letter d is a representation of a wooden ear pendant, a square, flat body covered on one side with a mosaic of turquoise sometimes arranged in figures. The letter ¢ is the end of a string by which the ceremonial blanket is tied over the left shoulder, the right arm being free, as shown in the illustration. Over the right shoulder, however, is thrown a ceremonial embroidered kilt, fb. The objects in the hands represent feathers and recall one type of the conventional feathers figured in the preceding pages. The letters fr represent falling rain embroidered on the rim of the ceremonial blanket and rc the terraced rain clouds which in are become rounded above; g represents a turquoise at the end of a string of tur- quoise suspended from shell necklaces sn; m represents the butterfly and is practically identical with the decorations on dados of old Hopi houses; s represents a star; sb represents shell bracelets, many ex- amples of which occur in ruins along the Little Colorado; ss is sup- posed to have replaced the key patterns which some authorities iden- tify as sprouting beans. There are commonly nine rectangular mark- ings, nc, on the upper border of the embroidered region of ceremonial blankets and kilts, each of which represents either a month or a day, by some said to refer to ceremonial or germ periods.* The Shalako mana figures have not yet been found in the unmodi- fied Little Colorado ware, but homologous figures have been found in the Rio Grande area. The design (pl. 88, d) with a horn on the ‘eft side of the head and a rectangle on the right, the face being occupied by a terrace figure from which hang parallel lines, reminds one of the “ coronets ” worn on the head by the Lakone maids (manas) in the Walpi Basket dance of the Lalakonti. The horn in the coronet is without terminal appendages, although a feather is tied to it, and the rectangle of plate 88, d, is replaced by radiating slats spotted and pointed at 1 An account of this dance with details of the nine days’ ceremony as presented in the major or October variant will be found in the American Anthropologist, July, 1892. The minor or Winter ceremony, in which the Corn maids are personated by girls, is published in the same journal for 1900. The Corn maid has several aliases in this ceremony, among which are Shalako mana, Palahiko mana, and Marau mama. ?This Corn maid is one of the most common figures represented by dolls. 278 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 their ends, said to represent the sunflower. The whole design in plate 88, d, represents a bird, recalling that of the figure Marautiyo on one of the appended slabs of the altar of the Walpi Marau cere- mony. In this altar figure we find not only a horn on the left side of the head, but also a rectangular design on the right. On the corresponding right-hand side of this altar we have a pic- ture of Marau mana (Shalako mana). It will thus appear that when compared with the Lakone coronet the figure on the Shongopovi bowl represents a female being, whereas when compared with the figure on the Marau altar it resembles a male being. There is, there- fore, something wrong in my comparison. But the fact remains that there survive in the two woman’s festivals—Lakone maid’s coronet and Marau altar—resemblances to prehistoric Hopi designs from Shongopovi. Moreover, it is known that the Marau fetishes are stated by the chief Saliko to have been introduced from Awatobi into Walpi by her ancestor who was saved at the massacre of that town in 1700. The life figures of the Tanoan epoch, or that following the overthrow of Sikyatki, can be made out by a study of modern Hano pottery. Perhaps the most complex of these is that of the Corn maid, Shalako mana. Shalako mana plays a great rdle in the Mamzrauti, a ceremony derived from Awatobi, and figures repre- senting her are common designs made on Hano pottery. Designs representing this being are common on the peculiar basket plaques made at the Middle Mesa and dolls of her are abundant. The con- stant presence of her pictures on basket plaques at the Middle Mesa would also seem to show an ancient presence in the Hopi country, and indicate an identity of pottery designs from ancient Shumopavi with those from the East Mesa and Awatobi.? One of her modern Walpi ceremonies has such pronounced A watobi symbolism that it may be instanced as showing derivation; viz, the New-fire festival. The women of the Marau and the men of the Tataukyamti regard themselves kindred, and taunt each other, as only friends may without offence, in this festival, and the Tatau- kyamfi often introduce a burlesque Shalako mana into their per- formances. 1The two parallel lines on the two outside tail feathers recall the markings on the face of the War god Puiikonighoya. 2A personation of Shalako mana at Oraibi, according to Mr. H. R. Voth, came from Mishongnovi. This conforms exactly with the legends that state the Mamzrauti may have been introduced into Mishongnoyvi from Awatobi, for at the division of the captive women at Maski many of the women went to that pueblo. ®See Fewkes, The New-fire Ceremony at Walpi, pp. 80-138. The New-fire rites at Walpi are celebrated in November, when four societies, Aaltf, Wiiwiitcimtf, Tataukyamf, and Kwakwantt, take part. As in all new-fire ceremonies, phallic or generative rites are prominent, the Wiiwiitcimtf and Tataukyamfi who kindle the fire being conspicuous in these rites. Their bodies have phallic emblems painted on them and the latter bear Zui symbols. FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH 279 The designs painted on the bodies and heads of several modern dolls representing Corn maids are symbols whose history is very ancient in the tribe. For instance, those of feathers date back to prehistoric times, and terraced designs representing rain clouds are equally ancient. The dolls of the Corn maid (Shalako mana) pre- sent a variety of forms of feathers and the headdresses of many dolls represent kachinas, and show feathers sometimes represented by sticks on which characteristic markings are painted, but more often they represent symbols.* Symeots or Hano Crans Hano, as is well known, is a Tewan pueblo, situated on the East Mesa, which was the last great body of Tewa colonists to migrate to Hopiland. While other Tewa colonists lost their language and be- came Hopi, the inhabitants of Hano still speak Tewa and still pre- serve some of their old ceremonies, and consequently many of their own symbols. Here were found purest examples of the Tanoan epoch. The potters of clans introduced symbols on their ware radically different from those of Sikyatki, the type of the epoch of the finest Hopi ceramics, and replaced it by Tewan designs which characterize Hopi pottery from 1710 to 1895, when a return was suddenly made to the ancient type through the influence of Nampeo. At that date she began to cleverly imitate Sikyatki ware and abandoned de toto symbols introduced by Hano and other Tewa clans. Fortunately there exist good collections of the Tewa epoch of Hopi ceramics, but the ever-increasing demand by tourists for ancient ware induced Nampeo to abandon the Tewa clan symbols she for- merly employed and to substitute those of ancient Sikyatki.? The majority of the specimens of Hano pottery, like those of the Tanoan epoch to which it belongs, are decorated with pictures of clan ancients called kachinas. These have very little resemblance to de- signs characteristic of the Sikyatki epoch. They practically belong to the same type as those introduced by Kachina, Asa, and Badger peoples. One of the most common of these is the design above dis- 1The designs on the wooden slats carried by women in the dance known as the Marau ceremony are remarkably like some of those on Awatobi and Sikyatki pottery. 2Much of the pottery offered for sale by Harvey and other dealers in Indian objects along the Santa Fe Railroad in Arizona and New Mexico is imitation prehistoric Hopi ware made by Nampeo. The origin of this transformation was due partly to the author, who in the year named was excavating the Sikyatki ruins and graves. Nampeéo and her husband, Lesou, came to his camp, borrowed paper and pencil, and copied many of the ancient symbols found on the pottery vessels unearthed, and these she has reproduced on pottery of her own manufacture many times since that date. It is therefore necessary, at the very threshold of our study, to urge discrimination between modern and ancient pottery in the study of Hopi ware, and careful elimination of imitations. The modern pottery referred to is easily distinguished from the prehistoric, inasmuch as the modern is not made with as much care or attention to detail as the ancient. Also the surface of the modern pottery is coated with a thin slip which crackles in firing. 280 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 83 cussed representing Shalako mana, the Corn maid, shown in figure 109. In this figure we have the face represented by a circle in the center and many lenticular figures arranged in rows attached to the Fic. 109.—Head of Kokle, or Earth woman. neck and shoulders corresponding to the appendages explained in figure 108. It is said in the legends that when the Corn maid ap- peared to men she was enveloped in fleecy clouds and wore a feathered garment. These are indicated by the curved figures covered with dots and the parallel linesonthe body. Feather symbols recalling those of the Sikyatki epoch hang from appendages to the head representing rain clouds. In figure 109 we have a representation of the head with surrounding clouds, and portions of the body of a kachina, called Kokle, who is personated in Winter cere- monies. It is instructive to note that this figure has symbols on the head that recall the Sikyatki epoch. The ancient Tewan Fic. 110.—Head of Hahaiwugti, or Earth woman, earth goddess, Hahaiwugti, is represented in figure 110. She appears also in figure 111, where her picture is painted on a ladle, the handle of which represents an ancient Tewan clown called by the Hano people Paiakyamt. FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH 281 The War god, Piiikon hoya, also a Tewan incorporation in the Hopi pantheon, appears frequently on pottery of the Tanoan epoch, as shown in figure 112. This figure, painted on a terra-cotta slab, is iden- tified by the two parallel marks on each cheek. CONCLUSION In the preceding pages an attempt has been made to trace the chrono- logical sequence of pottery symbols in Hopiland by pointing out distinct epochs in cultural history and corre- lating the sociology of the tribe. This takes for granted that the pottery symbols characteristic of this people are directly connected with certain clans. There have from time to time been sudden changes in symbols, or previous designs have suddenly dis- — appeared and others have taken their Fie. 111.—Ladle with clown caryed places, as well as a slow development cadre Se Ona OF of existing symbols into more com- plicated forms. There persist everywhere survivals of old pre- puebloan symbols inherited from the past and a creation of new products of Hopi environment not found elsewhere. The author will close this paper with a brief theoretical account of the un- written culture history of Hopi, part of which explains certain pottery symbols. If we take that segment of southwestern history extending from the earliest to the present, we find evidences of the exist- ence of a prepuebloan culture existing before terraced houses were built or cir- cular kivas had been used for ceremonial purposes. This epoch was antecedent to the construction of the great walled com- , =—+—— pounds of the Gila, illustrated by Casa Pic. eiliagie on hoya, little Grande. At that epoch known as the pre- ; , puebloan there extended from Utah to the Mexican boundary and from the Colorado to the Rio Grande a culture architecturally characterized by small fragile-walled houses not united or terraced. These houses were sometimes like pit dwellings, either Valet ok Sie Sy 282 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [BTH. ANN. 33 partially or wholly subterranean. When above ground their walls were supported by upright logs in which canes or brushes were woven and covered with mud, the roofs being made of cedar bark or straw overlaid with adobe. The pottery of this early prehistoric epoch was smooth, painted mainly with geometric patterns, corrugated, or indented. Rectilinear or curved lines constituted the majority of the superficial decorations and life designs were few or altogether wanting. In addition to these architectural and ceramic characteristics, this prepuebloan cultural stage was distinguished by many other features, to mention which would take us too far afield and would be out of place in this article. Evidences of this stage or epoch occur everywhere in the Southwest and survival of the archaic characters enumerated are evident in all subsequent epochs. The so-called “ unit type” or pure pueblo culture grew out of this early condition and was at first localized in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado, where it was autochthonous. Its essential feature is the terraced communal house and the simplest form of the pueblo, thé “unit type,” first pointed out by Dr. T. Mitchell Prud- den—a combination of dwelling houses, with a man’s house or kiva and a cemetery. The dwellings are made of stone or clay and are terraced, the kiva is subterranean and circular, embedded in or surrounded by other rooms. The “unit type” originated in Colo- rado and, spreading in all directions, replaced the preexisting houses with fragile walls. Colonists from its center extended down the San Juan to the Hopi country and made their way easterly across the Rio Grande and southerly to the headwaters of the Gila and Little Colorado, where they met other clans of specialized pre- puebloan culture who had locally developed an architecture of Great House style characteristic of the Gila and Salt River Valleys. The essential differences between the terraced pueblo and the pre- viously existing fragile-walled house culture are two: The terraced architecture results from one house being constructed above an- other, the kiva or subterranean ceremonial room being separated or slightly removed from the secular houses. An explanation of the origin of the terraced pueblo is evident. This form of house implies a limited site or a congestion of houses on a limited area. An open plain presents no limitation in lateral coristruction ; there is plenty of room to expand in all directions to accommodate the enlargement which results as a settlement increases in population. In a cave conditions are otherwise; expansion is lim- ited. When the floor of the cavern is once covered with rooms the only additions which can possibly be made must be vertically. In protection lies the cause of the development of a terraced architecture such as the pueblos show, for the early people con- FEWKES] TANOAN EPOCH 283 structed their fragile-walled habitations in a cavern, and as an en- largement of their numbers occurred they were obliged to construct the terraced pueblos called cliff-dwellings, with rooms closely ap- proximated and constructed in terraces. In the course of time these cliff-dwellers moved out of their caverns into the river valleys or to the mesa summits, carrying with them the terraced architecture, which, born in caverns, survived in their new environment. This explanation is of course hypothetical, but not wholly without a basis in fact, for we find survivals of the prepuebloan architecture scat- tered throughout the Southwest, especially on the periphery of the terraced house area, as well as in the area itself. The ancient ter- raced house architecture is confined to a limited area, but around its ancient border are people whose dwellings are characterized by fragile-walled architecture. These are the survivals of the pre- puebloan culture. The environmental conditions along the San Juan and its tribu- taries in Colorado and New Mexico render it a particularly favorable culture center from which the pure pueblo type may have originated, and although observations have not yet gone far enough to prove that here was the place of origin of the unit type, and therefore of pueblo culture, there are strong indications that a fable of the Pueblos, that they came from the caves in the north, is not without legendary foundation so far as their origin is concerned. The term “cliff-dwelling,’ once supposed to indicate a distinct stage of development, refers only to the site and is a feature inade- quate for classification or chronology. All cliff-dwellings do not belong to the same structural type. There is little similarity save in site between Spruce-tree House on the Mesa Verde, and Montezuma Castle in the Verde Valley; the former belongs to the “ pure pueblo type,” the latter to another class of buildings related to “ compounds ” of the tributaries of the Gila and Salt River valleys. AUTHORITIES CITED FEWKES, JESSE WALTER. Snake ceremonials at Walpi. Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol, Iv, pp. 1-126. Boston and New York, 1894. Archeological expedition to Arizona in 1895. Seventeenth Annual Re- port of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 2, pp. 519-742. Washington, 1898. Winter solstice altars at Hano pueblo. American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 251-276. New York, 1899. The New-fire ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. i, no. 1, pp. 80-138. New York, 1900. ———. The lesser New-fire ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. 111, no. 3, pp. 488-458. New York, 1901. Hopi katcinas. Twenty-first Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri- can Ethnology, pp. 13-126. Washington, 1903. Two summers’ work in Pueblo ruins. Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 1, pp. 17-195. Washington, 1904. Hopi ceremonial frames from Canon de Chelly, Arizona. American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. vit, no. 4, pp. 664-670. Lancaster, 1906. Hopi shrines near the East Mesa, Arizona. American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. vii, no. 2, pp. 346-875. Lancaster, 1908. The butterfly in Hepi myth and ritual. American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. x11, no. 4, pp. 576-594. Lancaster, 1910. Matrery, Garrick. On the pictographs of the North American Indians. Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 13-256. Washington, 1886. 284 a UY of : on ahd nl we - © >f¢ - xen Mes a ai oe a =a Ts « aa a me i - ae hae P 7 = ~€ i a ad a — - = Te. a a iy h——— ar 97 7 G rn 7 _ a i IRT PLATE 91 THIRTY-THIRD ANNUAL REP<¢ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY A KAHUNA OR NATIVE SORCERER THE HAWAIIAN ROMANCE OF LAIEIKAWAI WITH INTRODUCTION AND TRANSLATION BY MARTHA WARREN BECKWITH Mere Oe Viren tert FS PREFACE This work of translation has been undertaken out of love for the land of Hawaii and for the Hawaiian people. To all those who have generously aided to further the study I wish to express my grate- ful thanks. I am indebted to the curator and trustees of the Bishop Museum for so kindly placing at my disposal the valuable manu- scripts in the museum collection, and to Dr. Brigham, Mr. Stokes, and other members of the museum staff for their help and sugges- tions, as well as to those scholars of Hawaiian who have patiently answered my questions or lent me valuable material—to Mr. Henry Parker, Mr. Thomas Thrum, Mr. William Rowell, Miss Laura Green, Mr. Stephen Desha, Judge Hazelden of Waiohinu, Mr. Curtis Taukea, Mr. Edward Lilikalani, and Mrs. Emma Nawahi. Espe- cially am I indebted to Mr. Joseph Emerson, not only for the gen- erous gift of his time but for free access to his entire collection of manuscript notes. My thanks are also due to the hosts and hostesses through whose courtesy I was able to study in the field, and to Miss Ethel Damon for her substantial aid in proof reading. Nor would I forget to record with grateful appreciation those Hawaiian in- terpreters whose skill and patience made possible the rendering into English of their native romance—Mrs. Pokini Robinson of Maui, Mr. and Mrs. Kamakaiwi of Pahoa, Hawaii, Mrs. Kama and Mrs. Supé of Kalapana, and Mrs. Julia Bowers of Honolulu. I wish also to express my thanks to those scholars in this country who have kindly helped me with their criticism—to Dr. Ashley Thorndike, Dr. W. W. Lawrence, Dr. A. C. L. Brown, and Dr. A. A. Golden- weiser. I am indebted also to Dr. Roland Dixon for bibliographical notes. Above all, thanks are due to Dr. Franz Boas, without whose wise and helpful enthusiasm this study would never have been undertaken. Marrua Warren Beck wirn. Corume1a UNIveERsITY, October, 1917. 287 \* © ep wen eae . we rome wth i ie AD M : ( aa f f a \ wr te Tica i st ou } ¢ P ; oP weed’ Pi 9 Lil el id 4 Wye he aid Ye fh rm) ' i i " i, yi Loa i) ee aii i ¥ { ek Of My P ewluc puifeni wane: Peet: fits al (vss i =) f i yi jen eas rey bight re De vieiny M : werk bint TA ei af Hint wily ant wig ae : ’ ; : Pe | rng ry Ah ea ntiliguaar rad ae = ‘ fal _ La am fe} TW eyeds | F it Od oa ‘ wis * yacio i 4 a ) eeiault Leb ies dite! oo eater ae A they dnt ty te torah Blacwaot Jann as AT shoo vi, ndisat May a Pat ee i Ui mrrnriyai) via iSite if net ili ral rt ute] Te a aay Mi f ; wee | at af i han Sigel i] Titay ‘oe alt wondival . 7 ~ ; aot gfeuh Hindh, ptesaleelat OR Ayes abt al ‘veh LV aja yah ait iiatton vertiu qfl-aek eae nt. oO nD Ht Me Tike on 7 dismedtaniit Erik weles Tear wah ea iE \ A a beg mete od Gabe btat borane 2 ae } ; a wel yer ener hy ay ; ts) set Li he tees yy Ng ae ‘ a 3 me! ite aey Salt Cw pbblenotne ab ede Ve vaio ie a - taf oo wiht ii { ik bern a) t atl ome Vee qu te i Bie ; iv pi . bei | | U if yl ay wih ( Windaiiadl: H ts daw yalab oll WW elie th ae Uh au of B fiery a oie : wid ia itl hii ut Bele aval ity wid » & Hi i Pee nletet nag eadlits wht Noe ed HA oy omunphiay aver 7 : Ma tl Wiphde yt rie iD AD . ', Ms | i ile il wen gm Ait bby ny u aha 1 be hea vine na ve $i ay} ¥ (i bt ‘ 1 ¥ i th yall ‘Soh nt ith Mi one dad with, Laote Dir hin whi A 1a = | H ie nee Ih rush waa y abel | ae a fous! ny save \ Se ota Ai oi ; ; ho 7 { it i so ae ¥ Wynd i on, ¥ tages \ >, ; | ‘) 4 , ~ i ie a i} Pits a U ie! er 1 7 . Ms <1) 4 CONTENTS II. Nature and the Gods as reflected in the story............-.-..--.--- . Polynesian origin of Hawaiian romance.............-...----- rib OliyMESLANYCOSM OP OMY an ce meee enn s ice iain eieineae Seen ubherdemisodpas ther en mie ceteris eee eer tints ei aisie/ie . The earthly paradise; divinity in man and nature............ +) Lhe story -mtemythicallicharacten 5-- eee eases seen ee eceeeer 554 XXVIII. The Eyeball-of-the-Sun.........-.-.-. Genes Spee Tea e 562 XXIX. The warning of vengeance. 2_:.....--.\..--.-.----- Pe 572 XEXSXE Ther comineof the Beloviedss-. ose aes eeaeseeee 57 XOXSG The!!Beloved falls 'into\sin@-s\- 22-522 --ss-ee ee een 584 RENEKMeThev Lwin: Sister 22.2 <2224 sees sean se a eee eee eee 592 eXSxeXGe he) Worian, of Jean a serene =a ae 600 XSXOXMV he) Woman of the Mwaltght ese ose senna ee aes 608 Notes! OnjbhOitextep testes: t\> oeianere ai onl a sme e meio eet alee ee eee 616 Appendix: Abstracts from Hawaiian stories............--.-.--.-...---.----- 631 I. Song of Creation, as translated by Liliuokalani.......-.........-.--- 634 II. Chants relating to the origin of the group.............--------------- 634 III. Hawaiian folk tales, romances, or moolelo..........--.-...--.----- 636 Index toreferences!: ~ <-jsaccc So cise peter asiere oe wisinic ciate ates ere aerate rarer 664 PuLaTE 91 92 93 94 95 ILLUSTRATIONS . A kahuna or native sorcerer . In the forests of Puna . A Hawaiian paddler . Mauna Kea in its mantle of snow 8) nota ie A et of Sol ses aye ton rune % says a) a | tor etevok odd ach le 7 1 lowng ealirwmll A da 7 Wns wht: an ofl i pod pir abd ay! ah Sea wy pial qari nvlas ont cade 5 THE HAWAITAN ROMANCE OF LATEIKAWAI WITH INTRODUCTION AND TRANSLATION By MarrHa WARREN BECKWITH INTRODUCTION I. Tae Book anv rrs Writer; Score or THE Present Eprrion wooing of a native chiefess of high rank and her final deifi- cation among the gods. The story was handed down orally from ancient times in the form of a kaao, a narrative rehearsed in prose interspersed with song, in which form old tales are still recited by Hawaiian story-tellers It was put into writing by a native Ha- waiian, ‘Haleole by name, who hoped thus to awaken in his country- men an interest in genuine native story-telling based upon the folk- lore of their race and preserving its ancient customs—already fast disappearing since Cook’s rediscovery of the group in 1778 opened the way to foreign influence—and by this means to inspire in them old ideals of racial glory. Haleole was born about the time of the death of Kaméhaméha I, a year or two before the arrival of the first American missionaries and the establishment of the Protestant mission in Hawaii. In 1834 he entered the mission school at Lahai- naluna, Maui, where his interest in the ancient history of his people was stimulated and trained under the teaching of Lorrin Andrews, compiler of the Hawaiian dictionary, published in 1865, and Sheldon Dibble, under whose direction David Malo prepared his collection of “Hawaiian Antiquities,’ and whose History of the Sandwich Islands (1848) is an authentic source for the early history of the mission. Such early Hawaiian writers as Malo, Kamakau, and John Ii were among Haleole’s fellow students. After leaving school he became first a teacher, then an editor. In the early sixties he brought out the Laietkawai, first as a serial in the Hawaiian Ts Laieikawai is a Hawaiian romance which recounts the 1Compare the Fijian story quoted by Thomson (p. 6). 293 294 HAWAIIAN ROMANCE OF LAIEIKAWAI [ETH. ANN. 33 newspaper, the Awokoa, then, in 1863, in book form.t Later, in 1885, two part-Hawaiian editors, Bolster and Meheula, revised and re- printed the story, this time in pamphlet form, together with several other romances culled from Hawaiian journals, as the initial volumes of a series of Hawaiian reprints, a venture which ended in financial failure? The romance of Laieikawai therefore remains the sole piece of Hawaiian imaginative writing to reach book form, Not only this, but it represents the single composition of a Polynesian mind working upon the material of an old legend and eager to create a genuine national literature. As such it claims a kind of classic interest. ‘ The language, although retaining many old words unfamiliar to the Hawaiian of to-day, and proverbs and expressions whose meaning is now doubtful, is that employed since the time of the reduction of the speech to writing in 1820, and is easily read at the present day. Andrews incorporated the vocabulary of this romance into his dictionary, and in only a few cases is his interpretation to be ques- tioned. The songs, though highly figurative, present few difficulties. So far as the meaning is concerned, therefore, the translation is sufli- ciently accurate. But as regards style the problem is much more 1 Daggett calls the story ‘“‘a supernatural folklore legend of the fourteenth century,” and includes an excellent abstract of the romance, prepared by Dr. W. D. Alexander, in his collection of Hawaiian legends. Andrews says of it (Islander, 1875, p. 27): “ We have seen that a Hawaiian Kaao or legend was composed ages ago, recited and kept in memory merely by repetition, until a short time since it was reduced to writing by a Hawaiian and printed, making a duodecimo volume of 220 pages, and that, too, with the poetical parts mostly left out. It is said that this legend took six hours in the recital.” In prefacing his dictionary he says: “The Kaao of Laieikawai is almost the only specimen of that species of language which has been laid before the public. Many fine specimens have been printed in the Hawaiian periodicals, but are neither seen nor regarded by the foreign community.” 2 The changes introduced by these editors have not been followed in this edition, except in a few unimportant omissions, but the popular song printed below appears first in its pages : “ Aia Laie-i-ka-wai Behold Laieikawai I ka uka wale la o Pali-uli; On the uplands of Paliuli; O ka nani, o ka nani, Beautiful, beautiful, Helu ekahi o ia uka. The storied one of the uplands, “FE nanea e walea ana paha, Rer.—Perhaps resting at peace, I ka leo nahenahe o na manu. To the melodious voice of the birds. “Kau mai Laie-i-ka-wal Laieikawai rests here I ka ehcu la o na manu; On the wings of the birds; O ka nani, o ka nani, Beautiful, beautiful, Helu ekahi o Pali-uli. The storied one of the uplands. “FE nanea, etc. “Ua lohe paha i ka hone mai, She has heard perhaps the playing O ka pu lau-i a Malio; Of Malio’s ti-leaf trumpet; Honehone, honehone, Playfully, playfully, Helu ekahi o Hopoe. The storied one of Hopoe. “E nanea, etc.’’ BECKWITH] INTRODUCTION 295 difficult. To convey not only the meaning but exactly the Hawaiian way of seeing things, in such form as to get the spirit of the original, is hardly possible to our language. The brevity of primitive speech must be sacrificed, thus accentuating the tedious repetition of de- tail—a trait sufficiently characteristic of Hawaiian story-telling. Then, too, common words for which we have but one form, in the original employ a variety of synonyms. “Say” and “see” are con- spicuous examples. Other words identical in form convey to the Polynesian mind a variety of ideas according to the connection in which they are used—a play upon words impossible to translate in a foreign idiom. Again, certain relations that the Polynesian con- ceives with exactness, like those of direction and the relation of the person addressed to the group referred to, are foreign to our own idiom ; others, like that of time, which we have more fully developed, the Polynesian recognizes but feebly. In face of these difficulties the translator has reluctantly foregone any effort to heighten the charm of the strange tale by using a fictitious idiom or by condensing and invigorating its deliberation. Haleole wrote his tale painstakingly, at times dramatically, but for the most part concerned for its historic interest. We gather from his own statement and from the breaks in the story that his material may have been collected from different sources. It seems to have been common to incorporate a Laieika- wai episode into the popular romances, and of these episodes Haleole may have availed himself. But we shall have something more to say of his sources later; with his particular style we are not concerned. The only reason for presenting the romance complete in all its original dullness and unmodified to foreign taste is with the definite object of showing as nearly as possible from the native angle the genuine Polynesian imagination at work upon its own material, reconstructing in this strange tale of the “ Woman of the Twilight” its own objective world, the social interests which regulate its actions and desires, and by this means to portray the actual character of the Polynesian mind. This exact thing has not before been done for Hawaiian story and I do not recall any considerable romance in a Polynesian tongue so rendered.t_ Admirable collections of the folk tales of Hawaii have been gathered by Thrum, Remy, Daggett, Emerson, and Westervelt, to which should be added the manuscript tales collected by Fornander, translated by John Wise, and now edited by Thrum for the Bishop Museum, from which are drawn the examples accompanying this paper. But in these collections the lengthy recitals which may last 1Dr. N. B. Emerson’s rendering of the myth of Pele and Hiiaka quotes only the poeti- cal portions. Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani interested herself in providing a trans- lation of the Laieikawai, and the Hon. Sanford B. Dole secured a partial translation of the story; but neither of these copies has reached the publisher’s hands. 296 HAWAIIAN ROMANCE OF LAIEIKAWAI [ETH. ANN. 33 several hours in the telling or run for a couple of years as serial in some Hawaiian newspaper are of necessity cut down to a summary narrative, sufliciently suggesting the flavor of the original, but not picturing fully the way in which the image is formed in the mind of the native story-teller. Foreigners and Hawaiians have expended much ingenuity in rendering the mélé or chant with exactness,’ but the much simpler if less important matter of putting into literal English a Hawaiian kaao has never been attempted. To the text such ethnological notes have been added as are needed to make the context clear. These were collected in the field. Some were gathered directly from the people themselves; others from those who had lived long enough among them to understand their customs; others still from observation of their ways and of the localities mentioned in the story; others are derived from published texts. An index of characters, a brief description of the local back- ground, and an abstract of the story itself prefaces the text; appended to it is a series of abstracts from the Fornander collection, of Hawaiian folk stories, all of which were collected by Judge For- nander in the native tongue and later rendered into English by a native translator. These abstracts illustrate the general character of Hawaiian story-telling, but specific references should be examined in the full text, now being edited by the Bishop Museum. The index to references includes all the Hawaiian material in available form essential to the study of romance, together with the more useful Polynesian material for comparative reference. It by no means com- prises a bibliography of the entire subject. IJ. Narure AND THE Gops AS REFLECTED IN THE STORY 1. POLYNESIAN ORIGIN OF HAWATIAN ROMANCE Truly to interpret Hawaiian romance we must realize at the start its relation to the past of that people, to their origin and migrations, their social inheritance, and the kind of physical world to which their experience has been confined. Now, the real body of Hawaiian folklore belongs to no isolated group, but to the whole Polynesian area. From New Zealand through the Tongan, Ellice, Samoan, Society, Rarotongan, Marquesan, and Hawaiian groups, fringing upon the Fijian and the Micronesian, the same physical character- 1The most important of these chants translated from the Hawaiian are the “ Song of Creation,” prepared by Liliuokalani; the ‘ Song of Kualii,’’ translated by both Lyons and Wise, and the prophetic song beginning “ Haui ka lani,’ translated by Andrews and edited by Dole. To these should be added the important songs cited by Fornander, in full or in part, which relate the origin of the group, and perhaps the name song begin- ning “ The fish ponds of Mana,” quoted in Fornander’s tale of Lonoikamakahiki, the canoe-chant in Kana, and the wind chants in Pakaa, BECKWITH] INTRODUCTION 297 istics, the same language, customs, habits of life prevail; the same arts, the same form of worship, the same gods. And a common stock of tradition has passed from mouth to mouth over the same area. In New Zealand, as in Hawaii, men tell the story of Maui’s fishing and the theft of fire.t A close comparative study of the tales from each group should reveal local characteristics, but for our purpose the Polynesian race is one, and its common stock of tradition, which at the dispersal and during the subsequent periods of migration was carried as common treasure-trove of the imagination as far as New Zealand on the south and Hawaii on the north, and from the western Fiji to the Marquesas on the east, repeats the same adventures among similar surroundings and colored by the same interests and desires. This means, in the first place, that the race must have developed for a long period of time in some common home of origin before the dispersal came, which sent family groups migrating along the roads of ocean after some fresh land for settlement ;* in the second place, it reflects a period of long voyaging which brought about interchange of culture between far distant groups.’ As the Crusades were the great exchange for west European folk stories, so the days of the voyagers were the Polynesian crusading days. The roadway through the seas was traveled by singing bards who carried their tribal songs as a race heritage into the new land of their wanderings. Their inns for hostelry were islets where the boats drew up along the beach and the weary oarsmen grouped about the ovens where their hosts prepared cooked food for feasting. Tales traveled thus from group to group with a readiness which only a common tongue, common interests, and a common delight could foster, coupled with the constant competition of family rivalries. 1 Bastian in Samoanische Schépfungssage (p. 8) says: ‘ Oceanien (im Zusammenbegriff von Polynesien und Mikronesien) repriisentirt (bei vorliiufigem Ausschluss yon Mela- nesien schon) einen Flichenraum, der alles Aehnliche auf dem Globus intellectualis weit tibertrifft (von Hawaii bis Neu-Seeland, von der Oster-Insel bis zu den Marianen), und wenn es sich hier um Inseln handelt durch Meeresweiten getrennt, ist aus solch insularer Differenzirung gerade das Hilfsmittel comparativer Methode geboten fiir die Induction, um dasselbe, wie biologisch sonst, hier auf psychologischem Arbeitsfelde zur Verwendung zu bringen.” Compare: Kriimer, p. 394; Finck, in Royal Scientific Society of Géttingen, 1909. 2 Lesson says of the Polynesian groups (1, 378): ““On sait . . . que’ tous ont, pour loi civile et religieuse, la méme interdiction; que leurs institutions, leurs céré- monies sont semblables; que leurs croyances sont fonci€rement identiques; qu’ils ont le méme culte, les mémes coutumes, les mémes usages principaux; qu’ils ont enfin les mémes mceurs et les mémes traditions. Tout semble done, a priori, annoncer que, quelque soit leur éloignement les uns des autres, les Polynésiens ont tiré d'une méme source cette communauté d'idées et de langage; qu’ils ne sont, par conséquent, que les tribus dispersées d’une méme nation, et que ces tribus ne se sont séparées qu’A une époque ot la langue et les idées politiques et religieuses de cette nation étaient déja fixées.”’ 3 Compare: Stair, Old Samoa, p. 271; White, 1, 176; Fison, pp. 1, 19; Smith, Hawaiki, p. 123; Lesson, 11, 207, 209; Grey, pp. 108-234; Baessler, Neue Siidsee-Bilder, p. 113; Thomson, p. 15. . 298 HAWAIIAN ROMANCE OF LAIEIKAWAI [ETI. ANN. 33 Hawaiian tradition reflects these days of wandering. A chief vows to wed no woman of his own group but only one fetched from “the land of good women.” An ambitious priest seeks overseas a leader of divine ancestry.