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FORTY- FIRST 
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE 


U.S. BUREAU OF 
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


TO THE SECRETARY OF THE 
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 


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UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON 
1928 


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U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON, D.C 
AT 
$2.50 PER COPY (CLOTH) 


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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, 
Bureau OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, 
Washington, D. C., July 1, 1924. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the Forty-first 
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, con- 
taining the administrative reports of the bureau for the 
fiscal years ended June 30, 1920, 1921, 1922, 1928, and 1924. 
With appreciation of your aid in the work under my 
charge, I am, 
Very respectfully yours, 
J. WatTer Fewxss, Chief. 
Dr. CHARLES D. Watcort, 


Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 
Ill 


NOTE 


This volume contains the administrative reports of the Chief of 
the Bureau to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution covering 
the five-year period from July 1, 1919, to June 30, 1924. 

During a long period these reports have fallen behind, through 
lack of sufficient funds to publish and for other reasons, and it has 
been decided to print the five reports in this volume in order to give 
subsequent administrative reports current publication. 

This will not change the numerical order of the annual reports. 

Tue Eprror. 


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CONTENTS 


REPORTS OF THE CHIEF 


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Bordiscal-year ended, June 30), 1924... .- +... ..-.-..-2. 2-225 -225225-- 


ACCOMPANYING PAPERS 


Coiled basketry in British Columbia and surrounding region, by H. K. 
Haeberlin, James A. Teit, and Helen H. Roberts, under the direction of 
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Two prehistoric villages in Middle Tennessee, by William Edward Myer-_- 

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ANNUAL REPORT 


OF THE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1920 


J. Water Fewxes, Chief 


Str: In response to your request I have the honor to sub- 
mit the following report on the field researches, office work, 
and other operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1920, conducted in 
accordance with the act of Congress approved July 19, 1919. 
The act referred to contains the following item: 

American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches 
among the American Indians and the natives of Hawau, including 
the excavation and preservation of archeologic remains, under the 
direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including necessary em- 
ployees and the purchase of necessary books and periodicals, $42,000. 

Ethnology is the study of man in groups or races and aims 
to contribute to our knowledge of racial culture and advance 
our appreciation of racial accomplishment. The researches 
of the Bureau of American Ethnolog y deal with the aborigines 
of the United States and the Hawaiian islanders. 

The material from which we may secure this knowledge 
is rapidly disappearing or being absorbed into modern life. 
The culture of the aboriginal inhabitants has in a great 
measure vanished, but modern survivals still remain, and 
it is one object of the bureau to record these survivals while 
this is possible, thus rescuing what remains as a_ partial 
record of the culture of the race. ‘This is essential in order 
that our knowledge of the North American Indian may 
neither be distorted by prejudice nor exalted by enthusiastic 


glorification. 
1 


2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


In linguistics the necessity of recording those languages 
that are in danger of extinction is urgent. Several of these 
are now spoken only by a few survivors—old men or 
women—and when they die this knowledge which they pos- 
sess will disappear forever. Our Ineians had a large litera- 
ture and mythology which on account of their ignorance of let- 
ters they did not record. ‘This is rapidly being lost, and it is 
our duty to secure the information at once before it loses 
its aboriginal character. The lexical and grammatical 
structure of the different Indian languages, their phonetic 
peculiarities, and their relations to each other also require 
intensive studies, which have been industriously pursued by 
the linguists of the bureau. 

It is believed that the publications of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology should be of such a nature that they 
may be studied with profit by all intelligent persons and not 
so crowded with technicalities as to repel all readers except 
a few specialists. While the bureau publications should not 
be devoted solely to popular articles they fail to advance 
and diffuse ethnological knowledge if they are so technical 
that they appeal only to one class of readers. The policy of 
the bureau is to publish a limited number of technical 
papers, the popular demand also being given due weight. 

Important researches have been conducted by members of 
the staff on the material culture of the Indians, one aim 
being to ascertain the various fibers and foods used by them 
with a view to discover hitherto unused aboriginal resources 
that might be adopted with profit by the white man. 

In order that the character of the habitations of the 
Indian might be better known and an accurate knowledge 
of them disseminated, illustrations of aboriginal buildings 
found in early maps and documentary records are being 
gathered and a series of publications on this subject has 
been inaugurated. These, when available, are accom- 
panied by the original descriptions of the buildings and 
incidentally identifications of the sites of the larger villages 
so far as possible. 

The bureau has continued researches on the music of the 
Indians with good results, as the past publications on this 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 3 


subject have attracted the attention of musicians who are 
making practical use of this knowledge in their composi- 
tions. There is a great demand for strictly Indian music. 

Archeology has been one of the important lines of re- 
search by members of the bureau during the past year. 
Although the methods of research of this science are some- 
what different from those of the ethnologist, the goal is the 
same. 

It is urgent to gather all possible data regarding the 
ethnology of the Indian prior to the advent of the white 
man, and where written history is silent on this subject, 
legends, monuments, and.other prehistoric remains are the 
only media to supply the unknown chapters of history. As 
the national parks, like the Mesa Verde, and national 
monuments, like the Chaco Canyon, containing the best 
examples of this evidence, have been reserved for perma- 
nent protection, the bureau is engaged in the scientific study 
of these remains in cooperation with the National Park 
Service. 

The function of the Bureau of American Ethnology is 
both to advance knowledge of ethnology and archeology by 
researches and to disseminate information on all subjects 
concerning Indians. Much of the time of the chief and the 
members of the staff is occupied in replying to letters re- 
questing this information. This in many cases requires 
special knowledge of experts or extended studies in the 
library. The administration and routine duties of the office 
have also occupied much of the time of the chief. 

The Great War has enlarged our view of the practical 
value of ethnological studies. As our country has become 
a world power and has entered into political and commercial 
relationships with many other races whose ethnology is 
little known, it is desirable that the ethnological researches 
of the bureau be enlarged in order that we may better ap- 
preciate these foreign peoples. From necessity we have 
limited our researches to the American Indian and the natives 
of Hawaii. There is, however, an urgent call for more 
extended studies of all peoples whose amalgamation will 
constitute the future American. 


4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES 


In addition to purely official duties, the chief has devoted 
considerable time to field work and the preparation of 
reports on archeological researches. In the course of the 
year two visits were made to the Mesa Verde National 
Park, Colorado—one in August and September, 1919; 
the other in June, 1920. These researches, in accordance 
with the above-mentioned act of Congress for the excava- 
tion and repair of archeological remains, were in continuation 
of the cooperative work of the Smithsonian Institution 
and the National Park Service of the Department of the 
Interior, and were made with an allotment from the latter 
for the excavation and repair of cliff houses and other ruins 
on the Mesa Verde. 

In the summer and autumn of 1919 the chief excavated 
and repaired Square Tower House, formerly known as 
Peabody House, one of the most picturesque cliff dwellings 
of the park. The excavation of small house sites situated 
among the cedars on top of the mesa near the trail to Square 
Tower House was carried on simultaneously by Mr. Ralph 
Linton, under the direction of the chief. 

The work of Square Tower House has enlarged our knowl- 
edge of the structure of cliff dwellings; that on small house 
sites contributes to theoretical discussions of their genesis 
and evolution. The small house sites on top of the mesa 
were interpreted as prototypes of kivas in the large cliff 
buildings and are thought to be the ancient stages in their 
development. The whole history of the evolution of hori- 
zontal masonry can be followed by studies of various types 
of buildings on the Mesa Verde. 

The two unique characteristics of Square Tower House 
are a square tower situated in the middle of the ruin and 
the well-preserved roofs with beams intact on two of the 
ceremonial rooms, or kivas. The repair of the tower was 
timely, as it had been feared for many years that it would 
fall, since it has long been tottering. As all friends of our 
antiquities would regard the destruction of this as a calamity, 
it was strengthened and put in a condition for permanent 
preservation. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 5 


The roofs of two of the eight kivas in Square Tower 
House were almost intact and show the best specimens of 
aboriginal carpentering in the park. Almost all of the 
original beams are still preserved, and their arrangement 
shows how the aboriginal builders constructed a vaulted 
roof. Especial care was exercised in repairing Square Tower 
House to protect these roofs and preserve the beams in 
place for examination by archeologists and visitors. 

Small house sites are very numerous on top of Mesa 
Verde among the dense growth of cedars, and two of these 
situated above Square Tower House were chosen as types 
of the remainder for excavation. The rooms uncovered on 
these sites may be called earth lodges, and had sunken 
floors with roofs now fallen in but originally constructed of 
logs covered with earth. One of these rooms, called Earth 
Lodge A, was completely excavated, and in order that the 
style of the most ancient habitation on the park might be 
seen by visitors it was protected from the elements by a 
shed. Another form of earth lodge, subterranean and prob- 
ably of later construction, had stone pilasters like a cliff- 
house kiva for the support of a domed roof, but its walls 
were made of adobe plastered in the earth. It shows three 
periods of occupancy: (1) The original excavation, a sub- 
terranean room constructed on the lines of the unit type of 
kiva; (2) its secondary use as a grinding pit, by the intro- 
duction of vertical slabs of stone making three grinding 
mills, the metates of which were in place; and (3) a depression 
filled in with débris containing human skeletons and other 
bones. It may thus have served distinct purposes at 
different times. 

The theoretical importance of Earth Lodge A is that it 
represents not only the archaic type of building of the mesa 
but also resembles those widely distributed habitations of 
nonpueblo tribes. It points to the conclusion that when the 
ancient colonists came to the Mesa Verde they differed only 
slightly from nomadic tribes and that their descendants 
developed the craft of stonemasons long after Earth Lodge 
A was inhabited. 


6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Archeological work was renewed on the Mesa Verde in 
June, 1920, and the work of excavating was begun on a ruin 
called Painted House and a neighboring cliff dwelling. The 
result of this work was of great significance, for it brought 
to light a large cliff building that showed no evidence of hay- 
ing been formerly inhabited. It was not a cliff dwelling, but 
built for some other purpose. Its character points to the 
conclusion that this purpose was a temple for the celebration 
of fire rites, or possibly the conservation of that fire from year 
to year. While there was found no evidence that anyone 
ever lived in it, an adjacent cliff dwelling afforded every 
indication that it was inhabited by at least two clans. New 
Fire House belongs to the same group of ceremonial buildings 
as Sun Temple, except that it is situated in a cliff and not on 
top of the mesa. 

The features that have led to the identification of this ruin 
as one devoted to New Fire rites are the large walled firepit 
full of ashes in the middle of the court and the resemblances 
of phallic and other pictures on the walls of the rooms to 
those still surviving among the Hopi in the New Fire cult. 

Mr. James Mooney, ethnologist, remained in the office 
throughout the year, engaged chiefly in the elaboration of 
material relating to the heraldry of the Kiowa and the 
Peyote cult of the southern plains tribes. 

In connection with the preparation of the Denig Assiniboin 
manuscript for publication, a correspondence was carried 
on with members of the Denig family and others for the pur- 
pose of gathering all available information concerning the 
history and personality of the author. A valuable comple- 
ment to the Denig work is the German manuscript journal 
of the Swiss artist, Friedrich Kurz, who visited the upper 
Missouri in 1851-52, spending some months with Denig at 
Fort Union. A copy of the original journal, now in the 
museum of Bern, was made some years ago by direction of 
Mr. David I. Bushnell, jr., who sold it to the bureau. 

The usual amount of correspondence in answer to requests 
for varied ethnologic information received attention. Among 
these may be noted requests from the War Department 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT ¥ 


for Indian designs for regimental flags for two newly organized 
regiments. 

In the latter part of October and throughout November, 
1919, Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, was at Anadarko, 
Okla., where he recorded about 270 pages of text in the 
Wichita language and 100 in Kichai, besides considerable 
vocabulary material in both. It should be remarked that 
the Kichai language is rapidly becoming extinct, being now 
spoken fluently by not over a dozen persons. 

During the summer preceding this expedition he was 
engaged in the extraction and card cataloguing of words from 
his Natchez texts, and after his return he prepared a gram- 
matical sketch of the Natchez language, complete as far as 
the material on hand will permit, but withheld from publica- 
tion for a final review with the help of Indian informants. 
This language is now spoken by only three persons. 

He also completed a sketch of the Chitimacha language, 
the rough draft of which had already been prepared, and 
began the extraction and recording of words from his texts 
in the Koasati language. 

Part of his time has been occupied in correcting the proofs 
of his Bulletin 73, on the Early History of the Creek Indians 
and Their Neighbors. 

Several hundred cards have been added to his catalogue 
of material bearing on the economic basis of American Indian 
life. 

Doctor Swanton completed reading the proofs of Bulletin 
68, A Structural and Lexical Comparison of the Tunica, 
Chitimacha, and Atakapa Languages, and the bulletin was 
issued in December, 1919. 

The sketch of the Chitimacha language mentioned above, 
along with a similar sketch of Atakapa previously prepared, 
is ready for publication. Doctor Swanton has a much longer 
paper on the social organization and social customs of the 
southeastern Indians which requires a little work for com- 
pletion, but is withheld until the bulletin, which it naturally 
follows, is through the press. 

53666°—28——2 


8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, took up the critical 
analysis and constructive rearrangement of the three differ- 
ing versions of the Eulogy of the Founders of the League of 
the Iroquois, obtamed by him, respectively, from the late 
Seneca federal chief, John Arthur Gibson; the late Mr. 
Joshua Buck, Onondaga shaman, of Onondaga-Tutelo ex- 
traction; and chief emeritus Abram Charles, of the Cayuga 
Tribe—all of Ontario, Canada. 

This Eulogy of the Founders is a very long chant and one 
of marked difficulty to render accurately. In his report for 
last year it was stated that the long-standing disruption of 
the several tribes composing the league had led to the break- 
ing up of the parts thereof and loss of traditions concerning 
the principles and structure of the league; hence there are 
differing versions of most important rituals. In the tribal 
organization the federal chiefs were organized into several 
groups with definite political relationships, which differing 
relationships implied naturally corresponding differences in 
duties and obligations for the several persons so politically 
related. 

But since the disruption of the political integrity of the 
tribes of the league and of the league itself by the events of 
the war of the American Revolution these relationships have 
become more or less confused in the minds of the people, 
and hence the great difficulty in determining from the in- 
formants of to-day the correct sequence of the names and the 
exact political relationships subsisting among the several 
chiefships. This accounts for the difficulties encountered in 
editing the three variant versions of the eulogy. 

In view of works recently published on the genetic relation- 
ship of certain linguistic stocks of California and other 
North American linguistic stocks, and as a result of a con- 
ference of the staff of the bureau early in December on late 
linguistic work in California Mr. Hewitt critically examined 
the methods and the evidences for relationship relating to 
the Yuman, the Serian, the Tequistlatecan, the Waicuran, the 
Shahaptian, the Lutuamian, and the Waiilatpuan, claimed 
in recent publications by Doctor Radin and Doctor Kroe- 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 9 


ber. In no instance did he find that these authors had 
proved their case. 

Mr. Hewitt continued the preparation for publication of 
the second part of Iroquoian Cosmology, Part I having 
already appeared in the Twenty-first Annual Report of the 
bureau. He spent considerable time in reading the manu- 
script dictionary and grammatical sketch of the Chippewa 
language prepared by Father Chrysostom Verwyst, in order 
to ascertain its value for publication and to enable him to 
assist the author in a revision of the work; and prepared 
much data for use in reply to requests by correspondents, 
often requiring considerable time and most exacting work. 

In June, 1920, Mr. Hewitt visited the Oneida Indians, 
residing in the vicinity of Seymour and Oneida, Wis. 

The purpose of this visit was to ascertain what information, 
if any, these Indians retained concerning the principles and 
structure of the League of the Five (later Six) Nations, or 
even concerning their own social organization, or the mythic 
and religious beliefs of their ancestors, which has not already 
been recorded by him, from other sources. He found that 
these Indians had forgotten the great principles and the 
essential details of the organic structure of the league, of 
which the Oneida before their disruption by the events of 
the war of the American Revolution were so important a 
member, due to the adoption of lands in severalty about 
1887, and the administration of their public affairs under the 
laws of the State of Wisconsin. 

He discovered that these Oneida spoke a dialect markedly 
different from that of the Oneida with whom he was already 
acquainted and succeeded in recording a text relating to 
hunting wild pigeons (now practically extinct) at the time 
of “roosting.” 

From the Wisconsim Oneida Mr. Hewitt went directly to 
the Tonawanda Reservation to consult with Seneca chiefs, 
after which he proceeded to the Grand River grant of the 
Six Nations, near Brantford, Ontario, Canada, and there 
obtained an interesting text in the Onondaga language, with 
a free English translation. This text embodies an old 
Tutelo tradition of the manner in which the assistant to the 


10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


chief was established, and is reminiscent of the early raids 
of the warriors of the Five Nations into the southern home 
of the ancient Tutelo. 

Information relating to the internal structure of the tribal 
organization of the several tribes was carefully revised, 
especially the place of the several clans with regard to the 
symbolic council fire, and therefore their membership in 
either the male or the female side of the tribal organization. 
Certain sentences placed after every Federal title throughout 
the Eulogy of the Founders—originally 49 in number—can 
not be understood without this definite knowledge of internal 
tribal organization, as there is constant danger of confusing 
tribal with federal relationships. The internal tribal organi- 
zation differed among the Five Nations and the knowledge 
of one or two is not sufficient. 

With the aid of Mr. Asa R. Hill as Mohawk interpreter 
and informant, the work of the textual criticism of the 
Mohawk text of the league material originally collected by 
Mr. Seth Newhouse, a Mohawk ex-federal chief, was revised. 
Knowing that Mr. Newhouse is a fine Mohawk speaker, 
Mr. Hewitt induced him to translate his material back into 
the language from which he had rendered it into indifferent 
English. This translation was not desired for publication, 
but to obtain the correct Mohawk terminology or diction 
for the expression of the ideas embodied in the material. 

During the year Mr. Francis La Flesche, ethnologist, 
devoted most of his time to the task of preparing for publi- 
cation the manuscript of the first volume of his work on the 
Osage tribe. In February the text of the first volume was 
finished and the manuscript placed in the hands of the Chief 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

The volume contains two elaborate ancient rituals, the 
first of which is entitled ‘‘Ga-hi’-ge O-k’o", Ritual of the 
Chiefs’; and the second ‘“‘ Ni’-ki No"k’o", Hearing of the 
Sayings of the Ancient Men.” ‘These rituals are rendered 
in three forms: First, in a free English translation; second, 
the recited parts, also the words of the songs, as given by 
the Indians themselves in their own language into the dicta- 
phone; third, a translation from the Osage language into 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 11 


English as nearly literal as can be made. Owing to the 
peculiar modes of expression used in the rituals by the 
Indians, such as metaphors, figures of speech, tropes, and 
archaic terms, it is impossible to give an absolutely literal 
translation. Furthermore, much of the language used in 
these rituals is in ceremonial style and not that in daily use 
among the people. 

On the completion of the manuscript of the first volume, 
Mr. La Flesche took up the task of preparing for publication 
the manuscript of the second volume. 

Mr. J. P. Harrington, ethnologist, spent the months of 
July, August, and September, 1919, on field duty in New 
Mexico in pursuance of his studies of the ethnology and 
linguistic relationship of the Southwest Indians. These 
studies resulted in a large amount of most carefully heard 
textual, grammatical, and lexical material from the Tano- 
Kiowan family of languages, the elaboration of more than 
750 pages of which was completed for publication before 
the close of the fiscal year. 

Important discoveries in connection with this work are 
that Zufian is definitely added to the Tano-Kiowan-Keresan- 
Shoshonean stock; and that the religious ceremonial words of 
Tanoan are largely borrowed from Zufian and Keresan. 
This last discovery has proved one of the most interesting 
features of the work, for, just as it can be shown that the 
watermelon and muskmelon, for example, are not native to 
the Tanoan Indians because designated by Spanish loan 
words or by mere descriptive terms, so it can be also demon- 
strated linguistically that the Tanoans have adopted many 
features of the Zufian and Keresan religion. Even such 
fundamental conceptions as Wenima, the abode of the dead, 
and Sipapu, the entrance to the other world, have been taken 
over by the Tanoans, e. g., as Tewa Wayima and Sip’o phe. 

At the close of September Mr. Harrington returned to 
Washington and was engaged during the remainder of the 
year in the elaboration of his material. Mr. Harrington also 
performed various office duties during this period. 

In August, 1919, Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnologist, 
renewed his researches among the Fox Indians, which con- 


1 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


sisted exclusively of working out a grammatical analysis of 
the Indian text of his manuscript on the White Buffalo Dance, 
in order to make a vocabulary for the same. He returned to 
Washington near the middle of September, when he resumed 
his work on the Indian text, as well as the vocabulary. The 
manuscript was submitted in March, 1920. 

During the winter Doctor Michelson worked on the manu- 
script of the White Buffalo Dance; he also spent some time 
on a rough translation of an autobiography of a Fox Indian 
woman written in the current syllabary. This translation 
was based on a paraphrase in English written by Horace 
Poweshiek. In the middle of June he left for Tama, Iowa, to 
restore the syllabary text phonetically, to further work out 
a grammatical analysis to enable him to add a suitable 
vocabulary, to elucidate a number of ethnological points, 
and to correct the translation ina number of places. By 
the close of the fiscal year he entirely restored the text 
phonetically. 

In addition, Doctor Michelson has furnished data for official 
correspondence. 


SPECIAL RESEARCHES 


In addition to the work of members of the staff mentioned 
in their reports above, the bureau has employed others in 
ethnological and archeological researches. 

Mr. Neil M. Judd, curator of American archeology in the 
United States National Museum, was detailed in June to 
complete a report on his work for the bureau in previous 
seasons in southeastern Utah. At the time of writing no 
report on this work has been received. 

Miss Frances Densmore resumed work on the Pawnee songs 
on September 1, 1919. Transcriptions and analyses of 58 
Pawnee songs have been submitted during the year. These 
comprise songs of the Morning Star ceremony and of the 
Buffalo Dance, the Bear Dance, and the Lance Dance. In 
April, 1920, she visited the Pawnees a second time and was 
permitted to enter the lodge during the Morning Star cere- 
mony and to see the contents of the “sacred bundle.” This 
bundle is opened once a year. (It is said that only one other 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13 


white person has been permitted to enter the ceremonial 
lodge.) This ceremony afforded an opportunity to hear 
certain interesting rituals which are sung only at this time. 

Three manuscripts on Pawnee music have been submitted 
during the year. In addition to the ceremonial material 
above mentioned these papers contain songs of war and of a 
game, as well as miscellaneous songs and those connected 
with folk tales. The Pawnees were selected as representa- 
tive of the Caddoan stock, according to the plan of comparing 
the songs of the various linguistic stocks. 

About the middle of February, 1920, Miss Densmore 
began a study of the Papago Indians as a representative of 
the Piman stock. For more than a month she lived at 
San Xavier Mission, a Government station, among the 
Papago near Tucson, Ariz., and recorded more than 100 
songs, 25 of which have been transcribed, analyzed, and 
submitted. Three subjects were studied—treatment of the 
sick, customs of war, and ancient stories. As examples of 
the psychology revealed by musical investigation it may be 
noted that the Papago state that all sickness has its origin 
in the anger of a mythical “creator,” and that many of the 
songs used in treating the sick are said to have been received 
from spirits of the dead. 

Miss Densmore considers the chief points of the year’s 
investigation to be the evident contrast of songs of different 
linguistic stocks and the increasing evidence that rhythm in 
Indian song is more varied and important than melody. 
It is interesting to note that the songs recorded by an indi- 
vidual Indian doctor showed similarity in melodic material 
and formation, but a wide variety in rhythm. ‘The poetry 
of the words of Papago songs is of an unusually high order. 

In April, 1920, Miss Densmore visited the “Mohave”’ 
Apaches living at Camp MacDowell, near Phoenix, Ariz., 
with a view to recording songs among them next season, 
taking the Apache as the representatives of the Athapascan 
stock. 

In July, 1919, Miss Densmore visited the Manitou Rapids 
Reserve in Canada to obtain data on the customs of the 
Canadian Chippewas for comparison with the tribe in the 


14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


States. She found an interesting contrast in bead patterns 
and collected considerable information on their general 
culture. August 14 to 30, 1919, she worked on the botanical 
section of the book on Chippewa Arts and Customs, this 
section comprising the use of plants as food, medicine, and 
charms. 

Mr. David I. Bushnell, jr., continued the preparation of 
his manuscript for the Handbook of Aboriginal Remains 
East of the Rocky Mountains, and in the course of his work 
has prepared a bulletin entitled “ Native Villages and Village 
Sites Hast of the Mississippi,” which has been published as 
Bulletin 69. He has also written Bulletin 71, on “ Native 
Cemeteries and Forms of Burial East of the Mississippi,” 
the final proofs of which have been sent to the printer, but 
the work has not yet been delivered to the bureau. The 
favorable reception of these bulletins, as indicated by the 
many applications made at the office for them, is gratifying. 

Mr. Bushnell also gathered notes, maps, and photographs 
to be used in the preparation of two manuscripts for the 
bureau. One is to have the title, “ Villages of the Algon- 
quian, Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes West of the Mississippi” ; 
the second, “Burials of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Cad- 
doan Tribes West of the Mississippi.”” The former is 
nearing completion, and both should be finished during the 
next fiscal year. 

The results of the archeological work in Texas under 
Prof. J. E. Pearce, for which a special allotment was made, 
are important. Reconnaissance work has been done in the 
eastern, middle, and western parts of the State. Indian 
mounds at Athens, in eastern Texas, have yielded pottery 
akin in form and technique to that of the Mississippi, 
suggesting cultural connections which have as yet not been 
completely traced. In western Texas the group of picto- 
graphs at Paint Rock has been given especial attention. 
They are little known, as they are at present seldom visited 
by tourists. This series of rock pictures is important 
enough to be protected by law. The present owner of the 
ranch upon which they are situated, recognizing their 
importance, will prevent vandalism. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 15 


The work was mainly on the antiquities of central Texas, 
where intensive work was much to be desired. Professor 
Pearce, who has charge of this work, believes that the mounds 
in this part of the State are kitchen middens and that they 
were connected with the first men who came into this region. 
He is also of the opinion that the culture which they repre- 
sent was much cruder than that of the historical Indians; 
that they knew nothing of polishing stone or of pottery 
making; and that for thousands of years they were the only 
occupants of the open prairies and plains of central and 
west Texas; and finally, that their life was little modified 
during the entire period of the formation of the mounds. 
Professor Pearce’s report is so promising of results that 
work in Texas will be continued another year. 

Although the aboriginal monuments called mounds and 
stone graves of the Cumberland Valley have been investi- 
gated by several well-known archeologists, it appears from 
the researches of Mr. W. E. Myer, of Nashville, that much 
remains to be discovered in this region. Under his guidance 
the chief visited the aboriginal mounds on the Harpeth 
River at Oldtown, Castalian Springs, and elsewhere. It 
was seen that while many of the smaller mounds have been 
plowed down by the cultivation of the land the larger ones 
still bear mute evidence of the industry of the builders of 
these structures and the magnitude of the population. 

Mr. Myer has transmitted to the bureau a manuscript 
on the antiquities of the Cumberland Valley, Tenn., the 
results of a lifelong devotion to the subject. 

Mr. Otto Mallery has presented to the bureau a valuable 
pueblo collection from the Chama region, New Mexico, 
made by Mr. J. A. Jeancon, who had charge of the work, 
and has transmitted a report which is now being prepared 
for publication. 

Mr. Gerard Fowke was given a small allotment for an 
archeological reconnaissance of the Hawaiian Islands. He 
began work in May and reports important results which it 
is too early to detail at this time. 


16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
MANUSCRIPTS 


The followmg manuscripts, exclusive of those submitted 
for publication by members of the staff of the bureau and its 
collaborators, were purchased: 

“Wawenock Texts,” by Frank G. Speck. 

“History of the Jesuit Mission in Paraguay.” The original 
manuscript, being an English translation by Dr. George 
Spence, from the original French manuscript of the Abbé Jo. 
Pedro Gay, Curé de Uruguayana. 2 vols., 4to. Circa 1880. 
275 pp. 

“A New Guarani Grammar,” the original manuscript 
complete, being a translation into English by Dr. George 
Spence from the French manuscript of l’Abbé Jo. Pedro 
Gay, Curé de Uruguayana, 2 vols., 4to. 

“Manuel de Conversation en Francais, en Portugues, en 
Espanol, en Guarany Abafeeme par le Chanoine J. P. Gay, 
Curé de Uruguayana,”’ arranged in four columns. 

“Nouvelle Grammaire de la Langue Guarany et Tupy, 
etc., par le Chanoine J. P. Gay, Curé,” ete., 188 p., folio. 

“Mappa geographico da republica do Paraguay pelo 
conego Joao Pedro Gay, pelo engenhiero Falix Alx. Grivot. 
1881.” 

A copy of “Manuel de Conversation en Frangais, en 
Portugues, en Anglaise, en Espanol, en Guarany Abafeeme.”’ 
Arranged in five columns. No date. 

In addition to those purchased Mr. Edward M. Brigham 
has submitted for publication a valuable manuscript with 
many plates on “The Antiquities of the Marajo,” Brazil; 
and Mr. W. EK. Myer, of Nashville, Tenn., a manuscript on 
“The Antiquities of the Cumberland Valley of Tennessee.” 
““A Chippewa Bible History in manuscript in four volumes. 
8vo. A. D. 1896-1901,” was presented by Fr. Chrysostom 
Verwyst, O. F. M. 


EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS 


The editing of the publications of the bureau was con- 
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor, 
assisted by Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols. The status of the publi- 
cations is presented in the following summary: 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 17 
PUBLICATIONS ISSUED 


Thirty-third Annual Report. Accompanying papers: (1) Uses of 
Plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region (Gilmore) ; 
(2) Preliminary Account of the Antiquities of the Region between 
the Mancos and La Plata Rivers in Southwestern Colorado (Mor- 
ris); (3) Designs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery (Fewkes); (4) The 
Hawaiian Romance of Laie-i-ka-wai (Beckwith). 677 pp. 95 pls. 

Three separates from the Thirty-third Annual Report. 

Bulletin 60. Handbook of Aboriginal American Antiquities (Holmes). 
380 pp. 

Bulletin 68. Structural and Lexical Comparison of the Tunica, Chiti- 
macha, and Atakapa Languages (Swanton). 56 pp. 

Bulletin 69. Native Villages and Village Sites East of the Mississippi 
(Bushnell). 111 pp. 17 pl. 

Bulletin 70. Prehistoric Villages, Castles, and Towers (Fewkes). 79 


pp. 33 pl. 


PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS OR IN PREPARATION 


Thirty-fourth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: A Prehistoric 
Island Culture Area of America (Fewkes). 

Thirty-fifth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: Ethnology of 
the Kwakiutl (Boas). 

Thirty-sixth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Osage Tribe 
(La Flesche). 

Thirty-seventh Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Winne- 
bago Tribe (Radin). 

Thirty-eighth Annual Report. An Introductory Study of the Arts, 
Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana Indians (Roth). 

Bulletin 67. Alsea Texts and Myths (Frachtenberg). 

Bulletin 71. Native Cemeteries and Forms of Burial East of the Mis- 
sissippi (Bushnell). 

Bulletin 72. The Owl Sacred Pack of the Fox Indians (Michelson). 

Bulletin 73. Early History of the Creek Indians and their Neighbors 
(Swanton). 

Bulletin 74. Excavations at Santiago, Ahuitzotla, D. F., Mexico 
(Tozzer). 

Bulletin 75. Northern Ute Music (Densmore). 

Bulletin 76. Archeological Investigations in the Ozark Region of 
Central Missouri (Fowke). 

Bulletin 78. Handbook of the Indians of California (Kroeber). 

Bulletin 80. Mandan and Hidatsa Music (Densmore). 


18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS 


The distribution of publications has been continued under 
the immediate charge of Miss Helen Munroe, assisted by 
Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications were distributed as 
follows: 


Annual reports and separates___....-.-_-._.-.-.+.-.--- 3, 373 
Bulletins and separates __ are “ 12, 886 
Contributions to North American ethnology... Pibadep ie 32 
Miscellanecoust publications asses =. ae eee 572 

Total__ ~= dea b sew ere) art tn tS. Bese GOR OS 


As ceive’ with the fiscal year 1919, there was an in- 
crease of 5,380 publications erates Fourteen ad- 
dresses have been added to the mailing list during the year 
and 28 dropped, making a net decrease of 14. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Mr. De Lancey Gill, with the assistance of Mr. Albert 
K. Sweeney, continued the preparation of the illustrations 
of the bureau. A summary of this work follows: 


Photographic prints for distribution and office use_____-_-.-. 500 
Negatives of ethnologic and archeologic subjects__..-.-.---- 300 
Negative films developed from field exposures__---.---.---- 100 
Photostat prints made from books and manuscript--.-_--_-- 250 


ILLUSTRATIONS PREPARED AND SUBMITTED FOR PUBLICATION 


Photographs retouched and otherwise_____-___-_----------- 350 

Line and color drawings - eapee i ae lb jn aria 2k PAE | 

Illustration proof edited__________- ee rye L010) 

Lithographic proofs ex: amined at Government Printing Office. - 5, 200 
LIBRARY 


The reference library continued in the immediate care of 
Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr. Charles B. 
Newman. 

During the year 820 books were accessioned, of which 140 
were acquired by purchase and 680 by gift and exchange. 
Volumes made by binding serials are included in these 
figures. The periodicals currently received number about 
800, of which 35 were obtained by purchase, the remainder 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 19 


being received through exchange. The library has also 
received 260 pamphlets. The catalogue of the bureau now 
records 23,380 volumes; there are about 14,508 pamphlets 
and several thousand unbound periodicals. 

Successful effort has been made to complete the sets of 
certain publications of scientific societies and other learned 
institutions. For the use of the members of the staff there 
has been prepared and posted copies of a monthly bulletin 
of the principal accessions of the library; also information 
has been furnished and bibliographic notes compiled for 
the use of correspondents. 

During the year the work of cataloguing has been carried 
on as new accessions were acquired and good progress was 
made in cataloguing ethnologic and related articles in the 
earlier serials. 

Attention has been given to the preparation of volumes 
for binding, with the result that 502 books were sent to the 
bindery. The number of books borrowed from the Library 
of Congress for the use of the staff of the bureau in prose- 
cuting their researches was about 400. 

A pressing problem is the congestion of books on the 
shelves. For some time the library has been overcrowded 
and we are now taxed to find room for the current acces- 
sions. 

The library is constantly referred to by students not con- 
nected with the bureau, as well as by various officials of 
the Government service. 


COLLECTIONS 


The following collections acquired by members of the 
staff of the bureau, or by those detailed in connection with 
its researches, have been transferred to the United States 
National Meseum: 

Archeological objects collected in Cottonwood Canyon, 
Kane County, Utah, by Mr. Neil M. Judd, during the 
spring of 1919. Accession 63841, 257 specimens. 

Archeological objects (748) and skeletal remains (24) col- 
lected for the bureau by Mr. Gerard Fowke, from Miller’s 


20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Cave, Missouri, during the spring of 1919. Accession 
64150, 772 specimens. 

Archeological collection, including human bones, from 
Sell’s and Bell’s Caves, Pulaski County, Mo., forwarded by 
Mr. Gerard Fowke. Accession 64198, 83 specimens. 

Archeological material from Texas, gathered from the 
surface by Dr. J. W. Fewkes and Prof. J. E. Pearce in the 
autumn of 1919. Accession 64248, 165 specimens. 

Sculptured stones of Huastec culture, presented to the 
bureau by Mr. John M. Muir, of Tampico, Mexico. Ac- 
cession 64249, 5 specimens. 

Three fine hardwood bows and three ceremonial clubs 
from British Guiana, and a blanket of the Cowichan In- 
dians (Salish), Northwest Coast. Accession 64327, 7 speci- 
mens. 

Collection of archeological objects (262) and skeletal 
material (16 specimens), together with ethnologica of the 
Apache Indians (4 specimens), obtained in Arizona by Dr. 
Walter Hough during the spring of 1919. Accession 64603, 
282 specimens. 

Collection of archeological objects (212) and two human 
skulls, gathered by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, at Square Tower 
House and contiguous ruins on the Mesa Verde National 
Park, Colo., in cooperation with the National Park Service 
of the Interior Department in 1919. Accession 64646, 214 
specimens. 

Archeological objects (446) and skeletal material (5) col- 
lected by Mr. J. A. Jeancon in an ancient ruin near Abiquiu, 
N. Mex., for Mr. Otto T. Mallery during the summer of 
1919, and presented to the Bureau by Mr. Mallery. Ac- 
cession 64885, 451 specimens. 


PROPERTY 


Furniture and office equipment was purchased to the 
amount of $162.73. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT Pa 
MISCELLANEOUS 


Personnel.—The position of honorary philologist, held for 
several years by Dr. Franz Boas, has been abolished. 
Clerical—The correspondence and other clerical work of 
the office has been conducted by Miss May 8S. Clark, clerk 
to the chief. Mrs. Frances 8S. Nichols assisted the editor. 
There has been no change in the scientific or clerical force. 
Respectfully submitted. 
J. WALTER FEWXEs, 
Chief, Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Dr. CHARLES D. Watcort, 
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 


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CONTENTS 


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53666°—28——3 23 


ANNUAL REPORT 


OF THE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1921 


J. Waiter Fewxes, Chief 


Str: In response to your request, I have the honor to 
submit the following report on the field researches, office 
work, and other operations of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1921, con- 
ducted in accordance with the act of Congress approved 
June 5, 1920. The act referred to contains the following 
item: 

American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches among 
the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, including the ex- 
cavation and preservation of archeologic remains, under the direction’ 
of the Smithsonian Institution, including necessary employees and 
the purchase of necessary books and periodicals, $44,000. 

In the expenditure of this money the chief has tried to 
cover the field as economically as possible and to broaden 
the researches of the bureau staff in order to include as 
many stocks of Indians as the limited appropriation will 
allow. The science of ethnology is so comprehensive and 
its problems so numerous and intricate that to do this 
scientifically is extremely difficult. Work has been done 
on the Algonquian, Iroquois, various members of the Musk- 
hogean stock, Kiowa, Pueblo, Osage, Pawnee, and others. 
The plan of work embraces many different aspects of the 
cultural life of the Indians, including their languages, social 
and religious customs, music, mythology, and ritual. 

Researches have been made on the condition of the 
Indians in their aboriginal state before or directly after 
the advent of the Europeans, and the desire has been to 
increase the relative amount of field work. Archeological 

25 


26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


explorations have been prosecuted in Texas, Missouri, 
Tennessee, Kentucky, Colorado, New Mexico, and the 
Hawaiian Islands. This line of study is destined to be- 
come the most popular in anthropology, and publications on 
the subject are always eagerly sought by the correspondents 
of the bureau. 

To the development in recent years of the movement 
known as ‘“‘see America first’? we owe in part the creation 
of a bureau of the Department of the Interior called the 
National Park Service. Incidentally the movement has 
stimulated a desire for research in both ethnology and 
archeology. Several monuments and one national park 
have been set aside by presidential proclamation to pre- 
serve Indian relics which they contain. The main attrac- 
tions of most of these reserves are ancient buildings more 
or less dilapidated and buried underground, and to increase 
their educational value it is necessary that they be excavated 
under the supervision of men trained in the scientific methods 
of the archeologist. They should also be repaired by equally 
competent hands. This work is now being shared with other 
institutions, but it is desirable that the Bureau of American 
Ethnology should continue to occupy a very prominent 
place in this work, in which it was the pioneer, as its appro- 
priation was made in part for this service. 

While the majority of these monuments are prehistoric 
cliff dwellings or pueblos situated in our Southwest, there are 
others of equal interest in other parts of the country. For 
instance, among the most instructive of these monuments is 
the Kasaan Monument, an abandoned Haida village situated 
in Alaska. This village has many of the old totem poles, 
several “grave houses,” and other buildings still standing, 
but rapidly going to ruin, liable to be destroyed by fire or by 
vandals. It is very desirable that steps should be taken to 
preserve this deserted town and that ethnological studies be 
made before these relics are lost to science. The bureau is 
also contributing its part, in an unobtrusive manner, in the 
efforts to preserve Cahokia, the largest aboriginal mound in 
North America. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 27 


In his previous reports the chief has annually called atten- 
tion to the time consumed by the staff in answering corre- 
spondence asking information regarding American ethnology 
and related subjects. Some of these letters request elemen- 
tary knowledge, others demand more or less research. 
Whether for the one or the other purpose, they often neces- 
sitate investigation and absorb considerable time, which 
tends to distract the attention of the experts from intensive 
scientific research, thus causing the scientific output to be 
reduced to a greater or less degree. Nevertheless the chief 
regards this aspect of the work of the bureau as a very 
important one and indicative of the respect in which the 
bureau is held by its correspondents. For this reason replies 
have been prepared with great care, so that they may be 
reliable and authoritative. 


FIELD RESEARCHES OF THE STAFF 


Two members of the staff, the chief and Dr. Truman 
Michelson, engaged in field exploration at some time during 
the year. 

During the past year the chief made three visits to the 
Mesa Verde National Park, Colo.; one in July and August 
and another in November, 1920. On the second visit he 
was the guest of Mr. Stephen T. Mather, Director of the 
National Park Service, Mr. F. A. Wadleigh, general passen- 
ger agent of the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad, and other 
gentlemen. The object of this visit was an inspection of 
past work in the park and formulation of plans for the 
future. The work in July and August was a continuation 
of cooperative work of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
and the National Park Service, with an allotment by the 
latter for the excavation and repair of the ruins in the park. 
A third visit was made in May and June, 1921, at the expense 
of the bureau. 

In the report for 1920 attention was called to the beginning 
of the work of excavating a ruin known as Painted House, 
which is situated near the head of Fewkes Canyon, 214 miles 
south of Spruce Tree Camp. The result of this work, which 
was not finished at the close of last year, intensified the 


28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


suspicion that this large cliff building was used for some 
communal purpose, and that it was connected with the 
worship of fire. The further excavation of this ruin was 
continued in July, when the floor of a great court was laid 
bare, verifying this suspicion and giving undoubted evidence 
of the existence of a large fireplace in the middle of the court. 
Taken in connection with other evidence, the statement that 
this was a building devoted to fire worship is practically 
proven. Fire Temple, as it may be designated, was com- 
pletely excavated and its walls repaired. Ladders were so 
placed as to make it accessible to the public. 

To facilitate the opening of Fire Temple to visitors, a road 
was constructed along the southern rim of Fewkes Canyon, 
ending in what is now called Sun Point, from which a mag- 
nificent view can be obtained of Sun Temple, Cliff Palace, 
and other important ruins of the mesa. The importance of 
this road is reflected by its popularity; it is now the most 
frequented road in the park. Its construction also opened 
to visitors two little-known ruins near Fire Temple, one of 
which has been known for several years as Oak-tree House 
and the other as Fire Temple House. The walls of the latter 
were deeply buried but were completely excavated, bringing 
to light a most interesting cliff dwelling with kivas in a lower 
and storage rooms in an upper cave. A number of large 
ollas and a few unique specimens of black and white pottery 
and other artifacts were found in this ruin. The indications 
are that this was the dwelling and granary of the New Fire 
clan or of the priests who controlled the ceremonies in the 
Fire Temple. The ventilator of one kiva of this cliff dwelling 
resembled those of Sun Temple. 

Oak-tree House lies in a symmetrical cave in full sight of 
Sun Point Road, about midway between Fire Temple and 
Sun Temple. The excavation of this ruin, which has unique 
features, was completed in September, and it is now in con- 
dition for inspection by visitors. A trail was constructed 
along the top of the talus connecting the ruins in Fewkes 
Canyon and ladders placed on the rim of the canyon, making 
access to the ruins easy. These ladders follow the Indian 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 29 


trails, formed of foot holes cut in the perpendicular walls 
of the cliff. 

One of the most interesting results of work in July, 1920, 
was the excavation of a tower situated in the cedars about a 
mile north of Spruce-tree Camp and described in 1892 by 
Baron G. Nordenskiéld. This tower, which will in the future 
be called Cedar-tree Tower, enlarges our knowledge of the 
use of towers, as it is a type of a large number of these struc- 
tures found on the Mesa Verde and in McElmo and Yellow- 
jacket Canyons. The special feature of this type before 
excavation is indicated by a saucer-like depression on the 
surface of the ground south of the walls above ground. The 
significance of this depression was unknown previously to 
the work here mentioned. It marks the existence of a cir- 
cular subterranean kiva which once had a vaulted roof, and 
pilasters like those repeatedly described in cliff-house kivas. 
This tower was completely repaired and a road built around 
it to make it accessible to tourists. 

In his field work at Mesa Verde 30 years ago Baron Nor- 
denskiéld, whose Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde has become 
a classic, partially excavated a ruin in Soda Canyon about 
half a mile north of Cedar-tree Tower. The approach to this 
cliff dwelling was very difficult, but has been much improved 
by a trail constructed under the direction of the chief, making 
this ruin readily accessible, aided by several ladders where 
necessary. 

The attractive feature of this ruin is a kiva, the inner wall 
of which still retains on its plastering decorations almost as 
brilliant as when they were first made. Onthis account “ Ruin 
9,” as it was formerly called, will be referred to in the future 
as Painted Kiva House. The decoration consists of a red 
dado below and white above, with triangles in clusters of 
three at intervals on the upper border of the dado. These 
decorations are identical with those on the court and rooms 
of Fire Temple, and those used by the Hopi in decorating their 
walls 30 years ago. The row of dots which accompanies this 
mural decoration is also a common feature on the archaic 
black and white pottery from Step House, one of the most 
ancient cliff dwellings on the park. 


30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Many specimens were found in Painted Kiva House, 
among which may be mentioned pottery, stone implements, 
metates, axes and celts, bone needles, fabrics, sandals, and 
problematic wooden objects. Several ears of corn with ker- 
nels intact, seeds of squash and pumpkin, and abundant 
cornstalks and shucks left no doubt of the food of the inhabi- 
tants. A fragment of the so-called paper bread called by 
the Hopi piki, possibly over 500 years old, found at the 
bottom of an Oak-tree House kiva, allays any doubt on 
this point. 

Future field work on the Mesa Verde ought to be especially 
directed to the study of the relation of the Earth Lodge 
culture and that of the pueblo, in which is included the cliff 
dwellings and pueblos on top of the mesa. Both are char- 
acterized by distinctive pottery as well as architecture, 
although the essential features of the former are not very 
well known. Aztec and the Chaco ruins have local differ- 
ences from the Mesa Verde, but it is not known which area 
first lost its population. Both populations flourished at 
about the same time, and it is believed the cliff dwellings on 
the Mesa Verde were older than the community houses of 
the Chaco Canyon. 

In May, 1921, the chief resumed his work on the Mesa 
Verde, remaining there until the close of the fiscal year. 
During this time he completed the excavation of Far View 
House, and protected with a cement groat the tops of about 
two-thirds of all the walls of rooms. 

About 385 feet north of Far View House, on higher land, 
in about the center of the cluster of 16 mounds that are 
included in the Mummy Lake group, the excavation of a 
most interesting building wholly buried under fallen walls 
was begun. Enough work was done to show that it is a 
remarkable type of building, consisting of a central circular 
tower with several subterranean rooms or kivas on the south 
side, overlooking a large cemetery. It has all the appear- 
ance of a necropolis of the cluster, and important results 
await its final excavation. Unfortunately work on_ this 
mound had to be suspended at the close of the fiscal year. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 31 


The Mummy Lake cluster of mounds is a typical village 
and is duplicated again and again on the mesa and the sur- 
rounding valleys. The complete village consists of buildings 
of several forms and functions, isolated or united, although 
the components are largely habitations of the unit type. 
Evidently the tower, with its accompanying kivas and ceme- 
tery, was the necropolis but not a habitation. The spade 
alone can divine the true meaning of members of this group. 

In May the tops of all the walls of Sun Temple were re- 
cemented with groat to protect the walls from snow and 
rain, a work of no small magnitude. 

During the entire year Mr. James Mooney, ethnologist, 
remained in the office, engaged in formulating replies to 
ethnologic inquiries and in digesting material from former 
western field seasons. No new material was collected or 
completed. His work during the winter was interrupted by 
a period of serious illness. 

During the last fiscal year Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnolo- 
gist, practically completed the proof reading of Bulletin 73, 
Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors, 
which is now going through the press. He also copied the 
Koasati texts which were collected a few years ago, and com- 
pleted the extraction of words from these texts, of which a 
beginning was made last year. 

Doctor Swanton has added a few hundred cards to his 
material bearing on the economic basis of American Indian 
life, and has gone over Mr. James Murie’s paper on the 
Ceremonies of the Pawnee twice, in order to make certain 
necessary changes in the phonetic symbols employed. He 
has also devoted some time to studies of the Alabama, 
Hitchiti, and Muskogee languages. 

Doctor Swanton also continued the preparation of a paper 
on the Social Organization and Social Customs of the Indians 
of the Creek Confederacy, covering over 700 manuscript 
pages. 

During the entire fiscal year Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnolo- 
gist, was engaged in office work. His first work was devoted 
to the completion of the preparation by retyping of the 
Onondaga texts of the second part of the Iroquoian Cos- 


By BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


mology, the first part having appeared in the Twenty-first 
Annual Report of the bureau. Not only is the orthography 
of a large number of the native terms being standardized to 
conform in spelling with the other Iroquoian texts recorded 
by Mr. Hewitt but the statements and phrasing of numerous 
passages are also amplified or amended in such manner as 
to utilize information obtained by Mr. Hewitt since the re- 
cording of the original texts. 

Mr. Hewitt also took advantage of the opportunity pre- 
sented by the presence in Washington of Mr. George Ga- 
boosa, a mixed-blood Chippewa Indian of Garden River, 
Ontario, Canada, who speaks both Chippewa and Ottawa 
dialects of Algonquian, by securing his aid in revising and 
translating a number of Ottawa texts supplied in 1900 by 
John Miscogeon, an Ottawa mixed blood, then in Washing- 
ton, D. C. These texts are either myths or traditions em- 
bodying myths. Mr. Gaboosa supplied the Chippewa ver- 
sions of these stories. In addition to this work he supplied 
interlinear translations to all the texts. The following is a 
list of these texts: The Myth of Nanabozho’s Mother; 
Living Men Visit the Sky-Land; The Myth of Summer and 
Winter; The Myth of Daylight-Maker, or Daymaker; The 
Myth of Nanabozho. 

Mr. Hewitt is at work on some material relating to the 
general culture of the Muskhogean peoples, especially that 
relating to the Creeks and the Choctaw. In 1881-82 Maj. 
J. W. Powell began to collect and record this matter at first- 
hand from Mr. L. C. Perryman and Gen. Pleasant Porter, 
both well versed in the native customs, beliefs, culture, and 
social organization of their peoples. Mr. Hewitt assisted in 
this compilation and recording. In this way he became 
familiar with this material, which was laid aside for lack of 
careful revision, and a portion of which has been lost; but 
as there is still much that is valuable and not available in 
print it was deemed wise to prepare the matter for publica- 
tion, especially in view of the fact that the objective activities 
treated in these records no longer form a part of the life of 
the Muskhogean peoples, and so can not be obtained at 
first hand. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 33 


In addition to this material, it is designed to add as sup- 
plementary matter some Creek tales and mythic legends 
collected by Mr. Jeremiah Curtin. 

The following brief list of topics treated may give some 
idea of the nature of these field notes: “'Towns and clan 
lists,” “ Crime and murder,” “ The government of the clan,” 
“The town government or organization of a town,” “The 
council square,”’ “The chief,’ “The system of councils,” 
“The clan,” “The ranks and the title of persons,’ “The 
busk or puskita,’”’ “ Medicine practices,’ “ Names and nam- 
ing,” “ Festivals,” “ Marriage customs,” “ Insanity,’’ “ Proph- 
ets,’ “Souls or spirits,” “ Mythic notes,” and the short list 
of tales collected by Mr. Curtin. Much of the material here 
recorded is not available either in any other manuscript or 
in print. 

Mr. Francis La Flesche, ethnologist, devoted nearly all of 
his time to putting into book form his notes for the second 
volume of his work on the Osage tribe. This task was twice 
interrupted by the reading of the galley and the page proofs 
of the first volume. 

The second volume is nearing completion and embraces 
two versions of an ancient rite entitled “ No*/-zhi*-zho" 
Wa-tho", Songs of the Rite of Vigil.” Up to this date the 
completed part of this manuscript, exclusive of the illustra- 
tions, contains 582 typewritten pages. 

Sho”’-ge-mo™-i", who gave the No*’-zhi*-zho” ritual of his 
gens, the Tsi’-zhu Wa-shta-ge, died in the autumn of 1919. 
He was the fourth to die of the old men who aided in the 
recording of the ancient tribal rites of the Osage. Two old 
men died before the time set by them to give the ceremonials 
of their gentes arrived. Sho"/-ge-mo™-i" remarked, as he 
was recording the child-naming ritual, to be published in a 
later volume, “The Osage people are fast dying out since 
they abandoned the supplicatory rites formulated by their 
ancestors.” 

The beginning of the fiscal year found Mr. J. P. Harring- 
ton, ethnologist, engaged in the preparation of his material 
on the language of the Kiowa Indians. The entire material 


34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


was copied, collated, and analyzed, and constitutes a manu- 
script of more than 1,000 pages. 

Kiowa is a typical Tano-Kiowan dialect, closely related 
in phonetics, vocabulary, and structure with the Tanoan 
languages of New Mexico. This proves again, as in the case 
of the Hopi, that culture areas cut across linguistic ones. 
The Tano-Kiowan is furthermore genetically related to the 
Keresan and Zufiian groups of New Mexico, also to the 
Shoshonean, and certain languages of California. Mr. Har- 
rington has in hand a comparative study of these languages 
which is very bulky. 

Upon finishing the manuscript of the Kiowa paper, Mr. 
Harrington took up the Taos material, aided by a set of 
excellent texts dictated by Mr. R. Vargas, and comprising 
400 typewritten pages. He finished this for publication 
before the close of the fiscal year. 

On July 1, 1920, Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnologist, was 
at Tama, Iowa, engaged in researches among the Sauk and 
Fox of that State and preparing for publication by the bureau 
a manuscript entitled “The Autobiography of a Fox Indian 
Woman,” as far as practical in the field. A good deal of 
the work on this had been done in the previous fiscal year. 
Near the close of July he left for Saskatchewan, Canada, 
where he made a reconnaissance of the Plains Cree at File 
Hills Agency. From this study it appears that physically 
the Plains Cree have a cephalic index of about 79, thus 
belonging to the so-called Mississippi Valley type of North 
American Indian, which confirms the results of Dr. Boas’s 
work many years ago. Linguistically Cree clearly belongs 
to the central division of Algonquian languages, but it is not 
as archaic as has usually been believed. The folklore and 
mythology here show from an analysis of the culture cycle 
that both woodland and plains elements are to be found, as 
well as a few plateau elements. Ethnologically we have 
the same combination, save that plateau elements are lacking. 

Doctor Michelson returned to Washington at the close of 
August, where he completed the autobiography mentioned 
above, and in January submitted the manuscript for publi- 
cation by the bureau. The remainder of his time at Wash- 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 35 


ington was spent working out English translations of various 
Fox texts written in the current syllabary on mortuary 
customs and observances, as well as one or two folk tales. 

Doctor Michelson left Washington in the latter part of May, 
1921, to renew his researches among the Sauk and Fox of 
Iowa. Arriving at Tama near the end of the month, Doctor 
Michelson spent nearly all his time on Fox mortuary cus- 
toms and observances, mentioned above, with a view to 
their publication by the bureau. The Indian texts were 
restored phonetically, the translations corrected where 
needed, a grammatical analysis begun, and additional data 
secured, so that with the close of the fiscal year only about 
two weeks more of field work was necessary to complete the 
preparation of the volume so far as practical in the field. 
He took advantage of a favorable opportunity just before 
the end of the year to obtain data on the society called 
“Ki wa ka mo A ki.” 

While in the field and also in the office Doctor Michelson 
corrected proofs of Bulletin 72, The Owl Sacred Pack of the 
Fox Indians. 

SPECIAL RESEARCHES 


Special researches in the field were conducted by Miss 
Frances Densmore, Mr. W. E. Myer, Prof. J. E. Pearce, Mr. 
Gerard Fowke, and Mr. J. A. Jeancon. 

Four manuscripts have been submitted by Miss Frances 
Densmore during the year, entitled “ Papago Songs,” “ Leg- 
end Music of the Papago,” “Songs Connected With Expedi- 
tions to Obtain Salt,” and ‘ Viikita and Wakita Ceremonies 
of the Papago.” This material comprises 148 pages of text, 
75 transcriptions of songs (with phonographie records and 
technical analyses), and 27 photographic illustrations. 

In September Miss Densmore resumed her work on Papago 
music, and in December, 1920, returned to the Papago 
Reservation in Arizona, where she had worked a few months 
previously. She revisited San Xavier, but her work centered 
at Sells, formerly called Indian Oasis, but now the location 
of the Papago agency. ‘Trips were made from there to 
Santa Rosa village, in the extreme north, and to Vomari 


36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


village in the extreme south of the reservation. Photo- 
graphs, specimens. and records of songs were obtained at 
these places. 

The principal subject of study at this time was the belief 
of the Papago in supernatural agencies controlling their 
food supply. Information was obtained regarding two cere- 
monies connected with this belief, i. e., the making and drink- 
ing of “cactus wine,” and the Viikita. Numerous songs 
connected with these ceremonies were recorded. 

Other classes of songs not previously recorded among the 
Papago were those received in dreams, those sung on expe- 
ditions to obtain salt, and those connected with stories told 
to children; also songs for success in the kicking-ball race 
and in hunting. Songs of war and of medicine were recorded, 
as well as others concerning the deeds of Elder Brother and 
including songs he was said to have sung after creating the 
spirits, winds, and clouds. Mention may be made of a song 
that was said to have been sung in order to produce the 
death of an aged woman. It was said that “her grandsons 
decided to kill her by means of a song,” as her advanced age 
made her an encumbrance to them. Many songs have been 
recorded whose purpose was to procure health, but this is the 
first instance of a song intended to cause death. An impor- 
tant phase of the musical work was the hearing of a certain 
class of very old dance songs, a portion of which was in three 
parts, i. e., the voices of the men, the voices of the women 
singing the same melody an octave higher, and the voices of 
two or three women singing (for a brief period) a still higher 
part, different from the melody. This song was accompanied 
by the shaking of a gourd rattle and the striking of a basket 
drum, also by stamping the feet, which is the most primitive 
manner of marking time. This dance is seldom held at the 
present time, but was witnessed on the desert late Christmas 
night. 

As a development of the year’s work Miss Densmore notes 
the importance of recognizing estheticism as a factor in 
Indian music. Her analyses have shown the presence of tones 
whose interval distances correspond to those of the first, 
second, third, and fourth upper partial tones of a funda- 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 37 


mental. Thus, in a portion of his melody, the Indian ap- 
pears to find satisfaction in intervals which are under natural 
laws. Apart from these tones and intervals it appears, from 
the evidence in hand, that his choice of tonal material is 
controlled by a sense of pleasure rather than by ‘‘keys”’ or 
“modes.” 

Miss Densmore continued work on her manuscript en- 
titled ‘‘ Chippewa Arts and Customs.’”’ Tabulations of the 
botanical portions of this book were made as follows: Lists 
of botanical names, with bibliography, showing the uses of 
these plants by other tribes; lists of plants used as food, 
dyes, charms, and for general utility. Miss Densmore 
made more than 100 blue prints of birch-bark transparen- 
cies, showing a wide variety of interesting patterns. These 
transparencies are made by folding thin birch bark and in- 
denting it with the teeth, the bark, when unfolded and held 
toward the light, revealing the pattern. This form of Chip- 
pewa art is almost extinct at the present time. 

In September and October Mr. W. E. Myer, of Nash- 
ville, Tenn., excavated, under the auspices of the bureau, 
Indian village sites on the Gordon farm near Brentwood, 
Davidson County, Tenn., and also the Fewkes Group at 
Boiling Spring Academy, Williamson County, in the same 
State. The remains of an old Indian town at the Gordon 
site had walls and towers very similar to those of Pacaha, 
visited by De Soto in 1541. The walls covered an area of 
11.2 acres. 

When the former inhabitants for some unknown reason 
abandoned this site they appear to have left nearly all the 
buildings still standing. The locality was never again 
occupied or disturbed, but gradually the buildings of the 
silent and deserted town decayed and whatever vestiges 
were not destroyed by the elements were slowly buried 
under a layer of black loam which is now from 14 to 20 inches 
deep. 

In the course of time the site of the buried village gradu- 
ally became a beautiful grassy glade set here and there with 
giant forest trees. The charm of the site appealed to one 
of the first white settlers, who built his home here and pre- 


38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


served the grassy glade for a lawn. No one suspected that 
an ancient Indian town was lying buried a few inches be- 
neath the surface; but on the surface of this undisturbed 
lawn there were very faint saucer-shaped depressions and 
other evidences marking the sites of about 125 dwellings. 

When the accumulated superficial black loam’ was _re- 
moved from some of these circular depressions floors made 
of hard packed clay were brought to light. Some of these 
floors were very pleasing to the eye, being covered with a 
smoothed and polished coating of fine black, glossy material. 
The stone slab tops of the coffins of little children were 
exposed here and there projecting an inch or two above the 
level of the floor. 

A building was uncovered in the center of which was an 
altar filled with the pure white ashes of the ancient per- 
petual fire. The neighboring buildings were dwellings with 
fire beds used for domestic cooking. Stone metates, mullers, 
and other utensils used for household purposes were likewise 
found on the floors of these rooms. 

Mr. Myer also explored an unnamed group of five mounds 
and a surrounding village site at Boiling Spring Academy in 
Willamson County, Tenn. At the request of many citizens 
of Tennessee he gave this the name of Fewkes Group in 
honor of Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, Chief of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology, who had visited: the site, recognized its 
importance, and caused it to be explored. 

Archeological field work was carried on by Prof. J. HE. 
Pearce, of the University of Texas, in cooperation with the 
bureau. The area examined is situated in the vicinity of 
the city of Athens, in Henderson County, and during this 
work Professor Pearce received many courtesies from Judge 
A. B. Watkins, who has long manifested an interest in the 
archeology of the region. Professor Pearce finds that the 
eastern Texas region contains numerous mounds, village 
sites, and burial places, the objects from which are quite 
different from those found in the central and western portions 
of ‘Texas. Three interesting mounds on the Morrall farm, 
4 miles east of Cherokee County, were investigated. The 
highest of these mounds measures 80 feet across the base 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 39 


and 45 feet above the level of the base. The second mound 
is 180 feet long by 75 feet wide, but is only 15 feet high. 
Most of the mounds in the neighborhood of Athens have 
been plowed over and have no regularity in form. Several 
mounds situated in Harrison County, particularly those on 
the farm of Mr. Lane Mitchell, of Marshall, were examined 
and remains of earth lodges discovered, in the floor of which 
are central fire pits. These are probably recent. Numerous 
other sites were explored, yielding collections of pottery, 
stone implements, and other objects illustrating the life 
of the prehistoric aborigines of eastern Texas. Everything 
found implies that the Indians of this region lived in settled 
villages, were agriculturists, and made pottery of a high 
grade of excellence. Their culture was higher than that of 
the Indians who occupied the central region of Texas, 
investigated in 1919. { 

With a small allotment, Mr. J. A. Jeancon earried on 
important archeological work on a ruin at Llano, near 
Rancho de Taos, N. Mex., and obtained a valuable collection 
from a locality not represented in the Museum. 

The architectural features and relations of the kiva and 
secular rooms of this ruin recall those of the cliff dwellings and 
pueblos of the Mesa Verde. The circular subterranean 
kiva that was excavated proved to be almost identical with 
a typical Mesa Verde kiva, verifying the legends that the 
modern Taos Indians are a mixed type containing Pueblo 
elements, probably of northern origin. 

This kiva was embedded in house walls not free from sec- 
ular buildings as in modern Taos and showed evidences of 
two occupations, or one kiva built inside another. It had 
no pilasters for the support of a vaulted roof, but there were 
in the floor four upright posts upon which a flat roof formerly 
rested. In the floor was an excellent fireplace and a plastered 
pit the purpose of which is problematical. 

Mr. Jeancon’s work attracted wide attention, and many 
persons visited the site while he was at work. Members of 
the chamber of commerce in Taos declared their intention to 
protect the excavated walls by means of a shed. 

53666°—28-——4 


40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


The chief visited the ruin before excavation began and 
inspected the excavations after they had been completed. 

Mr. Gerard Fowke represented the bureau at the meeting 
of the Pan Pacific Congress in Honolulu and made a special 
study of the archeology of the Hawaiian Islands. He found 
that all the aboriginal remains on the islands are the work of 
the present Hawaiian race, indicating that when the earliest 
of these people came there the islands were without inhab- 
itants. No archeological evidences were found of any 
prehistoric population; and, so far as can be ascertained, 
excavations would not result in the discovery of any speci- 
mens essentially different from those that can be seen on the 
surface or may be found slightly covered by very recent 
natural accumulation. At the same time, as all the remains 
are well worthy of study and preservation, the islands furnish 
opportunity for further research. His report on the temples, 
terraces, and other remains has been received and awaits 
publication. 

Dr. Clark Wissler has given what time he could spare from 
his duties as chairman of the division of anthropology and 
psychology of the National Research Council to the comple- 
tion of a Pawnee manuscript, in which he has been aided by 
Mr. James R. Murie. The music necessary for this has 
been transcribed by Miss Helen H. Roberts, and Dr. John R. 
Swanton has also assisted in this work. 

During the fiscal year Mr. D. I. Bushnell, jr., completed a 
manuscript bearing the title: “Villages of the Algonquian, 
Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes West of the Mississippi.”’ 
While engaged in the preparation of this manuscript he also 
secured many notes on the burial customs of the same tribes, 
and these, together with much additional material, are being 
used in the preparation of another manuscript, entitled 
“Burials of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes 
West of the Mississippi.” 

Miss Mary Lois Kissell has begun the preparation of the 
manuscript of a bulletin on weaving of the Northwest Coast 
Indians, which it is hoped will be later followed by others on 
other geographical areas. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 41 


A small allotment was given to Mr. Gerard Fowke to 
carry on special archeological work in Greenup, Ky., near 
Portsmouth, Ohio, on mounds figured and described by 
Squier and Davis and T. H. Lewis. On the opposite bank 
of the Ohio River a celebrated cache of pipes has been found 
and it was hoped that a similar deposit might be discovered 
near the effigy mound on the south side. The results of 
this examination are negative so far as the object desired 
was concerned, but several interesting observations were made 
of a nature too technical to discuss in this place. 


EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS 


The editing of the publications of the bureau was con- 
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, assisted by 
Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols. The status of the publications is 
presented in the following summary: 


PUBLICATIONS ISSUED 


Bulletin 67. Alsea Texts and Myths (Frachtenberg). 304 pp. 

Bulletin 71. Native Cemeteries and Forms of Burial East of the 
Mississippi (Bushnell). 160 pp., 17 pl. 

Bulletin 72. The Owl Sacred Pack of the Fox Indians (Michelson). 
83 pp., 4 pl. 

List of Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 44 pp. 


PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS OR IN PREPARATION 


Thirty-fourth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: A Prehistoric 
Island Culture Area of America (Fewkes). 

Thirty-fifth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: Ethnology of the 
Kwakiutl (Boas). 

Thirty-sixth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Osage Tribe: 
Rite of the Chiefs; Sayings of the Ancient Men (La Flesche). 

Thirty-seventh Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Winne- 
bago Tribe (Radin). 

Thirty-eighth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: An Introduc- 
tory Study of the Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana Indians 
(Roth). 

Bulletin 73. Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors 
(Swanton). 

Bulletin 74. Excavation of a Site at Santiago Ahuitzotla, D. F. Mexico 
(Tozzer). 

Bulletin 75. Northern Ute Music (Densmore). 


/ 


42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Bulletin 76. Archeological Excavations in the Ozark Region of Cen- 
tral Missouri (Fowke). 

Bulletin 77. Villages of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes 
West of the Mississippi (Bushnell). 

Bulletin 78. Handbook of the Indians of California (Kroeber). 

Bulletin 80. Mandan and Hidatsa Music (Densmore). 


DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS 


The distribution of publications has been continued under 
the immediate charge of Miss Helen Munroe, assisted by 
Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications were distributed as 
follows: 


Copies 

Annual reports an deseparates = ss = sna = eee nem OOS 
Bulletins‘and ‘separates: 2 SUGUUe ONE Oa IO SER GOL288 
Contributions to North Anatban ute sara uses 34 
Miscellaneous spublications:jt. 4B: =. ehedel O_o 475 
Total... 2. 05. 20. SURO BOOT Ot BE panon795 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Mr. De Lancey Gill, illustrator, with the assistance of Mr. 
Albert EX. Sweeney, continued the preparation of the illus- 
trations of the bureau. A summary of this work follows: 


Photographic illustrations for distribution and office use _ __- 645 
Negatives of ethnological and archeological subjects______- 351 
Negative films developed from field exposures____.______ _- 70 
Photostat prints made from books and manuscripts. -____ _- 120 
Illustrations prepared and submitted for publication _______ 391 
inevand color drawintse = asa = fog ea ee eee 195 
Illustrations proofs edited eee wae 158 
Lithographic proofs examined at Government Pri inting Office 25, 000 
LIBRARY 


The reference library continued in the immediate care of 
Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr. Charles B. New- 
man and Mr. Samuel H. Miller. 

During the year 775 books were accessioned, of which 50 
were acquired by purchase, 325 by binding of periodicals, 
and 400 by gift and exchange. The periodicals currently 
received number about 900, of which 30 were received by 
subscription, the remainder being received through exchange. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 43 


The bureau has also received 269 pamphlets, giving at the 
close of the year a working library of 24,155 volumes, 14,777 
pamphlets, and several thousand unbound periodicals. 

During the year an increasing number of visitors have 
applied to the library for books. Information has been 
furnished and bibliographic notes compiled for the use of 
correspondents. The officials of the Library of Congress 
and of the Government departments have also made use of 
the library through frequent loans during the year. 

In addition to the use of its own library, which is becoming 
more and more valuable through exchange and by limited 
purchase, it was found necessary to draw on the Library of 
Congress for the loan of about 500 books. 

As mentioned in the last annual report, one of the most 
urgent needs of the library at the present time is more shelf 


room for its books. 
COLLECTIONS 


The following collections, acquired by members of the 
bureau or by those detailed in connection with its researches, 
have been transferred to the United States National 
Museum:: 


Stone arrow polisher, presented to the bureau by Dr. Walter E. 
Roth, of Georgetown, British Guiana. (65625.) 

Collection of archeological material, collected in the spring of 1920 
in northwestern Arizona and southwestern Utah by Mr. Neil M. 
Judd. (65764.) 

Pseudo stone implement, found by Rey. E. N. Kremer near 
Camphill, Cumberland County, Pa. (65795.) 

Three human skulls and bones, collected by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes 
at Fire Temple Group, Mesa Verde National Park, Colo. (66011.) 

Skeltons collected during the summer of 1920 near Nashville, 
Tenn., by Mr. W. E. Myer. (65115.) 

Archeologia and skeleton, collected by Mr. J. A. Jeancon from a 
ruin near Taos, N. Mex., in the summer of 1920. (66156.) 

Archeologia and human bones, found at Indian Hall, Fla., by 
Mr. Charles T. Earle. (65551.) 

Skull bones and lower jaw, found at village site near Gatesville, 
Tex., by Prof. J. E. Pearce. (65334.) 


44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
PROPERTY 


Furniture and office equipment were purchased to the 
amount of $140.83. 
MISCELLANEOUS 


Clerical.—The correspondence and other clerical work of 
the office has been conducted by Miss May 8S. Clark, clerk 
to the chief. Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols assisted the editor. 
Mr. Anthony Wilding served as messenger and typist to the 
chief. 

Personnel.—Mr. Samuel H. Miller has been appointed to 
assist Miss Leary in the library in place of Mr. Charles B. 
Newman, transferred to the Smithsonian. 

Mr. J. A. Jeancon, who served as assistant to the chief in 
the work at Mesa Verde, was later appointed temporary 
ethnologist, but at the close of two months’ work in Wash- 
ington, resigned to accept a position in the State Historical 
Museum, Denver, Colo. 

Respectfully submitted. 

J. Waurpr FEWwKEs, 
Chief, Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Dr. Cuartes D. Watcort, 
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 


CONTENTS 


Page 
Micldirascanches Omphe sUeie ee oe ek 47 
DDCUIMUINICSEARCUCN ee seen eee ae eee se ee eels sbeeepeee eee 60 
Haitonal work and spublicutions = -—-- 2 - =. 2. 2-5-2 ae enon 69 
snr Ons eee See” 2 ae ee eee Reet. See eae OS. Sn ee, Se 71 
nary Ree eet Set oS ew Ba a ed 2 ce 71 
(QUIN amOy Ges ee a ee en eee es ne See, 72 
Lg afo) Ovo 29 eee SR ON ee es - ae 73 
Miscellancous $42.3. a05 a6) eel ee ose. 3s. bese eae 28S 73 


UNO iat prs pas 


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Areonurt. ot iat ea 


Poe act 7 
ONeieal.— Shin wor, ie a 
cive, Offew ta nen mn 
io (he obo, My. Bra ere ~ \etals pede tie 
Mr. Aedheniy Within i oh eT [ee typincte Pid 
Clint ; SS ; ; 
bow a ne: | sa Siitlee: hea baa intedh TC 
east te tee? 0) ose Spars Ty place of Mie). « WN 
_ Newnan, Pin cok ee eee \ . 


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the woes © lua, Vinde, was Inter appohited RIEREY 
ehindor + 08 at the clanmarrmeononthet Vouk ia Walaa 

‘ia pita phe fai Shite H tbr 

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J eek 


ANNUAL REPORT 


OF THE 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1922 
J. WALTER Frewkes, Chief 


Str: In response to your request I have the honor to sub- 
mit the following report on the field researches, office work, 
and other operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1922, conducted in 
accordance with the act of Congress approved March 4, 
1921. The act referred to contains the following item: 

American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches among 
the American Indians and the natives of Hawai, including the exca- 
vation and preservation of archeologic remains, under the direction of 
the Smithsonian Institution, including the necessary employees and 
the purchase of necessary books and periodicals, $46,000. 

The Indians of the United States are undergoing cultural 
changes which will in a short time so modify their material 
culture that little will be left in that line for the ethnologist 
to study. It is imperative that the bureau exert itself in 
every way to record the material culture and cult objects 
before the final change occurs. The objects illustrating this 
culture are now mainly preserved as heirlooms in ceremonies, 
and it is particularly desirable that these be described and their 
meanings interpreted before they pass out of use completely. 


FIELD RESEARCHES OF THE STAFF 


In 1904 the bureau inaugurated at Casa Grande a method 
of archeological work which has now been adopted by most 
of the institutions working in the southwestern part of the 
United States. Previous to this time archeologists rarely 
paid attention to the preservation of walls of ruins, but 
sacrificed these in their zeal to make as large collections of 


artifacts as possible. : 
7 


48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY 


The bureau method of preserving the buildings for future 
students has now been adopted by other institutions, and 
work of this nature is being carried on at Pueblo Bonito, 
Chaco Canyon, by the National Geographic Society; at 
Chettro Kettle, in the same canyon, by the School of Amer- 
ican Research, Santa Fe, N. Mex.; at Pecos, N. Mex., by 
the Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass.; and at Aztec by the 
American Museum of Natural History of New York. This 
method of archeological work has created a great interest in 
archeological problems, as indicated by the increased number 
of visitors to these ruins, and has a great practical value as 
an asset to the communities in which these ruins are situated. 
It is the intention of the chief of the bureau to keep abreast 
of the other institutions in this regard. 

In the past year the bureau has entered upon two new lines 
of work which it is believed will not only increase its scientific 
output by intensive research but also appeal strongly to 
the popular interest and to the diffusion of knowledge 
already acquired. For many years it has not been found 
practical to continue work on the Hawaiian Islands, which is 
mentioned as one of the important items of ethnological 
research in the above act of Congress. A meeting of the 
Pan Pacific Convention in Honolulu shows an increased 
interest in the study of the Polynesian islands and their 
relation to the question of the peopling of America from 
the South Seas. Mr. Gerard Fowke, a collaborator of the 
bureau, was commissioned to attend this convention in 
the interest of the Smithsonian Institution, and he was 
instructed to gather whatever information he could in rela- 
tion to the archeology of the people, if any, that preceded 
the Hawaiian race of the present day. Although his results 
were negative, it is gratifying that the bureau took part in 
this convention, as it opened up several lines of work in 
other islands which it may later be advantageous to follow. 
The Sandwich Islands lie practically on the periphery of 
the sphere of influence of the Polynesian culture, and local 
investigators have the Hawaiians well in hand. There is 
considerable to do in mapping the distribution of temples 
and ancient buildings, but this work is being rapidly done 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 49 


by local archeologists. It is desirable, however, that the 
bureau take up archeological work in Samoa or some island 
nearer the center of distribution of the race which has 
occupied almost all the land in the Pacific Ocean. The 
imperfect facilities for transportation from one island to 
another and the loss of time in transit is a serious handicap 
in this work. 

A second line of research which promises even more to the 
scientific investigator and the tourist is a study of the 
material culture, especially the architecture, of the houses 
of the aborigines of Alaska. In the growth of the canning 
industry the Indians who formerly inhabited southern 
Alaska have been drawn away from their aboriginal villages, 
leaving them deserted and their totem poles and buildings 
to the mercy of fire and decay. The monuments are rapidly 
going to destruction, and it is very desirable that steps be 
immediately taken to preserve these buildings or a typical 
example of them before they are utterly destroyed. 

One of these settlements, Kasaan, has already been made 
a national monument. Steps should be taken to preserve 
others. 

Dr. T. T. Waterman was sent by the bureau to investigate 
the whole question—primarily to secure whatever vanishing 
ethnological data is still extant. He was instructed to gather 
information on the symbolism of the totem poles, the charac- 
ter of the houses, distribution of clans, and whatever scien- 
tific data can be obtained from those still living who once 
inhabited these villages. This line of investigation appeals 
very strongly to the chief from his knowledge of the growth 
in interest of the Mesa Verde National Park. In 1908, 
when he began work on this park, only 25 tourists visited 
the Mesa Verde; this year, 1922, the number will reach 
4,500. This shows a great growth of interest in the work 
being done there; and, as many tourists now seek Alaska 
in their summer vacation, one of these villages repaired would 
attract many visitors. It is proposed to continue this work 
next summer with an enlarged appropriation. 

The work of the bureau in other lines has gone on with 
customary vigor. The chief has repeatedly emphasized 


50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


the necessity of rescuing the linguistic and sociological data 
of those Indian stocks that are rapidly disappearing. It 
would be culpable if any of these languages should vanish 
completely without some record. Interest in the aborigines 
of this continent has greatly increased in the last years, 
especially on account of the stimulus of the movement called 
““see America first.”’ 

In addition to his purely administrative duties, con- 
siderable time has been devoted by the chief to researches 
in the field. This work was archeological in nature and a 
continuation of that of previous years, and was carried on 
in cooperation with the National Park Service of the 
Department of the Interior. 

Two months were spent in the neighborhood of Far View 
House, the first pueblo discovered on the Mesa Verde 
National Park, six years ago. In the course of the work 
this fine ruin was thoroughly repaired and put in such con- 
dition that it will now resist the wear of the elements for 
several years. Ruins once repaired must be watched with 
care. On an average between 3,000 and 4,000 visitors, 
mainly tourists, visit the Mesa Verde National Park and 
examine the excavated ruins. Fifteen thousand visitors 
have already passed through Spruce-tree House and Cliff 
Palace, and the wear on the soft rock of which the ruins 
are made is beginning to show. Unless constant vigilance 
is exercised the walls will fall within a short time. Any 
deterioration ought to be repaired annually. Tourists are 
not now permitted to visit any of the ruins on this park 
without a guide, a regulation that has been strictly enforced 
during the past year. 

Field work in May and June was devoted to excavating 
a ruin called Pipe Shrine House, situated to the south of 
Far View House. This was apparently a communal build- 
ing, or one not inhabited, which was used by the people of 
the pueblo for sacred ceremonies. It would appear that 
Pipe Shrine House, so called, bears the same relationship 
to Far View House that the Lower House of the Yucca 
National Monument does to the Upper. The great kiva 
at Aztec, in New Mexico, lately excavated, bears a some- 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 51 


what similar relationship to the main ruin, and there are 
several of the Chaco Canyon ruins where similar conditions 
prevail. 

The site of Pipe Shrine House when work began was a 
low mound covered with sagebrush with a saucerlike depres- 
sion in the center, not unlike several others in the immediate 
vicinity of Far View House. The removal of vegetation and 
débris and an excavation of the rooms revealed a rectangular 
building 70 by 60 feet, with walls averaging one story high. 
It had indications of a lofty tower in the middle of the western 
side, which must have imparted to the building somewhat 
the appearance of a church steeple or the minaret of a 
mosque. The large room was situated in the center of the 
ruin, its floor being about 20 feet below that of the other 
rooms. This subterranean room is a kiva, but it differs 
from others of like type on the park in that it has no fire- 
place in the center of the floor, no ventilator or deflector, 
and has eight mural pilasters instead of six to support the 
roof. The fallen walls within showed indications of a great 
conflagration, the stones and adobe being turned red and the 
walls turned bright red by the great heat. On the floor of 
the kiva was an inclosure set off by a semicircular wall 
where the action of fire was particularly evident. In the 
inclosure were found many votive offerings, the most numer- 
ous of which were a dozen clay tobacco pipes of various 
shapes and sizes, one or two decorated on their exteriors. 
These pipes, which are the first ever found on the Mesa 
Verde, evidently had been smoked by the priests and then 
thrown into the shrine. Besides the pipes the shrine also 
contained several fine stone knives, small decorated clay 
platters, various fetishes, and other objects. Pipe Shrine 
House was entered on the south by two doorways, midway 
between which a large pictograph of a coiled serpent was 
incised on a large stone set in the wall. To the south of the 
building there was a plaza surrounded by a retaining wall 
and directly opposite one of the entrances there are aboriginal 
steps which lead to a rectangular shrine 4 feet in size, in 
which were found a number of water-worn stones surrounding 
a large stone image of the mountain lion. The contents 


52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


of this shrine were replaced, the mountain lion left in his 
original position, and the inclosure covered with a netting 
to prevent the possible removing of the objects from their 
places. Other shrines and several stone idols of considerable 
size were found in the neighborhood. The idols found at 
Pipe Shrine House represent the snake, mountain lion, 
mountain sheep, and bird—an important discovery, as 
previously only one stone animal idol had been found at 
the Mesa Verde Park. 

One of the most instructive experiences of the archeologist 
is to see a skeleton centuries old as it lies in the grave. 
One of the ancient people of Pipe Shrine House was left in 
a prepared chamber for tourists to inspect. 

The cemetery lies on the southeast corner of this ruin, 
and in it were found several human burials from one of 
which a good skeleton was chosen to illustrate the manner 
of burial and the mortuary offerings. This skeleton was 
not removed from the grave but was surrounded by a stone 
wall forming a room, rectangular in shape, protected by a 
erating and a waterproof roof. Visitors may now see one 
of the skeletons of the race of cliff dwellers as he was placed 
in his grave more than 500 years ago; not a single bone has 
been moved from position. ‘This is the first time in North 
American archeology that an effort has been made to pro- 
tect an Indian skeleton in situ, and the success of the method 
is self-evident, judging from the comments of visitors. 

The pipes found in the shrine of the kiva have suggested 
‘“‘Pipe Shrine House” as a name for the building. It seems 
to have been given up to the rites and ceremonies of the 
inhabitants of the neighboring Far View House. 

The second ruin excavated at Mesa Verde was formerly 
the habitation of one clan or of one social unit composed of 
relatives on the mother’s side, on which account this ruin 
was given the name “One Clan House.” It is situated 
about one-eighth of a mile south of Pipe Shrine House and 
consists of a circular subterranean room or kiva of fine 
masonry surrounded by rooms for sleeping, others for grind- 
ing corn, and still others used as bins for corn or storage 
rooms. The kiva was the ceremonial or men’s room. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 53 


One of the most instructive ruins excavated in 1922 is a 
round tower, 15 feet in diameter and 10 feet high, situated 
about 300 feet north of Far View House. In front of this 
tower were found three subterranean kivas under the fallen 
débris, in one of which were constructed walls of a square 
building, indicating secondary occupation, and erected 
after the abandonment of the kiva. This tower and accom- 
panying kivas may be called Far View Tower, and the 
indications are that it was used for observations, particularly 
of the sun on the horizon at sunrise and sunset, in order to 
determine the time for planting and other dates important 
for an agricultural people. These towers were probably 
rooms for the worship of the sun and other sky gods. 

Some distance north of Far View Tower there were dis- 
covered in the cedars a number of large stones arranged 
vertically in rows projecting 3 feet above the surface of the 
ground. Excavation showed that these megaliths were walls 
of buildings of anomalous character, indicating a new type 
of architecture on the Mesa Verde. This ruin, ‘‘ Megalithic 
House,”’ was not completely excavated, but all the others 
were repaired, the tops of the walls being covered with 
cement to prevent future erosion. 

An important collection made by the chief in the course 
of the summer’s work contains many rare and unique speci- 
mens, an account of which will later be published in a report 
on the excavations. 

During his work at the Mesa Verde the chief gave camp- 
fire talks in the special amphitheater constructed for that 
purpose by the superintendent of the park. The average 
attendance on these talks was about 40 each evening, and 
at times, as on a visit of a convention of teachers, there were 
150 listeners. He also spent considerable time daily taking 
parties over the new work which he was doing in the neigh- 
borhood of Far View House. 

Ever since 1917 the chief has been attempting to have the 
sites of three clusters of towers in Utah withdrawn from 
private ownership and made into a national monument, to 
be called Hovenweep National Monument. Various cir- 
cumstances have made it impossible to bring this about. 


54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


During the past summer, however, Mr. Hatze, a Land Office 
surveyor, determined the metes and bounds of these three 
clusters and later Doctor Fewkes visited them in order to 
determine their present condition. He found that a settler 
had filed claims on the neighboring land, the adjoining 
one-quarter mile section, and erected his cabin. Some of 
the cabins in the neighborhood have stones remarkably like 
those of the towers; in other words, the necessity for imme- 
diate action, if these towers are to be preserved for posterity, 
is apparent, and the land on which they are situated should 
be withdrawn from settlement and the buildings put under 
the care of proper authorities. The three groups are known 
as the Square Tower, the Ruin Canyon group; the Holly and 
Keeley Towers; and the large ruin at the head of the Cajon 
Mesa called Cool Spring House, on account of the fine water 
which is found in the cave back of the cliff house. 

During the fiscal year Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, 
was engaged in extracting the words from his Hitchiti texts 
and adding them to his dictionary on cards of the Hitchiti 
language, and in preparing a grammatical sketch of 75 pages 
based on this material and that collected by Dr. A. 8. 
Gatschet. 

Much time was devoted to transferrmg words to cards 
from his Alabama texts, and from material in Alabama 
secured through native informants, into an Alabama-English 
dictionary. The first 25 pages of a grammatical sketch of 
this language have also been completed. 

A comparison has been made between the Natchez 
language on the one hand and Koasati and Hitchiti on the 
other, in order to establish the position of Natchez in the 
Muskhogean linguistic stock. This has not yet been set 
down in full,.but all of the essential points have been type- 
written on cards. 

A paper of 44 pages has been prepared in elaboration of 
some recent discoveries regarding the Siouan peoples, 
discoveries which have an especial bearing on the relation- 
ship of the various Siouan groups to one another. 

A small amount of work has been done in continuance of 
Doctor Swanton’s investigations into the economic basis of 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 55 


American Indian life, particularly a study of aboriginal 
trails and trade routes. 

The work of collecting stories dealing with the old clan 
divisions of the Chickasaw Indians, undertaken by a 
Chickasaw at Doctor Swanton’s suggestion, has met with 
gratifying success, 10 or 12 such stories having already been 
sent in. 

During the fiscal year Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, 
was engaged entirely in office work. 

In his report for the fiscal year 1921 it was stated that a 
number of Chippewa and Ottawa texts had been obtained 
in 1900 from Mr. John Miscogeon, an Ottawa mixed blood, 
then in Washington, D. C., and that Mr. George Gabaoosa, 
a mixed-blood Chippewa, had been employed to amend and 
to supply the Chippewa versions of these texts. He also 
amplified the texts by substantial additions. This material 
covers 125 pages. Mr. Gabaoosa’s fixed habit of writing 
his native language by means of the alphabet employed by 
the missionaries made it needful that these texts thus written 
be translated into the alphabet devised by Maj. J. W. 
Powell, founder of the Bureau of American Ethnology, for 
recording native Indian languages. This work of trans- 
literation is one of considerable difficulty, because the aid 
of a native Chippewa speaker is not available in the office 
and Mr. Hewitt does not speak Chippewa. 

In addition, Mr. Hewitt continued work in preparing the 
Muskhogean material detailed in his last report. 

Mr. Hewitt also continued his typing of the native 
Onondaga texts of the second part of the Iroquoian Cos- 
mology, the first part having appeared in the Twenty-first 
Annual Report of the bureau. There are now 255 pages of 
text material in final form. 

As custodian of manuscripts Mr. Hewitt reports that no 
new linguistic records were added to the material perma- 
nently in his charge. Collaborators and others make tem- 
porary deposits of manuscripts upon which work is being 
done, and these are not catalogued as of permanent deposit. 

53666°—28—5 


56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Mr. Hewitt spent much time and study in the preparation 
of data for official replies to correspondents of the bureau 
and of the Indian Office also, the latter by reference only. 
The scope of the inquiries covers almost the entire range of 
human interest, often quite outside of the specific researches 
properly coming within the activities of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology, but many are only requests for the 
derivation of some alleged native Indian place or proper 
name, often greatly Anglicized and mutilated. Some of 
these inquiries require more than a day’s work to answer, as 
it is sometimes necessary to visit the Congressional Library 
in search of data. Data for more than 75 such inquiries 
were prepared. 

Immediately following the death of the late Mr. James 
Mooney, Mr. Hewitt assisted Mrs. Mooney in assorting and 
separating the personal letters and papers of Mr. Mooney, 
some in advanced stages of preparation (the accumulation 
of more than 30 years’ activity in an official capacity), from 
those which by their nature are official documents, and corre- 
spondence and photographs. More than a week was devoted 
to this work. 

Before placing this material in the new storeroom a rough 
classification was made of it. Five main groups were made, 
corresponding roughly with the five chief papers which Mr. 
Mooney had under way for a number of years before his 
demise, namely, (a) A Study of the Peyote and Its Accom- 
panying Religious Cult; (b) A Monograph on the Popula- 
tion of the Indian Tribes When First Known; (c) A Paper 
on Cherokee Medical Formulas Recorded in the Sequoya 
Alphabet by Native Priests; (d) Kiowa Heraldry; and (e) 
A Study of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Shields. Owing to 
the peculiar chirography cof Mr. Mooney and his excessive 
use of abbreviations peculiar to himself, this task proved to 
be a most tedious and difficult one. 

Mr. Hewitt, who represents the Smithsonian Institution 
on the United States Geographic Board, attended all its 
regular meetings except one, and all the special meetings of 
the board, 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 57 


Mr. Francis La Flesche, ethnologist, continued during the 
fiscal year on the task of assembling his notes for the second 
volume of his work on the Osage tribe. The manuscript 
for the second volume, which embraces two versions of an 
ancient Osage ritual entitled, “ No"-zhi"-zho" Wa-tho”, Songs 
of the Rite of Vigil,” was completed and turned in to 
the bureau on February 25, 1922, where it awaits publication. 

The first version of this ritual, which is counted as next 
in importance to the Hearing of the Sayings of the Ancient 
Men, published in the Thirty-sixth Annual Report of the 
bureau, was given by Wa-xthi-zhi of the Puma gens of 
the Osage. This man had learned the ritual from his 
father, Wa-thu’-ts’aga-zhi, who is said to have been one 
of the best informed No*’-ho”-zhi"-ga in the tribal rites. 
With some difficulty Mr. La Flesche managed to persuade 
Sho*’-ge-mo*-i", of the Peacemaker gens, a more conserva- 
tive man than Wa-xthi-zhi, to give the second version, 
which belongs to his gens. As this ritual pertains to war, 
old Sho*’-ge-mo*-i* desired it to be clearly understood that 
his gens performed the ceremonies of the ritual as a mere 
matter of form rather than as an actual owner of the rite. 
The office of his gens, he explained, was one that was insti- 
tuted for the conservation of life and the maintenance of 
peace within the tribe and with other tribes not related 
to the Osage. 

On the completion of the manuscripts for the second 
volume, Mr. La Flesche began the task of assembling his 
notes for the third volume, which will embrace two tribal 
rituals, the first of which is entitled “ Wa-x6-be A-wa-tho", 
Songs Relating to the Wa-xé-be.” The Wa-x6-be is the 
sacred hawk, the symbol of the valor of the Osage war- 
rior. ‘The second ritual is entitled “Ca Tha-dse Ga-xe,” 
literally, The Making of the Rush, but meaning the Making 
of the Woven Rush Shrine for the Wa-x6-be. 

On July 1, 1921, Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnologist, was 
at Tama, lowa, continuing his work among the Fox Indians 
of that State. He completed. gathering data on Fox mortu- 
ary customs and beliefs and restored texts appertaining to 
these and worked out a vocabulary as far as possible in 


58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


the field. On the completion of this he restored phonetically 
a text previously collected on the Fox society known as 
“Those who worship the little spotted buffalo.” He also 
worked out, as far as practical, the vocabulary to this text. 
At the close of August he returned to Washington and 
elaborated the material collected in the field. During the 
fiscal year Dr. Michelson submitted two manuscripts for 
publication, namely, “ Notes on Fox Mortuary Customs 
and Beliefs” and “Notes on the Fox Society Known as 
‘Those Who Worship the Little Spotted Buffalo.’”’ 

On May 25 Doctor Michelson left for the West to conduct 
researches among the Algonquian Indians of Iowa, Kansas, 
and Oklahoma. He stopped at Columbus, Ohio, to consult 
with Prof. L. Bloomfield. As a result of this conference it 
became apparent that Menomini is very clearly more closely 
related to Cree than to any other Algonquian language. He 
found the work at Shawnee, Okla., very difficult and expen- 
sive, owing to the fact that the Algonquian Indians of that 
State are scattered and distances are very great. How- 
ever, during his short stay he secured sufficient information 
to show definitely that not only the Sauk but also the Kicka- 
poo share many mortuary customs and beliefs with the 
Fox of Iowa. He thinks that these correspondences are too 
detailed and too numerous to be of independent origin and 
must be due to dissemination. This poimt regarding the 
Sauk and Fox is not novel, but it is regarding the Kickapoo. 
There are, however, some differences in the mortuary cus- 
toms of all neighboring tribes. This last fact is not so well 
known. A detailed study of all three neighboring tribes, 
Siouan as well as Algonquian, on these matters alone can 
clear up the history of the borrowings. He expects to obtain 
data on these points regarding the Shawnee and Potawatomi 
also. 

The beginning of the fiscal year found Mr. J. P. Harrington, 
ethnologist, engaged in completing his bulletin on the Kiowa 
language, in several respects one of the most remarkable of 
the American Indian tongues. Aside from the phonetic 
system, with its unusual frequency of long vowels and diph- 
thongs, we may point to the noun, several declensions of 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 59 


which form the singular by adding the same suffixes which 
other declensions use for forming the plural. These singulars 
of plural form are doubtless conceived as collective, for a 
personal pronoun in apposition also has the plural form. 
Thus pronominal agreement arises many times more com- 
plicated than that in the three-gendered languages of Europe, 
and is further involved by subjective, objective, and indi- 
rective pronouns largely combining to form a single syllable— 
a very terse yet involved system of speech. A number of 
Kiowa and Tanoan songs were found to have the melody 
following in exaggerated form the intonation of the spoken 
language. Thus the song “agoyopovi navi ha, wimbo 
winda” has the high tones of its words also high pitched in 
the song. This has led to the important discovery that 
certain melodies in intoned languages may take their clue 
from the intonation of the words. The Kiowa vocabulary 
secured is quite complete and forms an interesting contri- 
bution to the study of the place names, animal names, and 
plant names adopted by a tribe when it leaves its old home 
and moves to a new region. Mr. Harrington proceeded at 
the close of July to California to continue his studies of the 
Indians of the Chumashan area of that State. This expedi- 
tion proved fruitful in results beyond all expectation. Spe- 
cial emphasis was laid on the place names, material culture, 
and language. More than 300 photographs of Indian places 
and historic landmarks were secured, together with a wealth 
of highly interesting and important data. The collecting 
of Indian place names in the Eastern States was neglected 
until too late, so that we have only a few names in distorted 
spelling and of uncertain etymology. It is still possible to 
obtain full data in many parts of the West, and there is 
scarcely any work which the bureau can undertake which 
is more important or urgent, either in popular interest or as 
a help to the future ethnologist, historian, or archeologist. 
Linguistic study is peculiarly inaportéiit in this area, 
since it resurrects past culture and records perishing mate- 
rial for comparison with remote languages. Thirty new 
Venturefio songs were obtained from one singer, all with 
native words. The technique of the split-stick accompani- 


60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


ment and the dance steps were faithfully studied and the 
words were exhaustively compared with the corresponding 
prose forms. 

Mr. Harrington’s opinion was confirmed that the southern 
California culture has many curious points of resemblance 
with that of the Southwest. Even the Pueblo plumed 
prayer stick, with sand paintings and the ceremonial use of 
meal and seeds, have been found also among the Californians. 

Twice during the fiscal year Mr. Harrmgton was tem- 
porarily transferred to the Department of the Interior for 
special archive work. At the close of the fiscal year he 
returned to Washington. 


SPECIAL RESEARCHES 


During the past year Miss Frances Densmore has extended 
her study of Indian music by recording songs among the 
Yuma, Cocopa, and Yaqui tribes, making a total of nine 
tribes among whom this work has been done. Mohave songs 
were obtained from two members of that tribe living on the 
Yuma Reservation, and one Maya song was recorded in the 
Yaqui village. Four manuscripts on Indian music were sub- 
mitted, the titles being “Songs Concerning Elder Brother 
and His People, and Other Papago Songs,” “The Rain Cere- 
mony of the Papago,” ‘‘A Cocopa Legend and its Songs,” 
and “ Deer Dance Songs of the Yuma, Yaqui, and Maya 
Indians.” In addition to her work on Indian music Miss 
Densmore has completed for publication two books on 
Chippewa culture with the titles “Uses of Plants by the 
Chippewa,” and “ Chippewa Customs.” The former book 
contains descriptions of the uses of 168 plants in medi- 
cine, food, dye, charms, and general utility, the section on 
medicine being in tabulated form and showing the uses of 
the plant by other tribes, where such use is recorded, and its 
use by the white race, if such occurs. This tabulation shows 
the ailments for which a plant was used, the part of the plant 
utilized, the manner of its preparation, the dosage, and, in 
some instances, the time before an improvement in the con- 
dition of the patient was expected. The latter book con- 
tains sections on Chippewa nouns and their structure, on 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 61 


the various industries by which the tribe maintained itself, 
and on the care and training of little children. New material 
was submitted in the form of two manuscripts, Certain Cus- 
toms of the Chippewa in Ontario, Canada, and Chippewa 
Nouns and Their Structure, these titles corresponding to the 
principal subjects under consideration. Three brief trips in 
Minnesota and Wisconsin were made for this work. Miss 
Densmore also read the page proof of her book on Northern 
Ute Music. 

In February, 1922, Miss Densmore went to Yuma, Ariz., 
where she remained six weeks. During that time she made a 
brief trip to a Cocopa settlement located near the Colorado 
River and about 6 miles from the Mexican boundary. The 
older Cocopa living at this point came from Mexico about 18 
years ago and neither they nor their children had a status in 
the United States. At this time, however, they were en- 
rolled under the Yuma Agency, Miss Densmore assisting in 
the enrollment by writing their Cocopa names in simple 
‘phonetic spelling. Forty Cocopa songs were recorded, com- 
prising songs of two representative dances and of a crema- 
tion legend. For this work it was necessary to employ two 
interpreters. 

It is the custom of both Cocopa and Yuma to cremate their 
dead, and Miss Densmore witnessed a Yuma cremation soon 
after her arrival. The dead man had been a leading singer 
at cremations and the ceremony was given with the elabo- 
rateness which would be accorded a chief. The songs were 
very old and are seldom used at the present time. Miss 
Densmore obtained phonographic records of these songs, as 
. well as of the Kurok or memorial ceremony which is held 
each summer for the more important persons who have died 
during the year. Images of the deceased persons are carried 
in the dances of the Kurok and publicly burned. The history 
of these ceremonies, with the songs, was obtained from the 
oldest man who is an authority on the subject. It is the 
belief of these people that the spirit departs from the body 
in the flame of the cremation. 

A new musical form was found among the Yuma and 
Cocopa, consisting of a “song cycle’’ which required an 


62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


entire night for its rendition and is commonly called a story. 
Each of these stories has its designated accompaniment. 
Among the Yuma the accompanying instruments are a gourd 
rattle and an inverted basket struck with a bundle of arrow- 
wood, a willow stick, or the palm of the hand. Sometimes 
two bundles of arrowwood or two sticks are used, being held 
in the same hand. Specimens of these instruments were 
obtained, also a bamboo flute and two bamboo flageolets. 
The music of the latter was phonographically recorded. 
The Yuma songs included those of the treatment of the 
sick, those of games, and three interesting lullabies. 

The work among the Yaqui was conducted at Guadalupe 
village, near Tempe, Ariz. The older Yaqui in this village 
were born in Mexico. These Indians have received no favors 
from the United States Government and support themselves 
by manual labor. They seem happy and contented in their 
little desert village. Miss Densmore witnessed their deer 
dance and later recorded the songs from one of the leading 
singers, a native of Mexico. The occasion of the dance was 
the celebration of Easter eve. The songs were accompanied 
by playing upon four half gourds. The Yaqui have two 
distinct forms of music, one which appears to be entirely 
native and the other showing a Mexican or Spanish influence. 

A large proportion of the songs transcribed and heard 
during the past year were accompanied by a gourd rattle, 
and are of unusual musical value, both in pleasing melody 
and rhythmic interest. This suggests an inquiry as to 
whether the songs accompanied by the rattle are generally 
more musical than those accompanied by the drum. It is 
interesting to note that the songs of the Yuma and Cocopa . 
resemble each other but differ entirely from the songs of 
the Papago who live adjoining them. The songs of the 
Yaqui, so far as observed, differ from both these tribes except 
in the frequent use of rests. The rhythm of the rattle in 
Yuma and Cocopa performances is more elaborate and con- 
tains more frequent changes than that of the accompanying 
instrument in any tribe thus far studied. A correspondence 
between the words of the song and the progressions of the 
melody is particularly evident in these songs. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 63 


Early in March, 1922, Dr. T. T. Waterman, ethnologist, 
proceeded to Alaska, under temporary appointment in the 
bureau, with instructions from the chief to scrutinize certain 
native towns in southeastern Alaska. His purpose was to 
ascertain how many totemic monuments exist there, and to 
get information concerning the carvings. The place of 
special interest was a former settlement of Alaskan Haida, 
known as Kasaan. It was possible during the three months 
that Doctor Waterman spent in Alaska to make a rapid 
survey not only of Kasaan but of the towns known as Village 
Island, Tongass, Cape Fox, Klinkwan, Howkan, Sukwan, 
Klawak, and Tuxekan. Some extremely interesting monu- 
ments, including many tall and imposing totem poles, were 
examined and photographed. Charts or sketch maps were 
brought back from the field, which show the number of 
monuments still standing in each town and their state of 
preservation. The observer was fairly successful in obtain- 
ing from the Indians an account of the meaning of the 
carvings on the poles, which have never been adequately 
described. In many cases the carvings refer to mythical 
tales, which are often of a very interesting type. 

In addition to the work on the totemic monuments, the 
observer recorded a relatively complete list of the native 
place names in the southeastern part of Alaska. Many 
hundreds of these names were entered on the map of the 
region, and translations and explanations were obtained 
from the Indians. The work was fairly complete for the 
area covered. 

Under further instructions from the chief, Doctor Water- 
man examined the coast line of the part of Alaska which he 
visited, with a view to discovering sites where archeological 
excavations might possibly be conducted. The results of 
_ this work were largely negative. As a matter of fact only 
one site was found where there seemed to be archeological 
remains. This hasty survey seemed to indicate that archeo- 
logical remains in this part of Alaska are extremely scanty. 

Returning to the bureau on June 15, Doctor Waterman 
began the preparation of a report on the Alaskan monuments. 


64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


In the fall of 1921 Mr. W. E. Myer investigated sites in 
South Dakota and western Missouri, known to have been 
occupied by the Omahas and Osages in early historic times, 
after they had come in contact with the whites but before 
they had been changed thereby to any considerable extent. 

Especial attention was paid to any resemblance to the 
ancient cultures found in the valleys of the Ohio, Cumber- 
land, and Tennessee Rivers. ‘This line of research was sug- 
gested by certain traditions of both the Omahas and the 
Osages, and other branches of the great Siouan linguistic 
family, that they had at one time lived east of the Mississippi 
River, and after many wanderings, stopping here and there 
for years, finally reached their present homes in South 
Dakota and western Missouri. 

Mr. Francis La Flesche reported that the traditions of his 
people, the Omahas, were that they had occupied two im- 
portant villages on what the Omahas call “the Big Bend of 
the Xe,” at some time in the seventeenth or eighteenth 
century. 

Mr. Myer was enabled to locate these two ancient villages; 
one, Split Rock site on the Big Sioux River, at its junction 
with Split Rock River; the other where the Rock Island Rail- 
road now crosses the Big Sioux River, about 10 miles south- 
east of Sioux Falls. It is here designated the Rock Island 
site. 

Sometime in the seventeenth century the Omahas and— 
Poncas removed from the Pipestone region in Minnesota and 
finally, after some further wanderings, built a fortified town 
on the Rock Island site. While living in this fortified place 
they were attacked and defeated by an enemy, most probably 
the Dakotas, and finally forced to leave the region. There 
is a tradition that they buried their dead from this fight in a 
mound. ‘This tradition was confirmed by excavations made 
by Mr. A. G. Risty and Mr. F. W. Pettigrew, who report 
finding a considerable amount of human bones. Some glass 
beads and small copper bells of white man’s make were also 
found in one of these mounds. There is evidence that this 
site was occupied somewhere between 1700 and 1725. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 65 


After leaving the Rock Island site, the Omahas and Poncas . 
roved without long permanent settlements for several years, 
but finally returned to the Xe and built a permanent village 
at Split Rock at the junction of the Big Sioux and Split Rock 
Rivers. 

Mr. Myer spent the month of October, 1921, in exploring 
this Split Rock site. Many interesting relics of the Omahas 
were here unearthed, which throw new light on the life of 
these people before they had been very much changed by 
contact with the whites. 

The 30 mounds on the ridge between the two rivers mark 
the site of that portion of the old town occupied by the 
Omahas. On a hill one-half mile to the east was a group of 
10 more mounds, occupied by the Poncas before they split 
away from the Omahas. 

By following the clues furnished by the traditions, three 
low mounds were discovered on the tall ridge 114 miles to the 
west. These were said to have marked the lookouts for the 
main village; they command a view, ranging from 6 to 15 
miles, on all sides. The mounds on the Split Rock site 
appear to have nearly all been used for burial. 

The exploration of mound No. 1, on the Omaha section of 
the town, showed a beautiful little knoll on the edge of the 
steep, bluff-like bank of Split Rock River. In its soil the 
Indians dug a shallow pit, about 12 by 6 feet and 2 feet deep. 
Here were placed bones belonging to five bodies, several of 
which appeared to have been buried after decay of the flesh. 
One body appeared to have been closely flexed before it was 
placed in the pit. The position of the skeleton of a horse 
with a crushed frontal bone showed that when this body 
bundle had been placed in the pit, a large horse, about 
seven years of age, had been led to the knoll and there killed. 
Then, over all these, a low, round-topped mound, 60 feet 
across at the base and 514 feet in height, had been raised. 

Mound No. 2, the largest of the group, was round topped, 
110 feet across at the base, and 10 feet high. A rectangular 
charnel pit, 12 by 14 feet and 2 feet deep, had been dug in 
the surface of the soil near the center of the town. This 
pit was thoroughly lined or coated with a white layer about 


66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


one-eighth inch in thickness, made from calcined bones. 
The bottom and sides of the pit were then probably covered 
with furs, now indicated by a thin layer of animal matter on 
the white coating. Bones representing about 50 human 
beings had been laid on the floor of this fur-lined pit. 

Traces of the thin fur layer were also found on top of this 
solid mass of human bones. Over this fur covering a layer 
of bark was placed, and upon this bark earth had been 
spread to a depth of from 3 to 6 inches. The earth was then 
smoothed and pressed down, and on this surface a white 
coating, similar to that on the bottom and sides, had been 
spread. Only one small, cylindrical copper bead was found 
with all this mass of bones, and no object of white man’s 
manufacture was found. There is evidence that this portion 
of the site was occupied by the Omahas somewhere between 
1725 and 1775. 

While the Omahas and their kindred, the Poncas, lived to- 
gether at the Split Rock site some of the most important 
events in their history took place. The united Omahas and 
Poncas and their old enemies, the Cheyennes and Arikaras, 
here made a peace which was concluded with great ceremony. 
At the urgent request of the Arikara the sacred chant and 
dance of the calumet was used to cement this union. 

In Vernon and Bates Counties, western Missouri, near the 
junction of the Osage and Marmiton Rivers, Mr. Myer 
found several sites known to have been occupied by the 
Osage Indians in early historic times, shortly after they had 
come in contact with the whites. 

The largest Osage village in Vernon County was situated 
at Old Town, on Old Town Creek, about 314 miles south of 
Pikes village of the Grand Osage. ‘This site covers about 40 
acres and is the best known of any of the Osage sites. It 
has yielded a large amount of iron axes, gun barrels, gun- 
locks, fragments of brass kettles, glass beads, and other 
articles of early white manufacture, as well as objects of 
purely aboriginal origin. 

The most picturesque Indian site in this Osage region is 
Halleys Bluff, on the Osage River, about 114 miles down- 
stream from where the Marmiton and Marais des Cygnes 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 67 


unite to form the Osage River. There is evidence showing 
occupancy of this bluff by Indians long before the coming 
of the white man and probably before the coming of the 
Osages. , 

During the month of October, 1921, Mr. David I. Bush- 
nell, jr., visited Scott Field, east of Belleville, Ill., for the 
purpose of getting airplane pictures of the Cahokia mounds. 
The commanding officer of the field, Maj. Frank M. Ken- 
nedy, appreciating the interest and importance of the work, 
detailed Lieuts. Harold R. Wells and Ashley C. McKinley, 
of the Air Service, to make the pictures. They succeeded 
in making some very interesting photographs of mounds in 
the vicinity of Cahokia, as well as of the great mound itself, 
but unfortunately the photographic apparatus at that time 
available at Scott Field was not suitable, and although the 
pictures obtained were not very clear, no better results 
could have been secured with the cameras which they 
were obliged to use. Four of the pictures made by Lieuten- 
ants Wells and McKinley were reproduced as Figures 101, 
102, 103, and 104 in Explorations and Field Work of the 
Smithsonian Institution in 1921 and should prove of special 
interest as the first photographs of American earthworks 
made from the air. 

The article in which the four airplane pictures were used 
was prepared for the purpose of showing the great impor- 
tance of the Cahokia group and of the other related groups 
to the north, west, and south of Cahokia. The southern 
group, although many of the units have been destroyed, is 
of special interest. It is situated near the left bank of the 
Mississippi, opposite Jefferson Barracks. Bits of pottery, 
chips of flint, and other traces of a settlement, together with 
stone-lined graves in the vicinity of the mounds, may indi- 
cate the position of a village of one of the Illinois tribes two 
centuries or more ago. 

Mr. B. S. Guha’s visit among the Utes and the Navaho at 
Towoac and Shiprock, respectively, during the summer of 
1921 was undertaken primarily with the object of finding 
any legends or myths about the ancient Cliff Dwellers of 


68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Mesa Verde that might still survive among these people, 
and incidentally to collect as much material about their 
social institutions as possible. 

Mr. Guha arrived at Towoac on July 14, 1921, and.spent a 
couple of weeks visiting the different camps of the Utes. 
Among the Wiminuche Utes, unfortunately, there does not 
appear to survive any legends or myths about the Mesa 
Verde. All that could be gathered from the oldest living 
members of the tribe was that when their ancestors first 
came to the Ute Mountain from the north, the whole region 
from the La Plata to the Blue Mountains and from Dolores 
to the San Juan was full of ruims such as now may be seen. 
They were already abandoned, but there were signs of the 
cultivation of corn about them. 

After leaving Towoac Mr. Guha went to Shiprock, N. 
Mex., and stayed there until September 5, 1921. Unlike 
the Utes, the Navaho seem to possess survivals of myths 
about the ancient Cliff Dwellers of Mesa Verde. How far 
these legends have any historical background it is difficult 
to say, but they at any rate suggest some earlier and closer 
relationship between them and the people who lived in the 
ruins so liberally strewn over the entire region. 

In September, 1921, Mr. John L. Baer, acting curator of 
American Archeology in the United States National Museum, 
made an investigation for the bureau of pictographie rocks 
in the Susquehanna River. In the middle of the river be- 
tween Bald Friar and Conowingo, Md., are a number of 
huge bowlders of serpentine or gabbro, bearing inscriptions, 
a few of which have been heretofore described in the Tenth 
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology and in 
Volume CCC (Lancaster County) Second Geological Sur- 
vey of Pennsylvania. The largest and most important of 
these pictographic rocks were found to be on Miles’ Island 
at the head of Gray Rock Falls. Large surfaces of these 
rocks seem to have been polished before the figures were 
pecked upon them. Pits, grooved lines indicating tally 
marks, circles with radiating spokes, concentric circles, faces, 
and fishlike outlines were the prevailing figures observed. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 69 


Other groups of rocks between this island and Conowingo 
showed equally interesting carvings, but not so profusely. 
A pyramid-shaped rock standing well out in the rough and 
dangerous rapids had several fish outlines near its apex. A 
slab which had been broken from its original position and 
which might have been used for a shad-dipping stand, was 
marked with outlines of two slender fish and two tally marks. 
A number of interesting photographs and drawings of these 
pictographs were secured. 

In connection with a reconnoitering trip among the pre- 
historic quarries and workshops along the Susquehanna in 
the spring of 1922, Mr. Baer again visited these pictographic 
rocks and secured additional drawings and a number of 
plaster casts of the more important figures. Prehistoric 
steatite quarries were traced from the west side of the river 
at this point to Deer Creek in Harford County, Md. Those 
showing most work and offering best opportunities for 
investigation are near Broad Creek in woodland owned by 
James McLaughlin, near Robinson’s mill, and by W. C. 
Heaps, Mill Green, Harford County, Md. 

At a workshop below Peach Bottom, Lancaster, Pa., a 
number of unfinished and broken banner stones of pro- 
chlorite were found. The source of the material was located 
a short distance east of Bald Friar, Md. A large number of 
unfinished banner stones of slate were found at the work- 
shop on Mount Johnson Island above Peach Bottom where 
sO many specimens had already been found. At Fishing 
Creek, Bare Island and Henry Island evidences were found 
of considerable camp sites. At New Park and Fawn Grove 
in York County, Pa., have been found large caches of rhyolite 
blades. At both of these places and also at Peach Bottom 
in the same county were many artifacts and indications of 
burial grounds. Interesting specimens were secured from 
most of these localities. 


EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS 


The editing of the publications of the bureau was con- 
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, assisted 
by Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols. The status of the publications 
is presented in the following summary : 


70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
PUBLICATIONS ISSUED 


Thirty-fifth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: Ethnology of the 
Kwakiutl (Boas). Pts. 1 and 2. 1,481 pp. 

Thirty-sixth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Osage Tribe: 
Rite of the Chiefs; Sayings of the Ancient Men (La Flesche). 604 
pp-, 23 pls. 

Bulletin 73. Early History of the Creek Indians and their Neighbors 
(Swanton). 492 pp., 10 pls. 

Bulletin 74. Excavation of a Site at Santiago Ahuitzotla, D. F. Mexico 
(Tozzer). 56 pp., 19 pls. 

Bulletin 75. Northern Ute Music (Densmore). 213 pp., 16 pls. 


PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS OR IN PREPARATION 


Thirty-fourth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: A Prehistoric 
Island Culture Area of America (Fewkes). 

Thirty-seventh Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Winne- 
bago Tribe (Radin). 

Thirty-eighth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: An intro- 
ductory Study of the Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana 
Indians (Roth). 

Thirty-ninth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Osage 
Tribe: The Rite of Vigil (La Flesche). 

Bulletin 76. Archeological Investigations (Fowke). 

Bulletin 77. Villages of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes 
west of the Mississippi (Bushnell). 

Bulletin 78. Handbook of the Indians of California (Kroeber). 

Bulletin 79. Blood Revenge, War, and Victory Feasts among the 
Jibaro Indians of Eastern Ecuador (Karsten). 

Bulletin 80. Mandan and Hidatsa Music (Densmore). 

Bulletin 81. Excavations in the Chama Valley, New Mexico 
(Jeancon). 

DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS 
The distribution of publications has been continued under 
the immediate charge of Miss Helen Munroe, assisted by 

Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications were distributed as 

follows: 


Annual reports and jseparates==-- 29 a=" 2 eee glo 
Bulletins and separates. -- - cpl hr fsa eae SEC} CK} 
Contributions to North Agapriéan Ethnology - PET HEV Ee 2 39 
Introductions - - - -- ESS ae o Sais Se ac Pe oer 13 
Miscellaneous Tesco mone: Hea are tao Geen 563 


14, 215 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 71 


As compared with the previous year, there was an increase 
of 1,420 publications distributed. There was a decrease of 
57 names in the mailing list. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Mr. De Lancey Gill, illustrator, with the assistance of Mr. 
Albert E. Sweeney, continued the preparation of the illus- 
trations of the bureau. A summary of this work follows: 


Line and color drawings, including maps, diagrams, etc., in- 


tended for use as illustrations for publication_.-...-.---. . 159 
Illustrations, including photographs retouched, mounted, 

andymadeteady for, enfraving, 2-6-2 22 eee 1 282 
Mikasiesonsproomeutted= esses) 2 oes eee eee! ly Oe 


Lithographic proof examined at Government Printing Office. 36, 000 
Photographic work, negatives of ethnologic and archeologic 


suiljectow: = step Ne sey elt eoriuh. hicsod Saat S 242 
Films developed from field exposures- -- -- ---------------- 138 
Prints for distribution and office use____------------------ 538 
Photostat Pope PMONTOGION a 1, 987 


Mr. Sweeney was detailed for the month of June to prepare 
100 or more negatives for the National Zoological Park. 


LIBRARY 


The reference library continued in the immediate care of 
Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Miss Julia §. Atkins 
and Mr. Samuel H. Miller. 

During the year 406 books were accessioned, of which 64° 
were acquired by purchase, 120 by binding of periodicals, and 
142 by gift and exchange. The periodicals currently re- 
ceived number about 900, of which 33 are received by sub- 
scription, the remainder being received through exchange. 
The bureau has also received 159 pamphlets, giving at the 
close of the year a working library of 24,561 volumes, 14,936 
pamphlets, and several thousand unbound periodicals. 

In addition to the regular routine of library work, Miss 
Leary has been able, with the assistance of Miss Atkins, to 
make rapid progress toward the completion of the new sub- 
ject catalogue, with the result that about 18,000 catalogue 
cards have been filed during the fiscal year. 

53666°—28——6 


v2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


The greatest need of the library is for more shelf room for 
its publications, due to its growth during the past few years. 
The library is greatly hampered by this need. 

The posting of the monthly bulletin of new publications 
was continued throughout the year. 

During the year many students not connected with the 
Smithsonian Institution found the library of service in seek- 
ing volumes not obtainable in other libraries of the city. 
The library was used also by the Library of Congress and 
officers of the executive departments, and out-of-town 
students have called upon the library for loans during the 
year. In addition to the use of its own library it was found 
necessary to draw on the Library of Congress from time to 
time for the loan of about 400 volumes. - 

There were bound during the year 200 books, pamphlets, 
and serial publications. 


COLLECTIONS 


The following collections, acquired by members of the 
bureau or by those detailed in connection with its researches, 
have been transferred to the United States National Museum: 


66880. Collection of Alaskan ethnologia made by the late Rey. 
Sheldon Jackson and purchased by the bureau from his 
daughter, Miss Leslie Jackson. 

67105. Shell and pottery’ specimens from Ten Thousand Islands, 

: Florida, collected during the spring of 1921 by Mr. William 
Dinwiddie, Metuchen, N. J. 

67112. Four stone objects and two pottery fragments from ‘‘ Bear” 
and “Lewis” mounds, near Portsmouth, Ky., collected by 
Mr. Gerard Fowke during the spring of 1921. 

67225. Four pieces of pottery and eight pieces of flint, collected by 
Prof. J. E. Pearce, of Austin, Tex.. in eastern Texas during 
the summer of 1919. 

67258. Collection of shell objects presented to the bureau by Charles 
T. Earle, of Palma Sola, Fla., found near Shaws Point, Fla. 

67274. Collection of archeological objects secured by Dr. J. Walter 
Fewkes from the Mesa Verde National Park, Colo., in the 
spring of 1920. 

67398. Chunkey stone from Rowena, Ky. 

67451. Archeological objects collected near Austin and at ‘‘ Burnt 
Rock” mounds, Texas, by Prof. J. E. Pearce and Dr. J. 
Walter Fewkes. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 73 


67572. Collection of skeletal material secured by Mr. William E. 
Myer in the vicinity of the junction of Split Rock River 
and Big Sioux River, S. Dak. 

67730. Archeological material collected in 1920 by Mr. W. E. Myer 
for the Bureau of American Ethnology in Williamson and 
Davidson Counties, Tenn. 

68254. Collection of archeological objects from Rio Grande Valley, 
N. Mex., turned over to the bureau by Secretary Charles 
D. Walcott. 

68255. Fragments of pottery from Indian burial on the Catawba 
River, N. C., sent to the bureau by J. Albert Holmes, 
Construction, N. C. 

68256. Collection of Indian implements found on the terraces of 
Upatoi Creek and Chattahoochee River, Muscogee County, 
Ga., sent to the bureau of Mr. A. T. Sweet, Columbus, Ga. 


PROPERTY 


Furniture and office equipment were purchased to the 
amount of $134.97. 


MISCELLANEOUS 


Clerical—The correspondence and other clerical work of 
the office has been conducted by Miss May 8. Clark, clerk 
to the chief. Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols assisted the editor. 
Mr. Anthony W. Wilding served as messenger and typist 
to the chief. 

Personnel.—Miss Julia 8. Atkins received a permanent 
appointment as stenographer March 1, 1922. 

Dr. T. T. Waterman, who was appointed as temporary 
ethnologist March 1, 1922, was detached from the bureau 
roll July 1 for six weeks in order to lecture in the summer 
school of Columbia University, New York City. 

Mr. Samuel H. Miller, messenger boy in the library, 
resigned June 23, 1922. 

Mr. James Mooney, ethnologist, died December 22, 1921. 

Respectfully submitted. 

J. WALTER FEWKEs, 
Chief, Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Dr. CHarites D. Watcor7, 
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 


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CONTENTS 


Page 
SORTER DRO RSS TONG Sp Se Se ee ae ea 79 
SYECTEN ayn NG ek ke pee BME Se ERATE SG Le re ee aoe ee eS 87 
HAT ronisliwOnks ain blcatiOnss =. 8 Ss a= oF 0S on kk 92 
HESS ERE te 2 ee Ee BEES oe ee ee oe a ee eee 94 
Lope os ee ee ee ee ee See 94 
“CAS LUD GWE BO Sa a cae ene Aa Clay Geter ce, Tp le hi De EE eee 95 
LOUIE COTEUVETT G10 iS ie tas ety ok i SER Cl ge BD Ie Na ee 95 


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ANNUAL REPORT 


OF THE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1923 


J. WALTER FrewKeEs, Chief 


Str: In response to your request I have the honor to sub- 
mit the following report on the field researches, office work, 
and other operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1923, conducted in ac- 
cordance with the act of Congress approved June 12, 1922. 
The act referred to contains the following item: 

American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches among 
the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, including the ex- 
cavation and preservation of archeologic remains, under the direction 
of the Smithsonian Institution, including the necessary employees and 
the purchase of necessary books and periodicals, $44,000. 

The chief has endeavored to expend the sum of money 
allotted in as conservative and economical a manner as pos- 
sible, although confronted with many difficulties, among 
which is the increased cost of field work. Since the bureau 
was first organized expenses for its maintenance have 
greatly increased, and have doubled within the last 10 years. 
Several other tendencies of the times have limited the pro- 
duction of results. There has been a great awakening of 
interest in the treatment of certain Indian tribes by Govern- 
ment officials which has led to a corresponding increase in 
requests for our publications. Never before was there a 
greater demand for the published reports and bulletins of 
the bureau. The epoch-making discoveries in the Valley of 
the Tombs in Egypt have very greatly increased interest in 
the science of man and the desire for more accurate knowl- 
edge of prehistoric man in America is very keen. News- 

77 


78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


papers, magazines, and other periodicals have done much to 
increase this interest and as may be said with regret many 
fake discoveries have been foisted on the public. Never be- 
fore have accurate accounts of Indian life like those published 
by the Bureau of American Ethnology been more in demand 
than at the present time. 

Several wealthy institutions have been led to give more 
money to American anthropology. Plans for archeological 
work in Yucatan and Central America costing many thou- 
sands of dollars a year are mentioned in some quarters, and 
many thousands are annually expended by another insti- 
tution on pueblo archeology. For lack of adequate funds, 
the bureau is unable to carry on extensive work of this mag- 
nitude and it remains for the bureau to continue its work 
along the lines already successfully followed: by researches 
and publication of the results of less ambitious plans. It 
can not be expected that the quantity of field work with this 
handicap can be as great as it was when the field was almost 
untilled, but the chief is striving to keep the quality up to the 
past. For years to come as the culture of our aborigines 
fades into the past there will be plenty of work to do in 
gathering survivals and publishing reports to meet increased 
demand for authoritative literature on our aborigines. 
As the work of the bureau calls for increased popularization 
in the judgment of the chief, the bureau should enlarge the 
number of popular articles which it publishes from time to 
time without decreasing strictly technical discoveries. The 
pages of our reports are full of the records of discoveries 
which are little known and at present interest only a few 
persons because of that fact. This should be obviated by 
putting into published form, suitable for the layman or for 
students in schools and colleges, the vast stores of knowledge 
which have been made by the staff of the bureau and its 
collaborators. The great success of the Handbook of 
American Indians clearly indicates the desire of the people 
for popular information on our aborigines and the bureau with 
an enlarged appropriation would be able to continue work of 
this nature. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 79 
SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES 


In compliance with the act of Congress above mentioned 
the Bureau of American Ethnology has continued its field 
and office researches on the American Indians, including the 
ethnology of the Hawaiian Islands and the inhabitants of 
Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands. Later in this report is 
a list of the annual publications. The high cost of printing 
has somewhat reduced the quantity but the quality has 
been maintained. 

The rapid modification in aboriginal culture perceptible 
year by year in Indian manners, customs, and languages 
has led the chief of the bureau to encourage archeological 
and historical study of the Indians. Extensive researches 
have been carried on in Colorado, in the Harpeth Valley, 
Tenn., in the Ozarks, Mo., and on the Atlantic seaboard. 
In addition to archeological research considerable work has 
been done on documentary history, especially of the Creeks, 
Choctaws, and other Muskhogean tribes. 

Although the bureau has hitherto published many mem- 
oirs on the Indians of the northwest coast, there still remains 
much ethnological work awaiting investigation in this 
territory. A very promising beginning was made in the 
study of the totem poles of this region by Dr. T. T. Water- 
man, a temporary assistant on the staff of the bureau who 
made a special trip to Alaska for that purpose. He not 
only collected considerable new material on totem poles but 
also on legends connected with them. 

The intention of the chief is to continue the work thus 
inaugurated in Alaska, and to repair one of the old Indian 
villages for educational purposes. The former houses of 
the Alaska natives are now rapidly going to destruction; 
Kasaan, one of the largest, was deserted and has been made 
a national monument but is suffering for want of care. It 
is proposed to begin cleaning up this village, repair it, in 
order to minimize the dangers from fire and vandals, and 
put it in a condition to afford the greatest educational 
value to future students and tourists. 

The first duty of the chief bemg administrative in nature 
much of his time is taken up by details of office work, in 


80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


which, unless assisted by the members of the bureau, he 
would be greatly handicapped. The work of answering 
letters has greatly increased in the last five years, and the 
demands on the time of those engaged in it have been 
greatly multiplied. This has affected all members of the 
staff but it is very satisfactory to record that the letters in 
reply to inquiries are treated with the greatest respect and 
are looked upon as authoritative by the recipients. 

When in Washington the chief has attended all meetings 
of the advisory committee on publications and one or two 
other committees to which he has been appointed. He has 
likewise accepted the welcome duty of keeping in touch 
with all the archeological expeditions from different insti- 
tutions working on ruins in the area of the United States 
in order that he might intelligently advise action to the 
secretary on the requests for permits to carry on archeological 
excavations which each year are increasing in numbers. 

The chief has made strenuous efforts to continue his 
studies of previous summers on the Mesa Verde National 
Park in cooperation with the National Park Service of the 
Department of the Interior. In July, August, and a part 
of September he was absent from Washington and com- 
pleted the excavation of Pipe Shrine House, a building in 
the Mummy Lake group of mounds. An account of the 
initiation of this work appeared in the report for last year. 
This exceptional ruin was completely repaired and is now 
open for inspection of visitors. 

The excavation and repair of a circular tower situated 300 
feet from Far View House also engaged his attention from 
the middle of July until the close of the season. The mound 
of stones covering this ruin was known as far back as 1915, 
but its hidden building was not revealed until the close of 
June of the summer of 1922, when it was found to be a tower 
with three subterranean rooms, called kivas, which were 
evidently used for ceremonial purposes. Around these 
rooms was formerly a crowded cemetery, of ancient date, 
which led him to regard the whole area as a necropolis. 
The number of interments was too large for the number of 
dwellings. The three kivas belong to the highest type of 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 81 


these structures characteristic of the Mesa Verde. In one 
of them there was a well-made wall of secondary construction 
showing a secondary occupation and ruder masonry. This 
kiva showed signs of having been abandoned and _ later 
reoccupied, but how many years elapsed between the two 
occupations was not evident from data available. 

The excavation of this Mesa Verde tower led to new ideas 
of the structure and use of these remains, hundreds of which 
are found scattered in the canyons and on the mesas of the 
northern tributaries of the upper San Juan River. This 
tower is a fair example of the type of these buildings. It was 
probably an outlook for observations of the sun and cere- 
monies connected with the sky god. 

The first type of tower recognized in the Mesa Verde is a 
simple lookout situated naturally on the summit of a hill or 
high elevation, but unaccompanied by any other building; 
the second type has basal rooms which apparently are used 
for storage of food or possibly for habitation. Far View 
Tower is classified in a third type in which we have a tower 
rising from basal subterranean kivas, granaries, and dwellings. 
The purpose of this type of tower is the same as Pipe Shrine 
House. 

During the greater part of August the tops of the walls of 
Far View House were covered with cement to protect them 
from the elements, and it is believed the protected walls will 
remain upright for several years without further repair. 
The permanent protection of these open ruins is always 
difficult and costly, but necessary. There still remain 
many unsolved problems on the Mesa Verde awaiting atten- 
tion, but with small appropriations new ruins can not be 
opened and those already opened can not be repaired. 

Some distance north of Far View Tower is the depression 
long ago christened Mummy Lake. Its true nature is un- 
known, though it may have been a reservoir; but no mum- 
mies have ever been found in its vicinity. In the thick 
cedars about it, situated on the right hand of the road, there 
are several small mounds indicating ruins, generally habita- 
tions, surrounding kivas. In one of these there are walls 
made of large stones set on edge, standing above ground. 


82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


These stones project 4 feet above the surface and their size 
has led to the ruin being called Megalithic House. Excava- 
tion work on this ruin was begun but not completed before 
the appropriation was exhausted. 

About every other night during the five months the chief 
worked on the Mesa Verde he gave camp-fire talks to visitors 
and spent considerable time daily in explaining the significa- 
tion of the excavations while they were in progress. 

In June, 1923, the chief made a trip to Deming, southern 
New Mexico, and visited different localities, Fort Bayard, 
Central, Silver City, and Pinos Altos, where pictured food 
bowls have been found. He purchased a beautiful collection 
of pottery from the Mimbres Valley, which supplements 
that already installed in the Museum.: 

In 1914 the chief first pomted out that the Mimbres Valley, 
in which this pottery is found, was inhabited in prehistoric 
times by a people who excelled all other pueblos in painting 
realistic figures on pottery. The scientific value of these 
pictures is very great from the fact that the prehistoric 
dwellers in the Mimbres Valley in this way left a reliable 
and permanent record of certain occupations (hunting, 
fishing, gambling), as well as wonderful representations of 
mythological animals of all varieties. If we could truthfully 
interpret these figures, our knowledge of the prehistoric 
mythology of a people of whose history, language, and rela- 
tionship we know nothing from documentary sources would 
be greatly increased. 

Not far from the close of the fiscal year, President Harding 
issued a proclamation declaring three groups of towers in 
southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah to be a 
national monument. This announcement was particularly 
gratifying to the chief, not only because it preserved for 
future generations good examples of unique types of ancient 
buildings in our Southwest but also because the idea of the 
reservation of Hovenweep National Monument originated 
in the Bureau of American Ethnology. The three groups 
composing this monument lie within a few miles of each 
other and are locally called Ruin Canyon group, Holly 
Canyon group, and the Tejon Mesa group. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 83 


During the fiscal year Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, 
has completed the following manuscripts: “Social Organiza- 
tion and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confed- 
eracy’’; ‘‘ Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the 
Creek Indians’; and ‘‘A Grammatical Sketch of the Ala- 
bama Language.” 

Doctor Swanton also completed a card catalogue, arranged 
under stems, of all of the linguistic material contained in 
the Arte de la Lengua Timuquana, by Francisco Pareja, 
and an English-Indian index for the same; and initiated a 
report on the stories of the southeastern Indians. By July 1 
he had completed translations of stories in the Koasati 
language and made a beginning on those in Alabama. Ma- 
terial was added to his collection of references bearing on the 
economic basis of American Indian life, and some map work 
was done in connection with this phase of Indian life. 

The ist of July, 1923, found Dr. Truman Michelson, 
ethnologist, at work among the Fox Indians of Iowa. He 
collected sufficient material for a manuscript entitled ‘“ The 
traditional origin of the Fox Society known as ‘They who 
go about singing’ (singing-around rite).”” This material will 
be published in the Fortieth Annual Report of the bureau. 
A good beginning was also made on the ceremonial “ runners”’ 
and attendants. ‘Tribal dissensions at Tama cut short 
Doctor Michelson’s stay among the Fox Indians and he 
made a reconnaissance among the Potawatomi of Wisconsin, 
the Chippewa at Reserve in the same State, the Ottawa of 
Michigan, the Delaware-Munsee of lower Canada, and the 
Montagnais of Lake St. John, returning to Washington 
near the 1st of October. He definitely determined that there 
are several different Delaware dialects spoken in Canada 
and the United States, and that some of these dialects are 
not clearly related; so that the word Delaware is merely 
a “catchall” term. 

After returning to Washington Doctor Michelson devoted 
his time to elaborating the paper above mentioned on “ The 
traditional origin of the Fox Society, known as ‘ The Singing- 


39 


around rite’,”’ completing it for publication. 


84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


About the middle of May Doctor Michelson left for the 
field to make a reconnaissance of the Algonquian tribes of 
eastern United States and Canada, including the Labrador 
Peninsula. His observations lead him to conclude that the 
aboriginal culture of the Penobscots at Old Town, Me., is 
disintegrating. None of the young people speak the lan- 
guage, and with the constant intermarrying with whites it 
will be but a short time when ethnology and folklore, which 
are both well remembered, will be a thing of the past. The 
Malecites living at the “village,” about 12 miles from 
Frederickton, New Brunswick, cling tenaciously to the lan- 
guage, which is spoken universally, though practically every- 
one also has a good command of English. Their ethnology, 
on the other hand, is fast disappearing. During his short 
visit with the Penobscots and Malecites, Doctor Michelson 
determined a number of peculiar morphological traits of the 
language as compared with central Algonquian. He finds 
the phonetics of both languages extremely difficult, and on 
the whole it may be said that neither language is archaic in 
type. On June 13 Doctor Michelson arrived in Sydney, Cape 
Breton, Nova Scotia, en route to Labrador. 

The beginning of the fiscal year found Mr. John P. Har- 
rington, ethnologist, engaged in the preparation for publica- 
tion of his recent field notes on the Picuris and Taos tribes of 
New Mexico and the Mission Indians of California. All the 
notes on the Taos Indians collected by the late Mrs. M. C. 
Stevenson were copied and arranged for publication. 

Mr. Harrington also prepared for publication a paper en- 
titled “ Picuris Children’s Stories with Texts and Songs.’ 
This manuscript embraces Picuris stories in native text such 
as are told to the Indian children on winter evenings in their 
isolated village in northern New Mexico. The stories have 
high literary quality, and many of them hold the attention 
of child or adult throughout. The volume is thought to be 
practical for school use. The 12 songs accompanying the 
stories are beautifully rendered by Mr. Rosendo Vargas, and 
are transcribed into musical notation by Miss H. H. Roberts. 

Mr. Harrington also prepared an article on “How the 
World Grew,” which is an account of origins corresponding 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 85 


to the book of Genesis of the Bible obtained from the Mission 
Indians of California. 

Mr. Cipriano Alvarado, a Quiché Indian of the highlands 
of Guatemala, was brought to this country for the purpose 
of linguistic study by Mr. William Gates, who kindly allowed 
Mr. Harrington to obtain from him a large amount of text 
material in this language. The Quiché is the direct descend- 
ant of the tongue of the ancient temple builders of the 
Central American jungles. In working with Mr. Alvarado 
with the kymograph, Mr. Harrington discovered that the 
Quiché and other Mayan dialects possess tones exactly like 
those of Chinese, and that these tones, as in the latter lan- 
guage, are often the sole means of distinguishing words that 
are otherwise phonetically identical. Work was also done 
with Mr. Alvarado and Mr. Gates on the pallophotophone, 
a machine recently invented by Professor Hoxie, of the 
General Electric Co. The pallophotophone proved of the 
greatest value for the study of tones in Indian and other 
languages, and its reproduction of the voice is true for all 
the sounds, even including s, h, and those of lke timbre 
which are imperfectly rendered on the phonograph. 

On May 3 Mr. Harrington proceeded to Santa Barbara, 
Calif., for the purpose of continuing his researches on the 
Indians of that State. He succeeded in finding good inform- 
ants for Indian songs as well as stories and place names and 
obtained a large quantity of manuscript material. This 
material consists of myths, place names, historical notes, 
accounts of early life and customs, genealogies, and Indian 
songs. 

The Bureau of American Ethnology is dog cooperative 
work with the Museum of the American Indian, Heye 
Foundation, of New York City, which obtained permission 
from the Hotel Ambassador Corporation to excavate the 
famous Burton Mound on the beach at Santa Barbara. 
This mound has always been known as the site of the princi- 
pal rancheria of the Santa Barbara Indians, but former 
owners of the property refused permission to excavate it, 
and when the Potter Hotel was erected in 1901 hope of 
archeological investigation seemed forever lost. The site 


86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


was unexpectedly made again available for study on account 
of the burning of the hotel a few years ago. 

The excavations began early in May and the Indian 
cemetery was located on the slope of the mound toward the 
beach. The graves that were opened were crowded with 
human bodies, trinkets, and a great variety of utensils. 
Among the specimens are a fragment of a soapstone canoe, 
soapstone pipes, fishhooks of abalone and bone, sinker stones, 
arrowheads of great variety, spear heads, about 40 mortar 
pestles, including some very long ones, beads of many kinds, 
pendants, daggers, bowls and kettles of soapstone, native 
paint, ete. 

Mr. Harrington has prepared for publication during the 
fiscal year approximately 1,900 pages of manuscript. 

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, completed during the 
fiscal year the second part of his Iroquoian Cosmology, the 
first part having appeared in the Twenty-first Annual Report 
of the bureau. 

During the year Mr. Hewitt spent some time editing a 
manuscript entitled ‘‘Report on the Indian Tribes of the 
Upper Missouri,” by Mr. Edwin Thompson Denig, to the 
Hon. Isaac Stevens, Governor of Washington Territory in 
1854 (?), which has been submitted for publication. 

Mr. Hewitt devoted much time and research in the prepa- 
ration of data for official replies to correspondents of the 
bureau. These inquiries in their scope touch almost the 
entire range of human interest, very often seeking information 
quite outside of the specific field of research belonging to 
this bureau. About 100 such replies were prepared, although 
some of them required more than a day’s work in preparation. 

Mr. Hewitt also acted as the representative of the Smith- 
sonian Institution on the United States Board of Geographic 
Names. 

On May 18, 1923, Mr. Hewitt left Washington on field 
duty. His destination was the Grand River Grant to the 
Six Nations of Iroquois dwelling near Brantford, Ontario, 
Canada. At this place Mr. Hewitt made an intensive study 
and revision and fuller interpretation of his voluminous 
texts—texts which he had recorded so fortunately in previous 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 87 


visits to this place. These texts embody the traditions of 
the founding of the League or Confederation of the Five 
Tribes of the Iroquois in the closing decades of the sixteenth 
century. They contain also the principles and laws upon 
which it was established, as well as the complete rituals and 
chants of the Council of Condolence and Installation of the 
Federal Government, and full explanations of the intricate 
political relationships of the kindreds composing the tribal 
members of the league. 

He was also fortunate in recovering enough data relating 
to the Federal and tribal chieftainesses to enable him to 
affirm the former existence of a set of official names for every 
one of these women magistrates. He also recorded much 
valuable information relating to the several institutions of 
the league. 

On June 24 Mr. Hewitt made a short visit to the Onondaga 
Reservation, lying about 8 miles south of Syracuse, N. Y. 
He devoted his time on this reservation to a comparison of 
the limited knowledge possessed by the only two men who 
had any definite information of the various institutions and 
laws and installation rituals of the Iroquois Confederation, 
with the records which he possesses. The object was to 
ascertain, if still possible, how much of his Canadian material, 
if any, could be said to be recent, or whether the differences 
in the content were due merely to the breakdown of the tra- 
ditions of the New York Onondaga. He convinced himself 
that the latter was the sole cause. 

Mr. Francis La Flesche, ethnologist, was engaged most of 
the time during the fiscal year in assembling his notes for the 
third volume of his work on The Osage Tribe. In this 
volume are recorded two rituals of the Osage tribal rites. 
One is entitled Wa-xo’-be A-wa-tho*, Singing of the Wa- 
xo’-be Songs, and the other, Ca Tha-ce Ga-xe, Weaving of 


the Rush. 
SPECIAL RESEARCHES 


In her studies of Indian music during the fiscal year Miss 
Frances Densmore had included the songs of three tribes 
living in Arizona, near the Mexican border. These tribes are 

53666°—28——7 


88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


the Yuma, Mohave, and Papago. One of the manuscripts 
submitted this year deals with the cremation ceremony of 
the Yuma, witnessed by Miss Densmore in 1922. ‘The cere- 
monial songs of this rite were recorded: and information 
given by the oldest man, who has the hereditary right to sing 
these songs. It is the custom of the Yuma Indians to hold 
a memorial ceremony within a year after a death, at which 
an image of the deceased is burned. After this ceremony 
the name of the dead is never spoken. A full description of 
this ceremony was submitted, together with transcriptions 
of its songs. 

The treatment of the sick by these tribes was aiso studied 
and healing songs of each tribe were submitted. Among 
these were the songs of a Yuma medicine man, who claims 
the power to cure persons suffering from wounds in the chest, 
accompanied by hemorrhage. This shaman said that he did 
this by the aid of four insects and birds, one of which has 
power over the fluids of the body. His songs are cheerful 
and soothing in character, and it is interesting to note that 
he forbade the people to weep during his treatment, requiring 
that they “appear cheerful and act in a natural manner.” 

Four manuscripts were submitted by Miss Densmore dur- 
ing the year, bearing the following titles: “ Papago Medicine 
and Dancing Songs,” “ Dream and War Songs of the Papago 
Indians,” “Cremation and Memorial Ceremonies of the 
Yuma Indians, with Related Songs,” and “Lightning and 
Medicine Songs of the Yuma and Mohave Indians.” This 
material comprised 93 pages of manuscript and 84 transcrip- 
tions of songs, together with the original phonographiec 
records and tabulated and descriptive analyses of the songs. 
The two most interesting musicial discoveries made in this 
work are the presence in these tribes of songs which may be 
termed “ pure melody without tonality,” and the independ- 
ent and elaborate rhythm of the accompanying instrument, 
either a gourd rattle or a basket drum. In many instances 
the accompanying instrument is transcribed separately from 
the melody in order to show its peculiarities. 

During the summer of 1922 Miss Densmore visited the 
Chippewa reservations at Lac Court Oreilles, Wis., and 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 89 


Leech Lake and Mille Lac, Minn., collecting additional 
specimens of plants used in treating the sick, and other data. 

In the spring of 1923 Mr. W. E. Myer, special archeologist, 
spent several months investigating archeological remains in 
central Tennessee. He visited the ancient mound group of 
the Banks Link farm on Duck River, in Humphreys County, 
Tenn., where was found the celebrated cache of fine, long 
flint blades and other flint objects now the pride of the collec- 
tion of the Missouri Historical Society. He made a map of 
this group and obtained additional information in regard to 
these masterpieces of the ancient flint chipper’s art. 

Through the active aid of several citizens of Lincoln 
County he was enabled to visit and study an important 
and hitherto undescribed mound group on Elk River, at 
the junction of Lincoln, Moore, and Franklin Counties. 
He also obtained the definite location of over 75 unrecorded 
sites on which ancient man had lived in Lincoln County. 

He explored a small burial mound and other vestiges of 
an ancient Indian village on the lands of Mr. L. W. Denny, 
Goodlettsville, Davidson County, Tenn., where he found 
20 skeletons. There was evidence that two different tribes 
had occupied this site at separate times in the past, and the 
mound yielded a number of fine artifacts which throw light 
on the life of the people. 

Mr. Myer spent two months exploring the remains of a 
great prehistoric fortified Indian town in Cheatham County, 
Tenn., known as the Great Mound Group on account of 
its great central mound. With the assistance of Mr. Wilbur 
Nelson, State geologist of Tennessee, an excellent topo- 
graphical map was made, and through the repeated efforts 
of Lieut. Norman McEwen, of the 136th Air Squadron, 
Tennessee National Guard, some good airplane photographs 
of the mound on the Harpeth River, near Kingston Springs, 
were secured. 

These remains cover approximately 500 acres in two bends 
of the river. In one bend he found a bold projecting hill 
which had been artificially shaped from bottom to top. 
Three wide terraces had been formed along the side of this 
hill. The original rounded summit had been leveled until 


90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


a great plaza or public square, about 1,000 feet in length 
and 500 feet in breadth, had been formed. Upon the sides. 
of this level plaza one very large mound and two smaller 
ones had been erected. This section of the ancient town 
was protected on the water side by the perpendicular cliffs 
of the Harpeth River. On the land side it was defended 
by an earthen embankment or breastworks surmounted 
by a wooden wall, from which at intervals semicircular 
wooden towers projected. These earthen breastworks, which 
had formerly supported this wooden wall, were still to be 
found in the undisturbed woodlands, where they yet extend 
about 114 miles, and there is evidence that they originally 
ran much farther. Wooden palisades, consisting of small 
tree trunks, had been driven into the ground side by side 
and wedged together and the soil thrown against them 
until they were by this means firmly embedded in these 
earthen embankments or breastworks. ‘These palisades, 
bound closely together and strongly braced, formed a wooden 
wall which had been plastered on the outside in order to 
make scaling by an enemy difficult. Earthen bastions 
projecting beyond this line of wall at intervals of about 150 
yards were still to be found. These had formerly supported 
the semicircular wooden towers. The enemy advancing 
to attack was therefore subjected to fire from the defenders 
through portholes along the main wall and also to a flanking 
fire from the warriors in the towers on these bastions. Faint 
traces of some of the timbers of these palisades and wooden 
towers were found in the soil of these embankments. 

While the great central mound and terraced hill formed 
the most striking feature of this ancient town, there were 
in the inclosure four other eminences whose summits had 
likewise been leveled into plazas. All these plazas yielded 
traces of earth lodges and other evidences of former build- 
ings. The earth lodges of the common people were situated 
on the edges of the terraces. The larger mounds had prob- 
ably supported important public buildings and the lodges 
of leading personages. This grouping of important buildings 
around five separate plazas and in different parts of the 
town very probably indicates that the population was made 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 91 


up of what had once been four or five separate autonomous 
groups of kindred peoples. Here in their later home each 
group had gathered around their own public square in 
their own section of the town and thus preserved at least 
some of their old ceremonials and held together in some 
fashion their old organization. 

It is impossible to determine even approximately the num- 
ber of inhabitants, but the large number of the buildings and 
the long extent of the walls indicate a population of several 
thousand. All the buildings whose traces were untovered 
appear to have been burned. Below the fallen-in wall of an 
important building the charred remains of the woven reed 
tapestry which had formerly hung upon the wall were secured 
for the National Museum. 

It is not as yet possible to determine the age of these 
remains. Beyond all question this town had been destroyed 
long before the coming of the whites. No object of white 
man’s manufacture was found on this site. 

Mr. Gerard Fowke carried on archeological investigations 
in the Stratman Cave in Maries County, Mo. This cave, 
which is situated a little more than 2 miles south of Gas- 
condy, the point at which the Rock Island Railroad crosses 
Gasconade River, has an opening on the side of a hill about 
150 feet high. The approach to the cave on the river side is 
very steep, but from the top of the hill it is less difficult. 
Mr. Fowke opened a trench on the outside slope of the 
talus at a point 30 feet from the entrance of the cave and 16 
feet below the floor level. He found most of the evidences of 
human occupation in superficial black earth, scattered through- 
out which from bottom to top were fragments of pottery, 
parts of vessels of varying capacity and thickness: chert 
knives or spearheads, none highly finished; hundreds of 
thousands of mussel shells more or less decayed; and other 
objects so abundantly found on the numerous camp sites 
and village sites along the Gasconade River. The artifacts 
were few in number and scattered throughout the mass, 
nowhere more than a few pieces in a cubic foot of earth. 
This denotes temporary occupation, at irregular intervals, 
over a long period of time. Yet the cave was not altogether 


92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


merely a resort for temporary hunters or war parties. In 
addition to the pottery, which shows at least occasional 
sojourning in the cave, there were fragmentary bones, too 
fragile to preserve, of a child 2 or 3 years old, of another 
somewhat older, and a small adult, possibly a woman. 
These bones were found in different: places but near the sur- 
face; there were no other indications of burials. The only 
specimens found worthy of note were a small hammer made 
of a chert twin concretion and bearing evidence of long 
service; a pebble, used for sharpening small bone implements 
and for smoothing leather or rawhide strings; and a double 
concave discoidal with V-shaped margin. 

While the results of the work at Stratman Cave contrib- 
uted little to the antiquity of man in Missouri, Mr. Fowke’s 
studies, which are accompanied by a small collection, are 
valuable in a comparative way. The Ozark region in 
Missouri is yielding many surprises to the archeologist and it 
is believed that there still remains much field work to be done 
here and in the neighborhood before the character and antiq- 
uity of the Indians of that region are definitely determined. 

With a small appropriation Mr. John L. Baer carried on 
instructive field studies on the banner stones in the Sus- 
quehanna River region, and was able to make a good series 
reaching from the imperfect form into the more symmetrical 
objects. He also investigated the pictographs found near 
Delta, Pa. 


EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS 


The editing of the publications of the bureau was con- 
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor, 
assisted by Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols, editorial assistant. 
The status of the publications is presented in the following 
summary : 

PUBLICATIONS ISSUED 
Thirty-fourth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: A Prehistoric 

Island Culture Area of America (Fewkes). 281 pp., 120 pls., 

69 figs. 

Thirty-seventh Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Winne- 
bago Tribe (Radin). 560 pp., 58 pls., 38 figs. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 93 


Bulletin 76. Archeological Investigations (Fowke). 204 pp., 45 pls., 
37 figs. 

Bulletin 77. Villages of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan 
Tribes west of the Mississippi (Bushnell). 211 pp., 55 pls., 12 figs. 


PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS OR IN PREPARATION 


Thirty-eighth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: An Introduc- 
tory Study of the Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana Indians 
(Roth). 

Thirty-ninth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Osage 
Tribe: The Rite of Vigil (La Flesche). 

Fortieth Annual Report. Accompanying papers: The Mythical 
Origin of the White Buffalo Dance of the Fox Indians; The Auto- 
biography of a Fox Indian Woman; Notes on Fox Mortuary Cus- 
toms and Beliefs; Notes on the Fox Society known as ‘‘ Those Who 
Worship the Little Spotted Buffalo”; The Traditional Origin of the 
Fox Society known as ‘The Singing-Around Rite’”’ (Michelson). 

Bulletin 78. Handbook of the Indians of California (Kroeber). 

Bulletin 79. Blood Revenge, War, and Victory Feasts among the 
Jibaro Indians of Eastern Ecuador (Karsten). 

Bulletin 80. Mandan and Hidatsa Music (Densmore). 

Bulletin 81. Excavations in the Chama Valley, New Mexico 
(Jeancon). 


DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS 
The distribution of publications has been continued under 
the immediate charge of Miss Helen Munroe, assisted by 
Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications were distributed as 
follows: 


Annital reports, and separates 02! 5.2). <2 .—= - Jo. - sateiet - =) 5,/363 
Bulletins and separates-__-- -- -- eae eee pe cys 
Contributions to North American Ethnology - SE 10 
Introductions- ----- -- - he aya Ra GE sas tk ae 3 
Miscellaneous publications. moe te See eee 531 

17, 694 


As compared with the fiscal year ending June 30, 1922, 
there was an increase of 3,479 publications distributed. 


94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Mr. DeLancey Gill, illustrator, with the assistance of Mr. 
Albert E. Sweeney, continued the preparation of the illus- 
trations of the bureau. A summary of this work follows: 


Drawings for publications-_- esi A a mee 32 
Photographs retouched for é eNSTaving eee LEA. RE 78 
Illustration copy made ready for engraving__-___________- 319 
Illustrative proof edited ___-______- 302 
Editions of colored alas exaritied at iGowemattent! Printing 

Office = 22 ot Se SO ne ee ee LO) OU 
Negatives prepared _ - ERY ELLE eae Se ee a 232 
Films developed from field exposures. ee eens oles 240 
Prints for distribution and office use_ Ue FOE LO CU ibe Wi7/ 


In November of last year Mr. Gill began to reclassify the 
large collection of ethnologic and archeologic negatives with a 
view of preparing a comprehensive catalogue of the lin- 
guistic families and tribes with such historic data as is avail- 
able. He has made good progress in this work. About 
5,000 negatives have already been catalogued. 


LIBRARY 


The reference library continued under the immediate care 
of Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr. Roderick 
McPherson and later by Mr. Thomas Blackwell. 

During the year 500 books were accessioned. Of these 70 
were acquired by purchase, 130 by gift and exchange, and 
300 by binding of periodicals. The current periodicals 
annually received number about 925, of which 35 are by 
subscription, the remainder being obtained through exchange. 
The bureau has also received 200 pamphlets. The aggre- 
gate number of volumes in the library at the close of the year 
was 25,061; of pamphlets about 15,100. Satisfactory prog- 
ress was made toward the completion of the new subject 
catalogue from the old imperfect author’s catalogue. 

The most pressing need which confronts the library is 
shelving for the ever increasing accumulations of books. 
Extensive shiftings and readjustments have been necessary 
during the year in order to make space available where it is 
most needed, but the library is totally lacking in facilities to 
allow for its expansion. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 95 
COLLECTIONS 


The following collections, acquired by members of the 
bureau or by those detailed in connection with its researches, 
have been transferred to the United States National Museum: 
69367. Archeological objects from Alaska collected by Dr. T. T. 
Waterman in the spring of 1922. (5 specimens.) 

69530. Stone collar from Mayaguez, Porto Rico. 

- 69660. Two incense burners found in a cave in southern Yucatan 
and presented to the bureau by Maj. E. H. Ropes, United 
States Army. 

69881. Archeological specimens collected along the Susquehanna 
River (Maryland and Pennsylvania) in October, 1922, by 
John L. Baer. (174 specimens.) 

69885. Two stone pestles from the Isles of Pines. 


MISCELLANEOUS 


Clerical—The correspondence and other clerical work of 
the office has been conducted by Miss May 8. Clark, clerk 
to the chief. Mr. Anthony W. Wilding served as messenger 
and typist to the chief. 

Mr. Roderick McPherson, messenger in the library, 
resigned March 31, 1923, and Mr. Thomas Blackwell, minor 
clerk, was appointed May 1 to fill the vacancy. 

Respectfully submitted. 

J. WALTER FEwKEs, 
Chief, Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Dr. CHartes D. Watcort, 
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 


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Systematic researches 
Special researches 
Editorial work and publications 
Illustrations _- 


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Miscellaneous 


CONTENTS 


Page 
101 
112 
113 
114 
115 
115 
116 
116 


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ANNUAL REPORT 


OF THE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1924 


J. Watter Frewkes, Chief 


Sir: I have the honor to submit the following report on 
the researches, office work, and other operations of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology during the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1924. These were conducted in accordance with 
the act of Congress approved June 12, 1923, which contains 
the following item: 

American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches 
among the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, including 
the excavation and preservation of archeologic remains, under the 
direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including the necessary 
employees and the purchase of necessary books and periodicals, 
$44,000. 

The Bureau of American Ethnology was founded by Maj. 
J. W. Powell and placed under the direction of the Secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution by act of Congress. This 
bureau is devoted to the increase of knowledge of the Ameri- 
can Indian, as well as of the natives of Hawaii and the 
aborigines of Porto Rico. It follows the ideal of the Smith- 
sonian Institution as applied to researches on the American 
Indians, including all branches of their archeology and eth- 
nology. The bureau publishes annual reports and bulletins, 
the whole number of these thus far published being 40 
reports and 81 bulletins. The former assume the form of 
memoirs, often large and highly technical; the latter are 
generally smaller in size, often preliminary in character. 

The fundamental idea which led to this appropriation was 
the recognized necessity for reliable information for a proper 
appreciation of the Indian, as an aid to legislation. Very 

99 


100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


extravagant and diametrically opposite opinions were rife 
regarding the character of our aborigines. In the early days 
of contact of the European and Indian races erroneous 
romantic ideas were largely prevalent, but with the appli- 
cation of the science of anthropology new values of Indian 
character developed. The Indian in some quarters was 
regarded solely as an object of research; the humanitarian 
side was lost sight of, and the fact that he is a man belonging 
to one of the most important races in the ultimate amalga- 
mation of the different peoples was overlooked. The aim of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology is to discover and to 
disseminate correct ideas of the Indian as a race, that our 
people may better understand and appreciate his history, 
language, sociology, music, religion, and various arts and 
industries. It is obligatory for the bureau to preserve 
accurate records of customs indigenous to America that are 
rapidly being lost in the settlement of the former homes of 
the Indians by members of the white race. The value of 
this material will increase in coming years, for the records 
that are now being made are final and in many cases will be 
the sole objective information that posterity will have of the 
Indian and his customs. This work is imperative, for within 
the past few decades a great deal of information of this kind 
has disappeared unrecorded, and the probability is that this 
generation will witness the death of most aboriginal survivals 
in culture. 

While the ideal of the bureau is the acquisition of knowl- 
edge and the publication of the same through reports, there 
has grown up a great deal of work on related subjects that 
absorbs more or less of the time of the chief and his staff. 
Information is sought from all quarters regarding the Indians, 
and urgent calls from State institutions and universities 
asking for advice and help in local problems have been more 
numerous than at any other time in the history of the institu- 
tion. Routine office work has assumed in the past ten years 
a larger relative proportion than in former decades. Va- 
rious agencies have quickened interest in the problems con- 
sidered by the Bureau of American Ethnology. The great 
increase in travel resutling from the development of the 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 101 


automobile and the foundation of national parks has in- 
tensified the desire to “see America first.” Our parks and 
Indian reservations have been visited in the past few years 
by an ever increasing number of travelers. This has stimu- 
lated a demand on the part of the general public for accu- 
rate information on the history and customs of the Indians, 
which the bureau endeavors to supply. 

It can not be expected, when the office work has grown to 
such magnitude and the appropriations have remained practi- 
cally the same as they were before the war, that the quantity 
of research in the field can equal that of former years, but 
the chief has endeavored to have as many of the staff in 
the field as he can and to publish the reports of their work 
as rapidly as feasible. It is self-evident that the acquisition 
of knowledge regarding the Indians, even if not published, is 
a most valuable asset, notwithstanding the fact that it must 
be stored in the archives to await a more favorable time for 
publication. 

SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES 


The first duty of the chief being administrative and his 
time for a large part of the year being occupied with routine 
matters, he does not have much opportunity for field work, 
but notwithstanding this fact scientific work of a limited 
nature has been done by him in the field. He has kept en 
rapport with the work of all archeological expeditions in the 
Southwest in order to be able to advise you in regard to your 
recommendations for archeological work on the public domain. 
The number of expeditions in the Southwest has tripled or 
quadrupled in the last decade. 

The field work engaged in by the chief during the past 
year was archeological in nature, in cooperation with Mr. 
E. M. Elliott and his associates, of St. Petersburg, Fla. 
There are few areas in the United States which promise more 
to the archeologist than southwestern Florida along the shore 
from Tampa Bay to Cape Sable. Perhaps no one has added 
more to our knowledge of this area than Mr. F. H. Cushing, a 
former ethnologist of the bureau. The problems of southern 
Florida demand more objective material than we have from 


102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


the Everglades and the Ten Thousand Islands, where 
numerous proofs of a vanished population are in evidence in 
the form of enormous shell heaps and earth mounds. 

The chief began his researches on Weeden Island, near St. 
Petersburg, which is situated at the end of Gandy Bridge, an 
artificial causeway crossing Tampa Bay. The evidences of 
prehistoric aboriginal life on Weeden Island are numerous 
large shell heaps and sand heaps which may be divided into 
groups or types, as kitchen middens, observatories, founda- 
tions of houses, and burial places. Evidently there was 
formerly a large village near the highest point of the island. 
One of the mounds which was chosen for excavation turned 
out to be a cemetery, and in the course of the winter about 
one-half of it was excavated. The work extended from 
November until March, inclusive. 

The chief was not able to be in St. Petersburg the whole 
winter, but after having started the work in November, 
1923, he returned to Washington, assigning the direction 
of the excavations to Mr. Stanley Hedberg and later to 
Mr. M. W. Stirling, of the National Museum, who continued 
the work until the chief’s return in February. As a result 
of the excavation a large collection of aboriginal objects 
was brought to the United States National Museum. This 
collection contains many unique specimens and will later 
be permanently installed in the Museum upon completion 
of a report on it. No specimens had formerly been ex- 
cavated at Weeden Island and the unique results of this 
work are regarded as most important. A preliminary 
report has been published in the Smithsonian Miscellaneous 
Collections, vol. 76, No. 18. 

At the present time it is too early to draw final conclusions 
from the above work, but it is intended to continue excava- 
tions in Florida in the winter of 1924. Many of the speci- . 
mens found were not very different from those characteristic 
of the west coast of Florida, but the number of objects is 
greater and their variations so extensive that they are 
thought to indicate a high development of the aboriginal 
culture in southern Florida. Evidences of two distinct 
cultures, one above the other, were determined from the 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 103 


excavations in the Weeden mound. The lower contained 
crude pottery, very few implements, mostiy of shell, all 
having a considerable likeness to the so-called archaic 
Antillean culture of Cuba. The upper layer contained 
very fine specimens of decorated pottery in great numbers, 
showing close relationship to the ceramics of Georgia. 
This indicates an extension southward or a drift of popula- 
tion, possibly allied to the Muskhogean, into the peninsula. 
The relationship of the people of the lower layer was Antillean 
rather than Muskhogean. The inhabitants of southern 
Florida, when the earliest burials were made in the Weeden 
mound, probably belonged to an unknown tribe. The 
artifacts in the upper layer may be remains of the Caloosa 
tribe, which was found there when Tampa Bay was visited 
by Ponce de Leon. The Indians that now inhabit the 
Everglades—the Seminoles—are a late introduction into 
Florida and of Creek descent. The numerous Florida 
shell heaps antedated their advent by several centuries. 

The chief has actively worked during the past year for 
the formation of a new national monument on the Little 
Colorado, near Flagstaff, Ariz. This monument has been 
temporarily named the Wupatki National Monument and 
includes ruins at the Black Falls of the Little Colorado, 
first described by him in 1900. It is to be hoped that 
before another report this most interesting group of stone 
buildings will be added to the other archeological monu- 
ments. The ruins that comprise it have some of the best 
preserved walls in the Southwest. 

The impression exists in some quarters that the work of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology must be completed in a 
certain definite time. This impression has no real founda- 
tion, for ethnology is like any other scientific study and has 
no limitations. Every new year of work in the bureau 
enlarges the horizon of research and presents new problems 
regarding the American Indians for solution. Since the 
foundation of the bureau by the late Maj. J. W. Powell 
the aims and tendencies of the science of ethnology have 
greatly enlarged, and the published studies of the staff 
have put the science of anthropology upon such a firm 

53666°—28——8 


104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


foundation that not only the past appropriations but also 
the prospective expenditures by Congress are more than 
justified. The earlier work covered a limited scope; it 
pointed out the field for future work. It now remains for 
the comparative ethnologist to connect the various problems 
of man and his culture and to shed new light on what still 
remains unsolved. By law the ethnological research of 
the staff of the bureau is limited to the American Indians 
and the aborigines of Hawaii. The logical outcome is the 
enlargement of the Bureau of American Ethnology into a 
bureau devoted to the study of all races. 

Even in studying the Indians there are great regions of 
South America which are practically unknown to the 
ethnologist. South America, next to Central America, con- 
tains examples of probably the highest culture that has ever 
been attained by the American race. I refer, of course, to 
the civilization of the great empire of the Incas, extending 
from the Isthmus of Panama to southern Chile. In this 
prolific field the bureau has done comparatively little, and 
the time is now ripe for an extensive exploration in that field. 
No less important in South America is the area inhabited 
by wild tribes, such as the Matto Grosso and other regions 
east of the mountains. The remarkable similarity of the 
culture of the Indians in Argentina and that of the Pueblos 
especially pleads for more thorough investigation of the 
former area. The great valley of the Amazon, that has 
attracted the ethnologist since the wonderful voyage of 
Alex. Von Humboldt at the beginning of the last century, 
still holds out new problems. 

The bureau will soon issue a remarkably complete work by 
Dr. Walter E. Roth on British Guiana, which probably will 
be one of the finest it has ever published. It adds much to 
our knowledge, but no more important fact than the magni- 
tude of the numerous fields remaining to be investigated in 
northern South America. The languages, sociology, religion, 
arts, history, and archeology of almost every country in 
South America demand research. Here we have a great 
continent awaiting the student of the antiquity and cultural 
relationship of the American race. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 105 


In the same way the field of Central America and Mexico 
now awaits the investigator, although in that particular 
area the bureau has made some very important contributions. 

There remain special problems of secondary nature through- 
out the continent that are as yet unanswered which would 
be within the scope of the bureau’s work. All ethnological 
work on the South American Indians should have very great 
influence in uniting more firmly the republics of Spanish 
origin and the United States. 

Of the many problems awaiting investigation, one of the 
more important is the plotting of the trails by which commu- 
nication was carried on between Indian tribes. These trails 
historically followed by roads and railroads now serve the 
growing habit of the automobile and the desire of Americans 
to see their own country. A study of the foods used by the 
Indians has a practical value which can not be overestimated. 
The number of plants used by the Indians far outnumbers 
those on our own table, and the bureau might well give 
attention to the discovery of new food resources. 

It is desirable to increase the archeological work of the 
bureau which thus far has attracted a great deal of attention 
and which is one of the foremost departments of anthro- 
pological study. This study should be extended to Florida 
and the coast States with a view to determining the relation- 
ship of the antiquities of North and Central America. The 
investigation of the southwestern portion of Texas and the 
adjoining State of New Mexico should be exploited, es- 
pecially the contents of the new national monument near 
Carlsbad which contains important archeological material. 
One important problem is to follow the extension northward 
of the Huaxtec culture along the shores of Tamaulipas and 
Texas to our southern mound builders. 

During the fiscal year Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, 
completed the translations of stories from his Koasati, 
Alabama, Hitchiti, Natchez, and Creek texts, and added to 
them the stories obtained only in English and those in the 
Tuggle collection; he provided these stories with footnotes 
referring to similar tales among other tribes, and prepared 


106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


an introduction for the whole. In addition to this work he has 
edited and largely recast a manuscript on Indian trails by the 
late Mr. W. E. Myer. Also, with the assistance of Miss 
Atkins, he has begun incorporating into an alphabetical card 
index all words in the Timucua language contained in the 
religious works of the Franciscan missionaries Pareja and 
Movilla—nearly all that is left to us of this old Florida 
tongue. Nearly one-third of the work has been completed. 

On the Ist of July, 1928, Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnolo- 
gist, was on board the Sagona en route to Labrador. He 
reached the Northwest River on July 4, where he found a few 
Nascapi Indians, one from Davis Inlet, besides the ordinary 
Montagnais Indians of the vicinity. From his work among 
these Indians it follows that the language of the Nascapi and 
Davis Inlet Indians is the same, and that instead of being a 
wholly distinct language it is nothing but a Montagnais 
dialect. Furthermore, it is abundantly clear that the 
dialects of the above-named Indians form a distinct unit as 
compared to the Montagnais dialects of Lake St. John and 
Lake Mistassini, as well as the so-called Cree of Rupert’s 
House and the East Main River, which really are not Cree 
at all but Montagnais dialects. The report of some Indians 
to the west of the Nascapi speaking a language unintelligible 
to them is worth investigating at a later date. It may be 
noted that the folklore of the Indians of Labrador contains 
more elements occurring among Central Algonquians than 
has been suspected. The very simple social organization of 
the Labrador Indians makes it very probable that the rather 
complex organizations of the Central Algonquians are 
unoriginal and are due both directly and indirectly to the 
influence of non-Algonquian tribes. He was able to measure 
only a few of the Indians at the Northwest River, so it is 
not possible to state precisely which physical type they 
represent. 

At the conclusion of his work he returned to Rigolet and 
left on July 22 for St. Johns, Newfoundland. En route he 
was able to take the measurements of a few Eskimos. On 
his arrival at St. Johns he proceeded by steamer and train 
for Tama, Iowa, to renew his researches among the Fox 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 107 


Indians. He devoted especial attention to the ceremonial 
runners of these Indians, and in the course of the winter 
submitted a manuscript on them for publication by the 
bureau. Further, a number of Fox texts were translated 
and other ethnological data obtained. Doctor Michelson 
returned to Washington near the close of September. He 
made another trip among the Foxes in May and returned to 
Washington toward the end of June. During this trip he 
obtained new data on Fox ceremonials. 

By joint arrangement with the Museum of the American 
Indian, Heye Foundation, the bureau undertook in the sum- 
mer of 1923 the excavation of the Burton Mound at Santa 
Barbara, Calif., which was the chief village of the Santa 
Barbara Indians and without question the most important 
archeological site on the southern California coast. Mr. J. 
‘P. Harrington, ethnologist of the bureau, was detailed to 
take charge of the exploration of the mound and the work 
was commenced early in May, 1923, and continued through- 
out the summer and fall. The first day’s work revealed the 
location of the cemetery, just where old Indians had stated 
that it was situated. During several months of careful 
stratigraphical excavation many facts of interest for the 
prehistory of the Santa Barbara Indians and the early 
culture of the Pacific coast in general were recorded. 

The principal rancheria or village of the ancient Santa 
Barbara Valley was not at the mission, where the Indians 
were later gathered, but at the beach. It was situated just 
west of the mouth of Mission Creek, where a landing cove 
for canoes and two low mounds, one by the beach and a 
larger one 650 feet inland and now known as the Burton 
Mound, afforded unusual attraction as a dwelling place for 
Indians. At:a number of places in the locality were sulphur 
springs; also springs of good drinking water. The name of 
the village was Syujtun, meaning ‘‘where the trail splits.” 
There a thriving population of some 500 Indians lived on the 
wild food products of the neighboring shore and sea and of the 
Santa Barbara Valley, rich in acorn-bearing oaks and game 
animals. 


108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


The inhabitants of Syujtun remained unmolested until 
the establishment of the Santa Barbara Mission in 1786. 
After this the native villagers were gradually removed to 
the adobe cuarteles of the mission, 2 miles distant, and the 
desolated beach was known as “el puerto de Santa Barbara”’ 
or as ‘el rancho de la playa.”’ After the confiscation of the 
mission lands the ownership of the beach ranch passed into 
private hands. During the forties the owner was none 
other than Capt. George C. Nidever, known in California 
history as the rescuer of the last surviving Indian woman 
from San Nicolas Island. Captain Nidever sold the property 
in 1851 to Augustus F. Hinchman, whose daughter, Miss 
Stella F. Hinchman, has furnished valuable data about the 
history and traditions of the mound. In 1860 Mr. Hinch- 
man sold the tract in turn to Lewis T. Burton, who made it 
his home for 19 years and after whom the mound has been ’ 
called in more recent times. None of the early owners had 
allowed excavation on the property and -with erection of 
the Potter Hotel on top of the mound in 1901 all hope of 
archeological investigation was lost. This hotel burned to 
the ground on April 19, 1921, and the old village site was 
thereby again released for archeological investigation. 

The results of this excavation of the Indian town of 
Santa Barbara proved rich and interesting beyond expec- 
tation. The graves that were opened were crowded with 
human bodies, trinkets, and a great variety of utensils. 
Among the rarest specimens are the largest soapstone canoe 
ever discovered in California, a wooden awl such as is 
described by the early historians, and a number of objects 
of problematical use. There are soapstone pipes, fishhooks 
of abalone and bone, sinker stones, arrowheads of great 
variety, spearheads, about 140 fine mortars, pestles, in- 
cluding some very long ones, beads of many kinds, pendants, 
daggers, bowls and kettles of soapstone, including some of 
the largest ever found, native paints, etc. About 300 
skeletons were taken out, among them some very ancient 
skeletons from the coquina or reef-rock layer. These are 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 109 


now in the hands of Dr. Bruno Oetteking, of the Museum of 
the American Indian, who is preparing an elaborate report 
on them 

At the close of January, Mr. Harrington returned to 
Washington and has since then been engaged in the prepa- 
ration of his report on the Burton Mound 

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, was engaged for the 
greater part of the year in office work. This consisted 
chiefly in the historical analysis of the large mass of material 
in native text relating to the formation and structure and 
import of the League or Confederation of the Five Iroquois 
Tribes or Nations. He was also occupied in the translation 
of the farewell address of Deganawida, a founder of the 
confederation, into literary English. In this address De- 
ganawida briefly summarizes the scope and import of the 
institutions and the laws of the league; herem, with the 
masterful hand of a prophet-statesman, he also graphically 
recapitulated the work accomplished by the several co- 
working founders. 

Mr. Hewitt also translated from the Onondaga text the 
laws first recognizing the extant institution of chieftainess in 
uterine kindreds and then adopting it for the purpose of 
making it fundamental among the institutions of the League 
of the Iroquois, the laws defining the duties, rights, and 
obligations of the incumbent of such office and carefully 
prescribing the method by which a woman should be nomi- 
nated by the mothers of her own uterine kindred, the method 
by which the choice should be confirmed, first by her own, 
and then by sister, and then by cousin clans, and then 
finally how this candidate should be installed at a federal 
council of condolence and installation. These laws also 
prescribe the method by which such chieftainess can, for 
cause, be deposed and a successor nominated and installed 
as prescribed by these laws; and they also prescribe the 
method of nominating and installing the male aid to the 
chieftainess, who must be a warrior and an orator to fulfill 
his adjuvant duties 

As a member of the United States Geographic Board, 
representing thereon the Bureau of American Ethnology, 


110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Smithsonian Institution, Mr. Hewitt has attended all regular 
and special meetings of the board, with a single exception. 
As custodian of manuscripts of the Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, Mr. Hewitt reports that more than 250 items were 
withdrawn and consulted by the various collaborators of the 
bureau and by other students. 

In past years, in studying the social and political institu- 
tions of the Iroquoian peoples, especially of the Five (latterly 
Six) Nations or Tribes, Mr. Hewitt has spent a number of 
field seasons in carefully collecting and recording in native 
texts from the best available leaders, chieftains, chieftain- 
esses, ritualists, and ceremonialists, chiefly in the Mohawk, 
Onondaga, and Cayuga dialects, extensive material and data 
concerning the principles, the laws, decrees, and ordinances 
of the instituting councils, the set rituals, the prescribed 
chants, and the ceremonial addresses, which together defined 
the functioning apparatus of the great commonwealth, com- 
monly called the League or Confederation of the Iroquois. 
Mr. Hewitt has undertaken to subject, so far as possible, this 
text material to a careful literary and historical analysis and 
also to a thorough grammatic and lexical criticism, in order to 
restore, as far as the evidence thus secured will warrant, these 
rituals and chants and set addresses to the earlier forms 
which were probably used when the League of the Iroquois 
was instituted in the closing decades of the sixteenth century. 
This work is necessarily tedious and slow but is of supreme 
necessity. The results thus far are highly gratifying 

In June, 1924, Mr. Hewitt visitea the Six Nations of 
Iroquois dwelling near Brantford, Ontario, Canada; the 
Onondaga dwelling near Syracuse, N. Y.; the Tonawanda 
dwelling near Akron, N. Y.; the Tuscarora dwelling near 
Sanborn, N. Y. His object on this trip was to obtain a 
better knowledge of the music of the ritual chants of the 
Condolence and Installation Council. He also secured a 
quantity of purple wampum which is used in these league 
rituals and which has now become so scarce that its cost is 
well-nigh prohibitive. 

Mr. Hewitt was also able to secure from the very few 
persons who still retain some definite knowledge of the prin- 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 111 


ciples and institutions of the league additional interpretative 
and confirmatory information concerning certain critical 
passages in the native texts which he recorded in former 
field trips. 

Mr. Francis La Flesche, ethnologist, gave most of his time 
to the assembling of his notes on the child-naming rites and 
ceremonies of the Osage Indians. These ancient rites, with 
their ceremonies, are now practically obsolete, and it was 
fortunate that Mr. La Flesche succeeded in securing two of 
the remaining versions. The first was obtained from Wa- 
xthi’-zhi, a member of the I"-gtho"’-ga or Puma gens. This 
version will form the first part of the volume on this subject. 

The other version is that used by the Tsi’-zhu Wa-shta-ge, 
Peacemaker, gens. It was with considerable difficulty ob- 
tained from old Sho"’-ge-mo*-i", amember of the gens, who was 
very conservative and opposed to having any of the tribal rites 
go to strangers. Since the recording of these ancient rites 
that had been transmitted through many generations, both 
these No*/-ho"-zhi"-ga, Wa-xthi’-zhi and Sho"/-ge-mo?-i*, 
have died, and it is now doubtful if any member of the tribe 
could be found who is able to recite the rituals and go through 
the ceremonial forms in their entirety. 

Tsi’-zhu Wa-shta-ge version will form the second part of 
the volume, now nearing completion, which is to be called 
“Osage Child Naming Rites.’ 

Mr. W. E. Myer, special archeologist, on his return from 
field work in Tennessee, took up the preparation of his report 
on the remains of the great prehistoric Indian settlement 
known as the Great Mound Group in Cheatham County, 
Tenn., a preliminary account of which was given in last 
year’s report. This town is situated on the Harpeth River 
near Kingston Springs and is found in two clusters about 
a mile apart in the bend of the Harpeth River, covering 
about 500 acres. The fortification of the Great Mound 
Group was one of the finest prehistoric structures for defense 
made by the Indians of Tennessee. 

Nearly all the lower river bend, called the “ Mound Bot- 
tom”’ by the local people, contains evidences of walls, many 
of which have disappeared by long cultivation of the soil. 


LiL BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Mr. Myer was not able to determine the age of these mounds, 
but buildings which they represent were undoubtedly 
destroyed before the coming of the white people. 

One of the most interesting results of the summer’s work 
was the excavation of a small mound on the Denny farm at 
Goodlettsville, Sumner County, Tenn., the relics from this 
mound showing that the inhabitants of this site belonged to 
a culture quite unlike that of much of the surrounding region 
in the valley of the Cumberland. 

Mr. Myer also made studies in the southern part of 
Tennessee in Lincoln and Moore Counties and made a map 
of a hitherto undescribed mound group on Elk River. 


SPECIAL RESEARCHES 


During the summer of 1923 Miss Frances Densmore 
visited the Makah Indians at Neah Bay, Wash., and re- 
corded their songs. Neah Bay is near the end of Cape 
Flattery, but the coast is so mountainous that it is reached 
only by boat. At the time of Miss Densmore’s visit there 
was only one passenger boat a week to this village. The 
principal industry of the Indians is salmon fishing. The 
purpose of this trip was to observe the music of Indians 
who live beside the ocean and to compare the music with 
that of tribes living on the mountains, plains, and desert. 
As a result of the comparison it was found that the music 
of the Makah resembles that of the Ute, Papago, and Yuma 
more than it resembles that of the Chippewa, Sioux, and 
Pawnee. This is general observation, the detailed com- 
parison being unfinished. Three instances are as follows: 
(1) The Makah Indians use a “high drone,” or sustained 
tone held by two or three women’s voices, while the others 
sing the melody. This was heard among the Papago in 
southern Arizona and is found in certain parts of Asia. 
This suggests a cultural evidence that the Indians migrated 
from Asia and down the Pacific coast, the use of the drone 
being more pronounced among the Makah than among the 
Papago; (2) the Makah Indians have a considerable number 
of “nonharmonic”’ songs to which the term “key” can not 
properly be applied. These were found in southern Arizona 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 113 


but not in the plains region; (3) the Makah songs concern- 
ing the whale are marked by a very small compass and small 
intervals. ‘lhe Ute songs concerning the bear are also 
characterized by small intervals, but the compass is not 
particularly small. The Makah songs recorded were of 
several classes, including songs of the whale legends and 
whaling expeditions, songs of the potlatch and various social 
dances, songs connected with contests of physical strength, 
“oratitude songs,” which were sung by individuals at 
feasts, lullabies for children, courting songs, and the songs 
of wedding festivities. 

Dances and gatherings of the tribe were attended ; numer- 
ous specimens illustrating the culture of the people were 
collected; the singers and environment were photographed ; 
and about 30 specimens of plants were collected, with a de- 
scription of their economic uses. 

While in Washington, D. C., Miss Densmore arranged in 
a catalogue list 368 songs awaiting publication, and arranged 
in the proper order for publication all her material on Pawnee, 
Papago, Yuma, Cocopa, and Mohave music. Four manu- 
scripts were submitted during the year, with the titles 
““Cocopa and Mohave Dance Songs,” “‘Dance Songs and 
Flute Music of the Yuma,” ‘‘ Whaling Songs, Dream Songs, 
and Legend Songs of the Makah,”’ and ‘Potlatch Songs of 
the Makah.”’ These comprised, in addition to the text, 
87 songs, with phonograph records, musical transcriptions, 
and analyses. 


EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS 


The editing of the publications of the bureau was con- 
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor, 
assisted by Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols, editorial assistant. The 
status of the publications is presented in the following 


summary: 
PUBLICATIONS ISSUED 


Bulletin 79. Blood Revenge, War, and Victory Feasts Among the 
Jibaro Indians of Eastern Ecuador (Karsten). viii, 94 pp., 10 pls. 

Bulletin 80. Mandan and Hidatsa Music (Densmore). xx, 192 pp., 
19 pls., 6 figs. 


114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Bulletin 81. Excavations in the Chama Valley, New Mexico (Jeancon). 
ix, 80 pp., 65 pls., 38 figs. 
List of publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 45 pp. 


PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS OR IN PREPARATION 


Thirty-eighth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: An Introduc- 
tory Study of the Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana Indians 
(Roth). 

Thirty-ninth Annual Report. Accompanying paper: The Osage Tribe: 
The Rite of Vigil (ha Flesche). 

Fortieth Annual Report. Accompanying papers: The Mythical Origin 
of the White Buffalo Dance of the Fox Indians; The Autobiography 
of a Fox Indian Woman; Notes on Fox Mortuary Customs and 
Beliefs; Notes on the Fox Society Known as “Those Who Worship 
the Little Spotted Buffalo”; the Traditional Origin of the Fox 
Society Known as ‘‘ The Singing Around Rite” (Michelson) 

Forty-first Annual Report. Accompanying paper: Salish Basketry 
(Boas). 

Forty-second Annual Report. Accompanying paper: Social Organi- 
zation and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy 
(Swanton). 

Bulletin 78. Handbook of the Indians of California (Kroeber). 


DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS 


The distribution of publications has been continued under 
the immediate charge of Miss Helen Munroe, assisted by 
Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications were distributed as 
follows: 


Report) volumes/and/separatesse= 4) 2 2oe 55 2s ee Ops 
Bulletins and separatess =. 4%. _4_ =) "a= S95 we 84 
Contributions to North henerenn ‘ethnology... Lae 10 
Miscellaneous publications! ly -- Si eyer eA tere 511 

13, 963 


As compared with the fiscal year ending June 30, 1923, 
there was a decrease of 3,731 publications distributed, due 
to the fact that no report volumes were issued during the 
year, whereas two reports were published in the preceding 
fiscal year. 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

Mr. DeLancey Gill, illustrator, with the assistance of Mr. 
Albert E. Sweeney, continued the preparation of the illus- 
trations of the bureau. A summary of the work follows: 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 115 


Drawings for publications______- jokin mo dadasti .cd3s 
Photographic prints retouched. for ¢ énersving ssi ining - 85 
Negatives prepared. _ _- ea ore 
Films developed and printed from field « exposures (rolls) - wafint) 24 
Photographic prints for distribution and office use______- -- - 73% 


The work of reclassification of negatives has progressed 
satisfactorily. As a prelude to a new catalogue of the large 
collection of negatives, this work will be of lasting value. 
About 4,000 negatives were identified and rejacketed, but 
much yet remains to be done. 


LIBRARY 


The reference library continued under the immediate care 
of Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr. Thomas 
Blackwell. 

During the year 560 books were accessioned. Of these 
82 were acquired by purchase, 253 by gift and exchange, 
and 225 by binding of periodicals. The current periodicals 
annually received number about 975, of which 37 are by 
subscription, the remainder being received through exchange. 
The library has also received 225 pamphlets. The aggregate 
number of books in the library at the close of the year was 
25,621; of pamphlets, about 15,325. 

During the year many students not connected with the 
Smithsonian Institution have applied to the library for books. 
The library was used also by the Library of Congress and 
officers of the executive departments, and out-of-town stu- 
dents have made use of the library through frequent loans. 

Conditions of crowding on the bookshelves are now acute 
in many places in the stacks. Many volumes received by 
the library not pertaining to anthropology were transferred 
to the library of the Smithsonian Institution. 


COLLECTIONS 
The following collections, purchased or acquired by mem- 
bers of the bureau or by those detailed in connection with its 
researches, have been transferred to the United States Na- 
tional Museum: 


70367. Collection of about 90 specimens of picture pottery from the 
Mimbres Valley, N. Mex. 


116 


70553. 


71026. 


71694. 


71697. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Blanket on which is woven an elaborate representation of the 
Yeibichi dance of the Navaho Indians, presented to the 
bureau by Mr. Chee Dodge, St. Michael’s, Ariz. 

Collection of archeological specimens made by the late John 
L. Baer during the summer of 1923 in the Susquehanna 
Valley region. 


. California Mission Indian water basket collected by J. P. 


Harrington during the summer of 1922. 


. Collection of archeological specimens secured in Tennessee 


and South Dakota by the late William E. Myer. 


. Collection of archeological specimens from Pipe Shrine House 


in the Mesa Verde National Park, Colo. 


. Collection of Indian implements and fossil animals found in 


Garrard County, Ky., along the Old Wilderness Trail, and 
presented to the bureau by Mrs. S. H. Burnside. 


. Four prehistoric objects presented to the bureau, through the 


late W. E. Myer, by J. G. Braecklein. 


. Three separate lots of stone implements from prehistoric 


village sites near Goodlettsville, Tenn., presented to the 
bureau through the late W. E. Myer, by a Mr. Meadow, 
John Bell Cartwright, and Capt. James Roscoe. 

Three lots of archeological specimens presented to the bureau, 
through the late W. E. Myer, by C. O. Chapman, A. B. 
Moore, Mrs. Lee Colin, and A. T. Sweet. s 

Collection of archeological specimens from the Painted Kiva 
House, Mesa Verde National Park, Colo. 


PROPERTY 


Furniture and office equipment were purchased to the 
amount of $76.29. 


MISCELLANEOUS 


The correspondence and other clerical work of the office 
has been conducted by Miss May 8. Clark, clerk to the chief. 
Miss Julia 8. Atkins, stenographer and typewriter, assisted 
the various members of the staff. Mr. Anthony W. Wilding, 
typist, has been engaged in copying manuscripts and in 
various duties connected with the office of the chief. 

Mr. W. E. Myer, special archeologist, died December 2, 


1923. 


Respectfully submitted. 


Dr. 


J. Watrer Frewxes, Chief. 
CHarRLES D. WALCOTT, 
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 


ACCOMPANYING PAPERS 


117 


————SEel 


4 
+ 

——S——_—— 
2B i 

A 

1 

: 

i 

. 

oF 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA AND 
SURROUNDING REGION 


BY 


H. K. HAEBERLIN f, JAMES A. TEIT{, and HELEN H. ROBERTS 


Under the direction of 


FRANZ BOAS 


53666°—28——_9 119 


ee 


aviA AAMUIOD Herriaa vt PATARCAA a 
Leathe WALCHUORATE 


¥at 


STASAON 1 VORITH baw .¢ TET A AL PVE 
% noitouiih ot wha, 
ZAOH SAAT 


CONTENTS 


Coiled basket making among the Thompson bands____-_____---------- 
MOTTA os tg ee Sore Sere rei EE SE eS 
Grpnering Ob mahenals 28 oe eee ween n SOE BAF OLS 
Preparation of: materials... 5 ied lato sia! Vie pie aol ore 

RBOUPANOU RO Why SOLDER =o oe a oem a 


Dre Cec HMidie Of COMM P= Uo > Powe Seas Oe WO ewes = 2 2 oe Beyer 
MaERanune Ol DAs KGUs= =. so2so5 cts cn sons ee ee pes Re aed 
kor G. yereigrens Se 2k ee ees Sie eae Stee 
RST Set EA DEES x pare ee ae Fe ee 
SHG LES yc ES he a hei tpt ao a aS A Rr Be GARE NaS 


MALE ItOG PrecelvatiG Nee === ee ee ee ee en oe ee eee 
REDAININ GS ape een nae n ne ne ame eee Ree SEE Site Le ene enn se 
Gms, And purposes: of. baskets... -+s-22 eee ee Se 
Group: l.; Burden basketsametl s2c10 69 vilenand Poser JO GOL RE 
Group, II. Kettles: and bowls.......2...2 ede eu sn A Doe Boe 
Group ELE. Nut-shaped: baskets... - occ SE 
Groupiny-eslorape DAskets== === ee ae hoe ee ee oe 
SrOupE ES UG BUR Des: fost. cen eee ns oe ee ee eS 
GAD VICATIICIS <2 eon ee ee a eg te ae ee ee peat 
PEO DOrUONS On DULGeDDASKCUSS <= =<6 = sap ae ee ah ee eo ree 
MVETLHOUROMONNAMeEN AVON: (en aon oe ees ae ne a ee ee 
IBBAGING noe e oa sone eee eee ee See nee ete eee 
MmpMeniON= sean os ee ee one Wee eats ecole eee ees 

Pe PISETI MES Gls eer te ene Sena es es ae Sa oe oo a 
SSBNEL Remit arte ae ae See en re oe ees 
burdenvbasketsten- seen oe aoe a nhc aaa ee cess hao Se cee eee ge 
WEGfOreCOlOTE=<2==—= ane a ee eee See Se eee 

SOA ECICCR AOS ste nt as wn ee SSS m9 os Sone eT  ooeanesane 
IatiOriCsted GesigOs=2— == - =e este lesen et tees tee aS Sere See. 
Arrangement :of«Gesipins a 0aeed 41. AOITtII0 Loess 

ROC GVErLCAalistriPOowsanecacecascnsscuessaccesdSseseseet ee 
DEsEn ClEMeNIS = =~ soos a Seer coco ce eee eee Ee eee EEee es 
GEOMMEITIC EMER. = in co ini hoe RE ee Se ON 
The square... -.-~.sewssgusss4 syult 10. ae Jo aloes 

The rectangle. -=-s-2--+-..<----==5-5 eee Siemor sel 

Dhe triangles. 2 oe eens - == Se eee te ie 

he Chevron: 2.545255 202-355 cc en ee ere ha my 

LWOS CO See ee 

BEDE LURE 3 es ow an ee RR Te, Bed, 
Hexagon and octagon, crosses and stars____------------------ 

JUNG EM Sty GIP INT. te ed 3 A eee eae 


122 CONTENTS 


Application of the design to the field 
‘Lhe horizontalband === = eee ae ee ee 
All-overlanpeutigunes: — S225 see a= eee ee a 
Vertical stripes and series 
DUTY Ce Se ans SE Re ore Pe Soe ee Ser ee eee 
Small designs on vertical stripes_____________ _peetie sat dase oat 
id®problems' =~ 5> 2: 2.) Sy 5 Re ee 

Whe':selection: of the design= = ---— = --- = 5 Ae 2 

Geometric forms and their interpretations 
CO SROB Sha cep a i Rm ep a 
Triangles. = A pce eee eee ee eee eee 
The square and rectangle 
The diamond 


The-trapez0idia-22.9.5 9-20 see c+ ena Sees OnE I soa oe eee 
Mheshexarontandtocta gore ee ee 
Remarks on interpretations of geometric designs 
Designs which are either geometric or realistic 
Realistre™Gesiens= see eae ee eee ae ee Se eee 
Objects represented by different figures 
Wvtton “designs so: = oe io ee ci oar ne a EO eee 
Basketry of the tribes neighbors of the Thompson 
ILillooet basketry==- --= 225.2452 e as oe ee eee 
Chileotin basketry 
Shuswap: basketry...=-2-.--.20 ==. ==. 29 jleipe Sa paeerice tees 
Relation of imbricated basketry to other forms 
Yakima and Klickitat basketry 
Summary and conclusion 


APPENDIX 


Indian, terms-for*prepared* materials === ee 
Indian terms for processes of preparation 


Wearing-and:mending*+2=-=- 252222. Sas Sie ee ee eee 
Proportions, and shapes=<- =< 2229-32252 eee cae a ee ee ae 
Principal prefixes and suffixes occurring in basketry terms 
Ornamentation 
Beading = 2" ° 22 2 2 a ee ee Oe eee eee 
Inmibrication: <2 224 oo ee seen ee ee re Senter 
Terms descriptive of designs or their arrangements 
Nemes for geometric figures. ==. ---- 26 oso cee eee ee OE ERs 
Notes to list of geometric terms 

Some additional terms 
Rabidity of work.oss03s2=25524-sh=2255=2254-5 5 eee eee 
Imbricated stitches 
Beading 


CONTENTS 


Basket shapes of tribes of the interior 

Lake tribes 

GPO PYT EE CUS ESS ie a sl a ea pc NE 

Naniou: and. Nespeliim.. 48-2 yest 9-2 a oe eS oe ease 

Comparison of shapes—Thompson, Klickitat, and Lillooet 
ABO NSONID ULUCN DESREtN a ence eo b= Re ee ee ee 
Thompson burden baskets not grouped as to shape 
Talinget burden) Pasketse~ =. <25 Se 28 Se ee oe eee ease 
Deserintion Omdesipn Glements_— a= so. a8 eS ee 
Comparison of design arrangements and ornamentation 
Objects represented in different forms of art 
BERGERON RINGS 5 ooo te a ee oe eee ee asue 
Results obtained from data concerning the informants 
fadex: ta Ceaten NRINGS OmRKELCReS.—- =. - - e  a ne 
Indian names for designs not identified with sketches 
RIP AINON ON INVES ea = a a ee eee 
Index to sketches of designs 
| BOLUS CEN PG Figen  e e 
Lisi, ene ep SE ee ee oe re ee ee ee 


123 


Page 
413 
413 
414 
414 
414 
416 
418 
421 
422 
424 
426 
431 
454 
462 
469 
470 
473 
484 
615 


ia 


Pa a 


a 


ey 


ose Wye ving Sede ote as, teat 


inh. ROE : ee een Maem 
rhea aa eters 

aa Phe wtanegta ss : ee eee 

dik, os ROSES aaa ihe 

Bae a Waa BARE The sere 
Momarey vot Baer ee aaa 7 wy 

a SEL OTN TANS ROE CS 

Pe) 6 platted Seladed rte och ile pea 

Onjeetn ny vvemetad he pi@eett Meme ad i 

Liyttec devi ine : : P ‘ o* 

Haabictcy (¢ thew triheg eid: tetra at the TYiearipain i 


(ditael Dean whey ae : = a 
CSVigatiy \enkobry 


Prmwage Iebetey a i tied nee 
Nelathy) «1 imlitQated bakketry ta'o(ber 100i. ee 08 
abies on) Atokal beddetsy: «. —— 
‘Sarimary aod nr huten... P = Pm d : 
ls LTT % 


Fiiedlan tere Jer peepee Rouaberiais 

It ba. ome fry priesteen cf Gyeperniion 

Teetrics ‘wectiptive tenn, 

Te ; 

i ’ ro 

i—_ eovet ft lnenia 7 
Pe 4 teh ae . 
ide of ueciete 

Vijetng avd was Hig : 
Prepecrtinvts end @iidapew : : P 
1-4 oe prefioes abet oi hore apeiirtier Ty (ss etry ari 5.26 
(2p elinn.: 


bi 4euk 4 (—_ 

Famtnnncn tiger ane. 

Terk ce ’Tphor YY ewer OF Le s7TangeineHhy = a a , 
Nien ’ f erences eo : ° A oe Wei 
td ' wt  geanihrh, toy - ae 2 


“oats ot hbOGeal ler 
Dabetiiy & @urksuc 
Tra Lor Lilettiad ett ohn 


Uyad! A. 


Fr 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATES 


ontispiece. Upper photograph Lillooet. Showing a head design. Lower 


photograph Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4611. Design: “ Butterfly cut off,” 


M 


CHONBALWNH 


“Butterfly wings’’ (Spuzzum, Uta’mqt); ‘‘ Butterfly’? (Lytton); ‘ Arrow- 
head”’ (Coldwater, Thompson). Facing page 133. 
ap. Distribution of Salish dialects, and of languages spoken in the adjoining 
territory, before 1800. In pocket. 

. Details of imbrication. 

. Woman making a basket. 

Bottoms of baskets. 

Bottoms of baskets. 

Warped and strengthened bottom of baskets. 
. Bottoms of baskets. 

Thompson, Chilcotin, and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson, Chileotin, and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Bottom of Thompson basket. Lillooet rattle. 
. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

Lillooet baskets. 

. Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Lillooet baskets. 

. Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 

. Thompson baskets. 

. Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 


. Thompson baskets. 
125 


126 ILLUSTRATIONS 


39. 
40. 
41. 
42. 
43. 
44. 
45. 
46. 
47. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 
53. 
54. 
55. 
56. 
57. 
58. 
59. 
60. 
61. 
62. 
63. 
64, 
65. 
66. 
67. 
68. 
69. 
70. 
(al. 
72. 
73. 
74. 
75. 
76. 
ite 


Thompson baskets. 

Thompson baskets. 

Thompson baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 
Thompson and Lillooet baskets, 
Thompson and Wenatchi baskets. 
Thompson baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets, 
Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 
Thompson baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 
Thompson baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets, 
Thompson trays. 

Thompson trays. 

Thompson trays. 

Lillooet baskets. 

Lillooet baskets. 

Thompson and Lillooet baskets, 
Lillooet and Chileotin baskets. 
Chileotin baskets. 

Chilcotin baskets. 

Chilcotin baskets. 

Chilcotin baskets. 

Klickitat woven bags. 

Klickitat woven bags. 

Klickitat woven bags. 

Klickitat baskets. 

Klickitat baskets. 

Klickitat baskets. 

Klickitat baskets. 

Klickitat coiled baskets. 
Klickitat baskets. 

Klickitat baskets. 

Klickitat baskets. 

Wickitat coiled baskets. 
Klickitat and coast baskets. 
Thompson and Lillooet baskets. 
Thompson baskets. 


78-94. Sketches of designs. 


OHARA HWNHE 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


TEXT FIGURES 


. Sketch illustrating the wrapping of sewing splints____-_-_--------- 
B Sketchsor awl ee A LN A tole to gece 
® Depinnimg of coiling 52) a BARS LY ee eel te taers 
. Beginning of coils for elongated watch-spring bottoms____-_-.-_~-~- 
. Beginning of coils for elongated watch-spring bottoms_____-__------ 


Round bottom developed from elongated watch-spring coiling_-~_-~--_ 


m Parallel.couine for bottom == cee Soe 
. Watch-spring coiling adapted to triangular and square bottoms ---- - 
. Devices for straightening bottoms of baskets_....----.------------ 
. Methods of making slat bottoms. 2-22-22. seu-seses bs sesessee 
. Methgds of making slat bottoms. _.__--~-2+-_+~-+-----+=+--5----- 
&% Rim-consisting 6itwo rimgeolls becised __Aadeed Joel ee seth 
. Drawing of rim; /Klickitatd i» sessoo_et ctetes. eerie bn Sages bar 
_ EBSRET ELS BAERS Ce STG CL) Spel cl yee ey a Pe oe IS 
» Pypes of loop: work..22)' -bbOteat YES A -tneeen eee beste 
® Py pes ofsnde 3 Pre be ee Pe UL lea meh ssn ie tA dheneeeee 
® Ly pes of Jide’ == <~ 1 Pabst 1 ent neon te ta Jepeeeere 
& Sketches of: lids with loopworkiess jf Uo So) __saveedt Jee ee eee 
* Method of making foot of basket____--_--__--uulsaa_be seaeeese-se 
. Method of making foot of basket. _+.-<-.-1---=--=--b+444s2+--+=+- 
& Methods.of making a looped! foot... seaaad-tn zeeees cet ee 
& Loops usedias, handles=2=—TGATTS M42 SE: _ feted te sees se se 
b hoops made ofthongay 4 428 Si ahiteten pers ty tecereee a tae 
Pe Dy pes Ol Handles. en ee ee perce Des eel ee Sc 
. a, b, Method of attaching thong line; c, Load supported by sticks; 


peg OPC Ol, DAR Re US 2 me ee ee 


& Types of burden! baskets - ites! $= eit. oo tesserae 
& Types ofketiles Hnd) bowls— t=2eu! $6 selue see Seseseeee eee 
me Types Of baaicstals 200 4 8 99 ete heeses bet ere: ee eee 
Se Types of storage basketa 4 0 _- tits betes dee ee bt 
ie Ty pestetitrays 2 lt | “ahitpmoah: ee ote ety at pet ee bk 
. Types of baskets: a, Tub-shaped; b, c, box-shaped___-------------- 
. Types of baskets: a, b, For pouring liquids; c, storage basket for 


tobacco and pipe; d, for general storage; e, rattle__-------------- 


. Sketch illustrating the making of a basketry spoon_--------~---~--- 
© Beaded. designs for baby catrierss_ 134 4_ 4- ---224 4agqq=et3-- 4 - 
. Form of bottom and mouth of burden basket----~-------------.-- 
& Forms for’Thompson baskets. ...._ 34:54 bt 44 2 44 --34qs- == 
. Fommsifordiillocet: baskets: - bozeteseee> - as he eB beaches 4+ ---b 
Pm Methodsiot besgdine. — on ee ee 
. Joining;of strips used, in beading... +)+.28 }- =-<)5=5 442+ --4--+-+---- 
& Wethod ob imbrcstion. =-- = os ee ee 
© Bifurcation. of col wtittdhbs.41-14- MP - = 42 -aep ee: 35 to 
© Beadéditidsighs 4 4M A. - asyetter Jasoasth ee steeper asa-nesre 
§ Beadaditidsiens® 4 Wt * -- sanetter taqsaeth Se peSeeeeen sate ste 
® Beaded desieng._ <---- easter taqnast etree ae 
© Designs onkverticsl sthipess 4 ~~ 2c 5) be ateens hee madi ee h-E 


128 ILLUSTRATIONS 


46. 
47. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 
53. 
54. 
55. 
56. 
57. 
58. 
59. 


60. 
61. 
62. 
63. 
64. 
65. 
66. 
67. 
68. 
69. 
70. 
ma 
72. 
73. 
74. 
75. 
76. 
77. 
78. 


rh 
80. 
81. 
82. 


83. 
84. 
85. 
86. 
87. 
88. 
89. 
90. 
Sls 
92. 


Bifurcation, of coil stitches==- a= sare= ee ee 
Basket with star design. U.S.N.M. 217438__.-.___--_----L----2-- 
Corner. of basket. AcM-N-H: 16—46452.-- == ee 
Comer. of basket... UsS/NoMs 2174532" — == Seip ey ae erie 
Banded decoration on basket. Peabody Museum 62239____ ~__---- 
Adjustment of meander to sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 217434______ 
Adjustment of meander to sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 217447___---- 
Corner:of basket. 2.22252 2 ee a SE ee ae Deel ees 
Corner. ofiibasket, se su ss teens ues tt of bette milics pale tat 
Corner. of basket.. . U-S..N.Mi21746 7s saedited sees See Se 
Adjustment of zigzag pattern to sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 216416__ 
Adjustment of zigzag pattern to sides of basket. A.M.N.H. 16-4862 
Decoration of sides of basket. Peabody Museum 61930_-__-------- 
Adjustment of zigzag pattern to corner of basket. A.M.N.H. 16- 


Diagonal arrangement. A.M.N.H. 16-1044_____-----------__--_- 
Arrangement of zigzag design. U.S.N.M. 219879____-___---___--__ 
Arrangement of zigzag design. U.S.N.M. 216408__.__-__----_----- 
Fillers on side of basket. U.S.N.M. 222032__-_-.--..-----------.- 
Filler on corner. of -basket........ -_.--. Suse. be ape3 aa Shes 
Filler on corner of basket. U.S.N.M. 216426__--.--------+------- 
Filler‘on corner.of-basketz—..-.- 5 Soot fess _ 6 ee ees 
Filler on corner of basket. U.S.N.M. 277607. ---ssUss28 =s bace 28 
Vertical arrangement of ornamentation. U.S.N.M. 222595________- 


Filler: Resbody. Museum) 572038 2- 2-20.05 == ee 


Biller? >. SGONUM M222 586iio. 2 2o0 pone galanin 45_haesans ss 


Symmetrical arrangement on sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 216412_ -__ 
Symmetrical arrangement on sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 217442_ ___ 
Basket with symmetrical ornamentation. U.S.N.M. 217459___-_--- 
Basket with symmetrical ornamentation. A.M.N.H. 16-9543____-_- 
Basket showing change in the plan of decoration. U.S.N.M. 216413_ 
Basket illustrating lack of symmetry in detail___------------------ 
Diagonal design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrange- 

ment of diagonal lines. A.M.N.H. 16.1-473_____-------------- 
Diagonal design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrange- 

ment of diagonal lines. A.M.N.H. 16-8835_------------------- 
Design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrangement of 

diagonal lines. -U.S.N.M. 217465___-----+-22-+22222205-2=55e8 
Design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrangement of 

diagonal-lines=*== =< ===22 S22 ee ee ee ee 
Diagonal design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrange- 

ment of diag oviell! Vim css sere 
Change of pattern of decoration. A.M.N.H. 16.1-547__----------- 
Errors in arrangements of diagonal patterns. A.M.N.H. 16.1-516_- 
Errors in arrangements of diagonal patterns. A.M.N.H. 16.1-524_- 
Errors in arrangements of diagonal patterns_--------------------- 
Basket illustrating uniformity of design. A.M.N.H. 16-8838_------ 
Measurements of basket. U.S.N.M. 216420_--.-_---------------- 
Decorated lid 22a ee ee ee 
@ombinations/of designs=— —=-<4=2-=- aoa en = ae 
Combinations of designs=--——-- 6-22 2a an ae ee 
Basket designs from Lytton__----------------------------------- 


122. 


. Basket designs from Lytton 
. Basket designs from Lytton 
. Basket designs from Lytton 
. Basket designs from Lytton 
. Basket designs from Lytton 


. Chileotin designs 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


. Lillooet basket. Peabody Museum 57202_________________- 
PCD TCCAT OS santas we oe ee ee ae 
MMIMOOCR GENER. tly DALLERIN= = 2-3 eon 25-8 ee 
PrbulcetKO esi pnas atte ee, tae ages) ENE HE) AD ees Se 


MP BARKeUGeEsiIOne SrODL Dy UlON. 20 8. = 8 oe ee ee 
. Lillooet basket. Sargent collection 
. Lillooet basket 


. Lillooet basket. U.S.N.M. 219881 


pxGbuleghinidesipna] qs a=. 2) 472k oe ie seas lew ties. 
. Quill work, Alaska. A.M.N.H 
. Quill work and basket embroidery from Tlingit, Alaska. 

INUUISG [UR ier ee ee ne ee ae oe ne 
. Embroidery designs from Thompson baskets 
. Embroidery designs from Thompson baskets________________ 
apolitiembraidery, Koryak,: Siberiasta2 4+ 02 Loe ut ne) 2 oe 
. Porcupine quill embroidery, Alaska______________ eee 
_ LES Re ee Re Se a i tee eee ee 
. Obsolete basket designs, Thompson 
. Ancient basket designs, Thompson 
. Designs from coast Salish baskets___-_____--_-_.._-------- 
. New basket designs, Thompson 
New. basket desipns, Thompson] <5 = sa 5 525. noo See ees 
. Names for geometric figures 


INSINES LOD PeOMenIC MPULCS 2 - === 2-2 ac eo ee 
Designs made by individual artists_____._.----.------------ 
122a. Patterns made by Informant No. 32 


SS ee — ee ee eee a lee 


, 2 a 
. iw 
eae “— 
{ - 4. 
- 
7 é 
- 
o, a : 
* 
OS 4OUARTAKL 
» : 7 
. 
A me Phe, A: cott ys anerl enrphuaty sok wa’) 
- : Rates ae 
r + iat Pe. ets Ls : 
dd Gow = 2 ORR E cro) 
iM 7 * Ue L eae! ae 
bee bad . — jooata oY ee 
i ah ‘ fm sere er? 
_tthlLwoolloe teoe tec toner apeairs i 
GAs : aie © oh wit dawot id oh 
reHeHt a ‘ 
: a Oe Tawenth whitest = 4 
brs Ea a. 
— aera et Mi 
Lh} . 6 
=n 'rega ais ralenb g 
Of : A. sep 
MYM 
{ ii WT pyavad ‘pethdiricligen loa how ‘th 2 at 
he » a+ ° » “am reve ty 
aigdeet rommcoat tT sovit eegheats 7" shiovdeire 
. 7 sindand moagmaod! grok era a blond 


.. ebegdhs laren Sueblordas 
parent d vohiortdion Map oacig uray 


fea! ne a IMO 


ror f noacpepont Ds, sooleol iodent! oiale 
OI qaont: actgiaoty dod ad Saeko 

atodnad deilae denoo aor tagiaotl s 

7 noaqmod T At alee aly foalauut wo! 

sy saa Y yerupieak vi dancl wi 


dt abrdearioo ay st a} poms 7 


ae 
‘ : tis iit or Th ye 10% ee 

SS} : tele. laabiv iil, vel aben ued a 
at sa he a» of Of dusaolal ‘Zgh obwen ecvrotdn’ 


9 


PREFACE 


The work contained in the following pages is the result of an 
inquiry planned by me many years ago. The problem that I set 
myself was an investigation into the attitude of the individual 
artist toward his work. Much has been written on the origin and 
history of design without any attempt to study the artist himself. 
It seemed to me necessary to approach the problem from this angle. 

For many years I collaborated with Mr. James A. Teit, who seemed 
eminently fitted to carry through such an investigation, because he 
was not only on terms of intimate friendship with the Thompson 
Indians of British Columbia but because, furthermore, he had full 
command of the language of that tribe, one of the groups most 
prolific in the making of decorated basketry. The peculiar technique 
of imbrication, which has a limited distribution and a sharp local- 
ization of pattern type, seemed to make the research particularly 
promising. 

The keen interest of Mr. Homer F. Sargent, of Pasadena, Calif., 
in the work of Mr. Teit, and his thorough appreciation of the im- 
portance of ethnological work, made it possible to conduct an 
extensive undertaking in this area, which was financed entirely 
through Mr. Sargent’s liberality. 

A singular misfortune has hung over this investigation. I was 
unable to visit the field myself and I sent Dr. Herman K. Haeberlin 
to Mr. Teit to start the research and to discuss with Mr. Teit the 
essential points that seemed to deserve consideration. After his 
return, Doctor Haeberlin continued his inquiry by a critical study of 
the decorations of baskets found in museums and private collections. 
While these investigations were in progress Doctor Haeberlin suc- 
cumbed to an insidious disease, leaving his work incomplete. 

At the same time Mr. Teit was engrossed, for a time, in work 
undertaken for the welfare of the Indians of British Columbia, work 
which took up much of his time. Before he could resume his ethno- 
logical work consecutively he became ill and died without completing 
his notes. 

Under these conditions and on account of other work, not being 
able myself to complete the inquiry, I handed all the notes and 
illustrations to Miss Helen H. Roberts, who wrote the text of the 
present memoir, using such parts of Mr. Teit’s and Doctor Haeberlin’s 
manuscripts as were completed. She is largely responsible for the 
arrangement of the material and the method of presentation. 

131 


132 PREFACE 


To add to all the other misfortunes, and due to an oversight, the 
plates accompanying the volume were rearranged without knowledge 
of the author and museum numbers of specimens were removed, so 
that identification of the illustrations was in many cases impossible. 
In consequence it has been necessary to omit certain discussions, 
because the specimens to which they refer could not be identified. 
I have attempted to rearrange the illustrations but in part of them 
disorder still remains and I must ask the indulgence of the reader for 
the apparent lack of system in the presentation of the illustrative 
material. It seems more important to present all rather than to 
limit to figures that are in proper order. 

A summary of the results of the inquiry, as I see them, will be 
found at the end of the paper. 


4 


Franz Boas. 


EXPLANATION OF SYMBOLS 


Vowels have their continental values. 
é open e, as in “‘fell.”’ 
6 open 0, nearly as in German ‘“‘yoll.” 
E Obscure vowel, as e in “flower.” 
tl affricative. 
I voiceless |. 
q velar k. 
ce English sh. 


‘ 


Mr. Teit uses the period (.) to indicate in some cases a glottal stop, 
in others strong voicing. 

His distinctions between velars and midpalatals and between t and 
tl are uncertain. The variability of vowels reflects an actual indi- 
vidual variability. 

The sound zr, z’ seems to represent a cerebral z. 


A.M.N.H., American Museum of Natural History, New York, N.Y. 
U.S.N.M., United States National Museum, Washington, D. C. 
H.M.A.1., Museum of American Indian, Heye Foundation. 
U.P.M., Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. 


da 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT FRONTISPIECE 


wee ccitY 
perer 

WVOTHTNETrverRE NEN WETRe Pere CREERTT TT” 
Li te daad 
. PFeenrer Teerrorees be reRrerr 

| FESTIFE CORP V NUTT EEE 

PUCOREFETRPHIEVEF pa te 

Te leeer 1P 

a 


VeTHFep vente 
vasavyuys’ 
OVNTOCTITKTTIOMEy LTTE ENE! Merernereners 
Wu Yertseres rrewt iP 
Fe Be pevmnstevvcesownyessy iP 
| 


srayreearservenyrent rer 


Lillooet. Showing a head design 


a. Wer Ves EF 
WY sanennww -~ we 


WERWOBPABEDT HET + TTS 
CAAStwonsen ar 


Pn A 
eee yeweasanewnrse “gg wwomnepeennnss 


Sh hh eth ebe bet iaiababed SS WRERY POV eRe 
Peto ~AGeUSunenennaNtt REY PREM BEReMETS AMY 
at we nn oo Ma nme nr i] 


7 wweny ¥ a, seewe oe 
AS oy we ewe 8 B Sc dpeaed ig 


SRTVATARARE TERRE we RARe 


RAUNT MEWARAR ETO WWeRERERUTeT EN 


eI 
emNeER TAD 
SS eed 
RUSTE SONTT 


A.HOEN & CO BALTIMORE 


Thompson, A. M. N. H. 16-4611. Design: ‘‘Butterfly cut off,” “Butterfly wings’ (Spuzzum, Uta’mat), 
“Butterfly”? (Lytton), “Arrowhead” (Coldwater, Thompson) 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA AND 
SURROUNDING REGION 


By H. K. Hanser, James A. Teit, and Heren H. Roserts, 
under the direction of Franz Boas 


INTRODUCTION 


All of the interior Salish tribes of British Columbia! once made coiled 
basketry of cedar or spruce root—the Upper and Lower Lillooet, the 
Upper and Lower Thompson, the Shuswap, the Lake (of the Okana- 
gon group), and the Okanagon proper. The last were the least pro- 
ductive. The Lake and Okanagon as well as the Shuswap make 
almost no coiled baskets at the present time, but the Lillooet and 
Thompson probably manufacture as many now as they ever did. 
Of the Athapascan group of southern British Columbia, the Chilcotin 
are the only people who make coiled ware. The Tahltan and Nahani 
declare that they never made any, and the same is said of the Stuwi’- 
xamux", who once inhabited the valleys of the Nicola and Similka- 
meen. Less is known about the Sekani and Carriers. Father Morice 
does not mention the industry. Harmon refers to some kind of 
water-tight basketry having been made in his day at Stuarts Lake, 
in the Carrier country. The northern Shuswap say that the Carriers 
never made coiled ware so far as they know, so probably the variety 
mentioned was manufactured in another technique. On the coast 
only the Sechelt, Squamish, Stalo or Lower Fraser, the Nootsak, the 
tribes east of Puget Sound, and the Cowlitz, all of whom live not far 
from the Lillooet and Thompson and their southern neighbors, 
make coiled baskets, of which they produce no small amount at the 
present day. The interior people say that although these tribes had 
access to the very best basket material in their own country none of 
them made coiled ware in old times but learned from the Thompson 
and Lillooet. The Stalo, and later the Nootsak, learned from the 
Lower Thompson Indians. The latter believe that they were taught 
by hunting bands who sometimes wintered with them and by some 
Thompson women who married into their tribe. Probably their 
adoption of the art took place about the beginning of the nineteenth 
century. The theory that the Stalo acquired their knowledge from 
the Lower Thompson seems to be confirmed by a study of their 
designs, which are not only the same but are arranged in a similar 
manner. Where interpretations of designs are available, they prove 


1 For distribution of tribes see map at end of yolume. 


133 


134 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


to be practically identical with those of the Uta’mqt (Lower Thomp- 
son).’* Form, material, and technique are the same, except that the 
Stalo show coast influence by creating a greater proportion of box 
shapes, and also prefer fancy shapes. The Stalo say that the Yale 
band and their neighbors adopted the craft many generations ago and 
that until recently it was largely confined to them. Gradually the 
fashion spread toward the sea, but so slowly that even at the present 
day the people living near the water do not make baskets. 

Thompson influence in basketry prevails as far down Fraser River 
as Agassiz and Chilliwack. At Harrison and below, Lillooet in- 
fluence predominates. Formerly little basket work was attempted 
near Chilliwack, but intermarriage and increased acquaintance 
with the Lower Thompson tribes have given an impetus to the art. 
Among the people of this region, however, as elsewhere, Uta’mqt 
women and their daughters who have settled there are considered as 
experts. The same is true of the Nootsak. Among the Squamish 
and Sechelt there are strong traces of Lillooet styles, which may be 
accounted for by the fact that these tribes intermarried and traded 
with one another. It is claimed that a small band of Lillooet settled 
among the coast people, and that their descendants continued to 
speak the mother tongue until a few years ago. In technique, shapes, 
and designs, as well as method of ornamentation, the baskets of this 
region are essentially of Lillooet style. Some of the old members of 
the latter tribe state that the coast people adopted their art. 

From the foregoing it seems that the direction of diffusion of the 
art in British Columbia was from the interior toward the sea. The 
fact that a similar transmission does not seem to have occurred from 
the Chilcotin to the Bella Coola is in part, at least, accounted for 
by the statement of the former, substantiated by information from 
the Shuswap and Lillooet, that the Chilcotin bands living nearest 
to the Bella Coola did not manufacture baskets. The Lillooet of 
the Lakes state that some Chilcotin learned the art from them, 
but if this ever occurred the latter have thoroughly transformed 
the style. This is not the case among other tribes that are known 
to have derived the art from the Lillooet, for in these cases the 
similarity in styles is very marked. It is impossible to say at this 
late date whether or not Chilcotin basketry resembled that of the 
ancient Shuswap. 

Present information indicates that the interior Salish were the 
leading manufacturers of coiled and imbricated basketry in the 
northwest and that the Athapascan people were only slightly cngaged 
in its production, and where so occupied were always in close contact 
with the Salish. 

The Willapa say that formerly they did not make coiled work, 
which agrees with the statements of their immediate neighbors. 
They adopted the fashion from the Cowlitz at a rather late period. 


la A recently received vocabulary suggests that the name is Uta’mkt, ‘‘ down river.” 


Boas} INTRODUCTION 135 


The Casca also did not make it, nor the people of Nicola valley, 
the Tahltan, Carrier, or Sekani who were mentioned before. The 
Chilcotin may have acquired the art from the Shuswap. 

The interior Salish were not the only people, however, who vro- 
duced coiled work in the early days. They state that the Snake, 
Nez Percé, and some Kootenai knew the technique, but not the 
Blackfeet, who formerly bought their baskets from the Flathead 
and Tuna‘xe. Most of the more eastern Salish tribes ceased to 
make coiled baskets about the time when buffalo hunting expeditions 
enjoyed so much popularity. 

Very little investigation has been conducted among the Lower 
Kootenai, although it is known that they made baskets. 

The neighboring Lake tribes and the Kalispel believe that the 
Kootenai learned the art from them, but they are not sure of this. 
Since the Upper Kootenai did not make baskets as far as is known, 
the claim seems quite probable. It is said that Lower Kootenai 
baskets were inferior and few in number. 

Sapwood or flat coils are mostly used by the Lillooet and adjoin- 
ing coast tribes, among whom the round coil seems to have been 
little employed, if at all. Mr. Teit has not noticed any specimens 
so constructed. Where Thompson influence counts for anything, as 
on the Lower Fraser, the flat coil is very unpopular except for con- 
structing the bottoms of baby carriers. Elsewhere, except in the 
tribes mentioned, it is not used at all. 

Square shapes seem to prevail in regions where the sapwood or 
flat coils are popular. Water-tight receptacles can not be manu- 
factured in these materials and presumably for this reason Lillooet 
kettles and water baskets were always made of round coils. Since 
this consideration would be of little importance to the coast tribes 
who employed wooden boxes for those purposes, and the basket 
with them was of use only for transporting loads, this would account 
not only for their nonacquaintance with the round coil but also for 
the comparatively few basket forms which they manufactured, 
which were all of angular shape. 

It is worthy of note that the Chilcotin use only one shape of 
basket, namely, the typical burden form. This is much more 
rounded in outline, constructed of round coils, and water-tight, 
and so quite well adapted for almost any purpose, including the 
boiling of food. This use of a single shape may indicate that it was 
originally borrowed from tribes who were more practiced artisans, 
particularly as the Chilcotin have never become masters of some 
technical difficulties, among which the most conspicuous are those 
of producing even coils and straight, smooth walls. 

Information on coiling among the Sahaptin and Upper Chinook is 
somewhat meager, but some data regarding them were procured from 

53666°—28——10 


136 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


their northern and western neighbors as well as from the Klickitat 
themselves. There are no data concerning the Tai’xnapam (Tyigh), 
who live south of the Columbia River. 

It is not clear whether coiled work was produced by the Sahaptin 
in former times. The Klickitat say that according to earliest tradi- 
tion they themselves and the Tai’xnapam made coiled baskets, but 
tradition deals only with comparatively recent times. According to 
them the Wishram and Wasco were not basket makers, the Yakima 
did not make many, while the development of the industry among the 
Wallawalla, Umatilla, Palouse, Cayuse, and Nez Percé is in doubt. 
They secured coiled ware through trade. A somewhat conflicting 
statement is made by the Flatheads, who are of the opinion that the 
Nez Percé formerly manufactured coiled baskets. 

All? the tribes of western Washington, with the possible exception of 
the Makah, now make coiled and imbricated basketry. Longagoitwas 
not produced by the Makah, Quileute, Chemakum, Queets, Quinault, 
Humptulips, Satsop, Songish, Upper and Lower Chehalis, Semiahmoo, 
Lower Fraser, Chinook, Upper and Lower Willapa, Clallam and 
Lummi. The last two tribes have been engaged in the industry for 
a long time, but the others took it up only in recent years, the Quin- 
ault, Queets, and Quileute as late as 1890. According to information 
received in this section of the country, the Nisqualli and allied 
tribes, including the Snohomish and Skagit, the Twana, Upper 
Chehalis, Cowlitz, and the Sahaptin tribes of Wanukt, Taitnapam, 
and Klickitat, have practiced the art as far back as can be remembered. 
A few informants assert that the Cowlitz were the most expert crafts- 
men, but they were certainly equaled by some of the Twana and 
Nisqualli. 

From this information, as well as from that derived from other 
localities, it would appear that the original home of this type of coiled 
work lay in the Cascade region. The Salish antedated the other 
tribes in the manufacture, having produced the ware before the 
arrival of the Klickitat west of the Cascades, a statement which is 
confirmed by the distribution of the industry. 

Had it first been introduced by the Sahaptin a distribution west 
as well as north might have been expected, with the Cowlitz as a 
center. The Chinook, Willapa, Satsop, and Lower Chehalis would 
then in all likelihood have acquired the art as soon as the Snohomish, 
for instance; but the reverse appears to have been the case, for even 
the Lummi and Clallam have been long established as craftsmen. 
Possibly a study of the basket names would reveal the location of the 
first center of the art in western Washington. Wherever coiled 
basketry was produced in this part of the country it seems to have 


2 The information given in this paragraph may be incomplete, but it was all that could be obtained 
by Mr. Teit. 


BOAS] INTRODUCTION 137 


been invariably imbricated. None of the tribes in western Washing- 
ton are known to have made the plain baskets, as did the Salish in the 
eastern part of the State. Apparently, as each tribe learned to coil, 
it learned to imbricate also. 

A Spuzzum man confirmed this last statement. In speaking of 
former times he said that he had seen baskets made by several tribes 
east and west of the Cascades in Washington. Some were approxi- 
mately of the same shape as the burden baskets of the Thompson 
and of medium size. Baskets of this shape were common among 
all people living near the mountains as far south as the Nisqualli, 
and were owned by the Nootsak, Skagit, and Snohomish. The 
informant did not know where these were made, except that the 
Nootsak produced some. He had heard that they learned the art 
from the Thompson, but he could not be sure of this. He described 
some Wenatchi specimens as being more like Klickitat, high in 
proportion to their width and without much flare. On all the coiled 
baskets he noted there was beading and imbrication quite like that 
employed by the Thompson. 

According to the Cowlitz and the Nisqualli, the Klickitat, when 
they came into their country, found the other tribes of the region 
well versed in basket making. They say that the Klickitat formerly 
resembled the Yakima in that they did not make baskets but were 
obliged to pay high prices for those which they purchased. Only 
when they learned the art from the Cowlitz and Nisqualli were 
they able to manufacture plenty for their own use. 

The work of the Klickitat is reported to have always been coarser 
and poorer than that of the surrounding tribes. The Nootsak 
say that long ago a few women of their tribe made baskets. They 
think the Thompson or Skagit taught them about the beginning of 
the nineteenth century. Among the Nisqualli and other tribes of 
that group coiling was the only technique known, but the Twana 
produced soft twined baskets in almost as great numbers as the 
“hard” coiled ware. 

All the coiled ware of the region was constructed of cedar roots. 
Those made of spruce roots were known and used by some tribes 
but they were everywhere considered to be inferior, and, since cedar 
was abundant, it was generally chosen. 

Information regarding the shapes of the baskets, the material 
employed in imbrication, the designs and design names, is very in- 
complete for this area. 

The ordinary burden basket seems to have resembled that of the 
Thompson except that it was slightly rounder and less flaring. 
Oblong receptacles with rounded corners were used for storage, while 
perfectly cylindrical shapes served as kettles. The present high, 
narrow, conical form constructed by the Klickitat is reported to be 
modern. 


138 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN, 41 


The tribes of the Flathead group, the Flathead, Coeur d’Aléne and 
Lake, describe all of their old baskets as round, some of them having 
convex bases, others being flat. The Coeur d’Aléne made a number 
of shapes. Among these were the bottomless mortar such as was used 
by the Sahaptin and southern groups and the small elongated form 
similar to the old Thompson “ trunk,’ which was used for storage 
purposes. The Lake tribe also manufactured a number of shapes. 
These were (1) a burden basket similar to the Thompson but less 
angular; (2) the cylindrical “pail” with flat base; (3) a small cup; 
(4) a form with flaring walls like the Thompson kettle; (5) a “nut” 
shape with small mouth; (6) a large size with more extended orifice; 
and (7) a long, low form like the small Thompson trunk. 

The Columbia tribe report having had baskets shaped like the 
Thompson burden basket—less rectangular although not round. 
After the introduction of the horse, the higher, more circular Klickitat 
shape with a small bottom came into common use because it was 
considered as being better adapted for packing on the backs of horses. 
The Columbia tribe had the kettle and nut shapes, while trays were 
probably made by many tribes, especially the Sanpoil and Colville. 

Other types of technique-—Most of the tribes were acquainted 
with types of technique other than coiling; twined baskets, plain 
or twilled, plaited and wickerwork were used. Usually split cedar 
twigs, strips of cedar bark, slats of vine maple or cedar sap, spruce 
root, basket grass, and the young shoots and leaves of the bulrush 
furnished the materials for these types. No birch-bark vessels were 
made in any part of western Washington and of the coast region, but 
temporary receptacles of rough construction fashioned from a single 
piece of bark were used by all the tribes, and were quite similar to 
those employed by the Salish and Sahaptin tribes. 

The Thompson wove mats similar to those of the coast Indians. 
For making nets, threads were twisted from the bark of Apocynum 
cannabinum. ‘They had a wooden netting stick for sizing the meshes 
which were secured with a double knot. 

Bags, woven of bark, grass, or rushes, were in general use, as well 
as occasional specimens woven of wool or hair. 

In the woven bags the warp threads were composed of a two- 
strand twine made of bark fiber. The bags were woven in simple 
twilled two-ply twine. In other words, the technique consisted of 
twining two woof elements about each other as they passed before 
and behind pairs of warp strings. Each successive row of twining 
divided the warp pairs of the previous round so that new pairs were 
formed composed of one warp string from each of two adjacent 
groups. 

In weaving the bags were held upside down and woven from 
bottom to rim. The bags were widened where necessary by the 


BAS] IMBRICATION 139 


insertion of additional warp strands, not, however, in regular order. 
At the rim their loose ends were sewed into a strip of buckskin for 
a finish. 

Wallets were also manufactured in this kind of weaving and were 
decorated with designs in false embroidery or by weaving colored 
grasses or bark twine into the fabric. The bags are somewhat 
coarser than those made by the Klickitat, from whom it is probable 
that the Thompson learned to make them. 

The well-known grass caps of the Nez Percé type which were 
worn by the women were once in vogue among the Nisqualli and 
allied tribes as far north as the Snoqualmi, the Upper Chehalis, 
Cowlitz, Wishram, Wasco, Upper Chinook, Wanukt, Taitnapam, 
Klickitat, Yakima, Umatilla, Wallawalla, Cayuse, Palouse, Nez 
Percé, Columbia, Thompson (according to information obtained 
from the Okanagon), Okanagon, Sanpoil, Spokane, Colville, Coeur 
d’Aléne, Kalispel, Lake, Pend d’Oreille, Flathead, and probably 
among some bands of the Shoshoni and tribes farther south in what 
is now Oregon—the Klamath, for instance. Not all of these tribes 
manufactured them, however. The chief producers were all the 
Sahaptin tribes, the Wasco, Wishram, Cayuse, Columbia, Sanpoil, 
Spokane, and the Coeur d’Aléne. It is doubtful if the Colville made 
any, and the Cowlitz made them only rarely. Information is lacking 
for tribes who lived to the south of the Sahaptin, and from the dis- 
tribution as indicated it would appear that the Sahaptin were the 
introducers. 

Caps of other species of grass than that used in the regions just 
discussed, and woven in a different way, were manufactured by 
tribes who were situated farthest from the Sahaptin center, but no 
further information about these has been gathered. 


IMBRICATION 


British Columbia.—Beading and imbrication were both employed 
as a means of decorating the basket surface by all the British Colum- 
bia tribes which made coiled baskets, but, on the whole, less by the 
people living to the east. The home of imbrication seems to have 
been somewhere in the Cascade region, from where it was carried 
long distances north, south, and east, but not far to the west. 

Sahaptin tribes—When the Yakima and Klickitat learned to 
manufacture coiled ware they also learned to imbricate it. The 
principal materials employed in imbrication appear to have been 
cedar bark dyed red with alder, yellow with Oregon grape root, and 
black by burying in mud; grass, in its natural white color or dyed in 
the same way as cedar bark, and the black bark of a sedge growing 
along the streams were also used. 


140 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


The designs were almost entirely geometric and resemble those 
seen among the Klickitat. 

Western Washington.—In this region imbrication came in at a 
comparatively late date when the technique of coiling was learned. 

Eastern Washington and Idaho.—Among the extreme eastern Salish 
groups imbrication was not practiced, but it did extend into the 
Coeur d’Aléne country. Among these people, and over the whole 
intervening area between them and the Columbia, which includes 
the Lake and the Lower Kootenai, some imbrication occurred, but 
the majority of baskets were undecorated. 

The Sanpoil and Nespelim say that they learned to imbricate 
about the time that the first white men entered their country, and 
because of this, some of their people think that it was taught to them 
by Europeans. 

The Flathead say that their baskets were unimbricated. The 
Okanagon adopted imbrication about the time of the arrival of the 
whites. The Lake tribes manufactured mostly plain baskets, but 
ornamented some with imbrication in grass or bark which was 
colored black or left white. Most of the products of the Kootenaj 
were plain, as were about half of those of the Coeur d’Aléne. The 
Columbia used imbrication to a much larger extent than the other 
groups just mentioned. 

The materials used were basket grass, natural or dyed (the latter 
was usually the case with the Coeur d’Aléne), cedar bark, natural or 
dyed, willow bark, and rarely that of the cherry. The colors were 
black, white, red, brown, and yellow. The designs were geometric, 
apparently. 

For the purpose of summarizing the above discussion the following 
list is given of the distribution of imbrication among the Flathead 
and allied groups. It also indicates which of the tribes produced 


numerous shapes. 
IMBRICATION 


Coeur'd¥Aléne=s2= 93 44 eee Imbricated about one-half of their output 
(introduced about the middle of the eight- 
eenth century). 


Balke #07. BIIO MMi eee Imbricated about one-half of their output. 

Columbia S432 22 2a ly. Imbricated the majority of their output. 

Wenatchitcr aia! ee tare Imbricated the majority of their output. 

Klathead 8 3" (isp e eee a Had no imbrication. 

Sanpoil and Colville__--------- Formerly none; have imbricated during the last 
century. 

OkimagonAte or tee. eee Formerly none; have imbricated during the last 
century. 


8 The Lake tribe mostly used grass for imbricating. 


Boas] IMBRICATION 141 


SHAPES 
Coeur d’Aléne______-..-_--.-- Had six or seven shapes. 
Tiikel stewie: Pease tine’ Had six or seven shapes. 
Colombiiat 8+ arnt cout ek Had several shapes. 
WENRtCH ss Had several shapes. 
UD OLY Sa eee eet ees doe Had several shapes. 
RUDE Adie testes) Satees Sepee we se Shapes all circular with small rounded or wid 


flat bottoms. \ 


From what has so far been said it seems that the same general 
conditions existed south of the Canadian boundary line as werefound 
north of it; that is, the basketry art flourished in the Cascades where 
material was plentiful and the people lived more or less sedentary 
lives. It spread only slowly toward the coast, and never attained the 
same degree of prominence to the east where the climate was drier and 
materials were scarce. In the latter direction the people were in 
contact with Plains culture, and the buffalo hunt as well as the in- 
troduction of the horse altered the early habits of the people, who 
abandoned the basket-making industry and bought their baskets 
with hides. They were in contact with the Europeans earlier than 
the tribes to the west; and when metal utensils were introduced 
these were soon substituted for baskets, except for those used in 
berrying. Bags, however, were still useful in traveling and continued 
to be made even after the people settled on the reservations. This 
was true of the Coeur d’Aléne, who only a century previous had made 
many baskets. 

All of this information strengthens previous indications that the 
Salish tribes as a whole made coiled baskets from the earliest known 
times, although since 1850 most of them have practically discontinued 
the industry. It also shows that imbrication was confined originally 
to the western part of the country near the Cascades, along the 
Columbia River and north, but that about the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century it spread eastward. It seems never to have extended 
as far as the Kalispel, Pend d’Oreille, and Flathead, a fact which would 
indicate its comparatively recent adoption by the tribes immediately 
west of them. Mr. Teit believed, however, that the Coeur d’Aléne 
had it. It also appears that the old rounded, elongated burden bas- 
ket was widely spread among practically all of the tribes. The only 
tribes not using this shape now or formerly in the area under discus- 
sion are the Yakima and Klickitat, a fact which may add weight to 
the tradition of an invasion by these and other Sahaptin tribes into 
the territory formerly occupied by the Salish, thus dividing the Thomp- 
son-Columbia area from the Nisqualli-Cowlitz. The theory that the 
southernmost tribes may have adopted the distinctive shape used by 


4 Sanpoil and Colville made trays. 


142 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN 41 


them from the coast, not from tribes to the northeast (from whom they 
are at present separated by the Yakima-Klickitat), is hardly tenable, 
since the coast people who make coiled basketry are very irregularly 
distributed, and seem to have derived their ideas from the tribes liv- 
ing immediately east of them. Moreover, the chief trade routes and 
consequently the natural paths for the dissemination of culture in the 
interior lay mostly east and west, not north and south. 

Angular shapes belong to the northwestern part of the area. The 
square-mouthed type of the Wenatchi is different from the others, 
and resembles birch-bark baskets. 

There is a difference in the construction of basket rims made by the 
northern and southern Cascade tribes. Among the Klickitat, Cow- 
litz, and Nisqualli, as well as among the Wenatchi, the false braid rim 
is the usual finish. Such rims are seldom made by the Thompson, 
Lillooet, Chilcotin, and neighboring tribes, who prefer plain over-and- 
over stitching. Information on this point for the eastern Salish is 
lacking. The Columbia and Spokane used both varieties. 

Loopwork rims were made by all the Cascade people except the 
Chilcotin and coast tribes of British Columbia. They were found 
among the Lillooet, Thompson, Wenatchi, Columbia, and Klickitat 
east of the mountains, and the Cowlitz, Nisqualli, and Stalo to the 
west. They were also applied to twined baskets by the Snohomish 
and other coast tribes of Washington. 


COILED BASKET MAKING AMONG THE THOMPSON 
BANDS *® 


The Thompson are at the present time, and probably were in the 
past, the most prolific producers of coiled imbricated basketry of all 
the tribes comprising the Salish group, where it is supposed that the 
art had its origin. 

Since specimens of their work have been so abundant, thereby 
affording excellent material for study, the bulk of this work has 
been based upon Thompson data, most of which were collected by 
Mr. James A. Teit, who made his home among that tribe for many 
years. 

To alarge extent the manufacture seems to have depended on the 
location in which the people made their homes, as well as upon their 
other occupations, which were more or less controlled by the condi- 
tions under which they lived. Certain parts of the country, as, for 
instance, the Cascade region, enjoy a comparatively moist climate, 
which produces dense forest growth. Owing to the proximity of 
good salmon streams and their custom of living largely on fish, the 
people were somewhat sedentary in their habits, and because food 
was plentiful they had leisure not only in which to manufacture 
baskets for the immediate needs of the household but to develop 
for these an artistic decoration which satisfied their love of the 
beautiful. Materials of the best quality for these purposes grew in 
abundance right at hand. 

Somewhat similar conditions prevailed in the country of the Coeur 
d’Aléne, who manufactured many baskets in early times. However, 
as will be seen in the course of our discussions, unfavorable environ- 
ment does not prevent the manufacture of baskets. On the other 
hand, data from other parts of the world prove that an abundance of 
material and ample leisure in which to develop an art do not always 
succeed in producing it. 

In the more arid and sparsely wooded sections basketry materials 
were scarce and of inferior quality and had to be sought far off in the 
mountains or obtained by barter. The people depended less on fish 
for a livelihood and were more nomadic in their habits. In such 
regions bags, which were perhaps better adapted for travel, together 
with bark vessels of a more or less temporary nature, were often 
used in place of baskets. 


‘ For information already published on the basketry of the region, see Teit, ‘The Thompson Indians 
of British Columbia,” pp. 187-188; Teit, ‘‘The Lillooet Indians,’ pp. 205-209; Teit, ‘‘The Shuswap,” 
pp. 487-488; and appendix to this, ‘‘ Notes on the Chilcotin Indians,”’ pp. 765-774, all in Jesup N. Pac. 
Exp., vol. Il; Farrand, “‘ Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians,’ Jesup N. Pac. Exp., vol. I; Otis T. 
Mason, Aboriginal American Basketry, Rept. U. 8. Nat. Mus. for 1902, Washington, 1904. 


143 


144 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


It seems that the manufacture of coiled work was related to the 
more or less plentiful occurrence of cedar and spruce, which furnish 
much of the necessary material. 

Among the Thompson the greatest number of baskets were made 
by the Uta’mqt or Lower Thompson people who live in the Fraser 
River Canyon. At this point, in the heart of the Cascade Moun- 
tains, the salmon fishing is best, and cedar of a good quality abounds. 
The Uta’mqt still continue to be the best basket makers of the entire 
tribe. 

Although the Uta’mqt dwell in a more favored region, the Ntlakya’- 
pamux’6’e (‘Real Thompson’’) of Lytton and the Stlaxai’ux" of the 
Fraser River Valley above Lytton who live in a more arid, barren 
country also produced baskets in considerable numbers. They were 
obliged to use spruce root occasionally in place of cedar, although 
the latter was preferred. Some was imported from the lower reaches 
of the river but probably the greater part of what they used was 
gathered along certain streams in the neighboring mountains to the 
west. The upper bands, especially those living near Lytton, still 
make a great number of baskets and have created many odd forms. 
The people cleverly reproduce in basketry many foreign or native 
objects. The Upper Thompson appear to have more designs and 
design names than the lower bands, although the latter are con- 
sidered to be the best basket makers and spend more time in this 
occupation. 

To the east of Lytton the country is still more arid and almost 
no cedar is obtainable. Even spruce is scarce excepting in parts of 
the high mountains. To the east of Thompson Siding, along 
Thompson and Nicola Rivers, the people make almost no baskets, 
although there are individual women here and there who make them, 
having obtained their materials from the Fraser River region. 
According to the uniform testimony of the old Indians the 
Stuwi’xemux" tribe (Athapascan) which formerly lived in the Nicola 
and Similkameen Valleys did not make any coiled basketry. To-day 
the people of the lower Nicola River and the Coldwater, among 
whom a number of Upper Uta’mqt and people from Lytton and 
Thompson Siding have settled, produce a fair quantity. They also 
procure their materials from the mountains to the west as well as 
from the Uta’mqt. The Similkameen people practice the art less 
than the Nicola. The Thompson River people procure what little 
material they use (practically all their cedar root and about half of 
their grass and bark) by purchase from the Uta’mqt and Lytton. 
The Cornwallis or Ashcroft bands, which are situated farther east, 
next to the Shuswap, make hardly any baskets. The P’kaist or 
Spaptsan just to the west of them also do not produce baskets except 
in rare instances. In this group the Spuzzum are probably most 


Boas] MATERIALS 145 


interested in basketry. They live farthest west, nearest the Uta’mat, 
among whom all the women are basket makers. Considering the 
tribe as a whole, probably more than two-thirds of all the women 
weave baskets. 

MATERIALS 


The cedar tree furnishes the greater part of the material used in 
the manufacture of baskets. Its roots are especially sought for 
this purpose, while the trunk and twigs are seldom employed. Only 
when cedar can not be obtained is recourse had to other materials 
as substitutes. Hill-Tout ° says that the people realize that cedar 
resists wet and rot longer than any other fiber in that region and is 
consequently preferred. Many baskets show surprisingly little wear, 
even after nearly half a century of constant use. 

For ornamentation finer and more flexible vegetable products, 
such as grasses and thin barks, are required. The following is a list 
of the substances used by these tribes in basketry work: 


OSE CUCTT TET TT ROT N | NT eee ee a Es i re ee ees kwa’tkwelp 
SFI PTI a) Te ET USED) Sea ee ee pu’netp 
Spruce (probably Picea engelmanni Eng.) --_------------------------ tsxazé/Ip 
Reed (Phragmites phragmites) ___-_-------------- tloxké’é tluxka, or nhoitlexin 
Wheat or rye or alkali grass (Elymus triticoides Nutt.) -_____--___- PpEsEmilten 
Bird cherry (Prunus emarginata mollis Walpers) 7____-.----------- spazusé/tp 
Chokecherry (Prunus demissa Walpers) _-------------------------- zolkié’Ip 
een UDasiun Da DUrt ends WATS). — noe eo ee kwo.ti’netp 
Cat-tail flag (Typha latifolia L.) or rushes: 
DTU Wile seen ae oe eee .tikai’-.tx (“wide leaf’’) 
Moiheplantsses 97. SAUL: SIGS et Sa ee nkoEtei.tx kot’t 
Tule (probably Scirpus lacustris L.): 
LU) 1 eo ee fae Se wee tlmné’ It 
VO) PAR ET ee ee ae eee ee eee ee ae tsElii’t 
LBSTS TSA TEST AG TOIT CSM S228) PR Re, ae, PRI et ay tlesa’Ip 
PCT MTEU PAL Ue TUTE) soe ee eee ne eee ee ee kwié’Ip 
Oregon grape (Berberts, two species): -..2._-----_2--2220 22s 2uL- tsalzaé/Ip 
Wolf moss (Evernia vulpina L.)----------- kolomé’.ka (“light yellow branch”’’) 
Western flowering dogwood (Cornus canadensis L.).... kwei'txelp or kwoi’txelp 
Indian hemp (Apocynum cannabium L.)--------------------+------- spa’tsen 


For the body of the baskets, when the long pliable roots of the 
cedar tree are not procurable, those of the spruce or juniper furnish 
the foundation and sewing material for the coils. For the bottoms, 
where frequently slats of wood take the place of coils, the sapwood, 
the heart of the cedar, or any wood which splits easily and smoothly, 
is utilized. Among the Upper Thompson, pine and poplar, and even 
parts of packing boxes, or cedar shingles sometimes serve instead of 


® Charles Hill-Tout. The Native Races of the British Empire, North America, pp. 110-118. 
7 Used only if Prunus emarginata can not be had. 


146 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


these. The wood is nearly always used in a dry state; but sapwood 
is often taken when quite green. Rather recently the rattan binding 
which comes fastened around Chinese packages of rice has also been 
utilized. 

For the surface decoration, since a much more pliable material is 
needed than can be secured from the tough roots, even when they 
are split into fine thin strips, the Indians gather grasses and the bark 
of the cherry and birch. Reed (Phragmites phragmites) grows 
more abundantly in the lower Fraser country, from which the Thomp- 
son import it in large quantities. It is commonly used, as it stands 
in high repute for its white color and because it takes dye well; but 
when not obtainable, grasses of a more yellow tinge are accepted, and 
even some of a slightly purplish hue. Bark is usually second choice, 
although that of the cherry is applied for purposes of imbrication in 
red nearly as often as grasses... According to Mason ® Typha lati- 
folia, Phragmites phragmites, and Scirpus lacustris are the principal 
basketry materials of the Klamath and Modoc. Cherry and birch 
bark are not given in his list of materials as being used by any of the 
tribes. It seems that squaw grass (Xerophyllum douglasii Walpers) 
is not used by the Thompson Indians and it probably does not 
grow in their country nor in that of their near neighbors, but it 
was employed occasionally for imbricating by the Coeur d’Aléne.” 

For children’s toys the mothers make miniature baskets im- 
bricated with colored straw and decorated with beads, shells, dyed 
grass, hair, quills, or feathers which are attached to the outer surface 
by tying. None of the flexible ornaments are caught in with the 
stitches as in the Pomo baskets from California. 

The Salish tribes confine themselves to a very few colors. Red 
and black are seldom replaced by yellow or purple, the patterns or 
designs being practically always worked in one of the first two colors. 
They are never used for the background, however, which is always 
white, light yellow, or purple, as the case may be, when the surface is 
imbricated. The purple grass called tluxka is used extensively only 
by the Upper Thompson tribe, most of the people objecting to it 
because it is very difficult to obtain enough of one shade to cover 
more than a small surface, and uniformity in this respect is the aim 
of the expert basketmaker.’* In the course of time the purple 
changes greatly in hue, and not always evenly, hence it is confined to 
small fine baskets or to designs which are made up of lesser elements. 


8 Prunus emarginata is selected because of its light color, smoothness and gloss. Together with Prunus 
demissa, it grows quite abundantly all over the Thompson country, so that very little is imported. 

®0.T. Mason. Aboriginal American Basketry, pp. 208 et seq. 

10 The Coeur d’Al@ne used willow bark in addition to the others.and also for imbrication availed them 
selves of grasses dyed brown and yellow as well as black and red. Therush, or bulrush, and likewise tule 
were sometimes employed for coil foundation and sewing material, but seldom when any cedar roots could 
be found. 

10a See, however, remarks above on this page. 


Boas] MATERIALS 147 


White, in addition to providing a background for setting off the de- 
sign, is likewise employed for outlining or for separating red and 
black parts in a single pattern. 

As may be expected from the limited range of color, there are 
naturally few dyes in use. Cherry bark in its raw state, or light- 
colored grass soaked in a decoction of alder, supply the red. Black 
is most commonly obtained either by burying the material to be 
dyed in muddy deposits of decomposed vegetal matter or by steeping 
it in a decoction of roots and decayed plants which have been brought 
in from the swamps. Sometimes a mixture containing charcoal is 
used. In the region of Lytton a modern method for dyeing cherry 
bark black is to steep it in tea, while in the neighborhood of Spuzzum 
an extract of balsam bark (Picea pungens Eng.) gives the same result, 
but this process of dyeing requires many days. The branches and 
bark of the western flowering dogwood (Cornus canadensis L.) are 
also boiled to make a black dye. About half of the material gathered 
is colored, while the remainder is used without coloring. Old 
baskets, bark vessels, or kettles of white manufacture serve as dye 
pots. 

Calking was especially practiced by the upper bands. As most 
well-made baskets were water-tight or nearly so, by being soaked or 
used as receptacles for water they soon became moisture proof. In 
cases where these methods would not work, and a water-tight con- 
dition was essential, several substances were used for calking. 

Sometimes fresh soapberries were mashed and boiled in the baskets, 
the fine seeds and sticky matter working into every little crevice and 
hardening there. Repeated washings seldom removed this filler as 
long as hot water was not employed. 

Heated cactus and probably the buds of the balsam poplar were 
sometimes smeared into the cracks, forming a glue which later 
solidified. 

Old baskets with holes too large to be treated in these ways were 
mended with the hardest and darkest colored yellow pine pitch 
obtainable. A large lump was placed upon a rock of suitable size 
and flatness which was heated in the fire. A smaller, hotter rock of 
the same shape was laid upon the pitch, which, as it melted, oozed 
out between the stones, where it was picked up on a flat pointed stick 
and applied to the spot which required attention, and cooled to a 
durable varnish. New baskets were seldom pitched, but when 
necessary a temporary calking was secured by rubbing them on the 
inside with hard deer tallow. 

Nearly all the Upper Thompson informants agree that long ago 
there were no substitutes for grass and cherry bark, which were 
either dyed or left in their natural state. Grasses were substituted 
for reeds and a few informants said that they had heard that the 


148 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


Upper Thompson Indians occasionally ornamented with quills in 
place of these. They did not know whether or not porcupine or 
birds’ quills were selected, but felt sure that red and white were 
the colors preferred. Elaagnus bark, white and dyed red, and the 
inside bark of cedar or willow may have been used rarely. The 
Lytton people had substitutes for cherry bark, but what they were 
has not been learned. Since the coming of the white man they 
have also used strips of black dress goods for imbricating. (PI. 1, a.) 

Some old women of the Thompson tribe and neighboring bands 
tell of the following substitutes for bird-cherry bark: 

1. Chokecherry (Prunus demissa). Only the brightest colored and 
glossiest parts of the bark were chosen. 

2. Birch (Betula papyrifera). Only the best was collected and 
separated into layers by splitting and pulling, those of proper thick- 
ness and flexibility being then divided into ribbons of the. required 
width. 

3. White stems of young rushes and tule (Scirpus lacustris) were 
sometimes taken green and then dyed black in the same way as the 
cherry, or yellow by means of a decoction of wolf moss, or red with a 
dye usually extracted from the bark of alder roots. 

4. The stems of an Elymus, and rarely those of other grasses, were 
substituted for reeds. Grass, tule, and rushes were used for imbrica- 
tion only when bark was not obtainable. Besides red and black, 
yellow was derived from the root bark of the Oregon grape, or from 
wolf moss. These women do not remember having heard of the use 
of the inside bark of cedar, nor of that of willow and eleagnus bark, 
nor of goose and porcupine quills. In recent times good oat straw, 
black dress goods, and the inner corn husks have been introduced by 
some in the place of grass. 

From these rather conflicting reports it may be surmised that there 
were many local variations in the employment of substitutes.!! In 
several areas it has been ascertained that there was no yellow, while 
in others a few plants from which this color could be obtained seem 
to have been known and used. So far, in all the collections, no 
Thompson basket bearing designs wrought in yellow material have 
been found, except one which is unmistakably modern, with grass 
ribbons colored with aniline dyes.” 

For baby carriers, according to many people, yellow coloring 
matter was obtained from the Oregon graperoot, or from wolf moss. 
Red was derived from the bark of the alder or from red paint, purple 
and pink from berry juices and Chenopodium, blue from the roots of 


11 Most women prefer to leave a basket unfinished for a time rather than substitute material which they 
regard as inferior. 

12 Correspondence with Mr. Teit (1918) discloses the fact that several informants claim that yellow dye 
was formerly used among the Upper Thompson. Mr. Teit has seen only two or three baskets on which 
the grass was dyed yellow. The use of this color is said to have been more common among the Wenatchi 
and to the south.—F. B. 


3048] GATHERING OF MATERIALS 149 


Commandra pallida and decayed wood, and a green from cedar 
Jeaves and other plants and grasses. None of the colors produced 
by these means was very bright, and the brilliant commercial dyes 
which have now found their way into the region are very much in 
demand. 


GATHERING OF MATERIALS 


The women of the Upper Fraser and Nicola bands gather much of 
their own cedar root, sometimes traveling long distances into the 
mountains to the west, while the rest of their supply is procured 
from the Uta’mqt, in whose country large cedars grow close at 
hand. The people of some localities, for instance those living along 
the Thompson River, where cedar, if it grows at all, is stunted and 
of inferior quality, purchase almost all of their material from the 
Uta’mqt, either paying cash or, what is more often the case, by an 
exchange of commodities. 

Sometimes a woman will buy a sufficient supply to last a year, 
during which period she may complete from 2 to 10 baskets of var- 
ious sizes in her spare hours. A few Uta’mqt women are professionals, 
devoting almost their entire time to producing objects for sale. 
This is especially true of the older women whose children are grown, 
or who live with friends and are relieved of the responsibility of 
food gathering. Among the upper bands basket making is always a 
secondary occupation. 

The best time for collecting roots for splints is in June, although 
they may be gathered at any time if the ground is not frozen. They 
are more easily pulled and split, however, in the early summer 
when the sap is running, while if taken too late the splitting becomes 
difficult and in order to remove the cortex from the roots it is neces- 
sary to scrape them, a far more tedious process than peeling. 

Cedar trees are selected which have long trailing roots of good 
grain. The most desirable ones belong to old large trees because 
of the superior toughness of their fiber and because they are usually 
found inrich soil. Trees growing in poor or rocky ground are liable 
to have gnarled roots which are often too brittle. When a tree has 
been selected, the soil is dug away by picking and scraping with 
digging sticks, or nowadays with modern tools, until the roots are 
exposed. Frequently the men assist in the heaviest part of the 
work. The uncovered roots are then examined as to texture, length, 
and thickness. They are seldom chosen if more than 5 or 7 cm. 
in diameter at the thickest end and from 2 to 5m. in length. If 
found to be suitable, they are dug out and cut off in pieces as long 
as possible, and taken home on the back in bundles containing twenty 
or more. To prevent them from drying out and becoming brittle 
before further treatment can be administered, they are buried in 
damp earth or placed in water. - 


150 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


Reeds and grass for imbrication grow inswamps. Certain Indians 
say that they are cut at about the same season, that is, in strawberry 
time, for then they are not too coarse. They are dried in the sun 
and subsequently smoked. Other informants say that the grass is 
cut in the fall, after becoming thoroughly ripe, or even occasionally 
from standing stems in the early winter. Only the best stalks are 
selected and these are cut off close to the joints so that the pieces 
which are free of imperfections may be as long as possible. 

Around Spuzzum, bark which is used for imbrication is peeled from 
the bushes in narrow strips as long as can be obtained, a knife or 
some other sharp object aiding in the work. According to Thompson 
and Lytton people, cherry bark was formerly peeled from the tree in 
the same manner in which birch bark was removed. ‘The tree was 
encircled with two incisions, the distance between them depending 
on the extent of good bark available. These were then connected 
by a vertical slit which made it possible to pry off the band and to 
divide it into ribbons of the desired width. When steel knives be- 
came common, the bark was cut from the tree spirally in long strips 
about one-half a centimeter wide. 


PREPARATION OF MATERIALS 
Com AND SEWING SPLINTS 


After the roots have been taken home they are peeled or scraped 
and the strips of cortex are saved for tying bundles of grass or 
splints or for mixing with those of second grade in coil foundations. 
The clean roots are split and resplit with a knife or a sharp awl until 
the single splints are about 2 millimeters wide and half a milli- 
meter thick. Good roots split easily. Strips which are straight 
and even in grain are put aside for sewing purposes, but uneven, 
short, or brittle pieces are saved for padding. The finest splitting 
is not always done at the time when the root is first roughly divided 
but only just before it becomes quite dry. In this work the point of 
the knife or awl is inserted in the center of the strip near one end, 
which causes it to split, after which the two sections are pulled apart 
with the hands. If the piece does not split straight along the middle 
line, the direction is corrected by cutting in with the knife or the awl. 
When very long roots are divided it is necessary to take a fresh hold 
after pulling as far as the outstretched arms will allow. Sometimes 
two women work conjointly, or one woman holds her strip in her teeth 
and spreads the pieces apart gradually by inserting her fingers in the 
crack. It requires only a short time to obtain many splints from a 
good piece of root. Those intended for sewing are made as uniform 
in size as possible and are flat, because they are taken from the 
smooth outside part of the root next to the cortex, but no such care 


BoAs] PREPARATION OF MATERIALS 151 


is exercised in regard to the coil splints, which are from the center 
and vary considerably in shape, cross section, and size. 

The split sewing splints, which range from 1 to 3 meters in length, 
are doubled up and tied in bundles about 10 centimeters in diameter. 
Generally all splints are used their full length. Foundation splints, 
being uneven in length and inferior in quality, are worth about half 
what is asked for the others. (For prices see pages 156, 157.) 

There are several methods of tying these bundles. In the most 
common one the piece of cortex with which the bundles are bound is 
wound several times around one end, then spirally to the other, 
where it is again given a few turns at one place and its end either 
tied or tucked under. (Fig. 1.) Bundles of splints are also doubled 
up and the ends folded into the body of the bundle, which is held 
at the center by a strip of bark or grass tied around it. 

Most of the basket making is done in the winter, for the people 
then have more leisure for pursuing such work. Plenty of material 
is soaked and prepared a day or two beforehand. First the sewing 
splints are permitted to lie many 
hours in cold or tepid water until 
pliable. Nowadays an ordinary 
basin holds them, but long ago 
the receptacles were medium- 
sized baskets of similar shape. Fic. 1.—Sketch illustrating the wrapping of 

sewing splints 

(See fig. 31, p. 207.) They are 

next examined and if their width is found to be irregular the 
point of the awl marks the amount to be taken off at the wide 
places, and the superfluous wood is split off by pushing the awl 
upward along the splint. Thus each one is evened throughout its 
length, and indeed some require considerable “planing.” If the 
excess material is too little to be split off it is scraped away with a 
knife. Those pieces which are too thick throughout their entire 
length are soaked for a few minutes in hot water, which softens them 
more effectually, and a layer is then split off, but if they are merely 
too thick in spots they also are smoothed by scraping or by inserting 
a thin knife blade, the finger nail, or a very sharp awl into the wood 
at one end of the excess layer, which is then stripped off with a down- 
ward motion. When each splint has been reduced to the desired 
size one end is sharpened to a point with knife or scissors so that it 
may easily pass into the hole made by the awl, for no needles or 
bodkins are used. If it is not to be used immediately it is doubled 
up, usually twice, and tied in the center in a simple knot and thrown 
into a basket to dry. 

Since dampness imparts to the splint the pliability necessary for 
tight sewing, and cold water is not readily absorbed, when it is 

53666°—28——11 


152 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


necessary to moisten material quickly, hot or even boiling water is 
poured over it and then the soaking requires only a very brief time. 
Often the splints are merely drawn through it once or twice, for if 
they are permitted to become too wet and spongy it is almost as 
difficult to sew with them as it would be if they were dry. Further- 
more, when soaked and swollen during sewing they are apt to shrink 
afterwards, leaving spaces between the stitches; and, since all basket 
makers prefer a practically water-tight product, precautions are 
taken to avoid all unnecessary shrinkage. By holding the splints 
in the teeth and working them back and forth with the hands, or 
by pulling them over the edge of a sharpened piece of a deer antler 
several times, much of the stiffness may be eradicated. 

Those who are called careless by their neighbors do not prepare 
their material in advance, but use it without much preparation. 
They may shave off the widest sections just prior to sewing or even 
after the splint has been drawn into place. Consequently, their 
work is very coarse, although in other respects, such as in accuracy of 
sewing or in shaping the basket, it may have merits. 

In addition to attempting to create a uniform thickness and width 
throughout the extent of the splint, there is an effort on the part of 
the craftswomen to have them all conform to one standard size, 
which entails much labor as well as waste, if the bundles secured in 
trade are not well graded. However, most packages are uniform 
enough for ordinary purposes, and wise purchasers look carefully 
to this point when buying. 

Other women, having acquired several lots, grade their splints in 
regard to width, and also, to a less extent, to thickness, sorting from 
different bundles. The narrow, thin pieces are put into fine work, 
or into smaller baskets, and the heavier and coarser ones are reserved 
for burden baskets and the like. 


GRASS 


As has been before stated, the grass stems that are gathered green 
usually are placed in the sun to dry and then in the smoke above a 
fire. Professional basket weavers next wash them in water, dry 
them again, remove the outer skin, cut them in regular lengths, and 
put them up in bundles. Grass dried in this fashion loses its color; 
therefore some women prefer to place it in a dry shady spot; thus 
the original tint is partially preserved. In olden times, at any 
rate around Spuzzum, grass was never dyed, but that is not the case 
now. The dyes have been discussed before." 

For backgrounds of designs very white grass is desired. When the 
outer surface is dingy the blade is sometimes split and turned inside 
out, for although the natural polish of the surface is then hidden, the 
added whiteness is considered a compensation. Boiling, according 


13 See p. 147. 


BOAS] PREPARATION OF MATERIALS 153 


to Hill-Tout, gives the grass a silvery, glistening appearance and 
makes it easier to unroll and flatten the stems. If only yellow grass 
is available it is sometimes covered with diatomaceous earth, such as 
is used to clean and whiten goats’ hair, and is then beaten with a flat 
stick on a mat or skin until satisfactorily bleached. As a rule those 
stems which are very yellow, brown, or purple are not prepared, 
because they do not sell well, and any stems which are noticeably 
lighter or darker than the shade desired and which are mixed in with 
the others are discarded. However, material of this description is 
not wasted because, since no importance is attached to the appear- 
ance of the bottoms, it finds a place there, even on the finest prod- 
ucts. The women say, “ No one is apt to notice the bottom.” 

The sections of stems which are cut and arranged in bundles consist 
of the smooth parts between the joints, and therefore vary in length. 
When bundles are prepared for sale the joints are not always removed, 
but the basket maker attends to this when she begins her work. The 
longest straws measure about 35 centimeters, the shortest from 12 to 
13 centimeters, while the average length is about 25 centimeters. 
The number of straws in each lot is supposed to be approximately 
100. Usually an effort is made to have all the stems in one bundle 
of the same shade, although occasionally odd ones are mixed in. They 
are nearly all of the same diameter. Before being used, the grass is 
split with the point of the awl and divided generally without diffi- 
culty. It is then pressed and smoothed on a flat surface with the side 
of the instrument. 

There are other methods of putting up bundles of straw. Some 
are assorted, the longest cut in two and the short ones left full length. 
The cortex which has been scraped from the cedar roots is used to tie 
them together. Two bundles are generally found to be enough for 
an average amount of imbrication on a medium-sized burden basket. 


Bark 


After prying the bark from the trees or shrubs and splitting it into 
ribbons it is necessary to remove all roughness on the under surface, 
such as may be caused by adhering parts of the wood. This is done 
by scraping with a knife or sharp stone, a process which renders the 
bark more pliable, especially at places which cover knots. The 
outside is carefully scraped also to remove the grayish, dusty epi- 
dermis which is visible, especially on cherry bark. Other kinds that 
are procured in the Lower Fraser canyon, where the climate is moist, 
also have a gray epidermis. After this has been removed the smooth, 
glossy under bark is exposed. Careless women do not take the 
trouble to do this, but merely chip off the bits of wood, while others 
in their excessive zeal or carelessness scrape too deeply, destroying 
much of the gloss and rich color and cutting down to the green sap. 
This weakens the material so that when it is used in imbrication it 
soon wears through. 


154 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


The cleaning is done with a sharp knife on a flat board or table. 

In former times bone knives, stones, and fine-edged arrowheads or 
spear points were the implements employed, but steel has been used 
so long now that many women know little or nothing about the for- 
mer methods and tools. 

When imbricating or beading, the pieces of bark are cut off as required 
and the ribbons split into lesser widths according to the size of the coil 
to be ornamented. When several lines of beading in varying colors 
are used on a single coil, the strips are necessarily very narrow. 

Grass stems and bark ribbons as well as splints are soaked just 
before being used. 

Too.Ls 


The tools needed in harvesting were not numerous. For uncoyer- 
ing and loosening the roots, digging sticks and pry bars were formerly 
ehsentiall but are mostly supplanted by shovels and picks at the pres- 
ent day. Axes, hatchets, and knives are used for cutting; and knives, 
pieces of antler, and sharpened bones for peeling. 

In the preparation of material bone awls served to split the roots 
and perforate the coils in sewing, while crooked pieces of antler were 
employed to smooth the bark ad grass. Awls were manufactured 
from the front leg bones of the deer and sharpened to very fine 
points. Iron ones have come into use only very recently. There 
are different sizes of awls, the small ones being adapted to finer work 
or for difficult places where there is not much room for tools or hands. 

For measuring, the only instrument that could be designated a 
tool is the piece of sewing splint sometimes held up to gauge the 
proposed height of the walls. 

Sticks were employed for holding out side walls or flattening 
warped bottoms to which they were lashed. 


DistriBuvTiIoNn oF Coitep BasKETRY AND MarerrAts Usep By SALISH TRIBES 


Tribe Materials used 


Cedar roots-}4- <5 4.25222 


9 
Nespelim 3 4_ Juniper root. 
Sanpoil §4_ Do. 


Colville 3__ Do. 
Columbia group: 
Columbia 34 Do. 


Wenatchi-___ 
Coeur d’Aléne 3________- 
Salish group: 

Spokane 34__/___-..- 

Kalispel §____ 

Pend d’ Oreille §_ 

Mlatheadis- aes 22 


1 Has been made from time immemorial, but not now made by most tribes. 
2 Sapwood foundation (Lillooet and Thompson only). All the tribes made their coils of a bundle of 
splints. 

B Tribes that have not made coiled baskets for some time. In some of these tribes a few old women 
remain who made baskets in their youth. Basket making has lapsed the last two or three generations. 
The most eastern tribes stopped making them earliest owing to the change in their culture and the inaugu- 
ration of hunting on the plains after the introduction of the horse, 

4 Tribes that in olden times made the least basketry. 
5 Not much used, 


155 


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156 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [erm. any. 41 


TRADE 


Materials for basket making are arranged in lots of a more or less 
standardized size and are sold or traded in this form. Bundles of 
splints, grass, and straw, and reels of bark vary somewhat in size, 
therefore the prices set upon them are not absolutely fixed. Packages 
of sewing splints which are 10 centimeters in diameter and about a 
meter long cost $1, while foundation splints, being of inferior quality, 
are to be bought for half of that sum. Average-sized bundles of 
grass, measuring from 15 to 19 centimeters long and 6 centimeters 
in diameter, cost 50 cents, but there are 25-cent, 75-cent, and $1 
sizes as well. Reels of bark about 15 meters long and 4 centimeters 
in diameter are 50 cents, with other sizes graded like grass 
bundles. The ribbons of bark are not of a standard width, but prices 
do not seem to depend on this. There is usually much trimming to 
be done on all material which is purchased and this is especially true 
of the edges of bark ribbon. 

Long ago there was considerable trade in the finished products, 
not so much between individuals in the same band or between 
neighboring bands and tribes as between people living near the 
Cascade Mountains and those inhabiting the arid country farther 
east. For reasons given elsewhere the Cascade people had developed 
a great basket industry, while the eastern tribes manufactured very 
few pieces. For instance, the Upper Thompson did not make enough 
to supply their own wants, therefore they could not trade with tribes 
east of them who had even fewer than themselves. 

Although bark baskets were plentiful, there was in the east a 
strong demand for woven work which the western tribes tried to 
meet. Therefore they produced more than they needed for home use. 
The Lytton and Upper Fraser divisions, although living in the arid 
country, were nevertheless near the Cascades. Although they 
did manufacture a few baskets for sale, they never had a surplus. 
The people of Spences Bridge and the Shuswap who were their 
neighbors are reported to have made very few. The latter obtained 
theirs from Lytton and Lillooet, while occasionally the southern 
part of the tribe seriously depleted the scant supply belonging to the 
northern branch. The Stuwi’x (Athapascan), also near at hand, 
made none whatever, but satisfied their needs by purchasing from the 
west, principally from the Lower Thompson. Very few Lower 
Thompson baskets went up the Fraser, because at that time the 
people living along its banks made all they required. Moreover, 
the trade route for basketry from their region was interrupted by a 
cross route from the direction of the Lower Lillooet, which reached 
the Fraser River at Lillooet and at Bridge River. For similar reasons 
very few Lillooet specimens traveled south, because in this direction 


BOAS] TRADE 157 


and to the east the Lower Thompson controlled the situation. There- 
fore Lillooet baskets rarely found their way beyond the Shuswap and 
Chilcotin, and not many came that far. It is doubtful if any ever 
reached the Carrier and tribes beyond the Shuswap, while at Kam- 
loops, which seems to have been the farthest point for trade toward 
the southeast, they were only rarely seen. Thompson baskets, on 
the other hand, traveled there in greater numbers, but the majority 
were of Shuswap manufacture. The Thompson, besides trading 
with the Shuswap, almost entirely supplied the needs of the Nicola 
and Similkameen and probably largely those of the Okanagon, al- 
though some Wenatchi baskets traveled to them also. 

It has not been learned whether or not the Thompson products 
reached the Lake or Kutenai tribes. Evidently few went beyond the 
Okanagon to the Sanpoil or Colville. 

The following information as to prices paid by the Spences Bridge 
and Nicola people to those of Lytton and Lower Thompson about 
1850 comes from old Spences Bridge informants. 

The largest-sized burden basket was exchanged for any of the 
following: 

One secondhand buffalo-skin robe. 

One secondhand man’s buckskin shirt with fringes. 

One secondhand woman’s skin dress with fringes. 

One large dressed buckskin of the best quality. 

One medium-sized dressed buckskin and half of a doeskin. 

One and one-half fathoms of flat disk-shaped beads. 

Two and one-half fathoms of flat disk-shaped beads, alternating with large 
blue glass beads. 

Two and one-half fathoms of dentalia. 

Twelve packages of Indian hemp bark. 

Six packages of Indian hemp twine. 

Ten cakes of service berries mashed and dried. 

Ten cakes of soapberries mashed and dried. 

Ten bundles of bitterroot peeled and dried. 

One Hudson’s Bay tomahawk or ax. 

One secondhand copper kettle of medium or small size. 

One steel trap (?). 

One secondhand flintlock musket. 


These were only the principal commodities which could be traded 
for baskets. Many others were also media of exchange. 

One average-sized basket brought— 

Two good-sized woven mats of tule or rushes. These were for food, bed, or 
floor. 

Two woven bags of Indian hemp or elwagnus twine. 


One pair of secondhand long leggings with fringes. 
One good doeskin, 


158 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


One small basket (probably the smallest burden basket or spa’nék") 
was exchanged for— 

One pair of secondhand leggings of Hudson’s Bay cloth (red or blue). 

One secondhand Hudson’s Bay cloth coat (white or blue). 

One pair of men’s ordinary new moccasins. 

One piece of heavy buckskin, enough to make a pair of moccasins for a man. 

Two of the largest-size baskets, burden or kettle shapes, or one 
large .stlik'* imbricated all over, together with one small basket, 
purchased one 2-year-old male broken horse. 

All of the baskets traded were new, of good material and work- 
manship, and imbricated. One of noticeably inferior make would not 
be worth as much. 

Spuzzum informants state that in the old days a dugout canoe was 
worth a great deal more than the best basket. If any canoe was 
ever traded for one the latter must have been unusually large and 
fine and included among other articles offered in the transaction or 
else the canoe must have been very small and old. 

Among the Lower Thompson imbricated baskets were of much 
less value, but no satisfactory information concerning trade customs 
at this period could be obtained. It seems that prices varied much 
even among themselves and in some cases baskets were to be bought 
for very little. 

The Upper Uta’mqt and Lytton informants on the whole verified 
the statements made by people of the Spences Bridge division as to 
the prices paid by the upper division. With them dressed buckskin 
or leather was the chief article of exchange because of the abundance 
of deer in their country. 

They said that a new, ordinarily good-sized burden basket measur- 
ing about 30 or 35 centimeters in height and decorated with an 
average amount of imbrication would bring an ordinary dressed 
buckskin. 

A big basket, one of the burden variety of the largest size, or a 
huge kettle basket, or a good-sized .stlik would be worth from one 
and one-half to two good buckskins. A smaller size, such as a spa’nék 
or spa’pEenEk"™ or a large bowl, nut-shape or round basket, imbri- 
cated all over, might be exchanged for one dressed doeskin. 

The largest .stlik size, when entirely covered with imbrication, 
could be exchanged for two or three buckskins and sometimes for as 
many as four, if the basket were of unusual size or ornamented with 
striking designs which attracted the buyer. Such baskets always 
brought more, whatever were the kinds or shapes. Prices really 
depended on the size and the amount of ornamentation, the latter 
being evidence of the great amount of labor and time expended. 
According to the informants the manufacture of large wholly imbri- 
cated baskets seems to be steadily decreasing. 


4 See p. 197. 


BOAS] THE TECHNIQUE OF COILING 159 


Besides trading with the people of the interior the Lower Thompson 
also sold baskets to the Lower Fraser people on the coast who formerly 
did not make coiled basketry, and the Lower Lillooet did the same. 
Usually Thompson baskets were used from Chilliwack east and 
south, while Lillooet products were seen lower down, or to the west. 
Thompson baskets also crossed the line to Nootsak and beyond, in 
the State of Washington. A few appear to have reached the Skagit 
and neighboring tribes, who also received occasional Wenatchi speci- 
mens from east of the Cascades. 

Nothing definite was learned regarding prices paid by the coast 
tribes for Thompson wares, but it is known that the dugout canoes 
before mentioned, woolen blankets of coarsely spun goat’s hair, the 
best quality of grass stems for imbrication, and shells were some 
of the articles of exchange. 


THE TECHNIQUE OF COILING 


The Indians say that formerly great care was exercised in making 
baskets, in regard to size, evenness, and regularity of stitching, 
and that the people were especially particular in their selection of 
materials. On the whole, coils and sewing were smaller and the 
work tighter than is customary in modern times. The greatest 
attention and skill was lavished on fancy baskets, although it is 
said that the modern fancy types were not made long ago. The 
term applies to forms not serving for general household purposes, 
such as women’s workbaskets, gift, or water baskets. 

Now a much coarser technique prevails for all kinds, as it has 
been found to answer about as well and requires less time, but the 
finer work has not altogether disappeared; in fact, exquisitely 
delicate workmanship is discovered on some of the modern fancy 
shapes, which are offered for the tourist trade or used for special 
purposes by the people themselves. 

While not much information has been obtained as to the work of 
beginners, all the women declare they are much slower and more 
awkward than experts. They are apt to use too large coils and their 
stitching is coarse and irregular. There is great individual variation. 
Some beginners do very poor work, while others, even when quite 
young, almost equal experienced women. Some are much more care- 
ful and neat, having a very good eye and judgment, as well as ability 
to learn rapidly. It is easy for the experienced women to tell who 
will become good basket makers and who will never exceed 
mediocrity. 

Because some women have learned to make certain forms better 
than others they confine themselves almost entirely to their manu- 
facture. The old women seem to make chiefly burden and circular 
baskets or oblong trays. It may be because these were the forms 


160 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eETH. ANN. 41 


most generally in use in their younger days and that, therefore, they 
are easier for them to make. 

The character of coiled basketry depends upon the foundation 
material of the coil, its arrangement, size, and flexibility, and the 
way in which the coils are stitched together. Among the tribes 
here considered, as has been previously mentioned, the foundation 
is a bunch of splints of irregular cross section, varying in size and 
length, which are packed together and tightly sewed with thin, 
fairly uniform sewing splints of the same material. The method of 
sewing has already been touched upon. The foundation is perforated 
by means of a sharp awl, the sewing splint is passed away from the 
worker through the hole with the right hand until the butt end nearly 
disappears, the splint is carried back up over the coil toward the per- 
son manipulating it, down in front and through a second hole which 
the awl has made just to the right of the first one. It covers and 
catches the coil material just to the right of the first stitch, and is 

finally pulled into place, the stitch being 

drawn as taut as is possible, sometimes 

being assisted into ‘‘settling”’ by a sharp 

r tapping with the awl. The repetition of 

Fig. 2.—Sketch of awl 5 : ; 

this process constitutes the technique of 

sewing the coils to each other. If the splint is long, it may be pulled 

through a little way before the worker takes a fresh hold on it nearer 

to the basket. Any interlocking of stitches is purely incidental to 

piercing the coil; fureation of stitches depends upon the closeness of 
sewing. There is no attempt at regular furcation. 

All coiling, unless it is by left-handed persons, is from left to 
right, or clockwise. The awl (fig. 2) is held in the right hand 
between the thumb and forefinger while the rim of the basket is 
grasped with the left thumb and forefinger. The awl is usually 
held between the second and third fingers or else dropped in the 
lap while the splint is being pulled into place. Before inserting 
the sewing strip the women usually pass the whole splint through 
the fingers of the right hand in order to keep it from twisting. 
The end is kept well pointed. When it frays the fringes are split 
off with the awl. While the hole is being made, some individuals 
keep the splint taut by seizing it in the teeth; others hold it with 
the left forefinger and thumb, in the meantime supporting the basket 
with the other fingers. In making bottoms the awl is inserted at 
right angles to the plane of the work which is held almost vertically 
in front of the person, but in constructing flaring sides it is driven 
very slightly upward and to the left, the coil being pushed out a 
little at each stitch. In constricting the coils it is thrust a little 
downward and to the right, the bunch of splints being pulled very 
taut in the same direction with the fingers of the left hand. With 
practice these movements become quite automatic. 


BOAS] THE TECHNIQUE OF COILING 161 


In making bottoms and lids, if the coils are not carefully per- 
forated at right angles to the plane and the awl inclines one way 
or the other (and many women do not seem to be aware that they 
hold the awl obliquely), the result is a bottom or lid which is not 
quite flat. 

The tightest sewing is preferred, and when finished a well-made 
basket is far harder and stiffer than Bristol board. The stitches 
completely hide the foundation. 

With the exception of rim or foot coils, or of a few which are placed 
at the curve between bottom and side walls, the coils in one piece 
of work are supposed to be uniform in size, and they usually are. 
Since the foundation splints are of uneven thickness and length, 
new ones must be added from time to time to replace others that 
are used up and thus maintain the original thickness. These are 
slipped in, a few at a time, from two or three up to five or six, as 
occasion demands. Their selection and incorporation into the coil 
requires a nice discrimination of sight and of touch, for one or two 
which are too thick or of faulty cross section might easily create a 
lump or a depression. Their length does not matter. When fresh 
material is added, that already in place is lifted up slightly with the 
left hand, and the new is laid in underneath, the ends being pushed 
in as far as they will go, up tightly against the last stitch. The 
following stitch catches the new ends, and holds them firmly together 
with the old splints. The number introduced varies greatly ac- 
cording to the nature and requirements of the coil. Often within 
five minutes’ work none are added. One woman inserted two at 
the end of 4 minutes and two again after another 10 minutes. 
Another added three, and after 7 minutes two more, and then 
none until 12 minutes had elapsed. 

The uniformity of the coil is gauged by eye, and more especially 
by feeling, the right forefinger and thumb, but sometimes the left, 
pinching the bunch from 3 to 8 centimeters ahead of the sewing. 
No other regulating devices are employed. Baskets of the same size 
ordinarily have coils which are approximately equal, although possibly 
containing a different number of splints, depending somewhat on the 
size of these. The number of splints for the coils of the same basket 
also varies. There are often from one to five less in some places 
than in others, while the same sized coils in one basket may be com- 
posed of as few as one-fifth to two-fifths of the total amount employed 
in the coils of another. 

As an example, some observations are here given on the number 
used in making medium-sized circular baskets by certain informants 
who themselves pay little attention to how many are included, 
provided a proper sized coil is the result. In some instances the 
opinions of others concerning the work of a particular woman are 
also included. 


162 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


Informant ‘§ No. 1.—10 splints; considered much coarser than the average. 

Informant No. 2.—16 splints. 

Informant No. 3.—13 splints; considered thick. 

Informant No. 4.—20 splints; varied from 19 to 25; considered fine and thin 

Informant No. 5.—15 splints; varied from 14 to 17. 

Informant No. 7.—20 splints. 

Informant No. 9.—19 splints. 

Informant No. 10.—22 splints. 

The first observation relates to a basket slightly larger than those 
made by informants Nos. 3, 4, and 5. In the different specimens 
the coils appeared about alike, except in that made by No. 1. Even 
there they seemed only a little larger than the average, while that 
constructed by No. 4 had coils which, if they differed at all, did not 
seem noticeably thinner to the investigator. 

No. 25, who seems to have been a particularly fine craftswoman, 
well informed as to her materials and technique, and a very careful 
worker, had 20 to 24 splints per coil in her burden basket, most of 
which were necessarily quite fine with only a few coarse ones among 
them. No. 30 employed 23 to 28 in hers, some of which were very 
fine and only a few coarse. No. 24 had 17 to 23. No. 22 used 
nearly the same number, but hers varied more in size than those 
of No. 24. Nos. 12 and 13 said people paid practically no attention 
to the number of splints, their one idea being to produce a uniform 
coil of the proper thickness for the kind of basket under construction, 
and that thick and thin splints together were more easily handled 
than those all of a size. They declared that fine splints should be 
combined with thicker ones, even in fine baskets, because the coarse 
furnished the heavy filling, the others fitting into the chinks. Those 
who use only fine ones spend much time to no real advantage. Ifa 
woman’s supply does not contain enough of these, she reduces some 
coarse ones before beginning work. 

About half of the informants, and especially No. 1, roll the coil 
splints between their fingers at the place where they intend to make 
a splice. This makes the coil round and fits the splints close together. 
Five of the women before stitching very frequently drew the point 
of the awl once or twice through the loose coil splints, from where 
they were sewed at the left, to their ends at the right. Sometimes 
the tips of the fingers were used instead. Many did not attempt to 
manipulate the splints at all. The explanation of those who did so 
was that the process spread and straightened them and prevented 
their becoming entangled. 

Any parts of the coil splints that seem to make the coil too thick are 
split or pared down far enough to prevent their spoiling the outlines, 
Where necessary the thick part is cut off. Some women are more 
particular about these points than others, but all pay some attention 


15 See list of informants, pp. 431 et seq. 


Boas] THE TECHNIQUE OF COILING 163 


to them. From time to time the basket is held off for a critical in- 
spection of the evenness of the coils, and if a finished round displays 
any irregularity care is taken to correct it by properly adjusting the 
size of the next coil, so that it will fill a depression or allow for a lump 
in that just completed. (Pl.1, b,c.) To even up minor inaccuracies 
the sewing splint is tightened and tapped home harder and oftener 
while sewing. If the fault can not be remedied in one round it is 
usually accomplished in the second or third. Careless, inexperienced, 
or blind workers are not able to correct defects, and their baskets 
often have a noticeable waviness at the rim. 

The differences in size of coil as made by individual women are 
slight, and seldom noticeable on finished baskets. Experts who de- 
tect very minute variations say that certain coils are too thick or 
too thin for a given size and kind of basket, for, roughly speaking, 
little ones should have smaller coils than large ones, otherwise they 
will appear clumsy. They occasionally criticize work as being too 
rigid, though as a rule this is considered a ‘“‘good fault,” except in 
very small pieces, flexibility being more often the reason for disap- 
proval. Coils of average thickness, tightly sewed to render them 
rigid, are deemed best for trays, for unless these are stiff they are 
utterly worthless. 

Rigidity is obtained by a thickness of coils sufficient for the size 
and proposed use of the basket, by closeness of stitches, by much 
wetting of both coil and sewing material, and especially by the tight- 
ness of the loop drawn around the coil which is accentuated by the 
tapping. This is done with the middle of the awl, which is held near 
its point in the right hand, thus allowing all the weight possible to 
be added to the blow; the left hand meanwhile pulls whatever slack 
there may be. 

On small workbaskets and the like, the coils never can be too fine, 
but the making requires more time. Baskets of very delicate work- 
manship are naturally more valuable because of this quality and on 
account of the greater amount of time and labor expended on them, 
but they are not judged any better as objects of utility, and therefore 
are not often made. All women follow to a degree the rule of grading 
the size of coil to suit that of the basket, but some, if they have been 
in the habit of making chiefly one or another size, find it hard to alter 
their “hand.” As with ourselves, however, there are those who are 
very adaptable and who can change about without difficulty. 

The frequency with which splints are moistened depends upon the 
dryness of the weather and the condition of the fiber; that is, whether 
it is pliable or brittle from long seasoning; and also upon the indi- 
vidual handling it. If the splint is new or has been soaked weil 
beforehand it requires very little wetting during sewing. While 
some women dampen it about every 5 to 10 minutes others dip the 
hand in water and rub the splint they are working with every three 
or four stitches. 


164 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN 41 


No. 3 said that her fellow workers thought she made very rigid 
coils, although she believed they were no larger than the average. 
She was in the habit of pulling her stitches very tight and possibly 
she wet the material oftener than others, but she was not sure of this. 
She considered rigidity, even in very small baskets, to be not unde- 
sirable, notwithstanding the opinions of her friends, and could see no 
advantage in flexibility. No. 9 was often criticized for the same trait 
as No. 3, but she did not attempt to justify herself, merely remarking 
that she always had made baskets in this manner and did not think 
that she could do any differently. She did not seem clear as to why 
her work had this character, but thought perhaps her coils were a 
little too thick, and was of the opinion that thin walls were a necessary 
factor in flexibility. 

Bottoms of spiral coil, when intended for rectangular baskets, are 
given the required shape by the introduction of a few short, fine, 
extra splints into the foundation at each round, where corners are 
desired. Thus the oval gradually assumes a rectangular form (see 
p- 173). Certain women also flatten the bunch of splints at these 
places by pressing it down and out with their fingers or pinching 
it out as they sew. ‘This assists the widening process and prevents 
lumps. 

About 50 baskets of various kinds were examined with the aid of 
several basket makers in order to obtain the consensus of their opin- 
ions regarding the proper size of the coil in relation to the kind 
and size of the basket. The following table is the result of this 
investigation: 


Kind of basket Size of basket Dieter Comments 
Mm. 
INUtSshape eee eee Smale eae e aoe 5-6 | About right. 
IDOwse sae ee eS Ko sr ae Se 7-8 | Unnecessarily thick. 
Do--o ees largess. a svese 6-7 | About right. 
Dost Be 6 ieee (0 Koes Ses eh 8 | Unnecessarily thick. 
Barrel shape------ Smalls 22 eee 6 | About right. 
Dost 2ee420 Large: Jt). 222540 6 Do. 
NB Yo\s gs Syees Se seers = dolbuitens ss 5-6 | Right but considered by 
some to be rather too fine. 
@upsastee2 ae [Sa ce en Ss 5 | Very good; 6 mm. consid- 
ered as right by some. 
Biwi epee ee ee IASI AE ue = ae cree 5-6 | Right (no small bowls had 
| coils over 6 mm.). 
Dott 1200 42 Medium large_-_--- 6-7 | About right. 
Dose ees 2 ale Sates Okol SEE ben st ee 3s 5-6 | Right. 
: 1 Do a eas eel oer enes © dose 3: 5425224 8-9 | Too thick. 
Large boiler size_-__| eee, see ee 8 | Good. 


1 For the names of the shapes see pp. 197 et seq. 


Boas] THE TECHNIQUE OF COILING 165 


Kind of basket Size of basket spe Comments 
Mm. 
Thangolar. Vy. 22 > Minalloe ee ae 5-6 | Right. 

Dot! BREE Peetu. Bh Om st Loy 4-5 | Right; considered fine work 
but not too fine for fancy 
basket. 

Oblong, box shape_-| Medium (fancy) --- 6 | Right. 
13d) eather Large (fancy) -__-- 6-7 | Good. 

(3) O88 [a 6h ge gh el Dan tt Sette 6-7 Do. 

Prey Seas. b Srvalligeee cereus u 6-7 Do. 

MGs: - fans tac|see—2 da. sepid ain 4-5 | Unnecessarily fine but right 
because sufficiently rigid. 
It was claimed that this 
size of coil would be too 
small for a large tray. 
The tray would be too 
flexible. 

WO io se Large. 8 a 7 | Good; one with 6 mm. 
coils also passed; one with 
9 mm. coils considered 
too thick. 

Burden baskets: 
SEAS jelohol ee oes 7 | Good. 
1D Yo Se ae ie ee ee See 6 | Passed. 
1D fo SiS ell ey es eee eels 9 | Too thick. 

[Shon 62 0CE) conga lela pga gaps ania ele 6-7 | Good. 

AY ae eee HE ae Sa Pie LEA 8 | Not too thick. 

Msisei ses es ees Mediumis- 3520220 7 | The best; but some thought 
8 mm. better; one meas- 
uring 6 was not too flex- 
ible. 

ESHER CHITICUS ae e |b ee eters Ste se ean Se 38 | Good. 
DDE) RAMEE bs SEALs ARs Ne OY 37 | Passed. 
DosR eee BAe SE UE ye a Leal oe, 8’ 10 | Unnecessarily thick; did not 
| look well. 
2 Partly flat, partly round coil. 8 For round coil. 


From this table it would seem that coils 5 to 6 mm. in diameter 
(in most of the baskets 6 mm.) are considered to be the best size for 
small baskets, irrespective of shape or purpose. The coils of fancy 
baskets range around a diameter of 5 mm., although smaller ones 
are not objected to. In medium-sized baskets 6 to 7 mm. is a good 
coil diameter, while the larger, heavier baskets require 7 to 8 mm. 
For large .stliik or storage baskets coils of 8 to 9 mm. are considered 
not too thick. One with a coil which appeared to be about 10 mm. 
thick (though not measured) was condemned as being unnecessarily 
clumsy. No difference is discernible in regard to size of coils for the 
different divisions of the tribe, and it seems the people are not aware 
of any. The differences in size of coil and rigidity are all individual 
within the Thompson area, although Lillooet baskets are usually as a 


166 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  [erm. ann. 41 


class of much heavier coil. One tray made by a Lytton woman has 
coils 4 mm. and stitches about 2.5 mm. wide, while the coils of a 
rattle from Spuzzum are about 3.5 mm. and the stitches about 2.3 
mm. wide. ‘These are considered by all those consulted to be of fine 
workmanship or, as they say, good examples of a “thin hand.” 
Occasionally near the rims of baskets the coil, instead of being laid 
flat and sewed to the previous coil, touches it only at intervals, being 
pulled up into loops and wrapped instead of sewed where it does not 
come into contact with the preceding round. This style of finishing 
the rim will be taken up in detail under the section entitled “Structure 
of baskets.”’ It is sufficient to note here the occasional increased 
size of such looped coils or of the horizontal ones which sometimes 
top them and act as the rim proper. Greater durability is vouch- 
safed as the reason for the larger diameter, as it Is In many similar 
cases. 

Of 10 trays measured, 2 had plain rim coils thicker than those com- 
posing the main part of the structure. Their diameters are given. 

Basket No. 1.—Rim coil 8 to 9 mm.; others 6 mm. 

Basket No. 2.—Rim coil 8 to 9 mm.; others 7 mm. 

Two had looped tops which differed in size from the rest of the 
coils. 

No. 1.—Average coil 5 mm., loop coil 3 to 4 mm., rim coil 6 mm. 

No. 2.—Average coil 7 mm., loop coil 8 mm., rim coil 7 mm. 

This second basket had low, abruptly sloping sides, and tne coil 
where sides and bottom met was rather thick (8 mm. in diameter). 
Trays more frequently had coils of uniform thickness throughout, 
while other forms often displayed rims thicker than the rest. Again, 
many loopwork rims were thinner than the body, so it is not justifi- 
able to make any generalization in regard to this point; but what- 
ever may have been true of these special parts, the coils in the walls 
are as like each other as handwork will permit. 

One spa’nék basket was peculiar. The bottom was of round 
coils averaging 7 mm. in diameter, while the coils of the connecting 
part of the lower side walls were 8 mm. From this point on, the 
sides of the basket consisted of slats of wood combined with splints 
in the same wrapping, lending a pronouncedly corrugated effect and 
creating a unique “coil” the cross section of which was triangular. 
The splints were laid on the slats on the inside of the basket. These 
coils averaged 12 mm., while the rim, which was round, was about 
7 mm. in diameter. The maker said she used slats in order to build 
up the sides more quickly, though it is not clear how this could have 
been accomplished, as there was almost as much sewing to do as 
when pursuing the old method, and the building up of the coil by 
means of splints on the inside, to say nothing of preparing the slats, 
required no little time. It seems rather that a saving of splint 


Boas] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 167 


material was involved. Her other reason is more intelligible, namely, 
that she wished to ornament her coils with a beading which ran under 
and over the wrapping stitches and which was composed of wide 
strips of bark, necessitating a wide, flat coil surface. She used rather 
coarse splints for padding so as to make the walls thicker and stronger. 

The finest specimens of workmanship show about four or five 
stitches and three coils to the centimeter. On most baskets of mod- 
ern make there are about three stitches and two coils to the centi- 
meter, but a few of the best examples of fine work have four stitches 
and two coils to the centimeter. 


STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 


Although long ago the baskets were confined to a few simple round 
shapes, at present forms of great variety are produced. 

Ordinarily the world over coiled baskets have rounded forms. 
Within the last few generations, however, in this area, a remarkable 
development of elongated shapes with rounded corners has arisen. 
Later these became more and more angular until a type of basket 
was produced which resembles an inverted truncated pyramid of 
rectangular cross section. Many of these later types are evidently 
copies of utensils and receptacles of foreign origin. Their reproduc- 
tion in this kind of basketry technique calls for no small amount of 
ingenuity and skill, even were the basket undecorated. It leads to 
still more complicated processes when the ornamentation in woven 
designs is taken into consideration. 


Co1LepD Borroms %® 


When working, the majority of the women squat on the ground or 
the floor with feet underneath the body (pl. 2), resting the basket on 
the lap, although occasionally they sit with feet extended in front 
when tired. Others do this habitually, holding the basket on the lap 
or knees. The position is not fixed, but altered from one pose to the 
other as the worker chooses. Those who have adopted the white 
man’s habits often sit on chairs, resting their work on a low table. 
When making a large basket, informant 25 lets it rest on the ground, 
while she sits on a low seat. 

In the discussion on structure it seems best to begin with the 
bottom, since a basket is always started at the bottom and the shape 
of the base determines the cross section of the basket. There are 
two general types, the coiled and the slat bottoms. No checkerwork 
bottoms have ever been woven by the Thompson. There are several 
varieties of the former type which are classified according to the 


16 For other discussions see C. Hill-Tout, The Nativo Races of the British Empire, British North 
America, I, p. 114; and O. T. Mason, pp. 435 and 436, pls. 68, 163. 


53666°—28——12 


168 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


kind of coiling or the shape attained. These are the watch spring 
(pl. 3, a), elongated watch spring (pl. 3, 6), and parallel coiled 
(pl. 3, ¢), as well as several others employed for fancy shapes, such 
as triangular and heart-shaped coiled bottoms. Slat bottoms are 
always composed of parallel slats of wood, but there are many 
different ways of fastening these together and to the walls of the 
basket. These methods will be treated in detail when the slat 
bottoms are described. 

Irrespective of the shape of basket to which it may be applied, 
the watch-spring coil is always started in the same way. A simple 
knot is tightly tied at one end of a bunch of coil splints, after the 
ends have been made even (fig. 3, a, 6). The knot is tied by using 
the fingers and thumbs of both hands. The short ends of the splints 
which project beyond the knot are then cut off close with a knife or 
scissors (fig. 3, ¢.) The knot is then held by the first two fingers 
and thumb of the left hand, while with the right the sharp point of 
a sewing splint is passed through its center away from the person 
holding it (d/). If the splint does not penetrate easily, the awl is 


\ e 


Fic. 3.—Beginning of coiling 


used for enlarging the hole. The splint is then pulled through with 
the right hand until the rear end has almost disappeared, when it is 
brought back up over the knot toward the worker, and passed 
through again to the right of the first stitch, and the loop thus made 
around the bundle of splints is pulled tight (fig. 3, e). This process 
of sewing is exactly like overcasting, except that the sewing material 
is carried over the work toward the person and passed through it 
away from her, rather than vice versa. The knot is thus completely 
wrapped by the sewing-splint. When the protruding long end of the 
bundle of splints is reached, it is bent sharply down around 
the knot to the left by all right-handed persons, as shown in f, or 
to the right by left-handed workers, and stitched to the center knot 
by the same process of overcasting, the awl now being used to make 
holes for the stitches near the outer side of the covered knot; 
and thus the sewing is continued, the coil going around and around 
until the bottom is finished (g). Since this is flat, the awl perforates 
the coil at right angles to the plane in which the bottom is held. 
Usually it is held vertically, and worked from what is intended to 
be the outside, which is toward the maker. As the work advances 


Boas] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 169 


it is turned to the left on its edge, and the sewing progresses toward 
the right. A few individuals start the ‘‘ watch spring”’ with a coil finer 
than the one they intend to employ subsequently, but this is not a 
general method and is not essential to good workmanship. Plate 3, 
a, shows a bottom of this type. (See also Mason, pl. 68.) 

The elongated watch-spring type, of which Plate 3, 6, gives an 
illustration, is commonly used on baskets which are roughly rectan- 
gular. In starting this variety the ends of the coil splints are evened 
and that of the sewing splint is laid diagonally across the coil near 
the end on the side toward the weaver, with the long end falling 
downward to the left (fig. 4, a). The splint is then carried around 
behind the coil and up over it and down slightly to the right, crossing 
itself (b). This keeps it from unraveling later. 

The sketch shows the wrapping placed at slightly more of an angle 
- than really oceurs. Then the binder continues in quite the same 
way as the sewing—down, and around behind, up and over to the 
right, until a sufficient length has been wound (ce), when the rest of 


CERIEEAe dD) a 
KSEE 
SS RUC Za 
ary ih 


yw 
Oy 


Fic. 4.—Beginning of coils for elongated watch-spring bottoms 


the coil is bent around to the left (d), and sewed along one side, 
the wrapping now becoming the sewing element. When the original 
end is reached the coil is bent around it; and if there are any loose 
splints protruding where the wrapping began, they are now incor- 
porated in the encircling coil, and all is sewed down to the other side 
of the wrapped section. The process is continued around and around 
until the bottom is large enough (e). 

Another method of wrapping starts by inclosing the wrapping 
splint in the bunch of coil splints, but having the inserted end free 
in the opposite direction to the end of the coil (fig. 4, f). All the 
ends are then held firmly with the fingers of the left hand, and the 
wrapping splint drawn up through the coil and bound around it in 
the same way as in the first method (g). Both schemes seem to be 
in common use, some women using one, others the other, while a 
few apparently employ both, indiscriminately. Sketch h of the same 
figure shows the method of incorporating the loose ends of the coil 
splints in the encircling coil when the splints have not been cut off 
and evened. 


170 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [eru. ann. 41 


A second way of starting the elongated watch-spring type is by 
folding over the end of a bunch of coil splints and fastening the folded 
section to the adjoining part of the bundle by twining (fig. 5, a). 
From the finishing of these two sections the work proceeds as in the 
first kind, the ordinary sewing beginning at the second bend. In 
still another type which is round a short part of the coil is wrapped 
before the winding begins (fig. 5, 6, c). At first the coils so started 
are rather long for the proposed width of the finished bottom, but 
by thickening them on the long sides as the work progresses, a circu- 
lar form is soon obtained, so 
that what starts as an elon- 
gated watch spring is fin- 
ished perfectly round (fig. 6). 
This kind of bottom is not 
considered as neat or durable 
Fic. 5—Beginning of coils for elongated wateh-spring as a regular watch spring, 

pe and is more liable to leak. 

Some Lytton informants say that probably long ago all bottoms of 
baskets were of the watch-spring type, excepting perhaps those in 
some of the large and small .stlik. As the bottoms of these were 
very long and narrow, they were probably made of elongated or 
parallel coils, each woman having a preference for one kind or an- 
other. Some tried the various forms and later adopted one for general 
use, while others simply followed in their mothers’ or grandmothers’ 
footsteps and used the kind they had been taught to make, many 
never changing their habits to any extent. 

There are two kinds of parallel coiled bot- 
toms—those in which the parallel coiling consti- 
tutes only the central part, which is then sur- 
rounded by several rows of spiral coil (pl. 4, a) 
and those in which they form the whole bottom yy, ¢—Round bottom devel- 
with the exception of one ortwoencircling lengths —_ °Ped from elongated wateh- 

a 5 co é spring coiling 
(pl. 3, c). Aside from this, there is practically 
no difference between the two, hence they are treated here together. 

The parallel coiling is begun by doubling the bunch of splints 
in the middle and bringing the two ends together. A splint is wrapped 
a few times around the coil at the bend, and then woven back and 
forth over and under the two sections until they have been joined 
for the distance the worker desires, or approximately the proposed 
length of the bottom (fig. 7, a). A slight variation is obtamed by 
wrapping a piece of coil and bending this in the middle, uniting the 
two sides by twining. In either case the rest of the technique is as 
follows. One end of the double coil is bent back along one side, 


Bos} STRUCTURE OF BASKETS Lit 


and sewed to the wrapped double coil until the original bend is 
reached (6), when it is doubled back in the opposite direction (c) and 
sewed to the finished portion. This process is continued until 
one-half of the proposed width of the bottom is completed. The other 
half is made in the same manner, with the remaining part of the 
original double coil; and the last time, when one side of the base 
has been reached the coil is carried around past the bent ends to the 
other side (d). There the loose ends of the coil of the first half are 
picked up and incorporated with the coil which now becomes the 
main spiral. Good basket makers are careful to cut out enough 
splints at this point so that the foundation will not be too thick, thus 
causing a lump, which would spoil the appearance of the whole 
basket. Figure 7, ¢ and d, show two ways of incorporating the coil. 
As the spiral is carried past the parallel coils, the ends of which consist 
in a series of loops, these are caught in the sewing and thus all is 
bound together. Along the sides the same process continues that 
was used when joining the parallel coils to one another (e). 


Fic. 7.—Parallel coiling for bottom 


A third method of fastening the end of the coil of the first half of 
the bottom with the encircling coil is to cut the splints off sharply 
on a line with the bends. When the coil which is inclosing the 
parallel portion passes this blunt end, the stitches which bind the parts 
together are run through the last few stitches which lashed this same 
“blunt-end”’ coil to its neighbor, and likewise through the end of the 
coil itself. Beéause it is at right angles to the sewing, a good hold 
can not possibly be gained in this way, but if the splint ends are 
doubled back into the coil itself, so as to form a loop instead of loose 
ends, there is something to catch into, and a firmer grasp is then 
possible. Even in the other two methods described above, where 
the splints of the coil which is to be incorporated are conducted in a 
direction parallel to the encircling one for a short distance, a few 
pieces are occasionally bent back into the body of the rest so that a 
firmer hold may be gained by means of the loops for the stitches 
which unite the two. 

Most of the informants, however, did not seem to know of this 
plan and either carried the two coils along together for a little way 
or sewed one to the blunt end of the other. 


y(2 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [xm ann. 41 


In the case of a small bottom the original bundle of long splints, 
which is bent in the middle to start the work, is enough to finish it; 
but where it is not, additional pieces are added to it, both to keep the 
coil of even thickness throughout and to lengthen it. ‘The number 
of parallel coils employed in making bottoms varies according to their 
thickness and to the size of the bottom, and apparently there is no 
correlation between this latter and the number of coils. When it is 
noticed that the work is becoming narrower at one end in the process 
of manufacture, the coils are enlarged at that place, and if the diffi- 
culty can not be thus entirely remedied the surrounding ones are 
also increased. It sometimes happens that the bends of the parallel 
coils are not always on a line with each other and it becomes necessary 
to add short sections of coils at these places along the ends. Plate 


Y® : c 


g St e d 
Fic. 8.—Watch-spring coiling adapted to triangular and square bottoms 


3, c, shows how this has been done. The bottom pictured is rather 
more poorly constructed than the average. Plate 4 shows by way of 
contrast two remarkably fine specimens. - 

Some women were found who make only this type of bottom, 
but this, it appears, is because they make only rectangular baskets. 
They know how to make the other kinds as well. Practically all 
circular baskets are made with watch-spring bottoms, but Plate 6, b, 
shows a rare variant. 

The watch-spring type is also used for baskets which are almost 
square, triangular, or heart-shaped. Figure 8 and Plate 3, a, b, show 
the method of treating the coils and also the increase in thickness 
where that is necessary. A few women regularly bifurcate the 
stitches extending outward from the center to the corners for the 
purpose of ornamentation. 

An interesting criticism of the kind of bottom shown in Figure 8, a, 
was elicited from some basket makers who thought that the woman 


Boas] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 173 


who made it must have had great difficulties, and that the result of 
her labor was very poor. They decided that it should have been 
made like d or e, either of which is much simpler and better. The 
methods employed in manufacturing the bottoms shown in 6 and ¢ 
were considered much superior to that for a, but not as suitable as 
those of d and e. An especially successful plan for heart-shaped 
forms was thought to be d, but equally serviceable for triangular 
baskets; e was considered ‘by many women to be best adapted for 
triangular bottoms; f was said to be the proper type for a square 
basket, while g is used for oval shapes. Figure 8, f, shows the forma- 
tion of a square bottom of watch-spring type. It is made by increas- 
ing the thickness of the coils at the corners. 

As before stated, the elongated watch-spring coil is chiefly used on 
medium-sized burden baskets, but it is just as popular for oblong 
trays, and is occasionally found in baskets of other odd forms. 
Bottoms consisting of parallel coils may be employed for any rec- 
tangular or elongated shape. On specimens of each of these types 
there is sometimes added a medial line of sewing running lengthwise, 
after the bottom has been completed, which serves as ornamentation 
and also helps to hold the coils firmly together. The women consider 
the parallel coiled bottoms best for large burden baskets because 
they are stiffer. The elongated type is apt to sag. There is no 
correlation between the type of base and the ornamentation applied 
to the walls. 

Flat-coiled sections are apt to warp in the process of manufacture, 
particularly as they rest on the rim while being sewed. To avoid 
this the material is moistened at frequent intervals, either by being 
dipped in water or by being sprinkled or rubbed with the wet hand. 
It is then bent back into shape. When finished, especially if the 
piece is large, it is placed wet between two boards, and weighted with 
stones. Thus it remains for a day or more, until it has dried and is 
perfectly flat and rigid, when it is considered in the right condition 
for adding the sides. A warped bottom is shown in Plate 5, a. 

A common device for straightening the bottom is by the attach- 
ment of crossed sticks to the outside, either two, crossing each other 
diagonally from opposite corners (fig. 9, a), or four, the second pair 
being fastened across the ends (b). When two or three coils of the 
sides have been finished, two more crossed sticks are braced inside 
against them (c). All these are usually removed after the bottom 
has set, but Plate 5, 6, shows that two straighteners have been 
retained. Rarely, also, spreaders are placed between the sides of 
the basket. The popularity of these devices varies with the different 
women. Some do not need them, merely adjusting the shape with 
their hands, or they may use one or all of those described. 


174 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [em any. 41 


‘ 


The bottoms made by certain women are “good to see,” being 
smooth, closely worked, with all the coils completely covered; 
while others are rough and poorly constructed, because of care- 
lessness in the selection of materials as well as in workmanship. 
The Upper Thompson seldom make any but round coils. Slats or 
flat ones are more favored by the Uta’mqt. Their slats are generally 
thin and double, and no wide single slats were known formerly, 
it is said. There is an impression abroad that such slats would not 
be strong nor would they look well. Flat coils, which are now and 
then substituted for slats, entail less labor than round ones. 

As for the Lower Thompson, the baby carriers always had slat 
bottoms, the slats varying considerably in width, although narrow 
ones were preferred; or else flat coils were put in the bottoms and 
round ones in the sides. The latter kind is probably the older type 
in both areas. Different bottoms are not characteristic of separate 
bands, but belong to a certain extent to individuals or families, 
which may manufacture several varieties. 


Stat Borroms 


Slat bottoms (pl. 6, a, c), according to many informants, both ‘ 
men and women, were not used by the Upper Thompson years ago, 


o< 


Fic. 9.—Devices for straightening bottoms of baskets 


but were copied from the Upper Uta’mqt, who probably adopted 
them from the Lower Lillooet. The Thompson east of Lytton have 
only used them since about 1885. There are three types, all of which 
require slats made of sap, heart, or other wood which splits easily 
into thin sheets. The slat may consist of one or of several pieces, 
according to the thickness wanted or to the available material, but 
where there is more than one layer they are very thin and are laid 
flat on one another. Usually not more than three are so combined 
and they are always the full length required. It is claimed that slats 
were spliced, but it is probable that examples of such splicing are 
rare and found only in baby carriers. 

Among the Upper Thompson the opinion prevails that sapwood 
and dry cedar slats are not suitable for the walls, therefore in baby 
carriers and the like, the sides of which have recently been made of 
slats also, they are often of cedar roots split in wide, thin pieces, 
while the ordinary kind of slats are used only for bottoms. It is 
said that among the Lillooet root slats are preferred for all purposes. 


BoAs] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 175 


In carriers or in round or oval shapes where the width across the 
middle of the base is greater than that across the ends, the slats 
lying on the outside are left full width through their centers but are 
shaved off toward their ends to assist in gaining the tapering form. 

Normal, straight slats often show considerable variation even in a 
single bottom, but careful workers try to have them uniform. There 
is no correspondence between their width and the size or kind of 
basket to which they may be applied, as may be seen from a few 
measurements which are given here: 


Basket Width of slats 
era en aoe he Se Sh ce) rece b 18 to 20 mm. wide. 
2. Small. burden, basket. = +. ----£) -- tonne ae 22 to 26 mm. wide. 
Sarma DUrdel DASKEL. 95. 2 ao = About 12 mm. throughout. 
4" Large box-shaped basket --~_=_--_....--------- 10 to 14 mm. wide. 
5. Small box-shaped basket___......_------------ 13 to 15 mm. wide. 
GwBaby carrientsle here tose UL Deed 16 to 18 mm. wide. 
Wop DADDY Carers! sei le a cern Oe eh bE Se About 18 mm. throughout. 
Sv lisehaitaie Gay SS Se ee ee eee 15 to 22 mm. wide. 
Rune MAN” p 
eZ 4 
————— oe coy 
abet 


a kB i) 1 ¢ 
AN oceil 


TAURESUs ——————_. 


VAAN 
LU ALGONA NTE 
INN DOOSUDNTA NIB 


Fic. 10.—Methods of making slat bottoms 


In the first of the three types mentioned before the bottom is 
started by surrounding the slat on two sides and one end by a bunch 
of coil splints equaling the slat in thickness. The ends of the splints 
extend beyond it to several times its length. Slat and splints are 
next bound together with a wrapping, beginning at the end over which 
the bunch of coil splints has been bent (fig. 10, a). When the whole 
slat has been wrapped, another is placed beside it, and one of the two 
parts of the bunch of coil splints is bent back around it. It is carried 
up along the bare outer side. The splint which served to wrap the 
first slat with its accompanying padding is now employed to sew the 
slats together (fig. 10, 6). The awl punches the holes in the wrapped 
padding lying between the two slats. A third slat is added in the 
same way after the first two have been sewed together. The inclosing 
padding thus forms loops as in the parallel coiled bottoms, with this dif- 
ference, that between each coil there is a slat, only one end of which is 
inclosed, so there are along top and bottom of the rectangle alternating 
covered and bare slat ends. The first piece of wood that is wrapped 
forms the center of the base, and as many more as are Necessary are 
added on either side, first one whole half being completed, then the 


176 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


other. The padding or coil on one side of each slat, which is incor- 
porated with it in the same binding (fig. 10, 6), furnishes the hold for 
the sewing material which penetrates it. Sometimes, however, the 
sewing splint merely interlocks with the stitches binding the previous 
slat. When the bottom is sufficiently large, the remaining part of 
the bunch of splints belonging to one half is carried across the ends 
of the slats to the right as in the case of parallel coiled bottoms. 
It conceals as best it can the exposed as well as the covered ends, and 
when it reaches the loose splints which served as padding on the 
other half of the bottom, these are gathered into the encircling coil, 
in the manner described before (p. 171), and the process of sewing 
around the bottom is continued. During this process the bottom 
itself is turned to the left as the sewing moves to the right, just as 
in the other types. 

This particular variety is not much in favor, and although several 
women know how to make it few of them put their knowledge into 
practice. The only advantages afforded by it are that it requires 
fewer splints and much less time, and that greater flatness is obtained 
than with parallel coiled bottoms. The Upper Thompson consider 
it very inferior and less durable. They say that only a few can 
make it well and finish it neatly across the ends, which is indeed a 
difficult problem on account of the irregularity of line of the ends 
along which the encircling coil must pass and to which it must be 
fastened. One woman who manufactures this variety oftener than 
her neighbors has partially solved the difficulty by placing the 
alternate slats a little out of line, so that the exposed ends are even 
with the covered ones. She also at times divides her splints where 
they bend around the ends so that some of them may be deflected 
in order to conceal the bare places. After this purpose has been 
accomplished, the remaining pieces are turned in, caught by the 
sewing splint, and sewed between the slats. She does not do this 
every time, but apparently only when she fancies that it is needed. 
It is an invention of her own. 

Several methods of treating the ends are in use by the other women. 
Some bore a hole with the awl through the bare end of each slat, 
and passing the sewing splint through this, fasten it firmly to the 
encircling coil as it goes by. But as the wood is liable to split, espe- 
cially if it is brittle, longer stitches are sometimes taken, the perfora- 
tion being made down where the slat is covered with wrapping; 
thus, even if the wood does split, a better grasp is obtained and the 
stitch can not pull out at the end. 

The secand type of slat bottom resembles the first except that the 
slats are not inclosed by a bunch of splints which so effectually 
assists in sewing them together; but one slat is bound with a splint 
as in type 1, and the rest are sewed to this and to each other, 


BOAS] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 177 


the stitching around a new slat interlocking with that of the previous 
one (fig. 10, d). If the slats are very thin and pliable, and green or 
well soaked, the holes for the sewing splint are sometimes made in 
the edges as well. 

The work is often begun at one side, instead of in the center, and 
the bottom built straight across; hence it consists as often of an 
even as of an uneven number of slats. However, it is said that it 
may just as well be started in the middle, and that in such a case 
there is less tendency to warp. The first type may be begun from the 
side if desired, which would bring the wrapped slat to the edge, but 
this is not usually done. In sewing slats together at one end, the 
opposite ends tend to fly apart; therefore they are lashed together 
at their far ends until nearly sewed down, when the binding is removed, 
(Fig. 10, ¢.) 

The distinguishing feature of the third type is the twining by 
which the slats are held to each other, a woof splint passing over one 
and under one in the manner shown in Figure 10, e. This kind of 
bottom is quite unpopular, although there are Thompson and Lillooet 
women who occasionally make it. As none of the informants who 
were interviewed knew the mode of procedure involved in its manu- 
facture, detailed information was not obtained, but two reasons were 
given for its infrequent appearance, namely, that it is apt to warp 
and that the slats are liable to drop out of line. The Thompson are 
said to have acquired the idea from the Lillooet. Farther to the 
east the use of slat bottoms is entirely unknown. 

The bottoms of the second and third types are always made 
separately from the rest of the basket. In these all the ends of the 
slats are bare and the first encircling coil is often thicker than those 
which follow, because the ends must be completely embedded in it 
and the perforations in them through which the sewing splint goes 
are placed farther away from the end to avoid splitting the wood. 

On some bottoms, before the surrounding coil is added, the ends 
of the slats are sewed together, by starting in the space between the 
slats, about 1 to 2 cm. in from the end. (Fig. 11, a.) The splint is 
drawn through from front to back, whence it passes up over the end 
of the slat, crossing it at its center, and obliquely down to the right 
on the front side, to a similar point in the next interslat space, where 
it is again drawn through to the wrong side. Thus the process con- 
tinues. When the opposite corner is reached, it is sometimes brought 
back across the bottom again in the same way, so that the stitches 
cross each other in the middle of each slat and the effect is that of a 
zigzag. (Fig. 11, 6.) When two splints are used each way, then the 
four intersections at the end of the slat form a series of triangles. 
(Fig. 11, ¢.) If the surrounding coil is not thick enough to hide the 
slats completely, these crossing stitches are often split by the sewing 


178 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


splint as it binds the coil to the bottom, and this so spreads them that 
the bare ends are almost concealed. The regularity of the stitches 
imparts quite an ornamental effect which the women strive to obtain, 
but if the work is done inaccurately it appears as an unavoidable 
blemish. 

Two other methods of stitching the ends of slats are in vogue. 
In one the slat is perforated in the center by means of an awl about 2.5 
em.from the end. (Fig. 11,d.) Otherwise the result is the same as in 
the former method, when only one line is carried across the ends. _ 

In the third the encircling coil is sewed to the ends of the slats by 
one or more stitches taken eyery time that the space between the 
coils is reached. These pass through the binding quite a distance 
away from the ends for the purpose of ornamentation as much as 
of securing the coil. (Fig. 11, e,f.) Plate 6, b, ¢, show these methods 
on beautifully constructed bottoms. Ff 

As a rule slat bottoms of the second and third types which are 
made separately from the basket have several rows of coils built 


== 


=a 


== 
TS 


MS 


Fic. 11.—Methods of making slat bottoms 


around them before the side walls are started. Very angular shapes 
which have a ‘“‘foot”’ to keep the bottom from resting on the floor form 
an exception to this. Either face may become the outside, so during 
its construction the worker turns it to suit her convenience, but the 
direction of the sewing is always toward the right. 

The women give two reasons for adding the encircling coils. The 
first is that they consider a sharp turn from bottom to walls to be 
bad artistically; in fact, absurd for burden baskets. In some Lillooet 
examples of this shape it is said that only about two-thirds of the 
entire bottom is made of slats, the rest being of coils which in curved 
alignment connect the plane of the base with that of the sides. 
When the Thompson use slat walls they experience great difficulty 
in securing the proper, gradual rounding between the two parts of 
the basket and always employ coils at the curve. 

The second reason given is that starting the sides with such a 
sharp angle would create an edge between the bottom and the walls 
which would soon be worn, because when the basket is handled and 
knocked about the point of wear would always be along the same 


Boas] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 179 


coil rather than distributed over a curved surface. It might be sup- 
posed that when such an angle is created the coil at the corner would 
usually be made thicker for the identical reason given concerning rim 
and other cols. One woman makes all the coils of the bottom thicker 
than those of the sides, but none of the others do so. Informants 
Nos. 4 and 5 laughed at the idea of increasing the diameter of any 
coils, saying that this did not improve the wearing quality as the 
sewing splints are the first to break, and when the bunch of splints is 
exposed it soon drops to pieces. If the sewing splints were thicker, 
they said, that would be a different matter, but no one follows the 
practice of making them so. It must be confessed that very few 
display such reasoning ability as these two women, but give voice 
to the first ideas that occur to them. 

Sometimes coils which are exposed by wear are resewed with new 
splints, the stitches passing through the edges of the coils above and 
below. The sewing on slat work is not tapped with the awl to drive 
it home as is the case with coiled work. 


SmpE WALLS 


According to our ideas, the bottom stops where the sides turn 
upward, but in the mind of the Indian woman the line may be beyond 
the curve, slightly up the side walls, although this is not always the 
case. At the place where the bottom is considered to end, a line of 
beading is run along the coil, to set it off from the side walls. The 
beading consists of a strip of bark passed along the entire coil, every 
alternate stitch of the coil passing over the strip, the others going 
under it. Occasionally double lines of beading are used. When the 
bark is of a strongly contrasting color the effect is very pleasing and 
the women liken it to a string of beads. 

When the sides are started the coil is pulled outward a very little 
with the thumb and forefinger of the left hand in order to produce a 
gradual flare. The awl holes are made pointing slightly upward 
into the last coil, instead of at right angles to the slant of the work, 
as is the case in the flat bottoms. Some women direct the passage 
of the awl slightly backward to the left as well, a procedure which 
would seem to assist in forming the flare. The proper flare or bulge 
is determined by custom, but it is also regulated to some extent by 
taste, and with the less experienced workers certainly it is not com- 
pletely under control. If a woman begins a basket and discovers 
after several rounds that it is going to flare too much she constricts 
the coils, thus creating a quite unusual shape, especially if the change 
is abrupt. A pronounced flare lessens the utility of the basket, par- 
ticularly if it be used for carrying purposes. The degree of slant is 
entirely determined by the eye, and it is remarkable how closely the 
women adhere to the tribal standards. Sometimes a basket may, 


180 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ern ann. 41 


when finished, flare more than the maker intended, but usually it is 
not enough to spoil it; and with an experienced woman who does 
good work such accidents rarely happen. 

When the sides are being built the bottom inclines toward the 
maker, the upper edge being the nearest. As the work progresses 
special care is taken to place each succeeding coil in the same rela- 
tion to the preceding one, so that none are too far out or in, for 
each must be perfectly aligned. Naturally practice aids materially, 
for beginners frequently have dents and bulges in the side walls of 
their baskets, not only because the coils are not placed evenly but 
also as a result of nonuniformity in their diameters, which creates 
waviness in a vertical direction (pl. 7, a, and the Chilcotin basket, 
fol Wf). 

Sometimes, as the basket nears completion, it will be seen that it is 
lower on one side than on the other, and it is then too late to correct 
the shape by increasing the diameter of each coil, thus gradually 
remedying the fault. The maker then has recourse to the expedient 
of splitting the coil near the rim, as the sewing approaches the low 
spot. From one coil she creates two of the same size, by working in 
additional splints, and the blemish is thereby rendered less notice- 
able than if one very large coil were used instead. The defect may 
also be remedied by tapermg down a coil and then beginning again 
with a wide coil which is adjusted so that the upper lime becomes 
straight (see pl. 7, c). 

No Thompson or Lillooet baskets were made with the ends higher 
than the sides, which was a common feature of Chilcotin work 
(pls. 7, 6; 8, a). Rather, every effort was put forth to secure an 
even height. 

A very peculiar feature in the structure of the side walls is brought 
out particularly well in the photographs, especially in those which 
show the bottom, such as Plates 3 and 4, and in many others which 
give the full view of a long side, but in which nevertheless a slight 
part of the right end may be seen. In these plates it is clearly shown 
that the corners of the side walls do not radiate from the bottom in 
straight lines as might be expected, but in curved lines running to the 
left in pinwheel fashion. Some baskets are so much awry that they 
appear to be very badly warped or at least to have been wrenched 
around to the left, while the bottom was held fast (pl. 4). Although 
this peculiarity is not noticeable in all cases, it is practically always 
present to a greater or less degree in Thompson baskets having corners. 
The reason is unknown, unless in working to the right and paying 
particular attention to the corners, quite justifiably when all the diffi- 
culties in decorating this part of the basket are understood, the 
workers unconsciously begin to turn a little ahead of time, each 
round. 


BOAS] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 181 


In oblong baskets the spiral coil always ends on one of the long sides 
near a corner. This is a very old custom and still holds. It is also 
true for all oval shapes. On a burden basket the side on which the 
coil ends is always placed next the bearer’s back and the loops which 
hold the pack straps are adjusted accordingly. This is also an old 
custom. One informant states that as baby carriers are always 
held so that the head of the child lies toward the right hand of the 
bearer, the coil should always end on what would be the baby’s 
right side as it lies on its back. No reason except that of custom has 
been obtained as to why the finishing point on a basket should not 
be exposed in carrying. 

Rims 


There are three types of rims—plain, braided, and loopwork— 
and the last named has many variations. The current opinion among 
the people is that the plain rim 
covered by the ordinary ‘‘overcast- 
ing’’ is the oldest type. Certainly 
it is the most common one. A 
heavier foundation frequently, but 
not always, distinguishes the rim 
coil from the others, the usual 
reason given for the increase being 
that thereby additional strength is 
gained. But, as was indicated 
before, there are individuals who 
realize that the dimension of the 
coil has no effect upon its wearing 
qualities. There are also two 
kinds of plain rims, the one which 
is merely a continuation of the wall 
coil, and which is finished off usually by a gradual reduction in size 
until it disappears almost imperceptibly; and the ring coil, with which 
this ordinary ending is sometimes capped. The ends of the ring coil 
are spliced together, and the whole is covered with the sewing splint so 
that the joint is completely hidden. To make a ring of exactly the 
right size and to conceal the joint demands very neat execution. On 
some specimens there are several of these rings, one above the other, 
but the number depends entirely upon the fancy of the maker. 
They lend a much neater finish, and if the wall coil is properly gradu- 
ated in size, the top is practically horizontal. Figure 12 illustrates 
the finishing point of the spiral coil and shows two ring coils above. 
In spite of their merits, they have not been universally adopted, and 
many have attempted them only within the last few years. The 
Lower Thompson, according to their own account, adopted them 


Fic. 12.—Rim consisting of two ring coils 


182 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


very recently, and it is doubtful if their use is ancient in any of the 
tribes. It is known that the Nicola did not have them long ago, 
but reliable information for the rest of the people is not available. 
Braided rims are common on Klickitat baskets, and probably 
also on those of the Cowlitz, Nisqualli, Wenatchi, and tribes near 
them, east of the Cascade Range. Whether they were ever more 
common there than now is a question. The Lillooet, Shuswap, and 
Chileotin do not seem to have made them; but Lillooet information 
is still fragmentary, while complete data from the Shuswap can not 
be obtained at this period. According to several informants, braided 
rims were used by the Lower Thompson and Lytton people, although 
not as commonly as plain ones, but they seem to have fallen more or 
less into disuse at the present day, for only one braided rim has been 


Fic. 13.—Braiding of rim; Klickitat 


found in Thompson collections and that has been added on an old 
basket (fig. 13, d). Recent information has it that a few women are 
again making the braided rim. 

From the sketches and specimens of Klickitat baskets it is evident 
that more than one method of braiding was known. Some inform- 
ants think that there was only one but are not sure. They stated 
that formerly, after the rim coil had been sewed on with plain over- 
casting, a false braid was stitched along the top, to lend additional 
strength as well as to serve as an ornament; in fact the former reason 
is more frequently given. One woman, however, feels sure that the 
braiding was the only sewing which covered the rim coil and that it 
was not applied afterwards. Although she had never made it her- 
self, she had seen her aunt and a few other people do so when she 
was a little girl While a few individuals did such work when they 


BOAS] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 183 


were young, they have long since given it up, and many have never 
seen it at all. 

As far as Mr. Teit’s knowledge extended, in all the rims found 
braiding and overcasting are one process. The steps involved may 
be more readily visualized if it is imagined first that the basket is held 
as during ordinary sewing. The first hole (1), Figure 13, a, 6, is made 
with her awl in the coil (4) to which the rim coil (5) is being sewed 
and the splint is drawn through it, away from the worker as far as 
desired, usually until the butt end almost disappears in the coil at (1). 
The length is then brought back up over the rim a little to the right 
and a hole (2) perforated near the top of the bunch of splints that are 
being covered (5), almost over the one (1) which has just been made 
in the coil below. Through this the splint passes again in the direc- 
tion away from the worker, and after it has been pulled tight (2) 
it is brought back up over the rim again, this time crossing the 
diagonal whip stitch which it made before, and coming down to the 
right, where it penetrates a hole (3) made for it just to the right of the 


Fic. 14.—Braided rims; Klickitat 


first hole (1). From here on the process is repeated indefinitely, 
always to the right, and a braid stitch is the result. Looking down 
on top of the rim, the appearance is that of a series of slightly over- 
lapping V’s or cheyrons (fig. 13, ¢). 

Figure 14 shows another variety (Klickitat) where the braiding 
lies on top of the coil instead of being sewed to it. The lower coil is 
perforated as before, and the splint is pushed or drawn through its 
whole length, then brought up over the rim and down to the right, 
where it enters a second hole made beside the first one (fig. 13, a, 2). 
This gives the necessary “starter,” for without the diagonal whip 
stitch across the top there would be nothing to start the braid upon. 
After the splint has been pulled through the second hole, however, 
away from the worker, it is brought up over the rim again (fig. 14, 
a, 2), but this time cutting across it to the left and intersecting the 
previous whip stitch. Instead of penetrating a hole perforated in the 
top coil, it merely slips under the first whip stitch which it has just 
crossed, at 3, and comes out at the intersection of the two, in the angle 
which lies farthest from the worker at 4; namely, toward the inside 
of the basket. It now crosses itself again going over the stitch it 

53666°—28——13 


184 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  [eru. ann. 41 


just made at 5, which came up over the coil from the bottom and lay 
to the left and goes down to the right, where it enters a third hole 
just beside the second one (at 1) perforated in the lower coil. From 
here on the process is repeated, as described, from where the splint 
entered the second hole. 

Frequently the long parts of the stitches which seem to descend 
from the actual braiding are covered with twining or imbrication on 
the outside of the basket, a process which is even more complicated, 
since these must be put on at the time the braiding is made. Figures 
13, d, and 14, b, show the imbrication. 

Loopwork has been touched upon in the section on “Technique of 
coiling,’ but may be elaborated somewhat at this point. Rims of 
this character were used only on fancy baskets and have been in 
existence for a very long time; but since by their very nature and 
consequently greater fragility they lessen the utility of the baskets to 
which they may be applied, in the days when plain and useful baskets 
were greatly in demand they probably were not much in vogue. Of 
late years outside trade has called for less classic forms; and loop- 
work rims on many odd shapes have become very common. But 
even now a basket of the less utilitarian variety need not necessarily 
be finished in this manner. Probably the arrangements indicated 
in the sketches are all of late development. 

Occasionally this technique is introduced into the bodies of bas- 
kets, generally in the middle of the sides (pl. 16, a) and rarely the 
entire structure is of this type. This is said to be a very recent 
invention. The Klickitat, Lillooet, Stalo, and western Washington 
tribes use loopwork; but not the Chilcotin, Squamish, or Sechelt. 

Figure 15, a, shows a rim made of an extension of the original wall 
coil. After the finishing point has been reached on the basket the 
coil is simply wrapped, being stitched to the body only where it 
comes into contact with it at the bends (2). After this process has 
been continued all around and the starting poimt has been reached 
at (3) the coil is doubled, the two parts being sewed together. From 
here it is carried along horizontally, touching the loopwork only at 
the apices, and so returns to the starting point where it is fastened. 

Figure 15, b, is a common type; ¢ is flatter and less frequently 
applied; d and e are fairly common, although e is less so; f and g 
are rare, the latter especially; A is a prevalent style but is of two 
different kinds, loose and tight. When tight, the coils are in such 
close contact that no spaces can be detected between them; 7 is 
occasionally seen, both loose and tight. A straight coil running 
between the loops as in 7 is sometimes used with style A in the same 
way, and again a flat piece such as a ribbon of bark takes the place 
of this coil. Now and then bands of silk, braids of dyed or natural 
bark or horsehair, and formerly strips of beaded skin were drawn 


Boas] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 185 


through loops on small baskets, by way of ornamentation. Some- 
times loopwork is arranged in double or treble series, or there is a 
combination of these, as in j, k, and 71; m represents a style recently 
noticed on a basket made by a Spences Bridge woman. She declared 
that she had never made this kind before, nor had she seen it. She 
merely thought of it. Another woman who was interviewed said 
that it was not new to her, but that it was very little used. 


£ 


Fig. 15.—Types of loop work 


Lips 


Lids made of coiled work are a comparatively late development. 
Temporary lids for protecting the contents of baskets from dust, 
smoke, ashes, and insects have probably been in use for a long 
time. They consist merely of pieces of bark or board slightly larger 
than the mouth of the basket. Mats are even more frequently used, 
especially the small eating mats which among the Upper Thompson 
are woven of rushes, or elaeagnus bark; among the Lower Thompson, 
of cedar bark. 


186 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [erm. ann. 41 


There are several kinds of coiled basketry lids which from the 
point of view of construction correspond very nearly to the various 
types of bottoms already discussed. Some varieties are very old, 
especially Types I and IV, as classified in the following description. 
These were most often applied to the round or ‘‘nut-shaped” and the 
long trunk-shaped .stlik baskets. Although complete information 
concerning the construction and fitting of lids has not been gathered 
it is clear that there are four types which may be grouped as follows: 

Type I includes all those flat lids which are fastened to the baskets 
by means of thongs or hinges of leather or cord, or by means of 
hinges which at the same time are handles (fig. 16). They are 


SCR ny 


Fic. 16.—T ypes of lids 


Type I,a. Flat, hinged, without flange, resting on the rim of the basket. 

b. Flat, hinged, without flange, resting on a basket flange placed near 
the rim on the inside. 

Type II, a. Flat, usually without hinges, with knobs or loops to pull by, and 
attached flange slanting slightly outward toward its base, and 
fitting snugly into the orifice. The lid rests on the basket rim, by 
means of its edges which project beyond the flange. 

b. Flat, without hinges, with attached flange slanting inward toward 
its base. 

Type III, a. Flat, but with a turned-down edge which acts as a flange covering 
an upright collar rim or flange which is sewed to the basket. 

b. Conoid shapes, fitting down over rims which are usually supplied 
with collar flanges. 

Type IV. Flat, and all of one piece of coiling with the basket. 


usually slightly larger than the mouths they are designed to cover, 
so that their edges project well over the rim and preyent the lids 
from dropping into the orifices. Such covers can be applied to 
almost any shape, but are most often seen on round or work baskets. 
Their construction depends somewhat on the shape of the basket for 
which they are intended. Round ones have lids of watch-spring 
coiling, started with the usual knot (pls. 8, b, d; 9, a, 6; 36, d; 41, b; 
50,¢). Infact, the construction of any of these lids is exactly the same 
as for the corresponding type of bottom.” Oval shapes require usually 
an elongated watchspring, while the more rectangular forms, such as 
some .stlik, have lids built of parallel or folded coils (pl. 12, 6), or just 
as frequently of slats (pl. 8, ¢). In these last two kinds a number of en- 


1 Round watch-spring coils are also used for more complicated round forms. (See pl. 13, 0.) 


Boas] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 187 


circling coils bound the central portion, which varies from a true center 
to almost the entire piece. Plates 8, c; 9, c, and 10 illustrate these 
lids, which include all types of coiled and slat work, and are classified 
under one heading simply on account of their shape, their relation to 
the orifice they cover, and the way in which they are fastened to the 
baskets. They are Lillooet and Thompson specimens. A variation 
of Type I is characterized by the following features: The lid is flat, 
but smaller than the orifice, so that it requires a flange consisting of 
a few coils sewed around on the inside of the basket near the rim on 
which to rest. This variety is usually found on shapes which are 
smaller at the base than at the mouth, such as burden baskets; and 
is illustrated by Plate 11, a. The flange is usually high enough so 
that the lid is on a level with the rim. 

The lids of the second type are of the same construction as those 
belonging to the first; they are flat and of watch-spring or parallel 
coils, but possess a flange which is attached to them instead of to 
the basket. This is made separately of rarely more than two coils, 
unless the basket is very large, and is either of the spiral or ring 
variety. Sometimes, instead of this, a flat and fairly broad piece of 
sapwood is used hoop fashion, and is covered with sewing splints in 
the usual manner. The flange is sewed very close to the edge of the 
lid, as the latter is usually constructed so that it barely covers the 
opening, the slight projection usually not extending beyond the rim 
coil of the mouth on which it rests. 

The flange is made to slant outward a few degrees, fitting the 
mouth quite snugly and even requiring a slight pressure to push it 
down, because the bottom coil is just a fraction larger than the rim 
coil, which must give a little to admit it (fig. 17, a, b). In order to 
remove it, it is necessary to give it a quick tug. LLoops—or more 
recently, knobs—furnish a hold. Since such lids can not fall off, only 
the larger baskets are provided with hinges to hold them. 

A variant of this type (II, b) which is made by a few people, but 
which has never attained much popularity, has a flange which is 
deeper than the other kind, usually being built of three or four coils. 
It slopes inward from the top toward the bottom (fig. 17, ¢), the 
lowest coil or ring being of a diameter less than the mouth, the high- 
est being slightly wider, so that the lid may be pressed on and held 
firmly like a plug in a hole. But practically this is not feasible, for, 
on account of the springy nature of the coil, the lid frequently works 
out when the basket is moved about. Therefore, it is considered as 
inferior to the lid with a diverging flange which is used more often 
now than any other. 

The third type ranks second in popularity and includes flat and 
conoid shapes. The flat variety possesses a flange, but this is not of 
a separate piece which is later applied to the lid, but is made of the 


188 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


last few coils of the main part of the lid, which instead of continuing 
in a horizontal plane, are laid vertically, one below the other at right 
angles to it, like the walls of a basket in relation to the bottom, if 
turned upside down (fig. 17, d). To fit this, the last few coils of the 
basket are laid vertically on each other to form a ‘“‘collar;” for, unlike 
the majority of baskets having flat lids, those with flanged ones 
usually have constricted mouths, the approach to which is an almost 
horizontal shoulder, on which a flanged lid of the third type would 
slide about unless supported on a collar. 

There are several variants of this group, which are not sufficiently 
different to be placed in subclasses. With some the flange slopes 
outward, the supporting ‘collar’? inward (see fig. 17, e). Occa- 
sionally the flange is made in a separate piece and then attached. 

A variation which in the main is like the first kind described under 
Type IIL is more carefully constructed than any so far discussed. 
It is used on straight-walled shapes, where, fastened by sewing to 


Sav 


f 
AN mmf 
MM 
mmnaeninnnnnannnpnernert 


Fic. 17.—Types of lids 


the inside of the rim coil, is a thin slat of wood forming a hoop of 
exactly the right size. It lies on its edge, and over it, a coiled lid 
with a flange whose coils lie in the same plane as the walls fits so 
exactly that lid and basket walls seem to be one. The coils are 
perfectly matched and aligned. Plate 11, b, shows a very neat bit 
of workmanship on a lid of this sort. Figure 17, jf, indicates the 
arrangement diagrammatically. 

The conoid variety (Type III, b) is used on round or oblong shapes. 
The central part may be of watch-spring or parallel coiling, the 
encircling coils being gradually carried from a horizontal to a vertical 
plane in a curve which depends entirely on the eye and taste of the 
maker. When intended for oblong baskets, the corners are rounded, 
and the makers claim that the lids are no harder to manufacture 
than the baskets themselves. Some informants say that the conoid 
shapes are rather recent. In fact they nearly all agree on this point, 
but they believe that slightly conoid forms have been applied to 
nut-shaped baskets for many years. 


BOAS] ‘ STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 189 


The fourth type of lid is like the parallel coiled flat lids of the 
first type, with the important difference that it is made all in one 
piece with the basket; that is, the coil which completes the walls 
continues and makes the lid. This is undoubtedly a late develop- 
ment. The procedure involved in its manufacture is as follows. 

When the basket walls are completed, the coil is not cut off near 
a corner on a long side, but having run the length of one side which 

. thereafter becomes the back of the basket, it is doubled and redoubled 
on itself, very much in the way parallel coiled bottoms are made, 
only that the lid is necessarily begun from the rim instead of from 
the center. These parallel coils are a little shorter than the orifice 
and do not extend to cover its full width. Instead, when a corner is 
reached at the front of the lid, after a long side has been completed 
and the maker is satisfied with the width, she carries the coil to the 
back of the basket, past the loops of the folded coils at one end of 
the lid, where she doubles it on itself and brings it back again, for- 
ward, along the front edge and around to the back along the other 
end, where she again doubles it back and brings it around the lid. 
Thus the lid is encircled on its three free sides several times, until 
the proper dimensions have been attained, when the coil is gradually 
diminished and comes to an end at the same corner where it began 
to surround the parallel section. This method of framing the parallel 
coils keeps the lid flat, strengthens it, and also enlarges it so that it 
projects over therim. The sketch and key given in Figure 17, g, may 
be of assistance in elucidating the manner of procedure. Plate 12, a, 
represents a basket with attached lid. 

When not made in one piece with the basket, practically all kinds 
of lids are started in the center, although there are a few excep- 
tions, as in the case of bottoms, where the work may be commenced 
at the side. But there is another way of beginning lids which must 
fit exactly over the basket flange at the rim. They are not easy 
to make, but enhance the appearance of the basket not only as 
regards alignment of coils, but also, because the direction of the 
imbrication is retained, which, when the lid is begun from the center, 
is the reverse of that on the basket. Plate 11, b, again serves as the 
example. 

Informant No. 29 told how she and her sister and friends make 
such lids. After being measured to fit over the flange of the basket 
exactly the length of coil required is wrapped, and when enough has 
been covered to encircle the basket the sewing process begins by 
joining the end to the coil at the point where the wrapping has been 
completed, so as to start the spiral. From there the bunch of splints 
is sewed down to the wrapped coil, forming the second loop of the 
spiral, which is gradually carried to the center. 


190 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ern. ANN. 41 


All the informants agree that this is a recent devolopment and 
that the knowledge and use of the invention is as yet confined 
to only a few individuals. There seems to be some doubt as to 
whether the stitching always proceeds toward the center in the case 
of lids made in the manner just discussed. One woman thought that 
the usual method of sewing from the center outward was followed on 
small lids and was accomplished by first wrapping and basting the 
coils to one another at intervals until the center was reached, 
this being done merely to hold them in place. Thus the exact 
number and size of coils needed to fit into the space bounded by the 
rim coil was determined, and any adjustment of the size of the bunch 
of coil splints required to make the center as neat as the rest could 
be calculated and provided for. The real stitching then commenced 
at the center and was carried toward the rim, the wrapping being 
unwound as the stitching advanced upon it. 

A process requiring so many operations which were exactly the 
reverse of those usually employed and which entailed so much more 
labor makes it seem exceedingly unlikely that many women would 
attempt it, and makes its suggestion, as coming from a member of 
the group, all the more remarkable. Unfortunately it is impossible 
to tell whether such a scheme has or has not been adopted by any- 
one without observing its actual execution, since the finished product 
could not be distinguished in any way from a lid which really was 
begun, coil and all, in the center; and positive observation of a case 
in point has not been made. Nevertheless the thought through 
which the idea was evolved is worthy of recording. 

Usually, whatever may be the type of lid, the finish of the coil 
is neatly executed, the foundation material tapering down to a 
point. If the rim of the basket ends in this manner, the lid is 
made so that the two pieces fit one over the other (fig. 17, A). But 
on round baskets especially the coils are frequently cut off bluntly, 
and the ends of basket and lid coils are made to come together so that 
the effect is that of a continuous spiral (fig. 17, 7). 

Ring coils are also used to finish lids and here, as elsewhere, impart 
a very neat appearance. It is said by the Lower Thompson that 
these are a modern development, introduced about 1885. 

A small, new, circular shape was made entirely of ring coils, the 
bottom and lid being of the same construction. These two parts 
were started with a knot of foundation material which was sewed 
around with a splint, exactly as when beginning a watch-spring coil, 
but the long end of the bunch of splints was cut off short and also 
overcast, instead of being bent into a coil, and the knot was inclosed 
by the first small ring, followed by others properly graduated in size. 

The splint acts as a measuring instrument for comparing the 
diameter of the mouth of the basket with that of the lid. Where 


BOAS] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 191 


the shape is oblong two measurements are taken. From time to 
time the lid.is fitted over the basket in order that a better idea may 
be gained as to how it is going to fit. Every effort is made to effect 
a neat joining, to the extent of enlarging or diminishing the size of 
the last coil, but if there are slight irregularities, especially on flat, 
projecting lids, they are not regarded seriously. 

Where there is an upright flange fastened to the inside of the 
basket rim, over which the lid fits, it is more essential that the 
measurements be exact, for the diameter of the coils which encircle 
the flange must be such that the outside edges do not project beyond 
those of the basket walls (fig. 17, f). 

The lids of fancy baskets are frequently made of combinations of 
loopwork and plain coil and are without knobs or pull loops, the 
interstices admitting the entrance of the 
fingers (fig. 18). Most of the women make 
all the types of lids mentioned, but there are AS (\ 
some who do not make any, or at least have CRES])// 
attempted them only occasionally. Some WY 
make only one kind or another. 


Tue Foor 


Among other comparatively recent ‘“im- YY y 
provements”’ is the foot, which seems to have ) 

come into use about 1800, and which has VY, 

been applied to fancy and storage baskets 

where it was thought necessary to keep the 

bottoms from contact with the floor. By Wi. 18—sketches of lids with 
being so protected, the bottom actually does por 

have a longer life and, according to prevailing ideas, the whole basket 
gains artistically by the addition of this little stand. It has never 
been adopted for large or medium-sized household baskets, nor for 
those used for carrying burdens, as it would merely be in the way 
and would soon become damaged. 

Unless it is composed of loopwork, as is frequently the case on 
fancy baskets, the foot consists of several plain coils added below 
the bottom, at its edge, which resemble the inception of a second 
basket, built on upside down (pls. 9, a; 11, a, 6; 12, ¢). The number of 
coils depends on the size of the basket and for medium shapes rarely 
exceeds two. Too many are considered as evidences of bad taste, for 
they apparently alter the standard proportions to which the people 
have so long been accustomed. Therefore, usually a four-coil foot 
is regarded as being extremely high. Small baskets with a high foot 
are characterized as foolish looking, but it is said that there can be 


192 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  [etn. ayn. 41 


no such thing as too low a foot. It is high enough when the bottom 
of the basket clears the ground. A protecting foot is preferred to 
a sagging bottom. 

It will be remembered that in parts exposed to wear the coils were 
constructed with larger diameters. This is also often the case with 
the bottom coil of the foot. 

There are several ways of adding this part to the basket, one of 
which is to build a separate piece either of spiral or ring coils and to 
fasten it by sewing to the bottom before the walls are commenced. 
It may be either of spreading shape or straight but the former is 

ve preferred. It is not necessary, however, to sew 


the foot on before the side walls are begun, but 
———— - it is easier than attaching it to the complete 
basket. 


Fic. 19.—Method of making A watch-spring coiled bottom of either the 
togh ot heskss circular or elongated type usually has a separate 

foot, even though this is not a necessary concomitant. On the other 
hand, slat bottoms or those made of parallel folded coils more 
frequently have feet which are made in one piece with the side walls. 
The separate pieces built of ring coils are less common because of 
the time required to splice each ring and to make sure that the 
joints do not come one over the other. Where the spiral is employed 
it is begun with a very small coil which is stitched to the edge of 
the bottom and which gradually increases in diameter as the work 
proceeds. ‘The sewing is, as usual, toward the right and is caught 
into that coil which divides the planes of bottom and wall, because 


Hy 
Hy 

TIRSANM AG }Bieeere= S 
pert aesaUseULaReREstiiyy 


Fic, 20,—Method of making foot of basket 


a better hold is to be gained there. When the foot is high enough, 
the coil is again diminished, so that the decreased portion comes on 
the same side as that where the work began, thus making a level 
stand. Figure 19 shows the finished product upside down as it is 
made. 

When the foot is to be made all of one piece with the side walls, 
as frequently happens on rectangular shapes, ‘a round coil is stitched 
in the middle of its length to the bottom at or near a corner. The 
left-hand portion is left loose, to be taken up later, when the foot is 
started. That at the right is used to build the side walls, which are 


BOAS] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 193 


carried up a short distance before the work on the foot is commenced. 
When this occurs, the basket is inverted, and the material which 
formerly lay loose to the left now lies to the right, in the correct 
position for being sewed (fig. 20). It is not feasible to divide a 
watch-spring coil in this manner, for when the edge is reached, the 
coil is lying entirely to the right, everything to the left being sewed 
down. To add coil splints in the opposite direction would be as 
awkward as to bend back some of those already in place. 

There are at least two ways of constructing the loopwork foot, 
especially as far as the final rim coil is concerned. One is to make 
the loops and rim separately, the beginning and end of the looped 
coil being brought together and stitched down at the same point, 
namely, at an apex which joins the basket. 

Figure 21, a, , illustrate how this is done. Both ends are reduced 
in size, and when covered with stitching the joint is practically in- 
visible. The application of the rim coil is shown in Figure 21, ¢. It 
is begun and ended at the apex of a loop, where the ends are lapped 
over each other, having been cut down so that together they are 
no larger than the single coil. Another possible rim is the ring coil, 


Fie, 21.—Methods of making a looped foot 


but in this connection it would be less satisfactory because the joining 
of the two ends would be necessarily weak, owing to the fact that it 
is not supported by another coil sewed to it, for the apex of a loop 
is hardly a sufficient foundation on which to fasten the joint of a ring. 

In the second type the loopwork is begun at an apex near the 
rim (fig. 21, d, e), and when the circuit has been completed the coil 
is brought past the point of beginning, where it is fastened, and then 
carried around to make the rim, returning to the same point to be 
reduced and finished in the customary fashion (fig. 21 e). Figure 21, f, 
shows the appearance of the completed basket. 

About half of the women interviewed could and did make the foot, 
especially on fancy shapes. A few add this part after completing 
the side walls, but most of them have adopted the more convenient 
plan of making it first. 

A rare basket is pictured in Plate 13, a. Here the bottom is fin- 
ished with two ring coils which are added in such a way that the inner 
one seems to result from a division of the coil which made the bottom. 
The foot is constructed of four rings and above these the basket 
proper is built up. 


194 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH ANN. 41 


HANDLES 


Handles are likewise of late introduction but are very common at 
present, because they are most frequently added on fancy shapes 
for which there is a constantly increasing demand. 

The simplest kind are merely interstices left between the coils 
where the upper two or three are looped up slightly in the middle of 


LY AAR FS 


Fic 22.—Loops used as handles 


the wall, to make room for the fingers to enter between them and the 
coils below. Such openings are also made so that the basket may be 
suspended from a peg or by a rope. The number of coils so lifted or 
waved depends entirely on the judgment of the maker, who takes 
into consideration the size of the receptacle and the probable weight 
which it willsustain. For trays this type is the only kind of “ handle” 


——— Rim Rim 


————— 
7) G 
Fic. ya made of thongs 


used (fig. 22, a, b; pl. 28, d). The angular opening (c) is rather 
uncommon. When the loop is of a single coil, it is thickened in 
diameter (pl. 40, c). This type of handle is said to be very old. 
Certainly it is widely distributed through the Rocky Mountain 
Basin region. 

There are also loops, thongs, or lugs of cord or leather which are 
drawn between the coils, by means of holes bored by the awl and 


C2eM 


Fic. 24.—Types of handles 


tied at the ends with knots to prevent their pulling out. Various 
kinds are shown in the sketches of Figures 16 and 23. In the latter, 
a and a’ show the right and reverse sides of one variety; } and ¢, 
two other types. Lugs of iron and wire are modern and require no 
discussion here. 

Real handles of coiled work, attached to the rims or walls, are also 
manufactured, and these merit some attention. 


BOAS] STRUCTURE OF BASKETS 195 


Occasionally a leather thong was used for the handle foundation, 
instead of a bunch of coil splints, or even fiber strings, either of which 
are more flexible and durable than splints (fig. 24, f). Where single 
coils are used (fig. 24, a), they are wrapped with a splint, but when 
they are double, the wrapping is alternately carried from one to the 
other, or the second coil may be sewed to the first (fig. 24, 6). The 
stitches may be held together more firmly by sewing up and down 
through them for the length of the handle between the coils, as may 
be seen in Figure 24, g. Such coiled handles were passed through a 
loop made by the rim coil, or else through a leather loop, and the ends 
were doubled back and fastened to the body of the handle by a tight 
wrapping and sewing (pls. 14, a, b, ¢, e; 16, a; 31, a, which are Lillooet 
specimens, and fig. 24, a, b, c). 

The Upper Thompson very rarely braided handles of leather thongs, 
twine, Indian hemp, or horsehair—another widely diffused type. 


: € 
Fic. 25.—a, b, Method of attaching thong line; c, Load supported by sticks; d, e, Tying of top 
of basket 

No wooden handles were employed, such as bent sticks sewed to 
the basket walls, but some of the Uta’mqt used sapwood wrapped in 
splints of cherry bark or in quills for the kind of handles similar to 
those pictured in Figure 24, a, b, c. 

In addition to these aids in carrying baskets, where there were 
heavy loads to be transported, wrappings of ropes and withes were 
bound around the whole bundle to lessen the strain on the handles, 
and the burden was lifted by means of stout sticks passed beneath 
them. For carrying on the back tump lines were deemed sufficient. 

All handles such as knobs on lids and cups are modern. The lid 
knobs are made exactly like a miniature foot (pl. 14, d), while cup 
handles and the like are merely short bits of coiled work sewed to the 
wall of the main structure (fig. 24, d,e). Figure 25, a, 6, shows how 
the tump line is attached, ¢ shows a top load with supporting sticks 
and ties, and d and e the methods of attaching strings across the tops 
of loads. 


196 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eru. ann. 41 


CARE AND PRESERVATION 


The information included in this section is chiefly applicable to 
the Upper Thompson, although probably it is equally true of other 
tribes. 

When a new, fine basket was much prized, and in the old days 
such were not lightly regarded, the owner took precautions at the 
outset to protect it as much as possible from the hard wear which by 
necessity usually devolved upon it. When rawhide was plentiful a 
large piece was fastened over the bottom on the outside, extending well 
up the sides, but in later times this was supplanted by heavy canvas. 
Such patches were especially placed on baskets used for, carrying 
loads on the backs of horses, where the severe rubbing against the 
packsaddle, to which they were subjected, would cut short the life 
of the best coil work. The loads were always piled to the rim, lest 
the pressure of the lash rope on the partially empty basket would 
dent or break it. If there were not sufficient contents to fill the 
basket, brush was stuffed into the remaining space. 

Empty baskets were placed upside down on the top of the load 
and tied to it with small cords. As was mentioned in the section 
on “the foot” (pl. 14, 6), the bottoms of those baskets which habitu- 
ally rested on the ground were protected from contact with it by a 
few rings of coil. Only the Chilcotin put hoops around the rims, and 
with them it may have been force of habit, on account of their previous 
acquaintance with bark basketry and because, later, their coiled ware 
never attained the rigidity of that manufactured by their neighbors. 
(See, however, p. 201.) Dirt was removed by scouring and scrubbing 
with tepid water. At present the people take much less care of their 
belongings than formerly, another indication of the loss of the sense 
of responsibility which must be laid at the door of the white man. 


REPAIRING 


Different methods of repairing have been mentioned, such as calk- 
ing, putting in new bottoms, resewing coils, etc., so that there is little 
need of entering into this subject in detail here. Rawhide thongs 
or bark twine were sometimes used for patching coils or for fas- 
tening in a patch of stiff rawhide over the hole left by the wearing 
out of a bottom. The stitching in such cases was vertical, catch- 
ing in different coils alternately long and short, like that on birch 
bark, where the purpose is to prevent its tearing along the grain. 
Loose pieces of hide, the size of the original bottom, were occasion- 
ally dropped inside to protect the bottom, and for these or for new 
skin bottoms, old parfléches were cut up. In a few cases, wooden 
bottoms, consisting of pieces of board about a centimeter thick, 
were cut to fit the space, and sewed to the sides by thongs which 
passed through small holes bored near the edges. These holes and 
the joint were then pitched to prevent leakage. 


Boas] FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 197 


Often when a bottom is quite badly worn it is cut from the basket, 
together with the lowest coils of the sides back to where they are 
sound. A new bottom is made separately, which can be almost 
exactly fitted to the opening, and this is sewed in, the splint passing 
through and joining the edges of the walls to those of the bottom. 
The stitch may include a coil or two on either side, at least in places. 
But as mending entails no small amount of labor, few people seek 
to preserve their baskets and prefer to make new ones. 


FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 


According to tradition, in olden times there were 10 different 
kinds of baskets recognized by the tribe. These fall naturally into 
four groups according to their general shapes. (See appendix, 
p- 395.) They are: 


Group I. Burden baskets: (fig. 26, p. 198). 
1. Tsi.’a, common large burden basket. 
2. Tsi.he’tsa, shallower and smaller form of burden basket, generally 
two-thirds to three-quarters the size of the tsi.’a. 
3. Spa’nék, small burden basket about half the size of the tsi.’a. 
4. Spa’penek, smallest burden basket, about one-quarter the size of 
the tsi.’a. 
Group II. Round baskets, basins, pails, bowls, kettles (fig. 27, p. 201). 
5. .nk6’nten, a large circular basket (kettle). 
6. .nko’korten, small circular basket, the size of a large bowl. 
Group III. Nut- and pot-shaped baskets (fig. 28, p. 203). 
7. .stkomoxe’lemox, small round basket. 
8. Stkapuxé’lemox, nut-shaped basket. 
Group IV. Storage baskets (fig. 29, p. 206). 
9. .stlik, large storage basket, oblong, with rounded corners, high 
shoulders. 
10. .stli.lk., smaller size of same shape, workbasket (?). 


In addition to these four groups, all of which are represented by old 
and well-established forms, there are numerous “‘freak”’ shapes, copies 
of more or less modern utensils, boxes and dishes, which, although 
showing many variations, are classed together in a fifth group. 
The basis of this last classification is merely that the forms are not 
indigenous. One quite old shape which is not included by the in- 
formants in the original four groups but which certainly was made 
from very early times, is the tray, frequently of great width, but 
very shallow or even flat. 

Each of the four original groups is represented by numerous 
gradations in size, as well as form, especially the last named. Some 
forms are due to modern influences which have crept in gradually. 
The classification given above is therefore not rigid and must seek 
justification also from the purpose to which each group of baskets 
is put. Group I are used chiefly for dry burdens of all descriptions, 
Group II are for liquids, Group ILI are for the storage of small articles, 


198 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [ern. ann. 41 


and Group IV are for storage of large amounts of food or clothing. 
The Indians recognize further subdivisions by descriptive terms, 
such as large, small, medium sized, low, high, very small, very 
round, big or small mouthed, constricted. In the appendix are given 
all the names that have been secured (pp. 395 et seq.). 

The various kinds of baskets are not local forms but are rather 
generally made by all the divisions of the tribe, although there is a 
tendency on the part of different bands to manufacture some kinds 
more than others. The forms, Figure 26, a—f, are very common 
everywhere, while the remainder are made chiefly by the bands 
along the Fraser River. Those around Lytton perhaps preferred 
round forms like those of Group III, while the Lower Thompson 
favored oblong shapes similar to those represented in Group IV. 
Most of the largest .stlik are made by them, while their neighbors 


ap ee 
ae 


Fia. 26.—Types of burden baskets 


produce a smaller size of the same variety. The bands east of 
Lytton made none of these storage baskets, and only a few round 


forms. 
Group I. BurpEN BASKETS 


As might be inferred from their general distribution and popu- 
larity, the burden baskets represented by the first group are the 
oldest forms. Their shapes range from a truncated cone to a trun- 
cated pyramid, and the former is said to be the older form. Figure 
26, e, f, g, approximate old Wenatchi types which the Thompson 
imitated long ago. Their shape lay probably between these and 
those represented by a and 6. These old forms were deeper in 
proportion to their diameters and resembled the earlier birch bark 
shapes; * but they are no longer made. The sketches a@ and 6 

18 Another old type resembled some of the modern forms such as Figure 26, h, but had straighter walls. 
It was like those existing among the tribes in southern Washington west of the Cascades, such as the 
Nisqualli and Cowlitz, and is said to have been used by the interior Salish along Columbia River, 
Among the Klickitat the tendency of late has been away from this type toward a distinctly conical form, 


with very small bottom and flaring walls. It is doubtful if the tribes living east of the Cascades, in the 
State of Washington, ever made any but circular forms. 


Bos] FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 199 


represent also old types which, however, are still in use, although 
bis at present rather rare. Typec is a modern development, approxi- 
mating the common Lillooet style, but with a larger, longer base 
and less flare of sides which lack the sharp corners so characteristic of 
the Lillooet. Most of the people consider sharp corners detrimental 
to durability. Typed represents a very large-mouthed type, which is 
said not to be very old. The most common modern baskets tend 
toward this form, with the flare becoming less in the upper half or 
third of the basket. There are at present all possible variations of 
these forms, with sharp or rounded corners, squared oval, purely 
oval and quite rectangular bottoms and mouths, or with bottoms of 
one of these forms and mouths of another. It seems that the in- 
dustry is passing through a transitional stage, at least as far as the 
forms of the products are concerned, so that it is difficult to draw 
hard and fast lines. Still, with all these burden shapes, there is a 
group similarity and a noticeably fairly regular proportion main- 
tained between the parts of any one basket. The shallower forms 
(fig. 26, h, i) are not common. They resemble the lower parts of 
burden baskets. 

The tsi.’a is the largest of the typical burden shapes. It is 
40 cm. high, or thereabouts, 60 cm. long at the mouth, and 45 cm. 
wide, with varying base measurements. Sometimes the end walls 
flare a little more than the sides. It is used for big loads, such as 
wood, roots, etc., and even for boiling soapberries by means of heated 
stones. It is carried on the back by means of tump lines and is 
strapped on the sides of the horses when making long journeys or 
when the load is too heavy for the people to transport. It is said 
that the tsi.’a was gradually made more and more elongated, when 
it was discovered that a modified shape did not roll so much when 
being carried. Nearly all of these baskets have elongated coiled 
bottoms. 

Sometimes the largest baskets were used for bathtubs, or wash- 
tubs, either in or out of doors. If used for bathing purposes, a hole 
was frequently dug in the ground into which the basket was placed, 
so that it might not tip over with its occupant. 

Some old people declare that the tsi.’a was specially designed for 
carrying burdens and that the present form is the acme of perfection. 
Its lower part is made narrow to fit the small of the back, and its 
upper part wide where it rests on the shoulders. One of the longer 
sides Tests firmly and flatly on the back, preventing the troublesome 
rolling of round forms. There is just enough flare so that the basket 
is about vertical when the bearer is bent forward under the load, and 
the slant of the end walls, which is a little more than that of the sides, 
is sufficient to prevent the carrying strap which passes around it from 
slipping up and bringing too much strain on the loops through which 

53666°—28——14 


200 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


it passes. The bottom is just large enough so that the basket will 
remain upright when on the ground. The old people consider as 
awkward and impracticable conical baskets which can not stand up 
and must be transported on carrying frames, such as they have seen 
in pictures of the Pima and Papago Indians in the southwestern part 
of the United States. 

It seems quite certain that rounded forms were the earliest and 
that the rectangular ones have gradually superseded them, but that 
the extreme angularity noticeable in modern specimens is copied from 
the Lillooet, who have used these shapes for a long time. 

The Thompson greatly admire the Lillooet forms and in trying to 
improve their own styles surpass their models in extreme angularity, 
but fail to accomplish the ends they strive for because they still make 
the bottoms too large and the sides too low. 

The second size of burden basket, the tsi.he’tsa, is also an old 
type and varies little in shape from the large type, although according 
to a Nicola informant and his wife, who were partly of Thompson 
descent, this basket has a wider mouth in relation to its height. It 
serves as a berry basket or for carrying roots. When the women go 
out to gather roots, berries, or any other similar foods they often carry 
a large and a small basket, and when the latter is filled they empty the 
contents into the larger receptacle, and when this is full it is carried 
home, the little basket resting on top of the load. The tsi.he’tsa 
measures about 30 cm. in height; the mouth 35 by 45 em., and the 
base 18 by 22 cm. 

Young girls carry smaller baskets, and with them the spa’nék 
and spa’prnrk are popular. These range from 17 to 24 cm. in 
height, 16 by 22 to 25 by 35 em. for mouth dimensions, and 7 by 11.to 
11 by 23 em. for the base. ‘Their names merely denote differences in 
size. A few very small ones are made for little girls, and are used by 
them in play. Since they are quite as strong as other baskets, they 
are frequently pressed into service about the lodge, as dippers, scoops, 
etc. Burden baskets of almost any size were used when removing 
snow or earth. In the former case they were employed like shovels, 
but as the moving of earth or sand was a more arduous process which 
was likely to damage the basket the soil was first loosened and heaped 
up and then scooped into the large basket which lay on its side with 
the rim on a level with the bottom of the pile of earth, while it was 
steadied with the knee. 

Three loops of buckskin passed around three or four coils serve to hold 
the carrying strap. They are placed at both corners of the side which 
is intended to lie next to the back and in the center on the opposite side. 
The tump line passes through them and crosses on the back; the ends 
which are brought around in front of the person are tied. Methods 
of tying cords across the top of the load have been treated in the 


BOAS] FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 201 


section on “handles” (p. 195). If the load is heavy and the basket 
does not fit the back well, small pads of bunches of grass, some brush, 
or a folded shawl or sack are laid across the small of the back. 


Group II. Kerrtes anp Bow Ls 


The circular forms of the second group were used principally for 
holding liquids. Of many variations of this general type, the kettle 
basket, .nkd’rten (fig. 27, e), is the most common. It is the general 
basket used for cooking, or was until the white man’s kettle sup- 
planted it. It also held water for household purposes, but was then 
called xaié’ka. There were sizes for all possible uses, in which the 
degree of flare varied considerably. The smaller bowls were given 
the general name .nko’korten, but when used by shamans in cere- 
monies were called kairksten (thing for dipping the hands in).! 

Special names were given to baskets employed about the house, 
according to the use to which they were put, rather than according 
to size. They held food, water, oil, berries, or medicine and were 
used as dishes, washbowls, or mortars. They also were filled with 


Sefouren: faiot 


Fic. 27.—Types of kettles and bowls 


a 


water and placed beside the cooking basket, and into them the house- 
wife dipped her hot stones to cleanse them of ashes before dropping 
them into the cooking kettle. Sometimes the larger kettles had hoops 
of wood fastened near the rim to assist in keeping them in shape and 
as an aid in lifting them, but this is more characteristic of Chilcotin 
than of Thompson baskets. The large sizes were 35 to 50 cm. high 
and 50 to 70 cm. in diameter at the mouth, which was about double 
the size of the bottom. Like the large burden baskets they were 
sometimes requisitioned for bathtubs. 

The sketches, Figure 27, a—d, show different forms of bowls down 
to the smallest, which were used as cups. Figure 27, f, shows a pail 
which resembles the earlier bark baskets from which it may have 
been copied. It is rather rare at the present time. 

Baskets, shallow and wide at the mouth in proportion to the 
height, served as basins. They were made by the Upper Uta’mqt and 


19 When the shaman treated a sick person the bow! was filled with water and placed near him. He dipped 
his fingers into it and transferred the moisture to his mouth while performing the ceremony. The same 
type of basket was used in the sweat lodge for holding water which was sprinkled on hot stones, These 
two kinds were specially decorated and kept separate, never being used for secular purposes. There were 
others which were used by youths and maidens during their training, but most of these were of bark. Al- 
though the sizes merge into one another almost imperceptibly to our eyes, the Indians differentiate them 
more particularly than we should be apt todo. Figures 156 and 157 and Plate 35 in Mason's “‘ Aboriginal 
American Basketry” represent some common shapes, 


202 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


Lytton bands. Many were provided with two holes on opposite 
sides, for finger-holds when they were lifted, but it is said that older 
specimens were supplied with buckskin loops. Figure 27, g, gives 
the general form. 

Usually those baskets which are intended for the same purpose 
in any group are approximately of the same size. This may be 
illustrated by the “cup,” which is perhaps the smallest of the round 
forms. Those measuring 12 cm. in depth and mouth diameter and 5 
cm. across the bottom are said to be of average size and shape, with 
the proper amount of flare. But there are others only 8 cm. deep, 
8 cm. wide at the mouth, and 6 cm. across the bottom. These are 
considered small specimens. ‘The average cup appears to our eyes 
somewhat deep in proportion to its width and the walls almost too 
vertical. Mr. Teit was told that a cup might have considerable flare 
and still be used, but that it would be recognized as being wrongly 
proportioned. The men would probably notice the unusual shape 
but would not criticize it sharply as long as it could be made to serve 
its purpose. 

Cups were called za’utEn or .nzi’umeEn (thing for dipping). They 
are not as common as bark vessels used for the same purpose. The 
dipper is supposed to have more flare than the cup. A man said it 
resembled the Wenatchi baskets (fig. 26, e, f, p. 198), but was small. 
It is said that basketry cups were mostly used by girls. 

Of the bowls and other round baskets examined, the height 
measurement usually lay between those of the diameters of bottom 
and mouth. Two bowls were considered small, the measurements of 
which are as follows: 


. Diameter | Diameter 
Height of bottom | of mouth 


Cm. Cm. Cm. 
Nowe Aoi tier ef 10.8 7.6 14.6 
INOS aE apse es 12. 1 10.8 20. 3 


Round trays measuring 40.7 cm. to 50.9 em. in diameter were 
considered large by three Upper Thompson experts, who said very 
few were made measuring more than 50 em. ‘Trays 25.4 cm. to 30.5 
cm. in diameter were classed as small. 


Group III. Nur-sHarep BAsKETs 


To this group belong also the pot-shaped baskets, robin’s nest, 
and underground house forms. 

The ‘“‘nut-shaped”’ baskets were used for storing berries and were 
also the common workbaskets for the women, used to hold small 
tools—awls, thread, shells, trinkets, and any other odds and ends. 
(See fig. 28, e.) They derived their name from their resemblance to 


Boas] FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 203 


hazelnuts. They are practically identical in size, for the ‘nut 
shape”’ is the most fixed and widely known of any of the round forms. 
It is also one of the oldest. The bottom is usually small, circular, 
and flat, but the sides have two distinctive forms. The first variety 
is largest in diameter through the middle; the other is widest higher 
up, at what may be called the shoulder. Among the people them- 
selves there is some disagreement as to which is the original form, 
but according to Mr. Teit, the former type is the older one. So well 
established have size and shape become that no one who makes a 
nut-shaped basket attempts to deviate noticeably from the standard. 
Every woman who manufactures one has a clear conception of how 


<3 


SAC 


it must appear when finished and adjusts her work accordingly. 
She may alter the size a little, but never the shape, which is always 
one of the two types just mentioned. It is claimed that long ago 
there were very large “‘nut shapes,” but these are not made any more. 
They were about four times the size of the little ones and were used 
for holding stored provisions, or for clothes and ornaments, tobacco, 
or kinnikinnick. 

The average size of the former variety and its most common pro- 
portions are illustrated by the following measurements of four speci- 
mens which were declared by the three women of the upper bands 
before mentioned to be good examples. 


~ 


Fic. 28.—Types of baskets 


), Holete | auetete, | ap eieeten | area 

| Cm. Cm. Cm. Cm 
Nos ih ae ys as. OF 208s TD? TERI 
Nap Det Soe 12.7 19.3 11.9] 11.3 
INO} dered eric 12.1 19.3 SuGul 1231 
Ni ee eS a peti 17.8 BL 8,122.7 


Very small baskets of this shape would, according to these inform- 
ants, be considered as curiosities and were of little practical use. A 
nut-shaped basket with greatest diameter a little above the middle, 
which measured 19.4 cm. in height, 23.5 cm. in its greatest diameter, 


204 COILED EASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH ANN. 41 


11.9 cm. across the bottom, and 11.3 em. across the mouth, was 
considered rather too high for the other proportions. The mouths 
of these baskets were made just large enough to permit the easy 
entrance of a woman’s hand. Most of the women said there was no 
point in making them any larger and none were made smaller, be- 
cause they would be inconvenient (pl. 17, d). Almost all of these are 
provided with lids (pls. 8, d, and 9, a), which are attached by one or 
two long loops of buckskin, fastened as shown in Figure 16, ¢ and f, 
p. 186. Occasionally they are attached with pieces of leather resem- 
bling hinges (fig. 16, a), but this style is not popular, for the hinge 
obscures part of the design. Other methods are pictured in Figure 
16, b-d. Modern baskets have a flanged rim and lid, as shown in 
Figure 17, d and f, p. 188. Lids of hide were ornamented with 
designs carried out in paint or beads, and were sometimes pinked 
around the edges. The small nut-shaped baskets are often imbri- 
cated all over with great care, for they are usually intended for gifts 
to be given to other women or girls, and sometimes to men. A few 
have conoid lids instead of flat ones, with a knob on top as a handle. 
The knobs are quite modern and are made principally by the Lower 
Thompson. One of these is shown in Plate 14, d. 

Very little is known about the pot-shaped baskets. They were 
rather large, like jars, with constricted mouths, just large enough to 
admit a hand, and supplied with buckskin loops for handles. They 
were used for storing water, oil, grease, etc. The mouth may have 
been sealed with pitch, although there is no information on this 
point. The age of the type is not known. 

The jar shape given in Figure 28, d, is not made at all now, and 
many persons do not even know it. The neck was about 3 em. high 
and was seldom over 7 cm. in diameter. There was no lid, but the 
opening was stopped with a plug of grass, bark, or wood. The loops 
for carrying are shown in the figure. Just when these shapes were 
used is not known, but they are supposed to have been employed for 
carrying water, or as pitchers in the house. Some people say they 
were first made in the time when the Hudson Bay Company flour- 
ished; that is, from 1810 to 1860; and again this is denied. It is 
possible that they were an old type, for bags and bark baskets with 
constricted mouths were commonly known and used by the tribe. 
Their exact proportions are uncertain. 

A small round basket about the size of a cup but wider and with 
a slightly constricted rim was made by the Lytton people and dubbed 
“Tobin’s nest” (fig. 28, ¢). It was used as a cup, generally by girls. 
“Robin’s nests’’ were frequently imbricated all over the surface and 
even supplied with loopwork borders. In this case they were prob- 
ably never intended to be used. They are rarely made now. 


BOAS] FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 205 


‘ ? 


Another peculiar shape was the “underground house,” so named 
from its resemblance to the winter lodge. It had bulging sides, 
long sloping shoulders, and a small mouth, and was used for storage 
purposes, even very long ago, but was not very common. It differs 
from the nut shape in its greater size and broad base. Figure 28, f, 
gives a conception of its general outline, which is not fixed, but takes 
two forms, as may be seen from the sketches. Its capacity was com- 
parable to that of a large burden basket, or of the large, old-style 
nut-shapes. When the base was small it was quite similar to a nut- 
shaped basket. There was a tendency to decorate ‘underground 
house”’ baskets with ladder designs, representing the notched ladders 
of the semi-underground lodges; and also to apply a vertical stripe 
design which pictured the posts used in the construction of the house. 

Some informants think these shapes were given their names on 
account of their resemblance to the objects; others say they were 
actually imitations of such objects and were necessarily so called. 

The Lytton band was evidently more ingenious and original than 
some of the others, if they may be judged by the variety of shapes 
they invented. They are responsible for all the ‘‘fanciful’”’ shapes 
as well as for the triangular, oval, and heart-shaped forms. 


Group IV. SroracE BASKETS 


To the last of the four groups of old shapes belong the .stlik or 
storage baskets, often called ‘trunk baskets” by the whites. It will 
be remembered that the ancient types were rounded, and _ that 
angular forms are a modern development. Figure 29, a—e, represent 
the old styles, while f represents a new form. Usually they have lids 
which are provided with buckskin hinges. Plate 15 gives excellent 
illustrations of three specimens of this type. The largest equal in 
capacity a good-sized trunk of white manufacture. Their use was 
formerly confined to the bands around Lytton, who used them for the 
storage of clothing, blankets, and robes, while among the Upper 
Thompson bags took their place. These large sizes were seldom 
taken away from the village, but the smaller ones, which were used for 
food, were carried along. Very small ones are longer in proportion 
to their height than the large specimens (fig. 29, e) and serve as 
women’s workbaskets or for treasure boxes in which to keep valuable 
feathers, small feather headdresses, necklaces, and fragile trinkets. 
The trunk-shaped baskets were also made among the adjoining tribes 
west of the Cascades in western Washington, and by the Coeur d’Aléne 
and Lake tribes of the interior. It seems doubtful whether they were 


1% See also pls. 8, c; 9, c; 10, a, b; 11, b; 12, a, b; 17, ¢; 18, b; 26, hy 35, e; 38, a, b; 42, g; 50, d, e. 


206 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH, ANN, 41 


copied from the trunks used by whites who were in the service of the 
Hudson Bay Company as suggested by Mason,” for they seem to ante- 
date by a long time the advent of these traders, and the earliest arrivals 
probably brought no baggage. In later years trunks may have been 
carried to the trading posts, but there were no such stations in the 
Thompson territory and many Thompson Indians never saw any posts 
previous to about 1860. It seems more probable that if they were not 
invented by the people for their own requirements, they may have 
been copies of the bent cedar wood or bark boxes made by the coast 
Indians, as Doctor Boas has suggested, although in this case the 
difference of form can not well be accounted for, since exact dupli- 
cates could have been just as easily made, as imitations of Lillooet 


ee 


TO 


Fic. 29.—Types of storage baskets 


forms are at the present day. The arrangement of the attached lid 
(pl. 12, a) seems to resemble flaps on woven or skin bags which were 
common enough among the interior tribes. 


Group V. Opp SHAPES 


In addition to the groups so far discussed, there were many odd 
forms used for a variety of purposes. The most numerous. among 
these types are trays and plaques, which were used as food dishes and 
eating plates and especially for passing food during ceremonies, as well 
as to toss dice on in gambling, and to fan the fire with. These, as 
their names suggest, have broad, flat bottoms and flaring sides which 
might better be termed rims, because of their insignificant height. 
Those intended for ceremonies have higher walls than those used for 
ordinary purposes. They are of various shapes, as Figure 30 shows. 


20 QO. T. Mason, Aboriginal American Basketry, p. 285. 


BOAS] FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 207 


Here also the Fraser River people who manufacture them display 
their inventive genius. The Lower Thompson have only recently 
attempted to make them, while the bands east of Thompson Siding 
never have done so, but used woven mats and bark vessels instead. 
The former distribution of coiled-work trays and dishes is not 
known, but the people say that there were not many long ago. 


at a een 


Fic. 30.—Types of trays 


Those used for household purposes were rather plain, being orna- 
mented near the rim with a line of beading or imbrication in an old 
arrowhead design. Imbricated ornamentation on the inside bottom 
was unknown in former times, but at the present time for the ceremo- 
nial utensils an elaborate scheme of decoration of this part has come 
into vogue. Although the people discriminate between the various 
sizes and forms according to the uses to which they are put and use 


Seg] 


Fic. 31.—Types of baskets—a, tub-shaped; b, c, box-shaped 


distinctive terms for these, the common name for this type of utensil 
is zalt. 

A circular tub-shaped basket sketched in Figure 31, a, is a modern 
form which is occasionally made by the Fraser River people, generally 
of sapwood foundation coil. They call these baskets .nkwoi’tseEmEn 
or .ntsau’méEn, names which they also apply to washtubs and basins 
of white manufacture. Mason *! shows a specimen of this type in 
his Plate 156, which he says comes from Port Douglas in the country 
of the Lower Lillooet. 


210. T. Mason, Aboriginal American Basketry. 


208 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


“The boxes sketched in Figure 31, b, c, are examples of the imitations 
of white men’s boxes made at the present time. They are of all 
sizes and either oblong or square, and when they are Lower Thompson 
products, frequently have a slat bottom and a stand or foot. They 
are used in the house for storage purposes and may or may not have 
lids. Usually when these are present they are of the variety seen in 
Plate 12, a, or flat, tied on with buckskin thongs; a few fit into the 
rim, as do those of crocks or pots of white manufacture, and quite a 
number are provided with basketry knobs of one description or 
another. They are frequently profusely decorated with imbricated 
designs and on account of their neat, attractive appearance are 
bought in large numbers by the whites. 

There are also baskets for pouring liquids, shown in Figure 32, a, 6, 
which were likewise used as berry dishes or bins for dry materials, 
and flat-backed types shown in Figure 32, ¢, and on Plate 9, d, which 
were formerly used, but are seldom manufactured now. The origin 


SSO 


Fia. 32.—Types of baskets—a, }, for pouring liquids; c, storage basket for tobacco and pipe; d, for 
general storage; e, rattle 


of this type is uncertain, for it is very unlikely that the fur traders 
introduced the shape. Its first appearance, the people claim, was at 
Lytton, where so many other odd shapes originated; it was not 
adopted elsewhere, and was used in much the same way as fishermen 
employ it now, or it was hung up in the house and held tobacco, 
kinnikinnick, and pipes. The hole is said to have been made in 
order to allow the long pipestems to protrude from it. Such a shape 
was also useful when traveling, for it made a very excellent saddlebag. 

Figure 32, d, is simply a square receptacle for suspension. The 
type of rattle in Figure 32, e,?? is usually about 8 em. high, coiled all 
in one piece, beginning at the top and worked toward the handle. It 
ends in a loopwork coil. The head and handle are hollow and the 
pebbles in the head are kept there by a wooden plug, which stops the 
opening. The larger and heavier kinds used in dances and ceremonies 
frequently had additional loops of basketry or thongs by which to 
hold them. They were made by all the Fraser Bands and the Upper 
and Lower Lillooet. Fancy baskets of all shapes are now made of 
loopwork coil. (Pls. 16, a; 17, a, e, g.) 


22 See top view, pl. 13, b. 


BOAS] FORMS AND PURPOSES OF BASKETS 209 


Innumerable other objects are also manufactured by the Thompson 
and Lillooet, including backs for quivers; shields, which were of 
slats woven together with cordage or splints, but not so far as known 
of coiled ware; gaming rings and targets; toys of all sorts, which 
comprise miniature lodges; tents; sweathouses; grave fences; and 
boxes and doll carriers, ornamented with streamers of dyed bark, 
feathers, beads, shells, teeth, and hoofs.- The little houses are fre- 
quently imbricated with designs representing house beams, and 
furnished with miniature ladders, carved and painted. For ‘“ under- 
ground houses’? only that part which shows above the ground is 
constructed. 

The Lytton people, the Upper Thompson, and Upper Fraser Band 
even undertook to manufacture spoons of coiled work, 
and so ingenious is their construction that it seems 
worthy of a full description. 

Some are toys for little girls and therefore not very 
durable, but those intended for actual use are rigid 
enough for all purposes. Where the handles show 
signs of bending, a light rod or slat is lashed to the 
back throughout the length, or occasionally a thick 
strip of rawhide or the stiff leg sinew of a deer is sub- 
stituted. The spoons formerly in use are said to have 
been strong and rigid, perhaps 35 cm. in length, over 
9 cm. across at the bowl, and 2.5 em. across the handle. 
They were as thick as one round coil of basketry such 
as would be used in a burden basket, perhaps 7 mm. 
A loop or hole was left at the end of the handle for 
suspension. Usually spoons, if ornamented at all, bore 
only lines of beading. However, only a few of the * pied 
bands used spoons of basketry; the common ones were _ making of a bas- 
of horn and wood. mary eDoe 

Figure 33 shows the method of construction. The center of the 
handle is made by folding and wrapping a coil, catching the two 
sides together with medial sewing. One loose end is doubled back 
at 1 and the end caught in the last of the wrapping which covers the 
original double section. This folded end is then covered with a 
sewing splint, and then the other end, which is longer, is brought 
around it and sewed, ending at 2. Three short pieces of coil (some- 
times consisting of a single piece doubled back and forth) are sewed 
around the outside of these to form a nucleus for the bowl-shaped 
portion; a new piece is started at 3, the end being sewed down to the 
central part of the handle, after which it is brought around the top 
as a loop, separated from the rest, and wrapped to the corresponding 
point 4 on the other side. From here it is carried completely 
around the spoon to the point from which it started, where it is 


g 
¢ 


i> 


« 


eaniiery 
Se KE 


SSeS 


7 


210 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


fastened. A medial sewing extends down the center of the handle 
and across the bowl. It is said that there are many different methods 
of making spoons, but this is the only one of which a full description 
could be obtained. 

Plate 16, b, shows a modern basket with a partition. Such devices 
were unknown in former times, the form being derived from knife 
and fork baskets and boxes belonging to the white man. In fact 
there is scarcely an object which has been introduced by trade with 
the white men and which can possibly be copied in basketry that 
these people have not attempted to make. In addition to their 
inventive and creative genius which has led them to originate many 
odd forms whose construction is no easy task, and whose ornamen- 
tation is so difficult of satisfactory accomplishment that the beautiful 
finished products challenge admiration, their imitative faculty is also 
highly developed, as the foregoing descriptions have made clear. 


BABY CARRIERS 


Baby carriers of basketry were rather rare long ago, although 
they are common enough at the present day. Nevertheless they are 
quite an old invention. Formerly the carriers were of bark. Some 
say that the Thompson adopted them from the Lower Lillooet, who 
made theirs of rather narrow, flat coils or slats of cedar wood. The 
Thompson have always made their carriers of slats or flat coils 
rather than of round ones. Sometimes they are entirely constructed 
of slats, or else several kinds of technique are used, one kind for the 
bottom, another for the sides. In fact, there are five principal types. 
The first is of round coil throughout, the second of flat coil through- 
out, though usually even on these a round coil connects the bottom 
and sides and finishes the rim. The third type has the middle part 
of the bottom constructed of flat coils, with round coils for the rest 
of the basket, while the fourth has practically the whole bottom of 
flat coil. The last type has the bottom, to above the curve, of round 
coil, with the remainder of flat coil, except the rim, which is again 
round. In the place of flat coils, wooden slats are frequently used, 
being wrapped with a sewing splint in the same manner as other 
foundation material. 

In addition to being sewed with brightly colored splints, which at 
the present time are usually tinted with commercial dyes in several 
colors besides the customary red and black, the carriers are partially 
covered and lined with gay pieces of cloth and sometimes decorated 
with shells or other little articles which jingle pleasantly. 

In former times, according to the old people, all baskets were very 
simple. They were rarely decorated with designs in colored materials. 
Even now those people who are more conservative and try to main- 
tain the old traditions prefer only natural tints or simple figures. 


BoAS] BABY CARRIERS 211 


But they are at present far outnumbered by others who are rapidly 
developing the art of basketry decoration to the highest degree. It 
seems, however, that baby carriers have always been an exception 
to the rule, and that the practice has been to make them quite 
gaudy.” 

The kind of beaded work which is so often seen on baby baskets 
manufactured by the Lillooet, Squamish, and their coast neighbors 
is not used by the Thompson, and probably never has been. 

Most Thompson carriers are ornamented with simple beading or 
imbrication on one side only, or more generally on one side and ends, 
the opposite long side being left undecorated because it is always 
carried next to the bearer. The same thought seems to control the 
situation here as with the unadorned bottoms of baskets, or with 
the bare section of the burden basket which lies next the back. 

The left side of the basket, i. e., the side to the left of the child in 
the cradle, is the one which is decorated, for when carried on the 
mother’s back the cradle is horizontal and the child lies with its 
head toward the mother’s right, while the child’s right side is next 


Fic. 34.—Beaded designs for baby carriers 


to the mother. Mr. Teit thinks that the custom of carrying the 
baby in this manner has something to do with right-handedness 
and a belief in the superior or mystic nature of the right side, as 
opposed to the left. Some women say it is the most convenient 
method, while others give the usual reason: ‘‘It is the old way.” 

Nevertheless, there are carriers which are ornamented all around, 
but even when this is so the left side bears more elaborate work, 
and only a few are evenly decorated. Some are entirely without 
ornamentation, while others bear designs only about the rim. 

Figure 34 gives five beaded designs seen on baby carriers among 
the Upper Thompson. It was not known where the carriers so 
adorned had been made, as they had passed through several hands. 
It is possible that they were of Lillooet manufacture. The owner 
of one thought that hers had been made by the Lillooet, but was not 
sure, while the owner of another said she believed hers came from 
the Thompson living near Lytton, but she, too, was not certain. 
Several Thompson women said they could make all of the designs 
shown in Figure 34 if they chose. 


23 See also p. 148. 


212 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  [ern. ann. 41 


The general shape of the baby carrier is shown in Plates 42, i, 
and 48, a, b. 


PROPORTIONS OF BURDEN BASKETS 


In order to understand the characteristic application of designs to 
different surfaces, which is one of the most important questions to be 
considered, it is necessary to concentrate particularly on the burden 
baskets, which are probably the most numerous of the various forms 
on which these people lavish their art. On account of the pecul- 
iarly shaped fields that they offer for decoration they furnish the 
best opportunities for study, and a closer analysis has been at- 
tempted which will furnish the necessary basis for the study of 
their ornamentation. 

In dealing with the proportions of various kinds of baskets it is 
interesting to note the degree of correspondence between what the 
basket makers themselves consider proper and what are actually 
the proportions arrived at in the products which they complete. 
Personal opinion regarding shapes and parts of baskets varies con- 
siderably. The variation, however, is not sufficient to disturb the 
fact that baskets of certain types, such as burden baskets, do bear 
a striking resemblance one to another. This is the more remark- 
able since not all the makers have definite proportions in view; 
inaccuracies of workmanship affect the resultant form; and measure- 
ments, when made at all, are approximate only. Furthermore, some 
of the most obvious proportions between dimensions have never 
been observed by the people themselves,* and in regard to others 
the claims of the makers are contradicted by actual observation. 

We shall first note the opinions of the people themselves as re- 
corded by Mr. Teit and thus gain an insight into their methods 
before discussing the results of an objective study of the baskets. 

The same three experts who were questioned regarding “nut- 
shaped”’ baskets approved as of average size and correct proportions 
four baskets, two called by them spa’pEnrk (see p. 197) and two 
classed as spa’nék (see p. 197), the measurements of which are as 
follows: 


24 These points will appear more clearly from a study of the lists of measurements for some museum 
specimens given in the appendix (pp. 416 et seq.), together with some statements from recognized tribal 
authorities on basket making regarding correct proportions. (See also p. 220.) 


BoAs] PROPORTIONS’ OF BURDEN BASKETS 213 


Spa’prnrk 
; Length of | Width Length of | Width of 
Height | “iéuth” | “mouth. | ‘potion! | bottom 
Cm. Cin. Cm. Cm. Cm. 
Ii Wie sessile) anes ena a nce 18 24 18 13 8 
INGY Do 2G IO RES se 16 23 16.5 11 8 
Spa’nék 
INCL S Se eee ene A CIEE SARL 25 36 26 23 11 
Wis 2.72.3) bes jee atten 23 32 23 20 11 
| 


From this table it will be seen that for either type the width of 
mouth and height are very nearly, if not exactly, the same. The 
ratios of the width of the mouth to the length of mouth are, respec- 
tively, 0.73, 0.72, 0.72, and 0.7, averaging 0.72. The width of the 
bottom is a little less than half the height and a little less than half 
the width of the mouth. There is too much variation in the other 
proportions in their relation to each other to admit of any general- 
ized statement, except that in the case of the spa’pEnek the length 
of bottom is about half that of the mouth while with the spa’nék it 
is from five-eighths to two-thirds. 

One of the three informants mentioned above, with two others, 
considered the bottom of the first of the two spa’nék a little too 
narrow for its length, the general appearance of the whole basket 
being too long. Some thought a common spa’nék should be smaller. 
All the women judged by the eye, and made no attempts to measure. 

For the purpose of comparison it is interesting to note the measure- 
ments of another burden basket made in Nicola Valley: height, 31 
em.; length of mouth, 46 em.; width of mouth, 27 cm.; length of 
bottom, 27 cm.; width of bottom, 15 em. 

This was condemned as very badly proportioned, too long for its 
width, although the height was deemed about right for a small 
burden basket (tsi.’a) or one of this general size. Other informants 
said if it was too long it was only slightly so, but that the mouth 
was too narrow. 

Since there is psychologically a vast difference between the ability 
to appreciate the proportions of a finished product and the faculty 
of analyzing such proportions and defining the principles upon which 
they should be judged, it will be interesting to observe the opinions of 
several women as to what constitutes the correct proportions of the 
various types of burden baskets. It will be apparent that they differ 
not only in theory but in their methods of determination. To what 
extent may be more clearly seen from the table on pages 416 et seq. 


214 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


Informants Nos. 19 and 24 thought that the bottoms of burden 
baskets should be a little more than half as wide as they were long. 
According to them, the width of the mouth should be a little more 
than double that of the bottom, while its length should be a little 
less than double the corresponding measurement of the base. (The 
proportions of the mouth, under these conditions, would be quite 
different from those of the bottom in the same basket. The latter 
would approximate the form of Figure 35, a, while the former would 
resemble 6.) They maintained that the height should be about 
equal to the length of the bottom, and thought the greatest variation 
in burden baskets was in the proportionate length of the mouth. 
Different women were not so particular about proportionate heights. 
A basket which they called a large spa’nék or small tsi.’a measured 
in height roughly 26 cm., length of mouth 41 em., width of mouth 28 
em., length of bottom 23 em., and width of bottom 13 em. Another 

person said it was a little too low, which might well 
be, if actual study of measurements counts for any- 
thing. The width of mouth and height are generally 
practically the same. 

The same informants said tsi.he’tsa baskets were 
lower than real burden baskets. They thought the 
height should be double the width of the bottom 
or a little less, and about the same as the width of 
the mouth, while the length of the mouth should be 
about half again as long as that of the bottom. 

Fic. 35—Form of ~Lhese women said that they and some others meas- 
bottom and mouth yred burden baskets with their fingers and strove to 
of burden basket 0 n : 

obtain these proportions. In measuring for a spa’nék 

they made the length of the bottom about one span (the distance 
between the ends of the extended thumb and middle finger), while 
the width equaled that of the widest part of the hand. The height 
for such a basket was usually about one span. They observed that 
the greatest width of the hand is about equal to the length of the 
middle finger from point to knuckle, or a little less, so they often 
used this instead of the width of the hand as a unit of measurement. 
A slightly larger basket than the above-mentioned spa’nék measures 
one span and one joint (the distance from finger tip to the first joint), 
which determines the length of bottom or height or both. The meas- 
urements vary, so the people say, because there are many shapes and 
sizes of hands. Some women do not measure at all. 

No. 29 claimed that she and a number of others measured their 
baskets more or less in order to obtain better proportions. They 
only measured the length and width of bottoms, however, and the 
height of the sides. Some took only one or two of these measure- 


Boas] | PROPORTIONS OF BURDEN BASKETS 215 


ments, and gauged the rest altogether by eye or with splints. No. 
29 herself always measured the bottoms, especially for the length, 
taking this also for the approximate height of the sides. She gen- 
erally used the middle finger, and put the point down first, then 
joint after joint, to the knuckle. Besides such measurements, 
this group of informants used single joints, counting one, two, 
three, etc., and also the span, as well as the width of the hand, that 
of the fingers when lying close side by side, or single finger widths, 
counted in the same way as the joints. 

They declared that the bottom of a common tsi.’a should measure 
in length one span and one finger length, while the sides should be 
between that and two spans in height. 

No. 22 said she frequently measured, especially for the diameters 
of the bottom and the height of the walls. She did this with her 
fingers, in the same way as the others. According to her, women 
varied especially in the height selected. Her tsi.’a baskets were always 
two spans and two joints high, the length of bottom being a little less 
than this. The width of the bottom was half, or a little more than 
half, of the length. She said women varied in making the bottoms 
for tsi.’a or burden baskets. Some made them smaller, while others 
varied the proportions. A basket with a wider bottom should have 
a wider mouth, she thought. 

No. 25, apparently an expert basket maker,” said that the height 
was determined chiefly by the size and proportions of the bottom. 
She did not measure bottoms but judged by the eye. It became a 
habit to work by eye and she knew the approximate size for the 
bottom of any particular size and kind of basket. She thought per- 
haps she was especially expert regarding burden baskets. The 
common large burden basket was made in different sizes by different 
women. Apparently a ‘“‘size and shape” habit is acquired. Some 
women preferred smaller baskets than others, or made them a very 
little longer, wider, or higher, but all generally achieved the same 
shapes. Either by unconscious habit or by design they make the 
change of plane from bottom to sides very abrupt. No. 25 did not 
measure the sides until they were about half up, when she followed 
the very common method of gauging with the splint. 

An Upper Thompson informant (not a numbered one) stated that 
she had seen women measuring the bottoms of burden baskets with 
their hands. Some considered that the proper diameters for the 
bottoms of small burden baskets should correspond to the length 
and breadth of the hand. 


2 See appendix, p. 446, for her personal qualifications. 


53666°—28——15 


216 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


It is quite clear in spite of differences that the women on the whole 
have quite well defined ideas as to what constitutes a good form for a 
burden basket. Only a bottom ranging in size within certain rather 
narrow limits is ever used with a basket of a given size. When a 
woman has completed a bottom to a certain point, she may be heard 
to say that now it is about the right size for such and such a type of 
basket. The whole picture of the one she intends to create is in 
her mind before she even commences the bottom, and this picture is 
her pattern. The proper flare is obtained by practice and good 
judgment. A woman soon learns to pinch out the coil to the right 
degree and so nearly do they all follow the standard that one woman 
can complete another’s basket without perceptibly changing the 
flare. A rough calculation tells a woman after the sides are up, 
and a certain flare has been obtained, when it is time to make the 
rim. Two or three coils, more or less, on a large basket make little 
difference in the general appearance while on a small one they would 
utterly destroy the proportions which experience and taste have 
created as standards. 

Sometimes the height of the walls is measured in the following 
manner. When the sides are about halfway up, the woman measures 
with a sewing splint, from the coil at which she is working down to 
the bottom, seizing the splint between the thumb and forefinger and 
marking the completed height with the edge of the nails. She then 
holds the splint up from the top coil to assist her in visualizing where 
the rim will come. If it appears too high by what seems to be two 
or three coils, she measures to within a coil or two of the bottom and 
by means of this shortened measurement gauges the correct height. 
When she is satisfied as to the proportion, she counts the number of 
coils which have been made in the approved distance from the top 
coil down to the one from which the splint was measured and adds 
the same number above. The proportions are not altered by the 
kind of bottom made, nor does sharpness or roundness of corners 
affect them. As a rule the Thompson adhere quite closely to their 
own ideas of proportion and therefore the Lillooet think their baskets 
are of very bad shape. 

When the corners are very rounded, the whole form approaching 
an oval, it is difficult to tell where sides leave off and ends begin. 
The women do not seem to think it necessary to determine this 
exactly, and no measurements are taken. The point of rounding is 
dependent upon the eye of the maker. Baskets with very rounded 
corners are considered to be of the real old Thompson style. The 
best old specimens show a very gradual transition from base to sides. 

Several reasons are given for using the line of beading which marks 
the theoretical limit of the bottom. 


BOAs] PROPORTIONS OF BURDEN BASKETS 217 


1. This is declared to be a mark which defines the division between 
the sides and the bottom of the basket. 

2. It is considered as a marginal line for the design field or else a 
base line for the ornamentation, giving it a border. 

3. It is used as a mark to count the coils from or to measure from, 
in commencing designs, or to help the eye to note their position 
quickly. The height of the sides of the basket is also frequently meas- 
ured from this line by women who do measure, even though it is only 
a theoretical and 
seldom an actual 
bottom edge. 

4. It is also 
used to protect 
the basket from 
wear at this point, 
which is where 
burden baskets re- 
ceivethe most con- 
tact. Strangely 
enough this is the 
most common ex- 
planation, and 
some offer it as 
the only one. The 
third explanation 
ranks second in 
popularity, and 
the first is like- | 
wise common, 
while the second is 
ratherrare. Very 
few women give 


Petal 


all four reasons. is s, 
Having thus ob- a! fin) vod? 
tained an idea of ab 


what the makers Fia. 36.—Forms for Thompson baskets 


themselves regard as the working principles of basketry construction, 
it is highly instructive and interesting to see what are the actual pro- 
portions, and how nearly the makers come to accomplishing what they 
start out to do, and what are some of the fairly constant proportions 
which they do achieve without apparently being conscious of them as 
such. The following is based on observations of museum specimens. 

Roughly speaking, the burden baskets of the Thompson fall 
naturally into two not very strongly differentiated groups. A casual 
investigation will scarcely reveal this difference. The general im- 
pression is one of decidedly rectangular shapes, the sides longer than 
the ends, with rather small bases, flaring walls, and wide mouths, the 


218 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 4i 


area of these being at least four times that of the base, frequently 
more. On the whole, the shapes appear to be rather deep, the 
height measurement falling about halfway between the width and 
length of the mouth, and exceeding a little the length of the bottom. 
Closer examination reveals that one group is marked by a decidedly 
oval wall contour throughout the lower half of the basket, the corners, 
if noticeable, being rounded (fig. 36, a). There is a flare of end walls 
of about 30°; of side walls, about 20°. From about the middle of 
the basket upward the direction of the walls shifts to almost vertical, 
perhaps a slant of 10° being carried to the rim where the corners are 
more clearly defined. This feature, together with the rounded 
corners, small bases, wide mouths, and comparative depth, gives an 
exceedingly graceful effect. 

It will be remembered that in the section on structure it was 
reported that the women corrected a too great tendency to flare by 
holding in the coils. Evidently for a certain type of basket this has 
become a part of the established procedure, for there are too many 
examples having almost identical form for the shift in direction of 
wall building which occurs somewhere between the middle and upper 
third of the basket to be accounted for in each case as a correction. 
Such an explanation might be given for baskets made by beginners, 
or poor hands, but not for all of those noted, many of which are 
undoubtedly the handiwork of expert craftswomen. 

The second group resembles the first in general proportions, but 
chiefly lacks the curb to the flare. The walls are straight, and flare 
continuously, the ends at an angle of about 35°, the sides at about 
25°. The corners are perhaps more sharply defined and some of 
the specimens, at least, are longer in proportion to their width. 
The height is not quite so great, being more nearly equal to the width 
of the mouth. Figure 36, 6, shows a typical side and end of this 
style. 

Within these two groups, which for convenience will be styled 
A and B, there is an almost continuous range of size, from the largest 
(A, height 40 cm., bottom 19 by 30, mouth 39 by 52; B, height 35, 
bottom 16 by 27, mouth 39 by 52) to the smallest (A, height 16, 
bottom 7 by 11, mouth 18 by 23; B, height 18, bottom 11 by 16, 
mouth 23 by 29). There are deep ones and shallow ones, but not in 
such number as to form distinct groups, while there are all possible 
variations in between. Group A has more representatives than 
group B and a more clearly defined middle or medium size, a good 
example of which measures for the height 27 cm., bottom 22 by 15, 
and mouth 40 by 30. There is also a variety of these two groups, 
A and B (medium to small size), represented by a few baskets whose 
walls, even at the rim, are almost purely oval. Looking down into 
them one is reminded of a clothes boiler or vat. The straightening 
of the walls toward the top, while less than in group A, is still notice- 
able. There is another intermediary group which combines the 


Boas} PROPORTIONS OF BURDEN BASKETS 219 


characteristics of the types A and B in middle-sized baskets. They 
are rectangular, with a flare halfway between that of types A and B 
and about the same relative height. 

Many baskets have straight rims on sides and ends with rounded 
corners, but rims which bulge along the sides and ends are quite 
common. It is impossible to tell whether this roundness between 
corners is an intentional feature in each case. Most of the baskets 
have been used for many years, and their shape, at the rim at least, 
where they are more flexible, has been altered no doubt quite materi- 
ally in many cases by the character of burdens carried in them. 
All that it has been possible to do in the way of classifying these 
was to fit them as best it could be done, with due regard.for all these 
points, and thus group them together. 

There are a few specimens which are almost rectangular, some show- 
ing very sharply defined corners; and some shallow, very long forms 
with walls straighter and more vertical than the average, but these are ° 
after all rare compared to the others. Mr. Teit declared that there 
is no relation between the type of bottom used and the shape of the 
basket, but observation of specimens shows that there is some relation 
at least. All baskets with watch-spring bottoms, or those composed 
of several parallel lengths surrounded by elongated watch-spring 
coiling, are much more oval throughout their lower half than those 
made entirely or almost entirely of parallel coils. With these latter 
the tendency is toward well-defined corners. There is, however, 
a type of elongated watch-spring bottom, the coils of which are 
thickened to approximate the bottom to the proposed rectangular 
shape. This type is always associated with walls having corners, 
which, if not sharply defined, are nevertheless discernible. None 
of these.remarks apply to the upper half of the basket, where, the 
farther away from the bottom the worker goes, the more easily she 
can adapt the form to her taste, since she is limited in her treatment 
of corners only by the thickness and rigidity of her material. A few 
baskets with very rectangular bases have perfectly oval rims, but 
these are rare, and the coils are in most cases unusually heavy and 
stiff, although there are enough examples of thin and pliable coils 
to refute the theory that the oval form is due largely to the rigidity 
of material. From the list of measurements given in the Appendix, 
p- 416, it may be seen that there is a much closer relation between 
the height and the width of mouth than between the length of bottom 
and height, or length of bottom and width of mouth, all three of 
which dimensions have been stated to be nearly equal. 

The average excess of width of mouth over height is a little over 
12 per cent.” Taking the height as standard, there are variations 
all the way from 94.5 to 150 per cent. These extremes are rare, 


%® See Appendix, pp. 416 et seq., for this series of ratios. 


220 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


however, and indicate that the baskets having such proportions are 
evidently of another class, or are badly proportioned. It is some- 
times quite difficult to know just how to classify a basket, on account 
of the surprising number of features usually not associated, which 
occasionally are represented together. The greatest number of meas- 
urements showing the ratio of width of mouth in relation to height 
center around 113 per cent. In a number of cases the two measure- 
ments are identical. Few women, however, are aware of this, and 
few seem to have noticed that the trapezoidal end of a basket thus 
has practically the same measurements for its two most conspicuous 
dimensions, the height and width at the top. This makes a T form 
which could in most cases be inclosed in an almost perfect square. 
On glancing at the baskets it would appear that the width of the 
bottom is about half that of the mouth, but a study of this ratio proves 
that there is so much variation that no generalized statement can be 
safely made. One very interesting ratio of proportions holds for 
practically all the baskets and is remarkably constant. The width 
of the mouth is about three-fourths of its length.” The average 
for the series is 74 per cent, the variations showing 10 cases below 
70 per cent and 7 above 80 per cent out of 103 baskets measured. 

Because of this constant ratio between width and length of mouth, 
the side of the basket in its two most conspicuous dimensions also 
has a fairly fixed form, which could theoretically be inclosed in a 
rectangle, the size of that of the mouth, or nearly so. Owing to the 
fact that the height is a little less than the width of mouth, the width 
of this second rectangle would not be quite the same, but according 
to the average obtained from the same set of measurements as in 
the case of the shape of the mouth would be only 66 per cent of 
the length. The variation in the ratio of the height to the length 
of mouth in this series of basketry is greater than for the mouth 
measurements. 

The chief difficulty which lies in the way of discovering a fairly 
constant arithmetical relationship between the dimensions already 
discussed and those of the bottom lies in the extreme variability of 
the bottoms. To the eye a fairly constant trapezoid form is main- 
tained for all the baskets, chiefly because the angle of inclination of 
the walls changes comparatively little. The lower limit of the side 
walls is obscured by the gradual curve which unites bottom and side, 
and does away with a defining edge, making it very difficult to 
measure the exact dimensions, theoretical or actual. The bottoms 
are also very small as compared with the upper portions of the baskets, 
which fact tends to make any variation from the form much less 
evident. 


” For this average and variations see appendix, pp. 416 et seq. 


BOAS] PROPORTIONS OF BURDEN BASKETS 221 


The variability in size and shape may be attributed partly to the 
fact that women’s hands vary in size, partly to the different types and 
forms of bottoms made, the shapes of which are often somewhat 
deceiving, and partly to the influence of the method of starting 
the coil. In watch-spring coiled bottoms a very slight difference in 
the length or width of the first turn of a coil will create a great differ- 
ence in shape by the time the base is completed. Hence it is to be 
expected that very little satisfaction can be gained from trying to 
determine the ratio of the bottom to the rest of the basket. 

An attempt has been made, however, to construct a synthetic sketch 
of the ends, sides, and mouths of the burden baskets of both A and B 
types, the proportions of which are based on a comparative study 
of the above mentioned measurements (fig. 36, p. 217). It was found 
that for both types the ratio of the width of the mouth to the length 
was 74 per cent.2> The dotted lines show the approximate curves at 
the corners. 

The length and width of the bottom present considerable difficulties. 
Since these two measurements control the form of the trapezoids 
which constitute ends and sides, it would be desirable if an average 
could be found which would be of value. As it is, the variations in 
both are rather large. In Group A the ratio of the width of the 
bottom to that of the mouth lies between 40 and 60 per cent, with an 
average of about 44 per cent. This average has been indicated by 
solid lines in the sketch; the variations and consequent change of 
angle of the slope of sides by dotted lines. The shift in flare of walls 
is also indicated approximately by dotted lines. Since it comes 
somewhere between the upper half and upper third, with considerable 
variation, and exact measurements are not only difficult owing to 
rounded corners, but also of little practical value, the outlines have 
only been roughly indicated. 

The same method of tracing average form and variation was used 
for the projections of the sides of the baskets. Here the lengths of the 
bottoms ranged from 40 to 60 per cent of the lengths of the mouths, 
the greatest number falling between 44 and 59 per cent, with an 
average of about 52 per cent.” 

In Group B the case is a little different. It has been stated that 
the proportions of the mouth were the same for this group as for 
Group A. There is also no material difference in the ratio of the 
height to the mouth measurements.”® 

The lengths and widths of bottoms in relation to their respective 
mouth measurements differ somewhat from those found in Type A. 
The length of bottom in relation to the length of mouth varies from 40 
to 74 per cent, with one case at 84 per cent and a slight preponderance 


28 See appendix, p. 416, 29 See appendix, p. 417. 


222 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


at 52 percent.*® This measurement has been indicated by solid lines, 
while the greatest variations and consequent changes in flare of sides 
are shown by dotted lines. The ratio of width of bottom to that of 
mouth, however, is represented by a quite marked preponderance of 
cases at 42 per cent, with a range from 30 to 59 per cent and a solitary 
case at 76 per cent. It is worth noting that this single example is 
the same one which showed the high ratio of 84 per cent in the rela- 
tion of the length of bottom to length of mouth, mentioned above. 
The outlines of this trapezoid are indicated in the same manner as 
described above. The straight walls of the baskets in Group B are 
their most characteristic feature.*! 

Proportions of Lillooet baskets ——Opinions concerning the propor- 
tions for Lillooet baskets have not been obtained from their makers. 


a 


Fic. 37.—Forms for Lillooet baskets 


In form they are more nearly.square, with very small bases, wide 
mouths, straight walls, and sharp corners. The average ratio of the 
widths of mouths to the lengths is between 75 and 85 percent. The 
greatest variations are 68 to 86 per cent, but the extremes are few in 
number; about 80 per cent seems to be the norm. 

The ends and sides are trapezoids, the projections of which are shown 
in Figure 37. Their measurements were obtained in the same way as 
those of the Thompson baskets.*? The width of the mouth averages 
about 12 per cent more than the height. Therefore the trapezoid ’ 
end is inclosed theoretically in about the same rectangle as that of 
the Thompson basket, while the side is a little shorter. 

The widths of the bottoms, which in their ratio to the widths of the 
mouths control the form of the trapezoid assumed by the ends, show 
a very interesting division into two groups, one with an average of 
about 34 per cent, with greatest variation from 26 to 37 per cent, and 
another with an average of 44 per cent and variations from approxi- 
mately 37 to 49 per cent. The lengths of bottoms in relation to 
lengths of mouths, however, are about the same in both groups, the 
variation ranging from 35 to 55 per cent, with the average about 44 


30 See appendix, p. 417, 

%1In the appendix, pp. 416 et seq., the opinions of the makers regarding proportions and what has 
actually been found to exist have been tabulated for purposes of convenient comparison. 

82 See appendix, p. 421. 


BOAs] METHODS OF ORNAMENTATION 223 


per cent. There is one freak basket in which the width of base is 
65 per cent of that of the mouth of the basket, while the length of 
the bottom is 83.5 per cent of the length of the mouth.® 

There is a very small group of Lillooet baskets in the American 
Museum of Natural History which represents the kiketca or small 
katca * of quite variable form. They measure about 12 cm. in height, 
but the ratio of the width to the length of mouth ranges from 44 to 76 
per cent. The width of mouth exceeds the height by from 52 per 
cent to 79 per cent and the other ratios show equal variations; in 
some instances the corresponding measurements of bottom and mouth 
almost equal each other. 


METHODS OF ORNAMENTATION 


A tradition exists among the Thompson that the art of making 
and ornamenting coiled basketry was taught them long ago by the 
culture hero Coyote, incidentally, along with other arts. Baskets 
are often mentioned in mythology and are described as being coiled 
or of bark. 

The majority of coiled baskets made by the Thompson, Lillooet, 
Chileotin, Klickitat, and Wenatchi are ornamented on the outside 
surface by beaded or imbricated colored designs. Either may furnish 
the sole means of decoration or the two may be combined. 


BEADING 


According to the Upper Thompson, designs in beading are con- 
sidered as imitations of strings and necklaces of beads, or even of bead 
or quill embroidery. About 1860 and earlier beading was more com- 
mon, and at that time some baskets were completely covered with 
designs executed in this technique. Certainly it is very old, as its 
presence on the rims of ancient birch-bark baskets would indicate. 
As far as tradition goes, the Thompson have always used both bead- 
ing and imbrication. There is no statement that one is older than 
the other. 

Red and black bark or grass are used for putting in the designs, 
red being more popular. The combination of these two with a third, 
such as white grass or straw, is rather rare. 

In beading the outside of a coil, as it is bemg sewed and covered, is 
faced with a thin strip of brightly colored bark or grass. Occasionally 
more than one strip is used on the same coil at the same time. Neces- 
sarily, in such eases, the strips are reduced in width. (Fig. 38, a, b.) 
The diagonal work shown in ¢ and d is done by the Lillooet and 
Upper Fraser peoples but it has not been found among the Lower 


33 All Lillooet bottoms are made of parallel coils or slats. Thus their marked rectangular form is in part 
accounted for. 

4 Lillooet terms for burden baskets. 

4 See Teit, The Shuswap. (Publication of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, p. 478; fig. 202.) 


224 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [erH. ann. 41 


Thompson. When finished ordinary beading looks like a ribbon 
drawn along the coil, after it has been sewed over and under the 
stitches. Plate 18, 6, shows a lid decorated in this manner. The 
bark may be carried over or under varying numbers of stitches, any 
combination being permissible which lends itself to the formation 
of a pleasing design. When the ribbon passes beneath more than 
three stitches, however, it is cut off and started afresh, so as to avoid 
too great a waste of material. It is seldom carried over more than 
two stitches because, when so exposed, it is liable to wear off or to 
catch and tear. 

With the exception of the difference in the number of stitches 
passed over or under, the process which is about to be described in 
detail is the same in all cases. 

In the first place, the strip of colored bark is commonly laid face 
downward on the coil, extending to the left, with the right-hand end 
beneath the fingers at the point of sewing. A coil stitch is then made 


§00 
S00 
800 
S00 
S00 


FOFOAE 


OOONS 
NNO S480 


~ JOOS 
OO0s8 


OOOS 
UOOS8 


Fic. 38.—Methods of beading 


over this end and pulled tight. Thus it is secured, and if the sewing 
splint is wide enough it is also covered over, although this is not 
absolutely essential as the next stitch hides the end completely. 
After the stitch has been made the strip is folded back over it and 
drawn taut to the right, the second stitch lying over the bark, which 
is now face upward. This time the coil stitch is left on top, the bark 
ribbon being merely folded back again face downward to the left 
to permit of a third coil stitch being taken which will lie underneath 
the ribbon when it is again brought back right side up to the right. 
If the beaded effect is over and under one stitch alternately the ribbon 
is thus folded back and forth, lying face down to the left, so as to 
be out of the way when a stitch is to be made directly on the coil 
and face up to the right when the coil stitch is to pass over it. Where 
a different combination is desired one or the other of the processes 
is repeated without alternation with the other as many times as is 
necessary. 

Another method of beginning the work is to place the ribbon right 
side up on the coil, with the left-hand end under the fingers at the 
point of sewing, the remainder lying to the right. This causes the 
first stitch on the coil to be exposed, and is a much less secure means 
of fastening the end of the ribbon. There are several ways of joining 


BOAS] METHODS OF ORNAMENTATION 225 


strips, whether of the same or different colors. The explanation will 
be clearer if it be supposed that there are two colors. If a strip of red 
is finished, or it is desired to shift from red to black, the former is cut 
off just beyond where the final stitch will be made before the change. 
The left end of the black strip, right side up, is laid over the right end 
of the red strip, that is, the ends overlap, right side up (fig. 39, a), and 
a stitch is taken over both, concealing the junction and holding them 
firmly. Care is taken that the end of the new strip does not protrude 
to the left from beneath the stitch. 

In a second method, occasionally used, the ribbons are placed end 
to end just touching each other instead of overlapping (fig. 39, b), so 
that the stitch covers the joining and at the same time holds both 
ribbons firmly. This is more difficult of accomplishment than the 
former method, because of the narrowness of the sewing splint. It 
is more commonly employed with “over and under two” than with 
“over and under one.” 

Instead of overlapping the ends of the ribbons of bark or laying 
them end to end, a few women place the new strip face down on top 
of the coil just beaded, 
with the end of the old ae cn 
strip and the beginning of 2 | ila 
the new meeting, both =--- } 
pointing to the right. a b 
After they have both been FiG. 39.—Joining of strips used in beading 
caught by the stitch, the new strip is folded back to the right 
over the top of the stitch and drawn tight, when the ordinary beading 
process is continued. With this plan, which has been used on a num- 
ber of Thompson baskets, the stitch which fastens in the new strip is 
not exposed as in the other two methods, but is finally covered by the 
bark. The old strip, like the new one, extends a little beyond the 
stitch. While a few women know all of these ways of joining ribbons, 
following any which seems most convenient at the time, they all have 
habits of work more or less firmly established, resulting in their 
preference for certain ones. 

As a means of ornamentation beading is still employed, particularly 
on lids and bottoms (pls. 3, b; 4, a; 8,¢; 9, c; 10, a,b; 11, 6; 50, a, e) and 
occasionally by the Lillooet on the walls (pl. 18,¢**). It will be remem- 
bered that a line of beading almost invariably defines the theoretical if 
not actual limits of the bottom, and serves to mark off the field avail- 
able for designs. Not quiteas often, it is found near the rim, delineating 
the top of the design field, while its appearance on top of the rim coil is 
by no meansrare. There seems to be no rule for its application, but 
practically always it may be found in a single line near the base of 
the side walls. 


% Another view of the same basket (pl. 57, g) shows that the beading is, as usual, confined to the side 
resting against the back of the person who carries the basket. 


226 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH, ANN. 41 


All of the women interviewed are well acquainted with its decora- 
tive possibilities and its simple technique and make most of the easier 
patterns that are found, while the experts have evolved a number of 
other very pretty and quite complicated designs which will be dis- 
cussed later. In addition to making various patterns, a few women 
enhance their effect by regularly bifurcating the stitches on the coil 
above that which has been beaded. 


IMBRICATION 


Imbrication, which is the characteristic feature of modern baskets, 
is quite unique in the types of basketry technique of the world. 
Many of the design elements used, however, are found in the Plains, 
California, or the Southwest. 

The material employed is the same as in beading, except for the 
occasional recent substitution of black cloth for black bark or dyed 
grass. The process is as follows: After being started as just described 
in the third method, the ribbon is 
bent back face upward to the right 
over the coil stitch which fastens 
the end. A second coil stitch is 
then taken, but not pulled tight. 
The bark strip is bent back on itself 
to the left, the sewing always pro- 

aie gressing toward the right in normal 
Fic. 40.—Method of imbrication cases. Care is taken that the fold 
of the bark will come just where the half-finished stitch will lie. The 
fold is then slipped under the sewing splint, which is now pulled tight 
(fig. 40). The wet sewing splint holds the fold of the ribbon firmly. 
A sharp tug would be necessary to pull the bark from under it. As 
soon as a succession of stitches has been made, and the moist basket 
dries and ‘‘sets”’ a little, it becomes even more difficult to pull out 
the ribbon. Rather, instead of unraveling, the bark will break, be- 
cause when dry it is quite brittle. At the completion of the second 
stitch the ribbon lies as it did in the beginning, and the same process 
is repeated for two stitches, as has just been described, and so a 
second imbrication is completed. When a change or addition of a 
strip is necessary it is made as in the third method of beading. The 
two processes of starting beading and imbrication are closely related, 
and imbrication may have developed from beading. 

The effect of a line of imbricated stitches is that of a row of tiny 
overlapping shingles, only that the overlapping edges lie vertically, 
not horizontally, the left-hand edge of each “shingle” being on top. 

In working, the bark is placed in position with the thumb and fore- - 
finger of the left hand, sometimes assisted by those of the right hand, 
which are also used for folding the bark back. When finishing an 


Boas] METHODS OF ORNAMENTATION 227 


imbricated strip the end of the ribbon of bark is caught under a coil 
stitch and then cut off close with a knife. Several women, when 
making a design consisting of a large field of one color, instead of 
cutting it off carry it through underneath the stitches which are to 
be worked in another color, placing the strips for the intervening 
imbrication on top. 

One informant reduced the thickness of her coil very slightly 
where the imbrication was applied, by this delicate adjustment pre- 
venting an embossed surface. She explained that she desired an 
even thickness of wall throughout, and declared that several other 
women pursued the same plan, but none were observed by Mr. Teit. 
Coil reduction is accomplished by special tightening and tapping 
home of the sewing splint or by removing a small part of the founda- 
tion. 

Because of the spiral construction of the basket, imbrication or 
beading which passes in the same coil completely around the basket 
can not be made to meet, but ends one row higher than where it 
began (pl. 8, d; 50, c), unless ring coils are used, which does not often 
happen; hence it is customary to arrange the designs so that any 
such breaks in the lines occur near one corner of a short end (on a 
rectangular burden basket) (pl. 3, 6), but some bring the break on a 
long side, near a corner (pl. 8, ¢). 

All informants of the Upper and Lower Thompson agree that no 
imbrication was placed on the bottoms of any kind of baskets, out- 
side or inside, in former times. Even at the present day imbrica- 
tion on the outside of bottoms is exceedingly rare. In small circular 
baskets an imbricated piece of work which was originally intended 
for a lid is now and then converted into a bottom. 

According to Lower Thompson informants all bottoms were 
formerly devoid of beading except for the dividing line already 
mentioned, although a few Upper Thompson say that small circular 
baskets had bottoms of groups of beaded coils alternating with plain 
ones. The number in each group ranged from one to four. A few 
instances are on record of bowls the bottoms of which were beaded 
over the entire surface, except for one or two groups of from one to 
three undecorated coils. It is said that lids were treated in the same 
way. Very rarely the beaded designs on the sides extended to the 
center of the bottom. If they were placed in radial rows they all 
converged at the center. At the present day many trays are imbri- 
cated on the inside, at the bottom, and on the outside of the sides as 
well. Several Lytton people say that trays used for ceremonial 
purposes were ornamented in this manner very long ago. Whether 
those used in gambling games to toss dice upon were also ornamented 
was not learned. When designs are to be placed on the inside of a 
bottom it is considered better to make this section of the basket in 


228 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


aseparate piece. To use a watch-spring coil base, which is continu- 
ous with the side, adding the design as the work proceeds, is thought 
to be very slow and awkward. An imbricated bottom worked in 
the ordinary way—with the side which bears the design held toward 
the maker—is reversed after being completed and the walls are added 
with their designs, for, if it were to be made in one piece with the 
sides, either the design on it would necessarily be applied on the 
side away from the worker or else the coiling would have to be re- 
versed at the rim of the base. 

Where imbrication or beading was not desired, as was the case 
with the Shuswap, a very pleasing ornamental effect was achieved 
by the furcation of the coil stitches in alternate groups of coils, those 
between being sewed in the ordinary manner. At other times verti- 
cal or diagonal lines of bifurcation were attempted (fig. 41). Regular 
bifurcation was practiced only to a limited degree, and then chiefly 
on baskets ornamented only with beading or utterly bare. It was 


Tt 
( pansy AK SARNONOAD 


ATRERNR 

(A i « in poten 9 un 
NA creer tan w 

iN A Raat TR aye Aa va us Ba emf 
yeaa Won mL aN Sa EUAN 8 me 
eaaru NAY: wg, Ny wear esas Buty ay My 
ern in Pec eee 


i AANANT AA erent rf 
VAC TKN Ty 
\ Rene | \) Neal uN HANNE a if 1 NAA if i wet Hy i 


sa > che 
Yas Wt 


Fic. 41.—Bifureation of coil stitches 


used on bottoms, from the centers to the corners (pl. 6, 6). As a 
rule the stitches are fureated, but the predominant aim is a water- 
tight product, even if regular stitching must be sacrificed. 

A few other means of deriving an ornamental effect were tried and 
practiced to some extent. Darker tinted sewing splints were used 
on different coils, giving a banded appearance, and on rare occasions 
the use of larger or finer splints for sewing groups of coils was also 
attempted. 


DESIGN FIELDS 


GENERAL REMARKS 


The Thompson informants all agree that any design may be used 
on any kind of basket and that its selection does not depend on the 
type of bottom used. 

On round, high forms resembling the modern pail practically any 
type of decoration may be successfully applied. The continuous, un- 
broken wall surface lends itself equally well to horizontal arrange- 
men nts in bands, to vertical stripes , all-over arrangements of isol: ited 


37 See also Teit, The Lillooet Indians, pp. 205 et seq. 


Boas] DESIGN FIELDS 229 


figures which may be aligned horizontally, diagonally, or vertically, to 
diagonals and spirals; in fact, to practically any type of decoration, 
even that which cuts the basket surface into two sections. All of 
these are found with the exception of the last. Vertical decoration, 
however, including stripes, is rather uncommon on these shapes. 

Flat tray forms are best adapted to designs which radiate from the 
center, and the Thompson recognize this very clearly. Most of the 
women express a preference for the radial arrangement of designs on 
flat round shapes (pls. 17, f; 44, e; 52, c; 54, ¢c), saying that those 
which “‘lay across’’ the field were not ‘‘good.’’ (See pl. 50, f.) By 
this they meant patterns which ignored the relation of the center of 
the circle or oval. 

They feel that certain patterns do not permit of satisfactory ad- 
justment on some lids and trays. Often in trunk-shaped baskets 
the design on the body is carried over to the lid and converges there, 
a treatment which makes its adaptation at times more or less diffi- 
cult (pl. 48,6). Circular bands are frequently used on trays (pl. 54, b). 
The women try to have the radiating portions of the design equidis- 
tant, but this is often difficult to do when working only by eye. 


BurvEN Baskets 


The rectangular burden basket offers an entirely different problem. 
Nevertheless many of the typical patterns of round baskets, such as 
horizontal bands, diagonals, and spirals, are used on the modified and 
rectangular shapes. Evidently such types of ornamentation have 
always been in existence on imbricated basketry. This corroborates 
the tradition that the burden baskets were formerly round and high, 
like the Klickitat baskets still manufactured. The Klickitat, who 
do not use the rectangular shapes, decorate many of their tall round 
burden baskets with wide horizontal zigzag bands which reach from 
the base nearly to the rim. 

Rectangular forms.—The Lillooet, Chilcotin, and Thompson Indians 
have all adopted the rectangular forms, and while other shapes are 
also produced, particularly by the Lytton band of the Thompson, the 
most interesting problems of decorative designs center around the 
burden baskets with their trapezoidal fields, and it is here that the 
most striking tribal differences are apparent, even though a certain 
degree of assimilation prevails owing to intertribal intercourse. The 
Thompson now possess several distinct styles, some of which are 
closely related to the typical patterns of the Lillooet and Chilcotin. 
A characterization of the Thompson style is made difficult also by the 
development of peculiarities among the various local bands. Broadly 
speaking, however, the products of the different tribes may be dis- 
tinguished by the arrangement of the design field. 


230 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


Lillooet designs.—Lillooet designs are divided horizontally into two 
fields, the upper and larger one with imbricated background covering 
the entire surface and bearing one large design in outlines, which 
occupies the whole space. ‘This is sometimes divided vertically into 
two complementary and symmetrical sections. There are perhaps 
eight or ten designs of this character and rectangular in construction. 
As an accompaniment of these, there extend from this field into the 
lower, which has a plain, unimbricated background, two or three ver- 
tical stripes—droppers—bearing small geometric figures. Plate 18, a, 
represents a Lillooet basket in which the upper half has no imbri- 
cated background. 

In a second characteristic Lillooet type of decoration the field is 
ornamented with vertical bands ascending from base to rim (pls. 35, 
b; 37, a; 57, a). Many baskets of this class are constructed of broad 
flat coils which are distinctive of the Lillooet. 

On many Lillooet burden baskets the side that les against the back 
of the person who carries the basket is beaded. (Pls. 18, c; 27, h; 
HONG Ib 1Gs 92) 

Chilcotin designs.—Almost all the Chilcotin baskets have three dec- 
orative fields, the upper and lower imbricated entirely, and bearing 
designs which are alike, the middle being either unimbricated, except 
for lines crossing it and connecting the other two fields (pl. 59, a), or 
imbricated, bearing totally different patterns (pl. 60, a). 

Other tribes.—Mr. Teit says: 

That the basketry of other Interior Salish tribes also had peculiarities seems 
likely. So few specimens are obtainable nowadays from the Shuswap and 
southern Salish tribes that it is impossible to ascertain their styles of orna- 
mentation. The Shuswap claim that although some of their baskets were so 
much like those made by neighboring tribes that they could hardly be dis- 
tinguished from them, yet on the whole a Shuswap product could be told from 
others by its general appearance, there being certain minor points in workman- 
ship, shape, and designs by which it could be identified. Yet in the absence 
of specimens it has been impossible to learn the exact nature of these differences. 
The same is said of the basketry of the Moses,33 Columbia, and Wenatchi, 
although it seems that on the whole the arrangement of the ornamentation on 
their baskets was similar to that of the Thompson. 

Thompson designs.—Long ago, according to native informants, 
three ways of dividing the design field of burden baskets were in use 
among the Lower Thompson, perhaps also among the upper bands. 

First type. The field was arranged in two sections. The upper 
occupied about two-thirds of the entire side, the lower one-third. 
Occasionally the two sections were more nearly equal. The upper 
was imbricated over its entire surface with a light background and 
dark designs, but on the lower the designs appeared on a background 
of bare coils. The designs in the two fields were unrelated. Some- 


38 These people were commonly called by this name after one of their prominent chiefs. 


Boas] DESIGN FIELDS eel. 


times each field contained only one design, but occasionally there 
were two (pl. 19). This style closely resembled one still employed 
by the Lillooet (pl. 20, a, 6). Plate 21, c, represents a modern copy 
of this old style as well as of the old, somewhat rounded form of 
burden basket. 

Second type. There are also two fields, but the upper occupies 
about three-quarters of the entire surface and carries the designs, 
while the lower is left plain, without any imbrication. If patterns 
appear at all, they aremerely lines of beading. (Pl. 22, a, b; cisa 
modern adaptation.) As far as the informants could recall, no ‘‘drop- 
pers” like those on Lillooet baskets were ever used by the Thompson, 
no matter what type of ornamentation was applied.*® 

Third type. It was less common, but still frequent; charac- 
terized by the use of three fields, all about the same width, the 
upper and lower thirds imbricated all over for background and de- 
sign, while the middle third lacked the imbricated background. In 
some instances the central field was entirely imbricated, both back- 
ground and design, while the upper and lower fields carried only 
imbricated or beaded designs on a plain background (pl. 24, d). 
Either the three fields carried different designs or else the upper and 
lower thirds had the same pattern, while the middle area was differ- 
ent. Occasionally baskets with this style of ornamentation bore im- 
bricated vertical bands crossing the central section at regular dis- 
tances, connecting the upper and lower fields. They were usually 
narrow and contained small designs. The Lytton people used this 
scheme of decoration quite frequently. 

Nowadays very few if any Thompson baskets are decorated in 
any of the above-mentioned ways, but the first method is common 
among the Lillooet, while the third is characteristic of the Chilcotin 
(pl. 8, a). An example of a Thompson basket of the third style 
is probably represented by Plate 24, a. 

Mr. Teit summarizes his long-continued observations in the field 
as follows: 

Thompson baskets, especially burden baskets, usually have no imbricated 
field in which the designs are set. As arule, the bare coils of the basket form the 
background, the designs only being imbricated, and worked in three colors, red, 
white, and black. When this is not the case, as happens in less than a quarter of 
the baskets made, then the whole is imbricated with white straw, excepting the 
designs which are in bark, usually dyed red or black. Sometimes white (straw) 
is used as a filler in the design when its character permits this. Occasionally 
two-thirds of the basket surface is imbricated with bark, as in checker designs of 
all-over distribution, where all three colors appear in equal proportions, but in 
this case no one color can be called the background. Red is the preferred color 
when only one is used, black is next in popularity, but white is seldom used 


except for backgrounds. The exceptions to the single field of designs on modern 
baskets are very few. 


% See, however, remark on p. 232. 


53666°—28——16 


232 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


During many years Mr. Teit has noted only three or four Thomp- 
son baskets with designs arranged in three fields. One of these was 
imbricated only in the central zone, the others being ornamented solely 
with beading. Another similar to this had a middle field equal to 
about half of the entire surface, while a third one was imbricated over 
the upper two-thirds and had a narrow imbricated band at the bottom 
with several vertical bands connecting it with the upper fields. Mr. 
Teit says that it is one of very few specimens he has seen with indi- 
cations of ‘‘droppers”’ which are such a common feature of Lillooet 
baskets. He has noted some eight Thompson baskets imbricated 
over at least the upper two-thirds, with unimbricated lower sections 
without even a trace of designs. A modern style, quite common, is a 
grouping of designs into two sections, one of which occupies more 
than the upper half of the surface while the other covers the remain- 
der, and these two groups differ in type of pattern used. 

Other varieties of present-day Thompson styles which are men- 
tioned by Mr. Teit are the division of the field into horizontal bands 
encircling the basket, all-over patterns, such as ‘‘net’’ or ‘‘mesh” 
designs, and the large rectilinear designs before mentioned which 
occupy one or two fields on the basket face. 

The vertical arrangement of designs in imbricated stripes which 
traverse the unimbricated faces of the baskets from base to rim has 
not been discussed by the Thompson themselves, nor have we dis- 
covered any notes concerning it from Mr. Teit. At the present day 
it is one of the most common arrangements and probably has per- 
sisted from the earliest times to the present, although it has not always 
been so popular as now. 

The specimens collected show that the single field has become 
popular in recent years. Three varieties of this style have devel- 
oped. In the first, the whole basket is imbricated with the excep- 
tion of a small section at the bottom, and the designs occupy the 
whole field (pl. 23, a). In the second, the basket is left bare, ex- 
cept for the designs themselves, which are imbricated and, as in the 
first instance, cover the entire field (pls. 18, d; 22, d; 23, d; 24, 6; 77). 
The third resembles the second, but the designs are in two series, one 
above the other. This recalls the first of the three ancient types, 
except that the upper section lacks the imbricated background (pl. 
24,c). These last two varieties are far more common than the first. 

It is odd that most of the Thompson men admire the Lillooet 
baskets rather than those constructed by their own people. Many 
express a liking for even and regular stitching and coils, and although 
serviceability impresses them, they prefer to see it combined with 
fineness of workmanship. A few of the men show a marked 
preference for certain designs, and consider the women who make 
them very clever and ingenious. 


BOAS] DESIGN FIELDS 233 


Aside from the Lillooet type of two-field decoration mentioned 
above and the single or double unimbricated background field bearing 
imbricated designs, there are among modern Thompson baskets speci- 
mens showing the imbrication of background on the upper half of the 
surface with mixed designs in both fields; there are also entirely imbri- 
cated baskets bearing classic or modern figures set ‘‘all-over’’ fashion 
in a white background. (Pl. 23, 6.) These are frequently made as 
gifts. 

The fact that the informants in discussing old styles began with 
the division into fields is probably merely an indication that this 
type differs from the ordinary modern forms and that it is striking. 
They can not now trace its origin, but recognize its similarity to 
Lillooet and Chilcotin arrangements. Like all people, they are 
inclined to ascribe the invention of cultural forms common to them- 
selves and to their neighbors to their own creativeness. 

As remarked before, the baskets of the Thompson, Lillooet, and 
Chilcotin may be distinguished not only by the arrangement of the 
designs but also by various technical features. Thompson coils are 
finer than those of the Lillooet and very uniform in construction. 
In burden baskets the coils of both tribes are of nearly the same tex- 
ture, but the sewing splints of the former are finer and the diameter 
of the coils smaller. The wall construction among the two tribes is 
alike, for both can build perfectly smooth straight walls, without 
bumps or any unevenness, vertically or horizontally. The shapes, 
however, are different, the walls of Thompson baskets being drawn 
in more nearly to a vertical direction than the Lillooet, which flare 
unrestrictedly to the rim. Thompson baskets stand on broader 
bases and present a less angular appearance, the corners being fairly 
rounded even in their most angular specimens.” As stated before, 
the division of the basket surface into two decorative fields, and 
also the presence of beading in place of imbrication in the upper 
section on one or two faces of the basket, is characteristic of the 
Lillooet style. It is instructive to observe, where similar decoration 
of field is concerned, the differences between the two tribes as shown 
in Plate 24, g, a Thompson, and Plates 24, e, and 76, Lillooet baskets. 
The baskets of the Chilcotin are characterized by remarkably fine 
stitching, accurately bifurcated splints, uneven coils, bumpy walls, 
and a rim which is higher at the ends than in the center of the sides. 

The types found in the collections which we have studied do not 
wholly agree with the descriptions given by the Indians. <A great 
many old baskets have entirely unimbricated backgrounds bearing 
simple beaded or imbricated horizontal, vertical, and diagonal lines 
or small figures. 

The lines are usually quite narrow, the horizontal commonly 
consisting of one coil beaded or imbricated, the diagonal or vertical 
being composed of series of two or three imbricated or beaded 


40 See also p. 222. 


234 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  [etH. ayy. 41 


stitches. Of these very many show only horizontal lies encircling 
the basket at regular intervals. A number of modern specimens 
are exactly of the same kind. The horizontal lines are imbricated 
or beaded (pls. 8, d; 9, a; 27, d, f,g). The diagonal (pl. 31, 6, d) and 
vertical lines (pls. 14, a; 34, a—c; 35, 6) and the horizontally or verti- 
cally trending zigzags are imbricated (pls. 10, a; 11, 6; 14, e; 18, a; 
22 C2356): 
Us or Cotors 


Only rarely is any fixed connection established between color and 
design, the aim usually being merely to obtain a contrast. In the 
arrangement of parts, white is often employed to separate red from 
black or as a border around patterns executed in these colors. It is 
always used for backgrounds, except in rare cases on small baskets 
for which enough purple has been secured. Perhaps because there 
are so few colors in use, practically any design may be carried out in 
any one of them, and usually no attempt is made to give a more 
realistic effect by selecting the one most suitable. For instance, 
panthers may be black, red, white, or spotted. Of the few known 
designs which are always carried out in the same color, those repre- 
senting rain, hail, and snow are examples. The first is invariably 
red or black, the last two are white, snow being differentiated from 
hail by its spotted formation. Where berries are depicted the 
red currant (laa’za) is red, the service berry black. 

Attempts were occasionally made to take advantage of the natural 
colors or shades of splints and grass. The darker colored splints used 
for sewing were put in one place and the lighter in another. Thus a 
basket might have all the lower coils, perhaps a third of the entire 
surface, imbricated in dark colors, the rest being lighter. Also, in 
the same way but more rarely, grass was selected according to its 
color—white, yellow, or purple—and used (each color by itself) for 
imbricating certain sections. Baskets imbricated entirely in grass 
were very rare. However, this plan of segregation of colors was 
not often adopted, owing to the great diversity in shades of a given 
color." 


BEADED DESIGNS 


There are not many photographs of baskets bearing beaded 
patterns, and in the few that do illustrate this technique the work 
is of the simplest kind which in the photographs, unless taken at 
close range, is not to be readily distinguished from imbrication. Mr. 
Teit has furnished a number of sketches of different patterns which 
he has seen during his many years spent among the Thompson 
Indians and these are reproduced here with such comment as he has 
supplied. It will prove instructive to return to these figures after 
the study of imbricated design has been completed, in order to note 


41 See p. 153. 


BoAs] BEADED DESIGNS 235 


the many similarities between patterns produced in the two kinds of 
technique. He has been unable to determine whether the imbri- 
cated designs are derived from beaded designs or vice versa, since no 
actual history is known. It seems as if imbrication as a technique 
may have been the result of an attempt to solve the problem of 
obtaining a continuous line of color without the mtervening coil 
stitch always necessary in beading. 

From the series of simple beaded designs given by Mr. Teit in 
Figures 42-45” it seems that some of the most likely combinations, 
such as two rows of over and under one, alternating, were not seen 
by him, although several rows of this technique occur occasionally. 


2,2 ZAZA 
1 3 


. u YZ LZ PZ 
BPesPe SEEPS aoee oe Seo 
5 6 


Lola 2 OFA G9 9 opm 
Z Z Z 11 
9 


2aAB 
10 


[a Ba Ma Bs 


| TENS | UNS 


N | NSS | NSS 
| ONAN | UNS 
|| NNN | NNN 


N | NNN | NNN 


a ee 


15 


~ 
> 


Fic. 42—Beaded designs 


The very simple combinations have given way to more complicated 
forms, and even these are falling into disuse, for beading is going out 
of style. 

Nos. 6 and 12, Figure 42, sometimes formed connected patterns 
covering the whole surfaces of baskets. They were also used in 
bands. Nos. 4 and 8 were common in bands three to five coils wide, 
between which bare spaces of equal width were left. No. 14 was a 
very frequent pattern. All of the others shown were used in bands 
of different sorts with bare spaces between them. Nos. 1-5, 7-10, 
and 16 were at times employed as borders along the rims of baskets. 
Some baskets were ornamented with two or more patterns, such as a 
border, for instance No. 1 or 5, which covered one or two coils, and 


«2 In these sketches diagonal shading indicates red, solid black, black. 


236 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


below this extending over most of the side a pattern such as No. 14, 
while below this might be a band like No. 6. 

Of late years certain beaded patterns have become more popular 
thanothers. Thosenoted recently are shown in Figure42, Nos. 1-8 and 
12-14. Nos. 9-11, 13, 15, and 16 are said to have been used formerly, 
as well as several others of which exact descriptions were not obtained. 


ee et ta 


Fic. 43.—Beaded designs 


Figure 43 represents beaded designs related to the type just 
described. 

The so-called woven design shown in Figure 44, a, is made by two 
women of Spuzzum and by one woman living among the Upper 
Uta’mqt. It is used as a single pattern once only on each face of a 

basket, but the upper and lower 


KX single-stitch border runs entirely 

around all four sides. The pattern 
a here shown was copied from a 
YS small carrying basket belonging to 


Mrs. Guichon, of Port Guichon, 
British Columbia. The basket 
measured 8 inches deep, the mouth 
was 10% by 13 inches, the bottom 
5 by 9 inches at the line of bead- 
ing which marks this part off from 
the side walls.* 

It is said that patterns like this 
are occasionally used, and according 
to one informant, an Uta’mqt wo- 
man, they are loaned and copied. 

Figure 44, b, gives the pattern 
known as “woven design, short 
ends.” The intricacy of the inter- 
woven, continuous bands is quite 
foreign to Thompson basketry art. There is no information avail- 
able regarding the possible derivation of this pattern. 


IMBRICATED DESIGNS 


The statement of the informants that long ago burden baskets were 
round is substantiated by the fact that the old examples have 
rounded corners and are decorated, as we might expect, by designs 


Fic. 44.—-Beaded designs 


43 The pattern gives the impression aon ena in cant ae ina MERA Gonhinuens lines can not be 
made in beading. 


Boas] IMBRICATED DESIGNS 237 


suitable for conical or cylindrical shapes, such as horizontal lines, 
zigzags, and small figures arranged in spirals which partially en- 
circle the baskets as they ascend from base to rim, without regard 
to corners. In addition to this, round baskets showing similar 
artistic treatment are still occasionally made. Modern rectangular 
shapes which are decorated in one of these ways are fairly common. 
Evidently such types of ornamentation have always been in exist- 
ence throughout the life of imbricated basketry in this region. In 
fact, unimbricated backgrounds, bearing groups of small designs, are 
more typical of Thompson basketry art than any other kind of 
decoration. 

The Thompson like to use the same pattern on all sides of a basket, 
whatever may be its shape. Square and oblong forms are well 
adapted for the short ends. Different designs might be used on the 
long sides, because the sides are separated from each other by the 
corners. Yet the people do not seem to have realized this, for their 
designs are arranged in a way which would be equally effective on 
cylindrical shapes. Only four or five specimens have been seen with 
decorated sides and bare ends and none with end designs only. Two 
or three were noted in which ends and sides were different but none in 
which the patterns on either side or end were fundamentally different 
from those on the other.** The Lillooet and near-by coast tribes have 
a curious habit of ornamenting two sides and an end and leaving the 
other bare or giving it a different decoration. This plan has never 
been adopted by the Thompson. 


ARRANGEMENT OF DESIGNS 


In the arrangement of designs on the basket walls there seem to be 
some rather definite tendencies which Mr. Teit has noted in the 
following manner. The numerical listing corresponds to the degree 
of popularity prevailing for the particular arrangement. 


A. Separate or disconnected figures: 

Vertical rows. 

. Horizontal rows. 

Diagonal rows. 

Zigzag rows. 

Scattering. 

One figure occupying the entire field. 

All-over arrangements which may be considered in any one of the first 
three classes. 

B. Connected figures: 

Vertical. 

Horizontal. 

Diagonal. 

. Vertical (in banded arrangements). 

. Horizontal (in banded arrangements). 

. Diagonal (in banded arrangements). 


SUSE Res ROE 


PoP Oe 


“ The observations made by Mr. Teit extend over many years, during which time hundreds of baskets 
Were examined. 


238 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


C. Figures connected by lines: 
1. Vertical. 
2. Horizontal. 
3. Diagonal. 
4. Zigzag. 
5. Not conforming to any of the above, such as net designs, or to be 
regarded as belonging to any of the first three classes. 
D. Designs composed of lines: 
1. Vertical (straight, zigzag, or meander). 
2. Horizontal (straight, zigzag, or meander). 
3. Diagonal (stepped, straight). 

E. Combinations of figures: Frequent and numerous. 

F. Fillings‘: Sketches 39, 42, 159-162, 222-229, 231, 232, 245, 246, 254, 278, 281, 
308, 398, 525, 529, 547, 859. 

G. All-over: Close connected or open arrangement. Sketches 244, 264-267; 
more rarely 24, 268, 272, 274, 275, 288, 289, 293, 307, 308, 564, 565, 689; 
rarely 399, 400, 402, 457, 536, 537, 558, 559, 563. 

There are some designs the arrangement of which has become so 
fixed as to be almost invariable. 

Of the separate figures (Group A), designs 222-229, 231, 232, and 
859 are practically always scattered over the surface. Designs 135, 
237,240, 241, 261, 271, 311, 328, 339-341, 511, 548, 608-615, 686, 700, 
and 701 are practically always found as a single figure occupying the 
entire field. Designs 222-229, 231, 232, 240, 241, 339-341, 547, 548, 
615, and 859 are also sometimes seen in smaller dimensions arranged 
in vertical, horizontal, or diagonal rows, Designs 268, 272, 274, and 
275 generally form Porizonealt ZlgZzags, and 700 and 701 are ake some- 
times found arranged in this manner. Designs 135, 149, 237, 261, 
271, and 511 are occasionally seen in vertical or horizontal rows, but 
the last named is more frequently horizontal than vertical. 

Of the connected figures, 245, 247, 252, 254, 278-281, 284-285, 
288, 289, 329, and 330 are generally vertical, while designs 293 and 
307 are found about equally in vertical and horizontal arrangement. 
Designs 264—267 are generally arranged horizontally, as are 315 and 
316 occasionally, although these are more often arranged diagonally. 
Designs 42, 138, 141, 246, 249-251, 257, 292, 298, 301-304, 332, 
334-337, 529, 532, and 533 are AinerS seen in stripes, usually vertical, 
rarely horizontal. The elements, however, are placed along the stripe 
in zigzag or diagonal alignments or are separated from each other 
by stepped or diagonal lines. 

Of the figures which are joined by lines, 78 is usually placed in 
horizontal zigzag arrangement; 244, 308, 564, 565, and 689 are 
arranged all-over fashion and may be regarded as in vertical, hori- 
zontal, or diagonal series, depending on the point of view; but 562, 
564, and 565 are palo not infrequently, placed i in 1 single horizontal rows. 


45 These numbers refer to Plates 78-94. The numbers here given and those contained in the following 
paragraphs are taken from Mr. Teit’s notes. They could not be checked from available specimens. 


BOAS] IMBRICATED DESIGNS 239 


There are many common arrangements not mentioned here, which 
may be seen in the photographs, and others are taken into account 
in the sketches themselves, which often give not only the pattern 
itself but its arrangement. While Mr. Teit says that this classifi- 
cation is not complete, he thinks that the great majority of figures 
are included in it. 

Vertical arrangements include the alignment of figures one above 
the other in an open formation, two or three or more series occupy- 
ing one face (pls. 15, c; 25, ¢, d; 26, a—f), or the confinement of 
patterns to vertical stripes having straight edges, which appear like a 
ribbon on which the designs are set (pls. 10, b; 11, a; 12, a, b; 26, 
c, d, e, h; 51, f, 7). These are imbricated in dark or light straw or 
bark, while the figures are wrought in contrasting colors. Such 
vertical stripes are very popular as decorative schemes. Whether or 
not this idea also came from the Lillooet is not known at the present 
time. As a method, it bears marked resemblance to that employed 
by them on low-walled, long storage baskets (pl. 15, a, b), as well as 
to the droppers which are pendent stripes extending down into the 
lower field from the upper. (Pls. 18, c; 29.) Plate 30 illustrates the 
use of the droppers by the Lillooet. Vertical lines decorated with 
various types of patterns may be observed in a-e, g, and k. There 
are, however, also a variety of designs used in the field ordinarily 
occupied by the droppers. Isolated lines occur in Plates 30, 1; 51, ¢, 
and 58, a; triangular figures in Plate 30, m; beaded horizontal stripes 
in Plate 30, h; and a number of larger figures may be seen in the 
remaining illustrations on this plate. 

Whatever the origin of the stripes may be, the Thompson have 
given to them something of their own individuality and have adopted 
them to the extent of almost supplanting many of the other artistic 
forms that once prevailed so widely. Of necessity the figures in the 
“vibbons” are small, and in this respect they resemble most of the 
other elements which are combined in different ways on typical 
Thompson products. They are also infinitely varied. Since from 
many points of view they have influenced the modern art to a great 
degree, and since there are so many possible ways actually in use of 
subdividing these long narrow spaces into figures, it seems best to 
postpone a discussion of them until the last and to dispose first of 
the horizontal and “all-over” distributions and of large designs 
which are not in series. 

There are two varieties of horizontal arrangement. The first is 
in several series or bands; the second is composed only of one, 
which generally encircles the basket about the middle, but more 
rarely in the upper half. The simplest figures are mere lines, as 
has been said before. Sometimes these are interrupted by small rec- 
tangles divided into three sections. (Pls. 21, d; 27, d.) Except for 


240 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


these, or numerous adaptations of the zigzag, or the disposal of figures 
such as right angles, diamonds or triangles, the horizontal arrangement 
isnot very often used. (Pls. 12, c; 28, a, d; 36, b; 41, a, 7; 51, 6, d, k.) 

The diagonal series usually begin at the left side below and run 
toward the right above. On rectangular shapes the diagonal may 
merely traverse one face of the basket from base to rim, or it may 
extend over to another face, without regard to the corner, in which 
case it is called spiral. There are no variations of the diagonal 
arrangements, except in direction to right or left, as there is always 
a continuous series starting along the base, never only one to a field. 

Diagonal distributions are very common and aside from the ordi- 
nary zigzags, include series of small squares, rectangles, triangles or 
“little spot” designs. (Pls. 25, a; 27, e; 28, c, h; 33,a;36,k; 50, b; 
Bl es Wadi.) 

The all-over distributions of small or large figures are always 
orderly and usually permit of a consideration as horizontal, diagonal, 
or vertical, according to their size and spacing. At any rate, the 
elements are generally aligned in at least two of these directions, 
instead of being scattered aimlessly, although Plates 27, e, and 41, ¢, 
show an exception. Plates 25, a, b, d; 26, g; 28, e; 42, e; 47, d, and 
the frontispiece are examples. The arrangement on the basket Plate 
27, e, might be considered as horizontal or diagonal, although the 
last is more obyious. The example in Plate 47, d, is a similar case, 
really identical except that the vertical distance between figures is 
less than the horizontal, thus giving the effect of vertical rows, 
especially with the added emphasis in color. Plate 25, 6, shows a 
predominating horizontal arrangement, because the distances between 
the figures in that direction are less, and because the vertical align- 
ment is imperfect. Plate 25, a, gives an unmistakable diagonal, not 
only on account of the color but because of the interruptions in ad- 
joining rows in other directions. The crosses, which are the elements, 
are quite rare as Outlined figures. Single elements are not often 
large, and on this account these are also unusual. In Plate 25, d, 
and the frontispiece the arrangement may be considered as either 
vertical or horizontal. The feeling for the diagonal has been mini- 
mized by the exact alignments in the other two directions as well 
as by the closing up of the series in a vertical direction. It is rather 
interesting to note that in the examples given the diagonal elements 
are predominant. 

Designs resembling the head, mouth, intestine, and other such 
figures are employed in all-over effects by the Thompson, as well as 
in vertical stripes and two field distributions. The figure is called 
by them “half circle.” Plate 32 illustrates some of these types. 
Whether these circles are adaptations suggested by the larger figures 
or vice versa is not known. They occur more frequently among the 


Boas] IMBRICATED DESIGNS 241 


Thompson than among the Lillooet, where, however, they are not 
lacking. Plate 32, b, pictures an all-over distribution in the upper 
field adapted to the typical Lillooet style. In present-day Thompson 
baskets these patterns are not often seen. 

Large single patterns are not very numerous. They are probably 
all of modern conception. The pattern shown on Plate 33, 6, was 
introduced by an Uta’mqt woman, who called it “leaves and ferns.” 
It is obviously derived from the hammer pattern, although so differ- 
ently interpreted. Plate 28, f, shows a variation of the widely known 
“leg’’ design; Plate 28, g, what was interpreted as part of an arrow 
design; Plate 33, d, merely part of a design, the remainder of which 
is probably carried over to the other side of the basket. More data 
about these patterns would be very desirable; for instance, whether 
they were taken from other articles, such as blankets. Surely the 
last pattern suggests ‘‘borrowing,’’ since it is placed in a manner 
foreign to the usual basket arrangements and is too large for proper 
presentation to the eye at one glance. 

For several reasons it would seem that the large rectilinear designs 
are of foreign extraction. In the first place the upper half of the 
surface which bears these designs has an imbricated background, a 
trait which, except for the few definite patterns always appearing with 
this style, is seen only in a few very modern specimens which differ 
from the older art in design, material, shape, color, and general 
treatment. 

Secondly, the patterns used in this type of decoration number 
about six or eight only. They are large. Generally Thompson 
designs are small, or if they assume any considerable size they are 
cut up by checkerwork or some other form of subdivision, which 
does away entirely with any considerable plain surface inclosed in 
outlines. Thirdly, these designs are all rectangular. Thompson 
designs as a whole show fewer rectangles than any other figures, and 
when these do appear they are small. The large outlined square, 
or anything approaching it excepting for these few designs, all of 
similar type, is conspicuously absent. Fourthly, these same six or 
eight patterns are typically Lillooet. 

The early type of simple Thompson baskets, characterized by 
the undivided field and unimbricated background, is still produced 
in large numbers and has always been one of the commonest styles in 
use. The division of the field is made according to Lillooet standards, 
with designs worked partly or wholly on unimbricated backgrounds. 
It seems likely, therefore, that the fashion of so dividing the surface 
into fields came into vogue at a later time. With these, as part of the 
complex, came the peculiar designs always associated by the Thomp- 
son with this style, the so-called head, mouth, hammer, intestine, 
grave-box, and similar patterns. Any of these alone fills the entire 
upper or lower field, and is, according to the particular design, either 


242 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


one large figure or two halves divided vertically, facing each other 
symmetrically. 

On the parfléches of the western plains the rectangle is rather 
conspicuous, not only as represented by a single line running around 
the edges of the flap, but as a smaller design element. In all sections 
of the plains the two flaps of the envelope are treated in the same 
fashion, so that two complementary sections result. This same idea 
is presented in the Lillooet mouth patterns, although these particular 
designs do not seem to be part of the parfléche group. Nevertheless 
it seems quite possible that some connection exists between the two. 
These patterns are quite popular among the Thompson, and the many 
baskets adorned with them form no inconsiderable group. Plate 29 
shows the ends of two Lillooet baskets and one side with the head 
and intestine designs, respectively. Plate 20, a, also shows the head 
design, as does Plate 57, f, with the head pattern occupying the lower 
field. Plate 30 illustrates Lillooet work with large symmetrical de- 
signs. It is also distinguished by the ‘‘droppers’’ and by imbricated 
backgrounds in the upper field. Except on some of the newest 
baskets, all of these patterns are more or less related artistically, 
and as used by the Thompson include to a large extent all that they 
possess which resemble outlined squares or rectangles. 

Whatever may be the history of the typical Lillooet style as found 
among the Thompson, the fact remains that the most usual method of 
decoration is that of placing imbricated designs on an unimbricated 
background which is all one field, although there is a variation of this 
with a two-field arrangement where the lower one may or may not be 
totally bare. 

THe VERTICAL STRIPE 


The vertical stripe is a comparatively narrow space inclosed by 
vertical lines usually extending from base to rim but occasionally 
running down from the rim for about two-thirds of the way. It is 
executed in a color contrasting with the background of the basket, 
and set off by perfectly straight edges. Within the boundaries 
of the wider stripes there are many possible arrangements of small 
designs which frequently give rise to other designs as the result of 
the small remaining spaces of background on the stripe itself. Such 
‘‘bhy-product”’ or reverse patterns, if the term may be used, are most 
apparent when the real designs extend to the edge of the stripe, thus 
definitely cutting up its whole width. This method of decorating 
basketry by means of vertical stripes is not unknown to the Lillooet, 
as has already been indicated. Short stripes are often seen in 
the so-called droppers, while completely developed forms are also 
present. The Lillooet specimens give many illustrations of these, of 
which good examples may be seen in Plates 7, ¢; 10, 6; 15, a, 0. 


BoAs] IMBRICATED DESIGNS 243 


The vertical stripe is usually entirely imbricated. In its simplest 
and probably most common form it consists of a series of checks, 
either small squares or small rectangles standing on end. (PI. 33, ¢.)* 
Very narrow ones are composed of one series of such rectangles. 
Another variation is a series of four or five vertical lines, cut up into 
small sections by changes of color. (PI. 34,a.) Thesections are about 
as long as the whole series is wide, so that they form squares. Still 
another variety is composed of alternating dark and light narrow 
vertical lines, about five or seven of which constitute a stripe. At 
intervals these are interrupted by a short section of checkerwork. 
(Pls. 7, a; 34, d.) There are others composed of small squares ex- 
tending down the center of the stripe. (Pl. 34, c.) Uninterrupted 
vertical lines are also seen. (Pls. 34, b; 35, 6.) 

There is no rule regarding color. Stripes may be black or red with 
light figures, or light with dark figures, while their edges may or may 
not be outlined with contrasting colors. Plate 34 illustrates various 
forms of vertical stripes in which only vertical and horizontal subdi- 
visions are employed. 

Another very popular way of ornamenting the stripe is by means 
of parallel diagonal lines, in the handling of which sevéral ingenious 
variations are noted. The most common is that involving long 
diagonals, which slip past each other, giving a clear effect of parallel 
lines with no very apparent ‘‘by-product’’ patterns. These are 
illustrated on Plates 26, h, and 35, ¢, d, e. 

There are other shorter, thicker diagonals, the adjoining lines 
beginning or ending on the same level, instead of slipping past. If 
the stripe is narrow, so that the corner of the one just finishing about 
touches that of the new one just beginning, the reverse patterns 
along the sides of the stripe consist of two series of superimposed 
right-angled triangles, the apex of one touching the base of the 
next. If the parallel lines trend toward the right, as they usually 
do, the series of such right-angled triangles on the left turn down, 
those on the right turn up. (PI. 40,a.) If the lines trend to the left 
the positions of these two series are reversed. Sometimes, when the 
stripe is wider, two parallel lines are found on a level instead of one, 
which, except that they are a bit out of line with those on the next 
level, might give the impression of slipped diagonals. (Pl. 36, g.) 
Much of the general effect depends upon the width of the stripe and 
the comparative width and length of the diagonals. Plates 37, a; 
43, ¢ (astorage basket), show this type of decoration where the lines, 
although no thicker than those shown in the plates illustrating slipped 
lines, are, because of their shortness and relative width as compared 


“ The vertical zigzag belongs neither to the vertical series of small figures nor to the vertical stripe with 
straight edges. It is included here for convenience. See also PI. 33, ¢, which is a photograph of a rather 
old specimen. 


244 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH, ANN. 41 


to that of the stripe, almost rhomboids. In this style of art they 
seldom are wide enough to give that impression, as they do in 
Californian baskets, and in addition, they are here almost always 
associated with the vertical stripe, whereas in California they are 
usually connected with the spiral or diagonal. 

Where the design figures do not come close to the edge—and here 
again, closeness is only a comparative term, depending on the width 
of the stripe and the width and shortness of the figures—the reverse 
designs appear not so much like triangles as like vertical lines with 
serrated edges. Plate 37, a, demonstrates this. Although in this 
sample the lines extend to within one stitch of the edge and in diagonal 
patterns the edge is almost never broken or interrupted (see pl. 
39, c, for a rare, exceptional specimen), the figures are so broad and 
short that these single stitches along the edge form a distinctly con- 
tinuous line. (See also pl. 49, d.) 

Next to the checker stripes, those enlivened by diagonal parallel 
lines are the most common of any to be seen on either Thompson 
or Lillooet baskets. 

There are besides these many other combinations which will be 
treated briefly. Perfectly plain stripes are occasionally seen, espe- 
cially on newer baskets. (PI. 36, e, f.) 

The zigzag is more rarely used than might be imagined. Plates 
37, d; 42, g, show two of the few examples. The employment of 
diamonds formed by an intersecting zigzag is also rather rare. 

The chevron is a popular figure on the vertical stripe. Plates 
37, e, and 38, d, show it in the usual position and color, light on a 
dark ground. Plate 38, c, gives a variant, not only because of the 
reversed color but also because of the alternations in direction of the 
chevrons on the different stripes. Occasionally, as in Plate 42, g, 
a combination of up and down turning chevrons occurs in one ctripe 
resulting in the diamond in the middle. This is exceptionally ornate 
and beautiful. 

Triangles in vertical series turning up or down are also employed 
on vertical stripes. (Pls. 37, 6; 39, a.) In either case the reverse 
triangles along the sides are necessarily on the same level. In fact, 
the reverse triangles are always so situated in opposite pairs, whether 
they turn in different directions or not. It is this fixed character 
of reverse patterns that is most striking, for an uneven alignment 
is not impossible. Did such an arrangement occur, there would be 
no very evident design down the center, a condition which is utterly 
foreign to the Thompson stripe, unless the whole stripe be divided 
from side to side by diagonals, as is shown in Plate 39, ce. 

Because of the truncation of the triangles in Plate 39, 6, and 
the short distances between vertical stripes, it is difficult to decide 
which is the design and which the background. The black triangles 


BOAs] DESIGN ELEMENTS 245 


arranged along the white stripe are much more evident at first glance 
than the vertical stripe with its straight edges and central design of 
truncated triangles, yet it would seem that this is the form intended, 
judging by other stripes of similar character. It would be quite 
impossible for the maker not to see the other possibility involved 
here, and that the people did observe the charm of the reverse 
patterns is evident in many of the baskets of this group. Basket 7 
in Plate 36 shows this recognition in the stripes which are like those 
of Plate 39, b, but with dark triangles doubled symmetrically. There 
is no doubt that arrangements of triangles such as these are suggested 
by reverse patterns. The division of the stripe vertically inté pairs 
of two right-angled triangles occasionally gives rise to a very curious 
arrangement which, because of its apparent lack of symmetry, does 
not seem at all typical of either the Thompson or Lillooet. Nor is it. 
This may be seen on the lower specimen on Plate 49, a. Here the 
color combination 
is accountable for 
the apparent gross 
breach of art eti- 
quette in the associ- 
ation of what seems 
to be two series of 
black right-angled 
triangles which 
trend in opposite 
directions but face 
the same way. The design in reality is the series of superimposed 
isosceles triangles which are divided through the center into two 
sections of contrasting colors. The remaining background series of 
necessity are developed in opposite colors. This is the only specimen 
that has been noted which displays such incongruity, which, after 
all, is not faulty as far as arrangement goes, but merely in regard to 
coloring, since it emphasizes one-half of the design and one-half of 
the background, giving to them an apparent association which does 
not and should not exist. 

Some unusual and elaborate subdivisions of the vertical stripe 
taken from photographs which were too poor to be reproduced as 
plates, are given in Figure 45, while the plates throughout the book 
give numerous other examples. 

The diagonal stripe is very rare indeed, but seems to be coming 
into vogue on the newer baskets. Plates 27, a; 36, h; 41, b; 42, b, are 
illustrations. On trays it gives the impression of rotation (pl. 17, i). 


DESIGN ELEMENTS 


Before taking up the question of the treatment of designs and their 
adaptation to given fields in detail it is necessary to make a survey 
of the elements and their variations which are employed in their 


a 


F 
Fia. 45.—Designs on vertical stripes 


246 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH, ANN. 41 


creation. In order to enable the reader to appreciate fully the almost 
endless number of variations on a simple theme which are used by the 
Thompson in their decorative art, we have grouped the more than 800 
forms which have been noted and copied by Mr. Teit, during many 
years of close association with the people, around the simple form 
elements from which they may be derived. (See pls. 78-94.) To 
a certain extent these groupings are necessarily arbitrary and patterns 
assigned to one group might just as well be associated with another, 
but in this attempt at an arrangement of designs from the most simple 
to the most complex, it must be understood that the order as given is 
merely one of convenience. 

The art is almost wholly conventional. Dr. W. H. Holmes in his 
paper on ‘‘ Textile Art in its Relation to Form and Ornament” “ has 
discussed at length the decoration of basketry and its limitations. 
Due to these same limitations the art is almost wholly angular, near 
curves being seen only seldom and attained by series of stitches 
arranged in step formation. 

There is a group of semirealistic forms, in which the objects are 
mostly represented by lines which can usually receive but one inter- 
pretation, and another of purely geometric forms in which the geo- 
metric figures may be interpreted in various ways as representations 
of objects. This latter type of art preponderates largely and will 
receive first consideration. 


GEOMETRIC DeEsIGNs 


Most of the simple geometric forms appear and are elaborated. 
These are the horizontal, oblique, and vertical lines, meanders, 
chevrons and zigzags, the triangle, square, rectangle, rhomboid, 
trapezoid, diamond, hexagon, and octagon. There are a few other 
figures which result from the truncation of some of these forms, and 
a number which are more complicated. 

The creation of the horizontal line is practically determined by the 
technique of the basket. It is the result of beading or imbrication 
carried sufficiently far along one coil to produce a decorative effect. 

Theoretically, vertical rows should not be particularly difficult to 
create, since they merely require for their construction a repetition 
of the technical process of beading or imbricating stitches in each coil 
directly over those so treated in previous rounds. Practically, how- 
ever, with the Thompson, at least, this is quite a difficult achieve- 
ment, for, while they split the stitch beneath on the side toward them 
when making the awl hole, they seldom divide it into equal portions, 
as is done by the Chilcotin. Because they drive the awl through 
the basket at right angles to it, they likewise furcate the stitch on the 
inner side. The splint lies across the coil in a more nearly vertical 


47 Sixth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 187-252. 


Boas] DESIGN ELEMENTS 247 


direction on the reverse side, while it slants downward to the right 
on the face of the coil, giving each stitch the appearance of leaning 
to the left. Even were the stitches exactly divided on the face a true 
vertical series could not be obtained on account of the leftward lean- 
ing of each stitch, although a perfectly straight edge could be pro- 
duced. But when the fureation is uneven the second difficulty ap- 
pears in the impossibility of making a straight line (fig. 46). This 
last the Thompson doubtless soon learned to overcome, although 
there are plenty of examples which show that many women did not 
recognize the cause of the trouble. The other more fundamental 
practice continues until the present day in nearly all Thompson 
work, although a few women have succeeded in bringing their splints 
‘over the face of the coil in an almost perfectly vertical direction, 
after the manner of the Chilcotin, thereby securing vertical lines. 
The majority of so-called vertical bands on Thompson baskets show 
a decidedly leftward trend which, however, must not be confused 
with the true diagonal, where each stitch in the series is placed at 
least the distance of one to the right or left of that 
similarly treated by imbrication or beading in the 
coil beneath. 

It is quite likely that the same difficulty of ob- 
taining perfectly vertical effects was encountered 
where purely beaded designs were used. There are 
few specimens, apparently, which show attempts to 
obtain vertical lines in beading, but it is probable that 
this was not the result of failure to produce the desired 
results, but merely that the people adopted the prac- ric. 46.—Biturea- 
tice of beading alternate stitches in successive rows. tn ofcoilstitches 
This would at once give rise to diagonal effects which would be more 
pronounced than the vertical. Slight inaccuracies in the width of the 
splint or in the placing of the stitch would also not be evident. 

When once the stepped diagonal has become thoroughly estab- 
lished, by one means or another, an enormous development in deco- 
rative designs becomes possible. In any series of Thompson baskets 
appear zigzags in numerous varieties or some step figure, or the 
chevron or V, the last one being far more frequently built up from 
the apex than vice versa. The diagonal zigzag in both horizontal 
and vertical arrangements is one of the most common figures. There 
is also that composed of horizontal and approximately vertical lines 
which is seen on many old baskets, and frequently on rectangular 
shapes, where it starts at equal distances around the bottom, ascend- 
ing spirally to the rim, crossing over corners or faces of the basket 
surface. Undoubtedly it is a survival of one way of decorating the 
old round forms. These two types of the zigzag, that composed of 

53666°—28——17 


248 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH, ANN. 41 


diagonal lines and that built of horizontal and vertical sections, are 
quite distinct and probably had entirely different histories. The 
meander is also derived from the combination of short vertical and 
horizontal sections, but because of its construction is confined to ver- 
tical and horizontal bands. 

Checkerwork likewise, which undoubtedly contributed to the 
appreciation of the diagonal and which is inextricably associated with 
it, is naturally present in great abundance. 

A rapid survey of the elements and designs, as well as closer study, 
gives the impression of a preponderance of diagonal forms, although 
vertical lines and arrangements as well as right angles are not lack- 
ing, particularly owing to the great popularity of the mouth or head 
design. Having touched upon the lines necessary in the construction 
of figures, and which are present in the art of this region, it will be 
seen that curved figures are conspicuous by their absence. The 
designs are entirely angular. 

It now becomes necessary to discuss the elements used and their 
treatment and subdivision according to their sizes. The simple geo- 
metric forms before mentioned will be reviewed separately from this 
standpoint. The figures which result from the combination of these 
are not especially common and may be better comprehended by 
illustrations. 

THE SQUARE 


We begin the discussion with the square, since its form is presented 
immediately to the eye on the accomplishment of the first stitch in 
beading or imbrication. All beaded or imbricated designs are 
composed of series of squares or rectangles, made either of single or 
double coil stitches or larger combinations of these. Checkerwork is 
purposely omitted from this discussion. The smallest square is 
necessarily of one solid color—red, black, or white. It can not be 
subdivided, but squares which are produced by a number of stitches 
en masse, or by an outline which may include many stitches within its 
boundaries, may be subdivided in a number of ways. The extent or 
kind of subdivision depends on the size of the square. 

In speaking of subdivision it must not be understood that the people 
consciously subdivide a large square, but the term is merely used in 
an objective sense. Of the many possible combinations or sub- 
divisions in a square composed of four stitches where three colors are 
available, comparatively few are actually represented. 

Before discussing the subdivided square jt is necessary to state that 
occasionally the single stitch in any of the three colors is used as an 
element, or two stitenas if one would be too narrow (pl. 41, a, c). 
But when the square of four stitches appears there are odd gaps in 
the series as actually found, compared to what is theoretically possible. 
The square composed of four stitches may be divided in various ways 


BOAS] DESIGN ELEMENTS 249 


by the employment of two contrasting colors. The vertical stripes 
on the basket in Plate 29, ec, are decorated with these rare squares. 

A nine-field but not necessarily nine-stitch square is fairly common 
on modern baskets; and has been seen on some rather well worn 
specimens. Usually it extends over three coils in height and is about 
six stitches wide. The nine fields are of alternating black and white, 
or red and white, so that the effect is that of a dark cross on a light 
background. Usually the central square is light. The related figure, 
without the four light corner squares which provide the so-called 
background, is frequently interpreted as the “‘star’’ or ‘‘little spot”’ 
design, and as such it appears either alone or in a series. Figure 47 
shows this nine-field square. 

The larger squares, totaling in all 25 units or more, are, on the 
whole, rare and usually found on new baskets. One Lillooet speci- 
men displays large squares divided diagonally, covering three broad 
coils and extending for six stitches, but these are very rare. A very 
few Thompson specimens give 
the figure in black outline, 
with an unimbricated center 
or one filled in with white 
imbrication. Such figures 
cover about four coils, and 
from five to eight stitches usu- 
ally, although larger ones have 
been noted on very new speci- 
mens (pl. 41, g). Another 
rare white square is delineated 
partially by a narrow black 
band along the sides, but not at bottom or top, while a still more 
peculiar variant has a line of black along the bottom and the right 
side (pl. 41, A). This type is closely related to triangular forms. In 
this case the artist goes out of her way to complete the square form; 
in partially outlined triangles she does not. Black solid squares about 
three coils high and seven stitches wide are more common, even on 
earlier baskets, and appear alone or in vertical, horizontal, or diagonal 
series (pl. 36,@). In the last-named arrangement their corners may 
or may not touch; in the first two they are either widely separated or 
appear in close formation with only narrow intervening stripes of white. 

Banded squares are six stitches wide and extend over three coils. 
Others are ten stitches wide and extend over five coils (pl. 7, a), or six 
stitches wide and extend over four coils (pl. 26, c). Some are divided 
into vertical stripes, each one or two stitches wide. When there are 
three stripes, the center is white, the outer two are black. A horizon- 
tal arrangement of a similar nature on another basket gives rather the 
impression of three narrow separate bands than of a subdivided square, 


Bee 
ITTEUWTT YN shi 

Le beuaee ‘aig Batter tis 
peal ny 


Fic. 47.—Basket with star design, U.S.N.M. 217438 


250 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


although technically it may be so characterized. The banded ar- 
rangements are very common in squares of this size on old baskets. 

Recent specimens present squares subdivided, as shown in Plates 
41, b, d, f;44, 6,2. (See also the sketches on pl. 85, Nos. 348 et seq.) 

The large square in outlines is used as an element by the Chilcotin. 
It seems to have enjoyed great popularity among them and is found 
in a variety of styles. The people not only bifurcate their stitches 
with remarkable accuracy but also on many baskets bring their 
splints over the face of the coil in an almost vertical direction, 
keeping the diagonal direction on the reverse side. Being thus able 
to place their stitches almost exactly over one another, the Chilcotin 
impart to their basket surfaces a vertical effect which is quite as 
pronounced as the diagonal ribbing on a piece of serge cloth (pls. 
58-62). 

It is impossible to say how much influence the technique has had 
on the art style developed, but it is certain that habit, whatever 
may have been the initial cause, has led to two very different styles 
with the two peoples. 

THE RECTANGLE 


The large and small rectangles are more common than the squares 
as elements and seem to have been suggested very often by the 
horizontal direction of the construction of the basket. Small ones, 
only a coil in height and three or four stitches long, are often seen in all 
black or red, or when longer, in sections of different colors (pls. 21, d; 
27,6, c,d). Tall rectangles (really placed on end) cover usually three 
coils and two-stitches and are sometimes seen in the dark colors, but 
rarely in white. A common and fairly old vertical stripe arrangement 
is composed of a series of black and white tall rectangles (pl. 26,7 ). 
The first pair may be black to the left, white to the right. Joined to 
these and immediately above is another pair with color reversed, 
and so on (pls. 34, d; 56, d; 57, d). This idea does not seem to have 
been developed further. 

The largest rectangles, extending over several coils, are usually 
about twice as long as they are wide and are generally horizontal. 
They are worked in black, red, or white, and appear singly or 
in vertical, horizontal, or diagonal series as well as in checker 
formation (pls. 24, A worked in a wide coil; 26,a). They are varied 
by subdivision into smaller vertical or horizontal rectangular fields. 
One was divided vertically into four sections, the two ends being 
black, the two centers white; others were composed of three, of 
which the center was white, the outer two black, or vice versa. 
When the division is into horizontal fields along the line of the coil 
regular alternation of dark and light seems to be the rule (pl. 45, 
l, m). In the modern basket (pl. 52, 7) white fields alternate with 


BoAs] DESIGN ELEMENTS 251 


black and red ones. In horizontal figures the failure to attain truly 
vertical lines is not disturbing, because they do not extend over 
more than two or three coils; but it is noticeable in tall and narrow 
figures. A number of rectangles may be seen in the plates illustrating 
the use of squares and triangles. 


THE TRIANGLE 


Not a single old basket and only very few modern specimens have 
the true triangle appearing alone as a single element, unconnected in 
any manner with other triangles or figures; but both isosceles and 
right-angled triangles in series are common on all specimens. Where 
the triangle is connected with others the figure is the result of diago- 
nal divisions of a larger surface. A casual glance at hundreds of’ 
specimens would lead the student to suppose that the triangle was 
one of the most common single elements in Thompson art. By the 
term triangle a three-sided figure is meant, which by its treatment 
shows that it is a three-sided figure, not a space between converging 
lines. It is an independent form worked in solid color, or outlined 
on three sides, imbricated or plain within these boundaries. The 
presence of such figures would lead the student to suppose that the 
triangle as a separate art element was consciously recognized. Only 
on a few baskets of fairly late origin is anything conforming to these 
specifications discovered. Here one finds the simple very small 
triangle—of course with the step edge, not exceeding four coils in 
height—built up in solid colors as a separate element. Usually the 
direction of building is upward from a single stitch at the apex to four 
or five stitches at the ‘‘inverted base,’ except where there is an 
opposed series. Here in one series the direction of building is to our 
eyes normal. The number of stitches along the base as compared to 
the height usually depends on whether the triangle is right-angled or 
isosceles. 

The outlined triangle is also seen occasionally on modern examples 
but nearly alwaysin aseries. The only illustrations of the use of true 
triangles (that is, not interlocking) are given in Plates 25, d; 44, ¢, h, 2, 
and 45, h, which are almost all that were found after a careful study 
of hundreds of photographed specimens comprising not only entire 
collections from all the large museums in this country but also those 
belonging to individuals. In some semirepresentative attempts the 
wings of butterflies and birds assume truly triangular forms. These 
are excepted from this statement. In one example the true triangle 
is used along the rim. It may be that the necessarily increased 
width of the horizontal outline of the triangle which must have the 
full width of the coil, as compared to that of the diagonal sides, which 
consist of one or two stitches, accounts for the frequent omission of 
this part of the figure in the case of outlines. Certainly when present 


252 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH, ANN. 41 


it gives a very heavy effect. The triangle shown in Plate 45, h, is 
interesting because its base is worked in alternate stitches of black 
and white in a single row, instead of being composed of two rows, 
one white and one black, as is the case along the sides. In some 
cases, when filling the space between the black lines with white, the 
artist merely emphasizes the space enclosed by the diverging lines. 
It is peculiar that on coiled baskets of all the tribes studied practically 
all old triangular decorations consist of a field set off by an angle and 
filled with plain imbrication, checkerwork, or with lines parallel to 
the outlines. The expedient of increasing the width of the diagonal 
lines to offset the necessarily wide horizontal line of the base has ap- 
parently not been resorted to. 

In addition to the baskets shown in Plates 42, e, and 44, d, e, f, 4, 
which are decorated with single isosceles and right-angled triangles, 
three or four other specimens (pls. 8, ¢; 13, 6) show the presence of 
small isolated figures worked in solid color, but these are very few on 
which to base a theory of the construction of elaborate series of tri- 
angles in vertical and horizontal arrangement from the triangle as an 
element, or the conscious application of this as a figure in art, except 
in very recent times; yet, on account of the very number of superim- 
posed, divided and complete triangles appearing in combination, it 
seems impossible that the people have not long recognized the tri- 
angular form. This is proved by the filling in of the space between 
the diverging lines of chevrons. Certainly the triangular figure is 
given an individual interpretation in the majority of cases. 

There is little doubt that if an isolated triangle had been drawn in 
outline by a white man and shown to the Indians, the old people would 
have seen nothing new init. The infrequent appearance of the fig- 
ure as a separate element, and the universal appearance of the chey- 
ron in outline or filled in, as well as of innumerable triangles found 
in series separated by lines or contrasts in colors, merely suggests 
that the development of the form came through the channels of that 
of intersecting or opposed zigzags or filled-in chevrons. It also sug- 
gests that it was comparatively long in being recognized as a possi- 
ble separate design and illustrates what a large part habit plays in 
the formation of an art style. 

The subdivisions of true triangles are rare indeed, although fre- 
quently the figure is outlined once or twice in black, and the space 
between the lines is imbricated in white, or the outline may be in 
white while the center is black, as may be seen in the Wenatchi 
specimen shown in Plate 44, ¢. A triangle worked all in checker is 
practically the same in effect as a series of concentric chevrons with 
the spaces between worked in white. For the other treatments of 
triangular surfaces the reader is referred to Plates 78-94. 


Boas] DESIGN ELEMENTS 253 
THE CHEVRON 


The chevron (pl. 21, 6) should be discussed before taking up the 
subject of the diamond and hexagon. Its presence is very significant 
and doubtless has been influential in the development of diagona! 
designs. It does not seem probable that the figure was derived 
from the vertical zigzag (pls. 33, c, e; 76) which is merely a diagonal 
line which changes the trend of its direction from right to left or 
vice versa at given intervals, although it is closely allied to it. The 
chevron starts with a single stitch from which others branch to 
right and left simultaneously. The fact that it is found so widely 
with several elaborations both on old and new baskets suggests that 
it is very old. It is nearly always interpreted as the flying bird 
design and as such is often elaborated (pls. 21, a; 24, 6). In its 
inverted form, appearing singly or in opposition to others placed apex 
downward, it is much less commonly seen and is undoubtedly newer. 
Still more rarely is it turned on its side so that the apex lies to the right 
or left. It is a design which seems to be suited equally well to all 
shapes of baskets, especially when arranged in a vertical series. 

On round flat shapes these series radiate from the center; on rectan- 
gular and cylindrical forms they ascend side by side from base to 
rim. The sides of the angles often overlap. The series of plates 
which illustrate squares, rectangles, and triangles, as well as Plates 
7, c; 35, d; 37, e; 38, ¢, d, give some good ideas also of the forms and 
varieties of chevrons. They likewise indicate their popularity. 


THE FALSE TRIANGLE 


The term “‘false triangle’ is not synonymous with chevron, for the 
latter implies diverging lines, the former a solid figure in which, 
however, the idea of divergence is prominent, as in the emphasizing 
of the angle rather than the inclosed triangle which requires a con- 
tinuation of the outline across the base. These false triangles are 
illustrated on Plates 44, d, f; 45, c; 46, a. 


THE DIAMOND 


The diamond is an old figure in Thompson art, for it is found on 
many well-worn and even ancient baskets, as well as on modern speci- 
mens. It occurs frequently as a separate element (pls. 37, c; 76), either 
outlined in a dark color or as a solid or checkered figure (pl. 17, ¢, f). 
It is often subdivided by diamonds of contrasting colors arranged 
within it in concentric order. Plate 38, d, shows a diamond outlined 
in three rows, black, white, and black, and combined with chevrons 
to form a design. There are black diamonds outlined in white and 
black (pl. 49, c) and black and white ones outlined in black (pls. 17, b; 
25, b), as well as others consisting of bare or imbricated surfaces 


254 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


with black outlines (pls. 21, c; 22,d; 31, a; 38, a; 40,d; 49, e; 54, d). 
A diamond, to be recognized as such, must cover at least five coils, 
since the size of the stitch and the width of the coil count very 
materially in reducing the effect of a short diagonal produced by the 
necessary ‘‘steps.” The three-coil diamond would be exactly like 
the star design discussed in connection with squares. <A five-coil 
diamond would not be obviously more clean-cut (pl. 42,4). Average 
sizes are seven to nine coils in height, although there are many which 
are larger than these. Diamonds are frequently imbricated in solid 
colors with one of the above-mentioned ‘‘star’’ designs of a con- 
trasting color placed in the center and with or without an outline of 
the same shade around the whole figure (pls. 28, b; 46, d). As asingle 
figure the division of the diamond is usually concentric (pl. 38, d). 
In series there is sometimes a vertical or horizontal subdivision 
through the axes, but both do not often appear together, nor have 
diagonal subdivisions or banded effects been noted (pl. 14, d). The 
long axis almost invariably lies in a vertical direction, although there 
is one exception, to be seen in sketch 562, Plate 89. 


HEXAGON, OCTAGON, CROSSES AND STARS 


The hexagon and octagon occur in outline, concentric and single 
(pls. 5, a; 38, a, 6; 49, a), but not in solid or checker formation, and both 
are usually found in connection with diamonds, although they are 
sometimes seen alone. They are rarely regular but are more often 
elongated vertically or horizontally, corresponding to the arrange- 
ment on the basket. This feature, together with their frequent 
appearance with the diamond, makes it seem possible that they have 
been derived from it through truncation, particularly as they are 
found encircling diamonds more often than not. Stars and crosses 
are also used as single design elements. (Pls. 25, a; 51, g; 52, a, 6.) 


TLEE/KA DESIGNS 


The Indians divide all designs into two classes as real designs (that 
is, evidently geometric, highly conventionalized figures) or represen- 
tations of objects (tleé’ka) and therefore not to their minds real 
designs. 

The tlné’ka are as nearly realistic representations as basketry 
technique permits and include animal and human figures, plants, 
insects, birds, and objects, such as bows and arrows, moss cakes, 
tipis, etc. Because these figures are, as it were, unmodified, being 
pictures which are seldom made twice alike, they are recognized as 
being different from the others. Each woman exercises her own 
fancy in regard to them and is not obliged to follow any definite rule 
in their composition but merely strives to represent as well as possi- 
ble the object of her choosing. 

As a rule tlné’ka patterns do not appear with geometric designs, 
except when they act as fillers in what would otherwise be large blank 


Boas] DESIGN ELEMENTS 255 


spaces not covered by the real designs. Usually they consist of 
rather large single representations which occupy the side of a basket. 
(Pls. 21, c; 22, b; 23, a; 24, f; 44, a, g; 45, a, b, d-g, ~-k; 46, e, 9, h; 
47, ¢; 52, a, b; 76.) 

Apart from the general conception of tleé’ka designs, there is 
among some informants a slightly different idea as to what character- 
izes them. If a realistic representation of a deer, for instance, appears 
once as a fairly large single figure, it is called tlné’ka, but if this 
figure is small and repeated many times in some regular order, a 
real design is the result, and it is named ‘“‘deer pattern.’ The 
regular deer design may be seen in Sketches 790 and 791. There 
is no reason why one woman may not execute either type of design; 
she usually makes the one which she knows best. Those not know- 
ing how to reproduce a real deer pattern (that is, with a tribally 
prescribed arrangement) may attempt it, in reality producing 
tlké’ka patterns to which they give the name ‘real deer design,” 
but this, according to authorities in the tribe, is wrong. They say 
that any pattern not conforming to the rules of arrangement is 
tlné’ka. Under these conditions Sketches 804—806 showing the eagle 
are tlmé’ka, as are Sketches 746 and 798-800 (pls. 92, 93), which 
depict the butterfly, no matter whether they are large or small or 
whether or not they are used as fillers. 

Other informants differ on this point. To them the best, that is 
most realistic, representations of birds and animals, etc., are given 
the highest standing, or are called real designs and designated by 
the names of the creatures or objects pictured. According to these 
individuals, those patterns which are less detailed and are arranged 
in groups are considered more or less conventional, having been altered 
to suit the conditions. With these people, all forms, including the 
realistic, are called true designs or parts or variations of them, while 
the tlmé’ka are those which have not yet been generally recognized 
or adopted, bemg new or as yet untried in arrangement or not 
reduced to conventional form for convenient basketry decoration. 
The following sketches are termed by some people tlné’ka, not real 
designs: 430, 740, 838, 844, 848, and 859 (pls. 88-94). 

Others include in this class most of the flower and leaf designs 
shown in Sketches 219, 539, 546, 642-644, 658, 659, 665-667, 733, 
741, 742, 792, 793, 828, 842, 843, as well as panther, salmon, otter, 
beetle, and other rare realistic figures which are seldom reduced 
to any standard arrangement. 

There are people who place in the tlné’ka “a all patterns, even 
though they are really geometric, which have been copied from 
white sources, or invented by women, which have not yet been 
applied in regular basketry arrangement but merely in single figures 
or on small baskets. Such are the designs appearing in Sketches 


256 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erm ann. 41 


328, 333, 339-341, most of those from 608-614, some of the hammer 
figures like 808, as well as 394, 416-418, 515, 604, 605, 641, 656, 657, 
660, 661, and 675. 

Generally these patterns become real designs as soon as they are 
reduced to a specified arrangement, or one that becomes commonly 
adopted. Some of these may be similar to those shown in Plate 46, e, 9. 

Mr. Teit describes a typical tlné’ka basket thus (pls. 22, b; 76): 

One side pictures a buck deer, another a bow and arrow, a third a man, and 
the fourth a moon. This is one of a small group of baskets with designs that 
illustrate a continuous story. As arranged in this order, the Indians give the 
patterns the following explanation: ‘‘It was moonlight. A man was hunting in 
the moonlight and saw a buck deer running away and shot it with a bow and 
arrow in the back.’”’ Some of the interpreters feel sure that the maker had this 
idea in mind when she made the basket. Such instances are exceedingly rare. 
* * * Another tlné’ka basket is nut-shaped and bears quite unrelated designs. 
On it there are three large patterns about equally spaced—a snowshoe, a beetle 
(nkokaurm), and an eight-pointed arrowhead star with a square center. 

It will be seen that the Indians’ classification of designs into those 
which are tleé’ka and not tlmé’ka corresponds roughly to our own 
which takes into account the realistic designs and the purely geo- 
metric. In addition, their undecided and vague conception in 
regard to patterns which may once have been tleé’ka but are now in 
process of change toward conventionalization and therefore toward 
increased geometricity, as indicated by their conflicting classification, 
matches our own rather ill-defined term ‘“‘ conventional.” 

There are a vast number of patterns which may be described as 
being on the borderland between realistic and geometric. Their 
classification is difficult, owing to the fact that even realistic designs 
on basketry are necessarily more or less conventional. The only 
criterion to be employed in doubtful cases is the judgment of the 
student and the name applied to the pattern. Where more than 
one name is given the design is considered as in the borderland class. 
Only those which are obviously pictures belong to the realistic group. 

From what has already been said in regard to design elements 
and their arrangement in fields, to the use of lines and their re- 
lation to geometric figures which are often merely a chance result 
of their intersection or combination, not ends in themselves, and 
from the recognition by the Indian of the reverse patterns on vertical 
stripes it seems that it is quite unwarranted by the facts to suppose 
that all these geometric combinations, so simply derived from playing 
with the technique, ever originated in an attempt to depict natural 
or artificial objects; in other words, had their inception in realistic 
art. This viewpoint is strengthened by the fact that to most of the 
simple geometric figures so many different and utterly unrelated 
interpretations are given that it is quite evident that the process of 
reading in meanings has been carried very far. While the resem- 


BOAS] DESIGN ELEMENTS 257 


blances are in many instances so striking as to suggest themselves to 
anyone, in others they are so remote as to be recognized only after 
the interpretation has been given. The element so charged with 
representative significance is certainly far older than most of its 
connotations and certainly the supposition of its technical origin as 
a geometric figure is as capable of acceptance as that of its first 
introduction as a delineatory attempt which, by the conventionaliza- 
tion of form through stereotyped arrangement and repetition, has 
been reduced to the most unrecognizable and ‘“‘ geometrified”’ shapes. 

To return to the undeniably strong tendency of delineatory art 
which is used for decorative purposes to pass into conventional and 
then geometric form, which may be due to any of a number of causes, 
such as difficulty of execution in rigid technique, stereotyped and 
frequent repetition, increasing freedom in execution resulting often 
in omission of details not essential for the effect desired, and speed, 
which is most easily gained by curtailment of all but necessary 
details, it is not surprising that conventionalization might seem to 
be the fate of all representation utilized for decorative effect. There 
are several interesting instances of this process in a collection of 
sketches of imbricated birds and insects made by Mr. Teit. The 
eagle is shown in Sketches 804-806 in a surprisingly accurate fashion 
illustrating how much can be done, even in basketry, by painstaking 
care, attention to details, and a great expenditure of time and labor. 
Less perfect forms are shown in Sketches 706, 710, 716, and 717. 
In Sketch 707 the form is so far reduced that the head is missing. 
In Sketch 711 the tail has disappeared, and in Sketches 712 and 718 
both are wanting. In Sketch 713 the shape of the wings is retained 
but there is no-division indicating that there are two, while in Sketch 
708 the form is a mere rectangle. All of these figures are interpreted 
as eagles and all are still being made. 

The beaded ‘‘ butterfly’ designs shown in Figure 43, a (p. 236), were 
sonamed by anumber of women, among whom were two from Lytton 
and two from the Upper Uta’mqt, who called b and ¢ by the same 
term. They said that these patterns, including d, e, f, g, and h, 
were not ‘‘ Indian rice’ * designs, nor halves or fragments of them, 
nor were they “‘fly’’* patterns. They agreed that they might be 
called “spot” or “bead” designs because of their checked elements, 
but that their real name was ‘‘butterfly,’’ a name used also by the 
mothers and grandmothers of the women interviewed. People who 
designated them by any other term did so because they did not 
know any better. They are all old common figures and were used 
in embroidery on clothing as well as on baskets. There were many 
variations of the design, all called butterfly, of which only a few are 
shown in the figure. 


48 See p. 466, under ‘‘ mula.” 49 See p. 465. 


258 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH, ANN. 41 


The same women designated Figure 43, 7 (p. 236), as a butterfly, 
saying that the cross was the head. They declared that all checker- 
work designs with crosses were really ‘‘butterfly”’ figures. 

On the other hand, the series of sketches of imbricated butterflies 
corresponds to that of the eagle just given. Sketches 798-800 show 
beautiful realistic figures. Sketches 801 to 803 are much reduced. 
Finally in Sketches 704 and 705 only the wings are seen, while in 
Sketches 136, 151, and 305 there are mere triangles capable of various 
arrangements, only some of which are known as butterflies. 

In discussing designs there must be no confusion between the ele- 
ments composing them and the designs proper. 

Tlné’ka designs may serve as design elements. In rare cases, as on 
the two baskets described by Mr. Teit, they may tell astory. There 
the several figures of persons and objects occurring in the tale might 
for the sake of argument be considered as elements of the whole design. 

In geometric art, all designs, practically, consist of a combination 
of simple geometric elements. Only rarely do these figures forsake 
their true sphere as elements and rise to the status of designs. These 
are the infrequent cases of the use of large single figures, such as the 
diamond, real and false triangles, the chevron, ete. 

At least one band of the Thompson, namely, the Uta’mqt, are 
much inclined to regard certain of their patterns as half designs or 
parts of patterns which are considered as complete designs by the 
Upper Thompson and are called by different names. 

Thus the ‘‘bent” or ‘‘broken back” figure L, especially when in 
an inverted position [, is called a part of the ladder or step design. 
Indeed, some people consider the two as having the same origin. 
Diamonds, particularly if arranged in horizontal rows, and also 
chevrons are thought to be parts of an all-over design known as 
‘‘mesh”’ or ‘‘net.”? Many checker patterns which are not diamond 
in general shape are called half or part of the ‘‘ Indian rice” pattern, 
and all figures which are mere symbols are considered as parts of full 
designs. 

The index to the sketches includes a number of interpretations of 
these fragments (pp. 473 et seq.). 


APPLICATION OF THE DESIGN TO THE FIELD 


In the application of the design to the trapezoidal field of the 
burden basket the Indian woman encounters many technical as 
well as artistic difficulties. Although she may possess a clear idea 
of the design she intends to place on her basket before she more 
than finishes the bottom, it frequently happens that she is prevented 
from accomplishing what she proposes to do by the complications 
arising from the many points which require attention at the same 
time. The general form and structure of the basket, working the 


BOAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 259 


coil splints up into a perfect round bundle, adding new splints, 
preventing lumps or depressions, keeping coils uniform both as 
regards size and tightness of sewing, attending to the proper dampen- 
ing of material, the imbrication—which with some women means 
lessening also the thickness of the coil sufficiently to keep the imbri- 
cated surface even with the plain sections—the selection of colors, 
spacing and treatment of designs, with enlargement or diminution 
according to the changing size of the field, all are to be considered 
at the same time. It would not be surprising if something were 
temporarily overlooked and mistakes occurred which were observed 
only when it was too late to remedy them. In fact, it is amazing 
that the general character of the entire product is so perfect, the 
stitches so even, the coils so uniform, the colors so well blended, and 
the designs so well adapted and spaced. 

It will be seen from Figure 36 (p. 217) that roughly trapezoidal 
fields are formed on all sides, within which the designs selected must 
be arranged. Owing to the technique of sewing and imbrication, two 
stitches never are placed exactly over each other in succeeding rows, 
but run to the left, more or less markedly, according to the amount 
of care exercised by the maker. Thus all designs which under ideal 
conditions would present vertical lines lean to the left, and in the 
upper right-hand corner of the field a space results which is actually 
much larger than it should be if the design could be properly con- 
structed. The people evidently feel the need for filling in this space, 
thus helping to obscure an otherwise obvious fault in the technique 
and therefore add sections of design to occupy this left-over tri- 
angular field. This treatment of corners furnishes material for a 
most interesting and instructive study of the inventive faculties, 
resourcefulness, and artistic taste of these Indians. To our eyes, 
long accustomed to symmetry, or balance, these “left-overs’’ fre- 
quently present an annoying spectacle. 

Considering the inconvenience to successful ornamentation occa- 
sioned by such forms as the burden baskets have assumed, in which 
pronounced corners have created new difficulties, it would seem that 
round forms, the surface of which presents an easily treated and un- 
broken field, would have remained in favor. A stiff, round burden 
basket is inconvenient, however, because it rolls back and forth while 
being carried. Flat sides lend greater stability to the load which is 
carried on the backs of men or on the sides of horses. It seems that 
the practical improvement secured by the alteration of shape has 
outweighed all artistic considerations and has determined the devel- 
opment of the form. 

Of those who plan their work (and they are in the majority), a few 
sketch the design first on paper. Some who, when not engaged in 
basket making, see designs which please them, sketch them at once 


260 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


in a rough fashion and carry them home for future reference, if they 
think they are unlikely to have an opportunity to reexamine the 
original. Long ago, before the whites came, such sketches were made 
on birch bark with bits of charcoal. Baskets which are traded from 
one place to another and arouse a woman’s admiration are some- 
times taken as models if she has decided to attempt an entirely new 
design instead of adapting an old and tried figure. If she chooses 
the latter alternative she generally knows beforehand just how she 
will alter the pattern. -It is quite usual for a woman to remark, 
“T will make ‘such and such’ a pattern this time,” naming a well- 
known design, much as our grandmothers in weaving woolen cover- 
lets or patching quilts might have said, ‘‘I shall try the log-cabin 
pattern on this one’’; but such a decision does not prevent the 
basket maker from changing her mind, especially if, on account of 
technical difficulties, the pattern does not fit as well as expected. 
As a rule, however, difficulties are anticipated and allowance is 
made for them, so that very little change in the original plan is 
necessary. There are undoubtedly some standards of taste to 
which all the basket makers adhere as closely as they can, but natu- 
rally considerable variation occurs in the abilities of the different 
women, such as would occur among ourselves, and each woman is 
likewise free to exercise her own ingenuity in working out the adapta- 
tion of her design to its field. Considerable effort is made to produce 
ds much symmetry as possible on the trapezoidal field. Practically 
everyone pays some attention to these points, but an artistically suc- 
cessful result depends very largely on the designs selected for the 
type of basket. With some women far more attention is given to 
the design itself, its symmetry, and execution, than to its suitable 
position in the field. 

Although the number of coils to be covered by a pattern is not 
usually calculated, the relative size of the figure as compared with 
that of the entire field serves as the guide. The coils are only counted 
when there is to be a second tier of designs above the first, composed 
of the same figures, unless these are enlarged to correspond with the 
increased size of the field. 

As far as the stitches are concerned, counting them would not 
assist in obtaining exact duplication of patterns on account of the 
constant, almost imperceptible variation in the width of the sewing 
splint, which amounts to very little spatial difference in the course 
of a few stitches but which becomes very noticeable in a large design. 
Usually more care is exercised to make the stitches even where they 
are covered by imbrication than where they are not, especially if 
more than one stitch is covered by the same fold, as happens at times 
when the stitches are small, since there are greater chances of notice- 
able variation in the combination of two stitches than im single ones. 


BOAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 261 


No matter how carefully the artist may perform her task, certain 
conflicts are bound to arise between any design arrangement she 
may select and the peculiar form of the burden basket which she 
seeks to beautify. Thus she is constantly prevented from accom- 
plishing with success that which she attempts to do. We see that 
the creative instinct, at least along the lines which tradition has laid 
down, is curbed in many ways by conditions which could only be 
removed by radical changes in the shape of the basket. 

So we find here a group of artists struggling, for the most part, to 
ornament a peculiarly difficult shape with designs which are in many 
instances not capable of perfect adjustment. Even in the case of 
the more easily handled patterns, however, there are problems the 
successful solution of which would tax to the utmost the patience 
and ingenuity of the majority of white women. 

Among the general obstacles in the way of successful treatment, 
from which no woman can escape, however true may be her eye, 
however painstaking her work, however extraordinary her artistic 
sense, is the leaning stitch, a difficulty which is unsolvable except by 
a complete change of sewing methods, something not likely to occur 
in a tribe which has sewed in this manner for generations. The 
leaning stitches necessarily affect more or less all lines intended to 
be truly vertical. Secondly, there is the constantly varying width 
of the sewing splints which, minute as it is, affects the size of the 
imbricated block to no slight degree when a number of stitches are 
taken en masse. This difficulty could never be adjusted without a 
machine gauge for preparing the splints, since human handiwork 
almost never attains to mechanical accuracy. Lastly, there is the 
structure and form of the basket itself which includes several prob- 
lems. The coarse coils and stitches do not admit of direct diagonals, 
but necessitate ‘“‘steps.’”” Neither is it possible, or at least practi- 
cable, to make smaller adjustments than the size of coil and stitch 
admits, although in one rare instance we may see how the square 
block of a bird’s beak was shaved down by narrowing the ribbon 
in successive stitches (pl. 47, e). On account of the square stitches 
curved designs are eliminated altogether. 

The spiral coil necessitates a “‘jump’’ at some point on the basket 
wall at each round and therefore at that pot two adjacent figures 
lying either side of it although otherwise alike are bound to differ in 
their relative position on the basket by the distance of one coil. 
The form of the basket with its constantly increasing wall circum- 
ference in the direction of the rim and the oblique corners offer the 
last two and probably most baffling of all the problems with which 
the artist must wrestle. 

With all these difficulties to be kept in mind, we will attempt to 
discuss the remarkable ingenuity of the weavers. At the same time 


262 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


we will also call attention to the irregularities in their work which are 
instructive because they show how attempts have been made to solve 
the arising difficulties. 

The imperfections will be taken up first in a general way, from the 
standpoint of the adjustment of the designs to the field, and coincident 
with this, as occasion demands, the attention of the reader will 
be called to any minor points that may present themselves. The 
relation of designs to each other, as regards spacing or incongruity, 
will also be touched upon, as well as the adjustment of figures made 
necessary by wrong calculations. Next occurs the question of sub- 
dividing the surfaces of imbricated areas, such as the vertical stripe, 
and the lesser mistakes that result from the varying width of stitches 
or from distracted attention, wrong calculation, or inherent imability 
on the part of the worker to keep in mind changes of rhythm. It 
will also be interesting to discuss some specimens technically and 
artistically almost perfect. Some problems arising from the decora- 
tion of lids, when the designs are carried over from the walls of the 
basket and converge there, together with the related question of 
designs on oval trays, are also important. 

We shall first discuss the various types of designs in use by the tribe 
as burden basket decorations. We must recall the several distinct 
styles of distribution which have already been treated, namely, the 
horizontal, diagonal, vertical (including the vertical stripe), all- 
over, and large single patterns. It has been observed that the 
Thompson have tried and still use all of these in the application of 
their designs to baskets, so that they offer a more varied and inter- 
esting study than the similar specimens manufactured by the sur- 
rounding tribes. In the application of large single designs, one to a 
field, which is perhaps the easiest type of decoration and strangely 
enough one of the rare ones, the first problem is to center it, 
which is generally accomplished by eye, but sometimes aided by 
means of rough measurements. These designs must be, in most 
cases, symmetrical, and shght inaccuracies such as arise from the 
varying width of stitches are usually not very obvious. Plate 46, c, 
shows a basket, which, while having more than one figure to a face, 
at least has only one on each level, and each of these designs center- 
ing on the same principle as a single large design. It is interesting 
to note how the upper figures have been increased in size the better 
to fill the larger field. (See also pls- 28, f, g; 29; 31, e; 46, c; 51, h.) 

One of the simpler distributions is the horizontal banded arrange- 
ment which runs completely around the basket (pls. 8, d; 9, a; 21, d; 
27, c, d, f; 36, c; 41, i; 54, b). Here, at least, with plain continuous 
lines, there is not the difficulty of spacing isolated designs or vertical 
stripes and providing for fillers, etc., or of doing what seems to us so 


Boas] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 263 


obvious and easy, dividing the circumference of the bottom into a 
given number of sections for ends and sides, at which points stripes or 
figures are to be started. It will be remembered that the horizontal 
beaded lines were the common type of decoration on old baskets (Lil- 
looet, pls. 18, c; 55,9). But these have long since given way to more 
complicated horizontal bands which in their complexity rival the 
vertical stripes. 

Practically all the types of decoration used in this area present some 
undesirable difficulties in the way of their successful execution. The 
diagonal all-over arrangements of small figures are perhaps the only 
exceptions, since a little more latitude in selection of stitches may be 
assumed without very noticeable bad effects and the very number of 
the figures conceals the errors more successfully. Yet diagonal 
patterns of this type are used on far less than half of the baskets and 
on the other hand a large percentage of the patterns on more recent 
baskets consist of vertical stripes or vertical series. 

The women are well acquainted with the difficulties of their work. 
The specimens illustrate many devices intended to overcome faults, 
but the basket makers have not worked out any well-defined and 
generally accepted system for disposing of difficulties, except that of 
the use of the fillers for bare corners. Even here a great amount 
of latitude prevails, so that while fillers are sanctioned there is 
almost no common feature which characterizes them. For some 
reason the circumference spacing in the placing of designs seems 
a particularly difficult problem for the Thompson women. Of course 
there are individuals who accomplish it very easily but most of them 
seem to have their greatest trouble here, which is due not entirely, 
howeyer, to incorrect divisions in the beginning, but rather to the 
premature turning of the coil at the corner, which becomes more 
accentuated as the basket is built up and which makes the trapezoidal 
field askew, and not at all conforming to the shape of the bottom. 
All divisions of the circumference are made by eye or only very 
roughly with a splint, and slight inaccuracies at the bottom of the 
wall become more apparent as the work proceeds. 


Tue HorizontaL BAND 


The horizontal band is more easily handled, although, if it consists 
of a row of smaller figures, there is always the problem of spacing them 
and avoiding a too small or too large unit where the circle is completed, 
as well as of affording a satisfactory solution of the jump. If the 
horizontal band is wide, difficulties arise on account of the greater 
circumference of the upper edge, as compared with that of the lower. 
This incompatibility of upper and lower edges must often be dealt 
with entirely in the region of the corners of the basket because a 

53666°—28——18 


264 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _[eru. ann. 41 


gradual adjustment of figures along the sides and ends can not always 
be made. The two paramount difficulties of the continuous horizon- 
tal band are the rounding of the corner and the treatment of the 
jump, although in successive horizontal rows, each with its distine- 
tive type of figure, a third problem of keeping these properly aligned 
presents itself. 

In a design such as that shown in Plate 46, d, some women would 
certainly try to have the points of the central row of “stars” or 
diamonds touch the centers of the triangles above and below, but 
this is practically an impossible 
feat, if the latter are to be kept 
Ne HAND all of a size, owing to the increas- 

a ing length of the field. To render 
such a plan feasible it would be 
Db necessary to enlarge or spread out 

iN the triangles in the upper series, 
\ Si a ee Ht and this would throw them out of 
at ca ieee 3 EN eet proportion with the lower series. 

( AA CORBODSDEO Di The woman who made the basket 
CG AER aH) My probably knew from experience 

HUUUcU AKAN: NG eee AD) ie that an exact symmetry and bal- 
x Wee H aa Mb je ance could not be maintained be- 
ee mn He tween the different “layers” of 

Mc a Ly designs, and therefore gave her 

1 gu EAEIDD chief attention to properly spacing 
‘/ ae Ht the “stars,” letting the triangles 
take care of themselves. 

While a few women constantly 
attempt to bring about harmony 
between different bands bearing 
unrelated designs, most of them 
have probably observed that at 

Fig. 48.—Corner of basket. A.M.N.H. least they themselves have no suc- 

Teen cess, and therefore treat each sec- 
tion independently, especially if there is no very obvious relation 
between the designs in each. 

In a three-banded arrangement, where the upper and lower bands 
are alike, frequently the designs in the upper can be placed exactly 
over those in the lowest band, with room at either end near the cor- 
ners for an additional element. This is a very satisfactory method, 
especially if the elements are “stars,”’ crosses, or diamonds. But where 
meanders or mouth designs Bartels the basket or are applied all-over 
fashion, as in Figures 48 and 49 and Plate 11, 6, the problem is com- 
plicated greatly because the notches are continuous, not spaced, and 
the slightest miscalculation in the first row at the bottom in such a 


BOAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 265 


design creates untold difficulties in subsequent layers; that is, if any 
attention is paid to their relation to each other, even if the basket 
is without corners. Figure 49 shows the arrangement secured by 
one artist, the result of whose efforts can not but challenge admiration. 

The late Dr. Hermann K. Haeberlin, who made a special study of 
these technical problems and their solutions by the women, collected 
a number of specimens in 
which various points were 
illustrated, and made some 
sketches of them. Disre- 
garding for the moment 


Los 
SA 
CONN eM 


f Se SSATeCA RMT OY 
baskets with corners, it is ena san ae te 
: : : A ATNNAAUUTUL wnnete (ap. a0 Wepyyy na 
instructive to discuss the seta cexwemntucan ita it 4 

. . . i ww ’ 
very interesting specimen Se iwi ma ey 4) i inn 

. . iM 
shown in Figure 50. The hawt yore an wine ay a 


Mt } 
at Ng wie ein i j 


i 
oe \ ed 
horizontal bands of imbrica- SRL UFR ae ad pie 

At 


tion, each of which covers 
three coils. In the first two 
the alternation of colors is 
regularly white, red, and 
black. The bands are connected at regular intervals by vertical stripes 
which, although only one stitch wide, mark the surface into sections. 
In the first two tiers these stripes appear after every second block, and 
those of the second tier are halfway between those of the first. In the 
third and fourth tiers the stripes still come after every second block, 
but the regular arrangement of the blocks has been dropped and they 
have been made longer in an effort 
to accommodate them to those of the 
tiers below, a task which becomes 
increasingly difficult as the basket 
circumference becomes greater. 
Finally in the fifth and sixth tiers 
the stripes and blocks show no coor- 
dination. This basket tells a story as 
Fia 50.—Banded decoration on basket. plainly as words of a woman who had 
Bie Cer a definite idea of decoration which she 
was obliged to abandon because of the impossibility of harmonizing 
the design with the shape of the basket, although the fact that she 
sought to do so is evident in the middle zone of the basket. 

Figures 51 and 52 are sketches. of baskets decorated with designs in 
such a manner that the corners are almost ignored. Were these bas- 
kets round instead of rectangular the style of decoration could not 
be improved upon. 


Fic. 49.—Corner of basket. U.S.N.M. 217453 


SS SSS 1 TA 2s AL 


266 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


As it is, in Figure 51 the artist could not have selected a much 
worse design than the “leg” pattern for this particular trapezoidal 
field, especially since the figures all face in the same direction. This 
is technically a very carefully constructed basket. Sketch a shows 
how well the figures were started and adjusted in the given space. 
The pattern is perfectly placed. On account of the nature of the 
design, however, the upper portions of these figures must in some 
cases pass around the corners, and, since each figure is so large, this 
detracts from the symmetrical appearance of eachface. If the artist 
sought to avoid the use of fillers, her selection was excellent and the 


Bam 
Be 


Fia. 51.—Adjustment of meander to sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 217434 


handling of the design at the corners is admirable. Technically the 
pattern has its merits, especially in connection with this type of bas- 
ket, since it admits of such comparatively easy methods of maintain- 
ing equal spaces, on account of the number-of lines involved, but ar- 
tistically it seems rather unsatisfactory. The series of short horizon- 
tal lines placed beneath the main band of decoration show no particu- 
lar effort on the part of the artist to correlate them with the design 
above, a fact which adds to the artistic confusion (see Sketches 6} 
andc). In accuracy of workmanship nothing better could be desired. 
Sketch 6 proves this. Doctor Haeberlin’s notes say that each square 
represents one coil and one stitch. All of the figures extend over 21 
coils, with one coil or one stitch of white intervening between all 


Boas] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 267 


black lines. The distances between the figures are always three 
white coils or stitches and the height of the horizontal arms nine coils. 
On the other hand, the series of horizontal lines beneath are very 
irregular. The length of the lines varies from 6 to 11 stitches and the 
distances between the series are also not constant, the average being 
five nonimbricated coil stitches. The remarkable feature about this 
basket and that pictured in Figure 52 is that the distances between 
the figures are always exactly the same for the entire circumference 
of the basket. In the meanders of the basket sketched in Figure 52 
the length of the figures is not fixed, and indeed in Figure 51 the 
upper portion of the leg figure, which reaches around the corner, is 
somewhat longer in places than the corresponding section at the 


Wii 
aan 
LLL 
i ub 
WU 
Fong gas 
WH, ~~ HL 
cramet fim 


Fic. 52.—Adjustment of meander to sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 217447 


base of the same figure. Nevertheless, the variations are very slight 
and show extremely accurate spacing of the designs when they were 
first begun. Starting at the jump on the basket shown in Figure 52, 
the lengths of the meanders are as follows: 


First meander_- --___-_ 15 stitches__-___-_ 8 cm 
Second meander__-_-___ 15 stitches______ 8 cm 
Third meander________17 stitches_____-- 8 cm. 
Fourth meander-_--____ 16 stitches______8 em. 
Fifth meander________ 16 stitches______ 8 em. 
Sixth meander________ 17 stitches______ 8% em. 
Seventh meander______ 16 stitches___.__8% em. 
Eighth meander------- 16 stitches_____- 7% em. 


Ninth meander - ----- 13 stitches__-_-_-- 6% em. 


268 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


{ETH, ANN. 41 


Like the basket sketched in Figure 51, the block pattern beneath 
the meander is quite independent of it, as is the border. 
consists of two or three dark stitches alternating with three to six 
white ones in irregular succession. 

In many specimens the treatment of the corner has given more 


Fia. 53.—Corner of basket 


place where it theoretically belongs to the corner. 


24, a,¢,d;28,6,d;77.) Plate 46, b, and Figure 55 (both the same bas- 


The latter 


trouble than in those cases just 


HLT ; discussed, even though the design 
Iwan N distribution has been in horizontal 
Me winse give | bands (pl. 37, f). 
{Naini Cogn EN NT Figure 53 shows an excellent 
itr ton Bee sete adjustment, which although not 
NANA RE ee quite perfect is certainly very 
AW MANN a eu i Pe well done. Note the increased 
WR NII mis size of the flattened apex of the 
CCEA GAR LIEE pi) 
ma AAR THD Heat) diamond to the right as com- 
RNA CUT iidy = =pared with that on the left, and 
UCTS ELUM HE: CE ed acne Tae 
Ree MU et Vy ji} that it is a little farther away 
UN Mee ety js from the corner. 


Figure 54 shows how the position 


of the apex of a zigzag was altered. 
The outline has been changed so that the point is shifted from the 


(See also pls. 18, d; 


ket); also Plate 55, b, show the clever avoidance of trouble by the length- 


\\ 
ie 


« 


ac 
rae 


Fic. 54.—Corner of basket 


ened connecting line between the zigzags at the corner. 


Figure 55 


also shows the extremely successful concealment of the jump, which in 


this design is scarcely noticeable. 


On the left face the apex of each di- 


agonal is one coil higher than those which correspond on the right face. 


BOAs] 


APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 


269 


Figure 56 is taken from a basket whose maker was far too ingeni- 


ous to wrestle with corner problems. 


That she could have done so 


better, perhaps, than most of her fellow workers is demonstrated 


by her remarkably well placed de- 
signs and even work. Undoubtedly 
she preferred a vertical alignment 
for the loose ends of the superposed 
zigzags rather than the compromises 
which might have been necessary 
at the corners. Doctor Haeberlin 
remarks concerning it as follows: 
This basket and its ornamentation are 
most beautifully made. The regularity 
shown by the exact measurements proves 
that in a basket of this kind the surface 
as such is ornamented and that great 


pains have been devoted to the task of 
dividing the surface correctly. 


"10 et Hi Uy 0 


ti a AT ett nny in 


UZ 


eS 
. 


nC 
war i iN AN iL He 
(Nh anne 6 an ae HNN 
UCU AU GODIN DYDND: ADDDIT DODD 
i ny 
) 
Wit th ) 
i} 
NN itt ot i } yA 
N OPsNN, 090 000 8 Oy on 
r TL 1 
SEE Bi a ee 


Fic. 55.—Corner of basket. U.S.N.M. 217467 


Sketch a, Figure 56, is a reproduction of a section of the pattern, 
showing the careful nature of the work. 


Fic. 56.—Adjustment of zigzag pattern to sides 


of basket. U.S.N.M., 216416 


The treatment of the jump in 
a basket with horizontal banded 
decoration is illustrated in Figure 
57; 
decoration. 
larged section of the lowest band 
E in sketch a, at that part of the 
basket where the jump occurs. 
this Doctor Haeberlin says: 


a gives the general scheme of 
Sketch 6 is an en- 


Of 


This first band is quite regular in 
the numbers of stitches composing the 
pyramids. 
sists of four stitches except at the break 
(jump), and after the second pyramid 
from the last. 
two stitches. 
culties are solved as presented in the 
drawing. 


The second band from the bot- 
tom is presented in sketch ec. 
band has been lettered D in 
sketch a. 
break. Doctor Haeberlin says: 


The junction (A) always con- 


Here A consists only of 
At the break the diffi- 


This 


It again shows the 


As seen in the drawings, the triangles of D fit into those of band Z. Due to the 
curvature of the basket the spaces between the bases of the triangles (marked 
A) can not be so regular as those of band FE. The number of stitches at the A’s 


in band D are as follows (beginning at the break): 


3, 5, 5, 4, 8 (corner), 5, 5, 8 


(corner), 4, 3, 3, 5, 6 (corner), 3, 3, 4 (break, at corner). 


(ETH, ANN, 41 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


270 


TT WY 


US D> 
: 4353 


wy 
oe 


Wow 
KG 


MG 


Fic. 57.—Adjustment of zigzag pattern to sides of basket. A.M.N.H. 16-4862 


BOAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 271 


Band C (sketch a) consists of lozenge-shaped figures in black and white 
imbrication. Where the coils begin an unmistakable attempt was made to 
bring these diamonds symmetrically between the triangles of bands D and B. 
But on account of the curvature of the basket these triangles shift in their position 
and make the symmetrical alignment of band C impossible. This shifting and 
the corresponding lack of symmetry become more and more marked the farther 
the distance from the bottom of the basket. 

The spaces of band B are again all uniform. All the junctions consist of three 
stitches, excepting near the break, as shown at M in sketch d. The corner 
where the break occurs is accurately represented. 

Band A (sketch e) locks into band B; as D does into E. The bases of the 
inverted triangles of band A again vary like those of band D. The number of 
stitches connecting the bases of the triangles, beginning with the break, are as 
follows: 3, 4, 3, 3, 4, 3, 8 (corner), 1, 3, 2, 4, 6 (corner), 3, 4, 3, 3, 4, 5 (near 
corner), 4, 4, 2, 3, 3, 2 (at break and corner). 


ALt-OveR LARGE FIGURES 


The ornamentation of the basket shown in Figure 58 may be con- 
sidered as all-over, diagonal, or horizontal, but for the purposes of 
this study may just as well be 
treated here. It will be seen that 
the upper left corners are bare, 
due to the fact that the vertical 
arms of the crosses in adjoining 
horizontal rows dovetail and that 
in the top row at the left corner Fic. 68—Decoration of sides of basket. Pea- 
there was no room for a complete body Mae ee 
cross. Usually the situation is reversed in the numerous patterns com- 
posed of vertical stripes which lean to the left, so that the bare space 
is in the upper right corner. Here a sequence of events due to placing 
the lowest crosses in 6 too far to the left, or in failing to begin a cross 
just before turning the corner in the top row (a), as well as the 
tendency for all workers to build true diagonals to the right in the 
direction of sewing, caused the placing of these stars as they are, 
more than compensating for any leftward lean of vertical lines. 
The bare upper left corners on this basket did not seem to disturb the 
esthetic taste of the worker as much as the balancing lower right 
corners. Perhaps they were a welcome relief. But it is interesting 
to note that the maker deemed a filler desirable for the lower right 
corner on the ends of the basket. The necessity for this in her mind 
must have been apparent before she could have progressed very 
far in her work. The five stars of the lowest row on the long sides 
are very evenly distributed, but the filler appears on both short ends. 

There are many types of decoration besides the complicated 
horizontal band, which require circumference spacing and sub- 
division of the basket walls. All figures ranged in horizontal series, 
all-over effects, and vertical stripes are among the number, The few 


272 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


practically perfect specimens of horizontal and all-over designs may 
be discussed here, before taking up the vertical styles, since the latter 
bring with them a number of other problems not presented by the 
first group. 

The first of these perfect specimens with a horizontal zigzag 
pattern in red, white and black, which has been admirably handled, 
has been sketched by Doctor Haeberlin in Figure 59. He discussed 
the design as follows: 

There are four zigzags on each long side and two on each short side. The long 
sides are about 8 inches in length, the short sides about 4. (This is a spa’panrk 
basket, of the same shape as the full-sized burden baskets.) At each of the 


four corners the zigzags are symmetrical with the edge of the basket. They 
extend over 12 coils and the different parts of all of them are in corresponding 


AI OF BASHET 


Fic. 59.—Adjustment of zigzag pattern to corner of basket. A.M.N.H. 16-4581 


coils; that is to say, point m, Figure 59, is in the same coil in every zigzag. The 
top and bottom of the zigzags consist always of three stitches. This is a remark- 
able regularity, especially striking at the corner where the coil stops. What 
has been said above also obtains for this corner. This regularity was not brought 
about by counting the intervening unimbricated stitches, because these are not 
by any means of corresponding numbers. It seems to have been accomplished 
by dividing the first coil by eye into four parts on the long sides and two on the 
short sides. The ensuing difficulties were then avoided by making the unim- 
bricated stitches larger and smaller as the case dictated. The stitches are 
irregular in size and number, excepting those of the imbricated band, which are 
at least always constant in number. 


An all-over decoration which is very pleasing to us on account of 
its regularity is shown in Figure 60. Doctor Haeberlin says: 

This arrangement is so regular that the intention of dividing the cireumference 
into eight parts when the first imbricated coil was made is quite obvious. The 


number of stitches between the blocks did not furnish a basis of division because 
these vary, but the divisions must have been made by eye. 


BOAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 273 


It is, of course, possible that the sewing splint was used as a gauge, 
but realizing the comparative infrequency of such measuring, it is at 
least doubtful if this was done. There are four black diagonal rows of 
blocks and four red ones, which divide the circumference into eighths. 

Plate 46, e, shows a remarkably fine treatment of flying birds. 
Note the gradually increased size of the figures toward the rim. 
They could hardly be better adjusted to the given space. Only 
two minor defects are apparent in the photograph. The first is a 
correction of the direction of the bird’s head in the lower left figure, 
the other the failure to maintain a straight line for the edges of the 
bird’s wings on the right, such as has been done so beautifully on the 
left. This is due, of course, to the leftward lean and the troublesome 
right corner, but nevertheless the basket is a remarkable piece of 
work. The bulges and depressions in the walls are an interesting 
and rather rare structural de- 


fect. Usually Thompson women 
are perfect builders. (See also 
pl. 46, g.) : 
There are two baskets por- © <> re 
trayed among Doctor Haeberlin’s 
sketches the long sides of which : © 
are decorated with zigzags which _ 


do not extend to the corners and © Oo. 
where other problems than cir- 

cumference spacing arise. These 

are shown in Figures 61 and 62. Fic. 60.—Diagonal arrangement. A.M.N.H. 16-1044 
“The design on one long side in Figure 61, a, b, does not require special 
comment. It was interpreted as a snake and small triangles.” The 
head and tail as they are arranged here fill the upper corners of the 
field very well indeed, although in her effort to fill the right corner 
the artist overemphasized her spacing in that direction. The general 
decoration of the basket marks it as a rare specimen and leads to the 
suspicion that it may be of Lillooet rather than of Thompson origin, 
since Mr. Teit says that the Thompson are not addicted to the use of 
different patterns for the different faces, or even for a fourth face, 
while the Lillooet frequently used this peculiar style. 

Doctor Haeberlin’s discussion concerns the three sides the upper 
portions of which are beaded, below which is a broad slanting design 
composed of short horizontal and vertical sections. The large beaded 
field is another typical Lillooet feature, but since the basket is listed 
as a Fraser River specimen it is included here. 

The side of the basket shown in Figure 61, c, is very interesting. The steplike 
figure (c) consists exclusively of black imbricated lines enclosed by two white 
imbricated lines. Accordingly the upper end of the ornament ought to extend 


over three coils—one black and two white coils. But this is not the case; it only 
extends over two. How is the principle of the step ornament carried out under 


274. COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  [erm, ann. 41 


Scoibs 


18 coils 


AY 
NY 


a—T_ KS 


3 coils 


MMM ely 


y 


MUM me 
COL”LS 
MMMM 
}; 
8 coils 


Fic. 61.—Arrangement of zigzag pattern, U.S.N.M. 219879 


BoAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 275 


these conditions? The maker resorts to the following method. Instead of 
imbricating the top coil with one strip, as is ordinarily the case, she used two, 
one over the other, first black, and above it white. Thus the design is carried 
through and the black line appears between the two white ones. The maker 
did not move up one coil for the top white line because she had already started 
the snake on the opposite long side (a) in that coil and the jump occurs at the 
edge between the sides a and b. The snake must extend over the same number 
of coils as the beadwork of the other sides. The mistake was made when the 
weaver started the lowest extremity of the stepped ornament on the lower part 
of the basket. She ought to have started one coil sooner than she did. What 
has been said of the treatment of the top coil on the side c also pertains to the 
corresponding parts of the ornaments on the other sides. 


VERTICAL STRIPES AND SERIES 


The vertical styles of decoration, or those which, while not vertical, 
do not encircle the basket, are numerous, and offer perhaps the best 
opportunities for the study of the points in which we are interested. 
The question as to 
whether these stripes or 
series extend all the way 
from base to rim or not 
does not affect the prob- 
lems which the women 
have to solve, except in 
one particular. Vertical 
stripes or series begun at 
the base of a basket are 
more likely to be out of 
line and place in the up- 
per portion of the basket 
than those which have 
been begun somewhere about halfway between the base and the rim. 
In the latter case the peculiar twisted form which the basket generally 
acquires has had ample chance to become apparent by the time the 
structure is partly completed, and the woman has at least some idea 
of the degree of structural defect she is likely to have to deal with 
and can space accordingly. Designs begun at the very bottom are 
perhaps spaced correctly around the circumference of the base, but 
the subsequent turning of corners of the basket wall so completely 
alters the relation of the faces to the bottom that designs frequently 
are quite out of place. It often happens that a woman appears 
to take this probable difficulty into account at the beginning, for 
in no other way could we find a reason for the extremely one-sided 
spacing sometimes seen, except the lack of even average ability to 
calculate distances. Her overanxiety to correct the trouble at the 
outset sometimes results in even more pronounced incongruities 
than usual, since the defects in structure occasionally do not come 
up to her anticipations. 


, i 
m4 fo ' ih 
10nd nyt 


Fic. 62.—Arrangement of zigzag design. U.S.N.M. 216408 


276 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


FILLERS 


Figure 62 shows the presence of a filler, the most interesting 
feature of which seems to be the beginning of another zigzag which 
the maker soon discovered would not fit in the remaining space and 
therefore abandoned for a small filler. Otherwise the distances 
between the points are remarkably constant and accurate. 

In such a basket as that shown in Figure 63 the vertical series re- 
quire a circumference division, but the design in itself presents prob- 
lems of horizontal balancing of the arms, as well as their vertical 
spacing one from the other. Discussing 


io this specimen, Doctor Haeberlin says: 
ee There are in most of these vertical arrange- 


ments four rectangular areas which lie one below 
eae the other, downward from the rim (fig. 63, a). 
= But this idea could not be carried out in all 
cases because of the pronounced curvature of the 
basket walls. The result is that the ornamental 
combinations seen in sketches b, c, and d also 
occur. At each right corner (b) on all four faces 
a short design of only two rectangles is found. 

Really these are fillers. 


Inna U UU Ul 


In addition, at one place, not at a 
corner, the unusual and incongruous device 
shown in sketch ¢ is placed between the 
usual ornaments which are here too far 
apart. The women quite often resort to 
some such means of filling large spaces, 
and the type of figure chosen depends 
entirely upon the individual taste of the 

5 artist. Sketch d shows another odd treat- 

Fic. 63.—Fillers on side of basket. ment at the top of one of the usual orna- 

DEAE es ments which can not be explained on the 

ground of filling a space, but rather seems like an instance of play- 
ing with the design element. 

The rectangles of all the ornaments vary greatly in length, ranging from 2 
to over 5 inches. Inasmuch as the basket appears to be very old and a number 
of stitches have been broken it is not always possible to locate mistakes in tech- 
nique or in carrying out the color scheme, which is here executed in white and 
black. The black imbrication material is cloth and forms the outline of the 
figure. 

Doctor Haeberlin says that the basket maker has succeeded well 
in placing the corresponding rectangles of the figures along the same 
coil. Their leftward lean is particularly noticeable, although they 
have been trued in the sketches. 


Boas] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 277 


Figure 64 illustrates a beautiful corner of an extremely well made 
basket. The filler in this case was not needed to help to cover a 
side, but rather serves as a decoration for the corner itself and its 
character is in perfect keeping with that of the main design. The 
basket sketched in Figure 65 affords an instructive contrast, show- 
ing in a the almost perfect spacing of the | 
zigzags at the bottom if we consider, as we a eo 
must, that one farthest to the right which 
is carried around the corner. But the ever- 
present leftward lean and the ‘‘wrenched”’ 
corners or oblique edges occasion again the SNS Wuymunugegny gO J 
filler seen at M.- This is very carefully Sage 

4 ~ ANN eit a 
placed and evenly spaced in accordance ‘et cea mH 
with the four zigzags to the left, so that Sa. AI a 


wit Ps B 
sevenet sit JIL 


along the rim almost no fault could be ric. 64—¥iller on corner of 
found with the decoration. Nearly as good ja 

a distribution occurs at the bottom. All of this woman’s difficulties 
would have been met if in building the walls she had bent her coil 
at the correct places for the corners, a little more to the right at 
each round, instead of attempting, as do most of them, to make the 
corner appear vertical from a full view of any face, or in other 
words, to bring the right corner 
around on to the face. 

Figure 65, 6, shows the treatment 
of another corner, with the selection 
of two utterly incongruous elements 
as fillers, which, however, are sym- 
metrically placed. They are merely 
single rows of imbricated stitches. 

Figure 66 illustrates another bas- 
ket with a corner filler which ought 
not to have been difficult, simple as 
it is, to place exactly on the corner, 
but the same trouble prevails here as 
elsewhere, and the corner was turned 
too soon. 

The basket sketched in Figure 67 
Fic. 65.—Filler on corner of basket. is ornamented with vertical series of 

Se imbricated blocks, all of which extend 
over three coils except those in the topmost row. These cover only 
two. By change of color the imbrication forms a vertical subdivision 
in each block, where every colored imbricated stitch covers two coil 
stitches, or more rarely three. The blocks are arranged regularly, a 
circumstance which is not attained by counting the stitches between 


278 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN, 41 


them, because these vary, but the alignment is made entirely by eye. 
(Fig. 67, d.) An odd inconsistency is found in the vertical spacing 
between the blocks. The intervals between all horizontal series are 
four unimbricated coils, except at the interval e (fig. 67, a). Here 
there are only three. As may be seen from sketch b, in Figure 67, all 
imbricated sections, both red and white, cover two coil stitches ordi- 
narily, leaving one stitch without imbrication. But occasionally the 
imbrication crosses three stitches; that is, three coil stitches are 
covered by one imbricated stitch (d) rather than the usual single coil 
stitch that is so treated on the majority of the baskets. 

It has been said that with the exception of the top row, the blocks 
extend over three coils, the middle being unimbricated in each case, 
but in the top row this center coil is omitted, as shown in Figure 
GvANe: 

In the alignment of the blocks over one another there is considerable variation 
of the distances maintained between the different 
rows; the intervals range from 4 to 10 stitches. Even 
between the blocks in two adjoining rows there are 
not the same number of stitches at different heights. 
For instance, there may be more in one space (fig. 
67, d) than at another. But the distances are all 
approximately constant because an effort has been 
made to secure a perfect alignment, even if it has 
been done only by eye. 

Ordinarily the vertical rows of blocks are 
continuous and there are eight between the 
rim and the bottom of the basket. But due 
to the vertical alignment and the conical shape 
of the structure certain sectors without orna- 
mentation would be bound to occur under 
this plan of decoration. (Fig. 67,e.) The gaps 


7 


Fig. 66.—Filler on corner of etween series are, of course, widest at the 


basket . : 2 : : 
rim and are filled in with vertical rows of 


four blocks each, while the blocks in themselves are simplified forms 
of those used elsewhere, as may be noted in Figure 67, f. It is rather 
interesting that the rectangles are here carried out only in red. 
There are six sectors filled out in this manner, but on the whole the 
work on them is quite haphazard and certainly does not rest upon 
any scheme of counting, and every sector is different in some partic- 
ular. At times the pieces consist of only two imbricated stitches; 
again, near the rim they are quite as complete as those used in the 
main design; while those below are made smaller to accommodate 
them to the narrower space. (Fig. 67, g.) In addition to all the 
other irregularities the blocks in these places are not located upon the 
same coils as the corresponding ones in the adjacent complete rows 
(fig. 67, h), nor is the ordinary number of intervening coils adhered to. 
The six sectors are also unevenly distributed about the basket, for 


Bos] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 279 


two of them are near two corners while four are near the other two. 
One gap is quite as wide as those which have been supplied with 
these “‘fillers’’ and this is left entirely bare. 

Such a lack of symmetry is due not only to the fact that no attempt 
is made to count the stitches or to measure spaces, except by eye, 
but also to the woman’s poor judgment in spacing and incapacity 
for calculation. Even in such work as this, where study reveals so 
many discrepancies, it is surprising how well the finished product 
appears to the casual observer, and it is indeed remarkable that 
such good results are obtained with such a complicated problem 
and by such methods as each woman has at her command. No 


| ae pee as aes 


is) en oS 
Bye 8S 
oO 


oo oo [] [] 


S 
eS 
Q 
Q 
QO 


a 
Hn mm. oO 
ee 


FE WTA ES 


oy 


| §- FE 7, 
a WW // of} ——- ba 
-——4 MMM WIM: 


Fic. 67.—Filler on corner of basket. U.S.N.M. 277607. Cross hatching: red; diagonal hatching: 
white; white: unimbricated 


better gauge than a true eye could be desired, but many women, as 
with ourselves, do not possess this gift. And so, without natural or 
mechanical aid, they nevertheless struggle with the most perplexing 
and patience-exhausting artistic and technical problems, with results 
that are often not without real beauty. 

Figure 68 and Plate 47, d, give a similar basket, in which all the 
blocks extend over two coils and each horizontal row consists of 
blocks which lie at the same level. The number of coils in the inter- 
vals between the horizontal rows is five in each case except the last, 
where it increases to six. Vertically the blocks are very carefully 
aligned, but entirely by eye. The intervening stitches vary in num- 
ber not only between different vertical rows of blocks but also be- 
tween different pairs of single blocks in any two adjoining rows. 

53666°—28——19 


280 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH, ANN. 41 


The distances between the different vertical rows vary from 4 to 
about 10 stitches, showing that the circumference division for spac- 
ing the figures is in this case not very accurate. The colors em- 
ployed are white, red, and black, and the succession is as shown in 
Figure 68, 6, and is adhered to throughout the whole basket, each 
vertical row being always executed in the same colors, with one excep- 
tion, which is obviously the result of an early mistake on the part of 
the basket maker. The red in this row (see ¢) is applied in the same 
fashion as the black in other rows on either side of a white imbricated 
stitch, instead of between two white ones. The open spaces near the 


an 
ee 


Gla 
VW 
el 


Fic. 68.—Vertical arrangement of ornamentation. 
U.S.N.M. 222595 


rim are filled out by incomplete vertical rows, as illustrated in Figure 
68, c. Three of these spaces are at corners; the fourth, however, is 
several inches away from the corner which itself has no open space. In 
contradistinction to the basket pictured in Figure 67, the blocks of 
the fillers of Figure 68 are at the same coil level! as the blocks of the 
full series and are on the whole better arranged than those on the 
former basket. The arrangement of colors in the blocks of the fillers 
is interesting and may be seen in sketch d. It is consistent for all 
fillers. An odd feature is a fifth filler ornamented with only one 
block at the rim. 


Boas] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 281 


Figure 69 not only shows the introduction of a filler in the upper 
right corner but an interesting treatment of one of the stripes near the 
bottom at the corner of the basket. Here, owing to miscalculation 
in spacing, the stripe was begun too far to the right and therefore was 
interfered with by the presence of the corner. In order not to have the 
stripe carry around on to the other side, the woman has resorted to the 
expedient sketched in Figure 69, b, where the treatment is reproduced 
so as to show the decoration on either face and at the corner (the 
middle). The stripe was begun with only one stitch and increased 
diagonally along the right edge where the edge of the wall occurs, 
until the space became wide enough for its increase to full size. 
Then, to balance this increase, an abrupt addition appears on the left 
side of the stripe. 

The fillers frequently 
consist of different, 
smaller designs than the 
majority of those used, 
or else are portions of 
the prevailing ones. The 
baskets shown in Plates 
12, b; 18,4; 23, d; 24,9; 
26, d; 34, a,c, d, and 35, e, 
are examples of such a 
treatment. In most of 
these the tendency of the 
design to ‘‘run’’ to the 
left is very clearly seen. 
Good results as regards 
vertical stitching are ob- 
tained where the work is 
not quite so accurate, and where the stitches of the new coil bifur- 
cate those of the previous row to the right of the middle. But the 
irregularity in stitching frequently interferes with the creation of 
absolutely straight vertical edges, hence is not practicable for certain 
types of designs. 

A straight edge is the prime essential, therefore the fauit of leaning 
is considered much more glaring if an attempt is made in the middle 
of the band to correct the trend than if it is allowed to continue in 
the same direction, even when the slant is very pronounced. 

In the baskets depicted in Plates 36, 7, and 47, a, the maker at- 
tempted in vain to correct the trend of her right band, thus creating a 
bendinit. The introduction of animal figures at the corner, however, 
shows what poor success she had, although it will be noted that at the 
outset indications were certainly in favor of a good trend. It may 
be that she foresaw that, if she continued, the space would then be 


=“nUpauevevs 


Fic. 69.—Filler. Peabody Museum 57203 


282 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


too great between the third and fourth bands. Certainly it is rather 
odd that she should have known how to direct the band to the right 
in the beginning in a way which was the only possible solution of 
her difficulty and not have applied this principle throughout for 
all the bands which ought to have leaned in that direction. It may 
be that the care involved in carrying out the plan proved too much 
in addition to all the other points about the work which had to be 
kept in mind, or that owing to the technique the band as it progressed 
would necessarily have had to lean too far to the right. 

In many cases the right band is begun so far to the left (for ex- 
ample, see pls. 24,9; 77) that it is difficult to understand how its maker 
did not foresee the result. The band in this particular example, which 
properly should balance the one on the left, has not the same degree 
of slant ordinarily encountered, but it was so badly spaced that 
not one but two additional design elements were required to fill the 
vacant spot. 

Ficure 70, a, 6, show the introduction of a filler the presence of 
which is not so much demanded by the 
leaning verticals, which in this case are 
not enough out of line to affect the corner 
seriously, as on account of a miscalcula- 
tion in placing them when the wall was 
first begun. The ends of the baskets are 
alike and the long sides also resemble 
each other except that on one the filler 
consists of a double row of imbricated 
stitches, while on the other it is single. 
The checker idea introduced here is hardly 
in keeping with the diagonal subdivision of the stripes, but as has been 
pointed out before, such artistic incongruities are by no means rare. 
The space to be filled in this case would admit of little else. 

- The sketches in Figure 71 show the four sides of a basket, the first 
of which (a) is remarkable for the even distribution of the meanders. 
Although the same number of stitches is not used every time, prob- 
ably because of the varying width of the sewing splint, the distances 
maintained are very exact. The short side (6) shows the same char- 
acter of treatment as far as an even distribution is concerned. On 
the second long side (¢) it has been found necessary to insert a filler, 
as was the case also on the fourth side (d). The order of the sides is 
reckoned from the break, which shows where the walls were begun. 
This is an interesting specimen, since it shows that a woman who is 
capable of making very exact circumference divisions and calcula- 
tions does not always keep up to standard, even on the same basket. 
It may be that her attention wandered or that it was difficult to 
concentrate for long on her complicated task. At any rate, so 


Fic. 70.—Filler. U.S.N.M. 222586 


Boas] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 283 


important is the work on the lowest coil that, once started, with 
reasonable care a very good distribution could be maintained. 
Here it seems that not even for the extent of the circumference of 
the bottom did the woman succeed in measuring accurately, but 
even so the basket is very much better handled than those which 
have just been discussed. 

It is probable that in most baskets bearing corner designs fillers 
were not at first intended, but that the necessity for their incorpora- 
tion was felt as the work progressed. Undoubtedly this was so in the 
basket shown in Plate 49, f. 


WAAAVVVAAZAZ 


Fic. 71.—Filler 


Some women, however, to judge from the character of these small 
figures, evidently know that the filler is, in their work, usually un- 
avoidable and plan for it, either creating for these spaces smaller, 
complete designs, which are totally different, as in Plates 47, b; 49, f, 
or else cutting down or rearranging those already in use so that their 
proportions are appropriate, as in Plates 33, e, and 39, c. The pres- 
ence of these ‘“foreign”’ elements seldom seems to disturb the esthetic 
sense of the people; indeed, if the other bands come out fairly well, 
so that fillers are needed in either corner, they are much preferred, 
and it must be admitted that the effect is better than when they are 
absent (pl. 40, 0). 


284 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [ern. ann. 41 


According to information collected from a number of women only 
a comparatively small group of designs could be used as fillers for 
the left-over upper corners in the trapezoidal fields of burden baskets. 
Flower designs were only rarely used in this way. On the other 
hand, one or two rather plain vertical “droppers” or stripes, or small 
combinations of arrowheads or half arrowheads which usually pointed 
downward, were most frequently employed. Half arrowhead designs 
of this character resemble those shown in Sketches 277 and 292 but 
are without borders. Other fillers are typified in Sketches 245, 254, 
288, and 293. Still other patterns are Nos. 42, 66, 75, 173 extended 
vertically, 176, 230 upside down, 303, 361, 363 and 364, 433, 434, 
506, 625, and 626, although there was some doubt expressed regarding 
684, 685, 698, and 699. The remainder of the list includes 45, 63, 64, 
69, 70, 144, 145, 150 in one line vertically, 159-162, 277 rather rarely, 
294-296 rather rarely, 331, 357 and 358 arranged vertically, 359, 
365, 395, 398, 438, 514 as a single 
figure, 524, 551 with ends turned 
down, 570, 571, 627, and 757 in one 
line vertically. 

The basket sketched in Figure 72 
speaks for itself. At first glance 
side a appears well made, and the 
bare corners about even. But this 
feature has been secured only at the 
cost of a great difference in width be- 
Fic. 72.—Symumetrical arrangement on side tween the first and third of the wide 

Sea Nig age stripes. Note also the omitted stitch 
at the top of the left stripe. A similar incongruity occurs in the 
widths of the stripes of the other sides, those on b being more nearly 
equal. This is still another method of correcting miscalculation in cir- 
cumference spacing which has not been touched upon before. 

Doctor Haeberlin has sketched in Figure 73 a basket belonging 
to the collection in the United States National Museum which is 
reported to come from the Fraser River region. One side contains 
no designs except a band of plain beading near the top. According 
to Mr. Teit’s observations and data, this should be a Lillooet speci- 
men, perhaps traded into the Fraser region, for the Thompson are 
said never to have decorated three sides of a basket with imbrica- 
tion to the exclusion of the fourth. On the first imbricated side, 
which is shown in a, the very poor adjustment of the design is obvious 
and in distinct contrast to 6, which is excellently done except for the 
slightly wider space between the third and fourth stripes. This gives 


50 Compare Plates 12, b; 18, a; 23, d; 24, g; 26, a, d, fy 33, c; 34, a, c, d; 35, c, e 38, c; 39, a, c; 40, a; 51, 
1; 55, e, hy 56, 6; 57, e; 77. In these additional patterns will be found. 


BOAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 285 


us another glimpse at personalities. There are women who start 
well and finish less perfectly and there are those who having spoiled 
one side are not deterred from improving the next. The fourth side 
(fig. 73, ¢) is interesting because of the omission of the lowest stitch 
on the right side of the third stripe, doubtless because the whole would 
then appear too near the corner. 


Fic. 73.—Symmetrical arrangement on sides of basket. U.S.N.M. 217442 


One of the most perfect examples of fine technique and circumfer- 
ence spacing is to be seen in Figure 74, a—d, which shows better than 
a discussion the unusually even distribution of the bands, while the 
regular alternation of colors is most pleasing. The blocks them- 
selves are beautiful in their regularity and there are no mistakes. All 


ZY 


MZ 


b, d 
Fic. 74.—Basket with symmetrical ornamentation. U.S.N.M. 217459 


12 stripes are worked as shown in Figure 74, e. But the stripes of 
the sides 6, c, and d are longer than those of a, for what reason can 
not be determined. With such perfect work as this, it is evident that 
this peculiarity is intentional. 

A nice example of almost complete symmetry in design and color 
may be seen in Figure 75. The character of the vertical pattern has 


286 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


been carefully worked out by Doctor Haeberlin in Sketch a. His notes 
refer to the lowest triangles which in each series are only three 
instead of four stitches wide across the top; all the others in the series 
conform to the latter measurement. The rim is entirely imbricated_ 
with red and black stitches, the colors being arranged to form a 
contrast with the scheme of the vertical design immediately below; 
that is, above a design worked in red and white the rim stitches are 
black; above a black and white figure the stitches are red. The 
alternation of the two rim colors lies about halfway between the 


YWULBULECADDULALBAALALAE 


Fia. 75.—Basket with symmetrical ornamentation. A.M.N.H. 16-9543 


vertical patterns. At the rim the spaces between the vertical stripes 
are divided into the two colors in the following manner: 


Space 1______ Slacks sees 3 red. 

Space 2______ 3*red.wuawoum 2 black. 

Space s.-—=-— PAN ON EKG eye 3 red. 

Space 4___-__ Sred== =e 9 black, corner. 

Space 5______ 4 black______ 5 red. 

Space 6_2_ 21 - 9 red____-~-- 6 black, corner. 

Space 7___-__ S blacks aeeaes 4 red (shown in sketch). 
Spacerseew ans Sted ste: 35 Be 3 black (shown in sketch), 
Space 9___/___ 6 black____-_ 6 red, corner. 


Space 10_____ 5 red_ tate 6 black. 


Boas] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 287 


Doctor Haeberlin says: 


At the last corner she gets into difficulties, for this is the place where the 
jump occurs, or where the coil begins and ends. The arrangement there is as 
shown in sketch b of Figure 75. 

The symmetry in this basket is excellent, as is the balancing of 
color. It is secured first by the very careful circumference spacing 
of the vertical designs and secondly by the treatment of the corners, 
where more space is allowed between the designs than elsewhere. 


SmaLtL Designs ON VERTICAL STRIPES 


There are a number of baskets decorated with vertical stripes 
and similar patterns where the subdivision into small designs has 
involved more difficulties and consequent errors than the placing 
of the stripes themselves or the treatment of the corners. Indeed it 
frequently happens that the basket wall is exceedingly well subdi- 
vided, so that at first glance the entire basket presents a remarkably 
symmetrical appearance, but upon examination the subdivision of 
the stripes or similar patterns into small designs reveals a multitude 
of small errors. This fact seems to indicate that the two problems 
are utterly different, allied though they appear to be, and that the 
case of basket making is analogous to that of sculpture, painting, 
music, or any other of the fine arts. There are those artists who have 
broad conceptions and splendid ideas which they can sketch in a big 
way very effectively, but when it comes to execution the work had 
better be left not simply to artisans, but to artists who finish their 
work with the utmost nicety and attention to detail. The real 
artist who possesses both of these qualifications to a marked degree 
is occasionally found, here in British Columbia as elsewhere, as we 
have seen from such specimens as those portrayed in Figures 57 and 
59 (pp. 270, 272) where every point is perfect. 

We have already discussed some baskets which displayed small 
errors (if the term may be allowed as meaning smaller in size), as 
well as those of spacing on the basket itself. The baskets about to 
be discussed are to be regarded almost exclusively from the point of 
view of the little errors made in stitches and color, because these are 
the more conspicuous points in this group. Nevertheless some of the 
old mistakes in spacing are evident and will be noted briefly. 

It should not be inferred that these so-called small errors are 
regarded as of any less importance artistically, mechanically, or 
psychologically than those of the other type. They are controlled in 
part by some of the same principles, but their smaller rhythms, the 
necessity for closer attention to the detail of the stitch, the very fact 
that smaller spaces are involved as well as color and more minute 
and numerous repetitions of an idea, give the situation a different 
aspect. 


288 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [eru. ann. 41 


Figure 76 depicts a basket in which the shortcomings of the indi- 
vidual maker are as clearly disclosed as if one knew her personally. 
Beginning with the bottom coil of the walls, as shown in a, 6, and 
d, it is evident that she planned to border her vertical stripes 
with two rows of stitches instead of the one row which she adopted 
at the next round. Evidently she was influenced in her decision to 
make the change by the fact that when she reached the end of the 
first side at the corner she discovered that by poor measuring the edge 
of her last stripe on this face would come exactly at the corner, whereas 
the first stripe was begun 21% centimeters in from the left corner. 
Nevertheless, on the succeeding three sides she continued putting 
in two imbricated stitches where the edge of each stripe was to come, 
although she had omitted the second stitch at the corner just dis- 
cussed. In addition to this 
mistake, in the first vertical 
stripe she had placed one too 
many stitches so that the bot- 
tom chevron was not exactly 
centered, necessitating an ex- 
tra stitch on either side where 
the chevron extends to the 
edge at some distance up on 
the stripe. Then in the cen- 
tral stripe not only on this side, 
but also on the opposite long 
face, she began the design in 
the stripe with two stitches, 
which in the following round 

Fic. 76.—Basket showing change in the plan of deco- ghe reduced to one which could 
relies: UpSEN- Mi, 21608 not be (or was not) centered 

above the two, thus giving the base of the figure its unsymmetrical 
appearance. In the second row, in the first vertical stripe on 
the side marked a, the edge stitches of the vertical stripe are 
placed above the outside stitches of the two used in the first 
round; in the central stripe one side is continued upward from 
the inner stitch, the other from the outer. The third stripe was 
necessarily continued from the inner of the two stitches of the 
first coil because of the short distance between the second and third 
stripes, which perhaps was now more apparent to her. On the end 
(6) the continuation of the stripe from its foundation of two (and 
three) stitches for either edge is symmetrical, but does not corre- 
spond to what occurred on the first face, since here the continuation 
proceeds from the inner of the two stitches on each edge. On the 
second long face we have still other methods of procedure, as we have 
again on the second end. Doctor Haeberlin’s notes state that the 
stitches on the entire basket are unusually irregular, part of which 


BOAS] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 289 


may be accounted for quite readily by the uneven width of the sewing 
splints, as may be noted in the center of the second stripe on face a, 
a circumstance which here makes the two ‘‘arms’”’ of the crosspiece 
quite asymmetrical. On the whole, one can quite easily perceive 
from her handiwork the careless disposition of the woman, who not 
only prepared her splints badly, but likewise was so little able to fix her 
attention on the work in hand, or was so lightly blessed with a love 
of order, that she could not in two consecutive stripes maintain the 
same general procedure, although she evidently had a definite scheme 
of decoration in mind, which was well planned, not only for the bas- 
ket, but in color, where the imbrication for the stripes is alternately 
red and black; and to her credit be it said that she did not need a 
‘filler.’ The indications are in favor of a mind which can visualize 
and plan in a large way, but which can not execute with nicety. 
The basket shown in Plate 49, 6, and Figure 77 is extremely interest- 
ing from the standpoint of small rhythms and mistakes. On the 


Fic. 77.—Basket illustrating lack of symmetry in detail 


whole the design is quite well conceived and executed and it is quite 
evident what the maker’s intentions were. Doctor Haeberlin has not 
given any photographs of the long sides, but there is enough material 
for study on the ends of the basket. Beginning with side a, on the 
left end, since the work progressed toward the right, it is evident 
that the intention was to ornament each block with two diagonal 
lines, and judging from the blocks on both ends the predominating 
idea was to have those on the lowest tier run up toward the left. But 
in the middle block this direction was shifted toward the right. 
Whether this was the original intention and the maker changed her 
mind, or a mistake, can not be stated. With the beginning of the 
second tier it was found that the increase in size of the face owing to 
the slant of the walls would permit of inserting another block at the 
left. Probably this had not been previously considered. This is 
merely assumed, however, due to the change in ornamentation from 
the established diagonal to an utterly incongruous vertical line run- 
ning up the middle of the block. Such is usually the character of 


290 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erH. ANN. 42 


the filler. It is true that the filler most frequently occupies the right 
side, but it has occasionally been seen on the left. It would be inter- 
esting to know what the maker had to say on the subject, for only she 
could settle the question. The women are not very prone to intro- 
duce foreign elements except in the filler, and this is the considera- 
tion that influences our assumption in this case. In the second 
tier of blocks the same idea of diagonals is consistently carried out 
as in the first, namely, they lean in the first block to the left, in the 
second to the right, and in the third to the left again. It is not 
entirely fair to examine one side of a basket without simultaneously 
presenting the other three sides, since the structure is a spiral coil 
and with the addition of each new coil the entire circuit of the basket 
must be encompassed. In this way it is very easy for the artist to 
carry over from one face to another her problems and thought proc- 
esses almost mechanically, especially when there is so much to attend 
to, so that she frequently forgets to make the required changes neces- 
sary in a new situation. In the third and fourth tiers she failed to 
maintain her rhythms of direction, and it is not possible to say 
what she hadin mind, whether the left blocks show mistakes or an 
attempted change in scheme. At any rate the diagonals of the 
center blocks (not counting the fillers) do not alternate in direction 
with those on either side, although the right blocks in each tier are 
alike and the center ones are the same for the lower three rows of 
sidea. It is interesting to notice the greater length of the top row of 
blocks, due to using one coil too many, and that the artist seemed to 
think it necessary to continue with her idea and start another diago- 
nal, which spoils the effect (see pl. 49, 6). It would have been better 
had she left the last coil plain. 

With side 6 (fig. 77) the artist evidently had bad luck continually. 
It is almost impossible to reduce the diagonals to any sort of scheme. 
In the second and fourth tiers she made bad mistakes which would 
have been far less evident had she not changed the direction of the 
second diagonal. 

The woman who worked on the basket sketched in Figure 78 
evidently tried many experiments to overcome her difficulties. The 
worst of her troubles came from stripes which in some cases were 
too wide, but more often on account of additional stitches which 
were occasioned by narrower sewing splints and perhaps tighter 
sewing. ‘These little inaccuracies are very unimportant where the 
sewing is plain but make themselves felt at once as soon as each 
stitch is imbricated, since definite numbers of these affect the stepped 
designs so often used. In Figure 78 almost every stripe reveals a 
different difficulty, not least among which are the truncation of the 
triangles where the stripes are too narrow or too broad to admit of 
their proper completion. 


APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 291 


BOAS] 


SSSNNN NN BB SRE 
NAA IIS SS) 


SOY MAY SVYSSVAVAY 
WW NEE EE EEE CWS CW EEE NN a AS 


ERSTE TERS TTT TANG 
a ERR SSS SS BE SSN BB SSC SUS 
WAG ETS ERS 
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a WW E 
SCE SG Ns SNS 
[TTT RSS 


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SSANSG MGS SSS NSSs 


SST Sr sy 


LT TT SSS 


HA 


NSS NSS TRS SST TRG 
WN NSS FNS TT RS 


NS 


TT RQ ERG VWGSG 


diagonal lines. A.M.N.H. 16.1-473 


SSSA Wo eS — 


Bd SS BB SG BS EE WN 


Fic. 78.—Diagonal design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrangement of 


PFS, 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


292 


Figure 79, a, gives an idea of the stepped diagonals on eight vertical 


stripes on a large basket, showing only the lower end of one. 


The 


stripes are all the same as far as number of stitches and height of the 
lines is concerned, but the details of the lines vary and the succession 


of colors is changed. 


“The interesting feature of these ornaments,” writes Doctor 
Haeberlin, ‘‘is the difficulty into which the woman comes by starting 


the stripes with 12 stitches at the base. 


This accounts for the greater 


She might have 


She chose to use one less 


breadth of the black line in block 2 (fig. 79, a). 


corrected this trouble in different ways. 


stitch from the tenth coil up. Two other ene of solution 


NWN 


MN CQ G9 


INNA 


PE 
PSST. GQ GFW GG GGoTAS;S. DWV, 
LT IN SY. GST KM GUT KM, G.—_»T TI 
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EB GWG Cs CCW BB GE BG, 
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Fic. 79.—Diagonal design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrangement of diagonal lines. 


A.M.N.H. 16-8835 


In a the twelve- 


column arrangement requires a width of three stitches for the black 
diagonal, while in the upper eleven-column arrangement all the 


ie 


5] 


b 


) 


In 6 the central white diagonal 


is broken, while in ¢ the diagonals lack the dark border. 


existed which are shown in Figure 79 


diagonals are two stitches wide. 


Figure 81 shows the device 


resorted to, in order to avoid an interference on the part of the 


In Figure 80, b, the detail drawing shows the impos- 
angle of the zigzag with the edge. 


Note the regular circumference spacing of the stripes in 
sibility of exactly centering the zigzag owing to the number of stitches 


A similar problem is encountered in the basket sketched in Figures 


which make up the width of the stripe. 


80 and 81. 
Figure 80. 


BOAs) APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 


293 


If care is not taken to preserve the relative heights of different 
figures which make up the decoration of two kinds of vertical stripes 
on the same basket the frequent result is that the stripes which are 


EE NAN ON 


AANA AN ANT AN 


SS TNS NO SN SNE 


SJ 


PSSST 


SS 
AN AN AN AN AA 


NN RAN CANN CANN ERAN ANAS ANNI RAN CNN CAN EAN ANTAAS AAR ARN AN ARAN 
QOS ANS DADS AN AOD SAND 


JANA CAD. ANN EAARANIT AAD ANNAN RANT ANAS GAN SANT ANN AANA ARN ERT 
PSE ASS SISSIES 


H 
y 
4 
y 
y 
4 
Y 
y 
Y 
4 
Y 
y 
Z' 
4 
yy 
yj 
i 
4 


SSS SS ESS ESSE ESSE ESS 


NN RS ON NN AN OO 
IVAN Oo 


SS OS BS NS A ON 
NE NO a CO A 


Sk 


HS 
ae eS SN tt 


SE ONS SS OOS A AN ANN SR ANN ANS 


[SSS BS ESE" ESTES ESTES 


Fic. 80.—Design illustrating difficulties encountered in the arrangement of diagonal lines. 


U.S.N.M. 217465 


ornamented with figures a little shorter or taller than those introduced 
in the majority have the appearance of being unfinished at the rim, 


since because of different spacing there is room at the 
last for only incomplete elements. This may be seen in 
Figure 82. 

Mistakes in imbrication made in the pattern itself are 
sometimes responsible for a complete change in the deco- 
rative scheme and it is quite probable that in this way 
new ideas occasionally present themselves to the artist. 
In Figure 83 a mistake made in the eighth coil led to the 
substitution of a single column of long rectangles for the 
divided rectangles of the lower coils. 

The error made in the first stripe in Figure 84 has been 
rectified by the artist in succeeding stripes, showing that 
she had definite ideas, and that the omission of certain 
stitches in the first stripe was detected. 

There are two kinds of vertical stripes on the long sides 
of the basket sketched in Figure 85. That lettered b de- 
termines the height of the basket. The slipped diagonals 
of a are adjusted to this. The basket was begun, as is 
usually the case, at one corner. The stripe shown in 
Figure 85, 6, was the first one started and is at one end 


Fig. 81.—De- 
sign illustrat- 
ing difficul- 
ties encount- 
ered in the ar- 
rangement of 
diagonal lines 


of the basket. After having completed her first diagonal on this 
end (c), on reaching the next stripe (a), also a stripe with diagonal lines, 
she discovered that a line four coils in height was too high for the 


(ETH. ANN. 41 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


294. 


three-coil triangles of the next stripe (a) and so began her second 


diagonal line three coils high (c) instead of making it four coils high as 


she did on stripe a. 


But the most interesting question to answer is, 


Se 
NN 


g 525 £25-522_5 


SS 


NERS 
SSS 


Fic. 83.—Change of pattern of deco- 
ration, A.M.N.H, 16.1-547 


NNN VN 
NTN NSF NEANEN 


MXXGGQ 


y WWW Ft I 
LWW \ 


Ht SS 


Fic. 82.—Diagonal design illustrating difficulties 
encountered in the arrangement of diagonal lines 


BESW Wa NN 


SIININN EX QQ QAAAAGD AANA 


k to her original idea for the remainder of the 


why, having made this adjustment between the patterns of the two 


stripes, did she go bac 


SSG GQ GGG Wy yg ">" 
SSG GGGGL GG GGG GGG 
—t SWAN SANS 
alot =p Nt FASS 


a pon 


Fic. 84.—Errors in arrangements of diagonal patterns. A.M.N.H. 16.1-516 


coil diagonal lines too 


At any rate, she very cleverly came out even at the top with 


her two patterns of different heights, which redounds to her credit. 


She may have thought three 


basket walls? 


short. 


296 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


that slight variations in the width of the splint show up very quickly 
in the imbrication which overlies it, particularly if designs are to be 
evolved from grouped stitches of contrasting colors. Therefore, on an 
entirely imbricated basket, both for background and designs, the 
chances are always for better work all around, although ill-matched 
designs and other such troubles 
are often present on account of 
the shape of the basket to which 
an unadaptable design may be 
applied. 

A beautiful example of an en- 
tirely imbricated storage basket 
is given in Figure 87 and Plate 
15, ce. Sketch 6 of this figure 
gives a detail of the design. 
Doctor Haeberlin has taken the 
trouble to count the stitches at 
all points on the basket corre- 
sponding to those marked A and 
B in the figure, and the accom- 
panying table shows what re- 
markable uniformity has been 
found in the spacing. Even with 
such accurate work there is an 
Fic. 87.—Basket illustrating uniformity of design. asyminetrical grouping of the 

AMA Epos series of diamonds on a short end 
of the basket, owing to original poor subdivision of the circumference 


of the first coil. 


Sipe A 
Between stripes a and b 
Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7 and 8. Between rows 2 and 3: B—17. 
Row 3: A—9. Between rows 3 and 4: B—16. 


Row 4: A—8. 
Between stripes b and c 


Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7. Between rows 2 and 3: B—15. 
Row 3: A—7. Between rows 3 and 4: B—15. 


Row 4: A—7. 
Between stripes c and d 


Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7. Between rows 2 and 3: B—15. 
Row 3: A—7. Between rows 3 and 4: B—15. 
Row 4: A—7. 
Between stripes d and e 

Row 1: A—9. Between rows 1 and 2: B—17. 
Row 2: A—9. Between rows 2 and 3: B—17. 
Row 3: A—9. Between rows 3 and 4: B—17. 
Row 4: A—9. 


Boas] APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 297 


Sipe B 


The grouping of the stripes on the surface of this side is asym- 
metrical, being shifted over too far to the left. 


Between stripes a and b 


Row 1: A—6. Between rows 1 and 2: B—14. 
Row 2: A—6. Between rows 2 and 3: B—14. 
Row 3: A—6. Between rows 3 and 4: B—14. 


Row 4: A—6. 
Between stripes b and c 


Row 1: A—8. Between rows 1 and 2: B—16. 
Row 2: A—8. Between rows 2 and 3: B—16. 
Row 3: A—8. Between rows 3 and 4: B—16. 


Row 4: A—8. 
Sipr C 


Between stripes a and b 


Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7. Between rows 2 and 3: B—15. 
Row 3: A—7. Between rows 3 and 4: B—15. 


Row 4: A—7. 
Between stripes b and c 


Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7. Between rows 2 and 3: B—15. 
Row 3: A—7. Between rows 3 and 4: B—15. 


Row 4: A—7 
Between stripes c and d 


Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7. Between rows 2 and 3: B—15. 
Row 3: A—7. Between rows 3 and 4: B—15. 


Row 4: A—7. 
Between stripes d and e 


Row 1: A—8. Between rows 1 and 2: B—16. 
Row 2: A—8. Between rows 2 and 3: B—16. 
Row 3: A—8. Between rows 3 and 4: B—16. 


Row 4: A—8. 
Sipe D 


The grouping of the stripes on the surface of this side is much 
closer to symmetry than that of side b. 


Between stripes a and b 


Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7. Between rows 2 and 3: B—15. 
Row 3: A—7. Between rows 3 and 4: B—16. 


Row 4: A—8. 
Between stripes b and c 


Row 1: A—7. Between rows 1 and 2: B—15. 
Row 2: A—7. Between rows 2 and 3: B—15. 
Row 3: A—7. Between rows 3 and 4: B—15. 
Row 4; A—7. 


298 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erH. ANN, 41 


Lip PrRoBLEMS 


The lid problems, especially where the designs are carried over 
from the walls so as to make one complete whole, present some even 
more difficult situations. We can not but admire the artistic sense of 
a people who treat a basket as a whole, from the standpoint of design 
and wall structure, for it will be remembered with what care many of 
the modern specimens are constructed with flanges on the inside of 
the orifice to support lids whose edges turn down so as to meet exactly 
and lie in one plane with the wall coils. Plate 48, 6, ¢, is a striking 
example of the ingenuity and craftsmanship as well as of artistic taste 
sometimes displayed. Figure 88°! is given here to show the meas- 
urements taken by Doctor Haeberlin which exhibit the great care 
exercised by the maker during the building of the entire structure. 
The number of stitches and measurements on the one side are given 
in Figure 88. On the opposite side the number of stitches from left 
to right is 4 (114 em.), 16 (5 cm.), 14 (4 em.), 16 (434 cm.), 16 (414 
em.), 16 (44% cm.),5 (14%ecm.). Nevertheless, designs such as vertical 


DLS one lb yo Sean ne ~ pat(orlb) [at Sat 
Fia. 88.—Measurements of basket. U.S.N.M. 216420 


stripes, which are an excellent means of decorating baskets with 
trapezoidal faces, are not at all amenable to successful adjustment on 
oval lids. This is very evident from the basket seen in Plate 48, 6, ¢. 
Viewed from the side, the handling of the design is admirable, but, 
owing to really very slight inaccuracies in circumference subdivision 
and the leftward lean of the vertical pattern, a difficulty from which 
the finest craftswoman can not extricate herself without a total change 
of technique, the lid is anything but satisfactory. We wonder that 
it appears as well-as it does. This is one of the lids that is either 
worked from the circumference toward the center or else coiled left- 
handedly. The latter is not probable, since the alignment of the 
design is so perfect where the lid edge meets the basket. 

Plate 48, a, is a photograph of a design executed with astonishing 
accuracy in the face of the almost overwhelming obstacles presented 
by the technique and with the type of ornamentation chosen. In 
Plate 35, ec, we find a much happier selection of design and the product 
of a very able technician. 


5! The three vertical bands indicate the space of the rectangular patterns on the long sides of the basket. 


BoAs| APPLICATION OF DESIGN TO FIELD 299 


Several women discussed in detail the construction of a lid similar 
to that shown on Plate 11,6. They agreed that in the first place the 
structure of the lid was bad, and in consequence it was very difficult 
to apply the imbrication correctly. They declared that a lid of this 
shape was no more difficult to construct than any other and the 
problems it presented were certainly no worse than those encountered 
in building some sharp-cornered baskets. They considered the 
design rather inappropriate for a lid of this shape, as it would also 
be for a more circular flat surface, because it was very difficult to 
adjust. The maker was criticized as not having spaced her design 
properly in the beginning. Her imbrication points at different 
angles at the corners (i. e., not at an equal number of degrees at each 
corner), because the coil stitches have been permitted to vary in 
their relative positions. They did not believe that this had been 
caused by holding the lid in a 
different position from that usu- 
ally maintained by the average 
worker. They criticized that 
the coils had been stitched to- 
gether in the same way as when 
making a bottom; and that 
little care had been taken to 
place each stitch correctly at 
the corners, as must be done 
when making an imbricated lid. 
All these errors resulted in an 
asymmetrical design. They ex- 
plained that in turning a sharp 
corner the stitches must spread 
at the outer edge of the coil and at the same time overlap on the 
inner edge, and evidently any carelessness in placing them would 
affect the position of the whole design. In bottoms which are not 
imbricated slight inaccuracies are not of such importance. 

Other lids are given in Figure 89 and Plates 11, 12, 14, 35, 36, 41, 42, 
45, 48, 49, 50, and 51. It is only comparatively recently that the 
women have undertaken such difficult artistic and technical problems 
as those shown in the illustrations just discussed. The former deco- 
rations were largely beading, not only for the parallel-coiled lids 
shown here but for the watch-spring and elongated coils as well. 
Lids like that given in Plate 50, c, a (=56, a), while not presenting 
any complicated artistic problem, display very well the technical 
genius of the builder, who by means of carefully graded parallel coils 
constructed a lid which in appearance is exactly like the hump tops 
of our old-fashioned trunks. The piece of imbricated work shown in 
Plate 50, f, is not a lid but the inside bottom of a tub-shaped basket, 


= 


Pasaautlll, 
> 


(\\S 


\ SSF 
as Sere 


Fic. 89.—Decorated lid 


300 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ern. ANN. 41 


one of the rare examples found. It is unique in that it shows imbri- 
cation on parallel coils. Plate 51 gives some odd new shapes and two 
classic Lillooet forms, beautifully made, from which a Thompson 
form was evidently taken (pl. 51, m). 

Lastly, the trays in Plates 52, 53, and 54, presenting some of the 
problems encountered in oval elongated coiled lids, disclose the fact 
that a few women are not able to space properly even on shapes 
the whole surface of which may be seen at one glance, while others 
produce almost perfect specimens. 

The examples here discussed show that various ways of meeting 
the difficulties encountered in the adaptation of designs have been 
devised and that different degrees of aptitude are found not only 
among different women but often combined in the same person. 
An otherwise extremely accurate technician proves at fault in spacing 
her designs properly around the circumference of the coil (pl. 15, ¢; 
fig. 87). A woman with excellent artistic ideas who spaces very well 
indeed is often confused in the lesser design rhythms into which she 
subdivides her larger conceptions (fig. 81). Another one above the 
average in all these respects may be poor at regulating the size of her 
coils and aligning them with each other, so that her basket structure 
is bumpy even while her stitching and decoration are exceptional, 
Sometimes we find that those who have committed blunders have 
cleverly sought to cover them up or to turn them to their advantage 
in a way which was entirely unpremeditated. And now and then we 
find that satisfying person, the all-around genius, whose beautiful 
specimens of handiwork are perfect, both from a technical and 
artistic point of view. The most striking peculiarity of design ar- 
rangement consists in the lack of feeling for unity of motifs exhibited 
in the use of incongruous fillers. 


THE SELECTION OF THE DESIGN 


The individual woman plays no small part in the establishment of 
the basketry style of her tribe, especially if a certain degree of liberty 
is allowed her to follow her own inclinations, and this seems to be 
the case in the Thompson region. The women are not restricted 
in their selection of designs but make any number; most of them from 
time to time undertake patterns with which they have previously 
been unacquainted; others invent variations of old elements which 
they have used before, and some do both. During a woman’s life- 
time certain designs and variations may perhaps be considered to 
belong to her in a sense that they are her particular inventions, but 
knowledge concerning origins is soon lost by the majority, especially 
after the designs have been copied or changed by others. Only in 
the minds of a few people like old Kalia, who once lived at Spuzzum, 


Boas] SELECTION OF DESIGN 301 


but has been dead for many years, are such historical details cher- 
ished and remembered. She was a famous basket and blanket 
maker, who wrought many classic designs. The only variations she 
ever attempted were those which came to her in dreams. She was an 
authority on designs, their names, and history. 

A new design or variation is readily copied, if easy to make, 
especially if it is attractive. Probably in this way many have become 
the common property of everyone, are made everywhere, and un- 
doubtedly are now quite old. With these are generally associated 
the greatest number of variations since they are constantly being 
changed in some minor detail, but not enough to render them unrec- 
ognizable. This dynamic condition has probably always existed 
more or less. Occasionally it happens that they are so distorted or 
blended with foreign elements that their names, meanings, and 
origins have become uncertain, or are totally lost. On the other 
hand, some patterns are rare, having fallen almost completely into 
disuse because they have proved unsuitable or unpopular, while 
others are known only within limited areas. The young people 
have formed quite different tastes from their elders, and their atti- 
tude has had not a little bearing on the character of designs chosen. 
It is said they have conceived a dislike for certain forms of bead, 
dentalia, and tree patterns, which in consequence are rarely selected 
for decorative purposes at the present day. 

There are a few designs which are inherited, but not as property 
or because they were invented by ancestors. They are taught to 
the daughters by the mother or grandmother and thus handed down. 
In some cases an old design may be retained in one family without 
really belonging there, having been forgotten by others who once 
employed it, or having been brought from a distance. 

Occasionally a young woman will use an ancient design which 
has been taught her, but which her friends have never happened to 
see. Old women, however, will often recognize it at once as having 
been popular when they were young. There are probably many 
cases like that of two informants, Nos. 33 and 34,” who are good 
neighbors and friends and who copy each other’s designs to a very 
considerable extent. They often agree to make the same pattern 
on baskets on which they happen to be working at the same time. 
They try to employ only the most striking figures because these 
always attract more attention and assist in a ready sale. They also 
work together in trying out new patterns or creating novel varia- 
tions of old ones, but usually they do not invent anything very 
original. Such an achievement is indeed rare. These two women 


52 See p. 453. 


302 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


have made baskets ever since their girlhood, a few each year. No. 
34 puts letters on her baskets, which she has learned from the whites, 
such as the initials of names, and to these she sometimes adds the 
date of the year in which the work was completed. 

Not many patterns have been the result of dreams, but those which 
are so regarded are claimed to have been clearly and accurately pre- 
sented in the dream. It is thought that they come from the super- 
natural powers. Usually a woman’s friends do not copy her dream 
design, even if she gives her permission to do so, but if it is a nice 
design, sooner or later some one sees it on a basket, perhaps a stranger, 
and copies it, and after that it is soon taken up generally. The 
dreamer makes no effort to prevent her ideas being copied, but some 
old dream designs are never duplicated because of their peculiarity 
and failure to appeal to the people. Hyven the woman who receives 
a vision of such a nature usually has the same opinion about it that 
her neighbors express, and seldom reproduces it. Old women some- 
times teach their dream designs to their daughters or grandchildren, 
who treat them as they would any other old design, and neighbors 
who know their origin and have hitherto refrained will then more 
readily copy them after the granddaughter or daughter has had the 
first opportunity. It was explained that this was because between 
the dreamer and her basket design an intimate supernatural relation 
existed which became weaker if members of the family formed 
connecting links. This was because the power, although belonging 
to the dreamer personally and not connected with her relatives, was - 
not as liable to do them such harm as might be brought upon an 
outsider. 

It was not known whether or not her husband’s or male relatives’ 
dreams were ever portrayed by a woman on her baskets, but it was 
stated that they were often painted on a girl’s clothing or on tipis. 
Guardian spirits are all personal or individual, each differing from 
the other even though designated by the same name. ‘There are no 
special guardians who are considered particularly potent where 
basketry designs are concerned. The designs themselves are all 
that are supposed to be seen in a dream and no two of those observed 
are alike. 

No. 25 offered a bit of information as to her personal experience 
in regard to dreams of this nature. She said that formerly they were 
very common, but the patterns so obtained were merely variations 
in form or arrangement of those already well known. She said that 
occasionally she had had very vivid impressions of designs in her 
dreams and that in every case she saw them on baskets in different 
stages of completion. Never but once were they associated with 
anything but baskets, and some, she thought, were very nice to look 
at; they either resembled those already known to her, or more rarely 


BoAs| SELECTION OF DESIGN 303 


were quite new. In all cases they were very complicated, or difficult 
to execute (a good example of how the creative instinct was hampered 
by the technique). For this reason she never made any of them, 
although in some instances she remembered them for a long time. 
With these visions there was never any description, no one presented 
the designs, and no one spoke. Other women, however, sometimes 
had encounters in their dreams. No. 25 never experienced this but 
once, when she saw the only design she ever dreamed about, which 
was not on a basket. In this case it was a blanket design shown her 
by a woman she had known who had long been dead. The woman 
asked her if she could make it, and she responded that she might try 
if her eyesight were better. But the design was hard and she never 
attempted it, although she often thought she would. Her eyes 
became worse and she had to abandon the plan. 

The objects seen in a dream are pictured more or less realistically 
and serve to commemorate or record the event. If the dream is very 
striking or unusual it is sometimes represented on the first basket 
which the woman makes afterwards. Such pictures are used only 
once. Generally they are not easy to produce, nor are they capable 
of being so adapted to the space offered as to be employed for design 
purposes, even were their significance of general interest. When 
making baskets for shamans or other men, designs which are symbolic 
of their guardian spirits are frequently made according to directions 
given by the prospective owners, but the maker may be left free to 
exercise her choice of arrangement because it is conceded that she is 
then better able to balance the figures after the fashion in vogue on 
ordinary baskets. If the exact details are left to the woman she 
usually produces a much superior piece of work. 

Each woman probably makes a large number of designs,® and 
all the informants expressed opinions regarding their combination 
with one another, stating that some can be united more artistically 
than others. They are by no means agreed on this point in every 
case, although generally a pleasing combination is not a subject of 
much concern; on the contrary, patterns are often put together with- 
out much thought, except when they can not be made to fit. 

A number of women agreed that triangles or half arrowheads, mean- 
ing right-angled triangles, combined well with diamonds, especially 
if the former surrounded the latter so that their oblique sides were 
parallel (fig. 90, a), and that the equilateral or isosceles triangle 
called arrowhead might be artistically combined with two con- 
verging lines (fig. 90, 6). Small crosses or stars, groups of short 
parallel lines, dots, small squares (rectangles?), triangles, and dia- 
monds were considered useful for combination with larger figures 
when forming designs where it seemed advisable to create centers 


52 See appendix, pp. 431 et seq., for lists of informants and the designs they have made, 


304 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [eru. ann. 41 


for large surfaces or fillers for undecorated spaces. Angles or chev- 
rons were especially attractive to them as outlines for parts of 
diamonds or triangles (fig. 90, c) and the T figure for filling in the 
space between two diamonds (fig. 90, d). They expressed a liking 
for barred effects on rectangles and squares and also for groups of 
lines arranged at right angles to each other (fig. 90, e). Diagonal 
lines as borders for step figures or horizontal lines inclosing zigzags 
or opposed triangles, and combinations of zigzags and triangles 
they considered very pleasing (fig. 91). Notches, checks, or small 
crosses as a means of subdividing the surfaces of large figures were 
also very popular, as may be seen from a survey of the photographs. 


OV \AQTS sil 


Fic. 90.—Combinations of designs 


The women also possessed quite pronounced dislikes, especially 
in regard to color combinations, feeling that red and black spaces 
should be separated by a white line or by bare background. They 
disapproved of designs haying a crowded appearance as well as of 
those which seemed too scattered and bare, their reasons being that 
in the former case the figures would not show to advantage, while in 
the latter the basket would look, as they expressed it, too weak. 

Two informants argued that the designs pictured in Sketches 49, 
50, 54, 84, 153, 154, 237, 348, 415, 419, 421, 512, 539-543, 582, 682, 
691, 740, 818, 821, 824, 834, 837, 838, and 842 were not suitable 
for baskets, some being too plain, others lacking good outlines. 


BER mow SEY 


a 


Fic. 91.—Combinations of designs 


Unfortunately Mr. Teit did not specify which faults belonged to 
which sketches or whether their lack of fitness applied only to certain 
forms of baskets or to all of them. Any designs which appeared un- 
finished or were unsymmetrical were deemed undesirable for basketry 
ornamentation. 


GEOMETRIC FORMS AND THEIR INTERPRETATIONS 


To return to purely geometric elements, the important question 
presents itself as to how these may be interpreted. Are there many 
very divergent ideas centered in and around the same geometric 
forms or are the meanings given more or less related? What are 
the forms, if any, which are given only one interpretation? If many 
are associated with the figure, what is their range of variability and 


BoAs] GEOMETRIC FORMS 305 


how is it influenced by the position of the figure, its arrangement 
in series, or its surface treatment? These are some of the questions 
to which an answer will be attempted. 

The horizontal line.*—If the horizontal line is not continuous but 
composed of small dots, it is known as beads (sketches 1, 2, and 3). 
If single, continuous and plain, it may be called cloud extended 
or striped snake (sketches 4 and 5). When divided into very short 
sections by alternating colors generally forming small squares it is 
variously termed hair ribbon, spot design, string of beads, necklace, 
snakeskin, nose-rod, fly, flying bird or insect, simply because it 
calls to mind any of these objects (sketches 6 and 7). The conno- 
tation “fly” is not so readily apparent until it is understood that the 
Uta’mqt name any combination of small checks or squares ‘‘flies.”’ 
If the line is cut into long sections of alternating colors, it is called 


ee se see een wee aes epee W277 
5 


=Eane EZE: C= Czas “ZA 


s 7 § 9 10 
7 Aaa) VSLTLT/ VA > LLL, 
rT WZLLLZLLL. EZ S007, ee 
12 14 


hte 


cloud extended, embroidery design—probably because such lines 
were produced in old embroidery work—necklace, string of beads, 
nose-rod, dentalium shells, flying bird or insect, hair ribbon, or 
dragon fly (sketches 8, 9, 10, and 11). Thicker lines may be divided 
throughout their length horizontally (sketch 12), and are then known 
as clouds, dentalia or embroidery designs. If in addition to the hori- 
zontal division the line is cut vertically at intervals resulting in two 
rows of blocks of alternating colors beside the meanings given, we 
have rattlesnake, necklace and string of beads (sketches 13, 14, and 
15). The long blocks seem to be especially connected in the people’s 
minds with dentalia which they use in great amounts for decorations 
of all kinds. Smaller blocks obtained by the same manner of sub- 
division are more frequently interpreted as snake, bullsnake, or 
rattlesnake, or they may represent the entirely unassociated hair 
ribbon (sketch 16). More than two horizontal “layers” necessitat- 
ing a quite thick and sometimes short line are termed hairy cater- 


“ The following does not agree in all details with the explanations to Plates 78-94, but the differences 
are trifling. Mr. Teit collected the sketches at one time and wrote the explanations at another, so that 
neither list is quite complete. I have not made them uniform because the differences may in part be 
intentional.—F. B. 


306 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


pillar, or dentalia (sketch 21). Three or more. horizontal lines or 
layers are usually considered as the snake design (sketches 22, 23, 
and 24), although when lacking the subdivision into blocks they are 
sometimes called scratch, stripe (25), or legging (26), especially the 
latter if ‘‘beads’’ accompany them such as are represented in the 
sketch by the small checks. As soon as we touch upon horizontal 
lines which are combined in any way with other figures, complica- 
tions arise which make generalizing an extremely difficult matter. 
Horizontal lines with rectangles attached here and there (sketch 439) 
are, however, given the same type of interpretation, namely, necklace 
and snake, while those which are not strictly horizontal lines, yet 
which on account of the alternating arrangement of figures in series 
resemble them (sketches 452 and 453), are again found to be clouds, 
notches, caterpillar, and flying geese. It will be seen that the 
horizontal line is named after only a small number of objects which 


eae wna “t= 
ZZ Ea 
452 453 
SSS =a] ; 
VLLLLLLLLLLL A 
[rrtecrereceeeel VLLLILLLL LLL 
22 
(See a 
(Sis ae wei 
21 26 | am) 
§ i 2. s 8 
| one 
anne 
®. 


er aS LILMMLLILL LE LILI TLL op & ft ‘sy 
25 [eine esa were AN 


LLITTTT TILL LTTLL TL 2 


on account of their form and frequent appearance or use are con- 
stantly kept in mind and therefore readily suggest themselves. The 
group includes among natural phenomena low-lying, long clouds; 
among artificial objects, hair ribbons, necklaces, strings of beads, 
nose-rods, embroidery and legging designs, scratches, stripes; and 
among living objects, insects, birds, and reptiles which by their 
shape are particularly suggestive. 

The diagonal line-—Diagonal lines usually appear in series. The 
single diagonal is very rare, because only one would give a very 
“bare” appearance to the basket wall, as the women would say. 
Dots or short vertical lines arranged in all-over, vertical, or diagonal 
order are known as rain (sketches 27 and 28). Plain diagonal lines 
are known as rainbow, stripe, scratch, leaning, lines extending out 
if they are of any length (sketches 29 and 32). Very rarely they 
are known as little ladder when in pairs. This is a name given 


Boas] GEOMETRIC FORMS 307 


because of the resemblance they bear to small ladders constructed of 
two poles, which young boys use in climbing, twining their legs 
around them, and pulling themselves up by the hands. Occasionally 
they are called striped snake (sketch 33). Short parallel lines 
arranged in groups are called rain design (sketch 35). In a vertical 
column or in converging series they are xanaxa’in, an unidentified 
edible root (sketches 36 and 37). Wider diagonal lines divided 
lengthwise are called striped snake (sketch 38). Vertical stripes are 
also ornamented with the diagonal line (sketches 39 to 42). These 
are interpreted as ‘‘twisted,’’ or dentalia, and sometimes as half 
arrowhead. 


WM MN He 


/ 


47 


~ 
i] 
o 


41 46 


For the diagonal line the list of meanings is confined to afew 
objects also. Among the natural phenomena suggested are the 
‘rainbow and rain, among artificial objects there are stripe, scratch, 
leaning lines extending out, and little ladder, while of living objects 
the snake is the only one represented, and that is comparatively rare. 

The vertical line.—The vertical line in dotted formation and in 
parallel series is called rain, spot or bead (sketches 43 and 44). The 
single continuous vertical line has practically the same interpreta- 
tions as the horizontal, namely woodworm, snake, caterpillar, or hair 
ribbon. The unnatural position of any of these objects as implied 
in the design does not seem to have occurred to the people, or at 
any rate to have made any difference. Series of verticals cut up 
into sections by changes in color are also known as rain, but again 
as beads, dentalia, spots, or necklaces. Sketch 46 illustrates these. 
Short double vertical lines are practically always interpreted as leg- 


308 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


ging designs, no matter how they are arranged (sketches 47 to 52). 
Rarely, however, when capped by a horizontal line they are said to 
represent the small frame erected by adolescent girls,on which to 
hang the miniature baskets and similar articles that they have made 
(sketch 50). Short triple lines are called false legging patterns 
(sketches 53 and 54). All-over combinations of double or triple ver- 
tical and horizontal lines are known as dentalia and embroidery. 
Long treble verticals are aptly termed stripe, scratch, or lines ex- 
tending out. Wide lines divided lengthwise are again known gs 
snakes, while those cut up crosswise Into squares are snake, worm, 
caterpillar, hair ribbon, or white man’s ladder (sketches 63 to 67). 
Checker vertical stripes, aside from being called flies, are snakes, 
beads, and necklaces. Those cut up in other ways are also given 
the same interpretation or are more rarely called rain (sketches 68 
to 76). Any other narrow vertical effect, such as is achieved by a 
vertical row of small triangles or diamonds (sketches 297, 302, pl. 84; 
524, pl. 88), seems to be considered in the same class as the vertical 
line and is given a similar interpretation. 


lI 
My qT lak 


wae 


53 54 


76 


It will be seen that all lines, horizontal, diagonal, and vertical, are 
interpreted as certain classes of objects according to their width, 
surface treatment, or combination with other lines, and that on the 
whole the direction of the lines has little to do with their meaning, 
although horizontal lines are not interpreted as rain. Small isolated 
single lines are scratches; grouped lines are leggings and rain. Single 
broad lines elaborately subdivided are most frequently snakes, 
worms, or flies (if checker), although the hair ribbon, ladder, bead, 
and other interpretations are given nearly as often. There is not a 
single interpretation offered that is not suggested by the resemblance 
of the lines to objects noted all the time by the people in their every- 
day life. The variety of terms given merely emphasizes the fact 
that the lines are after all not pictures or reduced realistic art, but 
only suggest objects which in a general way they resemble. 


Boas] GEOMETRIC FORMS 309 


The zigzag.—As has previously been intimated, there are two dis- 
tinct forms of zigzags, that composed of diagonal lines, arranged in 
horizontal or vertical series, and that composed of horizontal and 
vertical lines necessarily arranged diagonally. Of these the former 
are by far the most numerous. Horizontally arranged, especially 
when combined in some way with triangles, a single-line zigzag 
is most frequently called a necklace (sketch 77, pl. 79). Double or 
triple lines of this character are called snake, snake track, mountain 
tops, zigzag, caterpillar, or rarely the pack-strap design, since some 
form of this zigzag was usually taken for the decoration of the pack- 
strap. Sketches 79 and 80 show these figures. When double zigzags 
are arranged so that the imner points touch and the space between the 
lines is a series of diamonds they are regarded as more typical pack- 


strap designs, and are then described as having connected points or 
open middles. In addition to the usual interpretations of snake 
track, ete., such lines, particularly if there are many of them, are 
interpreted as ‘‘rainbow connected” and necklace (sketches 81 and 
82). The wide zigzag line (sketches 83 and 84), having a subdivided 
surface is usually called a snake design, occasionally necklace. A 
number of variants of this type of zigzag (85 to 88), in which some 
or all of the points are truncated, are given the following names: 
zigzag with flat points, half circles connected, going back and forth 
in half circles, mountain, cloud, rainbow, deer-fence, and embroidery. 
Only rarely are they termed snake tracks or part of a gravebox 
pattern. The exact name chosen for these figures on any particular 
occasion depends largely on the nature and disposition of accompany- 


310 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


ing small figures, or on the color treatment of the intervening spaces. 
The combination of truncated with nontruncated zigzags usually 
receives the name mountains (sketches 89 and 90). The step fig- 
ures in squares seen in sketches 91 and 92 cause this pattern to 
be likened to a rainbow and clouds, clouds over mountains, a neck- 
lace and pendants, or to embroidery. The forms shown in sketches 
93 and 94 are Nicola patterns, called clouds. The simple element, 
the trapezoid in various arrangements, is also designated in the same 


91 
rennasrinn onuerenn (forge mam\ We; Wi CG) 
Mil GW Wi i sie \ Se 5 
= 
93 94 95 


WVVX WYN 105 308 
VAN OE 


War WS & SS 


way (sketches 577 and 578, pl. 89). Sketch 95, called ‘‘deer fence with 
snares, ’’and sketch 96, designated as an Indian fortress, may be placed 
with these zigzags or may belong to the class of highly conventional- 
ized realistic designs. With designs of this character, the composition 
as well as interpretation of which is more or less complicated, it is 
difficult to make a distinction. Sketches 99 to 101 are parts of these 
zigzag designs and are interpreted like other zigzags. Sketches 102 
and 103 are often called arrow point designs because of the presence 
of the triangles. 


Boas] GEOMETRIC FORMS 311 


As in the case of straight lines, the zigzags composed of short 
diagonals are given on the whole the same interpretations without 
regard to their vertical or horizontal position. A number of new 
names make their appearance with the vertical zigzag, however, which 
are not applied to horizontal forms. The terms for horizontal ar- 
rangements, but used also for those in vertical position, are snake 
and snake track, caterpillar—especially where broad single diagonal 
lines with subdivided surfaces are used—as well as trail, pack strap, 
and contracted middle. New terms for vertical arrangements are 
ascending zigzag (sketch 104), blanket, parfléche, wave, a 


Pe aaae 
#1224483 
Bey? A 


and grasshopper or grasshopper leg, depending on the character of the 
lines. Sketch 105, giving the simplest form, is known by the last two 
names. The wave patterns classified by the Indians according to 
the number of angles in the line as of one, two, or three turns, etc., 
may be seen in sketches 106 to 110. The blanket pattern (sketch 
111), is always of several lines in close formation. The lightning 
is an irregular zigzag (sketches 112, 113), which is also known as 
grasshopper, or as woodworm borings. Sketches 114 to 121 are 
given terms similar to those applied to horizontal arrangements. All 
less exact forms of the vertical zigzag which it may be contended 
are attempts at realistic representation, such as 122 to 125, are called 
striped snake. Sketches 126 and 127 of zigzags composed of diagonal 
53666°—28——21 


3 be COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


and horizontal sections are very rare. No interpretation has been 
found for them. 

In spite of their different derivation, zigzags composed of vertical 
and horizontal sections, whether narrow or broad, are invariably 
given the common interpretations of snake track, worm, grasshopper, 
or occasionally lightning (sketches 128 to 131). No name could be 
found for a zigzag of three lines in close formation, such as is shown 
in sketch 132. The pyramid zigzag (sketches 133, 134) is more often 
considered as a mountain or necklace pattern, but it may be called 
simply zigzag. Rarely it is thought to be a caterpillar. 

The chevron.—The chevron, point down, is called arrowpoint, 
angle, or butterfly wing (sketches 135 to 137). The last figure is 


(i ne A.| 
ow MMS 


Sy 
AR A Y >> 
OD i | wy > > KK ) 


sometimes termed necklace or broken middle. In vertical arrange- 
ment inclosed by parallel lines, whether turning up or down, whether 
broad or narrow, plain or accompanied by an enlargement at the 
apex into a “knob” figure, the interpretation given is arrowpoint 
or arrowhead. Sketches 138 to 148 illustrate these designs. Chey- 
rons connected by a vertical line passing through their pomts when 
turned upward are naturally known as trees or branches (sketches 
144, 145). Lying sidewise they become wave or simply angle, or 
part of the zigzag; in series they are waves of one turn, bent leg, 
broken back, grasshopper, or ribs, and as such may be facing all one 
way or in two series, away from each other (sketches 146 to 148). 
Facing each other (sketch 149) they have been interpreted as angles 
or arrowpoints. Connected by horizontal lines passing through 


BOAS] GEOMETRIC FORMS 313 


their points they form the fish-backbone pattern as it is sometimes 
made around Spuzzum. This is a fairly common design in general 
art but appears very rarely on baskets (sketch 150). Chevrons, in 
concentric formation (shown in sketch 151), turned sidewise or up- 
ward, are called butterflies or butterfly wings. There is a peculiar 
arrangement of chevrons that may be described as “slipped past’ 
(sketch 152). This is given a great variety of names, such as broken 
back, bent leg, fishhook, hook, hooked end, cross, head, and root- 
digger. The last three are undoubtedly bestowed because of the 
recognition of the T form, which is treated under the section imme- 
diately following dealing with the right angle with one long side. 
The derivation of this figure is doubtful. It is an excellent represen- 
tation of the braided rim as it appears on some baskets and it is very 
odd that it does not seem to have been so considered. Possibly this 


ih ame WIR a ga a a 
PS Fier tPF ee Sa LLLLULLL 


155 
159 
160 162 

154156 158 162 
Sfqil = PI ir 
‘it iy Set Oral gf 
iri EE 169 WT an 
Sink nll 
Wri 164 165 ale 

168 166 168 170 


has been due to the fact that braided rims are not common except 
among the Klickitat, and to the circumstance that the women who 
were familiar with such rims may not have been consulted as to the 
meaning of the pattern. Broad chevrons divided lengthwise are 
usually called bent back, leg, or middle, although the names rainbow 
half or striped snake are sometimes applied (sketches 158, 154). 

The right angle with one long side.—The right angle; and occasion- 
ally the obtuse angle, with one long side, is almost universally known 
as the leg or foot design, although in serial or all-over arrangement 
it sometimes becomes bent back, caterpillar, grasshopper, or hook. 
Very little distinction seems to be made between the simple right 
angle and the Z figure, except that the former is more often termed 
foot, and the latter bent knee or leg (sketches 155 to 163). The 
result of the junction of the two Z figures gives the beginning of the 
meander as seen in sketches 167 and 168, although for these no 
interpretation has been noted. Standing upright they are probably 


314 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _[erm. ann. 41 


regarded as two legs. The key design in sketch 166 is very interest- 
ing (ef. sketches 197 and 198, p. 316). The foot elements, facing in 
opposite directions, as in sketch 169, are called hooks, feet, or grass- 
hoppers, and from this arrangement may be traced very clearly the 
relation to sketch 170, which is also a typical Klickitat and California 
pattern. Sketches 171 and 172 to 175 give different arrangements. 
The last is especially interesting because it is the well-known swastika. 
Its explanation here as caterpillars crossed is instructive as illus- 
trating the often humble interpretation of highly artistic motifs for 
which a deep symbolic significance is claimed. In sketch 176 the 
central shaft is thickened. The name caterpillar still remains. 
Sketches 177 to 179 show the broadening of the whole figure which 
retains the old interpretations, but in 179 the whole has become so 
broad that it is sometimes known as a duck. There may be other 
derivations of this figure, as indeed there probably are for a great 


Sati, no 


: t : ii ie ee 


184 

192 
number which have only been discussed from one point of view 
(sketches 471 and 501, pl. 87). 

For want of a better classification the T figure shown in sketch 
180 may be considered as belonging to the group of right angles with 
one long side. Formally, it is either a doubling of this figure or an 
entirely different motif. It is certainly given somewhat different 
interpretations. Root digger and cross are the two most usual, since 
it closely resembles both of these objects. It is called head very 
frequently because it is used so often to represent the heads of men 
and birds, being one of the nearest approaches to realism in repre- 
senting this part of the body that is possible in coarse basketry 
technique. It is also rarely called fishhook, but there is some doubt 
about the propriety of so designating it. Sketch 181 shows its use 
in ornamenting a vertical stripe. The elaborate and highly artistic 
design shown in sketch 182 is known as the leg or foot pattern, 


Boas] GEOMETRIC FORMS 315 


probably merely because of the hooked ends of the lines. In sketch 
183 there are ‘leaning foot’’ elements which are given the same 
interpretation as those placed in an erect position, but with the added 
qualificatory term “leaning.” Sketch 184, although the angles of the 
elements are obtuse, is still called by the terms bent and broken 
back, leg, or grasshopper, but the name “hook”’ is not applied, being 
reserved for figures like sketch 185, where the angle is acute. These 
two figures do not properly belong to this group on account of their 
different angles, but since they so closely resemble the right-angled 
figures and receive practically the same names, and since they are 
not very common, they have been treated here for convenience sake. 
Sketch 186 gives an odd trident form called fish spear or bird’s foot. 
There is no doubt that, from the character of interpretations given 
the chevron and the right angle with one long side, such as grass- 
hopper, broken back, or bent middle, the people sense a vague re- 
semblance between the two. Nevertheless they are more often 
distinguished by their names than confused, especially since with the 
latter the one side of the angle is so much shorter than the other. 
As with all other groups, the variety of names have this in common, 
that they refer to long, narrow, bent objects or those which are 
distinguished by such features. The wave is no exception, because 
its thin broken crest is one of its conspicuous features. 

The meander.—The meander or simple key figure is generally called 
mouth or notch; no distinction is made for its horizontal or vertical 
arrangement (sketches 187, 188). It is also termed snake or snake 
track. Even in a more elaborate form, as shown in sketches 189 and 
190, or doubled, as in 191, it is always the mouth pattern to those 
who know design names well. When the inner square figure is en- 
tirely closed, as in sketch 192, some people call the resulting pat- 
tern a variation of the grave box. A good all-over arrangement is 
shown in sketch 193. Sketches 194 to 196 (p. 316), showing the 
meander with a facing along one edge, which consists of a straight 
line, are aptly given the additional interpretation caterpillar, and 
more closely resemble the creatures than do most of the other figures 
so named. Sketches 197 and 198 (p. 316) may be considered as 
belonging either with this group or with the right-angle group so 
often called leg or root digger (sketches 172, 180, and 181). They 
are named caterpillar, snail, and head patterns. Sketch 197 is some- 
times specially termed duck’s head. 

Properly speaking, sketches 199 and 200 (p. 316) show meanders of 
larger conception, which are also related to step and ladder as well as 
to checker figures and to the zigzag composed of vertical and horizon- 
tal sections. They are designated as zigzags or steps, and are also 
given the fanciful appellations of mountains, clouds, necklaces, and 
stepped half circles on account of their shape. Probably because of 


316 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ern ann. 41 


their derivation they are also called embroidery designs. Sketches 
201 to 205 are elaborations of this form. Sketch 206 shows the motif 
used as a closed unit. This figure is called star, frequently with the 
added descriptive phrases ‘‘notched,’” ‘‘stepped,”’ or ‘‘gnawed all 
around.’’ Elaborations of this occur in sketches 207 and 208. Two 
figures which do not properly belong to any of these groups, nor to 
ladder and step designs, and which are placed here as a matter of 
convenience, are shown in sketches 209 and 210. They are usually 
called cloud designs, on account of their general shape; sometimes 
also mountain. Sketch 209 has been named necklace, and all are 
considered as embroidery patterns. 


me il Be eae 


195 196 197 198 200 202 


oO i 1A mM 
Ua 
TN 
IN SJ 
210 


CROSSES 


iil 


Crossed lines may be purely geometric or they may have a realistic 
significance, if, as is sometimes the case, they are copies of the Chris- 
tian cross. They are then quite frankly named Christian cross; 
therefore, although constructed on the same principle as geometric 
crosses, they have been placed with the realistic designs. 

The purely geometric crosses have very few interpretations. They 
are always known as stars when simple in construction and small, 
and the arms are usually of equal length. The two plain little 
crosses shown in sketches 211 and 212 are also given the name of 
“flying bird” or “insect,” and rarely they are called “flies.” That 
shown in sketch 214 is given a secondary interpretation of “ fish-line 
reel,” since it resembles the object fairly closely. The elaborated 
forms of sketches 215 to 217 are more often particularly designated 


BoAs] GEOMETRIC FORMS ole 


as “big’’ or “morning” stars. It seems as if the outlined form 
(sketch 218) has been derived from 217. Thus simply presented it 
is known as “‘star,’’ but the elaborated figure shown in sketch 219 
is called “‘leaf’’ in the neighborhood of Spuzzum. Sketches 220 and 
221 are forms of crosses, but the pronounced center at the intersec- 
tion of the lines and the radiating effect produced by the supple- 
mentary treatment are responsible for their interpretation as repre- 
sentations of the sun. They are quite unusual and are not seen 
except on circular lids, but they are often painted on pieces of skin. 


TRIANGLES 


All triangular forms, regardless of the type, are known over the 
entire region as arrowheads. They may be plain or subdivided into 
colored sections, and occur singly or in combination with other 
figures. Although this is the general name in the application of which 
one could hardly err much, others ‘are often bestowed on designs in 
which the triangles are subdivided in a peculiar fashion or where 


J sp cA 
1 | dt 219 220 
216 


218 


their combination is sufficiently striking to suggest a different con- 
notation. The fact that the triangle is called arrowhead over 
practically the whole extent of North America may be due to the 
circumstance that in the world of natural or artificial objects as they 
appear to the Indian triangular forms are comparatively rare. The 
arrowhead is an implement of almost world-wide distribution. Its 
age and its important position in the material culture of the people 
would be sufficient to connect it with the geometric figure which 
offers such a striking resemblance to it and to account for the adoption 
by the Thompson of its name. 

Among the most common secondary names referring to natural or 
artificial objects, insects, plants, etc., are ‘‘wing” (either that of a 
bird or that of an insect, especially the butterfly wing), mountains, 
clouds, leaves, teeth, snares, and beads. A name which owes its 
existence solely to the vertical, diagonal, or more rare horizontal 
arrangement of triangles, or to the diagonal alignment of squares 
by which figures with stepped or serrated outlines may be secured, is 
ladder. In this case the element is of no importance except as it 
lends the stepped outline to the whole design. There are a few 


318 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _[ern. any. 41 


arrangements which are called parfléche patterns. Trees, shrubs, 
and mushrooms are also considered as prototypes for a few designs, 
and so realistic are these, even while purely geometric, that it is 
difficult to decide whether they should not be considered as repre- 
sentative forms. They are shown in sketches 234, 235, and 236. 

It does not seem, necessary to discuss in detail the various numbered 
sketches of designs in which the triangle is the conspicuous element 
and to treat in the same fashion all the patterns in which other 
simple geometric forms occur. 

Triangles which are given the name arrowhead are generally 
plain or surrounded by a broad outline. Further subdivision does 
occur, however, and in these cases there is no general rule governing 
the identities of arrowheads and butterflies, for instance, except that 
the latter are usually more elaborately treated or the subdivision is 
along the lines of a chevron. Sketches 222 to 225 (pl. 83), 249 and 250 
are good examples of the simple arrowhead. The term as applied to 
those arranged in vertical series pointing up or down or in horizontal 
succession is usually qualified by proper descriptive phrases such as 


A | A MAA, SoS Be VY 


228 


SUE By 


“arrowheads touching bases’’ or ‘‘arrowheads entering each other.” 
(See p. 400.) 

As a wing the figure is usually more elaborately treated (see 
sketches 239, 261, 271, 272), although in such patterns as 237 the 
term butterfly seems to depend upon the arrangement of the ele- 
ments, or what is still more likely, upon the whim of the interpreter. 
In sketch 237 the stem and crosspiece of what appears to be an 
inverted tree represents the head and eyes of the butterfly. Triangles 
in horizontal series or occurring in connection with horizontal zigzags 
are usually mountain tops, while in all-over arrangement, as in 
sketch 244, they are occasionally called clouds. A more frequent 
interpretation is ‘‘arrowheads joined all over.” Large triangular 
masses of design made up of small elements are apt to be interpreted 
as clouds. Triangles called leaves or teeth are usually distributed 
along both sides of horizontal lines. Sketches 262-267 are examples 
of patterns which are likely to receive either of these meanings. Ele- 
ments representing snares do not differ much from those interpreted 
as mountains, except that the apices of the triangles are usually 
turned down. ‘Triangles which are appended to the points of zigzags, 


BoAS] GEOMETRIC FORMS 319 


or angles of these zigzags which are filled in in color so that they 
appear to be triangles, are always termed beads in connection with 
the zigzag which is interpreted as the necklace. 

The ladder designs as evolved from combinations of triangles are 
of two general types. The one type is composed of single or double 
vertical or horizontal series of right-angled triangles (see sketches 
278-280; 287-296, p. 320); the other is the result of building right- 
angled triangles along an oblique line so that the hypothenuse of each 


268 


AVAV 


VV, 
ISN 
VAVA “<4 280 
AVAV 281 


279 


275 277 278 


figure is one with the line (see sketch 316, pl. 84). The former type of 
ladder was probably so called from its resemblance to the notched 
logs used for this purpose. No distinction is made if the whole 
design lies in a horizontal direction or is inverted. The right-angled 
triangle, whether single or in series, is also practically always called 
half-arrowhead. As a simple element it does not appear to be 
recognized as a triangle in itself, but always as half of a fuller figure, 
such as an isosceles or obtuse angled triangle. The single right- 


320 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


angled triangle occurs rather infrequently. Sketch 305 (pl. 84) is one 
of afew examples. Here, on account of the treatment of the surface, 
the figure is known as a butterfly wing. The usual arrangement is 
that of a vertical series in which all the triangles are facing in one 
direction with the longer cathetus forming a straight line. From 
these circumstances it seems probable that the derivation of the 
half-arrowhead may have originated in either of two ways, or that 
both may have been in part responsible. One was the splitting of 
the vertical series of full arrowheads lengthwise, as may be seen in 
sketch 278 (p. 319), the other the automatic production of half- 
arrowhead series as reverse patterns for series of full triangles on a 
vertical strip, as may be noted in sketch 257 (p. 319). 

There is even a third possibility which is illustrated in sketch 303. 
Here the same variety of arrowheads is produced as the reverse 
pattern for the series of rhomboids in a vertical stripe. The series 


| 
289 
288 290 291 


284 285 287 298 994 


295 


SZ 
SS 
Sa 


ANA 


Ley 
SS 
Sa 


Pa 
NINN 
wa 
ZA 


~ 324 
Ny 2 ww . mI 
G 
=o 299 ‘O 
297 298 iss 301 go2 303 325 


on either side of the stripe point in opposite directions, however. 
This does not happen in reverses of triangles. Although rhomboids 
on the whole are rather uncommon, it is advisable to consider them 
as the main design here since they occupy the center of the strip. 
That half-arrowhead series are not necessarily used in pairs may be 
seen in the sketches 287-293. The relation of 293 to 292 shows how 
the presence of vertical outlines at once produces a reverse. Sketches 
294-297 give some rarer forms which are interpreted as tree ladders, 
with notches or short limbs all around the log. Such a ladder was 
used for scaling cliffs and was probably placed upright. There are 
a number of odd arrangements such as are shown in sketches 298-302. 
Parfléche patterns are shown in sketches 322-325. It is not improb- 
able that the whole idea of placing triangles on top of each other in 
this manner was taken over by the Thompson from Plains art, 
although they seem to have preferred using triungles which are all of 


BOAS] GEOMETRIC FORMS 321 


one size. Such designs as sketch 259 (p. 319) and such obtuse 
triangles as those in sketch 260 (p. 319) are unusual in Salish art. 
Some undoubted parfléche derivations are numbers 270 (p. 319) and 
323-325; and 326, 327 on Plate 84. One characteristic Plains feature 
is the junction of the apices of two opposed triangles until the figure 
has become a full or half hourglass. 

In summing up the position of the triangle in Salish art it may be 
said that it is perhaps the most common figure, if we except the check, 
which can hardly be called a square. It differs from the other geo- 
metric figures so far discussed in possessing one general name, to- 
gether with comparatively few secondary terms which, while quite 
unrelated in regard to one another as representing a variety of objects, 
are fairly definitely controlled by one of three conditions—serial 
position, surface treatment, or supplementary combinations; and 
are apparently a little less open to whimsical interpretation than 
lines and angles. Considering its comparatively rare appearance as 
an isolated complete element, this fact is very striking. 

In regard to the general term arrowhead, it can not be argued that 
the figure is always considered as a representation of the object 
for which it is named. Rather the contrary, for the people them- 
selves say it is merely a general designation. The presence of 
secondary names associated so clearly with quite definite treatment 
of the element confirms this statement. Other connotations than 
those given above sometimes occur, especially in connection with 
triangles in vertical stripes. These are hair ribbon, snake, cater- 
pillar, etc., and seem to refer entirely to the broad bands elaborately 
subdivided rather than to the conspicuous element which decorates 
them. There are a number of triangles with more or less supple- 
mentary treatment. It is difficult to decide whether they should be 
assigned to geometric or realistic art. Such are sketches 322 and 
338-341 (pl. 85). Certainly their likeness to the objects for which 
they are named is very striking, yet on account of the lack of inter- 
mediary series showing the process of conventionalization they have 
been perforce included with the purely geometric forms. 


THe SQUARE AND RECTANGLE 


If the check were properly included among the squares and rec- 
tangles as a design element it might be said that it is the most com- 
mon one of the simple geometric figures, for designs in checker are 
exceedingly numerous. It is, however, simply one stitch as a rule and 
its square form is merely incidental. To just what extent the people 
recognize its shape as being the same as that of larger squares is not 
known. There are some instances of square checks composed of two 
stitches, either of which alone is a rectangle, indicating at least that 
the women are accustomed to square checks, and try to keep them 
uniform in shape; but occasionally oblong checks are used through- 


322 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


out, instead of squares. There are also small squares composed of 
four checks, two on one coil and two on another, but these are not 
numerous. 

The checks are always interpreted in the aggregate by the Uta’mqt 
as clusters of flies, by the Nicola as clusters of stars, and by most of 
the other bands as the Indian rice root if the checks form a large 
diamond or triangle, and sometimes in the latter case as a cloud. 
They frequently receive similar interpretations when arranged in 
droppers or bands, although the most usual are the popular ones 
already given for designs of this general shape which are cut up into 
small figures. 

No general name was given by Mr. Teit for the square or 
rectangle, as in the case of triangles. In fact, for many squares as 
they appear on the newer baskets no names are given at all. Yet it 
seems impossible that the figure is not recognized by the people 
sufficiently for them to possess a term for it. Perhaps the most fre- 


yi 


Y 
iA 


416 


369 


- 
370 


419 


436 


362 505 607 


quent interpretation of squares and rectangles, especially if they are 
cut up into layers, is bead. This name is applied with equal free- 
dom both to large and small figures. There seems to be some other 
underlying idea such as necklace or headband, beaded edge, or 
string of beads, for the arrangement of these elements in series, in 
rows on horizontal stripes, or joined by a single line through the 
middle (see sketches 354, 358, 359), is never entirely overlooked. 
Arrangements of this type are very frequent. Three squares or rec- 
tangles (sketches 369-371) arranged pyramid fashion are sometimes 
called anotch oracloud. Aligned to form a V, as in sketch 372, they 
obtain the additional names of “‘butterfly”’ or “flying bird.” If the 
V points sidewise, as in sketches 373 and 374, the new term caterpillar 
appears. In diagonal series if the corners of the figures touch each 
other, the design is generally called ‘“‘step”’ or “ladder,” although “big 
bead” and “caterpillar” are terms that also cling. Forming a cross, 
which usually requires five figures, the design is very commonly called 
“star,” although such interpretations as ‘‘buttercup” and ‘“owl’s 


BoAS] GEOMETRIC FORMS 323 


face’’ are given by individual bands, the Nicola using the former, the 
Lytton the latter. The large elaborately subdivided squares (see 
sketches 417 and 418) are recent introductions and have been called 
“stars.” That shown in sketch 416, however, is given an entirely 
different set of meanings, the most significant of which is ‘“‘ parfléche.” 
The others are ‘‘contracted middle,” ‘arrowhead,’ and ‘‘cloud.” 
Many designs composed of checks or squares are also called em- 
broidery patterns, in addition to the other interpretations offered, 
indicating that they may have had their origin in quill embroidery. 

Single rectangular figures are slightly more common than squares 
and so, also, are their interpretations as stars (see sketch 424), 
beads (sketches 423, 424, and 514, p. 325), or moss cakes (sketch 
420, pl. 85). Rectangles subdivided into stripes crosswise are often 
called caterpillars and dentalia. The various combinations of rec- 
tangles follow rather closely those of squares, and the interpretations 
given in most cases are practically the same. 

Intersecting lines forming squares in an all-over pattern are some- 
times called net design, as in sketch 362, where small diamonds have 
been introduced at the intersections to represent knots. When 
rectangles are the result of such crossed lines (sketches 435, 436), 
the design is frequently called “patch.”” Notched rectangles such as 
those pictured in sketches 505-507 do not properly belong to the 
group but are placed here because they do not fit in elsewhere unless 
it is with the right angles with one long side, from which it is quite 
possible that they were derived. Sketches 505 and 506 are called 
“hand pointing”’ and ‘“‘head design” or ‘‘duck’s head,” respectively. 
The latter name particularly recalls the right angle. The notch in 
sketch 507 is ignored in the interpretations given, which seem to 
depend solely on the arrangement of the element. It is called 
necklace, design on dress, flying bird, or beads. 

On the whole, it is quite apparent that the square and rectangle 
play subordinate parts whenever they occur in basketry designs, 
unless they are checks. In the minds of the artists, if anything can 
be inferred from the character of the names or interpretations ap- 
plied to these figures, the surface treatment or the arrangement 
controls the characterization. While the square and rectangle 
are recognized separately as beads, dentalia, stars, etc., according 
to their subdivision, their combination into different groups, form- 
ing bands or ‘necklaces’? or “clusters,” is the important factor 
when several are concerned. It does not seem that any clear 
distinction is drawn between the square and rectangle as elements, 
either in the names employed or in the treatment of the figures in 
designs. For nearly every design constructed with squares there is a 
corresponding one composed of rectangles, interpreted in prac- 
tically the same way. 


324 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


Tue D1AMoNnD 


Judging from the types of interpretations given to diamonds which 
are the result of entwined or opposed zigzags, or intersecting diagonal 
lines and those given to the separate figures, it seems that more 
range of fancy is allowed in the former case than in the latter, but 
that as usual the general design or the arrangement of the elements 
composing it is largely responsible for the choice of name which has 
been made. 

Large detached diamonds are interpreted according to their sur- 
face treatment, or their alignment with one another, but in either case 
there are several possibilities in the way of names, the selection of 
which must depend more or less upon the whim of the basket maker. 
Outlined or plain solid figures receive such names as spearhead, lake, 
leaf, snare, and mesh. Of these the first two are seldom noted when 
the figure occurs in combination with other geometric elements and 
it seems, therefore, that they may be considered more properly as 
general terms. Another quite rare interpretation is wasp’s nest 
(sketch 509). The diamonds thus named are perhaps broader than 
usual. If the diamond is composed of checks the general name is 
Indian rice root. The Uta’mqt, however, apply their favorite name 
for checkerwork, “clusters of flies,’ and the Nicola “clusters of stars”’ 
(sketches 510 and 399-402). 

For the frequent diamonds with double outline, or surface sub- 
divided into a number of diamonds one within the other, the most 
frequent terms are “eye”’ or “star,” although “snare” and “mesh”? are 
also given (sketches 511, 512). Sketches 513-515 show very common 
forms called “star.” It seems that any cross, square, or diamond- 
shaped figure, if small enough and about equal in both diameters, 
is known as a “star,” especially if the surface treatment is at all 
elaborate. Although single diamonds are called leaves or meshes, 
the former name is more properly applied, perhaps, to a series which 
are arranged along a horizontal line, as in sketches 516 and 517, 
while a mesh figure is properly part of a net design such as is shown 
either in 518 or 519 and 520. The diamond called ‘“‘snare”’ seems 
rightfully to be a part of a more complicated pattern in which the 
zigzag occurs, either actually or as an idea carried out in the ar- 
rangement of the diamonds (sketches 521, 559, 566; 567, p. 326). 

There are a great number of patterns composed of these elements 
arranged in a vertical series, connected at the upper and lower 
points, and a variety of interpretations accompany them which do 
not appear to conform to any general rule. The old familiar names, 
caterpillar, woodworm, and snake, are encountered, which do much 
to strengthen the suspicion that these are applied purely on account 
of the arrangements which remind the people of these creatures and 
have little or nothing to do with the elements themselves. On the 


BOAS] GEOMETRIC FORMS 325 


other hand there is a new set of names introduced which owe their 
application entirely to the nature of the element. These are “‘eye 
contracting,” “big head,” “arrowhead,”’ and “snake.” <A study of 
sketches 522 to 535, together with their accompanying interpreta- 
tions, will make this point clear. In the series 536-538 the first and 
third are called bear’s foot, although this is only one of three names 
for sketch 536. Sketch 537, however, has four names, necklace, em- 
broidery, snake, and net, but necklace is the only term it shares with 
sketch 536. It is instructive to compare these with sketches 631 
and 632, whose names are “bear’s foot’’ and ‘“comb.’’ Evidently 


So OHS Et 100 


518 514 515 


> rgeee fy S 
OO WR 
© 


the triangles and the checks along the horizontal line are the deter- 
mining factor here in the assignment of meanings, but even so, there 
is no general rule; rather, vague resemblances often influence the in- 
terpreter to reach conclusions which others would regard as unsatis- 
factory. Distorted or truncated concentric diamonds such as those 
pictured in sketches 540 to 546 (p. 326) are flowers or stars. To 
truncated forms in general are ascribed a great variety of meanings, 
chief among which are arrowhead and leaf. The crosshatching in 
sketch 549 (pl. 89) is responsible for this figure being known as a 
beaver’s tail. 


326 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


THE RuomBorp 


As a separate figure, the rhomboid is not especially common. 
Sketches 568 and 569 show its ordinary arrangement, and its surface 
treatment which causes it to be called a “big bead,” ‘“‘dentalium,”’ 
“hairy caterpillar,’ or even a “spot.’’ Sketches 303 (p. 320), 570, 
and 571 are most commonly called “arrowhead” and “dentalia.”’ 
Evidently the name arrowhead refers to the half arrowheads along 
the edge, and dentalia to the rhomboids. Other names such as 
“necklace” and ‘‘embroidery”’ refer to the pattern as a whole. The 
name “xanaxa’in’’ is applied to both. Occasionally the rhomboid 
is called a “spearhead,’’ probably because of its acute angles. 


571 573 


TAMA As a 
Vn 3 : fA -~ 


577 
. 579 580 582 


Tur TRAPEZOID 


Trapezoidal figures, not necessarily to be regarded as truncated 
triangles or imperfect squares, are very rare and have been designated 
chiefly as representations of the moss cake (¢sznéka), and teeth or 
butterfly wings. Their assignment either to realistic or geometric 
art seems quite arbitrary, in spite of their likeness to the objects 
whose names they bear, inasmuch as they are lacking in the usual 
embellishments which distinguish realistic work, and are likewise 
perfectly geometric in their composition. (Sketches 572-575.) 

The derivation of the designs seen in sketches 577 and 578, in- 
terpreted as “‘clouds,’’ is known to have developed from those 
given in sketches 93 and 94 (p. 310). 


Boas] GEOMETRIC FORMS 327 


The trapezoids in Sketch 580 may have arisen from a mistake in 
the creation of the lowest one, or from a miscalculation in the draw- 
ing of a pattern of triangles, the oblique lines not slanting sharply 
enough for the width of the stripe. Such speculation is only per- 
missible when the rare occurrence of the figure is considered together 
with its appearance in such an unusual position. The design is 
called “bead,” “beaded edge,’ or “caterpillar,” the first two on 
account of the elements involved, the third because of the general 
arrangement. The trapezoids in Sketch 576 are unusual. On account 
of their subdivision into layers, they are named “dentalia,’”’ but the 
whole pattern is a ladder because of the diagonal alignment of the 
elements and the stepped edge. Design 581 is known as one of 
several varieties of snake. Its roughly trapezoidal form is un- 
doubtedly the result of radiating lines, therefore it is probably not 
intended to be a real trapezoid. Its assignment to this group is 
merely for convenience. 


Tur HrExaGon AND OcTAGON 


The hexagon and the octagon are comparatively rare figures.” 
Hexagons are occasionally noted as the second or third outlines of 
diamonds forming meshes of net patterns and may eyen be seen 
surrounding single figures (see Sketches 541 and 542). There is 
little doubt that they are related to truncated diamonds. It is 
quite probable that their historic development in this region came 
from this direction, for solid hexagons or those indicated by a single 
outline are never seen, at least on basketry, although their delinea- 
tion is as feasible as that of the other figures habitually used. The 
hexagons appearing in series doubly outlined and connected are 
shown in Sketches 582 and 583. They are commonly known as 
grave-box patterns, although a number of informants have stated 
that the octagon is the real grave-box design (lukaist) and that 
hexagons and squares employed for this purpose are merely varia- 
tions or ‘false designs.”’ To the figure shown in Sketch 582 is attrib- 
uted several other interpretations, such as snare and circle; oddly 
enough, it is also described as being half of design 584. 

The octagonal forms 584 to 587 are all called grave-box patterns, 
but owing to the connection of the figures in 586, not by actual 
contact of the sides, but by the double line serving as a string, it is 
sometimes called ‘big bead” or “necklace,” while the central dots 
in the figures shown in 587 may account for the name “eye” which 
is sometimes heard. The large single octagons shown in 588 and 
589 are interpreted primarily as the full moon, but it can easily be 
seen why such terms as “circle,” “snare,’”’ and “part of grave box” 
are given to the former, although just how such a description as 
“half horizontal of a zigzag or meander” came to be associated with 
it is not clear. 


58 Sketches 582-589, pl. 89. 
53666°—28——22 


328 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  [em. ann. 41 


ReEMarkKs ON INTERPRETATIONS OF GEOMETRIC DrEsIGNS 


Before leaving the subject of design interpretations it may be well 
to summarize briefly the results obtained from the study and to 
compare these with the data which have been obtained from the 
people themselves on this point. 

It has been found that there are no geometric figures which possess 
only one interpretation, although most of them are more generally 
known by one rather widely used name which seems to have been 
given partly because of the general shape of the element, partly because 
of some rather common form of subdivision, or exclusively for one or 
the other of these reasons. Combinations of figures, including small 
designs, vertical stripes, and horizontal bands, are also variously 
designated, even when identical in composition. Their names depend 
upon their general form, surface pattern, or arrangement as parts of 
larger groups. 

The most interesting geometric figure is the triangle, with its com- 
mon name arrowhead. A frequent interpretation for the square or 
rectangle is big bead, if the figure is large, or fly if it is small and 
considered in the aggregate. The rectangle is also very commonly 
called a dentalium. The hexagon and the octagon are known as 
the grave box, while the cross with arms and stem of equal length 
is usually interpreted as a star. Lines are given many interpreta- 
tions which apparently cover many divergent ideas. Nevertheless 
all are connected with long, slender objects, the choice of name in 
the case of wide bands being controlled less by the general shape of 
the band as a whole than by the particular character of the subsidiary 
treatment of the surface. And in a general way this is true of all the 
figures. 

As an example we find associated with lines such apparently diverse 
objects as snakes, hair ribbons, rain, necklaces, and beads; a little 
reflection, however, enlightens us and we see that the first four objects 
present in common the striking feature of exaggerated length com- 
pared to width, while in the last stance the subdivision into blocks 
suggests the form of beads used in necklaces or embroidery. So the 
qualified names rattlesnake and garter snake are prompted by certain 
brilliantly contrasted and clearly defined subdivisions of the band, 
which suggest the markings of these two snakes. Thus the association 
of designs with different objects and the expression of the association 
by bestowing on them the name of the object which each is thought to 
resemble goes back to two causes, the suggestion of resemblance due to 
general shape and that due to the elements in composition. Hither 
of these may at times be entirely overlooked in favor of the other, 
depending upon which makes its appeal most strongly to the individual 
rendering the decision, or both may be taken into consideration. 


Boas} GEOMETRIC FORMS 329 


If a woman’s attention is called to the fact that several interpreta- 
tions have been given to a design by others, and she is well informed 
on basketry in general, she frequently answers that the other names are 
also applicable, but that she knows the design chiefly by the name 
she has given it. According to Mr. Teit, there are a number of 
families among the upper Thompson who know only a few designs 
by name. When discussing others, they describe them in common 
geometrical terms. 

Of the two conditions, general shape, or surface treatment, the 
former is more frequently the determining factor in the perception of 
resemblances. It accounts for the general character of associations, 
and hence for the majority of names chosen. The surface treatment 
is more largely responsible for determining the names of particular 
surface patterns, regardless of the form of the design. 

The Thompson possess a general term for basketry designs: 
.ntcotcudistten, ‘“‘thing worked on the surface.’”’ (.n, on; ten thing. 
In compounds the suffix variously written -dist, -dst or -est SURFACE 
is employed in the sense of ‘‘pattern.’’ Tcoteu’ or tcetcdé’ means 
“worked,” “variegated,’’ and ‘‘ornamented,”’ and is applied to em- 
broidery or any similar decoration on almost any object, especially if 
it is wrought in colors.) 

Nicola informants say that they have two sorts of names for de- 
signs, the one applying to designs as a whole and the other to the 
parts which compose them. In addition a third term is applied to 
indicate the arrangement of the design on the basket. All of these 
may be used and indeed it is sometimes necessary for the sake of 
clearness that the three be given together. For example, a pattern 
may be called a star, because of its four-sided symmetrical form, but 
it may also be called spot, bead, or arrowhead because of the little fig- 
ures composing it. If several “‘stars”’ appear on the basket, the quali- 
fying phrase “connected up and down” may be required to indicate 
the method of arrangement. 

There are very many of these descriptive phrases. For instance, 
Sketch 402 is called ‘‘Indian rice (mula) design three around;”’ 
Sketches 399 and 400 are ‘‘Indian rice design two around,” referring 
to the number of rows around the central check. If the checks are 
larger or smaller than the average they are called big or little, while 
if they are not true squares they are described as ‘‘wide,”’ ‘‘narrow,” 
‘hich,’ ete. The list of Indian terms for design arrangements with 
the equivalent English expressions will serve to indicate how definite 
the people are in their characterizations. (See p. 400.) 

The question has been asked, ‘‘How definite an impression can 
one woman give to another of the exact pattern she intends to place 
upon her basket by means of the terminology at her command?” 
In answer to this it may be said that in the first place there are cer- 


330 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _[erm. any. 41 


tain names for designs of general character which are at least for any 
given region well understood by all the people, probably men in- 
cluded. Everyone knows what a snake, mouth, hammer, or any other 
such pattern is, if the individual be at all informed about the art of 
basketry. As has been explained before, the general term may be 
modified by any number of descriptive phrases and terms, by 
means of which a perfectly definite impression may be gained. 
There are probably some designs the mere names of which settle the 
character of the arrangement at once, but these are probably not 
numerous. So many variations have been introduced from time to 
time that now such old, well-known names as snake, necklace, bead, 
dentalia, fly, etc., suggest many possibilities in the way of minor 
differences which must be specified by the addition of descriptive 
terms, and these the people are perfectly well able to supply in 
almost infinite quantity and shades of meaning; in fact, so many 
are they that no attempt has been made to coHect all of them. 


DESIGNS WHICH ARE EITHER GEOMETRIC OR 
REALISTIC 


In glancing over the sketches of figures which have been classified 
as strongly conventionalized and probably originally realistic, 
621 to 784 (pl. 90-93), the reader will note several which are practi- 
cally duplicated in the table of geometric patterns. In these cases 
the derivation is extremely doubtful and it seemed best to represent 
the same forms in both classes. It can not safely be contended that 
because in each case the pattern bears a name identical with a term 
for a realistic figure which these designs closely resemble, the more 
conventionalized forms are necessarily modified realistic representa- 
tions. The resemblance between a purely geometric pattern and the 
accurate picture of an object may at times be sufficiently noticeable 
to evoke the same response from every individual to whom it may be 
shown, and thus account for a general term being prevalent over the 
entire region where such an object is known. : 

The same conditions control the application of names to conven- 
tionalized patterns as with the geometric figures. Probably general 
shape is here more important, since, if it were ignored, even a similar 
surface appearance would in most instances be insufficient to suggest 
the objects. 

A study of the sketches will make more intelligible the difference in 
character between the two sets. 


REALISTIC DESIGNS 


The realistic designs speak for themselves. They are rarely given 
more than one interpretation and when this occurs the second term is 
usually merely an elaboration of the first, perhaps making the expla- 
nation a little clearer. They are nothing more than pictures. 


BoAS] LYTTON DESIGNS 331 


While the outline is here all important it does not mean that the 
figures are necessarily executed merely in outline. It may seem that 
some of the sketches belong more properly with the strongly con- 
ventionalized group, or at least that there are as good arguments for 
this classification as for the one which has been made. It must be 
admitted that this is true, but at the same time it must be remembered 
that even realistic patterns are necessarily stiff and angular in bas- 
ketry work, a fact which detracts from their realistic character. 
These sketches, 785 to 859, are as near realistic representations as 
are to be found in all the designs. Not all that are made are shown 
in this group; a number of others appear to good advantage in the 
photographs. Others may occur, for realistic designs are never 
standardized and probably seldom exactly duplicated; therefore they 
are not often generally known to the basket makers as a whole. 


OBJECTS REPRESENTED BY DIFFERENT FIGURES 


Having discussed the geometric figure and its interpretation as a 
representation of various objects it is highly interesting and instruc- 
tive to look at the matter from the opposite point of view, namely, to 
study the representation of the object by means of different geometric 
forms. This frequently occurs where objects bearing the same name 
may be of quite different shapes, such as beads, clouds, designs for 
dresses, or embroidery patterns, flowers, houses, leaves, necklaces, 
and parfléche patterns which have been copied in basketry. But 
there are also other objects which in their general outline do not vary 
among individuals of the class, but which are nevertheless repre- 
sented by means of entirely different geometric forms. The alpha- 
betical list on pages 463 to 472 contains a large number of design 
names with reference to the illustrations on Plates 78 to 94 and to 
the photographic reproductions of baskets. A comparison of the 
representations proves the lack of a fixed relation between design 
name and form. Such a comparison strengthens the conclusions 
already drawn, that in addition to mere shape the important con- 
sideration of surface treatment frequently becomes the determining 
factor in giving the design its name. Objects represented by only a 
few similar forms are not included in this series. 


LYTTON DESIGNS 


It has been intimated several times in the course of this book that 
the people who live around Lytton are particularly ingenious and 
gifted basket makers. They have originated a number of unusual 
shapes and seem to have evolved a few designs which are peculiar to 
themselves, although some of them certainly give evidence of foreign 
influence. 


332 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


Figure 92 gives a few which may have been taken from Plains 
art but which have been used for many years at Lytton. Regarding 
the “hourglass”’ figure in a, which was seen on a Lytton basket, the 
maker, who was about 76 years of age, said it was a tsrne’ka design. 
She said her mother had always given it this name and that the pat- 
tern was very old. Figure 92, b, is a variation of a and most of the 
people call it an arrowhead design, but really it is a tsene’ka according 
to the same authority, who sometimes uses it on her baskets. She 
stated that the points which break the inner triangles were frequently 


Y} 
ha Vina IN 


U) LLL) 
yh 


Fic. 92—Basket designs from Lytton 


made longer and sometimes pointed; c is still another variation of 
the same pattern, and it is said that there are others, but these have 
not been obtained. 

The Thompson ‘leg leaning”’ design (fig. 92, d) was also made 
by this old woman, who did not know its name, although she was 
aware that it was very old. The name she had given it was “leaning 
hook,” but she thought it might be part of a necklace pattern, since 

\wezan“ 


rH TH 
4 i 


Fic. 93.—Basket designs from Lytton 


she had heard some Thompson women give this name to similar 
patterns. 

Another Lytton basket was decorated spirally in all-over fashion 
with the design shown in Figure 93, a. The maker was an elderly 
woman who did not know the name of the design, although she had 
used it several times on baskets, changing the colors as she liked. 
She thought some people called the pattern a variation of the bead 
design. Her mother and grandmother had used it and the grand- 
mother had said it was a very common old pattern. It was not, 


BOAS] LYTTON DESIGNS 333 


therefore, confined to the family but was made by a number of old 
women, all of whom agreed with the informant that it was common 
and old and frequently associated with bead designs. The same in- 
formant stated that the fish-backbone pattern (see Sketch 150, pl. 81) 
was used long ago on basketry but had gone out of fashion. 


i 


a 


Cl _WZA es 7 
ER WA. CE ZZ d d 


(ZZ ALLL ere Ll ZA SN) ZZ 
EE Bas ee | CZ EZ | 4 
CR) UZ 


LLL titi 
LUZ “A Ld) 7s ds ZZ 


Fia. 94.—Basket designs from Lytton 


The patterns 6, ¢, d, also in Figure 93, were old Lytton designs, but 
d is not used nowadays. 

Another old woman gave the necklace patterns shown in Figure 
94. Now they are sometimes called “chain-and-notch”’ designs. 
They were employed not only in basketry but also for embroidery 
in beads or quills, and the choice of colors was not confined to any 


definite order. 
we be aff 
Paoulee 


Yj 
ot | 
f 


SSS 


“N 
R) 
N 
N 
8 
N 
N 
; 


Fia. 95.—Basket designs from Lytton 


Of the designs given in Figure 95, a—e, a and ¢ were on a ‘‘nut- 
shaped”? basket the maker of which said they were called stars 
when large and flies when small. Some women omit the large figure 
at the top. 

Those remaining, which are variations of the leg design, were very 
old embroidery patterns, the meaning of which is unknown to the 
present generation at least. The variations given here were seen on 
Lytton baskets and were joined in large connected patterns or, 
broken into fragments, were scattered over the surface (fig. 95, f-k). 


334 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ern ann. 41 


Some interesting varieties of the flying-bird design are shown in 
Figure 96, a, b, ec. These were used on baskets in vertical rows. 
Another basket about 30 years old was profusely decorated with 
nine different designs in vertical rows. These included b and ¢ and 
the remaining seven patterns seen in Figure 96. 

In Figure 97 are a number of patterns, some of which are used else- 
where than at Lytton, but in some cases the interpretations given 


LVN GE 
VVN GE 
NAMA NA 


} 


/ 
dos 


ca Roe 


h 


Fic. 96.—Basket designs from Lytton 


to them by the Lytton woman were different from those offered 
by informants from other localities. They are not the only designs 
which she made. They are given here because her interpretations 
seem, confined to Lytton. 

A bit of information about former styles in the application of 
designs to burden baskets in this region was obtained from this 


TOpay ypu 


Tsené’ka Graveyard Butterfly Bushes Rainbow 
with cross ; 
Fic. 97.—Basket designs from Lytton 

woman. About half a century ago, around 1870, when she was a 
young woman, there was a fashion still in vogue of not imbricating 
the lower portion of the basket walls, but a space about the width 
of the hand was left bare above the beaded line which defines the 
limits of the bottom. This type of arrangement had been much 
more popular at an earlier date. (See pp. 230 et seq.) 

The earth-lodge designs in Figure 98 are also from Lytton. 


BOAs] COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 335 


BASKETRY OF THE TRIBES NEIGHBORS OF THE 
THOMPSON 


In order to obtain a clear idea of the setting of Thompson imbricated 
coiled basketry in that of the whole group who manufactured this 
ware, as well as to know more definitely of what the group consists, 
it is necessary to glance at the work of the other tribes. First it is 
essential to take up a little more specifically the work of the Lillooet 
(Salishan) and Chilcotin (Athapascan), whose burden baskets, aside 
from being their most common shapes, approach more nearly the 
Thompson forms than do the typical baskets of the other tribes. 

It will be remembered that frequent reference has been made to 
the technique and designs of both of these peoples, but for the sake 


Fic. 98.—Basket designs from Lytton 


of clearness a brief recapitulation of their outstanding peculiarities 


will be given. é; 
LitLooet BAaskETRY 


The Lillooet burden basket is more nearly square than that of the 
Thompson and probably its angularity was established at a much 
earlier date than that of the Thompson burden basket, if indeed it 
was not invented there. The corners are quite sharp, the walls per- 
fectly straight and usually much more flaring than those of the 
Thompson basket, while the comparatively smaller bases give the 
effect of much less stability. In many cases the coil structure aver- 
ages about the same as the Thompson; both tribes are excellent 
builders, whose work could not be improved upon. In a number of 
forms of baskets and sometimes in the burden types, however, the 
Lillooet use a broader, flatter coil which is sewed with coarser withes, 
a feature which the Thompson have not adopted. (Pl. 55, 6, d.) 
They also are accustomed to make a considerable amount of slat work, 
especially in baby carriers. While many of their baskets, particularly 
the long narrow trunk and storage baskets, of which they manufacture 


336 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


a great number and which the Thompson may have learned to make 
from them, are adorned with designs applied to the walls in vertical 
stripes, the ordinary method of application, especially on burden 
baskets, is in horizontal zones, generally two. The upper of these is 
entirely imbricated both for background and designs, while the lower 
contains only short vertical stripes which extend part way into it from 
the upper field. Occasionally the imbricated field is replaced by one 
decorated solely with beading, which, however, does not necessarily 
encircle the four walls of the basket, for the Lillooet are not much 
disturbed by lack of symmetry. (Pls. 55, a, c, g; 57, c¢, g.) They some- 
times adorn three sides and leave the fourth bare, or place upon it 
totally unrelated figures. Or they may treat opposite faces similarly 
but choose for the pairs designs which have no artistic relationship. 
While they recognize the 
value of the filler and 
make use of it to some ex- 


1 


Perea ery oF 


“|| 


me 


tent, they are evidently not ae ae Fe 
as impressed with its desir- 4 ae 
ability as the Thompson. ee, jz, 


uy: 


Plate 55, h, shows the 
introduction of two fillers, 
one of which comes ex- 
actly on the corner, the 
other on the face. It is 
possible that these are 
parts of the design proper. 
Plate 56, 6, shows a very unusual Lillooet specimen with fillers in 
both upper corners. The peculiar feature of this basket is the 
bifureated stitch which is carrried throughout as a means of 
decoration. The Lillooet rarely treat their stitches in this way, 
a device characteristic of Chilcotin and Shuswap basketry. Al- 
though the bifurcation is so carefully done, it has not resulted 
in more vertical designs, as is the case frequently with the Chilcotin, 
because the individual stitches show a pronounced leftward 
lean. Other specimens with fillers are shown in Figure 99 and 
Plates 55, e, and 57, e. It is worthy of note that Lillooet fillers are 
practically always in keeping with some part of the main design, 
while the Thompson sometimes use totally unrelated elements. 
Another evidence of a more refined artistic sense is to be found in 
the more graceful forms. The Lillooet burden basket, although 
more angular in many cases, with its tapering form and extremely 
narrow base, is greatly admired by the Thompson women, who strive 
to imitate it. Some of the other forms shown in Figure 100 and 
Plates 56, a, and 57, f, are also very good. The Lillooet do not have 
as much trouble with the corners as do the Thompson, because they 


Fic. 99.—Lillooet basket 


BoAs] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 337 


are less apt to turn them prematurely. On most specimens there 
is only a slight leftward twist of the walls, which is hardly noticeable. 
That some Lillooet women have as much trouble as their Thompson 
neighbors in securing proper circumference spacing is evident in 
Plates 55, a, and 56, d, in the droppers in the lower fields. 

On the whole the designs are remarkably well arranged, so that 
one feels that perhaps the division of the decorative field is a little 
more perfect than among the Thompson. No doubt the improved 
manipulation of the coils when turning the corners is an influential 
factor as well as the large, rectangular patterns which are so typically 
Lillooet. Here the women have secured an excellent type of decora- 
tion for the form of basket used. These designs practically fill the 
field and are very satisfying in their symmetry and form. They are 
probably also much easier to place than a number of vertical stripes 
or small figures, since they require merely a single division of the 
field into two equal 
parts. Miscalcula- 
tion in circumfer- 
ence spacing is 
chiefly evident in 
vertical stripes or 
in the ‘‘droppers’’ 
which occupy the 
lower field; and 

: ied when they do not 
SS Se Se come in approxl- 
Fic. 100.—Lillooet basket mately the right 
places in relation to the large rectangular designs the effect is even 
more noticeable than the incongruity of Thompson fillers. Plates 
31, f, and 57, b, d, h, show the almost perfect adjustment of the large 
figures to the upper field, and also the miscalculations in placing 
the droppers. Doctor Haeberlin has made sketches of one of these 
baskets in which the upper field is merely beadwork on three of the 
faces, while on the fourth the ‘‘droppers’’ run to the rim of the basket. 
(See fig. 101 and note how the woman has begun her beading in the 
upper corner of the first side as pictured in sketch ¢, in order to fill 
the gap left by crowding the droppers too far to one side.) 

It will be seen that the Liliooet women have not succeeded even 
as well as most of the Thompson in solving the difficulty of the 
leftward leaning vertical. They are more successful in horizontal 
diagonals and flying bird designs or in meanders. (Pls. 55, f; 56, c; 
and 57, c.) 

An interesting example of a Lillooet woman’s struggles with the 
placing of vertical stripes is shown in Plate 43, c,d. As was the case 
in one or two Thompson specimens, some of the stripes were widened 
to fill the gap occasioned by wrong spacing. 


BsSecs 
=o B-b-F 
Fae 
Poe 


ESS 


UCL ta rhe 
a ea a 1 ive evern iu 


a 


Sth 
Hy 
th 


i Tt 
te} 
*s3J5, 


338 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


MTT TTT es, 


4 44 tA A 
ie, 522 | 7] 


ZA * black 
C4: white 


[2c0ils 


Y Corner 


boils 


Scoils 


Fic, 101.—Lillooet basket. U.S.N.M. 219881 


Bos] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 339 


Figure 102 shows an interesting struggle with the corner in placing 
a zigzag design. 

No doubt many smaller mistakes such as are made by the Thomp- 
son in filling vertical stripes with smaller designs occur in Lillooet 
work. 

Plates 56, e; 57, f; and 58, b, show typical Lillooet forms, storage 
baskets with lids, and another type of household hamper. The 
storage baskets are constructed of flat, broad coils and are especially 
noteworthy for their perfect rectangular forms and beautiful orna- 
mentation. On the first of these the maker saw that her two outer 
vertical stripes would be too wide on the end photographed here, and 
rather than spoil the whole effect chose what was to her the lesser of 
two evils and abruptly reduced their width. If the choice had been 
left to us, it is safe to state that in all probability we should have 
carried the stripes to the top with their original width. 

Views of two baby carriers are given in Plates 42, 7, and 43, a, b. 

A number of sketches of designs and their interpretations are given 
in Figures 103 to 105, the first two of which were taken from Mr. 
Teit’s book on the Lillooet Indians, the last composed of sketches 
which he has since made. 

The striking feature of these 

designs is the number of 

large rectangular patterns 

and the numerous variations 

of fly designs. That the Lil- = ® 

looet share some designs Fia. 102.—Lillooet basket. Peabody Museum 57202 
with the Thompson is to be expected. Mr. Teit says that probably 
some other designs exist than those given here but that they must be 
rare, such as dream designs, realistic figures, or personal marks. A 
dream design is given on Plate 37, ¢,°” which may be compared with 
Sketches 692, Plate 91, and 771, Plate 93, of this volume. Its inter- 
pretation is unknown. It is said to have been used only by the 
woman who dreamed it. 

Realistic figures are seldom used by the Lillooet, and when they 
do appear they are small and are enclosed by some such geometric 
design as Figure 103, s. The eagle, man, dog, deer, horse, and bow 
and arrow are the only objects which have been noted in representa- 
tions of this character. Personal marks are rare. Generally they 
are the initials of names or copies of horse brands and therefore 
modern. It is doubtful whether some other kinds of marks were 
used before these were adopted. The only ones seen by Mr. Teit 
are the letters N and L, but the Thompson use a number of initials. 


% J. A. Teit, The Lillooet Indians, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 2, p. 207. The specimens from 
which these designs were taken are enumerated in the place referred to. 

The same basket is shown in Livingston Farrand, Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians, Jesup North 
Pacific Expedition, Vol. 1, Part IV, pl. 23, fig. 11. 


340 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


YHA; 
Wimesics 


u 

q y 3 

Fic. 103.—Lillooet designs. a, Fly; b-d, arrowhead; ¢, stripe; f, lightning; g-h, circle; i, ladder; j, deer 
hoof; i-n, entrails; 0, p, tooth; g, head; r, net; s, arrow; t, u, modern patterns, copied from fabrics 


ate 


6 c d 


ts 


a 8 


El 


Ser 


Fic. 104.—Lillooet designs. Fly patterns 


BOAs] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 341 


A brief discussion of the typical arrangements of these few Lillooet 
patterns may not be out of place here, especially when comparing 
them with the Thompson. 

1. There is a very small check known as the spot or fly pattern 
which is executed in beading or in small imbrications on the margins 
of baskets in several ways similar to the designs seen in the Thompson 
Sketches 1, 2, 3, 6, and 7. That like 3 occurs in vertical as well as 
in horizontal rows. The Lillooet Sketches 3 and 4, Figure 105, 
may be compared with the Thompson 469, 470, and 699. 

2. The fly designs are extremely common, especially in vertical 
stripes and droppers. A number of common variations are given 


> 8 [Ma 


ob 
oy 
“h 
om 


seg | 


31 


VY cll BH G oe 


Fic. 105.—Lillooet designs 


in Figure 104. Other varieties seen since the publication of the 
volume on the Lillooet are comparable to the following Thompson 
sketches: 393 but small and in disconnected arrangement; 393 con- 
nected in vertical rows, with an arrangement similar to that shown 
in d, Figure 104; 347, 425, and 212(?), only considerably smaller. 
In addition to these there are other variations of the figures given 
here. Sketch 8, Figure 105, is seen also in connected vertical series. 
Sketches 5, 6, and 7 of the same figure are also used as detached 
elements. Arrow designs which are executed in checker are some- 
times called fly designs on account of their surface treatment which 
is considered more important than the general outline of the pat- 
tern. Again the term used is equivalent to fly designs in arrow- 
head arrangement. 


‘8? The Thompson sketches refer to Plates 78-94. 


342 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


3. Butterfly and flying bird designs are not clearly distinguished, at 
the present time at least, for in many only the idea of motion or pose 
has been perpetuated in the design. Sketches 9-15 and 37, Figure 
105, are types of these. No. 13 occurs in single figures or in connected 
single, double, or triple horizontal lines. If in triple formation its 
butterfly significance is lost to the minds of some individuals who 
then give it such names as half circle or zigzag (cf. 87, Thompson 
sketches). No. 14 usually occurs singly. No. 15, in much smaller 
size, is always arranged in vertical series and is otherwise known 
as the goose design. (Cf. Thompson Sketches 86, 99, 714, 715, and 
fig. 103, k. Also ef. Nos. 10, 11, 12, fig. 105, with Thompson 690 
and No. 12 especially with Thompson 169, 170, and 182.) 

4. The circle design, Sketch 16, Figure 105, always horizontal, may 
be compared with Thompson Sketches 582-584 and 587. 

5. Another circle design also designated as half circle has many 
variations, some of which are shown in sketches g and h, Figure 103, 
and 17, Figure 105. These are nearly always in vertical arrange- 
ment, although they do occur singly (cf. Thompson Sketches 187-192 
and 360). No. 18, Figure 105, frequently is given this name, es- 
pecially when the two halves are widely separated or occur in detached 
figures, but when close together they are generally called mouth or 
head patterns. 

6. Apart from the last design just discussed under 5, which is called 
‘“mouth”’ or ‘‘head”’ pattern, there are two mouth designs (0 and p) 
in Figure 103. If small points occur around the margin the name 
‘‘tooth”’ is frequently substituted. (See also 38, fig. 105.) This design 
should be compared with the Thompson mouth design, Plate 50, d. 

7. A typical ‘‘head” design is that of g, Figure 103. Although 
it is said that there are variations of this, none have been noted, nor 
is it clear whether the head is that of an animal or a human being. 

8. Figure 108, J and n, are variations of the ‘‘entrail” design, 
but not & and m,® for & is a ‘‘connected zigzag,’’ while m is a “‘circle” 
pattern; 7, however, sometimes is called a ‘‘mouth” or “‘half circle” 
design. ; 

9. There is a difference of opinion about the ram’s horn design 
(19, fig. 105), since it also is known as the ‘‘mouth” or “‘half circle.” 
It occurs in detached figures (cf. Thompson 167, 168). The reason 
for its various names is that almost any figure characterized by square 
or rectangular indentations may be called a ‘‘half circle” or ‘‘mouth” 
pattern (see 36, fig. 105, the interpretation of which is not given). 

10. No. 20, Figure 105, is called a white man’s design by many 
because they claim that it has been copied from border designs on 
textile fabrics secured from the white men. Others declare that it 
is an old pattern and simply a variation of the head and mouth 
designs, which names they give toit. The arrangement is practically 
always vertical. As seen in No. 20 it is said to be the full figure. 


‘9 This is in contradiction to other information given also by Mr. Teit. 


BOAs] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 343 


No. 21 is a half form (cf. w, fig. 103, and Thompson Sketches 197 
and 198). 

11. There is another design (sketch ¢, fig. 103) which is also called 
a white man’s design and is always large. Other people declare 
that it is an old Indian pattern and merely a double arrangement 
of the ram’s horn design or a variation of the white man’s design 
(No. 10, fig. 105). Occasionally it is seen without the central rec- 
tangle. (Cf. Thompson Sketches 182 and 635-640.) 

12. The Thompson net designs 518-520 are similar to one used by 
the Lillooet (7, fig. 103). 

13. The zigzag sometimes appears in detached figures as in sketches 
22, 23, 24, Figure 105, which are like those seen in Thompson Sketches 
506 and 696-699. Sketch 24, Figure 105, also resembles the Thomp- 
son 126. 

14. Connected or crossing, in single, double, or triple formation 
as ink, Figure 103, we have a zigzag which compares with the Thomp- 
son 86 and 87. Some are sharp pointed throughout like the Thomp- 
son 79 and 80. The Lillooet also have it in the form of the Thompson 
132, and some lean to the right, others to the left. A vertical ar- 
rangement which occasionally receives the name snake track is like 
the Thompson Sketch 111. 

15. The “stepped zigzag,” ‘‘necklace,”’ or ‘‘flying bird” design is 
more rarely named lightning (fig. 103, f, and the Thompson Sketch 
134). A second form is the Thompson 497 and a third is given in 
Sketch 25, Figure 105. Also compare the Lillooet form 26, Figure 
105, with the Thompson 78, and the Lillooet 27 with the Thompson 
329 and 330. All of the Lillooet patterns except 26 are considered 
to be merely variations of the butterfly or flying bird patterns. 

16. The ‘‘notch” or ‘‘deer hoof” design is represented by the 
Lillooet (sketch 7, fig. 103), and the Thompson 673. 

17. Two varieties of ‘‘ladder’”’ figures exist, the first, Figure 103, 
i, and the second which is identical with the Thompson 281. Here 
it is known as a double ladder. 

18. There are a number of varieties of the ‘‘arrowhead” pattern 
which are found among both tribes. They are— 


Lillooet Thompson 
cit. WIR ee See Sa GE bee ee he Fa ee eee eee 246 
La, SIO Se DN (Che sone soit aera TR ee eee ee 252 
Hie luS rar (Or tiled an with CDCCKS).—2-5-—--—- t- eeee  DOD, HAT 
ISSO WN s 20h aes ee AE 3P 5. 135, 136, 139, 140, 261, 272, 274, 275 


Sketch 29, Figure 105, Lillooet, occurs in small detached figures. 
In spite of its apparent dissimilarity the design s, Figure 103, is 
named an arrowhead design. 

19. The most common form of the ‘‘half arrowhead” design 
among the Lillooet is that shown in 6, Figure 103, for a comparison 

53666°—28——23 


344 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [pTH. ANN. 41 


of which with the Thompson see Sketch 303. Another variety is 
the same as the Thompson 286, only it is occasionally filled in with 
checks, and is found in scattered or detached arrangement. There 
is also a connected form, 30, Figure 105, which is comparable to 
the Thompson 294, 295. 

20. One variety of ‘‘stripe,”’ Figure 103, e, is found in groups of 
twos and threes, sometimes connected with a horizontal central bar. 
Another variety is shown in No. 31, Figure 105, or may even be 
further reduced to only one horizontal layer. Compare these with 
the Thompson 47-53. A diagonal arrangement has no lines appear- 
ing at right angles to the ‘‘stripes.’”’ It is like the Thompson 34, 
but longer. This variety is occasionally called lightning. 

21. For examples of tooth designs, see No. 33, Figure 105, and 
compare them with the Thompson 265-267 and 353. These patterns 
are always small and arranged horizontally. 

22. The fish bone pattern is given in 34, 35, Figure 105, as well as 
t, Figure 103(?), which is sometimes called ‘‘double.”’ 

23. The chain or rope design is generally a simple horizontal 
band which is occasionally repeated so frequently over the surface 
of the basket as to almost completely cover it. Sketches 39 and 40, 
Figure 105, are varieties of this pattern, which bear a close resem- 
blance to some of the fly figures and likewise to the Thompson 
Sketch 462. i 

The following table will give some idea of the comparative popu- 
larity of these patterns as they have been noted by Mr. Teit between 
1895 and 1910. 


Number 
of times 


Number 


No. of design, Fig. 105 of times 


No. of design, Fig. 105 


1 iIngdots= =e oe 24 
FA Iris other arrangements__ 3 


WWwWNWanmnnnNrnanore 


PRR oOATe 


CuitcotTiIn BASKETRY 


The typical Chilcotin burden basket is somewhat smaller than 
that of the Thompson and a little longer in proportion to its width, 
which gives it a deeper appearance than either Thompson or Lillooet 
types. The rim is usually much higher at the ends of the basket 


Boas] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 345 


than on the long sides, where it dips gradually toward the center 
and imparts to the upper section of the structure the outlines of a 
boat. The corners are quite rounded. On the outside some dis- 
tance below the rim is a thick rod which encircles the basket and 
is fastened to it by means of thongs. This rod serves at once as 
a handle to which to tie the carrying straps and by which to lift 
the basket when loaded, as well as a general support. There is not 
as much flare to the walls as is seen on the usual Thompson speci- 
men, a fact which renders the tying of the tump line around the 
basket impracticable. The graceful curve in the walls occurs in 
the lower half of the structure, whereas the Thompson curve is seen 
in the upper half. There is apparently almost no trace of pre- 
maturely turned corners, so that the shapes are as symmetrical as 
those of the Lillooet. 

The Chilcotin coil, as has been indicated before, is smaller than 
that of the Lillooet or Thompson and much less even. The walls 
lack the smoothness which characterizes the work of the other 
two tribes, while the bifurcation of the stitches on the outside is 
accomplished with such beautiful regularity as to form a decorative 
feature which is almost never attempted by either the Thompson 
or the Lillooet, but which was often used by the Shuswap to the 
east. A slight difference exists in the technique of sewing, since the 
sewing splint lies over the face of the coil a little more vertically, 
thus enabling the artist to approach true vertical lines somewhat 
more successfully. The presence of a number of examples in which 
the lean is fairly noticeable, however, shows that this improvement 
is not universal in the tribe. The bottoms are constructed in the 
same ways that the Thompson use. (Pls. 7, b; 8, a; 58, c-h; 59-62.) 

Other striking differences between Chilcotin work and that of 
the tribes to the south and east are also very apparent. Almost 
without exception the arrangement of the designs is in four horizontal] 
zones or fields, three of which are about equal in width and are 
located below the rod, while the fourth is much narrower and com- 
prises the space between the rod and the rim. Mr. Teit says in a 
note that in late years he has seen only five specimens which differed 
in this respect. All were entirely imbricated, although the usual 
custom is to leave the middle of the three fields below the rim bare 
except for the designs which cross it at intervals and connect the 
fields lying on either side of it. Of the five exceptions four had two 
design fields, the narrow one above the rod and a second comprising 
the remainder of the basket walls. The fifth lacked the rod and had 
only one field. Some other variations appear along this line, how- 
ever, especially as shown in Plates 58, ¢, g; 59, c, h; 60, e. 

The great majority of burden baskets are ornamented with designs 
well adapted to the shape of the basket, both from an artistic stand- 


346 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ern. ANN. 41 


point and from the point of view of the minimum number of difficul- 
ties involved in their execution. The typical styles are the horizontal 
band of continuous designs, many of which are zigzags or meanders, 
and the slightly separated smaller elements which are sometimes seen 
in all-over arrangement. These types are illustrated in Plates 58-62. 
A great many designs are executed only in outline, with here and 
there triangles or squares worked in solid black by way of contrast. 
The background is always light. 

In contrast to these there are a few decorated with vertical series 
of figures, which at once seem to give rise to the same difficulties 
experienced by the other tribes using them. Plate 59, d, is a very 
interesting specimen. The leftward lean of the stripes is much more 
pronounced than usual, although the basket has been very carefully 
made. Not only was the circumference spacing unsatisfactory but 
other difficulties have arisen which were practically unavoidable. 
Owing to the rapid increase in the wall circumference in the region 
of the bottom, it was almost impossible to adjust the triangles, so 
that near either corner a confused arrangement results which obvi- 
ously was not intended. The central field presents difficulties due 
almost wholly to miscalculation on the part of the maker who made 
the compromise solution seen at the left edge. The break in the 
stripe on the right, however, is due to the fact that a constantly m- 
creasing coil circumference requires more stitches to sew it with each 
succeeding round. It is quite evident that in this instance the con- 
stantly increasing number of stitches and the fact that each was 
imbricated made it necessary to follow exactly the straight rows which 
were then more emphasized. At this particular place on the basket 
where it was expedient to place the triple stripe, one or the other of 
the lines necessarily fell where it could not be carried out by consecu- 
tive stitches, hence the break which is the more apparent because each 
imbricated background stitch is set off from its neighbor by its un- 
compromising square form. The maker had much better luck with 
her two top zones, for the triangles and zigzags are almost perfectly 
spaced even at the break which is visible in the upper left corner. 
Plate 59, h, shows another attempt at vertical decoration which was 
unsuccessful from the point of view of circumference spacing. 

Plate 59, 6, is a rare specimen and presumably modern. Its square 
corners and solidly worked designs are foreign to the earlier Chilcotin 
style. The circumference spacing of the elements is unusually excel- 
lent, although a slight discrepancy occurs in the central of the three 
zones below the rod. The imbrication of the background of this zone, 
while not conforming to the old Chileotin style, is not unusual at the 
present time. 

The filler, on account of the prevailing styles of decoration, is ex- 
tremely rare; in fact not a specimen studied can boast of one. The 


Boas] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 347 


treatment of corners is accomplished entirely by the processes of 
augmentation and diminution of elements or background as the 
case may be. Frequently, however, the designs come out with 
amazing accuracy at the break, without very noticeable variations 
in the size of the figures encircling the basket. Plate 58, ¢, is a 
striking exception; the tops of the meanders differ considerably from 
one another, that at the extreme right on the long side and the 
central section of the one on the corner being elongated out of all 
proportion to the other parts. The treatment of the crossing diag- 
onals in the lower field is evidence of the maker’s struggle against the 
leftward lean of her stitches and consequently the flattened left- 
ward running diagonals. Other baskets illustrating this method of 
treating corners are shown in Plates 58, e, g; 59, e,f; and 60,¢. Often 
the Chilcotin secure a remarkably good correspondence between the 
designs of the lower and upper of the three fields below the rod in the 
matter of alignment. This is due to the fact that they bifurcate 
their stitches as far as is possible, producing perfectly straight rows 
between which, when necessary, other straight rows are incorporated, 
just as additional warps are introduced in twined basketry. By 
means of these straight lines they are enabled to follow up the edges 
of the designs in the lower field and to adjust proportionately those 
of the upper zone. The alignment depends somewhat on the char- 
acter of the design as well as upon the watchfulness of the artist. 
Continuous designs can not be adjusted in this manner, nor figures 
between which it is absolutely necessary to maintain a fixed distance. 
The checker design in Plate 58, f, is of this character, as are all 
horizontal zigzags or meanders. In Plate 60, c, the maker secured 
her alignment at the cost of the increased size in figures at the 
corners, as well as greater distance between them, but to our eyes 
the result is unusually satisfactory. A remarkable specimen from 
the point of view of alignment, which ctherwise appears very crude, 
is shown in Plate 58, h. So perfect is this that practically the same 
distances are maintained throughout between the figures which are 
the same for the three fields—all this basket has. The break at the 
extreme left is especially noteworthy. 

Another particularly fine specimen is that given in Plate 62, c. 
The alignment of the meanders is almost perfect; their leftward Jean, 
which seems especially pronounced in the right half of the basket, is 
in part accounted for by the incurve of the walls. 

In a number of cases the utterly different decorations given to 
the upper and lower of the three fields minimize the number of 
difficulties usually encountered, since no attempt is made to correlate 
the elements of the two zones. (Pl. 60,6.) Here the corners are 
almost entirely disregarded, or at least the maker has not succeeded 
in even approaching symmetry, but it is interesting to notice how she 


348 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


adjusted the two central zigzags.of the third zone to admit of placing 
the flattened one where it belonged. 

The corner of the basket (pl. 60, e) tells the tale of the struggle 
the maker experienced in attempting to align her zigzags. If the 
reader will examine the plates carefully a number of what have been 
called smaller errors in stitching and imbricating may also be located. 
These do not require special comment, particularly since so much has 
already been said along this line. 

The remaining plates (pls. 60, a; 61, 9,7; 62, b) present some realistic 
decorations of more recent origin, showing that among the Chilcotin, 
as among the Thompson, a new departure in basketry ornamentation 


HH 


tle 


ha: » 


Fic, 106.—Chilcotin designs 


is in progress. Among the Chilcotin representative work is not badly 
done and approaches the realistic to a greater extent than that of the 
Thompson. 

Considering the intercourse that all of these tribes have had 
with one another, directly or indirectly, it is to be expected that 
similarities in the matter of designs should frequently be encountered. 
But the Chilcotin are more individual in this respect than their 
neighbors, as Figures 106 and 107 and the platesshow. The major- 
ity of patterns are noticeably rectangular, a feature which is more 
common among the Lillooet than among the Thompson, but in nei- 
ther of these localities is the trait so marked as it is here. 

Sketches Nos. 1-6, Figure 106, are variations of ¢, Figure 107, 
although it is doubtful if they would all be given the same inter- 
pretations, namely, ribs of mammals. They are arranged either 


Boas] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 349 


as short lines at equal distances depending from the rim or in groups, 
particularly in twos. They are separated into two fields, an upper 
and lower, or all over one large field or in long lines in groups of 
three extending the full length of a single field. Pattern No. 7, 
Figure 106, represents the large checks used in all-over fashion to 


| a NG v w 
aa IY ce 


Fic. 107.—Chilcotin designs 


cover one field. The triangular design elements, 8, are variations 
of those given in Figure 107, g, which are known as “arrowheads.” 
They occur mostly in opposed rows to fill a horizontal zone, but 9 
and g’’ are of course vertical series. The designs 10 are probably 
meant to represent a beaver, stream, and trap. No interpretations 
have been secured for 9 and 18. Nos. 28, 29, and 30 are known as 


350 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA |ETH. ANN. 41 


“beavers’ tails.””. Compare 11, Figure 106, with p, Figure 107. The 
latter is called mountains or snakes. Both usually occur at equi- 
distant points all around the circumference. Sketch 12, Figure 106, 
or d, Figure 107, are often seen in pairs. The last of these is called 
fish ribs. Sketch 13, Figure 106, is undoubtedly related to sketch 
ce, Figure 107, as we have noted elsewhere. Both are called net 
designs. 

The designs 14 and 15, Figure 106, seem to be related to 16 of 
the same figure, as far as structure goes, and also to w, Figure 107, 
but the interpretations are different. Sketch 14, Figure 106, is 
known as flies, while for 15 no name has been secured. There is a 
suggestion that 16 is a tree design, as are w and cc in Figure 107; 
w, however, is also known as the backbone of a fish. 

Sketches 17, Figure 106, and e, Figure 107, are “ribs” and are 
used in horizontal bands. 

Not more than one row of such figures as 18’, 18’’, Figure 106, occur 
in a field. These may be related to such patterns as 15, or g, Figure 
107. The latter sketch is the curious figure which so frequently 
appears on Tlingit basketry in many different colors. 

The trapezoidal figure, sketch 19, Figure 106, is known among 
the Chilcotin as a bear’s foot pattern. 

Nothing is given about the arrangements of 20 and 23, Figure 
106. The little design 22 is used in a narrow horizontal band at the 
top. (See pl. 58,¢.) Sketches 24 and 25 show patterns which occur 
near the rims. The latter is thought to be part of a net design. 
The points on the hourglass figures, Sketch 26, vary, but the average 
is about five. 

The following table refers the reader to similar figures among the 
Thompson and Lillooet, where these exist. 


Chileotin Thompson Lillooet 
aa’, Fiph lovee — 224 19-82) S80 O02 see e eee k, Fig. 103. 
ba Fie MOTs jf 28 522, 523, 527, 528, 536, 537, | d, Fig. 103. 
557, 563, 567. 

c2'Figx 1073118! Fig./l| 51652094 __- - 4! r, Fig. 103. 

106. 
d, Fig 1071 114-2 iy par aa Ta eee eres J 
e, Figs l0725) Fig\| '84, 136..--.2..-.-21---_2 29, Fig. 105. 

106. 
ip? AU Re eee 144, 1459150 eees or 35, Fig. 105. 
g;* Fig. 107; 8, 9, | 225, 244, 245) 254, 271_____ 28, Fig. 105. 

Fig. 106 
paleo eeeses es 16568, 70S, = oer a a, Fig. 103 and Fig. 104. 
Ory sth soi (CfA See 300; 440 1451 See | a, Fig. 103 and Fig. 104. 


1 The diamond is a very common element here, as it is with the Thompson, but the arrangements are a 


little different. 


? The flattened diamond also occurs in all three tribes. _ 
5 The Thompson have inlaid designs on pipes exactly like f and f’. . 
4 All the variations are found among the Thompson and most of them among the Lillooet. 


BOAs] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 351 


Chileotin Thompson Lillooet 
Gebigo1o7 1el poe! Only as checks in patterns, | Only as checks in patterns, 
not as simple element. not as simple element. 

Kae Lote, te So 156, 169-171, 173, 174______ 
mand n, Fig. 107 __| 506, 696-698______________ 22, 23, 24, Fig. 105. 
o and p, Fig. 107; | 111, 128-130, 132, 501____-_ See Lillooet zigzag designs 

11, and 12,5 Fig. all sorts. 

106. 
Ope: DOFe se 67, NGS), 187-190. te 2 g and J, Fig. 103, 19, Fig. 105. 
rinse io) 0 (se Saas 2; SO Oso Soa eee oS q, Fig. 103. 
1b | 500 | y pape mera 983; 0842 AGU Ts ATE 3 16, Fig. 105. 
Paty 107) 5.) Wig), SU GOL oo. Go ek Stripe designs. 

106. 
MW) Rievae 7a) SOL By DWyeDs L Vly wale be 
Cheleat ce Uy fant 2eoce ea (CES Doreen) 4 a Seen ae Fly designs, Fig. 104. 
GL pg | 7 aaa (sho) a wee eee Go epee m, Fig. 103; 2, Fig. 105. 
aibign 107532 _ Suita OSG 11 gE RE ey 
Ta ae UU ESA RN ree OP 73 ie al oe Se ed fe, 

106. 
ma ibig: VOY Wives BE2I5__ YA de tha 
(7 EEN I) ee LDL Ree a See ea eee 
(pad OTE tel Di ete Se ena i kay nese by ele telly della els tere 35, Fig. 105. 
DprbignlOGstoil) Si 47 48 _eledeacltow OLY 
HIP CE LNG S toes see BEGINS. OAL CBeees _ Fie 2 31, Fig. 105. 
SES has Se Php ee Se eae Pe ae 31, Fig. 105. 
Gye MOG: Sew seul W2hutel sates ll wees 
pie | LOG. bt ob ea ee Oa mee wey 2 Sr ris) ee s, Fig. 104. 
8, Fig. 106_________| Very common (see Thomp- | Very common. 

son triangles). 

CORES 11 sha Sie | 22: Gee 5V (ae ae 
Nai Mea AA OLE, se eS Sy eli? ee Ss = ee Spel ee nie 
14, Fig. 106________ SOBHSEL SHU ty “WOT EF. _ _ 3 m, Fig. 103; 2, Fig. 105. 
Aap rpu ters Ge 2s te PGs OZ. see te h, Vig. 103; 17, 18, Fig. 105. 
hae LE Ze TO ies ere Aled 2:7 a el ry 8 A ; 
TZ Bigs 106. sare i467 ae Stor La Bie 
Peaic: 10Ges) oe sioron ht] tla a Sa SA a STS | See zigzags. 
TNE Ee ah 0) Oe De oct 5 ps 13 Je os ee pan 
20; 21, Fig: 106 20s. 01)683=685_2)- levpeeoo_ Llc. 
22) Fig. TOG tas te 53 CREE LOLs a eae SO ea ? 
a ty LE Faia 0 ape dipec elv 0/U flmear eaee 9 Ale e ade 
209812 i106_ slo pacl WSSntinass SH aidan’ 
26, Fig. 106.2. 42_) = Bey Soe ee ge a 
Zio Pig. lOG.-~ 2 ve ie rye te Ce ple a en 
28, 7 AU AAS CEC wet al | na, 7-2 ane Ss ae 
30, Fig. LO GHIER ESA TOUSeR Ene] Sse OL See 


5 Common with both Lillooet and Thompson. 
Suuswar Basketry 


It is unfortunate that so little information can now be obtained 
from the Shuswap concerning the imbricated basketry which they 
are known to have manufactured formerly. Without any detailed 
knowledge of their ancient designs it is impossible to determine what 
were all of the influences playing upon the Chilcotin, just how much 
they owed to the Thompson and Lillooet, and whence their square 
designs came. 

Informants state that Shuswap burden baskets varied in size but 
were all similar in shape; a few were like the modern Chilcotin and 
all had rounded corners. Some were a little longer and narrower 


352 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


than others and there was some latitude in the degree of wall flare, 
but on the whole their contours were alike. There were also circular 
baskets like the Thompson kettles which Were used for cooking, 
round baskets and bowls, as well as nut shapes of various sizes which 
when small were used to hold trinkets or tools, or if large, for storage 
purposes. The informants were doubtful about the existence of 
coiled cups and trays, but said these were certainly made of birch 
bark. They were not sure whether any of the trunk-shaped (.stlak) 
baskets were manufactured in their tribe. 

Other informants said that flat coils were not used, but that the 
round coils were constructed like the Thompson of splints of cedar or 
spruce root. The bottoms were of the watch-spring and elongated 
types. The people are doubtful if the other varieties were made. 
The rims were plain and often made of thicker coil than the basket 
walls, in order to increase their durability. It is thought that fancy 
baskets were not made, but that the Shuswap in some parts of the 
country produced small round workbaskets like the Thompson nut 
shapes. 

For imbrication they believe the same kind of grass was employed 
that was used by the Thompson and Chilcotin. It was generally 
left in its natural white color, but sometimes was dyed red and 
yellow. The bark used for imbricating they say was like that 
used by the other tribes. As for quills being employed for em- 
broidery on baskets, they were very uncertain, but remembered that 
they were sewed on the rims of some birch bark specimens. Beading 
and imbrication were both common and the amount of decoration 
ranged from surfaces entirely covered to those which were totally 
bare, relying for their attractiveness on the bifurcated stitches. It 
is claimed that some bifurcating was executed in bands which en- 
hanced the decorative effect, but on this point again the people are 
very uncertain. 


RELATION OF ImpricaATED Basketry TO OTHER Forms 


We shall now turn to a consideration of the relation between the 
imbricated basketry of the Thompson, Lillooet, and other north- 
western tribes and compare the art with that of the Californian 
basket-making tribes and that of the Tlingit of Alaska. We shall 
also note what may have been the influence of the Plains, where, 
although baskets are not made, a colorful and striking art prevails, 
which finds expression in exquisite beadwork and the gaily painted 
leather parfléches. It must have made a. profound impression 
wherever it was encountered. 


60 See James A. Teit, The Shuswap, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. II, fig. 217. 


Boas) BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 353 


YAKIMA AND KLickITAT BASKETRY 


The following account of Yakima and Klickitat basketry is by 
Mr. Teit, who completed his study during the summer of 1909. 

He says: ‘‘I visited the people on Yakima Reservation last summer 
to obtain interpretations of their basketry designs, particularly those 
represented in the basketry collection of the American Museum. I 
did not make minute inquiry on any other subject. As I was provided 
by the Museum with very good photographs of all specimens of 
baskets and bags, identification and interpretation of the designs 
was effected without much difficulty by showing the photographs to 
various women who were considered to be authorities on the subject. 
From these women and others | also gained in the time available as 
much information as possible regarding the material used and data 
of value relating to basketry and other industries. I was successful 
in obtaining interpretations of nearly all the designs occurring on 
the Museum baskets. In this I was aided by Peter McGuff,’ who 
- was with Doctor Sapir as interpreter. He speaks both the Wishram 
and Yakima languages. I obtained the following information mostly 
from the Klickitat, who are the principal basket makers on the 
reservation.” 

Bark baskets.—According to the Klickitat no birch-bark baskets 
were made by them, and very few, if any, by the Yakima, Wishram, 
and other tribes near by. However, cedar-bark baskets were manu- 
factured by both the Klickitat and Yakima, and were much used by 
them for gathering blueberries on the mountains. Most of them 
were of kettle shape. They were of various sizes, and roughly made 
out of a single piece of bark. They were generally designed for 
temporary use, and were seldom kept around the home. They 
had no ornamentation of any kind, and were generally stitched to- 
gether with split root. I did not see any specimens. 

Woven baskets —Several kinds of woven baskets were made by 
the Klickitat. One variety was plaited (in some cases they appear 
to have been twilled) and had a braided rim. The material con- 
sisted of narrow strips of maple bark from the part lying next to 
the sapwood. In some, different shades of bark were so arranged as 
to produce a decorative scheme, but the majority were ornamented 
with elk grass in three colors, with designs of similar character to 
those on other basketry. Elk grass, in its natural color, gave white; 
dyed with wolf moss or root of Oregon grape, a pale yellow; and 
stained by smoking, a dull black. These baskets were flexible, 
had a somewhat rounded bottom, were all of one shape, and did not 
vary much in size. At the present day very few of them are made, 
owing, it is said, to the difficulty of procuring the materials near 


61 Peter McGuff, a man of remarkable intelligence, died in 1928. 


354 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH ANN. 41 


at hand. Many women declare that even in former times when the 
range of the tribe was much greater many Klickitat families did not 
make them, and some think their manufacture has been learned from 
tribes west of the Cascades. They were not produced by any of 
the Yakima or eastern tribes, but were woven by the Cowlitz and 
other western groups. These baskets are called warzo’mexom, and 
Plate 63, a@ and c, appear to be examples of them. 

A second kind of basket is called wa’ pas (J). It appears to be of 
exactly the same type as the flexible baskets of the Nez Percé de- 
scribed by Spinden ™ in his account of the Nez Percé. They were 
woven of Indian hemp twine, or of willow bark, both warp and woof, 
although occasionally the warp was of the one material and the woof 
of the other. The majority were of willow bark throughout. Orna- 
mentation in false embroidery was effected with willow bark dyed 
black (generally by burying in black earth or mud), and with tule in 
natural greenish and whitish colors, or with elk grass. The Klickitat 
made a great many of these and still make them, but the Yakima 
now have discontinued the art almost altogether. Large numbers 
were and are still made by the Wasco, Wishram, and Cowlitz. Speci- 
mens of these may be seen in Plate 66, except 1, 7, o-7. 

Woven bags.—These are called wawrxpa’(J) and are the same as 
the flat wallets made by the Nez Percé and some Salish tribes, which 
have been described by Spinden ® and others. They were woven of 
Indian hemp string, and ornamented with tule in its natural green, 
yellow, and white colors. Willow bark in brown and black was also 
sometimes resorted to long ago. In later days corn leaf and colored 
yarn were substituted for the tule and are now the only materials em- 
ployed for designs. The bags were all of the same shape but varied 
considerably in size. Very few were made by the Klickitat. It is 
said that the art of weaving them was probably learned from the 
Yakima, with whom, together with other eastern tribes, this work 
is supposed to have been indigenous. None were manufactured by 
tribes living west of the Cascades. Formerly the Yakima developed 
quite an industry, but it has now dwindled to practically nothing, 
while the Klickitat apparently have ceased making them (pls. 63, b, d-h; 
64, 65). 

Woven caps.—Kez-shaped caps of the Nez Percé type (such as de- 
scribed by Spinden) were made by the Klickitat and according to 
them were worn by the women of all the surrounding tribes, includ- 
ing the Cowlitz, Wishram, Wasco, Tenaino, Umatilla, Wallawalla, 
Nez Percé, Yakima, Wenatchi, and Spokane, and also the Klamath 
and several southern tribes. They were woven of Indian hemp 
twine, ornamented with elk grass, white or dyed yellow, or with 


62 Wea are obliged to Mr. Melville Jacobs for a revision of the Klickitat terms marked with a follow- 
ing (J). 
63 H. J. Spinden, The Nez Percé Indians, Mem. Amer. Anthr. Asso., voi. 2, pt. 3; pl. 4, a; figs. 4, a, 11. 


BOAS] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 355 


natural or black willow bark. Occasionally elk grass was dyed red 
with a decoction of alder bark. (See pl. 66, o-r.) 

Woven blankets —Many old Klickitat people remember the weaving 
of goat-hair blankets. The thread was spun on spindles resembling 
those of the coast Indians. Dog’s hair was never used, but strips of 
the skin of rabbits, deer, fawn, or beavers made excellent blankets. 
The manufacture of these was discontinued at a much earlier date 
than that of goat-hair blankets. Square looms were used in the weav- 
ing of all kinds of blankets and their products were formerly sold in 
considerable numbers to the Yakima, Wallawalla, and other eastern 
tribes. The Cowlitz and some of the Snakes living near the Nez 
Percé are also reported to have made woven blankets of various kinds. 

Mats.—I did not try to gain much information about matting. 
The sewed tule mat was very largely used by the Klickitat and 
Yakima for covering lodges, and probably other kinds of mats were 
manufactured. 

Skin wallets —V arious kinds of buckskin wallets, bags, and pouches 
were made. Ornamentation on these was formerly in quill em- 
broidery, but beads have been so long in use that quillwork is now 
almost forgotten. Beaded pouches are still sometimes made, and 
silk embroidery is used to a slight extent. 

Coiled baskets —The ordinary coiled type of basket was used exten- 
sively, the coil consisting of the pliable roots of the cedar split into 
very fine strips and bunched together. The sewing was of the same 
material, but selected for length and regularity of width. The long 
trailing roots of the cedar were sought, those near the trunk being too 
brittle. Sapwood was never used for the coil. At the present time 
the roots are gathered in the Cascade Mountains when the Indians go 
to pick huckleberries, as no cedar is found on the reservation. Roots 
of spruce and other trees are considered inferior for basket making 
and were never used by these tribes. So far as the materials and 
manner of manufacture are concerned, there appears to be little differ- 
ence between the Klickitat and the Thompson Indians. The Klickitat 
and Cowlitz, however, seem to finish the rim coil invariably with a 
false braid, while among the Thompson people this is practically 
never done. The ornamentation for this type was imbrication in 
white, brown, black, and yellow. The materials were elk grass and 
willow bark. The former was gathered in the mountains to the west, 
where it grows about two feet tall, and was used in its natural white 
color, or dyed yellow with wolf moss and the roots of the Oregon 
grape. Willow bark was left its natural brown color or dyed black 
by burying in dark mud. It seems that cherry bark, tule, or corn 
leaves were never used. Coiled baskets are named according to their 
shape and size. I failed to obtain a general name for the technique, 
although one probably exists. 


356 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


By far the most common shape is like an inverted truncated cone. 
The bottom is about half the diameter of the mouth and the height 
is greater than the width. When of large size it is called .ctkap; 
when medium tuksei; and when small size, tukseituksei. It was used 
for all kinds of purposes, such as carrying loads, packing on horses, 
and root gathering. Such shapes had no foot, and none were made 
with square mouths (as in those of the Lillooet, for instance). No 
rods were used on the bottom (like some Shuswap examples), nor 
around the rim (as among the Chileotin). A wider mouthed variety. 
shallower in proportion to its width, was formerly made and used as 
kettles. In some of these the bottom was as wide as the mouth. 
These varieties are now rarely seen. (Pls. 67-69. Pl. 68, 72, is a 
slightly different shape formerly common, and Plate 68, d, is one of 
the kettle type.) 

Another form very similar to the nut-shaped baskets of the 
Thompson is called lzta’i (J), in which the aperture was just large 
enough to admit the hand. They were of various sizes, the larger 
serving as water jars in the house. Plate 68, d, h, are specimens of 
these. A second variety with a neck called by the same name was 
used for carrying water (pl. 68, a, 6). An oblong form called .ké‘pa’i 
resembled the .stlak or trunk baskets of the Lower Thompson. It 
was called zzxn‘pi’n by the Wishram who formerly bought it in large 
quantities from the Klickitat. It was used particularly when travel- 
ing with horses, for carrying feathers and other things which might 
become crushed or broken. The larger sizes were generally used in 
the house, and in them were stored the best clothes and other valu- 
ables. The small ones which sometimes were made with lids often 
served as work baskets. Plate 67, k, 0, are specimens of these; also 
possibly Plate 71, d. Circular forms are not known as .ké‘pa’i bas- 
kets. Jxta’i (J) and .ké‘pa’i are seldom made nowadays. 

The Indians say that there has been no change in their method 
of making coiled basketry from the earliest times, nor in the character 
of the materials used. All the shapes formerly used are still made, 
although the output in some cases may now be greater or less. Prac- 
tically no new shapes haye come into vogue. Some people neverthe- 
less think the common .ctzka’p basket has been somewhat altered 
in shape within the last 30 or 40 years, and is now generally made with 
rather less width in proportion to height. The Klckitat think that 
some of the Shoshoni and Nez Percé formerly made some coiled ware, 
but it was not impricated. The Klickitat still make great numbers 
of baskets. Formerly certain families confined themselves mostly 
to weaving flexible pieces (wa’pas [J]). All the shapes of baskets 
known to the Klickitat were also made by the Cowlitz and neighbor- 
ing tribes west of the mountains, and as far as the informants are 


Boas] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 357 


aware these were the only common shapes in use. The Cowlitz 
made fewer of the oblong baskets (.ké‘pa’i) than the tribes imme- 
diately north of them and toward the sound. Probably not all the 
tribes west of the Cascades made coiled basketry. 

Parfléches.—Parfléches were of the same shape as those obtained 
from other interior tribes and came into vogue after the introduction 
of the horse. Tribes to the north and east were using them long 
before the Klickitat. Later the Klickitat procured many from the 
Yakima and afew from the Wallawalla, but seldom manufactured their 
own and when they did they left them unpainted. The Yakima were 
merely traders, however, acquiring their stock from the tribes 
east of the Columbia, although occasionally they made and painted a 
few. Buffalo and horse hide, and in later days cowhide, were the 
materials used by all the tribes. 

Basketry designs.—The designs on soft and hard baskets were of the 
same character, some having numerous variations. The pattern 
generally covered the whole field, arranged in horizontal, diagonal, 
or perpendicular bands. Zigzags were common. <A few coiled 
baskets were unimbricated, others were ornamented only with 
beading, and the appearance of more than one pattern on the same 
basket was rare. The designs used by the Klickitat and Yakima 
were almost entirely geometrical and the names given them were the 
same. Cowlitz designs were practically identical with those em- 
ployed by the Klickitat, but those used by the Wishram and Wasco 
were of quite a different character, consisting of quite realistic animal 
figures with names such as ‘‘people,’”’ ‘‘man,” ‘‘woman,” ‘‘deer,”’ 
“buck deer,”’ ‘‘dog,’”’ ‘‘horse,” ‘‘salmon,” ‘‘butterfly,” ‘head,’ and 
“face (human).’’ Among the few geometric designs made by the 
Wishram and Wasco were the Klickitat ‘“‘arrowhead” and ‘‘eye” and 
simple lines generally horizontal but occasionally perpendicular. 
The Tenaino employed realistic, animal, and geometric designs in 
about equal proportion. The Indians say that there has been little 
or no change in Klickitat basketry designs since the earliest times, 
that very few patterns have been introduced, and that white men’s 
designs are not copied, excepting in cases where whites may give a 
special order for a basket to be made with a certain design, such as 
the American eagle. These never become tribal designs and are 
seldom reproduced. Most of the common Klickitat designs and 
variations are represented in the collection of the American Museum 
of Natural History. 


308 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


(ETH. ANN, 41 


Design NAMES 


Meaning in 


Klickitat name English Plate numbers 
1iOtewtitscat tee etl Ae 63,)a, ¢3'65, ajc 
2, SEOs (dl) ee ee Bullsnake_ _ ~_ 


ei LXer (a) eee 
4. Tca/wena___---- 


5. Keshwi’kweza_-_ 


Os Reteni cans eee 


7. Tso/umtsoum____ 


8. Wati’ke (J)_---- 


9. Assay! (J)... en 


AJso called 
a'teac. (J) 
Waxti'c 


- PErtxti nox. 
4 Bizpizeertesh J 


. Cwa’t’ac (J)__--| 


Leg or foot___ 
Gill 


Contracted 1__ 


Footprint -_ - 


Finger-nail ___ 


Arrowhead ___ 


@lond! ase 
Nplice == aan 
Bar or line 3___ 


Root he as 


63, f, h; 64, c; 66, b; 67, d; 68, e, f, 7; 74,7, n 

63, d,\e; 66, n; 67, k; 74, g, m, are said to 
be variations arising from the combina- 
tion of “leg” and “gill” elements. 
Those on 74, g, were called ‘‘gill’’ by one 
woman and “‘leg”’ or “‘foot”’ by another, 
while a third said that they were des- 
ignated by bothterms. 67, k, is said to 
be a variation of the ‘‘gill.” It appears 
that some variations of the “leg”? and 
‘sill’? designs have become merged so 
it is often difficult to decide which name 
to apply. 

68, k; 70, 0, are examples; 65, a, is given 
the same interpretation; 74, i, is a vari- 
ation; 74, f, is called “‘zigzag connecting 
up and down”; 67, k, is said to be the 
“Jeg” design combined with the “‘zig- 
zag.” The element of this pattern is 
_ simple zigzag. Other designs such 

s “step,” “leg,” and ‘‘gill,’”’ form zig- 
sot (th but these are called ‘“‘zigzag step” 
design, and are not considered as the 
real ‘‘zigzag.”’ 

70, w; one woman called 63, b, ‘‘spiral.’”’ 
The others distinguished it as ‘spiral 
zigzag short turn” (‘‘short turn” ap- 
pears to be applied where one line in the 
zigzag is shorter than the other). The 
design element is evidently a simple line 
running spirally around the basket. 

Zigzags which nearly meet are sometimes 
called by this name. 

This is shown in 66, p, q, v; 74, 6,1. Of 
these the first is considered to be the 
“true step”’ design, but 66, k, is a com- 
bination of “foot” or ‘‘gill’’ with the 
Mstepse 

67, m,n; No. 6, the upper design on 67, h, 
and the filler on 67, g. 

On the last one the eye is combined with 
“leg.” 

67, 7, l, p; 74, c, and the lower design on 

hor 


67, 7; 68,7. This name is also often ap- 
plied to common beading. 


1 Contracted so as to be smaller in the middle or at some other part. 
2 Likened to the splicing of a rope, or a kink or tangled knot in a long rope. 
8 Any horizontal mark of some length. 


Boas] BASKETRY OF NEIGHBORS OF THE THOMPSON 359 


Meaning in 


Klickitat name English Plate numbers 
USI oA EO Sea Peoples, .4—=. Bi, Ae T45d,.6;,k- 
16. Wa‘laqwalaq(J)_| Butterfly —____ 66, a. 
17. Wa’iwai ‘J)_-__| False (foot)___| A variety of the ‘‘foot” or ‘‘false foot’”’ 
may be seen on the upper figure, Pl. 91, 
Mason.‘ The other design on the same 
basket is ‘‘finger-nail”’ or ‘‘eye.”’ 
18. Ti’ktltuk_____- Imprint of | There is no photograph of this. The de- 
stroke.® sign is said also to have occurred on 
coiled basketry. 
19. Pweikfki___-_-_ Seratch— =. --_ I did not see any baskets with this de- 
sign. One woman called the design on 
68, g, ‘‘zigzag scratch.” 
ADRES (VU torts I heard of another design called ‘‘feath- 
ers,” “narrow feathers,” but did not see 
any examples. It was used on both 
baskets and bags. 


; = age design shows the “‘foot,”” while in the ‘false foot’? on Mr. Sargent’s basket the “‘foot’’ is 
jacking. 


5 Same as marks left on asoft substance after having been struck by a stick. 

Women and girls made all the woven baskets and bags, but hide 
bags were sometimes made by men. It seems the simplest form of 
the design element is called a ‘‘true’”’ design. In some cases the most 
common but not necessarily the simplest or original ‘‘false’”’ design, 
seems to be that variation of the pattern which is most curtailed or 
conventionalized. It is thus generally furthest removed from the 
‘‘true’”’ design, but at the same time becomes a recognized standard 
pattern. Designs regarded as a whole, apart from the element, are 
designated by compound descriptive terms; for example, the ele- 
ment may be called ‘‘zigzag,’’ but the name of the design itself may 
be ‘‘spiral zigzag short turn,” or ‘‘zigzag connecting up and down.” 
There are many such terms qualified as ‘‘true,’’ ‘‘false,” ‘‘not true,’’ 
“short turn,’ ‘‘double,” ‘‘large,’’ ‘‘small,’’ ‘‘connecting,”’ ‘‘con- 
necting up and down,” or ‘‘above and below,’ ‘‘perpendicular,”’ 
“zigzag,” “diagonal,” ‘‘sharp point,” ‘‘close together,” ‘‘detached.” 
I did not try to list these, but merely noted some of those I heard. 

Designs on wallets —The Klickitat admit that they know very 
little regarding designs on bags and that the interpretations of 
the designs by the people who made them may be in some cases differ- 
ent from theirs. Those on the small bags formerly made by them 
were copied from the Yakima who they think probably made the 
bags shown in Plates 64 and 65, although it is possible that they are 
of Nez Percé or Umatilla manufacture. As pattern names were 
mentioned ‘‘spiral’”’ and ‘‘arrowhead.”’ I could obtain no explana- 
tion of any of those given in Farrand’s book. Bag designs made at 
the present day are the same in character as those produced many 

53666°—28——24 


360 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


years ago. On the whole the figures used on bags differed from those 
applied to basketry, but occasionally identical patterns of the same 
name occurred on both. Usually both sides of the bag were alike, 
at least long ago among the Yakima, but a few specimens bore a 
different design on each side, and others were ornamented on one 
face. There were also plain bags of the same material and weave. 
I did not meet any Yakima who could furnish more information on 
bag designs than I obtained from the Klickitat. 

Designs on caps.—Designs on caps among the Klickitat and nearest 
tribes were usually composed of zigzags of various descriptions, 
one design to a cap, but occasionally a very small secondary pattern 
appeared in the band around the margin, usually an ‘‘arrowhead.”’ 
Examples are Plate 66, 0-7. A plain zigzag was common (pl. 66, 0) 
while ‘‘zigzag gill” and ‘‘zigzag leg” were frequently seen, as well 
as ‘‘contracted”’ and ‘‘arrowhead” arranged in zigzags. 

Designs on blankets—The goat-hair blankets formerly woven by 
the Klickitat are said to have been decorated, but I could learn very 
little regarding them. They say many of the designs were similar to 
those used on basketry, evidently entirely geometric. Spirals and 
zigzags were common. However, I did not make extended inquiry 
into the subject. 

Designs on matting.—I did not inquire much about this question, 
but was told by one woman that no ornamentation was applied 
to mats. 

Designs on skin bags.—Although seeking little information on this 
subject, I learned that designs were abundant in quillwork and 
beadwork. Little is now remembered about quillwork, the designs 
of which are said to have been entirely geometric. Solid beadwork 
covering one or both sides of a bag was not uncommon, blue and 
white in about equal proportion being used as background. Most 
of the designs were floral, some copies of flowers growing in the 
mountains, others geometric, representing many elements, including 
the ‘contracted’ design and the ‘‘arrowhead.’”’ Realistic figures, 
representing people and animals, occurred on a very few bags. 

Designs on parfléches.—The Klickitat seem to know nothing of the 
meaning of these. The designs as formerly painted by them and 
the Yakima were all copies of those used by the tribes of the interior 
to the north and east. 


SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ® 


Throughout the area occupied by the Salish tribes and in the 
country of the Chilcotin and Klickitat it has been seen that cedar is 
the preferred material for coiled baskets, for which spruce is substi- 
tuted only when cedar is not obtainable. There are a few local 


6 See Spinden, op. cit., fig. 15, pl. 6, for these varieties of the ‘‘gill” and “‘leg”’ patterns. 
6 By Helen H. Roberts. 


BOAS] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 361 


differences in the grasses and barks chosen for imbricating, but 
on the whole Phragmites phragmites and cherry bark are in most 
general use. 

Coiling is the prevailing technique of the entire region. The 
larger baskets are all coiled, and on account of their number and 
constant requisition in the household are very conspicuous. There 
are, however, other kinds of technique employed. The Thompson, 
and doubtless most of the other tribes, plait mats of rushes and twine 
caps and bags from spruce root. The direction of coiling for all 
tribes is anticlockwise, except in the case of left-handed workers, 
who have produced a number of specimens now in museum collec- 
tions. In essentials the technique of coiling is the same with all 
the tribes. There are local and even individual variations in the 
types of bottoms manufactured and in the size of coil used. There 
are also slight differences in stitching, for some tribes employ furca- 
tion to a considerable extent while with others it is only a matter of 
accident and scarcely noticeable except on the wrong side of the 
work. The technique of beading and that of imbrication are iden- 
tical everywhere. From available data it appears that the great 
center of the coiled basketry industry lay formerly and stillis located 
in the Cascade region of British Columbia, where it seems also that 
imbrication had its beginning, whence it spread in al] directions. 

At some early time round baskets not unlike the present forms 
produced by the Klickitat were the prevailing types over the whole 
area and were used for transporting burdens on the backs of men or 
horses as well asfor kettles and tubs. In the course of time, how- 
ever, a change occurred. Whether the idea came from the coast where 
square wooden boxes were made or was evolved in the immediate 
region as a result of remedying what proved to be a faulty form when 
used for transportation on horseback, is not clear. But at least in 
the Thompson and Lillooet localities the baskets gradually became 
more oval, finally leading to the present-day types, the Thompson 
still oval with corners clearly discernible in the upper portion of the 
structure, the Lillooet decidedly rectangular from base to rim. The 
Chilcotin have long produced an oval form which is narrow in pro- 
portion to its length. A number of their new specimens are quite 
angular. The Shuswap also adopted an elongated type. The Klicki- 
tat, however, have never modified their old round shapes, and in 
many other particulars show that they have been subject quite as 
much to influences from other directions as from the Salish area. 
Considering their location and history, this may well have been 
expected. Although they practice imbrication, it is true, their work 
is coarser than that of the other tribes. They are masters in mak- 
ing twined bags, a technique which is undoubtedly older with them 
than imbrication. They finish their basket rims with the same braid 


362 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


stitch so common among the Ute and other Shoshoni, who were their 
neighbors, and make frequent use of the looped coil, which has only 
comparatively recently been adopted by the Thompson for finishing 
the rims of fancy baskets not intended for hard use. 

The burden baskets of the Thompson and Lillooet, while differing 
from each other quite noticeably in shape, and among themselves 
in size,show aremarkableconformity to local standards of proportion. 
While the people are not able to formulate their ideas on proper pro- 
portions with entire unanimity of opinion, an objective study shows 
that there is a set of fairly constant proportions followed among the 
Thompson and another among the Lillooet. 

Thompson burden baskets are about three-fourths as wide as 
they are long, while the height is about equal to the width of the 
mouth, or a little less. The area of the bottom is about one-fourth 
that of the mouth, although more variation exists here than in any 
other part of the structure. 

Lillooet baskets are more nearly square at the mouth, the width be- 
ing a little more than three-fourths of the length. The height, too, is 
usually less than the width of the mouth by at least 10 per cent. The 
bottoms are of two kinds, of which one is wider than the other, and 
the whole shape is decidedly rectangular, with a very small base and 
flaring mouth, accentuated by straight rather than by incurving 
walls which the Thompson employ. 

The baskets are ornamented solely by means of beading or imbri- 
cation. So many and varied are the styles of decoration, so unmis- 
takably are they allied with types of art which appear conspicuously 
in all the surrounding regions through the medium of entirely different 
forms of weaving or even outside of the textile industry, so unique 
and peculiar is imbrication and so singular has the history of its devel- 
opment evidently been, that the student is irresistibly led to endeavor 
to reconstruct if possible from the scattered threads discernible here 
and there the rich fabric of its story and the art which through its 
means has for many years flourished almost like a desert bloom in 
the far-away valleys of the northern Cascade Range. 

We have seen that the earliest birch-bark baskets of the Shuswap ® 
were ornamented on the rim by strips of beading. These ran over 
and under the stitches of varying lengths which bound the bark to 
the rod of the rim and formed simple yet effective patterns. The 
birch-bark baskets of other regions were decorated in a similar fashion, 
as early collections show. Along the Skeena River, where imbrica- 
tion was not used, in addition to the bark technique the people plaited 
baskets of narrow strips of cedar bark and also made twined bags.” 
In order to create designs in the latter two weaves they used overlay 


60 J. A. Teit, The Shuswap, op. cit., pp. 202 et seq. 
6 This according to Teit. I have seen no specimens of this kind.—F. B. 


Boas] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 363 


strips of bark which had been dyed black in a manner probably 
similar to the dyeing processes known over all the region. In the 
plaited work, wherever designs were desired, the thin strip of black 
was laid over the strands, which were woven, and was carried along 
with the warp or woof. The end of the overlay was caught be- 
neath a crossing element and thus was both hidden and secured. In 
such work, although checker patterns or such designs as might be 
created in beading are usually the artistic limits, it is also possible to 
obtain solid color effects because the plaiting elements and conse- 
quently the overlay run in two directions. The same overlay process 
is pursued in the twined work. The fine black strip is placed on top 


OTiiiiitttita it 
al JwTwT_w6_$q[§#F¥§£lF#b=»«>Iiii! | 
TTT TAT AA 


COVURANUVULASURSEUEGUNEUELLARAILACIRELL SV RLLSUDAARAASRSLLS LAS /RIRRURLELLAAS TLR) 


d nae 
a 


Fic. 108.—Quill work, Alaska. A.M.N.H. 


of the element to be twined and is carried along with it. If only one 
of the twining elements is so covered the resulting design will show 
only every other stitch black, but if both are covered continuous 
lines of color are achieved and quite elaborate designs may be worked 
out. Perhaps it is superfluous to remark that no trace of the designs 
may be seen on the wrong side of the work. On the twined specimens 
the finished appearance resembles the Tlingit false embroidery. But 
there is an important technical difference, since in false embroidery 
the bark is whipped around the twining element only when it appears 
on the outside of the fabric; that is, in front of the warps. In the 
overlay work the bark follows the twining element throughout its 
passage. The individual stitch in false embroidery has a more verti- 
cal trend than that in overlay. The false embroidery stitch is akin 
to that used in coil sewing, since it wraps around the element, while 
the overlay stitch is a straight running process exactly like beading. 


364 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erH. ANN. 41 


It was through wide acquaintance with and interest in all forms 
of art practiced by these northern tribes and particularly in the 
ornamental designs wrought on skin clothing by means of the ancient 
porcupine-quill embroidery that Dr. Franz Boas first noted points of 
similarity between these and some of the patterns applied to basketry. 
He at once sensed the connection, but it was not until recently that 
a number of very old skin garments from the Northwest were again 
unearthed at the American Museum of Natural History for purposes 
of comparison. Although the quillwork was falling to pieces and in 
places entirely gone, so that accurate reproductions of the designs 
were in many cases rendered hopeless, it was possible to see that a 
great number of so-called “‘fly” patterns had been employed which 
were practically the same as those used on basketry. Since most of 
the quillwork is in horizontal bands on these garments, the patterns 
so arranged on the baskets are most nearly like them. The few that 
were capable of reproduction are given in Figure 108. Some others 


Fic. 109.—Quillwork and basket embroidery from Tlingit, Alaska. Field Museum 


from the Field Museum may be seen in Figure 109. Designs of 
Figure 108 and b, ¢, of 109 are especially common on baskets. It 
will be remembered that many old basket patterns of the Thompson 
given in the list of sketches were interpreted as embroidery designs.: 
Thinking that these might offer a clue, they were for convenience 
collected by the writer in Figures 110 and 111. The results were 
very interesting, for the checker and fly patterns predominate and 
in general character are quite similar to the old quillwork patterns. 
The question of technique, however, is more interesting and en- 
lightening than the designs themselves. The Koryak of Siberia cut 
slits in the edges of their fur or skin robes and decorate them as 
described by Jochelson,® who says: ‘‘A series of narrow slits are 
made in the black skin which is to be decorated (fig. 112). <A strip 
of white dogskin of the same width as the slits is laid under the line 
of the slits and a small loop of this skin is pushed from underneath 


6§ Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 6, pt. 2, p. 679. 


Boas] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 365 


up through the slits, where it is caught by a sinew thread which 
lies on the surface of the skin and is passed through the loops 
which are then drawn tight.” 

While it is not meant to convey the idea here that the Indians of 
the coast of Alaska learned to do porcupine-quill work or beading 
from the Koryak, certainly it is very interesting that a technique 
which is fundamentally so similar to one type of quillwork about to 
be described should exist in a not distant region and that, so far as 
is known, it is not employed elsewhere in the world. 


f- ©2222 zee 
5 ® 10 Se ee 


101 XX ee Zia 
11 12 13 15 


Fic. 110.—Embroidery designs from Thompson baskets 


A number of types of porcupine-quill technique are in use, all of 
which have been fully described by William C. Orchard.” That 
which is most like the skin work of the Koryak is strangely enough 
the finest and most delicate of them all. It has been made from 
Alaska to the Great Lakes, and even among the Iroquois. It is 
woven on a loom. ‘The technique is described as follows: 

The process of weaving consists first of making the warp strands of either sinew 
or vegetal fiber, which are stretched side by side their entire length on a bow, 
much as a bowstring would be strung. To keep the warp strands spread apart 
the desired width two pieces of thick, leathery birch bark are perforated with a 
straight row of small holes corresponding in number with the number of strands 
to be used and the distance between the perforations corresponding with the 
width of a flattened porcupine quill. A piece of bark so prepared is placed at 


6 William C. Orchard, The Technique of Porcupine-Quill Decoration among the North American In- 
dians, Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York, vol. 4, No. 1. 


366 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


each extremity of the warp elements with a strand running through each perfora- 
tion; . . . a strand which may be included among the weft elements is 
attached to the outside warp strand and then made to pass alternately over and 
under the warp to the opposite side, where it turns and crosses over again, passing 
under those strands which it crossed over during the previous movement. 

The piece examined by Doctor Boas and the writer differed from 
this in that there was no interweaving of warp and weft. The weft 
simply lay on top of the warps all the way across, then turned and 
lay under them, then above, etc. The particular bit of embroidery 
examined was made by the Tlingit Indians of the Alaskan coast: 
With this exception, Mr. Orchard’s description fits the case exactly. 
He goes on to say: 

This operation is repeated to completion. Meanwhile, porcupine quills have 
been woven in between the warp strands over and under the crossing elements. 


As the work proceeds the quills are crowded together, so much so that the crossing 
strands are hidden between the corrugations; in fact, the only strands showing 


m 
LO 


iy 
arcercvten LOT 
- Mona ry 
498 im 


=a O76" 


Fic. 111.—Embroidery designs from Thompson baskets 


in a finished piece of work are the two on the outer edges and the loops of the 
crossing strands which together form a selvage edge. As the length of a quill 
becomes exhausted the end is allowed to protrude at the back of the work; another 
quill is inserted with its end in the same position, then the crossing cord is driven 
tight against the two ends and the weaving is continued. The quills are used in a 
moistened, pliable condition; when they become dry they are stiff and hard and 
do not break away from such a fastening. After the work is finished the pro- 
truding ends are cut off close to the weave. 

Figure 113 has been taken from Mr. Orchard’s book. It does not 
fit his description of the relative positions of warp and weft, but 
the one the writer has just given. The Tlingit specimen, when 
folded, reveals along the fold the intersections of the wrapping weft 
with the warp between the strips of quill, although the work is 
very close. An examination of successive intersections along one 
line of weft proves that the weft and warps do not interweave. 
Although the figure shows only two strips of quill, there are usually 
about 20 on a strip which is only a little more than an inch wide. 


BOAS] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 367 


A moment’s consideration will make it clear that with the non- 
interweaving of the weft with the warp strands, as in the Tlingit 
specimen, the work is fundamentally the same as the Koryak skin 
work but achieved in a slightly different manner. The warp when it 
lies on top of the quills takes the place of the skin between the slits, 
while the weft which runs under the quills, and consequently under 
the warp, acts in the same capacity as the thread which runs beneath 
the loops of white dogskin. The skin work would be more nearly 
like the quillwork if the 
thread really did lie on the 
surface and the dogskin were 
passed up over it and down 
on the other side than if 
the thread were threaded 
through the loop. The quill- 
work is even more like the beading on basketry. In fact the tech- 
nique is identical. Substituting the coil for the warp strands, the 
sewing splint for the encircling weft, and the bark ribbon for the 
quill, we have exactly the same idea. 

The only point of difference les in the fact that the quillwork may 
be shoved up close, because the weft is not fixed. In basketry work 
the weft becomes stationary as soon as it sews the coil. It seems to 
the writer that it was because of a realization of this difficulty that 
the basket weaver developed imbrication. Undoubtedly the object 

of imbrication is to cover 


917114 AZ —-~ all the coil stitches rather 
Hae a \ than only alternate 
Gialamas ae i ie Z 2 — stitches, which is all that 


beading can accomplish. 
It being impossible to 
shove the work together 
as in quill embroidery so 
as to conceal the weft 
element lying on top of the ribbon, other means had to be devised. 
It would be most unsatisfactory to allow loops of the bark ribbon to 
fold back over the exposed stitches as the quills fold over the weft, 
for it would be extremely difficult to make the folds lie flat, and 
also, if they did not le flat, they would soon wear off. It seems 
very plausible that in trying to conceal the exposed stitch by folding 
the ribbon back upon it, since they could not shove their work close 
enough to hide it the women may have hit upon the expedient of 
catching the fold beneath a second stitch to hold it flat in place. 
They may have discovered at the same time that the bark ribbon 
would then as a consequence conceal the stitch just made and that 
the continued process would leave none of them exposed. This, 


Fic. 112.—Slit embroidery, Koryak, Siberia 


Fic. 113.—Porcupine quill embroidery, Alaska 


368 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


however, is only a theory on the part of the writer. Other ex- 
planations for the origin of the technique might be found which would 
be as acceptable. 

There is another kind of porcupine-quill work described by Mr. 
Orchard which is identical with coil sewing in all its essential features. 
That is the spot-stitch work described by him on pages 11 and 15. 
Here the thread acts in place of the foundation, the quill as the sewing 
splint. 

At times a strip of rawhide or other padding is placed on top of 
the skin which is being embroidered and runs along between the 
two threads. The quill winds about this strip along with the threads 
during the process of sewing the padding to the skin, and in all 
essentials the actual method is very like binding the coil. 

Another observation which strengthens our suspicion that there 
has been some historical connection between the ornamentation of 
clothing in these instances and imbricated basketry was recently 
made by Mr. Teit,’ who says: 


I notice two or three points which may have some connection with the question 
of droppers. First, lines dropping from other lines or from other designs at 
regular intervals are found in embroidery and painting on the bodies and skirts of 
women’s dresses. Secondly, in fringes of garments, particularly along the bottoms 
of women’s dresses, there are often uncut pieces of fringing at intervals. These 
pieces are often painted with dots and designs or ornamented with punctures 
and pinkings. The Indians say that these pieces were sometimes embroidered with 
quills or beads. I notice the Tahltan and Kaska also have fringing of this kind 
on both bags and clothes. The Tlingit, Taku, etc., of the interior had the same, 
but the uncut pieces were usually unornamented. Thirdly, there are long or short 
flaps of embroidered skin, or, in their place, embroidered bands or stripes which 
extend from the shoulders of men’s shirts and coats. There are generally two in 
front and two behind, and they often connect with an embroidered or ornamented 
area on the shoulders. 

The sketches of such fringing sent in by Mr. Teit are given in 
Figure 114. A few of them, for instance, Nos. 1, 4, 6, 10, 12, 13, 14, 
15, 16, and 17, bear in the decorated uncut part of the fringe a marked 
resemblance in design to the vertical stripes and droppers which are 
- frequently used on Lillooet baskets. Knowing that old birch-bark 
baskets were formerly covered with skin which was bound around 
the rim, and that to the present day the Apache of our Southwest 
ornament their burden baskets with fringe of rawhide around the rim 
and the circumference of the bottom, a theory might be advanced 
that the skin on the old birchbark baskets was also fringed and that 
naturally the form of decoration would be taken over from skin gar- 
ments treated in a similar manner. While this may have been so, it 
is quite possible, as in the case of the development of imbrication, 
that other explanations might be offered which would be equally 
plausible. At least with the present scant amount of real knowledge 


70 Correspondence. 


BAS] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 369 


of the subject we are not justified in formulating a dogmatic state- 
ment. Certainly a “dropper” form of decoration is sufficiently 
unusual and independent of the necessities of construction of the 
design as well as striking to the eye to account for its direct trans- 
ference to basketry designs without the medium of skin fringes as 
applied to baskets. 

A still more plausible explanation was offered by one of the inform- 
ants who had received thorough instruction from her mother and 


nl a oe f- Seeare 


= aa ad 7 F 
VINNY 


i 


IW iin 


i To 


Fia. 114.—Fringes 


te Ett) 


sil me 


grandmother. She took an intelligent interest in the art for its own 
sake, engendered, no doubt, by the common interest of a family of: 
craftswomen. All this lends to her opinions more than usual weight. 

She always called the droppers on Lillooet baskets tsrné’ka (or hair- 
flap ornament), and explained her use of this term as follows: She 
had heard that the droppers were representations of the embroidered 
flaps of skin which were fastened to the braids of hair on either side 
of the head on a level with or just below the ears. These flaps were 
often provided with pendants. 


370 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erH. ANN. 41 


The strength of her argument lies in the fact that so many Lillooet 
patterns are ‘‘head”’ or ‘‘mouth”’ designs, and that it is with these 
particular devices that the ‘‘droppers” are most frequently used. If 
she is correct the droppers occupy nearly the proper position that 
tsené’ka designs would in relation to the head. 

The idea of droppers having once been adopted in some fashion 
or other, designs from other objects of similar form, similarly em- 
broidered, would rapidly be seized upon from which to borrow new 
conceptions for basketry decoration. 

In all these cases the remarks are more applicable to the Lillooet than 
to the Thompson. The Lillooet are quite as fond of “‘fly”’ patterns 
as the Thompson. Lillooet and Tlingit basketry designs have many 
points in common, especially the ‘‘droppers,”’ which the Thompson 
do not use at all. But whether the Lillooet or some other tribe 
originated imbrication and transferred to their baskets numerous 
designs from clothing, and particularly from quillwork, is not so im- 
portant as the apparent fact that it was done somewhere in this 
region, and that whoever first effected the transfer, the Thompson 
have given the art its highest development. In regard to the assump- 
tion that the transfer of technique and art was from quillwork and 
clothing to basketry rather than vice versa, it may be remarked that 
quillwork is known to be very ancient, and that these particular 
types of technique which have just been discussed are found from 
the Atlantic to the Pacific. On the other hand the imbrication of 
basketry is confined to a very small area, comparatively speaking. 
We know that the embroidery of clothing is more ancient than that 
of baskets, that beadwork superseded quillwork, that many Indian 
patterns are avowed representations of beads, and many others are 
frankly named old embroidery designs. 

While absolute dependence may not be placed on the assertions of 
the people themselves in regard to old-time customs, since memory, 
which is all that can be relied upon, fails sometimes even under the 
best conditions, it is interesting to compare the quillwork patterns 
with those employed on basketry which are called bead or embroidery 
designs. It is also instructive to study those which are thought to 
be ancient and which now are practically obsolete, or at least not in 
common use. It must be remembered that even work considered old 
by people with only tradition to rely upon may not be so very ancient. 

It will be noted that many of these old patterns (fig. 115) are pic- 
tures and are mostly executed in single outlines. Practically all of 
the obsolete ones are of this character. This does not mean to imply 
that these were the only ancient patterns used. Many others are still 
as popular as ever, in fact form the majority of designs still employed, 
and are purely geometric. The people say that the standard designs 
of the tribe are all old and include such patterns as ‘‘arrowhead,” 


Boas] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 371 


‘‘arrowpoint,” ‘“‘half arrowhead,” ‘‘bead,”’ ‘‘butterfly,’’ ‘‘coil” (hori- 
zontal encircling line), ‘‘dentalia,’’ ‘‘embroidery,’” ‘‘fly,”’ ‘‘grave- 
box,” ‘‘ladder,”’ ‘‘leg,’”’ ‘‘mouth,” ‘‘Indian rice,” ‘‘necklace,” ‘‘net,”’ 
‘“‘snake,”’ ‘‘spot,’’ ‘‘standing-points,”’ ‘‘star,” ‘“‘step,” and ‘‘zigzags.”’ 

But those now classed as obsolete and rare indicate the modern 
‘trend of popular taste, which according to European standards is 
very gratifying. Among the rare old designs (fig. 116) may be noted 


89 

90 
VZZZ2Z0 
V7 7777} 
(zat) 
ZZ LLL) 

562 jez 


LLL LL 


321 


854. 
784 i 7 


three which resemble a part of an old quill pattern (cf. Nos. 683-685, 
fig. 116, and e, fig. 108). Plate 81, Sketch 116, is also interesting as 
undoubtedly copied from the braided rim of a basket. By no means 
all of the designs, however, were taken from porcupine-quill embroid- 
ery, as we shall sce. 

It has been indicated that each tribe manufacturing imbricated 
baskets possesses a more or less typical style of ornamentation, 
although with the exception of the Klickitat, the burden baskets 


xX 4 81é & i ee 


794 
ma ia 846 847 852 853 


Fig. 115.—Obsolete basket designs, Thompson 


372 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [erm.any. 41 


of all are somewhat similar in shape. Yet the Salish among them- 
selves have several different types of decoration, most of which are 
used to some extent by the Thompson, particularly all-over distri- 
butions of small designs and the vertical stripe with small figures. 
These are accompanied by unimbricated backgrounds. The third 
popular arrangement is of large designs on a single field, with or 
without imbricated Boolerounde In fact, the Thompson use the 
single field very commonly. 

The Lillooet are distinguished chiefly by two field arrangements 
and large rectilinear designs, as well as by numerous ‘‘droppers.”’ 


> Bibs SS Tw 
are Va, a VAY, 


685 


Vy’ YS Gan jt B= 
Kedeekon pastes AB 


Fic. 116.—Ancient basket designs, Thompson 


The Chilcotin, on the other hand, use three fields, the upper and 
lower of which are alike, the center being unimbricated. Above the 
rod which encircles the basket near the rim is a fourth narrow field. 

The Klickitat are inclined to single-field decoration, and the 
designs are distributed along horizontal zigzags which extend from 
base to rim. The zigzags are as compressed as it is possible to 
make them, an effect which increases the apparent height of the 
basket. 

The Thompson are accustomed to the use of practically all the 
simple geometric elements and many complicated ones. The Lillooet 
confine themselves chiefly to rectilinear designs and triangles. Both 


Boas] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 373 


are particularly fond of fly or checker patterns. Neither employs 
the square to any great extent outside of these designs. On the 
other hand, Chilcotin art is conspicuous for the squares and tri- 
angles which compose the simple but effective patterns. Klickitat 
work is the most florid and rich of any. The horizontal zigzag with 
its variety of depending smaller designs is particularly well adapted 
to the round shape of the basket. The art style is here more uniform 
than with the other tribes and probably on that account far less 
interesting, but at least one does not encounter such glaring defects 
as on the elongated shapes from the other regions, which are due, 
not so much to carelessness on the part of the artist as to the great 
number of problems and difficulties which arise to confront her on 
account of the irreconcilable features of technique, shape, and style 
of designs. 

Before discussing the other sources from which the Thompson may 
have obtained ideas for their highly diversified decorations, it seems 
expedient to consider the relationships in art and technique which 
exist between the tribes which surround them and their more distant 
neighbors. 

The various centers where imbrication and decorative art through 
its means have attained a high degree of development, although 
similar culturally, are represented by three linguistic families, and 
historically different settings. The Thompson and Lillooet are 
Salishan; the Klickitat, Shahaptian; and the Chilcotin, Athapascan. 

The Lillooet, living west of the Thompson, are a little nearer the 
sea. They have been in contact more or less with the coast Salish 
and probably from them copied in basketry the rectangular boxes 
which the coast tribes made of wood. In the matters of the general 
shape of the baskets, the two-field division of the wall, the droppers, 
and the lavish use of beading, as well as the peculiar trait of orna- 
menting three sides and leaving a fourth bare, the Lillooet differ from 
the Thompson and in some respects show affiliation with the coast 
tribes. Their large rectangular designs, however, are no longer unique 
with them, since the Thompson have taken them over to a consider- 
able extent. Those composed of two complementary sections divided 
by a narrow vertical stripe resemble nothing so much as painted de- 
signs of the western plains. The droppers used in the decoration of 
Tlingit baskets,”! while not duplicated exactly by the Lillooet on their 
burden shapes, are sufficiently like them to be worthy of note, 
especially since only these two tribes have apparently adopted the 
idea. One design which the Lillooet share with the Tlingit is that 
given in Figure 105, Sketch 18. (Cf. Thompson design in Fig. 115, 
Sketch 165.) 


1@G.T.Emmons. Basketry of the Tlingit. Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. III, pt. 2, New York, 
1903. 


374 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


The mouth and head devices and various forms of meanders or 
notches are very common with many of the tribes of the interior of 
British Columbia and of the coast. The meander seems in its double 
vertical arrangement to be allied to the old porcupine-quill work 
pattern. Figure 117 is a design taken from a coast Salish basket in 
twined weave, which was worked in overlay as was described on 
page 362 for Skeena River baskets. It is interesting to compare this 
with Figure 108, e; Figure 116, Sketch 685; and Figure 105, Sketch 17, 
as well as with the Chilcotin designs in Figure 106, Sketch 15, and 
Figure 107, Sketch 7, where the pattern is horizontal. 

The Chilcotin have a number of designs which are related to those 
of the Tlingit who live northwest of them across the mountains, par- 
ticularly those given in Figure 106, Sketches 31, 32, and Figure 107, 
Sketches /-g. On the other hand, they possess many which resemble 
those so popular among the Thompson and Lillooet. These are 
sketches 8, 22, 26, Figure 106, and g, 
Figure 107, which may be compared with 
the analogous sketches in the Thompson 
table. Such designs are found with com- 
parative frequency on California basketry 
and in the ‘‘droppers”’ of the Tlingit. But 
they evidently date back farther than bas- 
ketry, for they appear on the painted or 
poreupine quill embroidered fringes of 
skin garments (fig. 114) and in great num- 
bers and infinite variety on the painted 
parfléches and beadwork of the Plains. 
Fic. 117.—Designs from coast Salish A comparison of the designs just men- 

ace tioned with those given by Doctor Wissler 
in ‘‘The Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians” ” and by Doctor 
Kroeber in his paper on the Arapaho* will reveal striking simi- 
larities. When it is remembered how the Plains tribes traveled, 
often far to the west, especially after adopting the horse as a 
means of conveyance, and that the parfléches which always accom- 
panied these nomads as trunks, fastened to the saddle, were 
brightly painted in bold designs and the garments similarly em- 
broidered with multicolored beads, it would be indeed surprising 
if the western peoples were not attracted by these gay bits of color 
and failed to be impressed with designs which stood out so sharply on 
contrasting backgrounds. Thus it seems that the basket weavers of 
the west owe many of the patterns composed of series and various 
arrangements of triangles to their Plains brethren to the east. 


72 Clark Wissler. The Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians. Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XVII, 
pp. 231-277. 
7A. L. Kroeber. The Arapaho. Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XVIII, pp. 36-150. 


BOAs] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION } 375 


The Klickitat have preserved a remarkable conservatism in their 
art. Originally, they probably did not lie in the path of these cur- 
rents and countercurrents of travel, since they dwelt far to the south. 
They were not always occupied with coil work or imbrication, but 
learned the latter technique undoubtedly after their migration north- 
ward. Formerly they were in contact with Californian tribes, or at 
least with their products, as shown by the designs which, except on 
some of their twined bags, are almost entirely diagonal and in char- 
acter closely akin to Californian types of decoration. Coast influence 
is felt in a still different type of bag, namely, that plaited of strips 
of cedar bark. 

A comparison of the Klickitat twined work with that of California, 
and of Klickitat imbrication with that of the Salish tribes, proves 
beyond a doubt their former connections, even were these supposi- 
tions unsubstantiated by tradition. Klickitat twining is on a par 
with that of Californian and coast origin, but Klickitat imbrication 
is noticeably coarser and more uneven than that produced by the 
majority of Salishan tribes, while a comparison of the two types of 
technique as produced by the Klickitat alone shows plainly that im- 
brication is with them the newer. As in technique, so in decorative 
art, the Klickitat have drawn from three sources, but the conditions 
under which the different styles appear are very peculiar. The Cali- 
fornia designs and arrangements predominate on both imbricated 
baskets and twined bags, but the latter show a queer mixture of 
Californian and Plains influence. Considering the former location 
of the tribe, this is not altogether unexpected and at the same time 
extremely interesting because of the way in which it manifests itself. 
For the sake of clearness the bags will be discussed first separately. 

Some of these are illustrated in Plates 63-65. In the matter of 
design arrangement, horizontal bands suggest California styles while 
a vertical distribution, as in Plates 64, h, and 65, f, are rather a north- 
ern feature. Plains design elements, however, in addition to their 
ordinary vertical alignment, are placed in horizontal zones on some 
bags, after the California method. (Pl. 65, b.) On the other hand, 
California elements and consequently patterns retain their individu- 
ality chiefly because element and pattern seem to belong together in 
particular groupings, especially along diagonal lines or in horizontal 
zones, and do not lend themselves readily to vertical treatment, 
although theoretically it would be possible to break some of them up 
and rearrange them in vertical order. In spite of their widespread 
adoption of Plains designs, and their rearrangement of these according 
to their own styles of distribution, the Klickitat seem never to have 
attempted to combine them on the same bag with their own designs. 
On the contrary the two styles are quite distinct. The plaited bags 
are an almost negligible quantity and their designs are neither essen- 

53666°—28——25 


376 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


tially Klickitat or Californian, nor yet of the Plains, but seem to 
have been carried along with the technique, as they resemble the 
patterns on coast bags of similar weave. There are three shapes of 
Klickitat bags, those square and flat (pls. 64, a, b, e, f, g, h; 65, a-d), 
those with rounding creased bottoms (pls. 63, b, d-—h; 64, d, e; 65, e, f; 
66, c, d), and round bags with flat round bottoms, which approach 
a basket form. (PI. 66, /, m, n.) 

On their imbricated specimens the Klickitat have adhered almost 
entirely to Californian diagonal effects and designs with more artistic 
good sense than many other tribes of weavers manifest. The pre- 
dominating design of the Klickitat is that called “leg” or “foot” 
among the Thompson. In California it is sometimes known as the 
“quail plume,” or often, when ranged along the diagonal sides of 
a zigzag or triangle, the whole pattern may be called “pine cone.” 
This the Klickitat have developed with every conceivable variation 
as well as another pattern which consists of a zigzag band, one edge 
of which is straight, the other serrated. Thus it is that Klickitat 
art possesses a homogeneity almost unsurpassed by the other basket- 
making tribes. Even though two styles of art come together in 
their twined bags, they are never combined on the same piece of 
work after the fashion of the Thompson. Like many other tribes, 
the Klickitat are introducing realistic figures into their more modern 
specimens in a way which is quite their own. A very interesting 
study could be made of the realistic basketry designs of the different 
tribes, for each has its characteristic ideas on these points. Plates 
63-75 give some other Klickitat baskets and also work of the Salishan 
Skokomish and Chimakuan Quileute which offer a good opportunity 
for comparing the twined and imbricated specimens, decorated with 
similar designs. 

Having thus attempted to outline roughly the relations which the 
tribes surrounding the Thompson had with each other in regard to 
their art development, it is now perhaps a little less difficult to dis- 
cuss the Thompson themselves. We have seen that in order to gain 
a proper perspective of their work and to obtain an idea, however 
vague, of the history of its decoration, it is not sufficient to compare 
the Thompson technique and designs with those of other tribes who 
also imbricate, but it is necessary rather to go much farther and to 
compare them with the decorative art of peoples far afield, who have 
woven baskets in entirely different types of technique or who possibly 
did not manufacture baskets at all, but painted or burned their designs 
on leather, or embroidered them by means of quills or beads on skin 
garments. 

In a comparison of this sort the student is struck by the great 
wealth of the Thompson art, not only in regard to methods of ar- 
rangement, but also as to various forms of elements, together with 


BOAS] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Ste 


their varied surface treatment by means of alternations in color. 
Considering the great variety of patterns produced by the Thomp- 
son, it is a surprising fact that so few relationships between their art 
and the typical work of the other centers where imbrication is de- 
veloped are evident. We have seen that the Klickitat, who possess 
typical Californian designs, execute them most conspicuously in the 
Salish technique, but the Salish have not adopted any of the Klickitat 
styles, although their twined bags resemble those of the Klickitat 
which are ornamented with Plains designs. We have seen that the 
Lillooet, who with the Thompson may be considered as the chief 
exponents of imbrication, have many ideas of decoration in common 
with the Tlingit. They execute false embroidery patterns in imbri- 
cation, and they have even to a very limited extent attempted to 
make false embroidery themselves. Again, Skeena River (?) designs 
in overlay are found elsewhere in several other types of technique. 

The Thompson and Lillooet possess many patterns in common. 
Some of these are presumably of Lillooet origin, but they are not the 
same as those common to the Lillooet and Tlingit. The Chilcotin 
and Tlingit also use patterns which are more or less alike, although, 
as in the case of the Lillooet and Tlingit, executed in different 
styles of technique. 

While the Chilcotin and Thompson employ some similar decorative 
devices the Thompson use practically no designs which the Chilcotin 
seem to have in common with the typical Tlingit patterns, nor yet 
those styles which the Chilcotin have developed and which are 
characteristic of them. 

The lesser Salishan tribes making imbricated baskets, of whom it 
will be remembered there are a great number, probably have many 
designs in common with the Thompson which were no doubt devel- 
oped in the region and many purely local features are common to the 
Lillooet and Thompson. Outside of this, in most respects, the 
Thompson seem to have occupied the place of the eddy in the whirl- 
pool of travel and intercourse, and to have erected their art on the 
foundation of old Plains designs. Now and then a stray pattern 
from some region on the outside has come in, such as the “leg” 
design, which while very popular in both Salish and California 
regions has received entirely different treatment at the hands of the 
two sets of artists. 

Among themselves the Thompson have developed their art to an 
astonishing degree. All the styles of arrangement which prevail 
elsewhere are found here also, but it would seem that this fact must 
be ascribed to the ingenuity and inventiveness of the people them- 
selves rather than to borrowed ideas, since the design elements which 
would naturally accompany a typical arrangement from another 
tribe would scarcely fail to appear at least occasionally if borrowing 


378 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ern any. 41 


had occurred. It will be remembered that the women of the Uta’mqt 
and Lytton bands are particularly fine craftswomen and unusually 
clever inventors, among whom there exists a constant endeavor to 
effect new combinations. To them probably is due the endless 
variety of patterns which prevail at the present time, mostly based 
on the old strata of designs. In addition, many new and utterly 
different ideas are continually being carried out. Of late years new 
realistic designs, elaborately wrought and striking in their realism, 
are occasionally seen. Notable among them are the beautiful but- 
terfly patterns. Articles of white manufacture, such as oilcloth, 
borders of printed handkerchiefs, calico, etce., are eagerly seized as 
affording new conceptions for patterns. The weavers have even 
gone so far as to adopt the outlines of the white man’s window and 
door. But all the while there seems to be still an infiltration of 
patterns from the Plains. Figures 118 and 119 are collections from 
the sketches of designs which have been described as new by the 
informants. Among them will be noted many which show Plains 
affiliation, such as 416-419, 599-603, others which are of native 
origin, such as 690, and some taken from oilcloth or other articles 
introduced by the white man. It will be noted that some of these 
designs also figured among those elsewhere declared to be old, so that 
differences of opinion and uncertainty of knowledge undoubtedly 
exist to a considerable degree among the people themselves. But 
on the whole the divisions into old and new are probably correct, 
even though they include by no means all of the designs which could 
be so classified. 

The richness of Thompson imagination and inventive genius is 
manifested also in the variety and character of the interpretations 
applied to the designs, often, indeed, to the same figure, and in the 
ways in which the same form may be treated with color or surface 
subdivision. The technical exactness and powers of observation 
possessed by the people are made evident by the almost unlimited 
number of descriptive terms applied to variations of designs, minute 
differences in structure and surface treatment. 

It is rather interesting to compare the character of Thompson 
interpretations with those noted by Barrett and Kroeber as in use in 
California in order to see if among the Thompson a prevailing tend- 
ency exists toward representing particular objects or classes of objects 
and whether it corresponds to those tendencies found elsewhere. 

According to this point of view, the Thompson designs fall into 
six groups. These are: I, Natural phenomena; I, Natural objects; 
Ill, Artificial objects; IV, Plants; V, Animals, birds, and their 
parts; VI, Geometric or descriptive. Disregarding the descriptive 
names applied to designs, such as “ scattered,” “leaning,” “en- 
circling,” ete., which are almost legion and are applied rather on 
account of the position or arrangement of the design than because of 


Boas} SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 379 


what it is considered to represent, the animal and bird patterns are 
by far the most numerous. The majority of these are geometric in 
form or highly conventionalized. It is interesting that most of the life 
forms which occur, such as birds and butterflies, are depicted both 
in realistic and in purely geometric or conventionalized patterns. 


a 
[ee 
1 


416 
553 


i 


$PhOGEK 


612 


vAa® | ROR 
wen DN SENG 


Fic. 118.—New basket designs, Thompson 
The different birds represented are quite clearly distinguishable, 
either in realistic or conventional art, by some peculiarity such as 
long wings (flying goose), exaggerated tail (swallow), short thick 
body (crow), or spread wings and tail (eagle). The varieties of 
snakes are less clearly differentiated, except the bull snake and striped 


380 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


snake. The former is always characterized by broad black and white 
bands or checks encircling the body, the latter by lengthwise stripes. 
The rattlesnake is elaborately marked but the difference between it 
and the bull snake is not always evident. 

There are two varieties of caterpillars noted, the ordinary type and 
a hairy species, but no constant difference in the method of repre- 
sentation is observable. 

The facts that many animals which are portrayed by realistic 
sketches are also represented by conventional and even purely 
geometric forms, that a number of others appear in both realistic 
and conventional settings, while a still larger number of animals, 
and particularly their parts, are associated only with geometric 
figures, do not necessarily prove that the tendency of representative 
art is to change from the realistic toward the geometric. On the 
contrary, the numerous unrelated interpretations given to geometric 


235 


eS 
ae [ee A 


CO } yy. 


Fda Oss sis kt CZ wa Ill 


Fic. 119.—New basket designs, Thompson 


figures, together with the fact that realistic art is the highest and 
therefore necessarily latest development in basketry decoration be- 
cause it is the most difficult, would argue for the other direction in 
development. It does not seem safe, however, to assume either 
tendency as general. Geometric forms are suggestive, and once a 
resemblance becomes apparent, are often, no doubt, elaborated into 
more realistic representations, as fancy dictates; on the other hand, 
realistic art, used for purposes of decoration, does tend to become 
conventional and even geometric. 

The animal forms commonly appearing in Thompson art are 
those with which the people are most familiar, the beaver, otter, deer, 
dog, horse, panther, fish, lizard, snake, and human beings. The bird 
forms are eagle, swallow, goose, grouse, owl, duck and crow; the 
flies, flies, dragonfly, beetle, grasshopper, spider, 
caterpillar, and woodworm. ‘The people are fond of depicting only 
parts of some creatures. For instance, the bear is never portrayed 
as an entire figure but is indicated merely by the foot or teeth. The 


Boas] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 381 


beaver and otter are usually represented only by their stretched 
pelts, the panther by its head, the mountain sheep by its horns, the 
fish by its backbone, the grouse by its tracks, the deer not only as 
an entire figure, sometimes caught in a net, but also by its hoof, 
track, ears, head or horns. Birds, butterflies, and other insects are 
represented frequently only by the wings, but on account of the 
surface treatment of the triangular figures which usually serve in this 
connection, it is generally possible to recognize them. The grass- 
hopper is more often indicated by its leg or elbow than as an entire 
form. A number of parts of animals and human beings appear 
which apparently have no connection with any particular object, 
such as simply head, eye, tooth, mouth, heart, hand, finger, hand 
pointing, leg, foot, bent leg, bent back, broken back, rib, ete. There 
is a strong tendency to create diminutive designs of animals which are 
called ‘‘little dog,’’ ‘‘little deer,’ ‘‘little beaver,’ etc. These are 
simply tleé’ka designs which have become standardized and arranged 
so that they are classed as real designs. 

Artificial objects are second in popularity and variety as sugges- 
tions for designs. The majority are purely geometric, whatever may 
be the actual shape of the object. In a few cases the general out- 
lines resemble certain objects, such as the triangle the arrowhead, 
the square or rectangle the bead, the series of triangles notched 
ladder poles. In some cases it is difficult to decide whether the 
design is a realistic sketch of a geometrically formed object, such 
as the root digger T, fishhook, Figure 122 (1), hammer, Figure 122 (2), 
or an instance of reading in a meaning which has been generally 
selected because of marked resemblance to a given object. In most 
cases the likeness is purely superficial and rather obscure, and the 
number of interpretations of utterly unrelated character often applied 
to the same designs strengthen the impression that the figures them- 
selves never have been more realistic than at present. 

The list of these artificial objects shows a rather peculiar selection, 
but on the whole comprises those which enter most vitally into the 
life of the people. 

The plants occupy the third place in number of kinds represented, 
as well, perhaps, as in frequency of occurrence, and comprise trees 
and shrubs (not differentiated), leaves, several varieties of edible 
roots, an edible cactus, berries, and five varieties of flowers. The 
pine cone also figures as a very old design. Practically all of the 
patterns are geometric or purely conventional and many of them 
have only one interpretation. The maple leaf and edible cactus, 
however, appear as almost realistic delineations. The newer baskets 
are occasionally decorated with very beautifully executed floral 
designs. (Pl. 40, ¢, e.) 


382 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ern. ANN. 41 


Geometric design names, if we except the descriptive terms, 
are few in number but of rather frequent occurrence. Such terms 
as circle, half circle, coil, spiral, points, notch, stripe, scratch, zigzag, 
and cross are all that appear. Modified by descriptive terms, these 
design names become the most numerous of any. The list of modifying 
terms and their Salish equivalents as given in the appendix will illus- 
trate how exactly these patterns may be described (see p. 400 et seq.). 

Very few natural objects and natural phenomena appear as designs 
and they are all purely geometric figures. The cloud and star pat- 
terns and their numerous variations are very popular. Sun, moon, 
hail, snow, lightning, and rainbow are rather rare. Mountains, 
lakes, waves, and trails are the only natural objects which figure 
as designs on baskets, but they are much used. Probably mountain 
patterns are as well liked and as frequently employed as any in the 
entire category. . 

In addition to these six classes of designs there are a number of 
general patterns composed of combinations of elements or small 
designs. The names applied in such cases are practically identical 
with the geometric descriptive terms. Usually they are given to 
any combinations which they fitly describe, but some individuals 
have a tendency to restrict their use to particular arrangements with 
which they are most familiar. 

It has already been stated that disregarding the descriptive names 
for designs, animal patterns are the most numerous of any, while 
plants are comparatively rare. This seems to be the case in the 
art of the majority of very primitive tribes as well as of many which 
have progressed to much higher levels of culture. It can not be said 
that the reason for this as intimated by Grosse” is always that 
primitive man is first of all a hunter and food gatherer, and therefore 
interested primarily in animal life, or that it is not until people adopt 
agriculture that their attention is awakened to the importance of 
plant life, which then begins to influence their thoughts and there- 
fore their art. Nevertheless, it is a very suggestive idea which might 
be substantiated by more detailed investigation. 

A glance at the lists of design names employed by the Thompson 
and by the California tribes reveals one peculiar ‘parallel. This 
is the use of the term ‘“‘grasshopper elbow,” but the designs 
used are not the same, except that they present sharp angles. 
There are a few other terms common to both regions, but they 
are used over practically the same region where the common 
strata of designs occurs. One, “‘bear foot,’’ however, is represented 
by different designs in the two areas. Each tribe reflects in its art 
something of its environment. This is but natural. Thus the 
California people represent turtles, starfish, crabs, and ants, as well 


74 Ernst Grosse, The Beginnings of Art, Appleton & Co., New York, 1914, p. 118. 


BOAS] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 383 


as acorns, while the Thompson depict the beaver, snowshoe, animal 
traps, dentalia, moss cake, etc. The Thompson represent a far 
greater variety of artificial and natural objects than do any of the 
Californian tribes. 

That there is no well-defined symbolism among the Thompson must 
have been apparent in what has already been said. A few geometric 
patterns, like the arrowhead, generally receive the same interpreta- 
tion by all the people. Aside from these, practically all geometric 
figures represent a variety of objects, while these in turn are often de- 
picted by more than one geometric form, but it all depends on some 
similarity between object and design which is recognized at the time 
by the person interpreting. There is no color symbolism except 
in the case of rain or snow and even realism in color is often entirely 
disregarded. 


I” add a few general considerations to the summary and conclu- 
sions written by Miss Roberts. 

The area in which imbricated basketry is made will be seen on the 
accompanying map. It stretches along the eastern side of the 
Cascade Range, beginning with the Chilcotin and following south 
through the territory of the Thompson as far as Wenatchi and 
Cowlitz. 

The map shows that important changes of location have occurred 
in the whole area since the year 1800 or a little before that time. 
The Klickitat, who at present participate in the making of imbricated 
basketry, lived at that time south of the Columbia River. Mr. 
Teit obtained his information repeatedly from the tribes on the 
middle Columbia River, particularly from the Columbia, a subdivision 
of the Salish. It is remarkable that according to Melville Jacobs 
the Taitnapam, who live on the upper region of the Cowlitz River 
west of the Cascades and who are part of the Yakima (that is, Klicki- 
tat), claim that they have always held the region which they inhabit 
at the present time. The claims of the interior Salish in regard to 
the migrations of the Yakima and Klickitat are borne out by lin- 
guistic evidence. The Cowlitz and the upper Chehalis, who are 
neighbors, speak practically the same dialect. The vocabulary and 
grammatical structure are very much alike. The only fundamental 
difference between the two dialects is that where the Cowlitz use a 
k the Upper Chehalis use tc. In this respect the latter agree with all 
the other coast dialects as far north as Comox. All the dialects of the 
interior as far east as Spokane and Kalispel use the k forms, while 
farther to the east the tec forms are found. On the map the area 
in which the & forms are used is indicated by a stipple band. The 
use of the k forms by the Cowlitz can be understood only on the 
basis of an intimate relation between them and their eastern neigh- 


7’ By Franz Boas. 


384 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erH. ANN. 41 


bors. I believe that the reason why the Taitnapam claim to be 
indigenous must be looked for in the gradual settlement of this 
part of the country by the Yakima. According to the description 
given to Mr. Teit, it seems very likely that the Yakima language, 
to which the Taitnapam belongs, gradually gained the ascendency 
over the Salish dialect, so that in all probability the tribe, who live 
at the present time west of the Cascades, are the original Salish 
tribe who have gradually given up their language and speak a Ya- 
kima dialect now. This would account for the absence of any 
knowledge of migrations. 

Whatever kind of basketry these tribes may have made in earlier 
times must have been strongly under the influence of the adjoining 
southern Oregonian and Californian tribes, and this may account for 
the common occurrence of the Californian motifs on their baskets. 

Miss Roberts has called attention to the possible relation of 
imbricated basketry motifs to those of the Plains. In regard to this 
problem it seems important to remember that in the eighteenth 
century the Salish tribes, the Shoshoni and Kutenai, extended east 
of the mountains into the Plains and that their contacts with the 
eastern tribes were very weak. On the other hand it seems that 
Plains motifs passed at an early period over the mountains into the 
southern parts of the plateaus which are inhabited by the Shoshoni 
and their relatives, and it may well be that the Plains motifs found 
their way into British Columbia by this route. The occurrence of 
quadrilateral designs divided by a central band, which are highly 
characteristic of Plains Indians art and which occur frequently in 
the art of the western plateaus, is presumably an indication of this 
type of cultural relation. This motif is found in decorative forms 
consisting of a series of connected diamonds divided in two by a 
central stripe; and in the rectangular designs, found particularly on 
Lillooet basketry, divided in the center by an undecorated stripe 
and generally interpreted as ‘‘head design”’ (see pls. 19, a; 20, a; 29, c). 

The technical relation between beading and imbrication can hardly 
be doubted. The method of overlaying the coil with decorative 
material is the same in both cases. The stimulus that may have led 
to imbrication is the desire to obtain continuous surfaces of the same 
color. This may be done in beading by overlaying a number of 
stitches with the ornamental material, as is done in weaving. On 
account of the weakness of the ornamental grass or bark, work deco- 
rated in this way will quickly deteriorate because the long strips of 
overlaid material would tear easily. By catching the overlay in 
each stitch of coiling this difficulty is obviated because the overlay 
is thus held firmly to the surface of the basket. 

Beading occurs commonly on the coiled rims of birch-bark baskets 
both in America and Asia. It leads to a modest development of 


BOS] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 385 


patterns analogous to forms developed in weaving. In birch-bark 
basketry it is strictly confined to the rim; in coiled basketry it is 
easily transferred to the body of the walls and results largely in hori- 
zontal bands of single stitches or of starlike figures. Simple zigzags 
and other forms consisting of single lines may also occur. It may 
well be that the frequent occurrence of the imbricated star (see 
Sketches 399-401, pl. 86) is an immediate transfer from beading to 
imbrication. Itis more easily achieved in beading than in imbrication. 

The question arises how the desire for continuous surface decora- 
tion may have arisen. 

Both the Tlingit twined baskets and the Lillooet imbricated work 
have the lower part of the basket bare. The decoration is essentially 
confined to the upper portion of the walls, although it covers a large 
part of the basket. It is quite conceivable that we may have here 
an encroachment of a rim design upon the body of the basket, anal- 
ogous to similar encroachments that have occurred in other areas.” 
Mr. Teit and Miss Roberts have already pointed out that the custom 
of covering the upper part of birch-bark baskets with decorated skin 
may have helped in the development of this tendency. 

Birch-bark baskets as well as woven baskets require special treat- 
ment of the rim which protects it and holds it together. The stitches 
which hold the strengthening withe to the rim must be of different 
lengths in order to avoid the tearing of the bark. The regular 
arrangement of these stitches produces an ornamental effect. The 
extension of this technical ornamentation may have led to the 
encroachment of the decoration over the upper part of the basket. 

The fundamental development of the ornamentation must be 
considered in connection with the form of the basket. We have 
pointed out repeatedly that coiling and angular forms are incongruous. 
Simple coiling results in circular or oval forms. The production of 
angular forms seems to require a foreign stimulus. We must remem- 
ber that the fishing tribes of the northwest coast and of the plateaus 
are much more stable in their habits than the hunting tribes of the 
plains or those in the more southern plateaus, the Shoshoni and 
their relatives. Hence receptacles for storage are much more im- 
portant among them than among other tribes. Clothing, dried fish, 
berry cakes, and only to a limited extent seeds are stored. Long 
objects are best stored in rectangular receptacles like the trunk 
baskets of the Lillooet and Thompson, the boxes of the coast Indians, 
and the parfléches of the Plains Indians. The difference in the kind 
of material to be stored may account for the prevalence of round 
forms in northern California. It seems to me likely that the stimulus 
for the production of angular forms may have been given by the need 


7 See F. Adama van Scheltema, ‘‘ Die altnordische Kunst,’’ pp. 63 et seq. 


386 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


for rectangular trunks, combined with the knowledge of these forms 
produced in hide by both the Plains and Plateau Indians and by the 
wooden and bark boxes of the coast Indians. 

This argument, however, does not account for the angular forms 
of the burden baskets. Mr. Teit and Miss Roberts have pointed 
out that they do not roll so easily when carried on pack horses but 
this argument does not appeal to me strongly, because high cylin- 
drical baskets would be much more serviceable for this purpose. 
Stiff, conical baskets do not lend themselves to horseback transpor- 
tation; soft bags would be much more serviceable. Furthermore, 
the burden baskets are generally provided with packstraps and are 
intended for transportation on the back of man. For this purpose 
one flat side rests on the back of the carrier, which is a decided ad- 
vantage. The coast Indians attain this end by building the twined 
baskets between four rather stout corner withes which determine 
the general form.” 

The conclusion that the angular forms have not been developed 
without a foreign stimulus is strengthened by the type of decoration 
applied to the round coiled baskets which are most readily decorated 
with horizontal or diagonal patterns. Diagonal patterns, on the 
other hand, do not fit baskets with angular cross section. If, never- 
theless, we find that some of the angular baskets are decorated in 
this manner, we may assume that the motif has been transferred 
from a basket without corners to one with corners. 

The difficulties involved in producing vertical lines have been fully 
set forth in our discussion and have been worked out in detail by 
Doctor Haeberlin. Judging from the similarity between the vertical 
bands and porcupine quill work, and also with the patterns found on 
woven packstraps and belts, it seems plausible that the knowledge 
of these two types of technique and their transfer to baskets may 
have resulted in the present forms. 

Their application to the flaring basket of angular cross section has 
led to serious difficulties. On account of the tendency of lines 
intended to be vertical to lean to the left, a large bare field originates 
in the right-hand upper corner which distorts the balance of the 
decoration. The basket maker endeavors to overcome this difficulty 
by applying “‘fillers.”” The variety of these and the lack of a uniform 
system of treatment show that no definite pattern for the handling 
of the situation has developed. 

The detailed information on the scope of forms made by a number 
of basket weavers shows that the range of individual invention is 
strictly limited by the traditional style. This is true both of the 
forms of the baskets and of their decorations. Observation of the 


oe a es eee 
7 See Jesup Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 79, p. 385. 


Boas] SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 387 


baskets leaves us with the impression that certain standard forms 
are attempted that might have been formulated in definite numerical 
relations. The tabulations given on pages 416 et seq. and sum- 
marized by Miss Roberts on pages 212-223 show that this is true in a 
very general way only. We might say that the form is felt, rather 
than obtained by deliberate measurements. It is interesting to note 
that other attempts to determine characteristic forms metrically have 
led to the same results. I have measured a large number of wcoden 
boxes of the north Pacific coast which gave a definite impression of 
uniformity of proportions. I have not been able to find any pro- 
portion that could be designated as the standard. Dr. Ruth Bunzel 
has found the same in the pottery of the Zufi Indians and Dr. Gladys 
A. Reichard has made the same observation in regard to the dishes of 
the Admiralty Islands. 

Designs which are claimed by the makers as their own inventions 
are generally slight modifications of current forms. This is even true 
of the so-called “‘dream designs.’’ I presume when the Indians use 
the term “dream design,’’ which is found not only on the western 
plateaus but also among the Indians of the Plains, they mean that 
the design appears to them as an original invention. Whether it 

_actually appeared in a dream or whether it is a visual image is not 
certain. It is certainly striking that none of the designs of the 
Thompson Indians resemble those of the Klickitat and that none of 
the new inventions follow Klickitat lines. The power of invention 
of the artist is obviously under the control of tradition. 

In the long series of design names collected by Mr. Teit and 
brought together in Plates 78-94, we may recognize that a large 
number are merely descriptions, while others may be considered as 
loose designations of forms. The great variety of names applied to 
the same form indicate clearly that we are not dealing with designs 
which could in any way be interpreted as conventionalized repre- 
sentations, but that we are merely dealing with descriptions based 
on a comparison between the geometric form and some object. 
This, of course, applies only to the true geometrical designs, not to 
the obvious representations of animals and of plants. 

The general tendency of the natives is well illustrated by the 
design on a soft bag represented by Farrand,’ which was pur- 
chased by a Thompson woman from one of the southeastern tribes. 
The series of connected diamonds appealed to her, according to the 
interpretative tendencies of the Thompson people, as a series of 
lakes. In order to bring out the idea more clearly she added small 
embroideries representing birds flying toward the lakes. 

The general tendency of the Thompson is similar to that found 
among the California Indians. They have a large number of design 
names without, however, attaching to a definite form a single term. 


78 Livingston Farrand, Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians, Jesup Expedition, Vol. I, pl. 23, fig. 1. 


388 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


The nomenclature is at the present time still highly variable. There 
is no indication whatever that the terminology corresponds to any 
kind of symbolic meaning. 

In this respect the contrast between basket designs and rock 
painting, as described by Mr. Teit, is quite striking.” The making of 
the design is connected with certain ceremonials and they must be 
interpreted as crude pictographic representations. The forms which 
they attain may be influenced to a certain extent by decorative forms 
employed in basketry, painting, or carving; but their existence does 
not prove that the decorative elements applied in basketry are de- 
rived from symbolic prototypes. 


7°The rock paintings have a symbolic significance and the design is understood by the people. 


APPENDIX 


The following list of terms relates to basket making in all its differ- 
ent aspects. The terms are given in Mr. Teit’s orthography, which 
is not quite accurate. All the terms belong to the Thompson dialect. 


InpIAN TERMS FOR PREPARED MATERIALS 


ROMOSWOlD- 422 Seo cease eeepc ene Roots of cedar (common name for roots of a 
tree). 

aBliiikimmimns-2cher8 sweseb. sass od Cortex of cedar roots (often used for tying 
bundles of splints). 

Re OMEURI KS en ae Splints of outside parts of cedar roots next 


the cortex (often used for sewing bottoms 
of baskets). 


ATCaV MGT WS Be Re) SASS oe ee Outside part of sheath removed from grass 
stems when preparing them. 

pekla’n, pakla’n, tii’ex__.._._---- Bark of the bird cherry (these are special 
terms for the bark of this particular tree). 

apr acma, Gere ie eee Pd Birch bark (sometimes used in coiled bas- 
ketry). 


tikai.tx, full-grown; .nkontei.tx Bulrush (sometimes used in coiled basketry). 
kot, young. 

tlmné’.1t, full-grown; tsela’t, young_ Tule (sometimes used in coiled basketry). 

sld’ats (inside bark of cedar) _---- These are special cedar terms. The. Thomp- 

sikwa’m (outside bark of esi son did not use these parts in basketry. 


.ntaa’iuk (cambium layer) -_---~---- These terms are common for parts of any 
kaii’tsa’(sapwood)'. 2-5 -__-_---- tree. Used in basketry by the Thomp- 
inkemé€ltel (heart). --22-22...2-22- son. 


InpraAN TERMS FOR PROCESSES OF PREPARATION 


Iino PMI = aa = =o = = To cut or collect grass for stems; to cut or 
“collect roots. 
ketawo' prplss leis eet = ee Se The gathering or cutting of grass; grass to 
be cut. 
PRO eee rt Grass already cut (from ski’tx, to cut off; 
skretii’x", cut off short). 
BRIGR sim 2S. eee te a To split grass stems (with point of awl) 
before imbricating (from cékurm, to split). 
Ja vise 01 en ee ee a ey Rea To press or smooth grass stems before imbri- 
cating. 
COMKNX 22s = he - ae 5 3S To split or work up roots into fine splints. 
teuwani smmi- 222 ess Ses ~ xe le To even the edges of splints with awl or 


knife by splitting off. Term also applied 
to grass and bark when treated thus. 
kwanrni’sEm, from kwanrm, to To soak grass, bark, splints, etc. 
soak. 
389 


390 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA LETH. ANN. 41 


InpDIAN TERMS FOR PREPARED MATERIALS 


Nhowtlsone ees eee ae Grass (any kind) prepared for basket 
making. 

komea/ux; cumuafiuix 2555 —= == Prepared roots. 

eS 885 255 <2 oe Se oe Outside part or sheath removed from grass 
stems when preparing them. 

snpi.a’usken tek tii’ex -__-__-___- One bundle or package of cherry bark. 

-nsi.a/usken tek komia’uix _--- ~~~ Two bundles of splints (especially sewing 
splints), enough for ordinary sized burden 
basket. 


.sza/nEmM, viz, coil instead of splints. Coil splints. 
-nyipami’n, from .syi’p, seized or The sewing splint. 
bound tightly. 


nkatla’usken tek .nhoitlexEn____- Three bundles of grass stems. 

pekla’n, pakla’n, timx____-_____- Bark of the bird cherry (used for imbrica- 
tion). 

woul nets 4O082. Be ee Ae Birch bark. 


TrEcHNICAL DeEscripTIvVE TERMS 


English Salish Remarks 
Coiled basketry wskt’x 
Flat coiled or slat basketry -SXEn@/IBMOx Meaning square, angular, 
sSxbnxpné/{eEmEXx with corners 
-Sxbnpxé/temeEx 
Hole made by the awl, (also | .nhapti’n From .ship or _ .shap, 
stitch) -nhapti’n pierced 
-nhapeti’n : 
Stitching or sewing -nyipi’kenten From .syi’p, seized or 
bound tightly | 
Ordinary sewing or furcation | .nax.pi’ken 
-enaxpékekrEnEment- 
wa’ux" 
Fureated sewing or bifurca- | .nhapiken From .sha’p, pierced 
tion -nhapékekement- | To fureate or pierce each 
wa’ux" other 
Trregularly furcated stitches | .nsi’utcEn From .ssi’t, out of line 
-nsiuteenrmtwa/ux | The reflexive term 
A fureation(?) nhapi’kentrn? | 
Interlocking stitches passing | .ntetoxtci’n_ From toxto’xt, straight, 
between two others, not té’tox, to direct 
fureating -ntetoxtcinsmtwa’ux | The reflexive term 
Medial sewing .s.nlix.p From .sit’x, threaded, in- 
troduced ’ 
Close stitching -stoka/ist From .st6’k, .stti’k, closed 
Loose, open stitching -sye’xiyexest From .syé’x, having open 
spaces 
Rigid basketry kwetskwetsi’ ist From kwitskwi’tst, rigid, 
stiff 
Flexible basketry lnpalepii’ist Flexible, pliable 
Thin basketry sntexaxi’xest Diminutive of txxi’xat, 
thin 
Fine work (narrow thin coils | texi’.xat tek kei’ix Fine narrow hand 
and stitches) 
Thick basketry .nzu'inst, .nzt’.ist From zi’it, thick 
Coarse work, thick coils and | zt’/it tek kei’ix Thick coarse hand 


stitches 


Boas] APPENDIX 391 
é TecunicaL Descriptive TermMs—Continued 
English Salish Remarks 
Basketry with an_ even | .stcuwesei’.st From .stcuwé’s, even, all 
smooth surface equal in size 
This term is also used to 
describe baskets without 
corners 
Bumpy, uneven basket walls | .sqaipa’us Literally drawn in, tight- 
ened; from .sqai.pa’us, 
wearing a belt; qai.pa’- 
usten, belt 
snettla’us Terms for drawn in, nar- 
stsix,@’us rowed 
.s.ntstx.paus 


Basket orcoils made of splints 
from outside of cedar roots 
Flat coils 


Bottom commenced with a 
knot 


Bottom commenced with 
twining or wrapping of the 
kind called .swettkaii 

Bottom commenced with 
simple wrapping 

Basket with bottom begun 
with simple wrapping 

Bottom of a continuous spiral 

Bottom commenced with a 
folded or doubled end 

Bottom of coil folded back 
and forth 

Slat bottom 

Slat bottom where slats are 
joined by sewing 

Slat bottom where slats are 
woven together 

Bottom of heavy splints 
taken from the outside of 
cedar roots 

Loopwork or openwork bas- 
ket walls 

Plain rim 


Braided rim 
Ring-coil rim 
Slat rim 
Loopwork rim 


Thick rim 


Openwork rim of two coils 
twining around each other 


Openwork rim with basketry 
coil or bark ribbon run 
through the loops 

Openwork rim of a single 
loop coil 


53666°—28——26 


npipakEen 


néyuta’ist 


n,-a.tcea’p 
nha.tcap 


nwettkai.a’p 


snyiika’p 
-nylikap.p 
.s.nylika’p 


npi.é’p 
-npEnausa’p 


-npan.a’p 


-nhai.tea’p 
-nku.xwa’p 


-nketza’p 


-S.npipa.kena’p 


.s.nhahetui’ken 


kumkumtci’n 


stlemaxteci’n 
stletlemextei’n 


azantwauxteci’n 
Pp 


sxai.tstei/n 
shahatltci’n 


zui’tern 


shahetltci’n tek 
.stliptcrn 


-Shahetltci’n tek 


.s.nthwa’us? 


sshahetitci’n tek 


.s.nluxtei’n 


-sShahetltci’n tek 


-npia’iuk 


The coils are rather wide 


From @é‘/yut, used by 
Lower Lillooet for sur- 
face; also applied to 
basket made of such 
coils 

From .sra’te, fastened, 
tied; in reference to a 
knot 

From wettka’iin, to pry 


From .syi/ik, wrapped 


From pi, one 
From prna’us, folded back 


From .spa’n, folded; pa’nt, 
return or turn back 

From .sxa’i.ts, wood 

From .ski’x, coiled bas- 
ketry and sewing 

From .ski’ts, .skitz, woven 
or twined 


From .shahitl, pinked, 
gnawed, serrated 

From k,u’/mk,umt, 
smooth, bare 

From .stlema’x, braided 


From paza’nrm, to meet 
From sxai.ts, wood, stick 
From .shahitl, pinked, 


gnawed 

From zi’it, thick 

From .shahitt, —_.shitl, 
pinked, gnawed, and 


.stliip, twisted 


From .s.nii’x", threaded 


392 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erH. ANN. 41 


TECHNICAL DEscRIPTIVE TeRMs—Continued 


English 


Salish 


Remarks 


Openwork rim of two loop 
coils 

Openwork rim of coils,! the 
loops of which meet each 
other at the bends 

Lid in one piece with the 
side of the basket 


Loopwork lid 


-sShahrtltci’/n trek 


-nsia/iuk 
-Shahrtlitei’n trek 

.n)kitea’uspment- 

wa’ux" 
snmémeptsqai’n 


Nee nies 
-Shahertlqai’.n 


From kite, to reach, re- 
flexive 


From mémats, in one 
piece, or a whole 

From  .shahitl, pinked, 
gnawed 


Slat lid -sxai.tsqa’/in 
Toous 
Awl .s00/ Et Common term for any 
kind of awl 
hap.mi’n literally “piercing instru- 
ment,’ term sometimes 
used 
PROCESSES 
To wrap the end of a splint | yii’ kem Common word for wrap- 
(as in a bottom) ping around and around 
.syii/k, wrapped around 
and around 
To make coils of the outside | .npipa’/ekrnrma 


parts of cedar roots 

To make a hole with the awl, 
to make a stitch 

To tap the stitch home with 
the awl 

To fureate in the ordinary 
menner 

To bifurcate 


To coil 
To complete a coil 
The process of twining or 


wrapping, binding the coils | 


together as when com- 
mencing a bottom 

To do wrapping 

A round of coil 

One round of coil 

Ring coil 


To make a bottom 


hapi’m, h»pi’m 
sEka’/istrem 

| axpi’kenema 
hapi’kenrma 
za/nEM 


-swetlkai‘i 


wetlkai’.em 
zEl.pi’ist 

pai’as zEl.pa’ists 
-spazantwa’ux" 
wskist tek .szanrm 


kesi’p tek .szankm 
keste’s .sza’nEms 


-ntciwa’/prEm 


1 There are also other names for this form. 


za’nem tla’k zEl.paist) 


To strike surface 


Related to hapim (see 
p. 390) 

To go around in a circle 

Go around-continue-circle 


Literally to pry 


Literally meet each other 

Literally faint or con- 
cealed, invisible (junc- 
tion of coil ends) 

Faint or invisible coil 

She makes ring coil; liter- 
ally she conceals it, her 
coil 

teti’/um to make, .stet’u, 
made 


Boas] 


APPENDIX 


ProcessEs—Continued 


English 


Salish 


393 


Remarks 


To make the coil circular on 
a bottom or lid which has 
been started as an elon- 
gated watch-spring 

To commence the sides 


Terms applied when sides are 
begun: 
set up 
set down 
sticking up 
Very straight walled, little 
flare 
Completely around the sides, 
as applied to coils and de- 
signs 
Encircled all over, as applied 
to coils and designs 
To make beading 
To imbricate 


To make designs 

An article in the process of 
making (coiled work) 

It is being made (coiled 
work) 

To make coiled ware 

She makes coiled ware 

To finish a basket (complete 
coils) 

I have finished it (the bas- 
ket) 

To make a rim 


To prepare a basket or load 
for packing 


-nkaieqa’pEp 


ié’pEp 


.tska’k 

stei’k 

«stsik 

na’xom tek .stei’k 


zeEl.pi’ken 
zEl.pane 


lerpi’kEnEma 
pEnpa’nEm 


tertcua’istem 


axkaxt’x 


kux0’m 
kuxté’s 
tet’ktca 


teu’ktca.na 
teu’ktcEn.na 
teu,a’nnsEm 


ts¢rhé’kEnrma | 


To measure 

To measure with the hand 
To measure with a splint 
Measured 

Measurement by length of 


digits of the middle finger / 


of the right hand 
Measurement of the full 
length of the middle finger 


| teuwé/sEm 


of the right hand laid with | 


its back to the object 
Measurement of the width 
of one finger 


MEASUREMENT TERMS 


Literally to raise up, to 
make upright, as a wall 
or stick 


Really or truly 


Probably from pa’nrm, to 
fold; see also ppnim and 
pEnaxi’n, to make moc- 
casins 

.stcetct’, ornamentation 


From tci.k, finished 


Literally to make edge, 
from .stct’u, made 


teuwesa’kstem 
teuwesa’/nnsEm 
ssteuwé’s 
828'x, .szi’x 
.sze’x, (.8xa’x) 


.sza’ xekst 


piakst 

sia’kst (two finger 
breadth) 

musakst (four finger 
breadth) 


General term 


sei.a’ tek psza’x, two joints 
their lengths 


394 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


{ETH. ANN, 41 


MeraAsuREMENT TrERmMs—Continued 


English 


Salish 


Remarks 


One span, thumb to second | -shw,pekst 


finger 
One finger length and two 


finger breadths, i. e., full | 


length of the back of the 
middle finger of the right 
hand joint by joint from 
tip to knuckle, with the 
additional breadth of the 
first two fingers of the left 
hand 


stlé/xekst, .sté’x.kst 


sei’.a tek .sza’/xekst 


.sza’ xekst et sia’ kst 


Meaning two spans 


Parts or BAskETs 


Coil 


Bottom, i. e., bottom of an 
object 

Beginning of coil 

End of coil 


Foot (saucer, 


Side of burden basket resting 
on the back of the bearer 
Side of a basket, i. e., side of 

an object 
Side of burden basket next 
to the bearer 


Long side of burden basket 
next to the bearer 


Side of burden basket away | 


from the bearer 


Long side of burden basket 
away from the bearer 


Short side of burden basket, 
i. e., side of an object 
Short ends of burden basket 


Short side of burden basket 
to right hand of the bearer 


Short side of burden basket 
to left hand of the bearer 
Rim of a basket, i. e., rim of 

an object 
Its rim 
Rim or edge of a basket 


zi'l.pa 
.zil.pas 
.sza/nemM. 
.sza/nEmMs 
-nkama’p 
nkrma’p 
-ntcimertha’p 
teu’ktcatmn, 
ternten 
-ntspka’pten 


tcuk- 


.Sstlekpma’pken 
-nkemetné’ut, 


kemetené’/ut 
kweltama’pkren 


tatai’kmn 


.s.ai.tskaapken 


aitskai’ ken 


nkemkrema’ks 
-nkema’ks 


-nkemkema’ksts 
-sihai’.st 


.stsuk.ai’.st 
-skemtci/n 


.skemtci/ns 
.skpma’/nns 


Its coil 
From za’npm 
To move in a circle 


From tci’/mrt beginning 

From tctk finished, fin- 
ished-rim-thing 

Literally “what bottom is 
set up in” 

Term given by informant 
No. 5 


a 


From kwé.’lt to carry, 
term given by informant 
No. 35. 

From tala’.t close, next, 
term given by inform- 
ant No. 8 

From ai’.tska outside, 
term given by inform- 
ants Nos. 5 and 35 

From ai’.tska outside, 
term given by inform- 
ant No. 8 


Its ends 
Literally ‘‘good surface,” 


“right-hand surface,” 
from i’a good (i in com- 


pounds; siha’kst right 
hand) 
From .stsuk.(a/kst) left 


(hand) 


Term applied to a sharp 
edge, not much used in 
connection with baskets 


Boas} APPENDIX 395 
Parts or Baskets—Continued 
— Ss = 
English Salish Remarks 
Its edges .skpmkema’nnsts 
Mouth of a basket «spli’.tern Common word for mouth 
Lid, i. e., lid of any object -npt’ikaten, 


Flange on a basket 

Flange on the lid 

Lid without flange (i. e., sim- 
ply resting on the rim of 
the basket) 

Lid fastened to a basket by 
strings passing through it 
on which the lid slides up 
and down 

Tie-strings of a lid 

Hinges on a basket holding 
the lid 

Partitions inside the basket 


Handle of the basket 
Handle of the lid 


Handle of skin passing across 
the top of the basket 


Loops on the side of the bur- 
den basket, through which 
the tump line or pack-strap 
passes 

Loop through which the 
pack-strap passes 


Besse with attached tump 

ine 

Tie-strings on the basket for 
fastening the load across 
the top 

Branches of fir or willow, or 
large leaves which are 
used to keep the load in 
place and shade it 


snpw’ikentEn 
hitlemi’n, hetlami’n 
sshetiqai/nten 
-stokqai’.n 


-saqié’Ek 


ratcami’n 
a’q.teaten 
a’ qatcrntEen 
.snxai.a/us, 
.S.nxexaiaus 
-nk,o’/keEmmeEn 
-nkwona’mmeEn, 
-nkwona’mteEn, 
-nkweé’/krntren 
.nkoO’sten 


-nzElpu’stEn 


.nzel.pi’kentEn 


.8.nZzEl.pt’s 


kyau’.k.tren, 
qye’u.katen, 
qzb.a/ukaten 

ze’tzkaten 


From .stok riding 


From .sa’q tied 


From sra’te fastened 


The second is a diminu- 
tive term 

From .skwo’krm to hold 

From kwenam to seize 

The last is said to be the 
proper term 

See .nkod’/sem. According 
to some, these are the 
loops to which this han- 
dle is attached. Per- 
haps it includes both. 
The term is also used 
for a kettle handle 

From zeli’p circle. This 
term refers to the two 
loops on the — side 
next to the bearer 

This term refers to the 
single loop on the outer 
side away from the 
bearer, through which 
the strap passes to pre- 
vent its slipping up. 


Ordinary large burden basket 

Burden basket slightly 
smaller than the average; 
used by some people for 
slightly lowered walled 
forms 


Kinps or BaskEtTs 


tsi.a’; tsi.6n; tsea’ 
tsi.ei’i 


Diminutive of tsi.a’; used 
in a familiar or endear- 
ing sense 


396 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


Knps or Baskets—Continued 


English 


Salish 


Remarks 


Rather small burden basket, 
averaging about 10 inches 
in height 

Small burden basket 

The ordinary smallest-sized 
burden basket 

The very smallest size used 
by little girls and occasion- 
ally by older people but 
not for carrying burdens 

Loaded burden basket 

Large oblong storage basket 

Small oblong storage basket 

Large circular basket, kettle 
or water container 

Small kettle basket or large 
bowl 

Small bowl 


Bath tub basket 


Washtub 


Basket used for cooking ber- 
ries before making berry 
cake 

Basket in which to beat up 
soapberry froth, a favorite 
delicacy 

Mortar basket to mash ber- 
ries in 


Washbasin 


Basin (common term for 
hand basin) 

Basin in which splints are 
soaked 


Kettle or boiler 


Water basket, used in sweat- 
house 


Shaman’s hand bowl 


tse.he’tza, tsihe’tsa 
spa’/nék 
spa’ penEk 


spaneko’ ktsa 


tseehé’krn 
stli’k 
stli’.1.k 
-nkd/Erten 
-nko/kortEen 


-nkoko’/korten 


Al < Al 
-neé’.xameEn, .nshé’- 
XEMMEN 


-nkwoi’ tsamEn 
-nqwoi’ tsemmeEn 


ntl.lka’/ItsatEn 
-n.tlki/Itzaten 


nx0OzZEMMEN 
-nxO0zameEn 


-ntse.qa’paten 


-ntsaumeEn 
-ntsausEMEnN 


-ntsaustEn 


kwaneEnistEn 


{.nqauxameEn, 
|.nka/uxEmmeEn 


-nli‘mEn 


-nkai’EkstEn 


Meaning false tsi.a’ 


Diminutive form of spa/- 
nék 
Diminutive, meaning false 
ats 


Diminutive of .stlik 
Meaning thing for water 


Diminutive of .nkd’Eten 


Diminutive of .nkd’rtren. 
There is some confusion 
of the two terms as used 
by the people 

Meaning thing for bathing 
in; from c.é’.xem, to 
bathe the body 

Literally, thing for wash- 
ing in; from qwoitsrn, 
to wash something 


ee tlkiltrtza, to cook 
berries 


Literally, thing to make 
x6zEM in; from .sxd/- 
zEmM, soapberry 

Literally, thing for mash- 
ing berries in; from 
tsaqa’pa, to mash ber- 
ries for eating fresh; 
tsaqa’patEn, a common 
name for the _ pestle 
used, which was gen- 
erally of wood 

Literally, thing for wash- 
ing in, from tsa’usEm, 
to wash (as the face); 
and tsa/umpm, to wash 

Meaning to wash; tsaustrn, 
soap 

Literally, thing in which 
to soak splints or edges; 
from kwa’nrn, soaked, 
and kwanegnisem, to 
soak splints 

Literally, thing for boil- 

| ing in; from qa’uxEm, 
to boil food (old style?), 

| and .nqa’ux, a _ thick 
root soup 

Literally, thing for making 
steam with; from linm, 
to make steam or to put 


water on hot stones 


Boas] 


APPENDIX 


397 


Kinps or Baskets—Continued 


English 


Dipper or cup 


Triangular pourer 


Spoon or ladle 


Rattle 


Workbasket of any shape 
Winter lodge or underground 
house shape 


Nest shape 
Any round basket 


Small round basket 


Smallest round basket 


Shape similar to white man’s 
angler’s basket 


Basketry baby carrier 


Salish Remarks 
Literally, ‘dip  thing;” 
-nzautEn, from za’umen, to dip 
(aan, Literally, thing to drink 
.no’katnn with; from 6’qa, to 
drink 
-nkwetami’n Literally, instrument for 
pouring; from kweli’m, 
to pour 
-Stlaxé/mEn Common term for spoon 
.Stlaxi’/mEn Basketry spoon 


.ski’x trek stlaxé’- 


MEN ! 
{ska okt 


.ski’x tek .nki’k6xeE- 


laten 


-na’i.ksten 
-na’/Eksten 


siistekEne’tmmox 


zumane’tmmox 
.skomoxe’temox 


{ .skapuxe’t=mox 
«skapuxEleqa’in 


-skapuxElagé’qren 
nwa’u.iten 
na’qwenten 


na’qwatren 
ékeza’mtren 


.ski’x tek kwo, i’.ten 


| 


Common term for rattle 
Basketry rattle 


Literally, thing for work- 
ing with; from 4’lxkst, 
to work 

From sii’strkrn, kekule 
house 

From zu’man, bird’s nest 

From skomox, round 

From qapi’x, hazelnut; 
-qa’in is a term some- 
times used for round or 
head-shape articles 

From -gé’qren, diminutive 
of -qa’in 

From cwa’utt, small fish, 
trout 

From 4’kwen, bait; liter- 
ally, thing to put bait in 

Term used for any object 
which held tobacco, also 
ealled skix tek 4xa’na, 
from axa’na, term for 
rawhide saddlebags used 
by women 


Ww 


Worn-down basket with 
broken rim 
Basket with mended bottom 


EARING AND MENDING 


.Sxoixoi.tci’n 
«S.nxoixoitci’n 
-s.nla/ux.p 


From 18/uxEm, to patch 


PROPORTIONS AND SHAPES 


Basket with a large bottom {puter 


Basket with a narrow bottom 


-ntl.i.qap 
-ntegxi’x.p 


Basket with a small bottom {oon D 


-s.ntsuxhwa’p 


Seems to mean wide bot- 
tom. 

A diminutive form. 

From .stsii’x pointed 

Meaning drawn in at one 
end, because the basket 
approaches a point at 
the base, used for unusu- 
ally small bottoms. 


' skux is often added to phrases or words to indicate that coiled basketry is meant, as .skiixtek 
ékeza’mtEm; literally, tobacco receptacle of coiled basketry. 


398 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


PROPORTIONS AND SHAPES—Continued 


English | Salish Remarks 
| nkai. qa’ 'p LaDy . 
Basket with a circular bottom [- .skai.qa’p Pou ae eo ee 
Il: nkaieqap cular in outline 
snzaxha’ p 
Basket with a long bottom [: nza’x.p |rom za’xt, long 
nza/xEp 
Very perfect watch-spring .nkaikaieq.poé From kaié’k, round 
bottom 
. PE oc .nkaie’q.p tek “DZAXEp The second term is used 
Blongated watch-spring bot- , nkaieq.p tekts .nza’- particularly if the bot- 
|| ZExop tom is nearly round 
Angular basket with sharp {- -skokwoani 
corners nk,auani 
Basket with angular mouth {.skaukautei’n a .skwo6u, .skwau, bent 
or sharp corners \.skyaukyautein or leaning over 
LA 
Rounded basket occa Lrom .szi’l, in a cirele 
Basket with rim lower along |/{.slas.tei/n | c 
the sides than at the ends {: slosstei’/n Prom -slé’.s, sagging, low 
Basket of usual proportions | .shi ka’us Meanie half full 
except half height 
Square-mouthed basket «SXENEX tci/n 
Large-mouthed basket sn.axazumtci/n From azii’/m, axazu’m, big 
Small-mouthed basket snkyumatci’ teen From kwomé’/ma, small; 
-tcitrn is the diminutive 
of -tcin 
Basket with widely flaring (eee aa From 1é’qrt, wide; or 
mouth |\.s.nlé.qtei’n wstik, squatty (?) 
Basket with little flare -smistein 
Narrow mouth -ntérxtci’tern From texi’/xat, narrow, 
thin sidewise 
Wide mouth snléqettci’n, laqet- | From té’qrt, wide 
tein 
Long mouth -nza/xtcEn 


PRINCIPAL PREFIXES AND SUFFIXES OCCURRING IN BASKETRY 
TERMS 


PREFIXES 


.s-, when prefixed to a verb, transforms it to a noun. 
s-, seems often to imply a finished or completed condition. 
-n-, inessive. 

Reduplication is a sign of the frequentative or of repetition of some kind; also it 
is a sign of the plural or distributive. Certain kinds of reduplication are used as 
diminutives. 

SUFFIXES 
-tcin, -tcrn, mouth, edge, rim, shore. 
-tcinten, thing at mouth. 
-a/ni, ear, corner, angle or prominence between. 
-Ap, -€p, Ep, -.p, bottom, foundation. 
-x'wop, foundation, root, spread out, far-reaching. 
-i/ken, back, ridge. 
-dist, -est, -ist, -Est, surface, skin. 
-ei’.st, stone. 
-a’kst, -i’/kst, -ekst, -kst, hand, arm, finger. 


BOAs] APPENDIX 


-a’tza, -he’tza, false, imitation, not real, substitute. 
-ten, -tin, -tin, -tnn, thing, object, place. 

-min, -meEn, thing, tool, instrument. 

-qain, -qen, head, top, round thing like a head. 
-a/us, -e’us, middle; trail, way, space between; together, mutual. 
-twa’ux, -entwa’ux, each other, one another. 

-Enis, edge, sharp edge. 

-a/nns, -a/n.s, edge, border, tooth. 

-Em, verbal ending. Y 

-bma, verbal ending. 

-€'ltsi, body, inside of body. 

-a/usken, top or middle of head, rounded thing, bundles of certain kinds. 
-i’tsa, skin, covering. 

-€lp, -elp, -Elp, plant, tree, bush. 

-éi’.tx, -ai’.tx, leaf, paper, flat thin thing. 

-a/iuk, -érk, a’iek, -i’rk, tree, stick, long and small thing. 
-0’é, real, proper, common. 

-i‘kenten, thing on the back, ridge. 

-iks, nose, point, end. 

-é’krn, -a’ken, load, bagful, bale. 

-Eni’sten, thing at edge. 

-e’kst(t)en, thing for the hand. 

-e’temox, vessel or utensil, sack. 

-a’pten, thing at bottom. 

-a’ne, all over. 

-S, possessive. 

-tim, hollow, inside space. 

-ls, face, eye, frontal surface. 

-ii’/stren, -60’sten, thing at face. 

-.EIné’ut, side of body. 

-a’pqrn, bottom of head, back of head or neck. 
-xin, -xEn, leg, foot, shoe. 

-1’t, -ei’.t, child, offspring or young. 

-h-, -w-, used for euphony in certain combinations. 


399 


-t-, when the possessive s has to be added to a word ending with s, t is put be- 


tween the two s’s. 


-t-, it. 
ORNAMENTATION 
English Salish Remarks 
: . , r {kwi/kwum (Possibly derived from 
Plain basket devoid of designs {kwikwom |. kwu’mkwumt, smooth. 
Worked, ornamented .stet’u 
Ornamented, bearing pat- acaney u 
terns sstertct 
ntcrteua’isten tau- 
teud’isten 
s snteua’isten 
Ornamentation .s.ntcudisten 
wteti’kst ten tcE- 
teui’kstren 
Ornamented bottom .stcretctiwa’p 
Having designs on the inside | .s.ntertcitim 
Ornamented sides stcetctwi’ ken 
Ornamented all over sstertctwa’ne 


400 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [eru. ann. 41 


BEADING 
English Salish Remarks 
Beading léppi’kentEn leapé’peken (?) a diminu- 
tive (?) used commonly 
for over and under one 
or two. 
Beaded bottom -slenpa’p 
Basket or object with beaded 
bottom .s.nleEpa’p 
Beaded line marking theo- | lenpa’pten, leapa’p- 
retical or actual limits of ten 


the bottom 


Beading on the walls of a [steer The terms seem related to 


the word for ribbon, or 


ins = = - = Hie 
basket, or beading in gen- |).slempi/kmen to .slépx, dotted with 


oka ni! 
eral -sté.pi’kEn holes here and there. 
Beading at the rim lerptei’n 
Beaded line around the rim lerptci’/ntEn 
Beaded lid .sléepqa’in 
: sleppa’ist 
Beaded design \aieeict 
IMBRICATION 
Imbricated -spa/n From spa’n, folded; or 
pa’nem, to fold. 
Folded middle; folded dou- 
Rene -spEnpa’n ble. 
Imbrication (eens Sometimes applied to im- 


brication. 

Imbricated bottom or imbri- | .npenpana’p 
cation on the bottom 

Basket with an imbricated | .spenpana’p, .s.npEn- 
bottom pana’p 

Basket covered with imbri- pert tlo’ zulip From zulip complete circle. 
eation all around .stii’k tlo zel.pa’ne | Encircled all over. 


Basket surface imbricated all | .stli’k From .stuk closed. 
over, designs and _ back- 
ground 

Filling (sinall designs for | .nhaktci’n Related to -tci’n, rim (?) 
bare spaces) because such designs are 


placed near the top (?). 


Terms Descriptive oF Designs or THEIR ARRANGEMENTS 


Bare between designs__-___-_-- kwikwuma’us, from kwu’mkwumt, smooth, 
slick. 
Close formation (but not touch-fkikatsmEntwa/ux, from ki’.kat, close, near. 
ing). ta’ ementwa’ux, from .sla’a, tala’.t, close, near. 


-nkitcha/uas, kitcha’uas, from ki’te, to arrive 
at; -ha’us, way, path, progression. 


Connected (running into each ratecemeEntwa’us, from .s,a’te, tied, fastened. 


other). ssteti’k tek Es,ate,a’te. 
.s,ate,atceEmeEntwa’ux. 
Connected by middles_-------- ratea’/useEmeEntwa’ux. 
Corners touching each other____ .skenkena’kseEmeEntwa’ux, from .ski’n, touch- 


ing. 


Boas] APPENDIX 401 


Having corners or shoulders .kenkena’xEnrEmEntwa’ux, from kini’n, to hit 
gj. touching each other. against something. 
Diagonal zigzag_---.---------- Skakazetla’ks, from .skazi’tl, tumbling over, 
or leaning to one side. 

Diagonally arranged, or oblique_ .sta’l. 

stikausé’/iuk, from .stlka’.us, together; -iiuk, 
| tree, stem, log, pole, line, long thing. 

.stlqausei’uk. 


Boublatinds..s'Aageete. Le 


.stcrtcté’ltsi, from stcrtcii’,, ornamented, em- 
Enclosing other small designs_.-; broidered. 


«stcertct. 
Ends connected -------2---2244 kitenxa’ks. 
Ends apparently entering each tlx,ha’/ksementw&’ux, from ulx,, to enter; 
other. -a’ks, ends. 
Ends of one apparently entering tlx,ha’ksitusementwa’ux, from ulx,, to enter, 
the middles of others. -ai’ks end, -fus, middle. 
Ends pointing downward_---_--- kutca ha’ks, from kitea, to go down. 
Ends pointing upward-_-_------- hatlema’ks, hnthatlema’ks, from ha’tlem, to 
ascend. 
Ends separated 224). 2 5i-s-.-- kaka"wa’ks, from kaka’i, far, distant. 
Ends touching each other_-__---- -skenkena/ksemeEntwa’ux, from .ski’n, touch- 
ing. 
.s.nthupstwa’/ux, from ulx, to enter; -ips, 
back, base. 


Entering bottoms of each other_ = a ‘ 
tuxtux.patwa/ux, from .slix, entered into 


something; -ap, bottom. 
Entwined. See Twisted. 


, kakaupmentwa’ ux. 
Far apart from each other__-_-_-_- eters Sean 
Figure with angles, especially stlentla’ni, from .stla’ni, with ear; tla’ni, ear. 
triangles. 
Grouped, scattered_______----- -steli’k, from .sti’k, something in a mass or in 
a spot. 
Hanging, dropping (from a no ig Mie from st6x, hanging, suspended. 
pattern). st6xtd’x. 
Ll i. aes -shapha’p, from .sha’p, heaped. 
URLS yoV4a) 20 (2 Ye Bee % Sang emer .ketsa’us, .sketski’ts, from .skrtz, .ski’ts, 
across, crosswise. 
In ones, here and there -__--__- npé’apai’a, from pa’i.a one. 
In twos, here and there -_-__-- -nséasei’.a, from se’i.a two. 
-nkitcha’uas. 
oMmed a s.2 ea Sept. ee eS tcoqatwa'ux, from .stcd’q, joined; tcdqum, to 
join, unite. 
WO DID Reta aie ee za’x.tsa, from za’xt, long. 
One. See In ones, here and 
there. 
One catching into or pressing on sk.ipstwa’ux, from sk.i’.p, pinched, squeezed, 
the other (apparently). caught between something. 
One resting within the other (ap- .sltikstwa’ux, from ti’/kem, to embrace. 
parently). 


Opposite. See Two opposed 
points; Pointing opposite ways. 
IPOINVGUS ahaa Sana eos esos skem.ntla’ks, from .skemn’tl, diminishing to 
a vanishing point. 


402 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


Pointing opposite ways_-----__- meEnausa’kstem, from .nmeEna/us, .nmEna/u- 
sa’kst, on both sides, on both hands. 
Projecting. See With project- 
ing points. 
Rows, or one following the other_ .skei.stwa’ux, from kei/em, to pursue, follow. 
xozxoza’ks,4 from .sxozx6/z, sharp. 


2 -stseEmtsEma’ks -stsema’ks, sharp 
SEatp DONS fn pointed, or from 
.stse.tspma/ks -stsa’m, bone. 
Separates s22s25 225220525255 péasteu’t peastci’t, alone; 
fr paia one, and 
Singles S- 5 seat Bae es eee péastet’tst, diminutive -tciit, self (re- 
flexive). 
Shaved or. Loewing eee te oad -npipia’ist, from .npa’ia, in one piece. 
-S.nWElWEIa‘us, from .swel, swil, clear space. 


(.skekreni’tz, from .skani’tz, in progressive cir- 


Spital=. = jee hoes 4-5 te ee cles or spirals. 
-skekanf’tz. 
Touching each other_________-_ kenEmEntwa/ux. 
Trancakel ee | {sketi’x, cut off short. 
lie. “Heal .zca onsen sketketti’x | Lskit, cut, cropped. 
Twisted =~ 2 eee {eareree ee tom .stli’p, twisted. 
Two opposed points_---------- menausa’ks, from mrna/us, both sides. 


.Stsei’p, something upright or set up. 


Upright, standing up from_____ 
yD ata ice pleeeias something upright, -a’ks, end, point. 


: -stsérep, from stset’p, upright. 
Wertical:: io. = a ee Ss P; p, uprig 

is (oe tem from ha’tlem, to ascend. 
With projecting end__________- stlkima’ks, from .stl.ki’m, projecting. 

7 bah : 3 -stlekEma’ks f stl si a 
With projecting Ce (eee Oe ee ee 
With sharp ends or points -skema’ks, end, promontory, projection. 

BT .skemkmma’ks 


Names ror Geometric Ficures! 


1. .sti’t, .s‘ti’.t, anything spread out lengthwise so as to be long and narrow. 

2. .sti’t tek Lane traieitill 

3. toxto’xt tek stipe Mer? Be 

4. .ste‘xo’s! (or .stox6’s) tuk .sti’l, line going straight. 

5. .sté’.t, a diminutive form of .stitt, straight. 

6. .stilti’t, a frequentative or plural form. 

7. .stitta’.t, a frequentative or plural form. 

8. .stsrxi’p, .stsehi’p, )Any vertical line or erect, perpendicular long and nar- 

9. .stoxd’s tek .stsehi’p? row thing going straight up (tsehi’p not applied to 

10. .stsExi’p tek texd’s people or animals). 

11. .stse.pa’ks,? standing on end, upright, point up. 

12. hatlemaqai’.n,? head or end up, ascending. 

13 -SQE.Z ssqa’rz* u’a_ .sthé/Itsi® These terms do not mean bent or 

Straight thing not vertical tothe right side. crooked objects but leaning ones 
that are straight. 


2 Applied to angles and zigzags with sharp ends, 
+ Also applied to a design with corners, 


1 For notes see pp. 410-411. 


BOAs] APPENDIX 


49-50 69-71 
ne ae. an 
16-18 a 51-52 72 

f 37-36 i 
533 
74-75 
20 39 
ae 76-78 
40 55-56 
Bin22 
Nyaa 79-3) 
Or 
4\ 
58-59 
23-24 
82-85 
tis 60-6} 


TANI AN in? 
7 


403 


re 16 


£0) 


W\7 


95-97 el 
| 113-120 
; 121-124 
99-102 0 


126 


cd 


30 


W 
On 


136 


0-111 
IANS NA / 


Fic. 120.—Names for geometric figures 


404 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH ANN. 41 


14. 
15. 


16. 
ef 


18. 
1195 
20. 


21. 
22. 
23. 
24, 


25. 
26. 
27. 
28. . 
29. . 


30. 
31. 
32. 
33. 


. Mena’us a_ ketsa’ksten 8 


-skwau’u® sqa’rz u’a .sihé’ltsi, leaning to the right side. 
.szi’kkEni’ sqa’rz u’a, .sihé’ltsi, head fallen over to the right side, leaning over 
as if half fallen. 


szi'kken — .sq,’rz u/a_ .stsukahé/Itsi 
Head fallen over not vertical to the left side. 


.SQE’.Z Sq,/tz u’a_ .stsukahé/Itsi 
Straight thing not vertical to the left side. 


-skwau’u u’a .stsukahé/Itsi, leaning to the left side. 

-stse.pa’ka,® vertical line with a branch, especially if this is directed upward. 

Sstla’k,.ka,® a spikelike object with a protruding stub, especially if this be at 
right angles or if the stub seems to enter the object like a nail. 

-nxoxsqai’.n, forked head. 

nxoxstci’n,! forked, or forked mouth or opening. 


tlezota’ks, end indirect or askew. a: line inclined upward from upper 


-skauwa’ksi!! tek ta.ta’.ks nau’x4s end of long vertical line. 


Broken end not very much 
.skol.tsa’ks,! crooked or zigzag end.|Short line at right angle at upper end of 
.skauwa’ks, broken end. } long vertical line. 

.ske.waha’ks, hook, or hooked end. 
skait’wa, hook, gaff. Short line inclined downward from 
stse’i/p tek skau.pa’ks upper end of long vertical line. 
Standing up broken through end. 
.skeit’wa trek toxtox t, straight hook. 

Hook Straight 


.skeiuwaod’é,'4 real hook. 5 5 = fe 
bale Vertical line with crook at upper end. 


stsef’p tek .smu’tsken 
Standing up bent head (or curved). 


.skntsa’p, crossed, meaning something across the bottom. Short base line 
under vertical line. 
.sketskai’.n, crossed, or across head. 


. na’xom tek skrtsqai’.n |r-shaped top. 


Truly crossed head. 
.sketskai’.n tek .stlekema’ks,'® short cross line near top. 
Crossed head projecting end. 


.sketsketsa’ks tek mena’us,!” across ends both as line at top and 


Both ways the  crossed-end thing. bottom. 


sii’ek tek .stse.(h)a’ks tek ki’/katementwa’ux"” i. e., two vertical lines 
Two (lines, etc.) standing on end close to each other 


close together. 


. sid/ek tek .stse(h)a’ks tek kaka/upmeEntwa’ux",2! two vertical lines far apart. 


sisia’ bk 2 tek .stlkausai’ek* tek .stse.(h)a’ks tek teu’u 4 
Two lines (or in twos) together lines standing on ends rather 
kaka’ uremeEntwa’ux", i. e., vertical lines together in twos rather far apart. 
far from ~ each other. 
. musaé’/ek% tek  .stse.(h)a’ks tek kike’katementwa/ux" %6 


Four lines standing on ends _ close to each other. 

.stutuwa’p, spreading toward the bottom. Cf. tattmni’ist, a design of lines 
alternately converging and separating. 

sstutuwa’p tek .sketsqai’.n, spreading toward the bottom, with something 
placed across the top. 


sid’rk tek .stse.hi’p tek wi’st tek . oe .n, i. e., two long vertical lines 
Twolines standing erect high cross 


with something across the top. 


. XENEXa’ks,?’ square or blunt point. 
. sid’pk tek .stse.hi’p tek .slo’s tek Ea .n,i. e., two low vertical lines 


Two lines standing erect low cross head 
with something across the top. 


For notes see pp. 410-411. 


Boas} APPENDIX 405 


“47a, .sid’rk tek .stse.hi’p tek -nlati’mpx% tek .skutsqa’i-n, i. e., two vertical lines 
Two lines standing erect near the ground cross head 


near to the ground with something across the top. 
48. .s.ntla’kitime x” tek tet’u kaka’ uementwa’‘ux" tek za’xt a ketsqai’ntens. 
Stakes in the ground rather far from each other long the their thing across head. 
49. sia’ek tek .stse.i’p tek .s.nhatca’us*% 
= Two lines standing fastened middle. 
50. sia’/rk tek .stsn.i’p tek -sa’/kaus * 
Two lines standing fastened together or fastened middles. 


51. sif’pk tek .stse.i’/p tek .sa’kaus tek  .sketsaus 
Two lines standing fhebened together middles ia 


52. etlké’kat tek .stse.ha’ks tek .sketketsa’ks (or mena’us a ketsa’kstens). 
Short standing on end crossedends both sides the its things across ends. 


53. .smt’ts tek .nxosta’p*® tek wi’st (or .ntlipt), i. e.,in a half circle as pliable 
Bent descending bottom high deep. 


willows are bent. 


54. .smii’ts tek .nhatlema’p tek .ntli’pt, in a half circle or curved. 
Bent (in a half going up bottom deep. 
circle or curved) 


55. .s.ntle’tloxa tek .smt’ts tek .s.nxosta’p 


Shallow curved (thing) bottom down. 
56. saagag a us tek .skaié’q tek hatlemqai’.n 
circle ascending head (top up). 
57. nue tek .smi’ts tek .s.nhatlema’p 
Shallow curved (thing) bottom up. 
58. .s.ntle’tloxa trek .smi’ts tek .sketsa’us 
Shallow curved thing crosswise. 
59. .skethwa’us tek .skaié’q tek .sketsa’us 
Half circle crosswise. 


60. .skrtsa’/usemEntwa’/ux", the common name for an ordinary cross. 
Crossing middles of each other. 


61. .shatlemqai’.n tek .sketsa/usementwa’/ux", cross head up. 
Ascending head across middles (crosswise) each other. 


62. ketsa’usemeEentwa’ux" tek .skr’,z, cross leaning to the side. 


Crosswise each other not vertical. 
63.  ske,zqai’.n tek ketsa’ussmentwa’ux", cross with head to the side. 
Not vertical head crosswise each other. 


64. .s.nketsa’us, across on the middle. 


65. .sketsa/usementwa’ux" zt/it .nhatlemqai’ntens * texi’xat a ketsa’ustmns. 
Crosswise hooey other thick its ascending head object then the crosswise thing. 


66. .skaié’q pid’ Eps Jae Shee ntEns 
Circle eight its forks. 


67. .skaié’q tek stlektlaq® tek mi’s 
Circle things sticking in four. 


68. .skaié’q tlo*  .swi'l tlo.zElt’ 
Circle completely fringed completely around (revolution). 


69. .s.nulx" % hwa/us tek .skaié’q, circles within one another. 
70. .skaiéqa’usqmn, circle crown. 
71. .s.nhatqé’qren * tek .skaié’q, circle with hole in the center. 


72. .skaié’q tek .sketsa/usemeEntwa’ux" En a toxtahwé’qeEn, i. e., circle with a cross 
Circle crosswise each other in the middle. 


in the middle. 
73. .sxeti’tuk,*’ little hole. 
74. .skaié’q tek .sta(la)me’mek,*® circular little spot. 
75. .skomd’x tek kwomé’ma, round small object. 
76. .skom6’x, round object. 
77. .skom6x’6’é, really round. 
78. .skomox6’za, rounded object. 
79. .skaié’q, circle. 
80. .skaié’Eq, little circle. 
81. .skaieq’6’é, real circle. 


For notes see pp. 410-411, 


406 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


97. 


100. 
. stluptlupiiek 4! tuk ha’tloem, twisted line ascending. 
102. 
103. 
104. 
105. 
106. 
107. 
108. 
109. 


110. 
bi lits 


112. 
113. 
114. 


115. 


116. 
17. 
118. 
119. 
120. 
121. 


skaié’q tek .sax’tti’k, circle with hole. 

-s.thwa’‘kst .sctti’ns, ring, its form. 

.s.thwa’/kst .skwa’ntens, ring, its appearance. 

.s.thwa/kst .stsoqati’ns, ring, its mark. 

.«s.nha.tli/la, notched (the name for this figure or a variety of arrowhead or 
triangular notch). 


. menusa’ks tuk skait’wa, both sides of end hook. 


.nxos(t)tei’n tek .nxosta’p .nxoxstci’n (.nxostci’n, forked object). 
F Forked mouth bottom down. 
.nxos.tei/n tek .nhatlema’p. 
Forked mouth bottom up. 
nxostci/n tek .sketsa’/us ti’a .sihé’ltsi. 
Forked mouth crosswise tothe right side. 
-nxostei/n trek .sketsa’us t/a .stsukahé’Itsi. 
Forked mouth crosswise tothe left side. 
wske.za/ks tek .nhatlema’p (or .stse.é’p). 
Leaning over end bottom up standing, vertical 
wkn.za/ks t/a .sihé/Itsi. 
pene over tothe might side. 
.spEna’us * or .stse.é’p tek .s. (pana us t/a .sihé’Itsi 
Folded standing doubled tothe right side. 
wskn.za’ks tek .nxosta’p, end leaning, bottom down. 
skr.za’p ta .stsukahé/Itsi, bottom ipAnIng; pointing to the left side. 
s.ntct’/imEx trk .sppna’us t’a skw0o’t * (or t/a .stsukahéltsi) 
Prostrate, on the ground doubled tothe rightside (ortothe left side). 
spena/us t/a — .s(h)ihé/Itsi. 
Doubled wise to the right side. 
¢ enla! 
et Crooked, crooks, zigzag. The name for vertical zigzags. 
.stsehi’p tek .snixani’x, standing or vertical corners. 
sqotzaqo’.tz,2 crooked, crooks, zigzag. The name for horizontal zigzags. 
sqotzaqo’.tz tek .sti’l, crooked in a line. 
shatlaha’tlem (tek .stil), ascending and descending line (up and down). 
_s.ntet/imex tuk .stli’piirk, prostrate twisted line (on the ground). 
wskakent’tz (tek ha’tlem), wave line going up. 
.stsEhi’p tek .skakeni’tz, standing or vertical wave line. 
.stsphi’p tek .skakeni’tz teamé’mat* a kaikenitzmi’ns. 
Standing wave line small the its wave lines. 
_s.ntct/imex tek .skakeni’tz. 
Prostrate on the ground wave line. 
skakent’tz tuk .stit. 
Wave line in a line (horizontal). 
.s.nxa’xi’tl “4 tek ha/tlem, notches ascending. 
.s.nxaxi’tla’n.s, notched (frequentative) edge. 
wszinzent’k tek .snxenextei’n (or .snixanixtei’n). 
Coils square mouth (corner mouth). 
.s.nxaxi’tl tek .s.ntcet/imeEx. 
Notched (frequentative) aoe on the ground. 
wszinzeni’k tek .s.ntet/imnz, coils horizontal. 
.szini’k (or .szini’k’6’é), real coil. 
«skaié’q tek .shahi’tl, notched circle. 
skaié’q tek .shahitia’n.s, circle, notched edge. 
.skaié’q'pid’nps .shahi’tls, circle, eight its notches. 
»skaié’q tek tet .snixani’x, circle inclining to corners. 


For notes see pp. 410-411. 


Boas] APPENDIX 407 


122. .skaié’q tek pid’Eps .snixanf’xs, circle, eight its corners. 

123. .skaié’q tek pid’eps tek .snixanix, circle, eight corners. 

124. .skaié’ eq tek .snéni’x, circle a little square. 

125. tla’/kemekst tek .snixani’x tek (.s)tsuxtsuxii’xs, six corners, faces a little 
drawn out. 

126. .snani’x tek tla’/kemekst (tek ha’tlem), corners six, ascending. 

127. tla’kemekst tek .snixani’x tek .skrtsa’us, six corners crosswise. 

128. sketsa’us tek .snéni’x tek tet’ .stsuxtsuxwa’ks. 


Crosswise littlesquare rather ends drawn out. 
129. sketsa’us tek .snéni’x tek .stsuxtsuyii’s tek 2a/zxt. 
Crosswise little square ends drawn out little long. 


130. .nmusa’ks, four ends or points. 
131. snixanix’6’é, real corners (square). 
132. té’tox tek .snéni’x, true square. 
133. toxto’xt tek .snixani’x, straight cornered (square). 
134. miis .snixant’xs, four its corners. 
135. .snixani’x tek mis, corners four. 
136. .snixani’x tek mi’s tek .skxtsa’us. 
Corners four crosswise. 
137. mi’s tek .snixani’x tek .stci’/neks, four cornered drawn to one side. 
138. mii’s tek .snixani’x tek .sko6’tz(us), four corners crooked. 
139. .snixani’x tek mi’s tek .stsuxtsuxwa’ks,*® corners four ends drawn out (or 
coming to a long point). 
140. .snixani’x tek mi’s tek .s.tsaha’ks, corners, four ends coming long and 
narrow (contracting). 
141. .snixani’x tek mi’s tek na’ux** tek .satsa(h)a’ks, corners four ends very 
much drawn out. 
142. .snixani’x tek mii’s tek na’ux tek .szexEzExqai’n, corners four ends very 
much long headed. 
143. mi’s tek .snixeni’x tek .sci’k tek .stse.pa’ks, four corners oblong standing 
on end. 
144. .sketkethwa’ks ‘7 tek hatlemqai’n, cut off ends; end up. 
145. mi’s tek .sni’xeni’x tek .sci’k tek .sketsa’us, four corners oblong crosswise. 
146. .sketi’x mii’s ssnixani’xs rt .s.ntet’/imEx. 
Cut off short piece four _— corners and prostrate on the ground. 
147. mii’s tek .snixeni’x tek .skazqai’.n, four corners leaning to side. 
148. .ska.zqai’.n tek -sneni’x. 
Leaning to side head square (cornered) object. 
149. mii’s tek .snixani’x tek .ska.zqai’n iti’a  skwd’t. 
Four corners leaning over head tothe opposite side 
150. .sketketi’x" tek .ske.zqai’n ti’a .stsukahé’ltsi. 
Little cut off piece leaning head to the left side. 
151. .sketketi/tux" tek  .sxostap (if small). 
Little cut off piece bottom down. . 
152. mi’s tek .snizani’x tek .skethwa’ks, four corners end cut off. 
153. .nxosta’p tek .stsuxhwa’p, bottom down, drawn out bottom. 
153a. mii’s tek .snixani’x tek stsuxqai.n rt  .skethwa’ks. 


Four corners contracted head and cut off end. 
154. .nhatlema’p tek .stsuxhwa’p tek .skethwa’ks, bottom up drawn out, cut off 
end. 
155. mii’s tek .snixani’x tek .nha/tlema’p tek .stsuxhwa’p tek .skethwa’ks. 
Four corners bottom up contracting bottom cut off end. 
156. ka(t)la’s tek .snixani’x tek ha’tlemqai’.n. 
Three corners head up. 


For notes see pp. 410-411. 
53666°—28——27 


408 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


157. ka.Ha’s tek .snixani’x tek kuteaha’ks. 


Three corners going down end. 
158. ka.Ha’s tek .snixani’x .sketsa’us. 
Three corners crosswise. 
159. ka.Ha’s tek .snixani’x tcitema’ks ti’a .stsukahé’Itsi. 
Three corners going end tothe left side. 
160. ka(t)Ha’s tek .snixani’x tek tet’ .stsuxhwa’ks El hatlemqai’.n. 
Three corners rather contracting end and ascending head. 
161. stsuxhwa’usqen tek ha’tlema’ks 
Drawn in top ascending end. 
139-40 141-42 143-44 145-46 147-48 149-51 IS2°53 154-55 
156 |57 158-59 160-61 162 $63 164 165 166-67 168 169-73 
174-75 '76 177-79 180-8) 182-83 184-85 
187-88 18 190-9) 192-95 196-98 200-01 
202 203 204 205-06 209-10 2il-13 


Fic, 121—Names for geometric figures 


162. katla’s tek .snixani’x tek .skaza’/ks, three corners leaning off. 
katla’s tek .snixani’x tek .stcé’x", three corners spread. 
163. katla’s tek .snixani’x skw6dt a skazakstens 
Three corners opposite side the its end leaning over. 
164. katla’s tek .snixani’x tek .stsuxyhwa’ks rt .skaza/ks lt ha’tlema’ks 
Three corners end drawn out long and leaning over end and ascending end. 
165. katla’s tek .snixani’x tek .stsuxhwa’ks sl .skazaks El kuteca(h)aks 
Three corners end drawn out long and leaning over ends and descending end. 
166. katla’s tek .snixani’x tek na’ux tek .stsahaks ti’a  skwot 
Three corners very much drawn out end to the See side. 
167. katla’s tek .snixani’x tek .stsaha/ks tek tcitema’ks ta .stsukahé’ltsi 
Three corners drawn out end goingend tothe left side. 
168. katla’s tek .snixani’x tek .stsaha’ks tek .stcexit/imEx 
Three corners drawn out end spread on ground. 
169. .stlentla’ni,* having ears. 


For notes see pp. 410-411, 


Boas] APPENDIX 409 


170. sei’a katta’s .snixant’xs tek .s.ntcd’keka’p,** two, three their corners united 
at the bottom. 

171. .s.nhitltci’n tek azi’m, notched opening large. 

172. pai’a tek .shi’tt (or .shi’t!’o’é), one notch (or real notch). 

173. .nsei’a tek katla’s .snixant’xs tek hathatlema’ks, two together, three their 
corners, ends ascending. 

174. skaié’q tek .s.nxaxi’tl, circle with notches. 

175. skaié’q tek —.sne.ni’x tlo zlip 

Circle squared (cornered) completely around. 

176. .skolotsa’ks, crooked ends (common term for diagonal zigzags). 

177. .s.nxaxi’tl tek .stsuxqai’.n, drawn in head. 

178. .skolotsa’ks tek .stsuxhwa’ks 


Crooked end contracted ends. 
179. .skolqolotsa’ks tek .sntcokrkqai’.n 
Crooked end united head. 


(diagonal zigzag) 
180. .skolotsa’ks tek .s.ntsixqai’.n 


Crooked ends drawn in head. 
181. .skolkolotsa’ks tek .stsixhwa’ks tek hatlaha’tlem 
Crooked ends contracted ends ascending and descending. 
182. .skotsakO’ts tek sxaxi’ tl 
Crooked ends horizontal notched. 


183. .skolotsa’ks tek laketqai’.n, crooked ends, wide head. 

184. .skolotsa’ks tek .nzaxqai’.n, crooked ends, long head. 

185. .skolotsa’ks tek .tlka’p, crooked ends, wide bottom. 

186. .skolotsa’ks tek .skela’us, crooked ends in half or split across middle. 
187. katla’s tek .s.nhatca/us, three tied together. 

188. katla’s tek .snent’xi’ist © tek .shatehatca’ks 


Three squares tied ends. 

189. .snhatké’ken tek .sketsa/usementwa’ux" 

Hole in little head cross. 

(center) 

190. menausa’ni tek .ské’u 

Both ways, ears broken. 
191. temeni/kenementwa’ux" tek .skéuké’u 

Opposite sides each other broken. 

192. .skntu’x" tek .slali’k tek .stseha’ks 

Cut off short piece spotted standing on end. 
193. .sketketa’x" tek .smi’ki* 

Cut off short piece close in a group. 
194. tepmtcemé’mat tek .sketketi’tix" tek .smd’ka 

Small (plural) small cut off pieces close together. 

195. .sketi’x" tek sstcrtct’ trek teamé’mat tek .sntxani’x 

; Cut off variegated, ornamented, small (plural) corners (squares). 


embroidered 
196. .sketix" tek .s.noko’kiink * tek .stse.pa’ks, cut off piece with incisions 
forming lines, end up. 
197. .sketii’x" tek .s.sisi’p, cut off piece striped vertically. 
198. .sketi’x" tek .sexé’x, * cut off piece with incisions. 
199. sketi’x" tek .s.noko’/kiirk tek «skwau’u 


Cut off piece incisions leaning from vertical. 
200. sketi’x" tek .s.noko’kia’ek tek .s.ntct/imex, cut off piece, incisions in lines 
flat. 


201. sketi’x" tek .stsd.tsd 

Cut off piece striped. 
202. .s.ntsepa’ks tek .s.nkektf’ts 

Standing on end with cross pieces. 
203. .skeke.xma’/ka tek ha’tleme’mka, having branches points up or ascending 
204. .skeke.xma’ka tek .shosta’ka, having branches points down or descending. 
205. .stla’k,eka ii’a skwo’t tlo ux"ti’p ™ (tek .stse.pa’ks) 

Point with spikes to the side to the end standing on end. 


For notes see pp. 410-411. 


410 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA |ern. ANN. 41 


. .stse.ip tek .stséa’ek ti’a skwot 


Vertical long thing to the side. 


. .s.ntct/imex .tlké’kat a tse’axktens, flat, short things standing up in a row. 
. .s.ntsakaus(tci’n) tek .sttala’kuka 


Split in half having spikes. 
Stilt tek .s.ntoxtoxidirkten® trek tei’kst, horizontal line with hanging down 
from lines things fine. 
.ski’ts tek .st6xt6’x", thing across having things suspended. 
.s.nhahi’tla t’a skw6’t, notched to one side. 


. .skwotirk tek .s.nhahi’tla, one side of line having notching. 


-skwotirk tek .s.nhahi’tla .s.nhosta’p .s.nhahi’tlas 


One side line notched bottom down its notches. 


Nores to List or Geometric TERMS 


. texd’s, .stexd’s, .stoxd’s, to go in a straight line or direction. Cf. toxto’xt, 


straight, true, and té’tox, correct, true. 


. Cf. .stsé’, standing in a row; tsé’rx, to stand (plural); to stand still, as ap- 


plied to people and animals; -aks, suffix meaning point or nose. 


. ha’tlem, to go up, ascend; -qai.n, -qain, head, top, protuberance; also 


rounded thing. 


. Cf. .ska’z, error, deviation. 
. .8, prefix making the word a noun; -i, good, really ia; h, introduced for 


euphony; -ltsi, -a’/ltse, suffix meaning body; right side of the body. 


. Cf. also kwa/urm, to set adrift; kwa’ut, to drift, drifting. 
. Cf. zi’k, a log; zi’kt, to fall over, usually said of something ordinarily ver- 


tical; -qrn, head, top, ef. -qai’.n. 


. a’ka, spike, branch, finger, etc. 

. Cf. .stla’k, nailed; -.ka, see -a’ka. 

. -tcin, mouth, aperture, large notch, indentation. 

. Cf. .sqé’u, .ske’au, broken, but not completely off. 

. Cf. .skoli’tz, skold’tz, crooked, ascending zigzag. 

. Cf. .sqé’u, .ske’au, .skaiti’wa, hook. 

. -0’é, real, proper, common. 

. Cf. .ski’ts, .ské’ts, across, crosswise, at right angles; -ap, bottom, foundation. 
. .stleki’m, jutting out, projecting. 

. meEna’us, both ways, both sides; -a’us, way, road, path; middle; also; together. 
. -ten, -ti’n, thing, object. 

. .si-, stem of se’ia, two; -ink, -ai’rk, -a’iuk, long narrow object. 

. ki’/kat, ké’kat, near, close; -Em, verbal ending; -entwa’ux", each other. 

. kaka’u, far, distant. 

. sisii’ rk, in twos. 

. .stlka’us, together. 

. tet’u, inclining to, rather. 

. mis, four. 

. kiké’kat, (plural form, see note 20). 

. XE/nEx, xi/nex, square, having corners (a plural form); ef. .sni’x, corner. 

. Cf. laa, to come close, to be within touch; .sla’, close, touching; tala’.t, close, 


very near; -timeEx, ground, earth. 


. Cf. note 9. 

. Cf. .shate, .s,a’tc, tied or fastened to something. 

. Cf. .sa’kq, fastened or buttoned. 

. Cf. nxostrqai’.n, to come down from a high place; so’xost, to descend. 
. -s, its (possessive suffix). 

. tld, tld-, surely, certainly, completely. 


For notes see pp. 410-411. 


Boas] APPENDIX 411 


35. .sti/lx", inside; .nii/ty", inside; to go inside; i’/Ix", to go in, enter, penetrate; 
-h, -hw, -w, often demanded in the middle of certain words for the sake of 
euphony. 

36. -qé’qen, diminutive of -qai.n, and qen. See notes3 and 7. Cf. .sha’t, .shi’t, 

 »sxi’t, having a hole; .sxetik, .sxa‘ti’k, .séxti’k, .sax't(’k, a hole. 

37. A diminutive of .sxit, having a hole. 

38. .stami’k, spot, blotch. 

39. .span, folded, doubled up; spena’us, doubled ways. 

40. .skw6’t, one side, opposite side. 

41. .stliip, twisted, snarled. 

42. sqo0d’tz, crooked. 

43. tcamé’mat (a plural form; singular kwomé’ma, small); tezemtcmmé’mat, 
diminutive form. . 

44. .s‘hi’t, .sxi’t, notched; -sxitl, notch. 

45. .stsiix", drawn in, contracted, long drawn out; .stsuxhwa’ks, geactly taper- 
ing to a long point, somewhat pear-shaped. 

46. na’ux", very much, overly. 

47. .ski’t, cut off short, lopped off, reduced to a stub; .skitii’x", piece cut off 
short, part of a long piece. 

48. tla’ni, tla’ne, ear; -ani (a suffix meaning ear). P 

49. tedkok, joined, united. 

50. -iist, stone. 

51. .smok, in a group. 

52. .sd’k, channel, incision, valley. 

53. .sé’x, incised. 

54. uxti’p, to the end, full length. 

55. Cf. .nt6éxiizkten, pendant; .st6’x, hanging down, suspended. 


SOME ADDITIONAL TERMS 


tsetsea’n.ns, with edges or borders the same length. 

tsetselmné’ut, with sides the same length. 

tsitsé’a .nk.ottené’uts, with sides the same length. 

.stcuwe’s .nk.ottené’uts, with equal sides. 

za’xt .nk.ottené’uts, long sided. 

Etlké’kat .nk.ottené’uts, short sided. 

Etlke’kat a skw6t zaxt a skwot, one side short and the other long. 

«stex0’s a skw6’t Et .sko6’tz a skwO’t, one side straight and the other crooked. 

-stex0’s trek tsisé’a, parallel, going equally in one direction. 

-stex0’s, in a straight line, going straight. 

toxtoxa’irk, straight line. 

-szi’l, in a circle, completely around, forming a circle. 

za‘'nem, to go in a circle. 

zEnaza’nEm, to go around and around (but not entwining, or wrapping around 
a thing). 

-stliipia’rk, snarled or twisted line, irregular line. 

sq0’tsiark, crooked line. 

za’ xiarEk, long line. 

-smi’tsiizk, bent or curved line. 

kn/nementwa’ux", touching each other. 

kakaurmentwa’ux", far apart, distant from each other. 

tsetsé’a .skakauemeEntwa/ux"s, equidistant. 

tsetsé’a .skekatrmentwa’ux"s, near or close to each other. 

si’wixeEmeEntwa’ux", at right angles, deviating from each other. 

.st6’xiaéek, pendant line. 


412 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


Rapipiry or Work 


In order to estimate the rapidity with which the women made 
stitches, plain, beaded, or imbricated, Mr. Teit observed each one 
several times for periods of five minutes, a term decided upon because 
in shorter intervals the variation was too great owing to the time 
consumed in moistening the coil and sewing splints and inserting 
new coil material. An effort was made to observe them when work- 
ing with especially long splints, when the number of necessary inter- 
ruptions would be minimized. All of the workers appeared to be pro- 
ceeding at a leisurely rate of speed. There was a slight variation in 
the number of stitches finished during the different times each woman 
was observed, so that the result as given here is only an average. 


umb 
| Nagaberof| Nupiber of homer 
Informant nea on atthe on bricsted Remarks 
sides of | bottoms of = lide 
baskets baskets 
No: 16a 10-11 Snleeeee Considered a fairly fast worker but not 
a good craftswoman; careless. 
No: 2a 225 | &9 (eltets» In all respects considered mediocre and 
| rather slow. 
INOS Ss aeene | 15-16 10-11 10 | Considered a fast and good worker; 
careful. 
No. 4______} 11-14 Sa 9 fea Fairly fast and careful. 
No; Sse ops 12 Su|> eee Do. 
ING: Or see 9... AMT AP Average in all respects. 
INOW eee Ops eee | eee Do. 
No. 925 2209 13) je Oe Considered fairly fast and careful. 
Noy LOE 2224 2 |e Se fete Leh Considered quite fast and careful. 
Non 2022 === QH1D) ae le ee Medium in all respects; careful. 
No: 20Sen" = 1O=16 5 |e tee |e Considered a good worker, fast and 
careful. 
Non 245. 14-17 (HHO) {peas = Fast, good, and careful. 
Not 25252822 10=204)| 28 | oe Very fast and good formerly (now eye- 
sight defective). 
NOPD R eae aaNet 8-12) | 


In one-minute periods No. 25 occasionally made four stitches on 
the side of a basket. When she wet the splints and coil the number 
dropped to three, and when she wet her material and also added 
new coil splints she was able to make only two. Once she experi- 
enced some difficulty in passing the end of the sewing splint through 
the awl hole and only accomplished one stitch. No. 1 made six coils 
on the bottom of a burden basket, which measured 4 inches in width, 
during a space of one and one-half hours. The bottom was of the 
elongated watch-spring type. 


Boas] APPENDIX | 413 


IMBRICATED STITCHES 


Informané Number of 


stitches Remarks 

Nantz sols! te 9 

i epee eee 7 

Novotna ihe “> 13 | Once put in a different color. 

Nondne J22o8=. 2 8-9 | About 8 when changing colors and 10 to 11 without 
interruption. 

Nexo eer oo ig: 9-10 | Once added a new color. 

thet ti ee ee She 8 Do. 

Noil Gesesshe tas 10 

No 102) f32 5. 8-10 

Nur Zt ve so-- ~~ 12 Do. 

Wal )24e2 4-220.» 12-14 

No, 20-425 =5.4. 10-15 | 10-12 when changing colors or 13-15 without inter- 
ruption. , 


No. 25 stated that the stitching of four or five coils on the side of a 
burden basket, where common imbricated patterns were placed on a 
plain background and the designs were not intricate, constituted a 
good day’s work for an expert. If she worked very long hours, she 
might finish an additional coil. 


BEADING 


Informant Stitches Remarks 


INMsthiis 28 teh 9 | In some cases this included the changing of colors, 
but this was not taken into consideration at the 
time the observations were made. 


INO ints IPE ot 11-14 

Ow Aste tere == See 9 

Mong ee =~ 11 

Not6ca.Lrbs os 8 | Beading appears to be accomplished somewhat 
more rapidly than imbrication. 

INO} 20sc2e9- 2ch 10 


BASKET SHAPES OF TRIBES OF THE INTERIOR 


LAKE TRIBES 


The Lake tribes used the Thompson type (fig. 26, e-g) large boiling 
and water baskets, all the varieties of Figure 27, a—d, and the robin 
nest shape, Figure 28, c. These ranged in size from large baskets 
holding a number of gallons down to cups. 

They had the nut-shaped type, Figure 28, e, in several slightly 
different forms. They also used different sizes of elongated baskets 
like type of Thompson, Figure 29, e. 

The carrying basket was of two shapes, the larger kind approxi- 
mating to the old style of the Klickitat, but possibly not quite as deep 
in proportion to its width, and the other, generally the smaller kind, 
similar to the birch bark, with almost straight sides and bottom, 
and rounded mouth. The latter was only a little wider than the 


414 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


bottom. The bottoms of these shapes were of the slightly elongated 
watch-spring variety. It seems that trays were not used. All of the 
foregoing information is from Indian description and rough sketches 
made by them from memory. No examples were seen. 


CotumpBr1as (MosEs-CoLuMBIAS) 


The Columbias used burden baskets like those represented in 
Figure 26, a and 6} (p. 198) of the Thompson, but had none like the 
form shown inc. They also used some carrying baskets shaped like 
Thompson cups but of large size, and as a rule with slightly larger 
bottoms in proportion to their depth and width. They were probably 
the same as those used by the Lake and the older ones of the Klickitat. 
This is a type that appears to have been universal among the interior 
Salish of the South. The Columbias also employed the bowl and nut 
shaped baskets. 

It is uncertain whether other types were made. This information 
applies also to the Wenatchi, according to the Columbias, but the 
informants there think they made more varieties of shapes. 


SANPOIL AND NESPELIM 


All carrying baskets were of the old Klickitat type, but there was 
some variety. They all had circular mouths. Trays like those of 
the Thompson were used for food and berries and elongated ones for 
holding fish and meat. Some were very long. 

The water and nut baskets were the same as those of the Thompson. 


COMPARISON OF SHAPES—THOMPSON, KLICKITAT, AND LILLOOET 


The following notes on shapes of baskets obtaining among the 
Thompson, Lillooet, and Klickitat will give an idea of the relative 
numbers of the different kinds in use at the present day. They are 
from notes on baskets and basketry designs made during the last few 
years by Mr. Teit. The great majority of the baskets were in the 
possession of Indians. They do not include specimens at present in 
any collection.! 


1 In striking contrast to the Thompson and Lillooet, the Chilcotin make only one type of basket, the 
burden basket, which varies very little in shape and is similar to that of the Thompson. The notes on the 
Klickitat shapes are not complete. 


BOAs] APPENDIX 


415 


Type of basket 


Burden baskets (fig. 26, a, b, and others ap- 


proximately to c, d). 

Burden baskets, oblong and with very consider- 
able flare (fig. 26, d). 

Burden baskets, square, with very sharp cor- 
ners (fig. 26, c). 

Small and like the bottom parts of preceding 
(fig. 26, h, 7). 

Oblong and square: 

DAES LAE re eS SS Ree Ee Se ee ee eet 


Fig. 31, b, c, some square, others oblong___ 

Watibackedk: t 24.22 Sate ho Fo Ske 

Fancy (four of them wineglass shape) ----- 
Circular: 


Fig. 27, a—d (from capacity of a coffee cup 
to about 1 gallon or a little over). 


1 Ed A OE eee ere Pre Pete eee 
Higs,27; .¢/ Cather Jarge) 2-a<<- us -=2< === 
TREE CS Ge Se ee Tee Dee eee 
TATE OLS} B73 ees aed DEE FP Ae oe ee 


bottom and high, nearly vertical sides. 
Common Klickitat type, conical, lower and 
wider in proportion to height.' 
Baskets withylidsie + mp py J traps a2 ce Je 
Baskets with feet or stands, mostly like Fig. 
31, b, e. 


Thomp- 
son 


91 
6 


oo 


28 


_ 
SoS COOK Oe bb 


em bo 
ao 


Klickitat 


(medium) 
: 1 


(mostly 
like a) 


© COOCWNOW 


Lillooet 


(like a) 


_ 
ao wo ROOCNO WW 


_ 
on OC COFRRWNR 


ees approximate to Fig. 27, a, d, of Thompson, but are larger and higher in proportion to their 
width, 


416 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  {e7H. ann. 41 
Tuompson Burpen Baskets, Group A 
Measurements ! Ratios ? 
ae ‘ a = Provenience Se = 3 a a e 
gla] ee (me 2A) ec) an) salt Shae 
3 . *S = = + 2 ios) a 
a -s A Hin |H/El/ Ale le 
Per | Per | Per| Per| Per\ Per | Per 
cent | cent | cent | cent | cent | cent | cent 
16-8828 3_ __ by 31 | 17.5) 10 by14 84 | 1384] 56) 74) 45] 43 162 
(oval) 
16.1-442____ by 47.5] 33 16 by 26 81 | 106] 69| 73 | 54] 46] 135 
16.1-445____ by 48 | 32 | 16.5by 23.5) 80/110] 67! 73] 49] 44] 149 
I 16.1-446____ by 47.5) 34.5) 14 by 21 61 | 104 | 73 | 76) 44] 39] 171 
L644 (See Se dos=.2 = =k ae 36.5 by 49.5) 32.5) 16 by 25 77|106| 66| 74} 50] 44 146 
j (indefinite) 
16-9236___-- Lower Fraser-_---- 32.5 by 49 | 32 | 16 by 25.5) 80] 101} 65] 66] 52] 49] 127 
Hee a =e Fort Douglas__-_- 41 by54 | 40 | 16 by 22 54 | 102] 74] 76] 41] 38] 186 
16.1-443____| Thompson ___ 39.5 by 57.5) 40 19 by 30 75| 99| 69| 69] 52] 49] 132 
16,1451... =| 25S do-_- 26.5 by 36 | 24 10.5 by 17.5) 76110] 67| 73| 49} 40] 154 
16.1-456____|___.- do__ 25 by 36 | 23.5) 11.5by 19.5} 88/106] 65] 70] 54|] 46) 128 
16.1-550___- 27 by 36 | 23.5) 12 by16.5] 70|115| 65| 75| 46| 44] 163 
TH) 16,1-457___- 27.5 by 37 | 24.5] 13 by 17.5 71| 112] 66| 74| 47| 47| 157 
27 by 36.5| 24+) 13.5by 21 | 88| 112] 66) 74] 57| 50] 128 
28 by 37.5] 25.512 by19 | 74] 113] 68] 75) 51] 43] 147 
16.1-448____|____- doe 30 by40 | 27 | 15 by22 | 82|111] 67| 75] 55] 50] 136 
16.1-454____ _.| 28 by38 | 26 | 12 by18.5} 75|107| 70] 73| 49] 43] 151 
TV\ 16-4624_____ Lower Thomp- | 28.5by39 | 30 | 12 by17 56 | 95| 77| 73] 43] 42] 169 
son, (indefinite) 
29.5by39 | 29 | 14 by 20 66} 103 | 74) 75] 51 47 | 147 
22.5 by 30 | 19 9.5 by 17 89 | 116) 63| 75] 57} 42] 132 
30 by 40.5; 28.5) 11.5 by 21.5] 75 | 105; 70] 74); 53] 38] 139 
25.5 by 31.5} 22 | 12.5by18 | 81] 110] 70| 81] 57] 49] 142 
24.5 by 33 | 20.5} 9.5 by 17 84 | 120] 62] 74] 51] 39] 144 
16.1-468____ 26 by 34 | 23 | 11.5by18.5| 80|113| 67| 76| 54] 44] 140 
16.1-470____|___-- do Se ee 21 by28 |17 |10 by16 | 94] 124] 61| 75] 57| 48] 181 
(irregular) : 
V1) 16-1253 26 by34 | 23 | 11 byi7 | 74/113] 68] 76] 50| 42) 153 
19.5 by 27.5 17.5, 11 by17 | 97|111| 64] 71] 62] 57] 115 
31 by40 | 25 | 14.5by20 | 80|125| 62| 77| 50| 47| 155 
16-9543... | Lower Thomp- | 23 by30 | 21 | 10.5by17 | 80} 109} 70! 76| 56| 46] 1365 
son. 
Tuompson BurDEN Baskets, Group A B4 
16.1-462_22_-__- =. Thompson ______- 23 by 30.5] 21.5) 9.5by16 | 75|107| 70| 75] 52] 41 | 144 
16-4625__--------- Lower Thomp- | 26 by 34.5) 34 | 13 by 18.5) 77] 108} 69] 75] 53] 50) 140 
son. 
16-9682-222_=23- Lower Fraser_---| 25 by 33 | 24 | 10 by15 70 | 104} 73) 76) 45 0 180 


1 The measurements are in centimeters; those of the height vertical projection. 
2 B=bottom; LB=length of bottom; WB=width of bottom; H=height; M=mouth; LM=tength of 
mouth; WM=width of mouth. 


3 The braces indicate subgroups in shape. 
to vertical halfway up. The rims are oblong, the corners rounded. 
V, shallow, small, square corners. VI, small and much more square. 
Their sides are more flaring. ‘There are several others belonging to 


IV, medium, oval corners. 
‘These types are intermediate. 


this group the measurements of which were not obtained. 


Nos. I and II have small bases, flaring sides which are turned 
III, medium size, sharper corners. 


BOAS) 


APPENDIX 


THompson Burpren Baskets, Group B5 


417 


16.1-439____ 
16.1-441____ 


16.1-444__ 


II 
CBE Ra ee 
16-1459. .) 1... 


16.1-458____| Thompson 
1X) 16.1-4614(?); Lower Thomp- 


16.1-461____| Thompson 
x/ 16.1469____|-__--do 
16-1287__.-| Yale 


Measurements Ratios 
= 
= i 
= H1 4 
a lel) ge lee la) sie 
Be ie) Be 18/8) 2]a 2 
a ss R Ble | RIE] A 
Per | Per | Per | Per 
cent | cent | cent | cent 
38 by 48 14 by 24.5} 92] 102] 70] 73 
39 by 52.5 16.5 by 27 75 |109| 67 | 74 
34.5 by 47 17 by 26.5) 83; 108] 68; 73 
by 42.5 ll byl9 60 | 101 | 74] 75 
by 44.5 13. by 21 72 | 107) 68 | 74 
(indefinite) 
by 46 18.5 by 33.5) 125 | 131 | 60] 76 
by 43 13 by 21 78|114| 63] 72 
(irregular) 
28.5 by 38.5 11.5 by 18.5] 76 | 112] 65] 74 
by 36 11.5 by 18 71|112| 66) 78 
by 29.5) 11.5by 16.5) 92] 127| 61] 78 
by 35.5 13.5 by 22 96) 113} 65] 73 
by 29 11.5by 20 | 125] 125) 55] 70 
21.5 by 27.5 9 by14.5} 80/112] 70} 78 
25 by 33.5 ll byl7 74 | 109| 69] 74 
13. by17 | 11.5) 7.5by 10.5) 91 | 115] 68] 78 
19 by 23.5] 14.5) 8 by 14.5] 100 | 129] 62] 81 


y | WM to LB 


cent 


SEE 


z 


157 


® 


147 


154 
155 
139 
116 
100 


148 
147 
126 
146 


' These have flaring sides and ends, with rounded corners, which, however, become quite sharp at the 
rim. VII, large or medium; VIII, shallow for length and width; IX, straighter walls, very oblong; X, 
squarer forms, very sharp corners, medium flare. 


418 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


LETH. ANN. 41 


THOMPSON BURDEN BASKETS NOT GROUPED AS TO SHAPE 


Measurements Ratios 
Cat. No. Provenience s 4 
A.M.N. H. Q Pati jate) 
4 = g H/EFlA} Ss 
8 2 a a ee bie 
a ise) [<<] ala | |e 
Per | Per | Per| Per 
cent | cent | cent | cent 
16-1043______ 23 ~by 32.5) 21.5] 14 by 20.5) 95 | 107] 66] 70 
16-1255______ < 33.5 by 42.5] 17 26.5 by 37 | 217 | 200 | 40| 79 
16-1256________- PALO Yo4 0) LT) ©" [bs ene eee 143 | 49] 71 
16-12705_ 4-24. _ 2/53. SR 25 by 37.5| 17 14.5 by 22.5} 133 | 150] 45] 67 
38 by 51 | 36.5] 16 by 26 74 | 104) 71) 74 
18 by 26 | 14.5] 11 by16 | 110] 126| 56) 70 
26 by 35 | 23.5] 14 by 22 94 | 110 | 67 | 74 
27.5 by 38 | 24.5 | 13.5 by 23.5) 95 | 112| 64] 72 
31 by 41 } 31 14 by 22.5} 76] 100| 75) 75 
35 by 49 | 36.5 | 13.5by 21.5) 60) 96| 74] 71 
35 by 51 | 37 16 by 28.5) 77) 95] 72) 68 
30.5 by 42 | 30 14 by 22 73) 101) 71) 72 
29.5 by 39 | 25.5 | 11.5 by 23 90) 115} 65] 75 
19.5 by 35.5) 18.5 | 15 by30 | 160 | 105 | 52) 55 
27 ~by 37 | 25.5] 15 by 28 | 110 | 106] 69] 73 
16.5 by 26 | 14 12 by 23 | 158] 113 |° 54] 63 
39 by 55.5] 35.5 | 21 by 39 | 109 | 109 | 64] 70 
35.5 by 50.5) 37.5 | 16 by 28.5) 88] 94] 74] 70 
30.5 by 41.5) 27.5 | 13 by 21.5) 78 | 111} 66] 73 
16-4862____.._-- 23 by 30.5) 19.5 | 10.5by 17.5} 89} 116] 64] 75 
16-5973..----.:. 27.5 by 39.5) 28 13.5 by 18.5} 75) 98] 71] 69 
16-8000. -.-.---- 29 by 38 | 24.5 | 13.5 by 24 98 | 117 | 64] 76 
16-8001 ___- 33.5 by 41 | 29 13.5 by 23 80} 115] 71] 82 
16-8372__.-.... 30.5 by 40 | 30.5] 14 by19 65 | 100 | 76| 76 
16-8731___.___-. 29.5 by 40.5) 27 13 by 21.5} 77 | 109) 66) 73 
16-8732__ 27.5 by 38.5) 24.5 | 11.5 by 23.5) 98 | 106 | 63] 71 
16-8734____ 26.5 by 35 | 18 11.5 by 22.5} 135 | 148 | 51] 76 
16 -8736____ 21.5by 26 | 15.5] 8 by14.5] 94/138] 59] 88 
1G-8787ioeee32-25)2 19 by 23.5) 14.5] 8 by 14.5] 100 | 129 62] 81 
30.5 by 39.5! 29.5 | 14 by 18 70 | 103! 74) 77 
33 by 43.5) 34 12.5 by 21 62 | 103 | 78 | 76 
23.5 by 27.5] 20.5 | 11 by 14.5) 68] 114|] 74] 85 
23 by 29.5] 18 11.5 by 16.5) 92 | 133 | 61 78 
Thompson __ 36.5 by 52.5) 37 17. by 27 73 | 99| 70} 69 
Fort Douglas_ 24 by 29 | 20.5]12 by 16 88/112} 71] 8 
30 by 39.5] 27.5 | 13 by 20.5) 76 | 108 | 69 | 76 
29.5 by 41.5) 27(?) @r EEseaeoee= 65] 71 
27 by 37 | 25 12.5 by 20 80 | 108 |} 67 73 
29 by 40 | 27 13. by 22 81 | 107 | 67) 72 
22.5 by 34 | 20 ll by 21 95 | 113 59 | 66 
25 by 36 | 25 15.5 by 22 88 | 100 | 73 70 
29 by 35.5} 23.5] 13 by 19 78 | 123 66 | 81 
15 by 19.5) 13 7 byl3 | 100] 115| 66} 77 
16.5 by 22.5) 11 8 byil | 100| 150} 49| 73 
28.5 by 46 /?20.5 |217 by 30.5)-____|_____ 46 | 63 
322 by 28.5] 17 9.5 by 14.5) 87 | 130} 59] 77 
29.5 by 40 | 28.5] 11.5 by 16 67 | 103 | 71| 74 


Per 
cent 


er, 
cent 


69 
79 


1 This bucket is obviously a freak and should be omitted from the calculation. 
2 The confines of the bottom are indefinite. 


3 The rim is irregular. 


Per 
cent 


107 


The calculations were based on 94 baskets in the collection of the 
American Museum of Natural History. 


Boas] APPENDIX 419 


The ranges and averages for the various ratios as found for the 
three groups A, B, and that comprising the remaining lot which 
could not readily be classified according to shape, are given in the 
table below. The little group AB is too small to be of value, and 
several representatives belonging to it could not be measured because 
of their worn condition. 


Group A (28 baskets) Group B (16 baskets) Undifferentiated (47 baskets) 
Ratios Average or 
Range | preponder| Range | ,ATMEC OT | Range | Average on 
Per cent Per cent Per cent 
Length of bottom to | 50- 95 | 80percent| 60-125 | No preponder- | 57-160 | Scattering. Slight pre- 
height. average. ance—l tall (a ponderance at 75 per 
freak), 8 medi- cent; 4 cases 130-160; 
um, 2 very shal- the others between 57 
low, 5 height and 110 per cent. 
and length of 
bottom equal. 
Width of mouth to | 95-135 | 110-113per | 103-131 | 2 groups—12 with | 90-150 | 35 between 90 and 120 
height. cent. average at 108, per cent, with pre- 
4 around 125 per ponderance at 108 per 
cent. cent; 9 scattered 
quite evenly from 125 
to 150. 
Height to length of | 55-75 | 65percent| 55- 74 | 65 percent average_| 40- 75 | 70 per cent. 
mouth. average. 
Width of mouth to | 65- 80 | 74percent| 70- 81 | 75 percent average_| 55- 85 | 72 per cent. 
length of mouth. | average. 
Length of bottom to | 40- 62 | 49per cent |! 45- 55 | 53 percent average_| 44- 85 | 38 of these ranged from 
length of mouth. average. 44 to 65 per cent 
3 and averaged about 
55 per cent; 5 others 
were scattered be- 
tween 70 and 85 per 
cent. 
Width of bottom to | 38-_57 | 41 per cent |? 84- 53 | 42percent average.| 35- 74 | 49 per cent average. 
width of mouth. average. 
Width of mouth to | 115-185 | Scattering_| 100-165 | Scattering-_._____- 65-184 | Very scattering. 
length of bottom. 


1 There was one basket in which this ratio was 84 per cent. Several of its measurements were incongru- 
ous, so it was rejected from this calculation. 
? The same odd basket, The ratio was 77 per cent. 


The opinions of some of the informants regarding proper propor- 
tions are here reduced to the simplest indications: 


Inform- Dymere basket 
aat Tsi.’a Tsihetsa Spa’nék Spap’EnEk 
H=LB H=2 WBor a little less. H=LB 
9; LB=4 LM LM=1% LB 
WB=less than 44 WM H=WM 
H=LB H=2 WB or a little less. H=LB 
24 |) LB=% LM LM=1'% LB 
WB=less than 44 WM H=WM 
29 H=LB+ u=LB+ H=LB+ H=LB+ 
2 H=LB+ 
WB=¥% LB oralittle more. 


420 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


It will be seen that for the three most common types or sizes of 
burden baskets they are agreed that the height and the length of 
the bottom are approximately the same or that the height exceeds 
the length of the bottom by a very small amount. In the majority 
of baskets of all classes the length of bottom actually is from 75 to 80 
per cent of the height of the walls, the range being from 50 to 160 
per cent. The extremes are evidently of another class. 

Two of the informants stated that the length of the bottom was half 
that of the mouth for the tsi.’a and two-thirds of the length of the 
mouth for the tsihetsa. In this measurement they were more nearly 
correct. In group A the range is 40-62 per cent, with an average of 49 
per cent; in group B, 45-55 per cent, average 53 per cent; in the undif- 
ferentiated group 44-85 per cent, the majority averaging about 55 per 
cent, with five over 70 per cent. 

The width of the bottom was declared by the same two women 
to be less than half that of the mouth for the tsi.’a. 

Since they stated that for the tsihetsa the height was equal to the 
width of the mouth, or to twice the width of the bottom, or a little 
less than that, we should expect the width of the mouth to equal 
twice’ that of the bottom, or not quite that. Thus, for both types 
the ratio of the width of the bottom to that of the mouth should lie 
between 40 per cent and a little more than 50 per cent. As a matter 
of fact, it does. In group A the range is 38-57 per cent, with an 
average of 41 per cent; in group B, 34-53 per cent, with an average 
of 42 per cent; in the undifferentiated group, 35-74 per cent, with 
an average of 49 per cent. 

Only for the tsihetsa have these two women remarked that the 
height about equals the width of the mouth. None of the others 
mentioned it. As a matter of fact, the ratio is surprisingly constant 
for all types, the average lying for the three groups studied between 
108 and 113 per cent for the ratio of the width of the mouth to the 
height as standard. Very few exceed 120 per cent. Allowing the 
addition of about 10 per cent for an overestimation of the vertical 
line as compared to the horizontal, this would about equalize their 
apparent lengths. That this ratio should not have been more 
generally noted is rather surprising. As a corrollary of this, no 
notice has been taken of the ratio of the height to the length of the 
mouth, which is also fairly constant, because of the relationship of 
the proportions of the mouth. Here the almost fixed ratio of 74 or 72 
per cent between the width and length obtains. The failure of the 
women to notice this has been remarked upon elsewhere. 

The length of the bottom is such a variable quantity that no 
satisfactory result was secured concerning its ratio to the width of 
the mouth. In fact, it will be generally found that all ratios involving 
one of the bottom measurements are subject to a wide range of 
variation. 


Boas] APPENDIX 421 


Littoort BurpEN BAsKETS 


Measurements Ratios 


Mouth (Ileight) Bottom LB | WM 


36.5 by 48.5) 27 24 by 40.5) 150 135 55 75 83 66 90 
42 by 50 39.5) 11 by 19.5) 49 106 79 84 39 26 215 
36 by 44.5) 34 12.5 by 18.5) 54 106 76 81 41 35 194 
35 by 43 32.5 | 11.5 by 17.5) 54 108 75 81 41 33 200 
33 by 40.5) 29.5 | 11.5by14.5) 49) 112 73 81 36 35 227 
34.5 by 41 i 30.5 | 10.5 by 16 52 | 113 74 84 39 30 215 
35 by 41.5) 32 10.5 by 15.5) 48 109 7 84 37 30 225 
33 by 40 30.5 | 12.5 by 16.5) 54 108 76 82 41 38 200 
30.5 by 36 27.5 | 10.5 by 15.5} 56 ll 76 85 43 34 197 


16-5910_.....----.-....| 31.5 by 36.5] 28 ll byl5 53 112 76 86 44 35 210 
16-5911__ 21.5 by. 26 16.5] 8 by1ll 66 130 63 83 42 37 195 
TLE eee Oe Oe 39 by 51.5) 35.5 | 15 by 22.5) 63 109 69 76 44 38 173 
(indefinite) 
DO MASE LT LITE eae 33 by 43 30.5°| 11.5 by 17 55 108 7 78 39 35 194 
SG 148552 oso eee ssa 34.5 by 47.5, 31 15 by 22 71 111 65 73) 46 43 156 
G-G888 oo 25-28 3 on 27 by 54 21 23 by 50 238 128 39 50 93 85 54 
PO=0880 5s oo seoce. RO 19 by 25 12.5 | 14.5 by 23.5, 188 152 50 76 94 76 80 
(with 
lid) 
G20) eee Sale eee 13.5 by 26 12.5] 10 by 23 184 108 48 52 88 74 “60 
NG-O891 oot ve 5 22 nada 10.5 by 23.5) 12.5 | 10.5 by 24 192 84 53 45 | 101 100 44 
12 9 by 26 216 125 | 39 48 84 60 57 
12 8 by 19.5) 162 79) 58 46 95 84 49 
TBE SS ne 31 by 41 27+ | 11.5 by 17.5) 65 115 65 76 43 37 177 
2 Lahr ee Uo ae ata ae sae 34 by 50 33 14.5 by 23 70?} 103 66 68 46? 43 148 
(very 
indefinite) 
LORS Cee ae ee 27.5 by 37.5} 25.5] 13 by 19 74 108 68 73 51 47 145 
AGT aa OA ete OA 29 by 37 25 12 by 16.5) 66?) 116 67 78 45 41 175 
(indefinite) : 
CG A=" 2 pal pala = 28.5 by 38 26.5 | 12 by 19 72? 107 70 75 50 42 150 
(indefinite) 
nD SC) Ee eee) 30 by 40.5) 27.5 | 14.5 by 20.5} 75? 109 68 75 51 48 146 
(indefinite) 
Ug lC) eee ee ee eee 31.5 by 43 28 14 by 22.5} 80 112 65 75 52 45 140 
SC ee a 27.5 by 37 26 12 by17 65 106 70 14 46 44 160 
(woven 
rectangular 
bottom) 
29° by 38.5) 27.5] 11 by 16.5) 60 105 71 75 43 38 175 
27.5 by 37.5 23.5 | 11 by 16.5) 70 17 63 73 44 40 166 
25 by 31.5) 25.5] 95by 14 55 98 81 79 44 38 178 
(woven 
rectangular’ 
bottom) 
OAR eae ees eee ae 24.5 by 28.5) 20.5] 10 by 13 63 119 71 86 46 41 188 
(very 
irregular 
shape) 
161-500 53 opbs ce oe 18 by 24 16 7.5 by 10 62 112 66 75 42 42 180 


The calculations were based on 33 baskets in the collection of the 
American Museum of Natural History. 

The ranges and averages for the various ratios have been assembled 
in a manner similar to that used for Thompson specimens. 


422 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


LitLooET BurpDEN BAskKETS 


Proportions Ranges Averages Preponderances 
Per cent Per cent 

GBitovbiss=! =e. ae 48— 80 61 | Scattering. 

WM tovHt tet & Mia 198-119. 108 | Around 108 per cent. 

Hto- LM~22- 63- 81 70 | From 65 to 75 per cent. 

WEMUtoe iM Seas 68— 86 78 | From 75 to 85 per cent. 

Brio IGM sae See | 36-— 52 43 | From 40 to 45 per cent. 

WB tomw Ms ist 26- 48 38 | From 35 to 45 per cent. 

WM tot Gb Biss a 14022271) eee Very scattering, with slight pre- 
ponderances at 145 per cent, 
175 per cent. 


1 With one odd basket at 130 per cent. 


DrEscriprions OF DEsigN ELEMENTS 


As an illustration of the exactness with which any design arrange- 


ment or combination may be described, the following list of terms as 
applied to arrowhead design arrangements has been collected by Mr. 
Teit: 


22. 


23. 


. Arrowhead design (points up) 

. Arrowhead design (points down) 
. Arrowhead design (ascending end, point nose). 
. Arrowhead design (descending end, point nose). 


. Arrowhead design (alone, single, here and there). Sketches 222-229, 231, 


232, 839. : 
Arrowhead design (in twos, here and there, in threes, fours, groups). 


. Arrowhead design (notched sides or ears, alone, here and there, with the dif- 


ferent varieties of arrowheads). Sketch 839. 
Arrowhead design (common, real). Sketch 225. 
Arrowhead design (plain, simple). Sketches 222, 225. 
Arrowhead design (mounted). Sketches 231, 232. 


. Arrowhead design (worked, ornamented, variegated, embroidered). Sketches 


223-229, 251, 532. 


. Arrowhead design (blade, stone, flint, spear, knife, head). Sketches 268, 547. 
. Arrowhead design (blade, stone, flint, spear, knife, head with star filling). 


Sketches 268, 271. 


. Arrowhead design (in file). 
. Arrowhead design (extended, horizontally). Sketches 222-225 with proper 


arrangement. 


. Arrowhead design (in a line). 
. Arrowhead design (following each other). Sketches 222-225. Pointsall one 


way, vertical rows. 


} (following one another). 


Arrowhead design (hanging, same as 17). 


. Arrowhead design (points standing, i. e., in a horizontal row, especially on a 


base line; also touching close, apart, and the kind of arrowhead). Sketches 
264-267. 


. Arrowhead design (points sticking up). Same as 19. 
. Arrowhead design (points protruding, meaning on a base line, points up or 


down). 

Arrowhead design (points both sides). Sketches 264, 265, 267, arranged 
both sides of a line. 

Arrowhead design (points leaving each other, on both sides). Sketches 
264-266. 


BoAs] APPENDIX 423 


24. 
25. 
. Arrowhead design (points meeting, see 24). There is no line and the design 


. Arrowhead design (both sides, two 


. Arrowhead design (all over) 

. Arrowhead design (entire surface) 
. Arrowhead design (all over, bases touching each other) 

. Arrowhead design (all over, side by side, points up or down) 
. Arrowhead design (inclosed, within lines). Sketches 251, 257, 292. 

. Arrowhead design (in bands or stripes of even width). Sketches 246, 301. 
. Arrowhead design (points touching, hanging or descending) 

. Arrowhead design (following each other, hanging or ascent 


. Arrowhead design (broken point) 
. Arrowhead design (hidden point) 
. Arrowhead design (points overlapping, or over bases). Sketches 252, 254, 


Arrowhead design (points both sides meeting each other) 


Arrowhead design (points both sides reversed) |sketen —_ 


is not considered two sided. Sketch 271. 


. Arrowhead design (points opposite, not touching). Sketch 272. 
. Arrowhead design (points crossing or passing each other). Sketches 268, 274. 
. Arrowhead design (on both hands) [ats in half by lines or spaces; especi- 


ally vertical series. Sketches 278, 281, 


sided) 284, 285, 302, 329, 330. 


either open or connected arrangement. 


|sketen 244, 


Sketches 245, 


‘ 246, 249. 
ing, open or closed arrangement). 


. Arrowhead design (entering base of each other, ascending, descending, over- 


lapping). Sketches 252, 254, 533. 
|sketches 250, 254. 


533. 


. Arrowhead design (blade entire, double ended, diamond shaped arrowstone 


blade). Sketch 529. 


. Arrowhead design (entire, double ended, points connected) |sketeh 529 
. Arrowhead design (tied ends, connected). : 
. Arrowhead design (one long thing, stalk, vertical, horizontal, standing, hang- 


ing). See also Nos. 35, 36. 


. Arrowhead design (two, both sides, hanging, standing, vertical). 

. Arrowhead design (points entering each other), interlocking triangles. 

. Arrowhead design (embracing, interlocking). Sketch 332. 

. Arrowhead design (points entering between each other a little apart). See 


No. 28. Sketch 268. 


. Arrowhead design (compressed, pinching, i. e., designs which interlock and 


form arrowheads from any point of view). Sketches 302, 332, 336, 529. 


. Arrowhead design (intertwining). Sketch 298. 

. Arrowhead design (heaped up). Sketches 139, 141-143, 146. 
. Arrowhead design (tied middles). 

. Arrowhead design (bases tied og), | Sketohes ot 

. Arrowhead design (twisted). Sketches 294, 296, 318. 

. Arrowhead design (leaning). Sketches 318, 406. 

. Arrowhead design (diagonal, spiral). Sketches 315, 316. 

. Arrowhead design (lying, prostrate). Sketch 307. 

. Arrowhead design (zigzag, connected). Sketch 78. 

. Arrowhead design (zigzag between). Sketches 266, 268, 274. 
. Arrowhead design (crosses between). Sketch 275. 

. Arrowhead design (arrowheads between). Sketches 265, 272, and probably 


244, 


. Arrowhead design (with arrowhead edges [or wings]). Sketch 301. 
. Arrowhead design (points). Sketches 135, 138. 


These terms may be combined in many ways to make the descrip- 


tion more definite. 


53666°—28——28 


424 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


DescripTivE TERMS FOR ARROWHEAD STAR VARIETIES 


Arrowhead star, 4 points around, ends out. Sketches 319, 608. 
Arrowhead star, 4 points around, ends in. Sketch 609. 

Arrowhead star, 4 points around, ornamented. Sketch 610. 
Arrowhead star, 2 or 4 points, ends in. Sketch 611. 

Arrowhead star, 6 points around, worked. Sketches 541-543. 
Arrowhead star, 4 points around, twisted and ends in. Sketch 311. 
Arrowhead star, 8 points around, four notches. Sketch 615. 
Arrowhead star, 5 points (white man’s design). Sketch 666 (?). 
Arrowhead star, serrated or points all around. Sketch 616. 


The centers are described as arrowhead center, square center, 
cross center, round center, no center; and the arrangement in rows, 
vertical, horizontal, diagonal, scattered. 


CoMPARISON OF DEsIGN ARRANGEMENTS AND ORNAMENTATION 


Regarding the relative frequency of the different arrangements of 
designs on Thompson baskets, and for purposes of comparison with the 
methods employed by three other well-known basket-making tribes 
of this region, the Lillooet, Chilcotin, and Klickitat, the following 
notes are given which Mr. Teit has gathered during a number of 
years. The Thompson baskets are from all sections of the tribe, 
undifferentiated; most of them are in the possession of Indians, some 
belong to small private collections, and some to the museums (chiefly 
Chicago). The Klickitat baskets were mostly in private collections 
or in the possession of Indians. The same may be said of the Lil- 
looet baskets, although some of their specimens were seen among 
bands of the Shuswap. 


Number of specimens 


Thompson Lillooet Klickitat 


1. Plain baskets (devoid of both imbrica- 
tion and beading. This does not in- 
clude small cup baskets, a number of 
which are plain, nor baskets made 
entirely of loopwork) --__---.-.-_____ 2 2 5 


2) SBasketspwitbiimbricationvonilyle oes a2 lees ce ee a 
3. Baskets with beading only_____1___-___ 3 2 0 
4. Baskets with some beading as well as 

imbrication. ==--- = ee ee 129 19 | No notes. 
5. Baskets with false embroidery only___- 0 2 0 
6. Baskets with false embroidery and im- 

bricationvasiwelle spa e ne ore eee 0 8’ 22 eee 
7. Baskets with designs only imbricated___. 166 21 17 
8. Baskets with entire surface imbricated___ 48 24 29 
9 


. Baskets with upper part imbricated all 
over, about three-fourths on Thomp- 
son, two-thirds on Lillooet (generally 
upper two-thirds), rest bare______~___ 7 10 0 


1 This includes the baskets without designs. Mr. Teit does not give any figures, 


BOAS] APPENDIX 


425 


10. Baskets, upper part all imbricated, lower 
part designs only (not ‘droppers’’); 
fame as two fields. .-...-.-- sashes 

11. Baskets, upper part all imbricated, lower 
partidroppers..-.--2-=Sfs5aesbol 

12. Baskets, upper part designs only im- 
bricated, rest of basket bare (no 
Groppers) soo se eh aaa a an 

13. Baskets having a single field covering 
the’ entize surface:_2k...-.-...-.--- 

14. Baskets having two design fields, an 
upper imbricated (generally only the 
designs) and a lower beaded _-_--__--~- 

15. Baskets with two design fields, upper an 
imbricated border field, and the lower, 
the rest of the basket, which is also 
imbricated, with sometimes a very 
narrow space between }_.-._._...-.-- 

16. Baskets with two fields (same as No. 10)- 

17. Baskets with three fields, an upper and 
a lower, all imbricated, and a middle 


18. Baskets with three fields, upper and 


19. Baskets with four fields, a main upper 
and border field and the lower field 
imbricated, and a middle or lower 
middle field, only the designs imbri- 
cated. As a rule, the lower and the 
main upper or upper middle fields 
carry exactly the same design __--_---- 

20.. Baskets with designs on sides only__--_- 

21. Baskets with designs on ends only-_----- 

22. Baskets with designs on ends different 
from those on the sides-__------------ 

23. Baskets with side designs different from 
each other (opposite sides different 
Glo ae) a a ee Se 

24. Baskets, end designs different from each 
GUNS ee oe Seca 

25. Baskets, ends and one side same design, 
other side a different design or bare 
(OONGESIPN)I> oe Soe eee anne eee 

26. Baskets with imbricated designs on out- 
sige Of bottom... + Eaeeene. =... 

27. Baskets with bottoms beaded outside 
(not the beaded line marking division 
of sides and bottom), nearly all cir- 
Garar DASkets:< =. 5. 3 eee OL See 

28. Baskets with designs on inside of bottom; 
nearly all tray and dish shaped bas- 
kets, one bowl, and one small square 
cL ST UT REE ge Rete, cay ee Ree ae See 


81721] 4) Repent pads maging epee meet Sa ae 
30. Baskets having two imbricated designs 
(different from one another) ____-_---- 


1 Owing to an error No. 16 is a repetition of No. 10. 
2Mr. Teit does not give any figures. 


Number of specimens 


Thompson 


co 


wo owe 


So 


162 
52 


Lillooet 


19 


55 


a ooo 


22 
38 


Klickitat 


(2) 


@) 


51 


o ooo 


36 
12 


§ Sixteen other baskets in two Uta’mat houses had the designs as follows: 5 designs, one; 4 designs, two; 


3 designs, two; 2 designs, five; and 1 design, six. 


426 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


(ETH. ANN. 41 


Number of specimens 


Thompson Lillooet Klickitat 

31. Baskets having three imbricated designs 

(different from one another) _________ 9 5 2 
32. Baskets having four imbricated designs 

(different from one another) __________ 2 1 1 
33. Baskets having five imbricated designs 

(different from one another)_________ 1 0 0 
34. Baskets having six imbricated designs 

(different from one another) ________- 0 0 0 
35. Designs arranged vertically and con- 

nected_G& © So. a5 be: oo Pee 48 40 3 
36. Designs arranged vertically and dis- 

connected ss. Sess s eee 29 10 0 
37. Designs arranged horizontally and con- 

nectedl... ...- 22. =.=. - = Sea 38 19 22 
38. Designs arranged horizontally and dis- 

connected. 2— = 4 3.23. ee 60 7 10 
39. Designs arranged diagonally and con- 

nected)... 2 3 cae oe 13 3 5 
40. Designs arranged diagonally and dis- 

connecteds4: ./22 2S 2S. Se a 29 1 1 
41. Designs that appear horizontal and 

perpendicular or both__---___-_--__- 28 5 3 
42. Designs scattering, or having no regular 

arrangement. 2. 2b =. 23=- ESE oe 13 8 8 

| 


Notre.—Some other baskets having check or fly designs and net designs all over can not well be classed 


with any of the above. 


Only baskets with geometric designs are included in this tabulation. Realistic 
designs are rare and usually occur in detached arrangement. 


The lids and feet of baskets are not included in the above list. It seems that beading on rims, sides, and 
bottoms of baskets is scarce among the Chilcotin and Klickitat and also much less common among the 


Lillooet than among the Thompson. 


Mr. Teit has very few notes regarding it, however. 


OxssEcTS REPRESENTED IN DIFFERENT Forms OF ART 


NATURAL PHENOMENA 


Geometric Conventional 


Sun 


Moon Moon 


Star 
Lightning 
Rainbow 


Rainbow stump 
Cloud 
Rain 


Snow 
Hail 


Realistic 


NATURAL OBJECTS 


Mountains 
Lakes 
Waves 
Trails 


BOAS) 


APPENDIX 


427 


Oxssects REPRESENTED IN DIFFERENT Forms or Art—Continued 


Geometric 


Comb 

Pipe 
Tsrené’ka 
Hair ribbon 
Necklace 
Bead 
Dentalium 


Moccasin trailer 
Leggings 
Legging fringe 
Hat 

Earring 

Nose rod 
Blanket 
Packstrap 

Net 


Reel 
Fishhook 
Root digger 
Hammer 


Mesh 
Patch 
Snare 
Deer fence 
Corral 


Grave box 
Parfléche 
Woven bag 


Ladder 

Step 
Notched log 
Door 
Window 
Cross 
Embroidery 


Arrowhead points 


ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS 


Conventional 


Realistic 


Paint pouch 
Tsené’ka 


Necklace 
Bead 


Moccasin 
Moccasin trailer 
Leggings 
Legging fringe 
Hat 


Net 
Fish spear 
Reel 


Root digger (?) 
Hammer 
Deer-hoof rattle 
Snowshoe 


Fort, stockade 


House, earth lodge 
Tipi 

Lean-to 

Girl’s lodge 

Sweat house 
Ladder 


Door 
Window 


Bow and arrow 
Arrow 
Arrow feathers 


Parfléche 
Woven bag 


Cross 
Embroidery 
Bow and arrow 
Arrow 


428 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


Oxssects REPRESENTED IN DirFERENT Forms or Art—Continued 
ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS—Continued 


Geometric Conventional Realistic 
Arrowhead Arrowhead Arrowhead 
Half arrowhead 
Spearhead Spearhead 
Arrowhead star 
Iron arrowhead 
Arrow nock 

Harpoon 
Drill 
Bow 
War club 
Cord twisted 
Mat design 
Tsrxaksten (girls’ frame) | Tspxaksten 
Lodge pole 
PLANTS 
Tree Tree 
Branch 
Bush 
Pine cone (very old) 
Leaf Maple leaf 
Fern leaf 
Mushroom 


Sprout or weed 
Cactus (Opuntia sp.) used 
as food 
Lily root (mula) (Lilium | Lily root 
columbianum) used as 


food 

Xanaxain 

Berry Berry 

Moss cake 

Flowers differen- 
tiated: 

Clematis 

Flower Flower: Buttercup 
Paintbrush 
Columbine 
Larkspur 


Hatce’ius root 


BOAs] 


APPENDIX 


429 


Oxssects REPRESENTED IN DIFFERENT Forms or Art—Continued 


Geometric 


Bear foot 
Beaver 


Panther 
Bird 


Flying bird (goose, eagle, 
swallow) 

Butterfly 

Fly 

Insect 


Eagle 
Crow’s foot 


Duck 


Snake 


Snake track 
Caterpillar 

Hairy caterpillar 
Woodworm 
Woodworm borings 
Snail (?) 


Fish backbone 
Grasshopper 
Grasshopper leg 
Grasshopper elbow 


Head 


ANIMALS 


Conventional 


Bear foot 
Beaver 

Little beaver 
Dog 


Deer 


Horse 


Panther 

Bird 

Bird wings (goose, eagle, 
swallow) 

Bird tails 

Flying bird 


Butterfly 

Fly 

Insect 

Dragon fly 

Eagle 

Crow 

Swallow 

Goose 

Duck 

Bull snake 
Rattlesnake 
Striped snake 
Garter snake 


Snake or 
snake 
skin 


Caterpillar 
Hairy caterpillar 
Woodworm 


Lizard 


Realistic 


Animal 
Beaver (old) 


Dog 

Little dog (obsolete) ! 
Deer 

Deer and net 

Little deer ! 

Horse 

Otter (pelt) 


Bird 


Flying bird 


Butterfly 


Eagle 
Crow 


Fish (salmon), rare 
Beetle 


Spider 


People (men, women) 


1 Distinguished from the larger designs of the same name by, being small figures arranged diagonally all 


over the surface. 


430 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


Oxssects REPRESENTED IN DIFFERENT Forms or ArtT—Continued 


ANIMALS—Continued 


Geomeuric 


Conventional | 


Duck’s head 


Owl’s face 
Eye 

Tooth 

Grizzly bear’s tooth 
Mouth 

Heart 

Hand 

Finger 

Hand pointing 
Wing 
Butterfly wing 
Leg, foot 

Bent leg 

Bent back 
Broken back 
Rib 

Bird’s foot 
Grouse foot 
Grouse tracks 


Eye 


Wing 


Butterfly wing 


Leg, foot 
Bent leg 


Grouse foot 
Grouse tracks 


Realistic 


Deer’s head 
Sheep’s head 
Ram's horns 


Bird’s foot 
Grouse foot 
Grouse tracks 


Deer’s hoof Deer’s hoof Deer’s hoof 
Bearskin 
Deerskin 
Feather Feather 
Bird’s nest 
GEOMETRIC 

Circle Spiral Points Scratch 
Half circle Zigzag Notch Cross 
Coil False zigzag Stripe Line 

DESCRIPTIVE TERMS 
Circling Tied middles Striped Together 
Crooked Bent ends or points | Here and there Side by side 


Sharp points 
Wide points 
Square points 
Serrated 
Intertwining 
Woven 

Crossed end 
Crossing 
Crossing each other 
Middles crossing 
Crossings 

Tied ends 


| Leaning 


| Standing points 
| Incision 
| Ends disappearing 


Short end 

Points, corners, or 
shoulders touch- 
ing 

Almost touching 

Joining 

Heaped up 


Standing 


Ascending end 
Lying flat 
Spread sidewise 
Ornamented 
Radiating 
Iexpanded 
Contracted 
Two sided 
Winding 
Twisted 
Hooked ends 
Connected 


Following each 
other 

In file 

One above another 

Double 

In pairs 

Single turn 

Hanging 

Piercing one an- 
other 

Overlapping 


Boas] APPENDIX 431 


OLD DESIGNS, NOW OBSOLETE 


89, 90, 150, 164, 165, 321?, 481, 562, 590, 591, 628-630, 631?, 632?, 633, 634, 
702, 760-764, 784, 785, 794, 814-817, 846?, 847?, 852, 853, 854. 


OLD DESIGNS, RARE 


77, 99, 102, 103, 136, 144, 145, 148, 151, 152, 167, 170, 182, 186, 266, 269, 299, 
305, 306, 313, 388, 398, 406, 407, 412, 413, 436, 437, 452, 471, 484, 486, '537? 
538?, 586, 619, 621, 670, 678, 679, 682-685, 719, 757-759, 788, 739, 818-824, and 
Lytton kekule house designs. 

OLD DESIGNS 


1-16, 21-39, 42-54, 60-72, 74-83, 85-88, 100-108, 110-115, 117-122, 128-138, 
141, 144-151, 153, 155, 158-163, 169-174, ‘176-184, 187, 189, 191-193, 199, 200- 
206; 208-215, 217, 218) 222-239) 234-236, 240, 241, 244-247, 249, 250, 252, 254, 
257-262, 264-270, 272-275, 277, 278, 281, 284, 286-296, 299, 301- 310, 312- 318, 
320, 322, 329-332, 335, 347, 349-368, 370-378, 380-393, 395, 397, 399-410, 412- 
414, 423, 425, 426, 428, 429, 431, 435, 437-439, 440, 442- 450, 452-458, 460-476, 
478, 480-498, 501, 503, 504, 506-508, 510, 518-529, 531, 533-535, 540, 544, 545, 
547, 551, 552, 562, 568, 570, 571, 576, 579, 586, 588, 593?, 599-603, 616, 619, 
625-627, 635-640, 646, 647, 649, 662, 668, 669, 671, 673-676, 678, 679, 681, 682, 
688, 696-699, 702-732, 746-767, 775, 786, 788-791, 796-798, 800-807, 811-813, 
818-824, 826, 829, 833, 838, 839, 858. 


NEW DESIGNS 


84, 97, 98, 126, 150 (not usually on basketry, a blanket design), 175, 181, 190, 
219, 250, 259, 260, 311, 319, 328, 333, 394, 396, 415, 416, 417, 418, 419, 421) 430, 
515, 516, 517, 539, 553, 559, 594, 595, 597, 599, 600, 601, 803, 607-612, 614, 615, 
619, 653, 656, 657, 660, 664-667, 675, 690, 700, 701, 792, 793, 844, 


Tur InroRMANTS 


Mr. Teit collected from the numbered informants with whom he 
worked so long quite complete data regarding themselves and their 
individual achievements, from which some very interesting deduc- 
tions may be obtained about the different abilities and general 
intelligence of the women. 


No. 1. Yidpa’tko (Disappearing Water), belonged to the Spences 
Bridge Band of the Upper Thompson and was not related to people 
of any of the other divisions. She was the mother of informant No. 2. 
She began to make baskets when she had almost reached middle age 
and still continued to make several every year at the time she was 
interviewed, when she was about 60 years of age. She had manu- 
factured numerous baskets, most of them of the burden variety. 

Among the designs used by Yidpa’tko are the following: 

Sketches: (pls. 78-94) 8, 16 (but not so wide), 40, 46, 66, 68 
(narrower), 128, 133, 134, 202, 204, 205, 222, 225, 245, 257, 278, 292, 
316, 355, 382, 426, a design closely resembling 440, 441, 468, 478, 
488, 496, 497, 529, 582, 700, 701, 841. 

Plates: 9, c; 11, a (middle stripe); 14, e; 21, a (droppers); 23, c; 
28, e; 31, d; 34, a; 39, a; 39, b; 47, d; 49, e; 55, h (droppers) ; 
57, d; also A. M. N. H. 16/4644; 16/5901. 

Yidpa’tko does not make any net designs and seldom attempts 
zigzags or ladder patterns, except certain horizontal zigzags. She 


432 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


does not make any star, butterfly, eagle, or similar elaborate patterns, 
but the sketches, Figure 122, Nos. 1-9, are some with which she is 


familiar. 


"(Il Z § 


8. 
9 10. 
S VU 12. 15. 
a= | 
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JX VW Pil, a 
20. 
7 17 19 
22 © > S O—- > <4 <> 
’ 25 
A 25. 
= 7) 
4 oS = SMIEMMMT “Matai 
s°+ © ol 
ae 
re pepe Dai 
oe a ee pl iy sa lee, 
(aaa | W777 Ti MALEAEEL AL 
23. 5 eS FI 94 Lt Ss [Crs 


ay) NZ RY ba aia | | oe 
5am i a Aas rr sr “pf 


ee foal 


vei ake y NAVAS nce 
MEN AF OK NS 


Fic, 122.—Designs made by individual artists 


The squares are very small and worked in red and black. The 
elements are too small to be considered as forming a ‘‘ladder” or 
“step” design; so she called them “‘beads.”’ (Fig. 122, 3.) 

The pattern (fig. 122, 4) in alternating colors she designated as 
‘“seratches”’ or incisions. 


Boas} APPENDIX 433 


She used different colors for the “leaning” design (fig. 122, 5) 
which she said was considered by some people to be a portion of a 
zigzag (fig. 122, 7) and called “scratch.” 

The “arrowhead” pattern (fig. 122, 6) she varied by using differ- 
ent combinations of colors both for the outlines and for the triangles. 

Yidpa’tko was inclined to think that the name “filled mouth” was 
sometimes given to the two patterns (fig. 122, 8, 9) but she called 
them ‘“‘notch”’ designs and said she had made several varieties. 


No. 2. Tuxi’nrek (Increased Bow), daughter of Yidpa’tko, was also 
from the Spences Bridge Band of the Upper Thompson. Her 
father’s people were Fraser River Shuswap. When interviewed she 
was a young woman aged about 26. She began making baskets at 
about 20 and had already made a number, a few burden baskets and 
other shapes, but mostly bowls and circular forms. She made one 
or more every year. Her teachers had been her mother and some of 
the Upper Thompson and Uta’mqt women who lived at North Bend. 
Tuxi’nek was raised at Spences Bridge. The designs made by her 
are largely represented by— 

Sketches: 4, 31, 40, 60, 80, 128, nearly like 133, 176, 204, 225, 245, 
315, 426, nearly like 440, 441, nearly like 479, 480, 547, 568, nearly 
like 697, and a very few others. 

Plates: 25, b; 49, f; also A. M. N. H. 16/1044; 16/4644. 

The ‘‘mula’”’ design was the first she made. She makes two varie- 
ties of star designs somewhat different from those given here. 


No. 3. Xamal’.ks ( Dress) was a young woman of about 32 
years of age of the Spences Bridge Band, but related by blood to the 
Thompson and Lytton Bands. She was raised among the Thompson 
and was not related to any of the other informants. She began 
basket making when a very small girl, consequently had produced a 
large number, and was still making several every year, on which she 
expended all of her spare time. The designs she used are represented 
in part by— 

Sketches: 79, 80, 82, 114-116, 119, 128, 132, 171, 217, 218, 232, 328, 
340, 341, 355, 361, 399, 400, 402, 412, 440, 463, 465, 501, 519, 520, 547, 
627. 

Plates: Frontispiece; 8, d; 9, a; 12, b; 14, e; 22, d; 24,6; 24,¢ 
(all the designs but not the same combination) ; 25, a; 25, ¢; 28, d; 
31, a (only with cross center); 34, a; 37, ¢ (in vertical bands with and 
without the cross); 37, d; 37, e; 56, d (separate or in different com- 
binations); 57, c; also A. M. N. H. 16/1044; 16/1270; 16/1271; 
16/1273; 16/4581; 16/4620; 16/4644. 

Xamal’.ks makes also the following in various colors: Big bead 
(fig. 122, 10, 11), heaped up (fig. 122, 12). 


434 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ETH. ANN. 41 


No. 4. Trekwi'tlixqen ( Head), a daughter of No. 5, was raised 
around Spences Bridge. Her parents were Spences Bridge and 
Nicola. She was aged about 36 and began basket making five or 
more years previous to the time when she was questioned. She 
picked up the art, as many women do, by watching others of the 
Upper Thompson tribes. She made two or three baskets every year 
and had finished a number of burden, oblong, and circular shapes. 
Her designs, shown in Figure 122, were “‘arrowhead”’ (13), “‘cloud”’ 
(14), ‘‘cloud embroidery”? (15), variety of a copied design, name 
unknown to her (16), ‘‘bead” variety, invented by herself (17), 
variety of “arrowhead,” invented by herself (18). 

Plates: The right-hand stripe, 7, c, which is called ‘‘marks of a 
young fawn’s skin’’; the central stripe of 15, 6; the rim design of 
32, c; the central stripe of 3, b; 28, g (called caterpillar); 23, c, the 
checkerwork at the rim; 38, d; 49, f. 

She also made Figure 122, Nos. 19, 20, 21, which she said were all 
variations of form and arrangement of designs seen by her on other 
women’s baskets. She did not know their proper names. 


No. 5. Sinsi’n.tko (Staggering Water) was raised at Potato Gardens, 
among the Nicola, but she belonged to the Spences Bridge Band. 
Her parents were Nicola and Lytton. She was nearly 60 years of 
age, the mother of No. 4, and began basket making only four years 
before this information was gathered. She acquired sufficient knowl- 
edge of the art by watching others but had not worked at it very 
steadily, as she did not have much time for it. She had not cared 
about it when she was young. Her baskets were about five in number 
and were oblong and circular shapes. She had made only a very 
few designs, not more than six, the principal of which were one or 
two forms of arrowheads. Her first basket was decorated only with 
beading. 


No. 6. Ts6’s.tko (Rattling Water) belonged also to the Spences 
Bridge Band. Her mother was part Thompson, part Uta/mqt. 
No. 2 was her half sister by the same father. She had grown up at 
Spences Bridge and at the time of the investigation was 45 years 
old. She had made baskets for a number of years but as she worked 
only occasionally had not many to her credit. At first she had no 
special instruction but had gathered what she knew about the art 
from observing other women. Some years she made one or two 
and at other times for a period of a year or more she did nothing. 
All of her baskets were comparatively small and circular. Her 
designs were: 

Sketches: 4, 7, 30, 51, 60, 80, 86, 128, 157, 180, 222, 225, 245, 303, 
361, 369, 374, 393, 412, 426, 441, 480, 497, 504, 527, 547, 697, anda 
very few others. 


Boas] APPENDIX 435 


No. 7. Julia was amember of the Lytton Band of Upper Thompson. 
Her father was a Lytton, her mother was partly Greek, partly 
Stlaxa’iux". When interviewed, Julia was only 17. She had been 
brought up at Lytton and had made her first basket when very young, 
but nevertheless had completed very few. The designs she chose are 
represented in Sketches 36, 157, 180, 225, 426, 592. She had imbri- 
cated a number of letters which were the initials of names she knew, 
such as S, T, A, H, W, Z, M. The letters H and Z she had used in 
decorative fashion, placing the former in horizontal rows, the latter 
in vertical series. W she had taken as her own mark, which she was 
accustomed to place at the corners of baskets. 

The shapes she had made were all small, and were circular, square 
or fancy. The bottoms of her square ones were all constructed by 
means of a watch-spring coil which had been thickened at intervals 
on each round, in order to produce corners. She had observed people 
who made baskets as long as she could remember and in addition had 
been given some instruction by her mother and aunt, but she did 
not care much for the work. She had made some simple beading 
such as Over one and under one, and also over one and under two. 


No. 8. Koi’n.tko (—— Water). This informant was aged 58 and 
was living at Spences Bridge. She had originally belonged to the 
Thompson Band, and had grown up among them. At the time she 
was questioned hor eyes were in a very bad condition so that she was 
unable to see the sketches presented to her for identification. How- 
ever, she said that she had executed only a few designs in the days 
when she was young and making baskets and that those she did 
make were all very common. It had been at least 35 years since she 
had done any work of this kind. All the shapes she had made were 
circular and rather small. 


No. 9. Kapi’nek (Soft Bow), 37 years old, had lived all her life at 
Lytton, being of Lytton descent, with a slight admixture of Uta’mqt 
blood. Her mother and various other relatives had taught her the 
art of basket making and she had practiced it to a great extent. At 
the time she was interviewed she was still in the habit of making a 
number every year, sometimes as many as 10 or more, of different 
sizes. More recently she confined herself practically to the manu- 
facture of circular and fancy shapes, although during her life she had 
made all varieties. Kapi’nek had made many designs, for she seldom 
duplicated her patterns. Some of these may be seen in Plate 52, 
a, e, 7, 7, but she had made many others. She also made a design 
which she called “caterpillar” or “hairy caterpillar.” (Fig. 122, 
22.) She seldom repeats patterns on different baskets without 
some variation. 


436 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


No. 10.—W6li’p.tsa (Elevated Bottom of a Robe? Clear Weather 
Robe?) was one of the most intelligent and best informed women 
interviewed. She belonged to the Potato Gardens Band of the Nicola 
and at the time of the investigation was 32 years old. She had spent 
part of her life at Potato Gardens and part at Lytton, for her mother 
had come from the latter locality. When a very small girl she had 
begun to make baskets under the tutelage of interested relatives. 
As she was in the habit of making at least six baskets every year 
she had completed a large number, which included nearly all the 
different shapes, but her later efforts had been concentrated on fancy 
or modern forms and circular types. 

Woli’p.tsa said that for fine work she exercised much care in the 
selection of materials. For the finest work she often scraped the 
sewing splints to make them thinner and more pliable. Two bundles 
of these were about enough to make a medium-sized basket. She 
preferred to make circular baskets and trays, although she had tried 
all the shapes. She thought circular forms were much easier to 
construct and looked as well as other kinds if not better. On 
burden baskets she always used elongated watch-spring bottoms, 
while on all other types she found the plain watch spring the easiest 
and best. She said she had made a great number of designs and 
could easily make others if she cared to try, but she liked best the 
“arrowhead” designs, of which three or four were favorites, also 
“spot,” “Tine,” and ‘star’ designs. Again the reason given was 
that they were easier and appeared as well as other patterns. She 
had never attempted any one-field, large designs such as that seen 
in Plate 33, 6, which she did not know, although she had seen some 
like it. She always made what she called open designs, not those 
connected in several directions. She liked separate figures or those 
arranged in bands and had made all the designs on the basket pic- 
tured in Plate 33, ¢. That on the end was known as a ‘“‘necklace’’ 
pattern; the others were all “arrowheads.’’ She confessed, however, 
that she was ignorant of the proper names of a number of designs. 
That on the basket portrayed in Plate 24, 6, she called a “ flying goose” 
pattern, of which she declared there were many variations, but the 
variety best known to her was neither double nor executed in two 
colors, but had the single figures all in one color. She had seen one 
old form which showed the head and tail of the bird, but had never 
attempted it. She had made the design on the basket in Plate 39, ¢. 
She considered the basket shown in the photograph to be of very bad 
shape. It was started with walls which proved to be too nearly 
vertical and were later given more flare. She had also made the 
design on the specimen in Plate 3, 6, but never those given in 
Plates 11, 6; 22, a, and 48, e. She did not know the names of these 
last two patterns but had seen the former and had heard it called 


Boas] APPENDIX 437 


“notch” design. A photograph similar to Plate 49, d, was also 
submitted to her. She had never made the design like the one in 
the center on the basket portrayed, but had seen it and this was the 
case also with the simple ‘“‘mula” pattern of checks forming a dia- 
mond. She had forgotten its name but called it ‘‘ clusters.” 

Other designs made by W6dli’p.tsa are shown in Plates 8, d; 9, b; 
TAWA a Oy Aowlnde Gp Osl Gin AG DidOta Zs ily GsnSOn twins. 03 
also A. M. N.H. 16/1269; 16/1273; 16/4620; 16/9151; 16/9629; 16/9631. 


No. 11. This informant was named .swi’xa (Hair Streaming Out ?). 
Her parents had belonged to the Styne Creek and Similkameen Bands, 
Spences Bridge group. At the time she gave her information she 
was 78 years old. When a young woman she had made a number of 
baskets, but for many years before the time when she was questioned 
she had not made any. She had manufactured chiefly burden bas- 
kets and circular shapes of various sizes. In her work she had ranged 
from the smallest to the largest, but the majority of her pieces were 
medium sized. She could no longer see the designs very well, there- 
fore no information could be obtained from her concerning those 
represented by the sketches and photographs which Mr. Teit sub- 
mitted to all of the women. She had made “arrowhead,” ‘“‘snake,” 
“zigzag,’’ “ladder,’’ “scratch,” “coil,’’ “large and small bead,” 
“dentalia,”’ and a few other designs as a girl but had not made any 
“grave-box”’ or “mouth” patterns. 


No. 12. Tciaxa’tko ( Water) was a member of the Gladwin 
Band, part of the Lytton division. Her parents were connected 
with the Thompson, Lytton, and Styne Creek Bands. Tciaxa’tko 
spent her girlhood partly with the former two groups and partly at 
Gladwin. She was a sister of informant No. 13. At the time she 
was consulted about the baskets she was 50 years of age and had 
made baskets continuously ever since she was a small girl. Her 
mother and grandmother had been her teachers. She had made a 
great number of baskets and was still producing four or five a year, 
not specializing in any particular kind. 

She did not remember having made the same design twice, because 
she liked to try new effects.. She always visualized the complete 
pattern before she commenced to make it, even-to the smallest details, 
and this mental picture was often formed weeks or even months 
before she executed her ideas, during the time when she planned for her 
next basket. Again, however, she might not be able to determine 
upon her pattern until she was ready to begin the new piece. But 
she always knew what she would do before she started her work, and 
haying once decided did not change her mind, as some women did 
after a design was begun, thus building a different pattern on an old 


438 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH. ANN. 41 


decorative foundation. Tciaxa’tko said that occasionally she noted 
on a completed basket a design which was strange to her and made 
up her mind to copy it. She intended usually to do this exactly, but 
sometimes found that when she was ready to use it, although she 
had tried hard to remember all the details, she had forgotten some 
of them, and therefore had to content herself with a pattern which 
she realized was not a faithful reproduction, replacing the forgotten 
details with others of her own invention. These she selected as 
nearly as possible with an eye to their suitability. She never forgot 
the general form and arrangement of such designs. At other times 
she remembered quite well all the details of the pattern but purposely 
altered them to suit her fancy, to improve the pattern or to adapt 
it to the shape of the basket she was making. Occasionally she 
invented designs entirely new to her. Sometimes, to her surprise, 
she discovered similar designs on baskets made by women from distant 
parts of the country, but she said that always her design was a little 
different from theirs. ‘ Thus it seems that working with the same ele- 
ments and having a large but definite number of styles of arrange- 
ment which lend to Thompson art some peculiarities all its own pro- 
duced a unity of thought which limited the possibilities of invention 
and resulted in several distinct origins for similar artistic ideas. 

Tciaxa’tko often made use of old common designs which she 
adapted as she thought best, making alterations in the arrangement 
or even substituting new elements. When copying designs seen on 
other baskets, she never sketched them, nor did she draw her own 
inventions the better to see how they would look or whether they 
would be suited to her purpose. She did not need to draw them, 
she said, as she could imagine quite well exactly how they would 
appear. The designs made by her were very numerous. Some are 
represented in Plates 16, a; 22, ¢; 22, d; 23, ¢; 25, b; 25, c; 28, d; 31, b; 
33, b (short side); 34, a; 37, c; 55, g; 56, d; 57, c; also A. M. N. H. 
16/1044; 16/4581; 16/4621; 16/5889; and a stripe design running in 
horizontal rings all over the basket. 

A short time before her conversation with Mr. Teit, Tciaxa’tko 
had made the “bear track” design. She had heard that there was 
such an old pattern, but she had never seen it. Her grandmother 
and other old women ‘she knew had made it, but she did not know 
its construction. However, she thought about it and concluded that 
probably the best representation would be that which is given in 
Figure 122, 23. She could not tell whether there were any points of 
resemblance between it and the pattern her grandmother knew, nor 
had she ever seen her own invention or any like it on other baskets. 
She had never even heard of her pattern being duplicated by others. 


ie 


Sas) APPENDIX 439 


According to this informant, the designs on the basket in Plate 
31, b, is an embroidery pattern, or, more properly, an imitation of 
beadwork used on women’s dresses. So are those shown in Plates 
24, b; 37, a; 438, c, d. That shown in 37, a, is a copy of a design 
used both in front and behind on the upper parts of the dress. 
Tciaxa’tko considered this a very old design, for which she had no 
name except ‘‘embroidery design.’’ Zigzag beaded lines inclosed the 
figures before and behind and passed over or around the shoulders, 
thus connecting the embroidery so that it formed a continuous 
pattern. Those on Plates 23, c, and 57, ¢, are also necklace designs, 
but represent actual strings of beads or dentalia. The design of 
Plate 16, a, is called “leg” or ‘foot.’ That in Plate 22, d, is a fish 
or deer net design. She said the latter was the common old name 
among the Upper Thompson and was the term used by her mother. 

She called the end design which may be discerned in Plate 33, b, 
“‘arrowhead.”’ From her mother she had learned that the patterns 
seen in Plates 28, 6, d, and 55, g, were “‘zigzags’’ or “deer fences,”’ 
which with many similar patterns were thought to be pictures of 
fences in which snares were set for catching deer. The ‘‘mula”’ or 
‘rice root” design she pointed out ‘in Plate 25, b, the “pouch” with 
notched mouth in Plate 9, c. There were, she remarked, ‘many 
paint pouches cut in this fashion. The design on the basket 
Plate 28, c, she called ‘‘net,”’ though the elements are ‘‘leg’’ elements, 
which intersect at intervals. A star design executed all in white 
would be called by her, snow. Plate 28, e, shows a “flower” or 
“buttercup”? pattern which may possibly also be interpreted as 
“larkspur.”’ Plate 47, d, illustrates rain or snow. The design was 
generally arranged spirally. The ‘‘arrow”’ design which may be seen 
in Plate 37, a, 6, when made in red and black only, she said was sup- 
posed to be an imitation of beads and received its name correspond- 
ingly, but if white were substituted for either of these colors the 
design was known as dentalia. A figure somewhat similar to that 
depicted in Sketch 681 or Teit, ‘‘The Thompson Indians,’ Figure 
313,? was formerly popular and had been made by her mother. It 
was known as a legging design and illustrated that type of legging the 
fringes of which were strung with beads. Another design her mother 
had made and called the “throwing stick and ring of the kolko’laxrm 
game.” (Fig. 122,24.) Her mother and grandmother made a num- 
ber of designs which are now obsolete, the names of most of which 
were afterwards forgotten. In response to questions Tciaxa’tko said 
that she did not use ‘“‘fly”’ designs and only a few “ arrowhead”’ pat- 
terns. They were easy enough to make, but she had never adopted 
them, nor had she made the common ‘‘dentalia’’ pattern, as illus- 
trated in Plate 12, b. 


2 Loc. cit. 
53666°—28——29 


440 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA __[eru. ann. 41 


No. 18, a sister of No. 12, was named Trla’tko (Extending-in-a-Line- 
Water) and also was a member of the Gladwin Band. She was about 
58 years old. She, too, began when a small girl to work in basketry, 
being taught, as was her sister, by her mother and grandmother. 
She had made a great number, and almost all the varieties of shapes, 
and still completed from:two to six every year. Repeated use of 
the same patterns without alteration did not disturb her, although 
like her sister she sometimes changed them in small details, or 
their arrangement in the field. The same may be said of her in 
regard to previous planning of designs for a basket as was said of 
Tciaxa’tko, but when she could not determine on a design she some- 
times began her basket and built it up to the place where the design 
was to be started before making up her mind. Only rarely has she 
altered a pattern in the course of its execution, and then only in 
minute particulars. The designs she used are to be seen in Sketches 
198, 435, 495. 

Plates: The Frontispiece; 9, a; 12, 6; 12, c; 21, a; 21, b; 22, c; 23, ¢; 
24, c; 25, a; 25, b; 28, b; 28, d; 33, b; 33, d; 37, a; 37, c; 40, b; 40, ¢; 
50, b; 55, b; 55, g; 57, f; and A. M. N. H. 16/5889; 16/8740; 16/9236; 
and designs as in Plate 24, ¢, but’ not the same combination. 

Trla’tko agreed with the information given by her sister. In addi- 
tion she interpreted the following patterns. For that on the basket 
in the frontispiece she said there had formerly been no name but 
that the Uta’mqt later called it ‘butterfly wing.” The designs of 
Plate 21, c, and the baskets in Plates 12, b, and 39, b, she called 
“Jadder’’; those seen in Plate 23, a, were ‘‘snares.”’ 

The arrowhead she discovered in Plate 7, c, the ‘‘foot”’ in 12, ¢, 
the ‘“‘star’’ in 14, d, ‘‘snake”’ in 18, 6, the ‘deer fence”’ and “snares” 
or ‘“‘zigzag”’ in Sketch 495, Plates 19, 6, and 28, 6, d, but properly 
the points of these designs should be flattened. She had used a 
pattern which she called “snail,” since it resembled the horns of that 
creature, and gave this name to the lower figures on the basket shown 
in Plate 21, c. It resembled “leg” (fig. 122, 48) and “‘legs”’ (fig. 
122, 49), patterns which she had also made, the latter of which was 
named “leggings”? by some people. Plate 25, a, showed a “‘cross”’ 
copied from that used by the Catholics; 35, a, circling or snake; that 
on the end of the basket in Plate 33, b, a copy of a pattern known as 
kekaxii’ist, which was formerly painted on buckskin robes; 33, d, 
small sacks used by women as paint pouches; 33, c, all “embroidery” 
patterns; as well as those in Plates 37, a, b, and 57, a, which were 
used on women’s dresses. The arrow point, she said, was represented 
in the triangles in 38, d, while the diamonds on the same basket she 
designated as “‘notches,”’ declaring that such a name was often given 
this arrangement because of the contracted effect occurring at regular 
intervals. If the diamonds were separated, the name would not be 
applicable, but terms like “arrowhead,” “leaf,” ‘‘eye,” etc., would 


BOAS] APPENDIX 441 


. 


be substituted as more appropriate. The design shown in Plate 40, 
b, was sometimes called a “root digger,” again, ““white man’s de- 
sign,’ but Trla’tko thought it really was intended to be a “‘dentalia”’ 
pattern in imitation of those embroidered on the headbands worn by 
girls. At any rate, she had seen it on such bands a very long time 
ago. An “eagle” was found in Plate 47, e. ‘‘Geese’’ are also rep- 
resented in Plate 46, e. The picture in Plate 57, f, was an old com- 
mon figure popular with the Uta’mqt, which they termed simply 
“mouths”? or “mouths and noses.”’ Trlai’tko had copied it from 
Uta’mqt baskets. She thought it had not been used by the Upper 
Thompson long ago and probably originated with the Uta’mqt. 
Tela'tko had made several varieties of flowers on her baskets. Lily- 
root figures were sometimes made touching one another in all direc- 
tions, but usually the custom was to separate them, and that is the 
way they are arranged at present. 

Terta’tko’s mother had told her the names of many more designs 
which she had forgotten. She said there were many old designs 
which had become obsolete. Many were entirely forgotten, since 
new designs were continually being introduced together with new 
variations and arrangements of older patterns. 

She had used many kinds of diamonds similar to those sketched 
here (fig. 122, 25), which she called ‘‘eyes.”” She also made ‘‘rain” 
and “‘deer’’ patterns and “beads” or “necklaces.” 

Like her sister, Trta’tko had certain pronounced tastes in regard 
to her selection of patterns. That shown in Plate 12, b, she had made 
only once because she had found thatit was toocommon. She did not 
make the “fly” designs and rarely ‘‘ arrowheads”’ for the same reason. 
She believed in trying to produce new effects and variations which 
she thought out. She did not object to copying patterns from 
strange baskets and had also revived ancient designs described to her 
by the old women of the tribe. According to her, some families or 
even individual women preferred using particular patterns, either 
from habit or because they liked them, but not because they could 
not make others. They were simply content to employ the same 
decorative devices over and over again, with almost no variation, 
since they served sufficiently well the purpose of ornamenting the 
basket. 

Terla’tko called all the droppers on Lillooet baskets “tsrné’ka.” 
She had heard and believed that these droppers were imitations of 
the embroidered flaps which the people formerly wore attached to 
their braids of hair. The flaps were usually long pieces of skin 
entirely covered with embroidery and often provided with pendants. 
They were worn on a level with the ears or a little below, one at each 
side, but if the hair was divided into three parts another tsené’ku 
was attached to the braid which hung down the back. Men some- 
times stuck feathers in them.* 

3 See Teit, “The Shuswap” (fig. 231). 


442 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA , (ETH. ANN. 41 


No. 14. Kaukuwa’tko (Sage-Brush-Water) had grown up among 
the Nicola at Potato Gardens and belonged to that band. She was 
about 55, and ever since she was a young girl she had made baskets at 
the rate of two or three every year. On the whole her baskets were 
of medium size, although she sometimes produced large pieces or 
some of the small bowl varieties. 

Kaukuwa’tko made no zigzag or net patterns because she con- 
sidered it very difficult to space them properly and to make all the 
parts of equal size. Even when they were satisfactory, to her mind 
they did not create any better effect than other patterns, and when 
badly made they were considerably worse. The patterns she did 
make are to be seen in Sketches 66, 157, in two or three arrangements, 
176 single, 215, 218, 244, 254, 284, 288, 289, 303, 311, 330, 391, 427, 
440, 444, 584, 616, 804, and a few others. 

Plates: 12, c; 23, d; 24, h; 25, a; 25, b; 25, c; 28, e; 34, a; 37, a; 
37, c; 38, d; 41, d; 43, c; 49, b; also A. M. N. H. 16/1044; 16/4620. 

According to Kaukuwa’tko sketch No. 330 is a dentalia design. 
Those seen in Plate 37, a—c, are old designs in bead embroidery. All 
of these Kaukuwa’tko had made arranged in long lines, as well as the 
same combinations that appear on the baskets in Plates 38, d, and 
49, f, which were very common. She did not know why the com- 
bination of these particular elements was so customary but thought 
that it was due to habit and because the women thought them 
attractive. The ‘mula”’ design was pointed out in Plate 25, c, the 
“small star’ in 47, d, a flower in Plate 28, e, and the “foot” design 
in Plate 12, c. 


No. 15. Mary and her parents belonged to the Stlaxai’ux division. 
She was 45 years old and had spent her life in the Stlaxai’ux locality. 
She had been taught basketwork at a very early age by the older 
women of her family, including grandmother, mother, and mother’s 
sisters, and had specialized in medium sizes of all shapes, but par- 
ticularly in burden and circular baskets. Of the last sho had also 
made some smaller specimens. She was still completing from one to 
three every year. Her artistic tastes are represented by Sketches 68 
257, 288, 292, 434, 504. 

Plates: 7, c; 9, b; 11, a; 12, a; 12, 6; 14, e; 16, a; 18, b; 24, e; 24, g; 

- 24, h; 27, g; 33, ¢; 34, a; 37, a; 37, b; 37, ¢; 37, e; 38, c; 39, a; 39, b; 
43, d; 46, a; 56, d; 56, e; 58, a; fig. 122, 26; also A. M. N. H. 
16/1269; 16/1271; 16/4581; 16/4640; 16/5915; 16/9236; 16/9630. 

According to Mary’s account many old Stlaxai’ux designs were 
very similar to or even identical with Lytton patterns. Those of 
the Upper Lillooet resembled more the designs used by the Lower 
Lillooet than those in vogue among the Stlaxai’ux and Lytton, but 
they all were very much alike. The dissimilarity between the art 
of the Lower Lillooet and the Lytton was least marked. Each 


BOAS) APPENDIX 443 


group had been considerably influenced by the work of other groups 
in a more or less direct way, the Stlaxai’ux by the Lillooet, while 
the upper bands of the Lillooet gained ideas from the Stlaxai’ux 
and the Thompson. The Lower Thompson and Lower Lillooet had 
a number of similar patterns which were not used by the ancient 
Lytton people farther up the river. 

Long ago all the Lillooet used beading very extensively, much 
more, in fact, than the Thompson, and in greater varieties of patterns. 
They also were more fond of ‘“fly’”’ patterns, and up to the present 
time still produce larger numbers of these than do the Thompson. 
(This statement is borne out by the facts, as an examination of the 
baskets shows.) The false embroidery made by the Lillooet was 
never made by the Thompson. When asked about the Shuswap 
work, of which so little knowledge is extant, as well as regarding the 
Chilcotin, she could give no information, although apparently well 
versed in the history of the work in her immediate region. 


No. 16. Louise, aged 40, also belonged to the Stlaxai’ux division, 
but her parents were connected with the Styne Creek and Upper 
Lillooet. The history of her basket making is practically the same 
as Mary’s. She had made a number of sizes and shapes, but most 
of her pieces had been oblong or circular. She made medium-sized 
burden baskets. Although she was not as engrossed in the occupa- 
tion as formerly, she still continued to practice it occasionally. Her 
designs were those given in Sketches 24, 60, 68, 75, 433, 440, and 
462, arranged perpendicularly. 

Plates: 7, c; 8, d; 12, b; 14, a; 15, b; 16, b; 19, a (both designs) ; 
22, a; 22, c; 24, e; 24, h; 28, c; 28, d; 29, b; 32, b; 32, ¢; 33, ¢; 34, a; 
35, a; 37, e; 39, b; 43, c; 43, d; 46, a; 55, d; 56, e; 57, a; also A. M. N. H. 
16/1273; 16/1353; 16/4641; 16/4964; 16/5905; 16/5906; 16/9236; 
16/9628; 16/9629. 

She also made a design called “leg” or ‘‘hooked,” which is given 
in Figure 122, 26. 


No. 17. Ex’tko (Scratched or Incised Water) was an old woman 
about 75, who was born and brought up among the Lytton Band. 
Her parents also came from the locality of Lytton and Spences 
Bridge. Like most of the other informants, basketry had been a 
lifelong occupation with her and she had made nearly all the shapes. 
At the time she was interviewed she was still making several every 
year. 

Her designs she identified with the sketches whose numbers are 
given below, but the basket photographs were not shown to her. 

Sketches: 8, 13, 14, 22, elongated, 24, 31, 36, 63, 72, 83, 85, 86, 141, 
188, 191, 202, 204, 206, 225, 226, 245, 246, 249, 252, 257, 266, 288, 289, 
292, 293, 301, 307, 308, 352, 378,399, 400, 412, 426, 462-464, 484, 489, 
520, 700, 766, 791. 


444 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


She also made practically all of the beading designs shown in 
Figures 42 and 43. 


No. 18. Mrs. John also lived at Lytton. Her parents were Lytton 
and Upper Uta’mqt. They were also connected with another group, 
that of Kanaka Bar. When she was a mere child Mrs. John made 
her first basket, but later she dropped the art almost entirely. At 
about the age of 30 her interest was again aroused and during the six 
years previous to her conversation with Mr. Teit she had made a 
great many and had become a specialist in fancy baskets and also pro- 
duced some picces called “fine work’’—that is, constructed of very 
fine coils and sewing splints. She had made a great variety of shapes 
and in some years had completed as many as 10 or 12 baskets, mostly 
of small or medium size. She had very seldom used the same design 
twice. Those she had employed she identified with Sketches 22, 
elongated, 36, 42, 63, 74, 75, 78, 86, 88, 121, 131, 161, 169, 179, 
212, 225, 231, 245, 252, 254, 278, 281, 315, 316, 357, 380, 388, 392, 
393, 410, 447, 451, 476, 478, 480, 497, 547, 591, 682, 685, 697, 704, 
714, nearly like 716, nearly like 747, nearly like 798, 839, 858. 

There are no data for this informant in regard to the designs 
which appear in the plates. 


No. 19. Still a third member of the Lytton Band whose parents 
had also always dwelt in the vicinity was Mrs. William, who was 45 
years old. When approached for information she was concentrating 
her attention mostly on fancy baskets but she had constructed many 
shapes and at least from three to five or even more every year since 
she began to work asachild. The designs with which she ornamented 
her work may be seen in Sketches 31, 42, 66, 68, but three instead of 
four squares wide, 72, 74, 75, 82, 141, 157, 222, 225-227, 244, 245, 
265, 278, 281, 288, 289, 293, 301, 307, 308, 315, 316, 320, 361, 369, 
393, 399, 400, 402, 423, 435, which she called a patch design, 451, 
464, 465, 468, 490, 519, 529, 584, 682, 697, 839. 

Plates: 7; G18.) G5) 85,0 sl ede l2aaal 2 erOolAe-elesan oso crm (ell 
designs) ; 22, d; 24, c; 24, h; 25, 6 (but closer); 25, c; 28, e; 33, c; 
34, a; 35, b; 37, a; 37, b; 37, e; 39, a; 39, b; 39, c; 46, a; 47, d; 50,6 
(8, a; 33, c; 46, a, in other combinations) ; also A. M. N. H. 16/1271; 
16/1353; 16/9150; 16/9628; 16/9629; 16/9630. 


No. 20. The parents of Mrs. Tommy were of the Thompson Band 
and they, as well as their daughter, had always lived in the neighbor- 
hood. From the time she was very young until she was about 40, 
which was when Mr. Teit saw her, she had been making baskets, 
although more or less spasmodically. Some years she made none, 
others from_one to several. She had made about all the shapes, but 
the majority of her pieces had been circular or burden baskets. She 
noted the following: Sketches 39, 48, 106, 107, 114, 132, 202, 204, 


BOAS) APPENDIX 445 


212, a pattern nearly like 215, 217, 225, 245, 315, 316, 378, 380, 403, 
413, a design nearly like 415, 423, 424, 445, 472, 503, 504, 511, anda 
design nearly like 822. 


No. 21. Mrs. Billy belonged to the Nicola division and had always 
lived near Potato Gardens or Petit Creek. Her parents and grand- 
parents were from the same locality or from Lytton, although some 
one in the family came from the Okanagon country. When Mrs. 
Billy was a young woman she had learned to coil baskets. Most of 
the shapes she had made were burden or circular baskets, but from 
time to time she had produced others. She was still making two or 
three a year at the age of 50. For the designs she used see Sketches 
10, 13, 62, 66, 114, 144, 201, 213, 217, nearly like 220, 225, 227, 245, 
246, 307, 315, 316, 319, 349, 351, 360, 368, 369, 374, 378, 382, 390- 
393, 423, 427, 441, 446, 454, 455, 473, 497, 610, 766, nearly like 773, 
nearly like 820, nearly like 829. 


No. 22. Sti’xtko (Spread-Out-W ater) was a Coldwater woman whose 
relatives were from Boston Bar and neighboring bands. From the 
time she was very young until 47 Sti’xtko had made a number of 
baskets and was still producing two or more every year. She had 
tried various shapes and many sizes but chiefly made burden baskets. 
She had lived among the Upper Uta’mqt and Nicola. 

Her designs she identified from Sketches 9, 11, 12, 13, 22 elongated, 
63, 176, 188, 198, 212, 225, 226, 231, 247, 267, 268, 272, 281, 303, 
307, 402, 406, 417, 446, 456, 472, 493, 494, 519, 584, 604, 615, a design 
nearly like 754, 839. 

Considerable information was obtained from Sti’xtko, however, 
about the interpretations of designs which she saw in the photo- 
graphs. ‘Arrowhead”’ designs, according to her, may be seen on 
the baskets in the frontispiece and Plate 12, 6, on the end of the 
basket on Plates 33, b; 37, a, 6, d, e; 39, a. An old “blanket” design 
is that in Plate 16, a; another may be seen in Figure 82. 

The ‘‘ Cross” appears in Plate 25, a; the real “‘grave box’’ or 
laika design she declared was that on the side of the basket in Plate 
5, a; variations in 22,d, and 32, c. She did not know the interpre- 
tation of the pattern in Plate 56, 6, but thought it might be a vari- 
ation of the grave box. ‘‘Mouth” patterns are shown in Plates 11, 
bs. 29 57, a; F- 

The design in Plate 25, c, she said was occasionally called a “star,” 
“eross,”’ “spotted cross” or ‘“‘spotted star,’’ “cluster,” “fly,” or 
“bead.” The pattern is generally called a mula or “Indian rice 
root” representation. A part of a “net” design was discovered in 
Plate 31, a, while Figure 84 showed it entire. 


446 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [ern.ann. 41 


The ‘‘notch”’ (‘‘bend,’’ ‘bent leg’) pattern she found in Plate 
12, c, the “tump line” or ‘“‘pack strap” in Plate 55, a, e. 


No, 23. The name of this informant was evidently not obtained. 
She was of Coldwater affiliation; her parents came from there and 
relatives in the family were Coldwater, Upper Uta’mqt and Thomp- 
son. The informant had spent part of her 32 years among the Cold- 
water and had made baskets since she was very young, a number of 
shapes, but mostly medium-sized burden baskets, of which she was 
making one or two nearly every year. The designs with which she 
ornamented these are given in Sketches 14, 43, 74, 88, 179, 186, 187, 
197, 212, 223(2), 225-227, 245, 252, 257, 303, 315, nearly like 330, 
365, 435, 445, 479, 520, 547, 584, nearly like 715, 785, 790, 845. 


No. 24. Mrs. Louis was raised among the Upper Uta’mqt and 
belonged to that band. Her parents came from North Bend and 
Boston Bar bands. At 45 Mrs. Louis was still making four or five 
baskets every year and said that she had been engaged in the work 
since childhood. Although she had not pretended to specialiaze in 
any particular kind and had tried her hand at all of them, she had 
made a great many fancy baskets, which she had adorned with the 
designs seen in Sketches 14, 74, 79, 82, 87, nearly like 103, 108, 111, 
198, nearly like 208, 222, 225, 232, 244, 245, 247, 248, 257, 265, 274, 
278, 298, 332, 365, 380, 435, 488, 489, 504, 521, 525, 528, 537, 584, 
585, nearly like 639, 704, 717, nearly like 746, 747, 748, 798. 


No. 25. Mrs. Paul was a member of the Spuzzum Band of the 
Lower Uta’mqt division. Her parents were from the same locality 
and Mrs. Paul was raised there. She was at least 67 years old when 
interviewed and since she had begun making baskets when a mere 
child’ and was still making three or four every year, during her life 
she had completed a great many. In her earlier years her rate of 
production was much higher but she said she was not able to do as 
good work as formerly. She had made all of the old shapes and even 
a few of the new ones, but most of her baskets had been burden 
baskets. Some of the .stlik and burden shapes she had made had 
been of very large size. Some of the designs which Mrs. Paul had 
executed are to be seen in Sketches 79-81, 197, 198, 208, 240, 241, 
257, 292, 308, 382, 399, 400, 402, 518, 806, and a number of others 
not in the sketches. 

Plates: 8, d; 9, a; 9, 6; 12, b; 14, 6; 14, e; 18, a; 22, d; 24, c¢ (mot in 
the same combination) ; 25, a@; 25, ¢ (rarely) ; 28, b; 28, d; 34, a; 37, a; 
37, b; 37, d; 37, e; 39, a; 40, b (rarely) ; 55, c; 57, a; also A. M. N. H. 
16/1044; 16/1273; 16/4581; 16/4620; 16/4640; 16/5905. 

It will be remembered that No. 25, Mrs. Paul, has been men- 
tioned a number of times throughout the book as being particularly 


BOAs] APPENDIX 447 


well informed about her craft and likewise a very excellent technician. 
Much of the information about the practices of the basket maker was 
obtained from her. 

In regard to the structure of burden baskets she said that she 
regulated the flare and rounding entirely by eye. The uniformity of 
the coil was controlled partly by eye and partly by touch. If the 
coil became enlarged at any point the next coil was reduced where 
it lay over the irregularity so that each round maintained a proper 
level. In many designs Mrs. Paul counted her stitches. In making 
a design like that shown in Figure 69 she counted the stitches which 
composed the blocks but not those in the intervening spaces, and 
therefore each block conformed to a standard which she had set. 
She realized that some stitches would be slightly wider than others, 
and that therefore the actual length of the figures would vary some- 
what, but that this variation was scarcely noticeable. This variation 
in stitches did, however, create another discrepancy which was more 
troublesome, for the resulting figures were often not perfectly rectan~ 
gular. Owing to a wider sewing splint being used on one coil or 
another, or on account of the lean of the stitches the outline might 
result as in Figure 122, 28. In so conspicuous a point as the number 
of coils between figures, Mrs. Paul and all the other women were 
very careful to count, but the vertical alignment was effected by 
eye. She tried always when first introducing the design so to space 
the figures about the circumference, on the sides and ends, that they 
would be approximately equidistant and the corners not too bare. 
The increasing flare caused the bare corner field to become larger at 
each round of the coil, especially when the decoration was in vertical 
bands. If the bareness was not too noticeable she never used “‘fill- 
ers.” She felt that if the vertical stripes were properly spaced in the 
beginning, fillers would not be required. It was the custom to use 
for the filler a design different from that used for the rest of the 
basket. Occasionally she would endeavor to adapt the bands to 
the shape of the field, wholly by eye, when the result would appear 
as in Figure 122, 29. With small, all-over patterns she often meas- 
ured in the beginning with a splint and marks as described by No. 29, 
so as to start them about the circumference as nearly equidistant as 
possible and she also counted the stitches, both those in the designs 
and those in the intervening spaces. If the arrangement was scat- 
tered and plenty of room was allowed between the figures she pro- 
ceeded by eye only. 

Sometimes when making a design such as a vertical stripe sub- 
divided into sectiors of a given height it became necessary to accom- 
modate the height of the basket to the design, and this she considered 
when she first determined the approximate height of the walls. Thus, 
if two figures, for instance, had been completed and four were the 


448 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [eTH, ANN. 41 


proposed number, she would measure down to the bottom of the 
first figure from the coil just finished and then invert her splint in 
order to see how high the basket must be to include the fourth figure 
and whether or not this height would be too great for the length and 
width of the basket when completed with the proper flare. If the 
height appeared correct, then she would continue her work without 
more ado, but if she discovered that a proper height would necessi- 
tate cutting off part of the top figure she was then obliged to alter 
her original plans and make the basket a little higher than it should 
be for what she considered correct proportions. 

If she discovered that the top figure would have to come aboye 
where the rim really should be and the introduction of four figures 
would make the basket too deep for the other proportions, she con- 
tented herself with three figures. If a few intervening coils would 
be left between the completion of the top figure and the rim, she 
might introduce a different small figure to fill this space, or if she 
was very particular about the height and there was not room for 
such a design she might introduce a portion of the elemental figure. 
This, she said, was often done. 

Mrs. Paul agreed with the information furnished by No. 29 in 
regard to designs. In addition, she discussed some others. The 
chevron design (fig. 122, 30) she called a “broken zigzag;” Figure 
122, 31 and 32, were all forms of the “step” design or ‘‘bent end 
design broken.” She had made them all, and also a variation of a 
common design (fig. 122, 33), which was considered by her to look 
better on a small basket than one with three complete squares 
(fig. 122, 34) if there was not room for any more, because the first 
figure appeared complete in itself, while the second seemed cut down 
to suit the size of the basket. The latter was called “bent and 
joined.”” She had recently made a variation of the ‘‘mouth”’ design 
(fig. 122, 35) in black lines and filled the partially inclosed square 
spaces with white imbrication. Formerly she had used the same 
pattern in a vertical serial arrangement. The common ‘‘mouth” 
design was a meander. (Fig. 122, 36.) Those she made she consid- 
ered fragments. Patterns she called “leaves”? she made either in 
imbrication or beading. She also made variations of the ‘‘cross”’ 
design. 


No. 26. Annie belonged to the Lower Uta’mqt and was a member 
of the Spuzzum Band. Her parents also lived there. She was 30 
years old but had made only a very few baskets, and they were small 
and of fancy shape. She had made rattles. The ornamentation on 
her work was effected as often by beading as by imbrication, and 
this was true even of the rattles. She liked basket making but 
had very little time for it since she had too much housework and was 
busy with her children. 


BOAS] APPENDIX 449 


The designs she made she recognized in Plate 34, 6; A. M. N. H. 
16/4620; 16/4863. (She also made the beading designs, figs. 42 and 43.) 


No. 27. Josephine was about 40 years old and came from Spuzzum, 
where her people also lived. She did not specialize in any kind of 
baskets, although she had been working since she was a little girl 
and still made five or six per year. Her designs may be seen in 
Sketches 51, 60, a fly design resembling 68, 79, 80, 82, 87, 128, 132, 
136, a pattern nearly like 205, 226, 246, 247, 272, 274, 275, 278, 281, 
a design something like 305, 315, 316, several varieties of 399 and 
400, 451, 489, 518, 520, 584, 704, 729. 

The frontispiece; A. M. N. H. 16/1044; Figure 122, 37. 

She also made a “ tied heads’’ design, “fly”’ patterns in several varie- 
ties in bands of different widths, the “dogwood flower”’ (fig. 122, 38), 
and “leaf’’ patterns (fig. 122, 39), ‘‘zigzag”’ (fig. 122, 40), “bent end”’ 
(fig. 122, 41), “grave box”’ (fig. 122, 42), “butterfly” (fig. 122, 43), 
“arrowhead”’ (fig. 122, 44). 


No. 28, a member of the Spuzzum Band of the Lower Uta’mat, 
was about 25 years old. Her name is not given. Her people had 
always lived at Spuzzum. Since early childhood she had made all 
kinds and sizes of baskets and still continued to make a number 
every year. More recently she had centered her attention on fancy 
baskets. Her designs are given in Sketches 435, 690; in Plates 12, 6; 
23, c; 32, c; 33, b; 43, c, d; also A. M. N. H. 16/5913. She also made 
several varieties of “fly’”’ patterns. She called all check patterns 
which were generally known as “‘little spot” or “bead” (fig. 122, 
45), “fly,” “marked,” or “variegated.’’ She said they were also 
known as “berry”’ patterns. Figure 122, 46, is a ‘garter snake.” 


No, 29. Katie was brought up at Spuzzum. At the time she was 
interviewed she was about 45 years old. Since she began as a little 
girl she had made all kinds of basketry, but had specialized to some 
extent on faney shapes and fine work. During the past two years she 
had not been able to do any work owing to an injured hand, but her 
interest in the art had not waned and she was able to furnish much 
interesting and valuable information. The designs she made are 
seen in Plates 7, a; 12, b; 14, e; 22, c; 24, a (middle design); 25, 6; 
25, c; 28, d; 33, c; 34, a; 37, c; 37, e; 39, a; 40, b; 43, d (made only 
when she was young); 47, d; 55, h; 56, d; also A. M. N. H. 16/1044; 
16/1271; 16/1273; 16/4581; 16/4620; 16/4621; 16/4640; 16/9236; 
16/9628; 16/9630. 

Katie called chevrons which were separated and arranged in vari- 
ous ways “‘separated zigzag.”” She had made some of them. Sepa- 
rate diamond patterns were ‘‘spot here and there,’’ of which she had 
tried several variations. That in Figure 54 she called “‘little spots”’ 


450 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


but identified it with the Lytton or Upper Thompson “mula.” She 
had made it but declared that it was not ancient at Spuzzum. Ac- 
cording to tradition it had been borrowed from up the river. The 
pattern seen in Plate 40, 6, was not made at Spuzzum until about 
1885, when her sister introduced it, having copied it from the 
printed border of a white man’s handkerchief. The design in Figure 
65 was said to be very old. It was formerly made at Spuzzum but 
became obsolete and she had forgotten its name. Together with other 
Spuzzum people she called the pattern seen in Plate 47, d, a ‘‘berry”’ 
design. Figure 122, 46, was made always in red and black at Spuz- 
zum and was known as “‘striped snake.” If made with white instead 
of red some people would think it was a dentalia pattern, which 
might have been the reason, she thought, why it was always red and 
black. She had made all these designs. 

Realistic figures were very rare on Spuzzum basketry long ago and 
very few were being made when Katie was interviewed. Some 
people think there were none formerly. 

In regard to technique she was well informed. She usually made 
the height of the basket wall equal to the length of the bottom, and 
this she frequently measured by spans, the finger length, the distance 
between joints, and the finger width. lf she measured properly, 
either with her hands or splints, or if she counted her stitches, she 
could always obtain uniform designs which were well spaced and 
balanced and no filling was required. She had never found it neces- 
sary to use such devices and preferred not to do so. 

She had the whole picture of her design clearly in mind before 
starting the side walls, and she never changed it once it was begun. 
Such patterns as the “woven” design (pl. 32, c) were very difficult 
so she copied them from sketches until half completed and then 
used the finished part as a guide, since the other was only a reverse. 
Occasionally she employed other baskets as models when copying. 
But if she could not procure the baskets she relied upon her memory 
or made a sketch. Long ago, before the whites came, women often 
sketched with charcoal on birch bark the designs they wished to copy, 
and more rarely they planned out new ones on bark or smooth pieces 
of wood. Men also drew designs to work by when carving or incising 
on wood. 

Katie and her sister and all careful workers measured their designs 
with a loose piece of splint when starting them so as to place them 
properly about the circumference. Equidistant arrangements seemed 
best to them. They measured around with the splint and marked 
those points where they were to start the designs by inserting into 
the coil little pieces of splint about half an inch long. If they found 
the arrangement would not work out evenly they shifted the measure- 
ments and markers until it did. If they trusted only to the eye they 


Boas] APPENDIX 451 


seldom obtained equidistant arrangements and the last design came 
out too close to the first; also defects became more glaring as the 
work advanced. Some women did not seem to care about this, but 
most of them considered it ugly, even some who would not take the 
trouble to measure carefully but were content with approximate 
spacing. A few made a rough estimate of the distances by measuring 
with the fingers and then measured backward from each point where 
a pattern was inserted to see if the right distances were being main- 
tained. When once all were started, no further attention was paid 
to this point. 

According to this informant, bottoms of flat coils or wooden slats 
are all of late introduction, and were copied from Lillooet work. 
They were considered inferior in appearance, strength, and dura- 
bility by the Thompson but were employed by some women because 
it required less time to make them. Katie had never used them. 

Ring coils were formerly unknown, at least at Spuzzum, but later 
became common. They were introduced by her sister about 1890 
when she was making a very fine basket to order for a white man. 
She finished the rim with a ring and it was not long until others 
copied her idea. 

No basketry trays or spoons were made there long ago, and the 
only unusual shapes were cups and rattles. 

There was not much mystery attached to dream designs and prob- 
ably most of them were not really connected with guardian spirits. 
Katie thought that women were naturally thinking much about the 
designs which they intended to make, and consequently sometimes 
dreamed of them. When a woman dreamed a design and used it, 
other women readily copied it if they liked it without fear and with- 
out asking permission. All the women copied one another’s designs, 
more or less, some exactly, others purposely altering the details. 


No. 30. Mrs. York, aged 50, had also made baskets ever since she 
was a very small girl. She and her parents lived at Spuzzum. She 
was still producing a number of baskets every year and had fashioned 
all kinds of shapes. She said that she had made almost every design 
known to the tribe, which included many varieties of “ arrowhead,”’ » 
“7igzag,” “packstrap,” “blanket,” “step,” “mouth,” “grave box,” 
“leaf,” “fern,” “butterfly,” ‘“flower,” “berry,” ‘“‘fly,’’ “cross,” 
“stripe” designs, etc., perhaps over a hundred in all.‘ Occasionally 
Mrs. York used the same pattern on more than one basket, but 
she preferred to try new designs and combinations which she might 
see on baskets made by other women. When she copied patterns 


‘ Since the sketches of Thompson designs include about 800, it would seem that even those women who 
are best informed on the art possess, after all, but a slight idea of its range. It might be argued that Mrs. 
York’s idea of 100 was perhaps vague, as in the sense of ‘‘many.’’ 


452 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (ern. ANN. 41 


she frequently varied them from the original. She had invented 
a number which she had thought out little by little until the whole 
idea was complete in her mind before she executed it. Sometimes 
she discovered afterwards that the same or a similar idea had been 
worked out elsewhere. She was of the opinion that now it was very 
hard to invent a really new design. 

Mrs. York differed from some of the other women in the interpre- 
tations of a few designs. Some variants of “little spot” and “bead” 
she called “berry.”” Those composed of a row of dots or checks 
inclosed in parallel lines she said might also be termed “variegated” 
or “marked,” while the real “fly” design is always in bands several 
stitches or coils in width with the corners of the checks touching 
one another. 

These 30 informants were of the first group interviewed by Mr. 
Teit and it will be seen that they are quite representative of the tribe 
in many ways, such as locality, training, aptitude, general information 
and interest in the subject. Mr. Teit makes the following explana- 
tion concerning the lack of data furnished by some of them: “When 
interviewing I did not have the sketches with me to show to Nos. 
29 and 30. I did not have the photographs with me to show to 
Nos. 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. Nos. 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 28, and some 
others could not understand the sketches well or could not see them 
on account of bad eyesight, therefore I have noted only a few numbers 
which they recognized. In no case do the sketches and photographs 
given represent absolutely all the designs made by the informant. 
Nearly all the women have made many more designs than those they 
could recognize from the drawings and pictures.” 

The remaining five informants were interviewed subsequently and 
not as thoroughly as the original 30. 


No. 31. Cema’nxa (Tobacco) was a halfbreed belonging to the 
Nicola division. Her father was French, her mother Upper Uta’mqt. 
Crma’nxa was about 52 years old. Occasionally, since she was a 
young girl, she had made baskets, but there were years when she had 
produced none. She had never learned to imbricate, therefore some 
of her baskets were bare, while others were ornamented simply with 
beading. Some of the latter variety she had completely covered 
with beading, but the design she most often used consisted of narrow 
horizontal lines which encircled the basket walls some distance apart. 


No. 32. Sésua (Little Friend?) came from the Nicola band at Potato 
Gardens but was also related to the Thompson. She was 46 years 
old. When a young woman she had made only birch-bark baskets 
and woven articles, such as matting, but when about 40 years old 
she began to construct coiled ware and liked the work. She never 
experienced much difficulty with the technique and considered her 


Boas] APPENDIX - 453 


first piece fairly good. When she saw Mr. Teit she was able to do 
very nice work. Only a few women at Potato Gardens and Spences 
Bridge made baskets when she was young, for the real centers for 
the industry were down the river from Thompson Siding. The 
majority of the women of the Thompson Band were engaged in 
the occupation, however, while most of the people east of them con- 
structed birch-bark utensils and bought their coiled ware. Sésua 
had made several baskets each year since she began and identified 
some of her designs in the following plates and figures: 
Plates: 8,'d; 9, 6; 14, e; 18, a; 25, c; 28, b; 35, a; 35, d; 37, ¢; 
55, b; 56, a; 58, a; also A. M. N. H. 16/1044; 16/1269; and one 
“flower” design. She had alsomade a number of diamond variations. 


06 O94 $ 
SOO 694 $ 
OO OO $ 


; A B c D E 
Fig. 122a.—Patterns made by Informant No. 32. 


No. 33. Rosie, aged about 38, was a member of the N.ka’ia Band 
of the Lytton division. She recognized a number of designs she had 
made in plates: Frontispiece; 11, a; 11, 6; 14, 6; 14, e; 22, d; 24, 6; 
24,) f; 25, a; 25)! c7 25) ds 28} d;°28)e; 28, h; 29, by 31; a; 35, a; 
37, a; 37, b; 37, c; 37, e; 38, c; 38, d; 39, a; 39, b; 39, c; 40, b; 
40, c; 48, c; 43, d; 46, d; 49, f; 55, c; 55, A; 58, a; also A. M. N. H. 
16/1044; 16/1045; 16/1271; 16/4581; 16/4620; 16/4644; 16/5905; 
16/8000; 16/8733; 16/8738; 16/9150; 16/9151; 16/9171; 16/9236; 
16/9281; 16/9628; and color plates 16/4611; 16/4891; 16/5906; bead- 
ing as in Figures 42 and 43. 


No. 34 was a friend and neighbor of No. 33. They often made 
baskets together and planned new and striking designs with which 
to outdo their fellow-workers. They also copied each other’s designs. 
The name of No. 34 was Suzanna. She was 27 years old. From the 
photographs she recognized designs similar to those she had made in 
plates: Frontispiece; 11, a; 14, a; 14, b; 14, e; 16, a; 22, d; 28, c; 
24, b; 24, f; 25, a; 25, c; 25, d; 27, g; 28, d; 28, e; 28, h; 35, a; 
37, a; 37, c; 39, b; 39, c; 40, b; 40, c; 43, c; 43, d; 46, d; 49, f5 
55, ¢; 56, d; 57, c; also A. M. N. H. 16/1044; 16/1045; 16/4581; 
16/4620; 16/4621; 16/4644; 16/5905; 16/8000; 16/8733; 16/9150; 
16/9151; 16/9236; 16/9281; 16/9628. 

Sometimes she used the initials of the names of women and the 
date, such as the year when the basket was completed. 


454 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


No. 35 (Rosia Hannah) was about 26 years old. She belonged to 
the Kanaka Band of the Upper Uta’mqt division and began making 
baskets when a very little girl, Some years she produced as many as 
five or six, in others not more than two. She has never used any 
beading like that the Lillooet made and said none of the Kanaka did. 
She had made baby carriers. Her designs may be seen in plates: 
Frontispiece; 5, a; 11, a; 12, a; 14, a; 18, d; 22, d; 23, c; 24, a; 
24, c; 25, a; 28, d; 28, h; 35, a; 37, c; 37, d; 38, d; 39, a; 39, b; 
43, ¢; 46, a; 46, d; 46, e; 47, d; 49, f: 56, d; 57, c; 57, d; 58, a; also 
A. M. N. H. 16/1044; 16/1045; 16/4620; 16/5887; 16/8002; 16/8733; 
16/9151; 16/9236; 16/9628. 

Figures: 18, which is a variation of a star design the original of 
which had a small cross below as well as above. 


ReEsutts OBTAINED FROM Data CONCERNING THE INFORMANTS ® 


The information relating to the informants is, perhaps, not as full 
as might be desired. It does not seem likely that the data in regard 
to designs given by each of the informants are complete. Further- 
more, the distinctions made between similar designs are not all of 
the same order. Some women considered designs with a slight dif- 
ferentiation of arrangement or color as entirely distinct, even as new 
inventions, while others seem to have disregarded minor differences. 

It is hardly possible to determine from the data in hand any 
characteristic difference in distribution of design elements over the 
area inhabited by the Thompson Indians. It might seem that the 
designs from Lytton, in the center of the area, are more varied than 
any Others, but it so happens that the basket weavers of this region, 
who were questioned, were particularly skillful. Taking the region 
as a whole and all the individuals questioned, certain designs were 
claimed by each woman to be made only by her, while others she 
had in common with one or more other individuals. Counting the 
total amount of designs which were made in common with other 
individuals, one or more, we find that about one-eighth of all the 
designs are claimed as made by one person only. There are, how- 
ever, very great differences. For instance, we find that designs of 
No. 19 occur one hundred and twenty times in common with other 
individuals, while she has only two that she claims as belonging to 
her alone. On the other hand, we find that the designs of No. 21 
occur sixty-seven times with other individuals, while she claims 
nineteen as her own. Similar conditions prevail for Nos. 20 and 22, 
for whom the respective numbers of designs held in common 
and alone are fifty-one and eleven, and fifty-five and fourteen. 
This may indicate a strong individuality for the women who have 


5 By Helen H. Roberts. 


Boas] APPENDIX 455 


a great many designs as their own and a lack of inventive genius 
on the part of No. 19, who has only a very few belonging to her. 
No. 27 also has only a very few designs of her own. For her the 
occurrences in common with other individuals are ‘seventy-cight, 
while she mentions only three as her own. 

The most common forms which belong to the whole area are 
triangles, particularly arranged in vertical series, and checkerwork. 

In the following I give some data relating to the individual makers. 

No. 1 of Spences Bridge made a great many varieties of checker- 
work patterns and a surprising number of step, cloud, or mountain 
designs, both upright and inverted. Sketches 204 and 496 are good 
examples. She made a number of ladder designs, both framed and 
unframed, in vertical and oblique sequence, as well as a vertical 
series of whole triangles. These pointed either up or down. She 
_ had a vertical series of whole triangles and another divided into two 
halves by a white line, both pointing down, and a series of framed 
diamonds of alternating colors, and the odd figures seen in Sketches 
700 and 701, but a Lytton woman also made 700. There are not 
many designs used by No. 1 which were not made by women at 
various points down the river. 

No. 2, although the daughter of No. 1, did not seem to share with 
her many designs, and those they both used included very common 
examples such as the plain, single solid triangle, point up; the vertical 
series of plain triangles points down, the one-line zigzag composed 
of horizontal and vertical sections, the step or cloud pattern in its 
simplest form, two checker patterns and a vertical stripe with diagonal 
lines running from side to side, called ‘‘twisted.”” Only one has 
been noted which was made by No. 2 alone (Sketch 568); while she 
made several in common with Nos. 3 and 6 of the same band, designs 
that were also known at Nicola, Lytton, and Spuzzum. The pat- 
terns of No. 2 covered a much wider range of variation than those 
made by her mother. She did not seem to prefer any particular type. 

The designs of the Spences Bridge women and similar ones encoun- 
tered in other bands do not necessarily indicate that the women knew 
one another. For instance, No. 1 from Spences Bridge made a great 
many designs in common with Nos. 17 and 18 from Lytton. All three 
produced many baskets and designs. They were probably much 
interested in the subject and familiar with most of the patterns on 
baskets in their own locality and on those of other neighborhoods 
that they happened to see. 

No. 3, Spences Bridge, was fond of crosses or ‘‘stars”’ and zigzags 
of all sorts, but especially horizontal and vertical zigzags composed of 
oblique sections. A number of designs given in the sketches seem to 
have been made only by her. These are 115, 116, 119, 171, varieties 
of zigzags, and 328, 340, 341, 501, and 627, all of which are rather 

53666°—28——30 


456 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 


unusual and diverse. The others include a large number of zigzags, 
“‘net,”’ “Indian rice root,’’ and other ordinary checker patterns, two 
“stars,” and the “‘ladder”’ designs 144 and 361, both of which are rare. 

Informants Nos. 4 and 5, Spences Bridge, were a young woman and 
her mother. The latter made very few baskets. The daughter’s 
designs corresponding to the sketches were not obtained. 

No. 6, Spences Bridge, also made zigzag, checker, and arrowhead 
patterns which were used by the three preceding women, and at 
Lytton, Spuzzum,and Nicola. She apparently invented those shown 
in Sketches 7, 16, 30, and 527; at least they were not made by any of 
the women who saw the sketches. There are no designs common to 
all of the Spences Bridge women, but each woman made several 
which were also applied to the work of other women in the settlement. 

Since Nos. 8 and 11, both of Spences Bridge, were practically blind, 
they could not identify their designs, so no study of their work was 
possible. All available information about them has been given above. 

No. 7 was a Lytton woman whose work was evidently of the simplest 
_ order. Her designs were composed of single oblique lines, hooks, or 
crooks, the Y figure (592) known as part of a grave box, which none 
of the other women made, the plain single triangle and a bead design 
of three checks in different colors. She could not see the sketches 
well, so only a few of her patterns were noted, but none of them are 
at all pretentious. 

No. 9 at Lytton saw only the photographs. From those she recog- 
nized as designs she had made, it is clear that she was fond of chevrons 
and eight-pointed stars. Many that she identified were on trays, 
and inasmuch as they are there in radial arrangement and might 
appear quite different when applied to burden baskets, it is possible 
that she constructed a number of these forms. Several patterns, 
including white squares outlined in black, were among those recognized 
by her. She was much more progressive than No. 7, for her patterns 
were numerous, varied, and complicated, partly due to the fact that 
she seldom duplicated a design, preferring to try variations. 

Nos. 17, 18, and 19 also belonged to Lytton and for the purpose of 
convenient comparison will be discussed here. 

No. 17 found forty-six different designs among the sketches which 
she had tried. Ten were not claimed by any of the other informants 
whosaw them. They are quite varied. One is realistic, a deer (791); 
two are zigzag in horizontal arrangement (83, 85); one is a mouth 
design in vertical series (191); there is a vertical string of beads 
(484); a vertical series of arrowheads, points down, framed in a stripe 
(249); some triangles so arranged horizontally on either side of a line 
that no two are opposite each other, while the points of adjoining 
rows dovetail (266). She also made the pattern shown in Sketch 
206, a notched star, and some figures composed of isolated squares 


Boas] APPENDIX 457 


(352) or triangles, which were called “beads,”’ ‘‘flies,” or a “star,” 
according to the arrangement. Of the remaining thirty-six, some of 
which were common, such as Sketches 225, 245, 257, thirteen were 
arrowhead patterns in a variety of groupings—single, plain, and 
subdivided vertically by a change of color into two sections; vertical 
series, points down, in plain color or with a rhythm of three consecu- 
tive colors; or plain and light framed on a dark stripe. There was 
another series, points up, with a heavy black outline as a frame which 
touched the triangles along the corners at the sides. There were 
two series of half triangles facing left with points down, both 
unframed. One of these was in plain color with the base of each 
triangle barred with white (Sketch 289); the other presented the 
elements in alternating colors (Sketch 288). Several other of her 
best creations may be noted by referring to her list. There is no 
evidence to show that she preferred framed to unframed series. She 
liked horizontal arrangements composed of two to five layers of long 
narrow rectangles in alternating colors, which formed continuous 
lines about the basket. Checker designs numbered only four. The 
one, two, three color rhythm was noted several times in her work 
and also one, two, one, or one, two, one, two, one. In common with 
several Spences Bridge women she made many patterns which Nos. 
18 and 19 did not use. Probably this was because part of her 
family belonged there and she herself grew up there. Then, too, she 
was an old woman and had no doubt seen many designs in her day. 
She shared more designs with No. 19 than No. 18 had with either. 
Several rather unusual ones were made only by these two. (See 
Sketches 72, 141, 293, 301, 464.) A few also were repeated at Spences 
Bridge and at Spuzzum. There are only four patterns employed by 
both 17 and 18, and all of them were found at Coldwater and one at 
Spences Bridge. Four others used by No. 17 but not by No. 18 were 
seen at Coldwater, but two had been made also by a Nicola woman 
and one by a Spuzzum basket maker. Considering that any patterns 
used by both women were used elsewhere and that these were so few, 
we may perhaps conclude that Nos. 17 and 18 did not like one another 
or else one another’s work, for it is hardly credible that they were 
not acquainted. Sketches 225 and 245 are of patterns common to 
all the Lytton women and found among most of the other bands. 
Sketch 36 is of a simple little figure found only at Lytton and made 
by several of the women. On the other hand, No. 17 knew the 
Thompson Band designs as well as Spences Bridge and Spuzzum 
patterns, which No. 18 never used except in rare cases when they 
were also attempted by No. 19, through whom she may have obtained 
them. 

No. 18 was very clever. There are 15 designs claimed only by her. 
(See Sketches 78, 121, 131, 161, 169, 357, 388, 410, 447, 476, 591, 685, 
714, 716,858.) Perhaps altogether No. 18 used more designs than any 


458 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA _ [eru. ann. 41 


of the other informants. Thirteen appeared also at Coldwater, but 
of these only three were seen nowhere else. They are all extremely 
varied in subject and treatment. There are divided vertical series 
of triangles (Sketches 278, 281); some conventional butterflies, a 
number of fly patterns, zigzags and foot and duck figures of all degrees 
of elaboration. No. 18 must have been in touch with the work of 
many other women, for she used designs seen in all the other bands, 
although it is impossible to say where these originated. She avoided 
patterns used by No. 17. The latter was also clever but old. It 
seems as if No. 19 may have played the part of a go-between in some 
cases, for she shared a number with both. Nevertheless there are 
only a few made only by Nos. 18 and 19. 

No. 19 was the third versatile Lytton artist. From her study 
of the sketches-she found over 40 designs that she had tried, two very 
simple ones being claimed only by her (Sketches 320 and 490). 
Arrowheads are numerous-on her list. There are-four single triangles, 
two plain, turning up or down, and two subdivided into two color 
fields, one vertically through the center, the other horizontally by a 
line near the base. There is also a realistic arrowpoint. Her ladder 
designs are like those of No. 18, except the half triangles seen in 
Sketches 288 and 289. She had one horizontal arrangement of half 
arrowheads, one of whole figures, an all-over of half arrowheads, 
and another of whole ones. About a quarter of her patterns were 
arranged vertically, five horizontally, five obliquely, a few all-over, 
while the rest were nondescript. She made a number of checker 
figures. It seems probable that she knew Spences Bridge people or 
that designs traveled freely between groups in the two places. Sketch 
529 shows an especially noteworthy pattern which appears to have 
been used only by Nos. 1 and 19. 

The Gladwin designs so specified in the notes are very few and 
only three are credited to that locality and nowhere else, yet the 
two informants, Nos. 12 and 13, were very active basket makers who 
gave full and valuable information and who said that they did not 
make many of the patterns popular elsewhere simply for that reason, 
but rather chose rare designs. Sketches 26 and 91 are of designs 
claimed only by No. 12, while in Sketch 495 the position of No. 13 as 
sole maker is not disputed. Both sisters used Sketch 435, which is 
known also at Lytton, Coldwater, and among the Uta’mqt, and one 
design credited to No. 12 was used also at Spences Bridge. 

Nos. 14 and 21 lived at Potato Gardens, a settlement of the Nicola 
band. Nineteen designs were recognized only by No. 21, an indi- 
cation of the extent of her creative genius, or if not that, of her 
taste for the unusual. They include tipi (773, 820), bow and arrow 
figures (829), checks (454, 455, 473), grave box (360), and several 
uncommon star designs, among them three represented by sketches 
220, 319, and 610. It may be recalled that the Nicola were fond of 


Boas] APPENDIX 459 


“ee 


star figures and always interpreted checked patterns as “‘clusters of 
stars’’ rather than “clusters of flies’’ after the manner of the Lower 
Thompson. Other designs claimed by her exclusively are 10, 62, 
144, 201, 213, 349, 351, 368, and 390. Twenty-two additional designs 
were made by No. 21 in common with women of other bands, but 
only three were shared by No. 14, the other informant of her own 
group. These are Nos. 66, 391, and 427 of the sketches. Here is 
another situation comparable to that existing at Lytton between 
Nos. 17 and 18. No. 21 tried patterns also made at Spences Bridge, 
Lytton, Thompson Siding, and Spuzzum. Many of her figures, 
however, were the simple triangle and check designs so common 
everywhere. 

No. 14 was much more gifted and more particular in her selections 
than No. 21, but not as productive. Five were claimed only by her 
and four of these, Sketches 284, 311, 616, and 804, are not only 
different from each other but also unique. The fifth, Sketch 444, 
resembles Sketch 446 made by No. 21 as far as general structure goes 
and similar ideas have been evolved by other women. The balance 
of the work of No. 14 is far from ordinary. She evinces a strong 
preference for contrasting sections of black and white. Out of her 
20 designs 8 are of this character (Sketches 66, 215, 244, 254, 284, 
427, 440, 804). That she likes alternating rhythms, or one, two 
rhythms is shown in these sketches as well as in Sketches 288, 330, 
and 444. No. 14 shared decorative elements with the same bands 
and in some cases with the same women that No. 21 did. It is diffi- 
cult to account for the distinct patterns selected by the two; there 
was not even a difference in age as in the case of Nos. 17 and 18 at 
Lytton. 

Nos. 15 and 16 belonged to the Stlaxai’ux division. A number 
of their designs were recognized from the photographs. No. 16 
found about fifty, No. 15 about forty. Eleven were made by both 
women and included ‘“‘fly”’ patterns; slipped or plain diagonals on dark 
vertical stripes; chevrons with points down on dark vertical stripes; 
groups of vertical lines cut into alternate light and dark sections 
(see pl. 34, a); zigzags of vertical and horizontal sections, white with 
black outlines on either edge; large checks all over the basket; chey- 
rons without points, turning up on dark vertical stripes with white 
edges (see pl. 7, c); vertical zigzags of diagonal sections of three 
black and five white rows, alternating without intervening spaces; 
and a series composed of alternating black and white triangles (see 
pl. 39, c). 

No. 15 displayed a pronounced liking for vertical stripes, although 
oblique zigzags of horizontal and vertical sections and horizontal 
zigzags of oblique sections, especially with white centers and black 
edges, were also in favor with her. Her verticalstripes were adorned 


460 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [erH. ANN. 41 


with a variety of designs, various checker arrangements, or combina- 
tions of rectangles, zigzags, triangles, chevrons, slipped and plain 
diagonal lines. Some were groups of vertical lines in alternating 
colors. This preference may in part be accounted for by the fact that 
the Stlaxai’ux live on the Fraser River not far from Upper Lillooet 
territory where droppers, vertical stripes, and fly designs are prevalent. 

No. 16. A large proportion of the patterns made by this woman 
were arranged also on vertical stripes, the elements being checks, 
chevrons, diagonal lines, triangles, meanders, and rectangles. She 
used vertical and horizontal compound zigzags, consisting of several 
parallel lines in alternating colors, which were necessarily of oblique 
sections, “leg” designs, large all-over checks, groups of vertical stripes 
of alternating colors, sometimes cut into short lengths by the same 
device, “grave box,” “mouth,” “butterfly,” ‘flying bird,” and sey- 
eral other patterns. Her versatility and the fact that she was more 
than a spasmodic worker are evident from this large array of diver- 
sified conceptions, but that she was influenced by Lillooet styles is 
apparent. 

Considering the number of designs worked by these two Stlaxai’/ux 
informants, it is rather peculiar that only about a third of them were 
common to both. It is another proof of the large collection of designs 
upon which the people could draw through the enormous deyelop- 
ment which the art had experienced, the inventive genius of certain 
individuals, and the fact that the tastes of any woman were not 
necessarily controlled by standards set by small local groups but 
that she more often sought not to duplicate the products of her 
neighbors. 

From the Thompson Band there was only one informant, No. 20, 
who is represented by nearly thirty designs. Eleven are credited 
only to her and comprise groups of short double lines (48), single (106) 
and triple (107) lines forming ‘‘waves of two turns,” in other words, 
zigzags; a few checker or “bead” patterns (403, 418, 424, 503) ; a ver- 
tical stripe with alternating narrow and wide dark diagonal lines on 
a light ground (Sketch 39); a “tipi”? (822), an ‘eye’ (511), and a 
square crossed by diagonals (415). They are all rather simple. 
The remainder of her figures are also made at Coldwater, Spences 
Bridge, Lytton, Nicola, Spuzzum, or somewhere in that neighbor- 
hood. There are the widely known ones (see Sketches 225, 245, 315, 
316); the two ‘‘cloud” figures (Sketches 202 and 204), also seen at 
Spences Bridge and Lytton; two ‘“‘big star’? designs duplicated at 
Nicola; checkerwork and zigzags. None of them are unusual except 
Sketches 202, 204, and 215. 

The Coldwater women Nos. 22 and 23 might be regarded as pro- 
fessionals in the same sense as Nos. 17 and 18 at Lytton and 25, 27, 
and 29 at Spuzzum. No. 22 made at least 32 patterns, 13 of which 


’ 


Boas} APPENDIX 461 


no one else claimed and 5 more shared with No. 23. One of these is 
the simple triangle seen practically everywhere, another the triangle 
subdivided in half vertically by a change of color. There is no 
doubt that a number of figures supposed to have been used only by 
this woman were really very common. Several are plain horizontal 
lines cut into short lengths by alternations of color (9, 11, 12). Others 
are Nos. 267, 268, 456, 493, 494, and 584. None are sufficiently 
unique to deserve comment except those given in Sketches 406, 417, 
604, and 615. The sketches show that a rather close connection of 
some sort existed between this woman and those at Lytton and 
Spences Bridge. Three somewhat unusual treatments of arrowheads 
are to be noted in Sketches 231, 247, and 272; the last two evidently 
used only at this place and among the Uta’mat. 

The designs credited solely to No. 23 are 8 of 28 that she made. 
They are a little out of the ordinary and include the representations 
of two animate objects, the “little man” (785) and the “little deer”’ 
(790). There is a single outlined “arrowhead” (223), a ‘“rain”’ 
design in spots (43), a “fish spear” (186), the Catholic cross (845), a 
double horizontal meander (187), and a very fine “flying goose” 
pattern (715). Beside these, there was some checkerwork, a few 
series of triangles, one of which (Sketch 252) is carried out in a three- 
part color rhythm; several subdivided single triangles; a key design 
arranged vertically; the Plains figure (Sketch 330), and other popular 
patterns in addition to an infrequent diagonal series of gradually 
increasing squares (Sketch 479). She does not seem to have been 
controlled in her choice of types of patterns by any habit; on the 
contrary, the character of the figures is remarkably diversified. 

Almost as great an industry was developed among the Lower 
Thompson as at Lytton, but there is no strongly pronounced differ- 
ence in art style between the two. No. 24 belonged to the Upper 
Uta’mqt, the remaining six, Nos. 25 to 30, were from Spuzzum. Forty- 
two designs made by No. 24 were discovered in the sketches, 14 
probably her own. She must have enjoyed working butterflies or 
butterfly elements, which constituted 10 of the set. Four, and 
another triangle design closely resembling them, were products of 
her own invention (Sketches. 103, 248, 649, 746, 748). There 
were 10 arrowhead patterns, Sketches 298 and 332 giving rather 
rare ones attributed only to her. Other designs attributed only 
to her were 108, 111, 521, 525, 528, 537, and 585. There were 
two types of ‘grave box” designs, one in all-over arrangement, the 
other forming a horizontal band, and a zigzag (Sketch 87). Checker 
designs are not plentiful but there are “eye” figures, four kinds of 
zigzags, one the blanket pattern, another a wave, a third a “‘pack- 
strap,” and the fourth (Sketch 79) a ‘“‘half pack-strap,” which, how- 


462 COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH ANN. 41 


ever, is also known as “snake,’’ ‘‘mountain,” or ‘ caterpillar.” 
Sketches 74, 198, and 208 are odd and striking, and there is an eagle 
which is given in Sketch 717. Sixteen of her designs are in vertical 
arrangement, 10 horizontal, and a number are separate or single. 

Those shared by No. 24 with other women indicate that she was 
in touch with the art of many bands. Two were recognized only by 
herself and Spences Bridge informants, but naturally she used many 
patterns common at Spuzzum. 

It is hardly fair to judge No. 25 by the photographs and sketches 
which she could identify as having been made by her because she 
was nearly blind. In her younger days she had been one of the finest 
weavers. She discovered four designs that apparently had originated 
with her, among them two (Sketches 240 and 241) unusual kinds of 
arrowheads, and 806, a thunderbird, which in itself would be enough 
to convince the student of her ability as an artist and technician. 
Several “riceroot,” “zigzag,” “arrowhead,” and ‘‘snail” or “head” 
designs (Sketches 197 and 198), together with the notched star made 
also by No. 24, are all that she found among the sketches. An ex- 
amination of the plates indicated in her list will give an idea of her 
other work. 

No. 27 was perhaps accountable for four patterns, three of-which 
are butterfly devices, the rarest illustrated in Sketch 275. She also 
used four other butterfly figures (Sketches 247, 272, 274, and 704). 
The prevalence of bird and butterfly figures in the south leads one 
to suspect that this fancy may have originated there. There is no 
other strongly pronounced type preferred or employed in large num- 
bers by this woman. The usual checker, arrowhead, and zigzag 
series are present in the usual proportion, but there is no prevalent 
method of arrangement. 

It may be inferred from this study that the women are not closely 
controlled by habits in their choice of designs and do not display very 
often pronounced predilections for definite types. It may also be 
observed that individuals capable of creating the most complicated 
and ornate patterns will nevertheless make use of the most simple 
devices as well. 


INDEX TO DESIGN NAMES OF SKETCHES 


The design names include all of those which Mr. Teit heard used 
by the tribe. 

In the following list are embodied references to the use of terms. 
U indicates use by the Upper Thompson, L by the Lower Thompson; 
U*, L* exclusive use by either division. For terms not so marked no 
information is available. Parentheses indicate that the name is no 
longer in use. 

Of those not contained in the list Mr. Teit ascribes the following 
to the Upper Thompson: Arrow feather, Arrow nock, Barb, Bear, 
Branch, Little bullsnake, Ends crooked or zigzag, Fingers, Hail, 


BoAs] APPENDIX 463 


Hand, Harpoon, Moccasin-trailer, Rattlesnake’s tail, Sharp points, 
Sheep’s head, Shooting star, Snow, Sprout, Star cluster, Weed. 

For Lower Thompson: Snail. 

_ For both divisions: Little crow, Dog, Little duck, Little deer, 
Eagle’s tail, Little people, Scattered, Spider, Little tail. 

More common among the Upper Thompson: Corners touching, 
Corners nearly touching, Cross head, Crossing lines, Cross each other, 
Crossings, Intertwining, Serrated, Sharp point, Standing, Strung, 
Tied, Tied middles, Wide point. 

The information on this subject has been taken from at least one 
hundred women of the tribe who represented all the divisions, so that 
it does not seem possible that any important design or name can 
have escaped the search. The phrases which serve to qualify the 
names, especially in describing arrangements, are very numerous. 


(See pp. 400 et seq.) 


Angle, 135, 138, 146, 149, 177, 179. 

Animal (and snare), 859. UL. 

Arrow, 490, 491, 602, 648, 650, 662, 
830-834. UL. 

Arrowhead, tata’zadist, 41, 78, 141- 
143, 222-229, 231-233, 240-247, 249, 
252, 254, 257, 264, 269, 272-273 
rarely, 277, 280, 284-286, 292, 295, 
296, 300-302, 311, 319, 323-327, 331, 
332, 334-341, 342, 416, 521, 525, 529, 
532, 533, 543(?), 547, 548, 550, 553- 
555, 559(?), 570, 571, 597, 598, 611— 
615, 618, 622, 661, 663, 672, 675, 739, 
745, 792, 835, 889. UL. 

Arrowhead cross, 326, 328. 

Arrowhead star, 271, 326-328, 333, 415, 
417, 419, 604-605, 607-610, 614. 

Arrowheads touching bases, 329, 330. 

Arrow notch, 593. U. 

Arrowpoint, tatazaha’ks (from tatd'za, 
arrow, -@’ks point), 102, 103, 135, 
138-140, 149. UL. 

Arrowpoint star, 616. 

Backbone, 150. 

Bag, 207, 686, 693. 

Bark notched, 287. 

Bead, mokiéitcendist (from mokié'tcrn, 
small beads used in embroidery), 1-3, 
6-7, 9-11, 14, 16, 26, 27, 28, 43-44, 
46, 48, 68, 73-77, 84, 91, 92, 120, 164, 
236, 297, 331, 347-349, 354-358, 364, 
365, 3867, 377-387, 390, 395, 413, 423- 
425, 451, 454, 471, 477, 481, 488, 493, 
495-497, 502, 503, 524, 580, 590, 591. 
UL. 


Bead embroidery, 475, 476. 

Beaded edge, 297, 488, 524, 580. 

Bear foot (?), 536, 538, 631, 632. U. 

Bear skin, 792. 

Beaver, sninia(h)dist (diminutive of 
sni' ya, beaver), 559 (rare), 794. UL. 

Beaver tail, 549. U*. 

Bent back, 153, 154. 

Bent end, 184. UL. 

Bent knee, 157, 158. 

Bent leg, 147, 148, 152-154, 177, 179, 
183, 184. UL. 

Bent middle, 137, 153, 154. 

Berry, .stsetcogemdist .stseqtcéqgEmd’ ist 
(from .stso’gem service berry), 668, 
669. U. 

Big bead,  .stcoktcakoksad’ist! (from 
-oksa, a diminutive form of -0’za, egg 
or bead shaped), 349, 351, 352, 359, 
366, 369-374, 376, 401-405, 407, 409, 
410, 412, 414, 415, 419, 423, 426, 427, 
437, 438, 441-450, 455, 456, 458, 464— 
466, 468-471, 478-480, 482-487, 490, 
491, 498, 507, 510, 522, 525-528, 531, 
534, 535, 552, 568, 569, 586, 670. U. 

Big spot, 372, 445-450, 503 (rare). 

Big star, 215, 218, 391, 492. 

Bird, sprzizodist (from spEzu’zo, bird), 
8, 211, 212, 339, 340, 372, 373, 375, 
389, 441, 445-450, 460, 461, 468, 507, 
647, 694, 706-732, 767, 775, 797, 804— 
806. UL. 

Bird flying. UL. 

Bird’s foot, 186, 628-630, 796. UL. 

Bird’s nest, 642-644. 


UL. 


1 The name of a rather large bead sold by the fur traders. They were generally blue, but the name 


seems to indicate red. 


464 


Bird’s tail, 719. 

Bird’s track, 796. 

Bird’s wing, 299, 309, 310, 712, 713, 
731, 732, 767. 

Blanket, .snazd’ist (from .snd@’z, a kind 
of woven goat hairblanket), 111. L. 

Blue Clematis, 659. 

Bolt, 543, 660. 

Borings of woodworm, 112, 113. 

Bow, 827-829. UL. 

Branch, 144, 145. 

Broken back, 147, 148, 152, 184. UL. 

Broken middle, 137. 

Broken rib, 147(?), 148, 184(?). 

Bullsnake, tlhwinzka’kest (from tlhwi’- 
nrg bullsnake), 24, 66-68, 83, 116— 
118, 230, 354, 357, 365, 438, 440, 
581, 625-627. U. 

Bush, 234-236. UL. 

Buttercup, var. Ranunculus .nkikazn- 
mus’ dist (from .nkikaxrmmi’s butter- 
cup), 391, 392. 

Butterfly, 135, 136, 137 (rare), 151, 
237(?),247, 248, 261, 263 (rare), 271, 
305, 321 (rare), 372, 445-450, 564(?), 
565(?), 572 (rare), 646-651 (rare), 
690, 693, 704, 705, 746-756, 765, 
774, 798-803. L. 

Butterfly wing, .nkt’/kaxEni(h) dist, nki- 
karendist (from .nkt’kaxEni, general 
name for butterfly), 135(?), 186, 151, 
239, 247, 305, 704, 705. L. 

Cactus, 671(?), 852-854. U*. 

Cake, moss cake, 420. 

Caterpillar, .swopEtli'lntsad’ ist, wopali’- 
lntza(h)dist, .s(h)opalt’ litsa(h)dist, from 
.swopalt’letsa, hairy caterpillar, 21, 
45, 64, 65, 79-80, 81(?), 112, 113, 116- 
121, 128-131, 134, 157-163, 175, 176, 
194-198, 297, 313, 314, 317 (rare), 318, 
349, 355, 366, 373, 374, 377, 378, 380, 
381-387, 403, 407, 408, 413(?), 414, 
423, 427-429, 451-453, 454(?), 457, 
465, 471, 475-480, 488, 498, 501, 503, 
504, 506(?), 524, 568, 580, 696-699. U. 

Circles, .szel.kd’ist, zplznl.kev’.st, zElzn- 
lekd' ist, from .szelik, reaching around, 
arching; zEnzEnnkd’ist, zinrkdist, 
from .szEni’/k, in a coil (i. e., as a 
rope); .skaiéq.dist, from .skaiéq, round; 
.sqaiqaieg.di’st, 86, 101 (half), 202, 
204, 371, 582, 588, 776. UL. 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


(ETH. ANN. 41 


Circling, zEnza’nEmd’ist, from zanEm, 
to move in a circle, 86,451,776. UL. 

Clematis, 658, 659. 

Cloud, 5, 9-15, 26, 91-94, 202-205, 208- 
210, 244, 289, 369, 370-372, 377-387, - 
390, 412, 416, 441-454, 475, 476, 
495, 502, 508, 577-579, 695, 700, 701. 
Ui: 

Club, 848. 

Cluster of flies, 377, 378, 380-387, 399- 
402, 454, 502, 510, 534, 552. 

Cluster of stars, 399, 400, 402. 

Coil, 4, 22, 23. UL. 

Comb, stExmindist (from stExrmi’n, 
comb), 322, 350, 368, 631, 632, 808, 
811-813, 841. U. 

Cone, 760-764. U*. 

Contorting, 104. 

Contracted middle, 114, 115, 321, 416. 

Contracting, 521, 522, 525, 528(?). 

Corral, 776. U*. 

Crook, .skolkolitzd’ist, .skolkolilntzd’ ist, 
skolkolotzdist, .sknlkelotzd’ist, from 
.skolo'tz or skeld'tz, crooked; .sko.0’ tz. 
crooked, 152, 159-162; double crook, 
177, 179. 

Crooked. PI. 57, a. 

Cross, Christian cross, lekwa(h)d’ist, 
lekwand’ist (from la croix), 845; 
skrtzeEmEntwaur, dist, 152, 180, 182, 
216(?), 326, 328, 492, 528, 548, 771— 
773, 845. UL. 

Crossed lines, crossings, .s.nkaki'tsd’ist 
.s.nkékttsdist (from .ska@’a, placed 
down on; .skits, crosswise); krts- 
kxtsa’tsdist (a diminutive form). UL. 

Crow, .sd.é’dst, .sda(h)d'ist (from .sa@’a, 
crow), 797. UL. 

Crow’s foot, 628-630. U*. 

Deer, little deer design, sme’metsé’- 
tsdist, smemitsé'tsest (diminutive of 
smi’its, flesh, a common name for 
deer), 790, 791. UL. 

Deer fence, 86, 95, 559, 566. U*. 

Deer foot, 674, 738. U*. 

Deer hoof, 673. U*. 

Deer-hoof rattle, 842. 

Deer net, .spenpind’ ist (from .spEnpi'n, 
large net for making deer corrals), 
362, 519, 520. 

Deer track, 673, 674. 

Deer’s head, 734-737. U*. 


UL. 


BOAS] 


Dentalia, .stlakd’ist (from .stla’k, suak, 
a large variety of dentalium shell), 
8-15, 21, 24, 37, 40, 46, 55-69, 73-75; 
77, 164, 165, 298, 374, 427-429, 433, 
434, 438, 455, 463-466, 471, 481, 485, 
497-499, 503, 504, 568, 570, 571, 576, 
579, 590, 591, 708. UL. 

Dentalia pendants, 77. 

Digger, .kalaxai’.st (from ka’lax, root 
digger), 152, 180, 181. 

Door, 430. UL**. 

Double figures, 159-162, 177, 179. 

Dragon fly, 8, 388, 389. U* 

Dream design, 339, 692, 771-773, 859. 

Dress design, 98, 99, 101, 507, 671. 

Drill, 835. U. 

Duck, 179, 696-699(?). UL. 

Duck’s head, 197, 506. U. 

Eagle, haladud’ist (from hala’a, golden 
eagle), 694, 706-713, 716-723, 775, 
777, 804-806. UL. 

Eagle’s nest, 642. U*. 

Ear-ring, 483, 523. 

Earth lodge, tcitz,d’ist (from tc7’t.z, 
house, lodge), 771-773, 821 (Lytton 
designs). U. 

Edge, 207, 297, 488, 524, 580. 

Embroidery, 5, 9-15, 55-69, 91, 92, 97, 
98, 101, 201-205, 209, 210, 303, 350, 
354, 358, 366-368, 371, 372, 377-387, 
412-414, 434, 442-448, 454, 475, 476, 
498, 499, 537, 570, 571, 579, 671. U. 

Ends, ratc,dtckaind’ist (?) (tied tops), 
152, 169, 183, 523, 674. 

Entwining,  tliptlupatwa'uzr* 
.stli’p, twisted), 567. 

Hye, 431, 511, 512, 521, 522, 525, 527, 
528, 559?, 587 (rare). UL. 

False legging, 53, 54. 

Fanciful figure, 701. 

Fawn, .ntsim.tad’ist (from .ntsii’ mila, 
fawn), 790. 

Feathers, 490, 491, 849-851. U. 

Fence, 518, 559, 566. 

Fern, .sta@nemd'ist, sxanemdist, .tsxd- 
nemda’ist (from  .sxa@’nam, fern, 
brake), 244, 264-267, 339; a kind of 
fern, 690. L*. 

Fir-branch, 144, 145. 

Fish, 740. UL. 

Fish backbone, 150. 

Fishhook, 152, 169, 181, 183, 185. U. 

Fishline reel, 214. 


(from 


APPENDIX 


465 


Fish net, .nze’zkotend’ist (from .nzé’- 
zkotwn, large net set for fish); 
stiktcnnd’/ist * stuktuktcendist (from 
stu’ ktcpn, bag net, from .sta’k, closed, 
-tctn, mouth), 362, 519, 520. L. 

Fish spear, 186, 740. U. 

Flat points, 86. 

Flower, spa’kemdist, spapekemdist 
(from .spdkem, general term for 
flower), 220, 221, 391, 392, 512, 539- 
543, 546, 606-608, 614, 656-661. UL. 

Fly, zamaza(h) dist (from xama’za, com- 
mon fly); zanpksdist, xaanEksdist, 
hahanxgsdist, (from xandqs, a variety 
of fly), 6, 7, 16, 68, 211, 212 (rare), 
347, 358, 365, 375, 377, 378, 380-389, 
391, 393, 399-402, 412, 413, 425, 426, 
438, 440, 454, 460-462, 468, 475-477 
499 (checked part), 502, 510, 534, 
Boa. «1s. 

Foot (Little foot, skwaztt’test, from 
skwazt, foot or leg): 

Animals, 536, 538, 631, 632, 674. 

Birds, 628-630, 820. 

Human, 156-163, 169, 170, 172- 
174, 182, 183, 680, 741-744, 786— 
789. 

Fort, kaia’ rend’ ist (from kaia’xen, fort, 
stockade), 96. U*. 

Frame, 49, 50. 

Fringe, 26, 503, 681. 

Garter snake, .s,otsadist, .stsétsaétsa- 
dist, .s,ots,6tsEdist, 6z0tsa(h) dist 
(from .s),0tsa,aitsa, garter snake?), 
712/116-1199 we 

Girl’s frame, 50, 687. 

Girl’s lodge, 818-821. 

Gnawed all around, .shahutld’ist (from 
-shitl, gnawed, serrated), 206. 

Gnawed edges all around, 412. 

Goose (flying), 449, 450, 452, 453, 714, 
7153 SUD: 

Grasshopper, 85 (rare), 88 (rare), 101 
(rare), 105-108, 112, 113, 128-130, 
146-148, 156, 164 and 165 (rare), 169, 
170, 171, 173, 174, 183, 184, 588. U*. 

Grasshopper leg, 105. U*. 

Grave-box, lika(h)dist, lukluka(h) dist 
(from lika, grave box, Uta’maqt), 192, 
360, 519, 520, 582-586, 592, 690 (real 
or proper). UL. 

Grave mound, 771-773. 

Grizzly-bear teeth, 263, 572. U*. 

Grouse-foot, 796. L. 


2 These nets close at the mouth when the fish is caught. 


466 


Grouse-tracks, 796. L. 

Hair ornament. (See 7'smné’ka.) 

Hair ribbon, 6, 7, 10, 16, 45, 64, 65, 298, 
304, 356, 357, 363, 364, 455. 

Hairy caterpillar, s,opxli’lntsad’ist, 
wopalt’ lntsa(h) dist, .s(h)opalt' litsa(h)- 
dist (from .swopalt'lntsa, hairy cater- 
pillar), 21, 349, 366, 374, 377, 378, 
380-387, 413, 414, 423, 427-429, 454, 
465, 473-480, 498, 503, 504,568. U*. 

Half arrowhead, 42, 71, 277, 286, 288, 
289, 293, 298, 303, 304, 307, 308, 335, 
336. UL. 

Half circles, zintk, zilik, 86, 101, 202-204, 
495. U. 

Half design, 101, 205, 210, 379. 

Half grave-box, 582. 

Half horizontal of zigzag, 588. 

Half moon, 621, 766. 

Half mula, 378, 380-387. 

Half rainbow, 153. 

Half or part of spotted star, 378, 380— 
386. 

Hammer, 808-811. UL. 

Hand, 633, 634. U*. 

Hand pointing, 505. U. 

Hand rattle, 848. U*. 

Hat, 376, 454 (rare), 456 (Nicola*). 

Head, 152, 180, 181, 197, 198, 506, 781. 
UL. 

Snake’s head, 67, 230, 625-627 (rare). 

Head band, 97, 354. 

Heaped up, 377, 378, 380-387. 

Heart, swakukdist (from 
heart), 401, 510, 534, 552, 688. 

Hoof, 673, 674. 

Hook, 152, 169, 177, 179, 181(?), 183, 
185, 680. 
Hooked end, 
169, 183. 
House, 100, 641, 682, 703, 771-773, 825, 
826, and Lytton designs (pp. 332 

et seq.). 

Insect, 8, 211, 212, 372, 373, 375, 445- 
449, 460, 461, 468. 

Joined, 17-20. 

Joined square, 359, 484, 486. 

?Kakanétz, 776. 

Ladder, xenizd'ist, xranurd'ist (from 
xani'x, ladder), 33, 63, 207, 257, 277— 
281, 284, 285, 287-296, 303, 307, 312— 
818, 321 (var.), 329-331, 361, 379, 
406-409, 411, 433, 434, 443 (var.), 
463-467, 471, 478, 480, 576, 683- 
685. UL. 


UL. 
swa’' kuk, 


UL. 


.skauwehaks’ dist, 152, 


COILED BASKETRY IN 


BRITISH COLUMBIA [ETH. ANN. 41 

Lake, 508. U*. 

Leaf, patei’ktd/ist, prtcpetci’ kta’ ist 
(from patci’ki, leaf), 219, 248, 262, 
264-267, 395, 508, 516, 517, 540-543, 
546-548, 618, 665-667, 855. L. 

Leaning, .sk,,@ud'ist (from .sk,.@’u, not 
perpendicular), 29-31, 183. UL. 

Lean-to lodge, 682, 826. U. 

Leg, 153, 154, 156-165, 170, 172-174, 
177, 179, 182, 183, 678-680, 786- 
789. U. \ 

Legging, 47-54, 678, 679. UL. 

Little legging, szskskaius’ dist 
ske’i.us, leggings, trousers). 

Legging fringe, 26, 503, 681. U. 

Lightning (rare), 109, 112, 113, 130, 


(from 


COL U2 
Lily-root, tcawxEkdist, tcawnkupad'ist 
(tca@’'wek, root of Lilium colum- 


bianum; tcawrkia’ pa, stem, from @’ pa, 
stem, tail), 702, 814-817. U*. 

Lines extending out, 25, 29, 61. 

Little ladder, 31 (rare), 33. 

Little notch. (See Notch.) 

Little people, .stsentsnnt’ ndst (a diminu- 
tive form), 784, 785. 

Little spot. (See Spot.) stnk.tki’kest, 
trkteka'kdst 3 tekteke’kdst. U. 

Lizard, 635-640. U. 

Lodge, 100, 641, 682, 771-773, 818-821, 
824, 826; Lytton designs, fig. 98. U. 

Luka(?), 686(?). (See Grave-box.) 

Maple leaf, 665-667. 

Mat lodge, 824. 

Meandering, 82. 

Mesh, 508, 511, 689. UL. 

Middle contracted, 114, 115, 321, 416. 

Moccasin, 641, 695. U*. 

Moccasin trailer, 6738, 674. U*. 

Moon, mdazatun’dist (from ma’.catEn, 
moon), 588, 589, 621, 622, 766, 
858. UL. 

Morning star, 216, 217, 492. 

Moss cake, 420. U*. 

Mountain, 79-81, 86 (rare), 89-91, 133, 
134, 200-204, 209, 318, 377, 378, 380— 
387, 454, 495, 502, 593, 597. U. 

Mouth, tcutcnnd’ist, splitcend’ist (from 
tci/tcen, mouth (Ut.);  splitcrn, 
mouth), 187-196, 360, 776. L. 

Mula (mala(h)d’ist (root of Indian rice; 
Fritillaria lanceolata) (Indian rice), 
377, 378, 380-387, 399-402, 454, 
510, 534, 552, 592. (See Root; Lily 
root.) UL. 


3 -f’kest, -akd’st are the diminutive forms of -dist, design, changed phonetically by the preceding syllable 


of the word to which the suffix is joined. 


BOAS] 


Mushroom, 234-236. UL. 

Necklace, 5, 6, 7, 9-16, 21, 45, 46, 68, 
69, 72-78, 82, 84, 85, 88, 91, 92, 97, 
98, 100-103, 120, 133, 134, 137, 164, 
165, 199-204, 207, 209, 354, 356-358, 
359, 365, 367, 372, 439, 442-444, 448, 
450, 451, 471, 481, 482, 484-487, 489, 
495-497, 499, 507, 534-537, 558, 559, 
562, 563, 570, 571, 586, 590, 591, 595, 
648, 650, 670, 844. UL. 

Nest, eagle’s, 642; robin’s, 643,644. U. 
Net, 97, 98, 362, 439 (rare), 518-521, 
525, 528, 537. 561, 563, 689. U*. 

Nose-rod, 8. 

Notch, .stsentsend’ist (from .stst’/n, 
notch), 163, 193-196, 369, 371, 441, 
449, 450-453, 648, 674, 675, 776. U. 

Little notch, stsentsmni/ndst. U. 

Notched bark, 287. 

Notched end, 674. 

Notched feather, 833. 

Notched ladder, 277, 321, 331, 443. UL. 

Notched star, 206-208, 219, 418, 616. 

Opaliln'sts (eagle), 775. 

Open middles, 82. 

Ornament(?), 686. 

Ornamented arrowhead, 745. 

Ornamented star, 394. 

Otter, 793. UL. 

Owl’s face, skelilaus’a'ist (from .skala’la 
owl), 391, 392. U*. 

Pack strap (tump line), stsi’prnd’ist, 
tsuptsupEnd’ist (from .stsi’pEn, pack 
strap), 79-82, 114, 115, 518, 557 
(part), 560 (part), 563 (rare), 565, 
675, 689, 776. L. 

Paint pouch, 837, 846, 847. U. 

Parfléche, 114, 115, 258-260, 270, 320, 
322-325, 416, 556, 597-601, 603. U*. 

Part, .skata’x, .skutknti’s, 499, 508, 
537, 675. 

Part of earth lodge, Lytton designs. 

Part of grave-box, 85 (rare), 88 (rare), 
101 (rare), 586, 588 (rare), 592. 

Part of mula, 377, 378, 380, 381, 382— 
387, 454. : 

Part of net, 521, 525, 528. 

Part of spotted star, 377, 378, 380, 381— 

’ 387, 454. 

Part of step-design, 423. 

Part of tsupenaist, 557, 564, 565. 

Part of zigzag, 146. 


APPENDIX 


467 


Patch .stuxatauxa(h)dist .sloxald’uxdst 
(from .sta@/ux“, patched), 435, 436. 
UL. 

Pendant, 77, 78, 91, 92, 558, 670. 

People, sei.tkrnmmuxd'ist (from .se’i- 
.kenpmuz", people), 768-770, 784, 
785. UL. 

Pine cone. (See Cone.) 

Pipe, .ntcekd’ntstend’ist (from .ntcekor- 
tsten, pipe), 390, 741-744, 840. 

Point (arrow), 102, 103, 138, 139, 140, 
149. 

Points (standing), .sknm.tla’ksdist, kn- 
kom.tla'ks’d’ist (from .skmmi’il, to di- 
minish to a vanishing point), 499. L. 

Pointing hand, 505. 

Pool, 665-667. 

Pound for game, 776. 

Pouch. (See Paint pouch.) 

Rain, taknld’ist (from .sta’k.t, rain), 27, 
28, 35, 438, 44, 73, 75 (rare), 367 
(rare). U(L). 

Rainbow, 29-33, 82, 85, 88, 91, 92, 100, 
101, 153 and 154 (half, rare), 700, 776, 
844, U. 

Ram’s horns, 645, 795. 

Rattle, 623, 624, 842, 843. U*. 

Rattlesnake, tsdtmnd’ist (from .stsd- 
i'n, rattlesnake), 14, 16, 24, 72, 354, 
358, 410, 526, 531, 581, 623, 624. U. 

Reel, 214. 

Rib, 147, 148. 

Ribbon. (See Hair ribbon.) 

Rice-root. (See Root.) 

Robin’s nest, 643. U. 

Root (rice-root), mula(h)d’ist (Indian 
rice), 378, 380-387, 399-402, 510, 
552, 702, 796-799. (See Mula; Lily 
root.) 

Root-digger, kalaxat’.st (from ka’laz, 
root-digger), 152, 180, 181. 

Seratch, .sts.6tséd’ist, .sts.6ts.ohe’i.st, 
.sts.6.0’'i.ist 4 (from .s.ts.6’E, scratch), 
25, 29, 61. UL. 

Shaman, wearing mask, 733. 

Sheep horns, 795. 

Shield, 622. 

Single (in one piece, separate), .npid’ist, 


npipid’ist (from .npa’ia, in one 
piece). 
Skin (stretched), 792. U*, 


SkeskEnits, 194-196. 


4A diminutive of -dist, affected phonetically by the preceding syllable. 


468 


Snail (also horned caterpillar), .skEt- 
katlani(h)d’ist, 197, 198. 

Snake, .smeztixdist (from .sme’iiz, snake), 
4, 15-17, 19, 22-24, 30, 33, 38, 45, 
62-64, 66-72, 79-83, 86, 104, 109- 
111, 114-125, 128-131, 153, 154, 187, 
188, 230, 302, 354, 357, 358, 363, 365, 
366, 410, 413, 414, 438-440, 498, 521, 
525, 526, 528-531, 537, 581, 625-627, 
807. UL. 

Little snake, sméme.xé’xest, using 
the diminutive for “snake” and 
“design’’; smmmdaxd’ist, using 
the diminutive for snake. 

Snake’s head, 67 (rare), 230, 625-627 
(rare). U*. 

Snake-skin, 7, 24, 69-71, 302, 357, 366, 
413, 414, 440, 498, 529. U. 

Snake’s tail (rattlesnake), tsatenapa- 
dist (-i’ pa tail, see rattlesnake), 623, 
624. U*. 

Snake-track, kakozd'iz’dist (from ka- 
kozd’ix, to go, to crawl), 71, 79-81, 
86, 104, 109-111, 114, 115, 128-131, 
187, 166, UN 

Snare, 508, 511, 521, 525, 528, 566, 582, 
588, 859. U*. 

Snowshoe, 844. UL. 

Spear, 186, 740. 

Spear-head, 508, 656, 661, 662, 700, 
701, 838(?). UL. 

Spot, .slele’kd/ist, .stalikdist, stnlnkdist, 
stnte' kd’ ist, .stetit.kd’ist, a diminutive 
form of strtik; tekatakdist (“here and 
there,”’ ‘now and then”’); stiktikd’ ist, 
(from .sttk, spot), 6, 7, 43-46, 359, 364, 
372, 377, 378, 380-387, 445-450, 454, 
458, 469, 470, 484, 486, 503, 568. U. 

Little spot design in a belt, encircl- 
ing the basket, pid’iesk tnk 
tektki’ kest tuk zel.pa’ist.6 

Spotted star, 377, 378, 380, 381, 382— 
387, 454. 

Square joined, 484. 

Standing points, 499. 

Star, .nkokucund’ist (from .nkoki'crn, 
star), 206-208, 211-221, 271, 311, 
319, 326-328, 333, 347, 349, 375, 377, 
378, 380-388, 392—400, 402, 415, 418, 
419, 424, 425, 454, 459-462, 465, 478, 
480, 492-494, 498, 511-515, 540-546, 
557, 559, 560, 604-616, 620, 695, 792, 
845. UL. 


5 tek, with. 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


Step, .rkokouwetemmnd’ist (from kowé’- 
tamEn, stirrup, step, or kowé’tmm, to 
put down the foot) , 200-202, 204, 206, 
366, 379, 413, 414, 442-444. U. 

Stepped half circle, 201, 203. 

Stepped star, 207, 208, 418. 

Stlak,® 8, 21, 24, 37, 40, 42, 73, 74, 298, 
304, 437, 455, 499, 503, 504, 568, 570, 
571, 579. 

Stlupaist (twisted) (from stlap, twisted), 
39, 40, 355. 

Storm clouds, 700, 701. 

Strap. (See Pack-strap.) 

String of beads, 5-7, 9-16, 68, 356. 

Stripe (see also Seratch and Incision), 
stdtad’ist (from .sta’, stripe), .stsEl- 
tsEldist, stsultsnli/lest (from .stsEl, 
.stsi'l, stripe), .stt'idist, .stiltildist 
(from .sti#, stretching out in a long 
line), 25, 29, 30, 37, 61. UL. 

Striped bead, 437. 

Striped snake (see also Garter snake), 4, 
22, 23, 30, 33, 38, 62, 118, 119, 153, 
154. U. 

Sun, 220, 221, 606. U. 

Swallow, 299, 309, 310, 339, 340, 647, 
724-732, 767. U. 

Swallow tail, 676. U*. 

Swallow wing, 299, 309, 310, 731, 
(eye Oe 

Sweat-house, 641, 703, 825. U. 

Tail: 

Beaver, 549. U*. 
Bird, 676, 719-722, 778-780. 
Snake, 623, 624, 702, 814-817. 

TcawrEk. (See Lily root.) 

Tcxrtcrldist, 61. 

Thunder, 543, 660, 694. 

Thunder arrowhead, 548. 

Thunderbolt, 548, 700, 701. 

Tied ends, 523. UL. 

Timbers, Lytton designs. 

Tipi, 771-773, 818-824. 

Tooth, 263-269, 273 (rare), 289, 353, 
SYP Hh) WILLE 

Tops of mountains, 79, 80, 593. 

Tracks: 

Animals, 536, 673, 674. 

Birds, 796. 

Snakes kakozd’ixdist (from kako- 
zdix, to go, to crawl), 71, 79, 80, 
86, 104, 109-111, 114, 115, 128— 
132, 187, 188. 


6 For others see Dentalium. 


BOAs] 


Trail, 104, 114, 115. U*(L). 

Trailer (moccasin), 673, 674. 

Tree, 144, 145, 234-236, 757-759, 
856. UL. 

Tree ladder, 294, 295, 318, 683-685. 
U. 

Tsené'ka,’ tsenéka(h)dist, tsmntseneka- 
dist (from .stsEné’ka, ornamented, 
embroidered), 350, 367, 368, 420, 432, 
499, 500, 573-575, 596, 674, 675, 677, 
686, 688, 693. U. 

Tsexa’ksten (girl’s frame), 50, 687. 
U. , 

Twisted, .stlupd’ist (from .stlap, 
twisted), 39, 41, 355, 356. UL. 

Underground house with cross at head 
of ladder, 771-773. (Fig. 116.) 

War-club, 848. UL. 

Wave, 106-110, 146. U(L). 

White clematis, 658. 

White man’s design, 327. 

Window, 421. UL**. 


APPENDIX 


469 


Wing, .skexka’zEen’d’ist (from .ska’ xan, 
wing), 135. UL. 
Bird, 299, 309, 310. 
Eagle’s, 712, 713. UL. 
Swallow, 731, 732, 767. 
Butterfly, 136, 151, 247, 271-275, 
305, 564, 565, 704, 705. 

Woodworm, .sézetcd’ist (from .sé’zetc, 
woodworm), 45, 63-65, 67, 121, 
230, 348, 363, 364, 457, 501, 524, 
625-627. U. 

Woodworm borings, 112, 113. U. 

Woven bag design, 207, 686, 693. U*. 

Xanaza’in, 36, 37, 39-42, 298, 303, 304, 
361, 433, 434, 570, 571. U*. 

Xane'm, 690. 

Yellow pine cone, 760-764. 

Zigzag, 78-80, 82, 86, 104, 106-111, 114, 
115, 133, 134, 146 (part), 205, 495, 
566, 567, 588 (part). UL. 

Zigzag double, 558, 563. 

Zigzag half circles, 201-204. 

Zigzag steps, 200. 


Inp1AN NAMEs FoR Destans Not IDENTIFIED WITH SKETCHES 


Arrowhead pack strap_-______-_ 


tata’za tek tsupEnd’ist, from tata’za, arrowhead. 


AWwi-points 2.2 2.4 net ete ee .sho.o.taksdist, from .shd’o.l, .so0.n1, awl, applied 
to elongated diamonds. 

Beetle or June bug. U_-_______- .nkokoumda’ ist, from .nkoko’um, beetle, june bug. 

Wrossed end = = s+ se. he kxtsa’ks’ dist, from .skits, across, and -aks, end 


point. 


Crossed heads)” UL.......-- ~< 
Crossing middle. 


kitzqaindist, from .skits, across, and gain, head. 
kitsa’ uspementwa'uz™’ dist, from -a@'us, middle, 


together. 
Diagonal zigzag (also sometimes kakozotla’ks.dist, from .skazt’tl, tumbling over, 


vertical). 


leaning bent; -a@’ks, end; .sga@’z, crooked, indi- 


rect, wrong. 

.nkekazetla’ ks.dist. 

kakuzotlaksdist 

kazo.tlaks’ dist 

skozo’tlaks’ dist 

kakozotldist 

Ends crossing. UL_---_._-__- skaz6x’ a'ist, from .skazd'x, pack saddle, because 

of the cross bars. 


Horse. 


Incisions. 


109 [eee oe eae ee -ntcaskaxa(h) dist, from .ntcaska'xa, horse. 
ae 

pearl ae from .s 

-sexierd’ ist 

ululamuza(h)d'ist, from silult’m, iron; -dza, 


é’x, incised, cut. 


-tiza, round, egg or bead-shaped object. 


Little dog. 
Little standing 


10) = ae eres ska'kxa(h)d'ist, from ska’xa, dog. 


se Nesting eee .stsé, erect, upright, standing 
React cath i tsatséo' test {from the ground; a diminutive form. 


Ose = Sse. A ont ee .spEspEsaksdé'ist, from .spEsda’ks, nose. 


7 The flap of skin tied around the braids of hair. 


470 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


Pointed (diamond, lozenge)_____ .skum.tlaksd’ist, from .skemi'tl, to vanish in a 
point. 


Roots, 
fied, edible). 


varieties of (unidenti- a la ist, from hatcei’us, tied together. 
xanExaind’ist, from ranExa’in, root. 


Short2#. 22 See eee lkake' kest, from .tlké’ kat, short. 


.stlka.ka'ksd'ist, from .tlké’kat, short, or .stlka’, 


Bhont sae Bs se ts Dot something placed, or something attached to 
Small ends. ‘ 

the end of another design. 
Spiral zigzace.. Wiles. 2--— a skaknni’tsd'ist, kakanitsd’ist, from .skant’ts, 


in progressive circles or spirals, dim. skekani’ ts. 
Spurious tribal pattern, imita- ilné’qad’ist, from .stlné’qa, imitation. 


tions. 
Square point. 


szEnzand’ks’d’ist, scunecEnnca’ks’d/ist, from 


svEnEx?, square or cornered. 
Standing’ ends! =2-_ == anes .steha’ks’d'ist, from tsé’mx, people stand, -a’ks, 
point, nose, end. 7 
tsetse(h)a'ks’ ad’ ist. 


Thing in mouth_-2!5_ 2) 22a s.nhahaktcind’ ist, from nhaktct’n, holding some- 
thing in the mouth. 

Variegated or marked__________ .stsEtsok(em)d'ist, from .stso’k,, marked, pic- 
tured. 


Drsian Names on Puates 


Angle, 12, c; 16, a. 

Arrow, 44, g; 53, 6. 

Arrow chain, 53, e. 

Arrow feather, 53, e. 

Arrowhead, 8, c; 10, 6; 12, b; 15, a; 
23, a; 24, c, d; 28, b; 31, d; 33, b; 37, 
a, b, d, e; 38, d; 39, a-c; 40, d, e; 44, 
b-d, hi; 45,7; 46, a, d; 52, c, d, g, h; 
Do, a, d, €; 04, Cc; 56) G- 

Arrowheads and lakes, 49, f. 

Arrowhead star, 17, b. 

Arrow notch, 24, b; 53, d. 

Arrow point, 12, b; 14, d; 24, a; 28, 
b, d; 36, b; 38, c; 51, d, k; 55, a, c, d. 

Arrow point star, 45, 7; 52, a, b, l. 

Baskets, 39, a. ; 

Bead, 9, c; 31, b; 38, c; 41, 9; 44, 7; 45, 
m; 52, c, d; 55, g. 

Beads and copper tubes, 27, d. 

Bear’s foot, 24, a. 

Beaver, 24, d. 

Bent ends, 18, a. 

Bent leg, 12, c. 

Big bead, 36, a. 

Bird, 36, a; 45, k. 

Bird flying, 21, a, e; 27, e; 31, b; 46, e, g. 

Bowsnake, 29, a. 

Bullsnake, 26, a; 43, c, d. 

Buttercup, 55, h. 


Butterfly, 24, b; 45, c; 51, m. 

Butterfly and leaves, 33, b. 

Butterfly wings, 46, d. 

Cactus, 51, a. 

Caterpillar, 18, a; 24, e; 26, f; 35, a; 
43, c; 49, d; 55, h. 

Caterpillar in circle, 29, a. 

Circles, 5, a. 

Circling, 40, b; 57, a. 

Cloud, 44, b, g; 52, a-f, 7, 1; 53, b. 

Cloud on mountain, 25, a, b. 

Coil, 9, a. 

Cranes, flying, 53, a. 

Crooked, 57, a. 

Crook, 16, a. 

Crook, single, 12, c. 

Cross, 25, a; 27, e; 41, d; 51, g. 

Cross head, 40, b. 

Deer fence, 28, b; 45, g. 

Deer net, 22, d. 

Dentalia, 12, b; 15, a; 26, f; 34, a; 35, c; 
46, a; 49, f; 51, f; 56, d; 58, a. 

Diamond, 51, k. 

Dream design, 45, f. 

Duck, 12, c; 16, a. 

Duck’s head, 12, c. 

Eagle, 45, 7; 46, e, g; 47, e. 

Earth, 44 e. 

Earth and trees, 36, b. 


BOAS] 


Embroidery, 7, a; 10, b; 27, f; 32, c; 
35, b, c; 37, a-c; 38, c, d; 40, d, e; 
43, c, d; 46, f; 48, b; 53, b; 55, h. 

Entwining, 39, a. 

Eye, 38, d; 49, f; 57, d. 

Fish net, 22, d. 

Flower, 28, e; 40, c; 42, i; 54, d; 55, h. 

Fly, 10, b; 14, d; 15, a; 16, a; 21, a, ¢; 
24, e; 26, °b; 28, e; 29, b; 33, c; 42, 2; 
43, c, d; 45, b, d, e; 47, d; 53, d; 55, h. 

Foot, 12, c;\ 16, a; 18, a; 27, e; 28, ¢; 
41, h; 44, h. 

Garter snake, 8, d; 9, a. 

Goose, flying, 14, c; 21, c; 24, b; 57, c. 

Grave box, 5, a; 21, c; 22, a, d; 31, a; 
32, c; 44, a; 56, b; 57, a. 

Ground, 44, e. 

Half arrowhead, 12, b; 26, d; 35, c; 37, a; 
39, b; 41, b; 44, h; 45, m; 49, d, f; 51, 
J; 58, a. 

Half circle, 40, db. 

Half fly, 52, e, f. 

Half mouth, 35, a. 

Half mula (lily root), 52, e, us 

Half star, 52, e. 

Hammer, 33, b. . 

Head, 19, a; 20, a; 31, f; 52, 1; 57, b. 

Heaped up, 32, c. 

Heart, 40, b. 

Hook, 12, c; 18, a; 41, h; 44, h. 

Hook, Beuble; 16, a; 28, c. 

Hook, single, 27, e. : 

Hooks, crossing, 44, d; 45, b. 

Horns, points called, 52, J. 

Incisors, 8, c. 

Indian paint brush, 40, ¢, e. 

Kazotlaks (?), 57, a. 

Ladder, 14, d; 22, b; 31, b, d; 32, c; 39, 
b; 44, c; 49, d. 

Lakes, 21, c; 38, d. 

Lakes and creeks, 32, c. 


Leaf, 33, b; 38, d; 45, 7; 49, f; 52, g, k; 


55, h. 
Leg, 12, c; 16, a; 18, a; 27, e; 28, c. 


Lily root, 10, b; 21, a; 25, b; 48, c; 


49, b; 51, k; 52, g, h. 
Line going around, 9, a. 
Little bead, 10, b. 
Little crow, 24, b. 
Little spot, 10, b; 26, b. 
Little star, 16, a; 47, d; 54, a. 
Lodge, 53, d; 54, d. 
Mesh, 21, c. 
53666°—28——31 


APPENDIX 


471 


Moon, 44, g; 53, b. 

Morning star, 25, a. 

Moss cake, 41, g. 

Mountain, 17, a; 35, a; 45, g, hy 51, d; 
52, tes feuds 

Mountain side, 53, d. 

Mouth, 11, 6b; 18,. a; 19, a; 22, a; 
29, a, c; 32, bs 48, c; 50, d; 55, h; 
Bits sy he 

Necklace, 7, a; 9, c; 12, cx 21, a,..c; 
23, a; 24, a, b; 27, c, d, f; 31, b, d; 
34, a; 35, b; 38, d; 52, a, b, i; 57, c. 

Net, 28, c; 31, a. 

Notchy 9, :c; 14; 6012, c;:18,.a;-22, a; 
29, a; 182, Dy 35, a: 43, c; 48, c; 
56, d; 57, a, f. 

Otter, 45, j. 

Packstrap, 18,.d;,22,.d; 28, 6; 31, a; 
33, c; 55, a, c. 

Paint pouch, 9, c; 33, d. ; 

Part of a design, 33, d; 46, f. 

Part of grave box, 5, a. 

Part of zigzag, 16, a. 

Patch, 36, b. 

Pelt, 45, 7.. 

Eine. 27, e; 45, g, h. 

Points, short, 8, c. 

Points, sharp, 28, d. 

Rain, 9, c; 41, c; 51, ¢. 

Rainhow. 41, e, 

Rattlesnake, 18, b; 43, c,d. 

Rattlesnake i 14, c. 

Ribs, 17, h; 38, oe 51, b. 

Rolls of Indian hemp bark, 5, a. 

Root digger, 40, b. 

Rope, 27, f. 

Seratch, 8, c. 

Snake, 18, 6; 21, a; 24, a; 26, a-c; 
33, c; 37, d, e; 38, c; 41, 7; 43, c, d; 
45,1; 50, 6; 55, h; 56, d. 

Snake-skins, 39, a; 45, 1, m; 46, f; 
51, h. 

Snake-tail, 51, h. 

Snake-track, 24, e; 31, da; 35; ‘a; 37, 
a, €. 

Snare, 21, c; 28, b. 

Spear-blade, 40, d, e. 

Spear-head, 44, d; 52, a, b. 

Spot, 16, a; 27, b; 32,c; 41, a,c, e, f,j; 
44, g; 47, d; 51, m; 52, 1; 53, d, g; 
56, d. 

Standing, 7, a; 34, a. 

Standing ends, 56, d. 


472 


Star, 23, d; 25, a; 27, e; 28, a, e; 42, i; 
44, g; 45, g-i, m; 46, d; 51, g; 52, 
a—d; 53,6, c; 55, h. 

Star with sky background, 41, f. 

Steps, 17, e; 32, c; 37, f; 51,7; 52,7. 

Stripe, 14, a; 34, b; 49, d. 

Stripe, leaning, 41, c. 

Striped snake, 26, e; 27, a. 

Sun, 44, f. 

Swallow, 21, c. 

Tadpole, 36, a. 

Teeth, 8, c; 35, a. 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


Teeth, string of, 27, d. 

Thunderbolt, 45, 7. 

Tree, 24, f; 36, 6. 

Tsené’ka, 9, c; 48, c. 

Twisted, 27, f. 

Twisting, 22, d. 

Underground house, 44, e; fig. 116. 

Wave, 53, c. 

Xanaxa/in, 12, b; 29,c; 51f,h; 58 a. 

Zigzag, 17, e; 18, a; 28, b, d; 31, b, d; 
36, 0; 37, f; 51; d, t, ks 55, dgst57! 
c, f; 58, a. 


Design NAMES ON PLATES IN FARRAND’S BASKETRY DeEsIGNs OF SALISH INDIANS 


PLATE 
1. Flying geese (= 24, b). 
2. Rattlesnake’s tail (=14, c). 
3. Flying birds. 
4. Snake tracks (=87, d). 
5. Snake tracks (=35, a). 
6. Flies, Snake tracks (?), Arrowheads 
(=48, c). 
7. Snake (=8, d). 
8. Butterfly wings (=Frontispiece, 
bottom basket). 
PLATE 
1. Intestine; below, Flies (=29, b). 
2. Net with deer shot by an arrow, 
Man, Dogs (=46, h). 
4. Fern leaf. 
5. Man with feather in hair, bow, two 
arrows; at either end, Ladder (?). 
6. Arrowheads (=339, a). 
7. Arrowheads of two different shapes. 


PLATE 


1. Lakes connected by streams, ducks 
flying toward the lakes, foot- 
prints of animals. 

. Arrowheads and Crossing trails. 

. Rows of lodges. 

Household utensils. 

Mountain chain (Quinault). 

. Mountain chain (Quinault). 


Oo m wh 


XT 
9. Flies, Arrowheads, and Half circles 
(=55, h). 

10. Flounders (Quinault). 

11. Head with mouth, teeth, and hair; 
below, Arrowhead (= Frontis- 
piece, top basket). 

12. Flies (=48, d). 

13. Head with open mouth; below, 


Arrowheads (=56, d). 


14. Grouse, Tracks, and Earth line. 
XXII 
8. Arrowheads (=76, top basket). 
9. Packstrap or Fish net (22, d). 
10. Grave box (=28, f). 
11. Crossing trails or Stars (=25, a). 
12. Stone hammer (=33, }). 
13. Fish net (Quinault). 
14. Stars (=28, a). 
XXIII 
7. Mountain with lakes in the valley 
(280): : 
8. Ripples of water (Quinault). 
9. ? (Quinault). 
10. Lightning (=31, b). 
11. Dream design (=37, c). 
12. Chilcotin basket (=8, a). 


INDEX TO SKETCHES OF DESIGNS! 


Plates 78-94 contain the designs collected by Mr. Teit with the 
interpretations given by him. It seemed best not to change the list 
because for additional designs the explanations could not be given. 
As stated before, the collection was made by Mr. Teit in the course 
of a considerable number of years and the information embodied in 
them was collected from all the divisions of the tribe. 

There are a number of striking omissions in the list; particularly 
the vertical stripes with diagonal, triangular, and chevron decora- 
tions are not fully represented. 

It will also be seen that the explanations given in the present list 
do not quite coincide with the explanations given on the plates, 
although the differences are of minor importance and do not invali- 
date the results obtained from the discussion of design elements, 
pages 422-424. So far as possible identifications of sketches and of 
very similar designs occurring on photographs have been embodied 


in the list. 


HORIZONTAL LINES 


1-3. Bead. 
4. Striped snake, Coil (?). 
5. Cloud, Embroidery, Necklace, 


String of beads, Dentalia. 

6. Hair ribbon, Spot, Beads, Necklace, 
String of beads, Flies. 

7. Hair ribbon, Spot, Beads, Necklace, 
String of beads, Flies, Snake- 
skin. 

8. Dentalia, Nose-rod, Flying bird or 
insect, Dragonfly. 

9. Cloud, Embroidery,  Dentalia, 
Necklace, String of beads. 

10. Cloud, Dentalia, Embroidery, Hair 


ribbon, Necklace, String of 
beads. 
11. Cloud, Embroidery, Dentalia, 


Necklace, String of beads. 
13. Cloud, Embroidery, Dentalia, 
Necklace, String of beads. 

14. Cloud, Embroidery, Dentalia 
Necklace, String of beads, Rat. 
tlesnake. 

1 The index is not quite complete. 


12 


HORIZONTAL LINES—continued 


15. Cloud, Embroidery, Necklace, 
Dentalia, Snake. 
16. Hair ribbon, Snake, Bullsnake, 


Beads, Necklace, String of beads, 
Rattlesnake, Flies. 

17, 19. Joined, Spliced, Snake. 

18, 20. Joined, Spliced. 

21. Hairy caterpillar, Dentalia, Neck- 
lace, Opaliln’tsa Eagle (?) 

22, 23. Striped snake, Coil. 

24. Dentalia, Snake or snakeskin, Bull- 
snake, Rattlesnake. 

25. Scratch, Stripe, Lines extending 
out. 

26. Legging with beaded fringe, Clouds 
appearing above the _ horizon, 
Beads (rarely). 


DIAGONAL LINES 


27, 28. Rain, Beads. 
29. Leaning, Rainbow, Stripe, Scratch, 
Lines extending out. 


473 


474 


DIAGONAL LINES—continued 


30. Leaning, Rainbow, Striped snake, 
Stripe (Rainbow stump). 

31. Leaning, Rainbow, Little ladder, 
Stripe (Rainbow stump). 

32. Scratches, Rainbow, Stripe, Rain- 
bow stump. 

33. Rainbow, Little ladder, 
snake. 

34. (?). 

35. Rain. 

36: Xanaxa’in (an edible root). 

37. Xanaxa’in, Stripe, Dentalia. 

38. Striped snake. 

39. Stlupaist or twisted, Xanaxa’in. 

40. Stlupaist or twisted, Xanaxa’in, 
Dentalia. 

41. Arrowhead, twisted, Xanaxa’in. 

42.’ Half arrowhead, Xanaxa/in, Den- 
talia. 


Striped 


VERTICAL LINES 


43, 44. Rain, Spot, Bead. 

45. Woodworm, Hair ribbon, Snake, 
Caterpillar, Spot, Necklace. 

46. Rain, Spot, Bead, Necklace, Den- 
talia. 

47. Yrame, Legging. 

48, 49. Legging. 

50. Girl’s frame (tsrxa’ksten), Leg- 
ging. 

51, 52. Legging. 

53. False legging. 

54. False legging, Striped legging. 

55-59. Dentalia and Embroidery. 

60. (?). 

61. Lines extending out, Stripe, Scratch. 

62. Striped snake. 

63. Snake, Ladder, Hair ribbon, Wood- 


worm. 

64, 65. Snake, Caterpillar, Hair ribbon, 
Woodworm. 

66. Snake, Bullsnake. 

67. Snake, Bullsnake, Snake’s head 


(rarely), Woodworm. 
68. Snake, Bullsnake, Bead, Fly, Neck- 
lace, String of beads. 


2 This is supposed to have been in the Stlaxa’iux country. 


The diamonds represent gun holes, 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


[eTH. ANN. 41 


VERTICAL LINES—continued 


69. Snake, Snakeskin, Necklace. 

70. Snake, Snakeskin. 

71. Snake, Snakeskin, Combined snake 
track and half arrowhead. 

72. Snake, Rattlesnake, Garter snake, 


Necklace. 
73, 74. Bead, Dentalia, Necklace, 
Rain. 
75. Bead, Dentalia, Rain (rarely), 
Necklace. , 


76. Bead, Necklace. 


DIAGONAL ZIGZAG, HORIZONTAL 


77. Necklace of dentalia or tubers? 
Beads, Pendants. 

78. Arrowhead, Zigzag, Necklace with 
pendants. 

79. Snake, Snake track, Mountain tops, 
Zigzag, Caterpillar, Pack strap. 

80. Snake, Sneke track, Mountain tops, 
Zigzag, Caterpillar, Pack strap. 

81. Snake, Snake track, Pack strap, 
Mountain, Caterpillar. 

82. Pack strap (connected points or 
open middles), Rainbow con- 
nected, Necklace (rarely), Zigzag, 
Meandering, Snake. 

83. Snake, Bullsnake. 

84. Necklace, Bead. : 

85. Rainbow, Necklace, Part of grav 
box (rare), Grasshopper. 

86. Zigzag (flat or wide points), Half 
circles connected, Going back 
and forth in half circles, Moun- 
tains (rarely), Snake tracks (very 
rare), Deer fence. 

87. Grave box. 

88. Rainbow, Necklace, Part of grave 
box (rarely), Grasshopper. 

89, 90. Mountains. 

91, 92. Rainbow and cloud, Cloud over 
mountain, Embroidery, 
Necklace and pendants, 
Beads. 

93, 94. Cloud (Nicola). 

95. Deer fence with snares. 

96. Indian fortress on top of a rock.? 

It is surrounded by a wall of logs and stones. 


BOAS] 


DIAGONAL ZIGZAG, HORIZONTAL—CoOn. 


97. Head band, Embroidery on the 
fronts and backs of dresses, Net, 
Necklace. 

98. Necklace, Variety of net, Embroid- 
ery, Dress design. 

99. Dress design. 

100. Necklace, Rainbow, Part of earth 

lodge (rarely), Dress design. 

101. Necklace, Rainbow (Lytton), Half 

cirele, Embroidery, Half of a 
design, Part of a grave box 
(rare), Dress design, Grasshop- 
per. 

102, 103. Arrowpoints, Necklace. 


DIAGONAL ZIGZAG, VERTICAL 


. Trail, Snake tracks, Snake, Con- 

torting, Ascending zigzag. 

Grasshopper, Grasshopper leg. 

Wave (two turns), Zigzag, Grass- 

hopper. 

. Wave (two turns), Zigzag, Grass- 
hopper. 

. Wave (short turn), Zigzag, Grass- 
hopper. 

. Wave (three turns), 
Lightning (rarely), 
Snake track. 

. Wave (four turns), Zigzag, Snake 
or Snake track. 

. Blanket, Zigzag (up and down), 
Snake or Snake track. 

112, 113. Caterpillar, Lightning (rare- 
ly), Grasshopper, Wood- 
worm borings. 

114, 115. Trail, Parfléche (rarely), As- 
cending zigzag, Snake, 
Snake track, Contracted 
middles, Pack strap (rare- 
ly). 

116, 117. Snake, Bullsnake, Caterpil- 

lar, Garter snake. 

Snake, Bullsnake, Caterpillar, 
Garter snake, Striped snake. 
Snake, Caterpillar, Garter snake, 

Striped snake. 

120. Snake, Bead necklace, Caterpillar. 

121. Snake, Woodworm, Caterpillar. 

122-125. Striped snake. 

126, 127. (?). 


Zigzag, 
Snake or 


118. 


119. 


APPENDIX 


475 


THE ZIGZAG COMPOSED OF VERTICAL AND 


HORIZONTAL SECTIONS 


128, 129. Snake and snake track (rare- 
ly), Caterpillar, Grasshop- 
per. 

Snake and snake track (rarely), 
Caterpillar, Grasshopper, Light- 
ning. 

Snake and snake track (rarely), 
Caterpillar. 

Snake track. 

Mountain, Zigzag, Necklace. 

Mountain, Zigzag, Necklace, 
Caterpillar. 


130. 


131. 


132. 
133. 
134. 


THE CHEVRON 


135. Butterfly, 
Angle. 

Butterfly wing, Butterfly. 

Necklace, Butterfly (rarely), 
Broken or bent middle. 

138. Angle, Arrowpoint. 


139, 140. Arrowpoint. 


Wing, Arrowpoint, 


136. 
137. 


141. Arrowhead (heaped up or over- 
lapping). 

142. Arrowhead. 

148. Arrowhead. 

144. Tree, Fir branch, Branch. 

145. Tree, Fir branch. 

146. Waves (one turn), Angle, Arrow- 
head, Part of zigzag (Uta’mqt), 
Grasshopper. 

147. Bent leg, Broken back, Broken 


rib, Rib, Grasshopper. 

Bent leg, Broken back, Grass- 
hopper, Rib. 

Angle, Arrowpoint. 

Fish backbone (Spuzzum). 

Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 

Broken back, Bent leg, Fishhook, 
Hook, Crook, Hooked end, 
Cross, Head, Root digger. 


148. 


149. 
150. 
151. 
152. 


153. Rainbow (half or stumps) (rare), 
Bent middle, Bent back, Bent 
leg, Striped snake (rare). 

Rainbow (half or stumps) (rare), 
Bent middle, Bent back, Bent 


leg, Striped snake (rare). 


154. 


476 


THE RIGHT ANGLE WITH ONE LONG SIDE 

SES (@)- 

156. Leg, Foot, Grasshopper. 

157, 158. Leg, Foot, Caterpillar, Bent 
knee. 

159-162. Leg (variation), Foot (varia- 

tion), Caterpillar, Double 
hook, Crook. 

Foot (rarely), 

Notch. 

164. Leg (variation), Necklace, Beads, 
Dentalia, Grasshopper (rarely) 
(arranged spirally and_hori- 
zontally). 

165. Leg (variation), Necklace (rarely), 
Dentalia, Grasshopper. 

166-168. (?). 

169. Hook, Hooked end, Fishhook, 

Foot, Grasshopper. 

Leg, Foot, Grasshopper. 

171. Grasshopper. 

172. Leg, Foot. 

173, 174. Leg, Foot, Grasshopper. 


163. Leg, Caterpillar, 


170. 


175. Caterpillars crossed. 

176. Caterpillar. 

177. Caterpillar, Double hook, Double 
crook, Angle, Bent leg. 

178. (?). 

179. Caterpillar, Double hook, Double 
crook, Angle, Bent leg, Duck. 

180. Root digger, Cross, Head. 

181. Root digger, Cross, Head (pos- 
sibly from whites), Fishhook(?). 

182. Leg, Foot. 

183. Hooked end, Leaning, Hook, Fish- 
hook (rarely), Foot, Bent leg, 
Grasshopper, Leg leaning. 

184. Bent back, Broken back, Broken 
rib, Bent leg, Grasshopper. 

185. Fishhook. 

186. Fish spear, Bird’s foot. 


THE MEANDER 


187, 188. Snake, Snake track (rarely), 
Mouth. 

189-191. Mouth. 

192. Variant of grave box, Mouth. 


193. Mouths, Notches facing each 
other. 
194-196. Notch, Mouth, Caterpillar, 
Skersknits(?). 


197. Snail, Caterpillar, Head, Duck’s 
head. 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


(ETH. ANN. 41 


THE MEANDER—continued 


198. Snail, Caterpillar, Head. 
199. Necklace. 
200. Necklace, Mountain, Zigzag steps. 
201, 202. Necklace, Cloud and moun- 
tain, Zigzag half circles, 
Stepped half circles, Em- 
broidery, Clouds, Steps. 
Necklace, Cloud and mountain, 
Zigzag half circle, Stepped half 
circle, Embroidery, Clouds. 
Necklace, Cloud, Mountain, Zig- 
zag half circles, Stepped half 
circles, Embroidery. 
Cloud, Zigzag, Embroidery, Half 
design. 
Star, Star notched or stepped all 
around, Gnawed all around. 
Star, Stepped star, Variation of 
ladder or necklace(?), Notched 
or gnawed edges all around, 
Woven bag design. 
Star, Notched star, Star stepped 
all around, Star surrounded by 
a cloud, Cloud with star shining 
through it. 
Cloud, Necklace, Embroidery, 
Cloud and mountain. 
Cloud, Embroidery, Half of a 
design. 


203. 


204. 


205. 
206. 


207. 


208. 


209. 


210. 


CROSSED LINES 


211, 212. Star, Small star, Fly (rarely), 
Flying birds or insects. 


213. Star. 

214. Star, Fishline reel. 

215. Star, Big star. 

216. Star, Big star (?), Morning star, 

Cross. 

217. Star, Morning star. 

218. Star. 

219. Star (notched), Leaf (Spuzzum). 

220, 221. Sun (painted on _ circular 

lids), Star, Flower. 

TRIANGLES 

222-229. Arrowhead. 

230. Snake(?), Bullsnake(?), Snake’s 


head, Woodworm(?). 
231-233. Arrowhead. 
234, 235. Bush, Mushroom, Tree. 
236. Bush, Mushroom, Tree, Bead. 


BOAs] 


TRIANGLES—continued 


237. Butterfly (?). 

238. Arrowhead.? 4 

239. Butterfly, Wing of butterfly. 

240, 241. Arrow, Arrowhead. 

242. Arrowhead.’ 

243. Arrowhead, Leaf. 

244. Arrowhead (joined all over), 
Cloud (rarely), Fern. 

245. Arrowheads touching bases. 

246. Arrowhead. 

247. Arrowhead, Butterfly, Butterfly 
wing. 

248. Butterfly. 

249-251. Arrowhead. 

252. Arrowheads entering one another. 

253. (?). 

254. Arrowheads touching bases. 

255, 256. (?). 

257. Arrowhead, Ladder. 

258-260. Parfléche(?) 

261. Butterfly. 

262. Leaf (double). 

263. Tooth, Grizzly-bear tooth, Butter- 
fly (rarely). 

264-267. Arrowhead (rarely), Tooth, 
Leaf, Fern leaf. 

268, 269. Arrowhead, Tooth. 

270. Parfléche. 

271. Butterfly, Arrowhead star, Wing. 


272. Arrowhead, Butterfly, Butterfly 
wing. 

273. Tooth (rarely), Arrowhead (rarc- 
ly), Wing. 

274, 275. Arrowhead, Butterfly, But- 
terfly wing. 

276. Arrowhead. 

277. Arrowhead, Half arrowhead, Lad- 
der (var.). 

278. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

279. (?) 

280. Ladder, Arrowhead. 


281. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

282, 283. (?). 

284. Arrowheads touching bases, Lad- 
der. 

. Arrowheads, Ladder. 

. Arrowheads, Half arrowheads. 

. Ladder, Notched bark. 

. Ladder, Half arrowhead. 

. Ladder, Tooth, Cloud (rarely), Half 
arrowhead. 

290, 291. Ladder. 


3 Occasionally used. Formerly beadwork patterns. 


4 Drawn from Indian description. 
5 On a new basket. 


APPENDIX 


477 


TRIANGLES—continued 


292. Ladder, Arrowhead. 
293. Ladder, Half arrowhead. 
294. Tree ladder, Arrowhead. 
295.5 Arrowhead, Ladder for climbing 
trees. 
296. Arrowhead, Ladder. 
297. Bead, Beaded edge, Caterpillar. 
298. Half arrowhead, Dentalia, Con- 
nected, Hair ribbon, Xanaxa’in. 
299. Swallow, Wing. 
300, 301. Arrowhead. 
302. Arrowhead, Snake, Snakeskin. 
303. Half arrowhead, Xanaxa’in, Lad- 
der, Embroidery (cf. 571). 
Half arrowhead, Xanaxa/in, Hair 
ribbon, Dentalia, Connected. 
Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 
Single leaf. 
Half arrowhead horizontal, Lad- 
der horizontal. 
308. Half arrowheads joined all over. 
309, 310. Swallow, Wing. 
311. Star, Arrowhead (occasionally). 
312. Ladder. 
313, 314. Ladder, Caterpillar. 
315, 316. Ladder, Arrowhead. 
317. Ladder, Caterpillar. 
318. Tree ladder, Arrowhead, Moun- 
tain, Caterpillar. 
Star, Arrowhead (occasionally). 
Parfléche. 
Ladder (var.), Contracted middle, 
Butterfly (rarely). 
322. Comb, Double comb, Parfléche(?). 
323-325. Arrowhead, Parfléche. 
326. Arrowhead, Star, Cross. 
327. Arrowhead, Arrowhead star, White 
man’s design(?). 
328. Star, Arrowhead star, Arrowhead 
cross. 
329-330. Arrowheads touching bases, 
Ladder(?). 
331. Arrowhead, Variation of notched 
ladder, Bead. 
332. Arrowhead. 
333. Star, Arrowhead star (occasion- 
ally). 
334. Arrowhead. 
335, 336. Arrowhead, Half arrowhead. 
837. (2). 
338. Arrowhead. 


304. 


305. 
306. 
307. 


319. 
320. 
321. 


478 


TRIANGLES—continued 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


SQUARES—continued 


339. Arrowhead, Bird, Swallow, Dream | 377, 378. Cloud, Cluster of flies (Ut.), 


design, Fern. 
340. Arrowhead, Bird, Swallow. 
341, 342. Arrowhead. 


SQUARES 
343-346. (?). 
347. Bead, Fly, Star. 
348. Bead, Woodworm. 
349. Bead, Star, Hairy caterpillar. 
350. Tsrne’ka, Embroidery, Comb. 
351, 352. Big bead. 


353. Tooth. 

354. Necklace, Headband, Beads, Em- 
broidery, Bullsnake, Rattle- 
snake. 


355. Twisted, Bead, Caterpillar (rare). 

356. Twisted, Bead, Hair ribbon, Neck- 
lace, String of beads. 

357. Twisted, Bead, Hair ribbon, Neck- 
lace, Bullsnake, Snakeskin. 

358. Embroidery, Bead, Fly, Necklace, 
Rattlesnake, Snake. 

359. Bead, Necklace, Spot, 
squares. 

360. Grave box, Mouth (rarely). 

361. Xanaxa/in, Ladder. 

362. Fish net, Deer net. 

363. Snake, Woodworm, Hair ribbon. 

364. Spot, Bead, Hair ribbon, Wood- 
worm. 

365. Snake, Bullsnake, Necklace, Bead 
embroidery, Fly. 

366. Snake, Snakeskin, Caterpillar, 
Bead, Step, Embroidery. 

367. Rain (rarely), Necklace of beads, 
Tsrné’ka, Embroidery. 

368. Comb, Embroidery, Tsrné’ka 
(hair ornament). 

369. Big bead, Notch, Cloud. 

370. Big bead, Cloud. 

371. Big bead, Notch, Embroidery, 
Cloud, Circles. 

372. Big bead, Big spot, Embroidery, 
Cloud, Necklace, Butterfly, 
Insect, Bird. 

373. Big bead, Flying insect or bird 
(Uta’mqt), Caterpillar. 

374. Big bead, Caterpillar, Dentalia. 

375. Star, Fly, Flying bird, Insect. 

376. Big bead, Hat. 


Joined 


Heaped up, Bead, Embroidery, 
Part of mula, Spot (heaped up), 
Part of spotted star (Nicola), 
Mountain (rare), Caterpillar. 

379. Cloud, Bead, Step, Ladder, Half 

of a design, Embroidery. 

380-387. Cloud, Cluster of _ flies 
(Uta’mqt), Heaped up, Bead, 
Embroidery, Part of mula (root 
of wild rice, lily root), Spot 
(heaped up), Half or part of 
spotted star (Nicola), Mountain 
(rare), Caterpillar. 

Star (Nicola), Fly 
Dragon fly. 

Fly, Dragon fly, Flying bird. 

Cloud, Pipe, Bead. 

Big star, Small fly (Uta’mqt), 
Buttercup (Nicola), Owl’s face 
(Lytton). 

Big star, Flower, Buttercup, Owl’s 
face. 

398. Big star (Nicola), Fly (Uta’mqt). 

394. Ornamented star variation. : 

395. Leaf (Spuzzum), Star, Bead. 

396-398. Star, Shooting star (Nicola). 

399, 400. Mula, Star (Lower Nicola), 

Cluster of stars (Nicola), Cluster 
of flies (Uta’mqt). 

401. Mula, Cluster of flies (Uta’mqt). 
402. Mula, Cluster of flies (Uta’mqt), 
Cluster of stars (Nicola). 

403, 404. Big bead, Caterpillar. 


388. (Uta’mat), 


389. 


390. 
391. 


392. 


405. Big bead. 

406. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

407. Ladder, Big bead, Caterpillar. 

408. Ladder, Caterpillar. 

409. Ladder, Big bead. 

410. Rattlesnake, Big bead. 

411. Ladder of underground house. 

412. Cloud, Embroidery, Fly, Big 
bead, Gnawed edges all around. 

413. Fly, Big bead, Steps, Snake or 
snakeskin, Hairy caterpillar, 
Embroidery. 

414. Embroidery, Step, Big bead, 
Caterpillar, Snake, Snakeskin, 

415. Star, Arrowhead star (occasion- 


ally), Big bead. 


BOas] 


416. 


417. 
418. 


419. 


420. 
421. 
422. 
423. 


424. 
425. 
426. 
427. 
428. 
429. 
430. 
431. 
432. 
433. 
434. 


435. 
436. 
437. 
438. 
439. 
440. 
441. 
442. 
443. 


444. 


APPENDIX 


SQUARES—continued 


Contracted middle, Arrowhead, 
Cloud, Parfléche. 

Arrowhead star. 

Star, Notched star, Stepped star. 


RECTANGLES 


Star, Arrowhead star (occasior- 
ally), Big bead. 

Moss cake, TsEené’ka (hair flap). 

Window. 

(2). 

Beads, Part of step design, Big 
bead, Caterpillar. 

Star, Bead. 

Star (Nicola), Bead, Fly. 

Big bead, Fly. 

Big bead, Dentalium, Caterpillar. 

Dentalium, Caterpillar. 

Dentalium, Caterpillar. 

Door. 

Eye. 

Tsrné’ka. 
Ladder, Dentalia, Xanaxa’in. 
Shell embroidery, Ladder (Cold- 
water), Dentalia, Xanaxa’in. 
Patch (real patch design), Net 
(rarely). 

Patch (Spuzzum). 

Bead, Striped bead, Dentalium. 

Snake, Bullsnake, Big bead, Fly, 
Dentalia. 

Necklace, Snake. 

Snake, Snakeskin, Bullsnake, Fly. 

Big bead, Notch, Cloud, Flying 
bird. 

Big bead, Necklace, Steps, Cloud, 
Embroidery. 

Big bead, Necklace, Steps, Cloud, 
Embroidery, Ladder (variation), 

Big bead, Necklace, Steps, Cloud. 
Embroidery. 


445-447. Big bead, Big spot, Butterfly, 


448, 


449. 


Cloud, Embroidery, Flying 
insect or bird (Uta’maqt). 

Necklace (in addition to preced- 
ing). 

Big bead, Big spot, Butterfly 
(Spuzzum), Cloud, Notch, 
Flying insect or bird (Spuzzum), 
Flying goose. 


450. 


451. 


452, 


454, 


455. 


456. 
457. 
458. 
459. 
460. 
461. 


462. 
463. 
464. 
465. 


466. 
467. 
468. 
469, 
471. 


472. 
473, 
475, 


477. 
478. 


479. 
480. 


481. 
482. 
483. 
484. 


485. 
486. 


479 


RECTANGLES—continued 


Big bead, Big spot, Butterfly 
(Spuzzum), Cloud, Notch, Fly- 
ing insect or bird (Spuzzum), 
Flying goose, Necklace. 

Beads, Necklace, Notch, Notch 
extended, Circling, Caterpillar, 
Clouds extended. 

453. Cloud extended, Notch, Cat- 

erpillar, Flying goose. 

Cloud, Mountain, Cluster of flies 
(Uta’mqt), Bead, Embroidery, 
Hat, Spot (heaped up), Part of 
spotted star (Nicola), Hairy cat- 
erpillar, Mula, Part of mula. 

Big bead, Hat, Dentalia, Hair rib- 
bon. 

Big bead, Hat. 

Caterpillar, Woodworm. 

Spot, Big bead. 

Wide-pointed star. 

Star, Fly, Flying bird, Insect. 

Star (Nicola), Fly (Uta’mqt), Fly- 
ing bird, Insect. 

Star (Nicola), Fly (Uta’mqt). 

Dentalia, Ladder. 

Dentalia, Ladder, Big beads. 

Dentalia, Ladder, Big beads, 
Steps, Caterpillar. 

Dentalia, Ladder, Big beads. 

Ladder. 

Big beads, Fly, Flying bird, Insect. 

470. Spot, Big beads. 


Ladder, Bead, Necklace, Den- 
talia. 

(?). 

474. Hairy caterpillar. 


476. Cloud, Fly, Bead, Embroid- 
ery, Caterpillar. 

Fly, Bead, Hairy caterpillar. 

Steps, Bead, Hairy caterpillar, 
Ladder. 

Big bead, Hairy caterpillar. 

Steps, Big bead, Hairy caterpillar, 
Ladder. 

Necklace, Beads, Dentalia. 

Big bead, Necklace. 

Big bead, Ear-ring. 

Bead, Spot, Necklace, 
squares. 

Dentalia, Necklace. 

Necklace, Joined squares, Spot. 


Joined 


480 


RECTANGLES—continued 


487. Necklace. 

488. Bead, Beaded edge, Caterpillar. 

489. Necklace. 

490-491. Big bead, Feathers. 

492. Star, Cross, Morning star, Big 
star. 

493. Bead, Star. 

494. Star. 

495. Cloud, Mountain, Necklace, Beads, 
Zigzag, Half circle. 

496, 497. Necklace, Beads, Dentalia. 


498. Big bead, Step, Embroidery, Cat- 
erpillar, Dentalia, Snake, 
Snakeskin. 


499. Standing points (Spuzzum), Fly 
(checked part), Tsrené’ka, Em- 


broidery, Dentalia, Necklace, 
Part of a design. 

500. Tsmné’ka 

501. Caterpillar, Woodworm. 

502. Mountains and clouds, Beads, 


Clusters of flies (Uta/mqft). 

503. Legging fringe, Clouds, Dentalia, 
Beads, Big spot (rarely), Cat- 
erpillar. 

504. Dentalia, Caterpillar. 

505. Hand pointing. 

506. Head, Duck’s head, Caterpillar. 

507. Necklace, Design on dresses, Fly- 
ing bird, Beads. 


DIAMONDS 


508. Spearhead(?), Snares, Lakes, 
Leaves, Meshes, Part of a de- 
sign (Uta’mqt). 

509. Wasp’s nest. 

510. Mula (root of wild rice), Cluster of 
flies, Heart, Big bead. 

511. Star, Eye, Snare, Mesh. 

512. Star, Eye, Flower. 

513-515. Star. 

516. Leaf. 

517. Leaf double. 

518. Net, Fence, Pack-strap. 

519, 520. Fish net, Deer net, Variation 

of grave box. 

521. Contracting, Eye, Arrowhead, 
Snake, Snare, Net, Part of net. 

522. Contracting, Eye, Big bead. 

523. Tied ends, Ear-ring. 

524. Bead, Beaded edge, Woodworm, 
Caterpillar, 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


(ETH. ANN. 41 


DIAMONDS—continued 


525. Contracting, Eye, Arrowhead, 
Snare, Net, Part of net, Big 
bead, Snake. ; 

Rattlesnake, Big bead. 

Eye, Contracting, Big bead. 

Connected crosses, Big bead, 
Snake, Part of net design, Con- 
tracting, Eye, Snare. 

Arrowhead, Snake, Snakeskin. 

Snake. 

Rattlesnake, Big bead. 

Arrowhead. 

Arrowhead heaped up (ef. 252). 

Necklace, Big bead, Mula, Clus- 
ters of flies (Uta’mqt), Heart 
(Uta’maqt). 

Necklace, Big bead, Heart. 

Necklace, Bear’s foot(?), Tracks(?). 

Necklace, Embroidery, Snake, 
Net. 

Bear’s foot. 

539. Flower. 

540. Flower, Star, Leaf. 

541, 542. Flower, Star, Leaf (rarely). 

543. Star, Arrowhead(?), Thunderbolt, 

Flower, Leaf. 

544, 545. Star. 

546. Star, Flower, Leaf. 

547. Arrowhead, Leaf. 

548. Arrowhead with cross or star, 
Thunder arrowhead, Thunder- 
bolt, Leaf. 

Beaver’s tail. 

Arrowhead. 

(?). 

Big bead, Heart, Mula, Clusters 
of flies (Uta’mqt). 

553-555. Arrowhead. 

556. Parfléche. 

557. Star, Part of tsupendist. 

558. Necklace with pendants, Double 
zigzag. 

Arrowhead, Eye(?), Star, Beaver 
(rarely), Variation of necklace, 
Deer fence and snares. 

Star, Pack strap. 

Net design in fragments. 

Necklace (rarely). 

Tsupeniist (rarely), Net (rarely), 
Necklace, Double zigzag. 

Butterfly(?), Part of tsupenaist, 
Wing. 


526. 
527. 
528. 


529. 
530. 
531. 
532. 
533. 
534. 


535. 
536. 
537. 


538. 


549. 
550. 
551. 
552. 


559. 


560. 
561. 
562. 
563. 


564. 


Boas] 


DIAMONDS—continued 


565. Butterfly, 

Wing. 
566. Zigzag, Deer fence and snares. 
567. Entwining, Zigzag. 


Part of tsupeniist, 


RHOMBOIDS 


568, 569. Spot, Big bead, Dentalia, 
Caterpillar. 

570, 571. Arrowhead, Necklace, Beaded 
embroidery, Dentalia, 
Xanaxa/in. 


TRAPEZOIDS 


572. Tooth, Grizzly-bear tooth, Butter- 
fly (rarely). 

573-575. Tsrné’ka. 

576. Dentalia, Ladder. 

577, 578. Cloud (Nicola). 


579. Cloud, Mountain, Dentalia, Em- 
broidery. 

580. Bead, Beaded edge, Caterpillar. 

581. Snake, Bullsnake, Rattlesnake. 

THE HEXAGON 

582. Snare, Circle, Half or part of 
grave box. 

583. Grave box. 

THE OCTAGON 

584. Grave box. 

585. Real grave box (Spuzzum, ef. 520), 
Lodge (Lytton design). 

586. Big bead, Part of grave box, 
Necklace. 

587. Variation of grave box, Eye 
(rarely). 

588. Full moon, Half horizontal zigzag 
or meander (Spuzzum), Circle, 
Snare, Part of grave box, Grass- 
hopper. 

589. Moon. 


THE COMBINATION OF SIMPLE GEO- 
METRIC FIGURES 


Necklace, Beads, Dentalia, Em- 
broidery of shell, beads, or 
quills. 

Necklace, Beads, Dentalia. 

Part of grave box. 

593. Arrow notch, Mountain tops. 

594. (?). 
® Painted on circular lids. 


590. 


591. 
592. 


APPENDIX 


481 


THE COMBINATION OF SIMPLE GEO- 
METRIC FIGURES—continued 


595. Necklace. 

596. TsEné’ka. 

597, 598. Parfléche, Arrowhead. 

599-601. Parfléche(?). 

602. Arrow. 

603. Parfléche(?). 

604, 605. Star, Arrowhead star. 

606.° Sun, Star, Flower. 

607.6 Arrowhead star, Flower. 

608. Star, Arrowhead star, Flower. 

609, 610. Star, Arrowhead star. 

611-613. Star, Arrowhead (occasion- 

ally). 

614. Star, Arrowhead (occasionally), 
Flower. 

615.7 Star, Arrowhead (occasionally). 

616. Star, Arrowpoint star, Star 
notched all around. 

617. (?). 

618. Leaf, Arrowhead. 

619. (?). 

620.8 Star, White man’s star (Spuz- 
zum). 


DESIGNS EITHER GEOMETRIC OR 
REALISTIC 


621. Half moon. 

622. Moon and arrowhead, Full moon, 
Arrowhead and shield(?). 

623, 624. Rattles, Rattlesnake’s tail. 

625. Snake, Bullsnake, Woodworm, 
Snake’s head. 

626, 627. Snake, Snake’s head, Bull- 

snake, Woodworm. 

628-630. Crow’s foot, Bird’s foot. 

631, 632. Bear’s foot, Comb. 

633, 634. Hand, Fingers. 


635-640. Lizzard. 

641. Moccasin, Inverted sweat house 
or lodge. 

642. Hagle’s nest, Bird’s nest. 

643. Panther, Robin’s nest, Bird’s nest. 

644. Bird’s nest. 

645. Sheep horns. 

646. Butterfly. 

647. Flying birds, Swallow, Butterfly 
(rarely). 

648. Butterfly (rarely), Necklace, 
Notch, Arrow. 

649. Butterfly. 


7 Has different kinds of centers. 


® Copied from oilcloth. The general shape is always the same, but there are many varieties of 


centers. 


482 


DESIGNS EITHER GEOMETRIC OR 
REALISTIC—continued 


650. Butterfly (rarely), Necklace, 
Notch, Arrow. 

651. Butterfly. 

652-655. (?). 

656. Spearhead, Flower. 

657. Flower. 

658. Flower, White clematis. 

659. Flower, Blue clematis. 

660. Leaves, Flower, Spearhead, 

Thunderbolt (rarely). 

Flower, Arrowhead, Spearhead. 

Arrow. 

663. Arrowhead. 

664. (?). 

665-667. Leaf, Pool, Maple leaf. 

668, 669. Berries. 

670. Necklace with tooth pendants, 
Big beads. 

671. Embroidery, Cactus(?), Dress de- 
sign. 

672. Arrowhead. 

673. Moccasin trailer, Deer track, Deer 
hoof. 

674. Moccasin trailer, Deer track, Deer 
hoof, Tsrné’ka, Notch, Notched 
end. 

675. Notch, Arrowhead, Part of a 
design, Tsrné’ka, Basketry. 

676. Swallow tail. 

677. Tsrné’ka. 

678, 679. Leg, Legging. 

680. Hook, Foot (rarely), Leg. 

681. Legging with beaded fringe. 

682. House, Lean-to lodge. 

683-685. Ladder, Tree ladder (Cold- 
water). 

686. Grave box(?), Ornament(?), Tsr- 
né’ka, Woven bag patterns. 

687. Girl’s frame. 

688. Heart, Tsmné’ka. 

689. Pack strap with fillings, 
Mesh. 

690. Part of grave box, Butterfly, Kind 
of fern, Variation of butterfly, 
Xane’m. 

691. (?) 

692. Mula (Lytton), Dream design(?). 

693. Butterfly (?), Woven bag pattern, 
Tsmné’ka (rarely). 


661. 
662. 


Net, 


COILED BASKETRY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 


(ETH. ANN. 41 


STRONGLY CONVENTIONALIZED 


694. Eagle, Bird, Thunder. 

695. Moccasin, Clouds with stars. 

696-699. Duck, Caterpillar. 

700. Spearhead, Thunderbolt and rain- 
bow (rare), Storm clouds. 

701. Spearhead, Thunderbolt and light- 
ning (rare), Storm clouds, 
Cloud, Fanciful single figure. 

702. Lily root (Mula, Root of wild 
rice), Snake’s tail. 

703. Sweat house. 

704, 705. Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 

706. Eagle, Bird. 

707. Eagle, Flying bird. 

708. Eagle, Flying bird, Dentalia. 

709. Eagle, Flying bird. 

710, 711. Eagle, Bird. 

712, 713. Eagle, Flying bird, Eagle 
wing. 

714, 715. Flying goose, Bird. 

716, 717. Eagle, Bird. 

718. Eagle, Flying bird. 

719-722. Eagle, Bird, Eagle’s or bird’s 
tail. 

723. Eagle, Bird. 

724-730. Flying birds, Swallow. 

731, 732. Flying birds, Swallow, Swal 
low wing. 

733. Shaman wearing mask. 

734-736. Panther, Deer’s head. 

737. Deer’s head. 

738. Deer’s hoof. 

739. Arrowhead. 

740. Fish spear and fish. 

741-744. Pipe, Foot. 

745. Arrowhead (ornamented). 

746-756. Butterfly. 

757-759. Tree. 

760-764. Pine cones (yellow). 

765. Butterfly or insect. 

766. Half moon(?). 

767. Flying bird, Swallow, Wing. 

768-770. Man, People. 

771-773. Underground house with 
cross at the head of the 
ladder, Tipi, Dream 
designs, Grave mound 
with cross. 

774. Butterfly. 


Boas] 


STRONGLY CONVENTIONALIZED—COD. 


775. Bird, Eagle, Opaliln’tsa. 

776. Rainbow, Circling half circle, 
Mouth, Notch, Corral, Pack 
strap, Kakanétz. 

7772 Eagle. 

778-780. Eagle’s tail. 

781. Eagle’s head. 

782, 783. Flying bird. 


REALISTIC 


784, 785. Little men. 

786-789. Leg, Foot. 

790. Little deer. 

791. Deer. 

792. Arrowhead, Star, Stretched bear- 
skin. 

Otter. 

Beaver. 

Sheep horns. 

Grouse tracks, Grouse feet, Bird’s 
feet, Bird’s tracks. 

797. Crow, Bird. 

798-803. Butterfly. 

804-806. Eagle, Bird. 

807. Snake. 

808. Hammer, Comb. 

809, 810. Hammer. 

811. Hammer, Comb. 

812, 813. Comb, Single comb. 

814-817. Lily root (Mula, Root of 

wild rice), Snake’s tail. 
818. Tipi, Girl’s lodge. 


793. 
794. 
795. 
796. 


APPENDIX 


483 


REALISTIC—continued 


819. Tipi, Girl’s lodge. 

820. Tipi, Girl’s lodge, Bird, Foot. 

821. Tipi, Girl’s lodge, Earth lodge. 

822, 823. Tipi. 

824. Tipi, Mat lodge. 

825. Sweat house. 

826. House, Lean-to lodge. 

827. Bow. 

828, 829. Bow and arrow. 

830-832. Arrow. 

. Arrow, Notched feather. 

. Arrow. 

. Drill, Arrowhead. 

. Arrowhead. 

. Arrowhead, Paint pouch. 

. Arrowhead, Spear head. 

. Arrowhead. 

. Pipe. 

. Comb. 

. Rattle, Deer-hoof rattle. 

. Hand rattle. 

. Rainbow, Necklace(?), Snowshoe. 

. Catholic cross (Nicola, Gladwin 
rarely), Star. 

846, 847. Paint pouch (with fringe). 

848. War club. 

849-851. Feather. 

852-854. Cactus. 

855. Leaf. 

856. Tree(?). 

857. Wasp’s nest and tree branches. 

858. Moon. 

859. Dream design of snare and animal. 


* This is sometimes a central figure on the basket wall, and is then surrounded by tail or head 
designs. The central diamond represents the heart; the cross, the head; and the checks, the ends of 


feathers. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Batrour, Henry. The evolution of decorative art. London, 1903. 

Barrett, 8. A. Pomo Indian basketry. Publ. Univ. Cal., Amer. Archaeol. and 
Ethn., vol. vir, no. 3, Berkeley, 1908. 

Boas, Franz. Decorative designs of Alaskan needle cases. Proc. U. S. Nat. 
Mus., vol. xxxiv, pp. 321-344, Washington, 1908. 

Dixon, Rotanp B. Basketry designs of the Maidu Indians of California. Amer. 
Anthrop., n. s. vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 266-276, New York, 1900. Ye 4 

Basketry designs of the Indians of northern California. Bull. Amer. 
Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. xv, pt. 1, New York, 1902. 

Emmons, G. T. The basketry of the Tlingit. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., 
vol. 11, pt. 1, New York, 1903. 

Farranp, Livineston. Basketry designs of the Salish Indians. Mem. Amer. 
Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11 (Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 1), pt. v, New 
York, 1900. 

Gopparp, Purny E. Life and culture of the Hupa. Publ. Univ. Cal., Amer. 
Archaeol, and Ethn., vol. 1, no. 1 (Basket-making, pp. 38-48), Berkeley, 1903. 

GrossE, Ernst. The beginnings of art. New York, 1897. 

Happon, A. C. Evolution in art as illustrated by the life-histories of designs. 
London, 1895. 

Hiui-Tout, Cuarues. The native races of the British Empire. British North 
America. I. The far West, the home of the Salish and Déné. London, 1907. 

Houmes, W. H. A study of the textile art in its relation to the development of 
form and ornament. Sixth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 189-252, Washington, 
1888. : 

JocHELson, WALDEMAR. The Koryak. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. x 
(Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. v1), pt. 1, New York, 1908. .. 

Kissett, Mary Lots. Basketry of the Papago and Pima. Amer, Mus. Nat. 
Hist., Anthrop. Papers, vol. xvi, pt. 1v, New York, 1916.. 

Krorser, A. L. Decorative symbolism of the Arapaho. Amer. Anthrop., n. s. 
vol. 111, no. 2, pp. 308-336, New York, 1901. 

The Arapaho. Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. xvi, pt. 1, New 

York, 1902. 

Basket designs of the Indians of northwestern California. Publ. Univ. 
Cal., Amer. Archaeol. and Ethn., vol. 1, no. 4, Berkeley, 1905. 

Mason, Orrs T. Aboriginal American basketry. Studies in a textile art 
without machinery. Report U. S. National Museum, 1902, pp. 171-548. 

Orcuarp, WituiAM C. The technique of porcupine-quill decoration among the 
North American Indians. Cont. Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation, vol. rv, 
no. 1, New York, 1916. r 

Terr, James. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Mem. Amer. Mus. 
Nat. Hist., vol. m (Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 1), pt. 1v, New York, 
1900. 

---“The Lillooet Indians. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. rv (Jesup 

North Pacific Expedition, vol. 11), pt. v, New York, 1906. 

The Shuswap. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. rv (Jesup North 

Pacific Expedition, vol. m), pt. vu, New York, 1909. 

Notes on the Chilcotin Indians. Appendix to The Shuswap, Ibid., 
pp. 759-789. 

Wisster, CuarKk. Decorative art of the Sioux Indians. Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. 
Hist., vol. xvi, pt. 3, New York, 1904. 

North American Indians of the Plains. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Hand- 

book ser., no, 1, New York, 1912. 


484 


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| REFERENCES TO PLATE 


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b,c, p. 163. Details showing rel of imbricated coils 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2 


WOMAN MAKING A BASKET. (P. 167) 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, pp. 169, 172. 

p. 180. 

b, pp. 169, 170, 172. 
p. 180. 


. Break of horizontal design on corner of basket 


PLATE 3 
b, A.M.N.H. 16-8837 


Watch-spring bottom 

View illustrating wrenched corners 
Elongated watch-spring bottoms 
View illustrating wrenched corners 
Beading on bottom . 


Bottom of parallel coils 4 
View illustrating wrenched corners. 


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ETHNOLOGY 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4 


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PLATE 4 
a, A.M.N.H. 16-1043 
REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Bottom of parallel coils surrounded by spiral coils 
View illustrating wrenched corners 

Beading on bottom 

Bottom of parallel coils sewed to the walls 

View illustrating wrenched corners 


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PLATE -5 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H 16-8733. Basket with warped bottom. Design: “Variation of gray 
(Coldwater,. Uta’mat); ‘‘Part of a grave-box pattern’? (Spuzzum); “Circles” (Nicola). 
“Rolls of Indian hemp bark which were tied at both ends and in the middle” 

b, Basket with strengthened bottom ; 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 
a, p.173. Basket with warped bottom : : 


p. 254. Hexagonal pattern 
ob, p. 173. Cross sticks for straightening bottom of basket 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5 


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PLATE 6 


a, Slat bottom, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-1325; }, slats and coils; c, slats — 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 174. Slat bottom ; 
b, p. 172. Slat bottom surrounded by coils * 
p. 178. Method of sewing bottom coils to ends of slat bottom 
p. 228. Bottom with bifurcated stitches 
c, p. 174. Slat bottom 
p. 178. Method of sewing slat bottom to walls of basket 


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BOTTOMS OF BASKETS 


PLATE 7 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-9540. Basket with warped walls. Design: “‘ Neck- 
lace of beads and dentalia,”’ ‘‘ Embroidery,” ‘“‘Standing”’ (Spuzzum) 

b, Chileotin. U.S.N.M. 247€90. Basket with warped walls 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5975. Correction for slanting of coils 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


180. Basket with irregular walls 

. 243. Vertical stripes interrupted by checkerwork 

249. Banded squares 

. 180. Chileotin basket with irregular walls, and ends higher than middle 
. 345. Chilcotin basket, general description 

. 180. Basket with adjustment of coils to secure a straight rim 

. 242. Lillooet basket with vertical stripes 

. 253. Chevron designs 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 7 


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a 


THOMPSON, CHILCOTIN, AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 8 


a, Chileotin. A.M.N.H. 16-1382. Basket with depressed center of rim. Design as interpreted by the 
Thompson: Atrim: “Stripe,” ‘““Standing;’’ field, under rim: ‘‘ Net” (Nicola), ‘‘Patch;’’ next field: 
“Star design, connected,” ‘‘ Part of a net or mesh;’’ lowest field: ‘‘Zigzag,’’ ‘‘Snake,”’ ‘“‘ Deer fence’”’ 

b, A.M.N.H. 16-5894 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5891. Basket with lid. Design: ‘‘Seratches,” ‘Short points,’ ‘Teeth’ 
(Nicola, Gladwin); ‘‘ Arrowhead”’ (Lytton), “Incisions’’ 

d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4604. Tobacco basket with lid. Design: ‘‘Snake,’’ ‘‘ Garter snake”’ 


a, p. 180. 
p. 231. 


p. 345. 
b, p. 186. 
c, p. 186. 
p. 187. 
p. 225. 


p. 227. 


sede 


Pp. 252. 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Chilcotin basket with ends higher than middle 

Chilcotin basket with characteristic division of decorative field into rim and three divisions, 
the central one without imbricated background 

Chileotin basket with vertical designs leaning to the left 

Basket with lid of watch-spring coiling 

Basket with slat lid 

Slat lid with encircling coil 

Basket with beaded lid 

Horizontal decoration with break on long side near corner 

Decoration consisting of small isolated triangle on rim 


d, pp. 186, 187. -Basket with lid 


p. 204. 
p. 227. 


Nut-shaped basked with lid 
Horizontal decoration showing break 


pp. 234, 262. Horizontal band 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 9 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-1032. Basket with lid. Design: “Coil,” ‘‘Snake’” (Thompson); ‘Line 
going around”’ (Nicola, Stlaxa’iux"); ‘Garter snake’’ (Coldwater, Lytton, Uta’mqt, Spuzzum) 

b, Thompson. Victoria Museum, Ottawa, VI. M.185,a. Lidof basket. Design: ‘‘Coil,’’ “Snake” 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6937. Basket withlid. Design: ‘‘ Notch,” ‘‘ Necklace,” ‘‘Tsrné’ka,”’ ‘ Pouch 
with notched mouth.’’ On the lid, ‘‘ Bead,” ‘‘ Rain” 

d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4639. Tobacco and pipe basket 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p, 187. Basket with lid of watch-spring coiling 
p. 191. Basket with coiled foot 
p. 204. Nut-shaped basket with lid 
pp. 234, 262. Horizontal band 
6, p. 186. Lid of watch-spring coiling. 
¢, p. 187. Slat lid with encircling coils 
p. 225. Basket with beaded lid 
d, p. 208. Basket for tobacco and pipe 


53666°—28——iI 


PLATE 10 


a, Thompson. H.M.A.I. 8610. Basket with lid 

b, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5888. Basket with lid. Design on the lid: ‘Little spot’’ (Coldwater), 
“Tittle bead’? (Thompson). On the basket walls, stripes 1 and 5, ‘‘Arrowhead’’ (Coldwater); 
stripes 2 and 4, ‘‘Arrowhead’’ (Coldwater), ‘‘ Variety of Indian rice’’ (Lytton), ‘‘ Embroidery” 
(Thompson, Lytton); stripe 3, “‘Snake’’ (Thompson, Nicola), ‘‘ Fly’? (Uta’mat) 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Basket with slat lid and encircling rim coil 
Basket with beaded lid 

Imbricated zigzag 

Basket with slat lid and encircling double coil 
p. 225. Basket with beaded lid 

pp. 239, 242. Vertical stripes 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


11 


PLATE 11 


a, Thompson. Basket with lid supported by flange 
b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 164645. Basket with lid. Design: ‘‘ Mouth” (Coldwater); ‘‘ Notch” 
(Nicola). Some say that the design was taken from the whites 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


8 
> 
= 
a 
= 


Basket with lid of parallel coils surrounded by spiral coils; smaller than mouth of 
basket and supported by flange 
. 191. Basket with coiled foot 
. 239. Vertical stripes 
188. Basket with lid following the lines of the walls 
189. Lid worked from outer rim toward center 
Basket with coiled foot 
225. Basket with beaded foot 
234. Horizontal zigzags 
. 264. Adjustment of pattern at corners 
299. Decorated lid 


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PLATE 12 


a, Probably Thompson. Basket with attached lid 

b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-1325. See also Plate 6a. Design: ‘‘Half arrowhead’? (Thompson, 
Spences Bridge, Lytton, StlaXa’iux»); ‘‘ Arrowhead”? (Coldwater); ‘‘Arrowpoint’” (Spuzzum); 
“Xanaxa’in” (Spences Bridge, Nicola); ‘‘Dentalia’’ (Lytton, Thompson Siding) 

c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8734. Basket with foot. Design: ‘‘ Hook,” ‘‘ Single crook,” ‘Angle,’’ 
“Notch,” ‘Foot,’ ‘Leg,’ ‘‘Bent leg’? (Thompson, Nicola); ‘‘Duck,’’ ‘‘ Duck’s head” 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, pp. 189, 206. Basket with attached lid 
p. 208. Storage basket 
p. 239. Vertical stripes | 
p. 299. Decorated lid 

b, p. 186. Basket with lid of parallel coils 
p. 239. Vertical stripes 
p. 284 (note). Basket with filler 
p. 299. Basket with lid 

¢,p- 191. Basket with coiled foot 
p. 240. Horizontal! arrangement of isolated designs. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 12 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


BOTTOM OF THOMPSON BASKET. LILLOOET RATTLE 


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ies PLATE 13 
a, Thompson, A.M.N.H. 16-1044. Bottom finished with two ring coils 
b, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5926. Baby’s rattle, seen from the top 
_ REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 193. Bottom finished with two ring coils 
b, p. 186 (note). End of rattle made by watch-spring coiling 
p. 252. Rattle with small isolated triangles 


PLATE 14 


a, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5912. Basket with handle. Design: “‘Stripe’’ 

, Lower Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4642 

c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4626. Basket with handle. Design: ‘Necklace of dentalia and beads" 
(Gladwin, Lytton), ‘‘ Rattlesnake tail’? (Thompson, Spences Bridge), ‘‘ Flying goose’’ (Thompson, 
Nicola) 

d, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6934. Basket with lid and handle. Design: ‘‘ Variety of arrowpoint,’’ ‘‘ Va- 
riety of ladder.’’ The stripe connecting the diamonds has been likened to an arrow shaft; again the 
lid pattern has been called ‘“‘snake.’’ There are “‘flies’’ in the spaces 

e, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4605 


> 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 195, Basket with coiled handle 
p. 234. Imbricated vertical design 

b, p. 195. Basket with coiled handle 

c, p. 195. Basket with coiled handle 
p. 299. Basket with lid 

d, pp. 195, 204. Basket with lid with knob handle 
p. 254. Large diamonds divided by central band 
p. 299. Basket with lid 

é, p. 195. Basket with coiled handle 
p. 234. Imbricated zigzag 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 15 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 15 


a, Lillooet. U.S.N.M. 217466. Trunk. Design: ‘‘Arrowheads and dentalia,” ‘Fly’ 
(Uta’mat) 

b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8839. Trunk 

c, Port Douglas. A.M.N.H. 16-8838 Trunk 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 205. Storage basket 
p. 239. Storage basket with vertical stripes as decoration 
p. 242. Lillooet basket with vertical stripes 
b, p. 205. Storage basket 
p. 239. Storage basket with vertical stripes as decoration 
p. 242. Thompson basket with vertical stripes 
c, p. 205. Storage basket 
p. 239. Vertical arrangement of diamonds 
p. 296. Detailed discussion of decoration 
p. 300. Faulty spacing of design 


PLATE hs 


Nicole inomnscry “Ply” (Uta’maqt). On fine body of the basket: “Double > hook,” 
“ Angle’? (Thompson, Spuzzum); “Hook,” ‘‘Duck” (Lytton, Stlaxa’iux»); EES ofa 
snake’’ (Uta’mat); “ Leg,”’ ‘‘ Foot”? (Gladwin, Lytton) 

t, Thompson(?). Modern basket with central division 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 184. Basket with loop work on walls 
p. 195. Basket with coiled handle 
p. 208. Fancy basket of loop work 

b, p. 210. Modern basket with partition 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 16 


“Foon 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17 


THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


a, 
c, 


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f, 
9 
h, 
i, 


PLATE 17 
[Victoria Museum, Ottawa] 


Thompson. VI.M. 432. Design: ‘‘ Mountains.’ (On sides, ‘Ducks on water’’) 
Thompson. VI.M. 58. Design: ‘‘ Arrowheads with stars inside”’ 

Lillooet. VI.O.10. (Lid see f) 

Lillooet. VI.O. 12 

Thompson. VI.M.49. Design: “‘Zigzag,’’ ‘‘Step”’ 

Lillooet. VI.O.10. Lid toc 

Thompson or Lillooet. VI.M.87. Modern basket 

Thompson. VI.M.65. Design: ‘‘ Rib” 

Lillooet. WI.O. 11 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


. 208. Fancy basket with looped rim 
253. Diamonds outlined in black 
253. Checkered diamond 
204. Nut-shaped basket 

Fancy basket with looped rim 

229. Regular arrangement of design 
253. Distorted checkered diamonds 
208. Fancy basket with loop work 
245. Diagonal decoration on tray 

p. 205. Storage basket 


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53666°—28——I1 


a, Lillooet. 
b, Lillooet. 


c, Lillooet. 


PLATE 18 
A.M.N.H. 16-5911. The main design: “Notch,” “Mouth,” “Zigzag,” “Caterpillar.” The 


filler: ‘‘ Leg,’’ ‘‘ Foot,’’ ‘‘ Hook,” “ Bent ends” 


A.M.N.H. 16.1-501. Basket with lid decorated in beading. Design: ‘‘Snakes’’ (Lytton); 


“Rattlesnake”’ 


U.P.M. (N.A.) 1763. Burden basket, side decorated with beading 


d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-450. Design: “‘ Pack strap” 


a, p. 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Lillooet basket, upper part without imbrication 
Imbricated vertical and horizontal lines 

Basket with filler 

Storage basket 

Basket with beaded lid 

Lillooet basket with one beaded side 

Lillooet basket with stripes used as droppers 

Lillooet basket with beading 

Single field with design on unimbricated background 
Basket illustrating treatment of zigzag at corner 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 19 


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LILLOOET BASKETS 


. PLATE 19 


ad”; aloe “Mouth” 
. A.M.N.H, 16.1-492 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


b, p. 231 Basket with design field divided into two sections 
r Design ‘divided in center by an undecorated field 


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a, Lillooet. U.S.N.M. 217432. Basket decorated with large single design; above, “Head nO at 
b, Lillooet. U.S.N.M. 217424 Dad 


REFERENCES TO PLATE ee 


a, p. 231. Lillooet basket with design field divided in two sections y 
p. 242. Head design oe 
p. 384. Design divided in center by an undecorated field 

b, p. 231. Lillooet basket with design field divided in two sections , 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 20 


b 
LILLOOET BASKETS 


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PLATE 21 


a, Harrison Lake. A.M.N.H. 16.1-509. Design: In center, ‘Flying bird,’’ ‘‘Necklace;” on either 
side, ‘‘Indian rice.’ The droppers, ‘‘Snake,’’ ‘‘ Fly” 

b, Harrison Lake. A.M.N.H. 16.1-520 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6931. Design: Upper field, ‘‘ Variation of grave box,” ‘‘ Mesh,” ‘Lakes 
with ducks,”’ “Snare with animals,’ ‘Men,’ “Flies; lower field, ‘Flying geese,’ ‘Flying 
bird,” ‘‘Swallow,”’ “‘ Necklace” 

d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-462 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


231. Design arrangement in two fields, the upper one imbricated 


a,b, p. 

a, p. 253. Chevrons interpreted as flying birds 

b, p. 253. Lillooet basket with chevron designs 

c, p. 231. Lillooet basket with design divided into two fields 
p. 254. Lillooet basket with large diamonds 
p. 255. Realistic design 

d, p. 239. Horizontal line called by some rectangles divided into three sections 
p. 250. Rectangles divided in sections of different colors 
p. 262. Horizontal band running around the basket 


PLATE 22 


a, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 217453. Design: ‘‘ Notch,” ‘‘ Mouth,” “Variation of grave box” 
b, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6933. Design: ‘‘Ladder” (Lytton). Between the ladders, ‘Buck deer,” 


“Plies,’’ “‘Grouse,’’ or ‘‘ Ducks,” ‘‘A bow and two arrows,” ‘‘Man with outstretched hand.” 
See Plate 76 


c, Lillooet. Lower field with beading 
d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4612. Design: ‘Twisting’? (Coldwater, Uta’mqt, Lytton); “ Fish- 


net’’ (Uta’maqt, Lytton, Spences Bridge); ‘‘Deer net’? (Thompson, Gladwin, Spences Bridge, 
Nicola); ‘‘Grave box’’ (Coldwater); ‘‘Tumpline,” ‘‘ Pack strap” 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 231. Basket with decorated field covering three-quarters of entire surface 
b, pp. 255, 256. Realistic designs 
c, p. 234. Imbricated zigzag 
d, p. 232. Design on unimbricated backgrounds 
p. 254. Diamond designs 


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FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 23 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 23 


a, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6929. The design is not made by the Thompson, but they call it ‘“ Variety 
of arrowhead’ (Coldwater), ‘‘ Necklace,’ ‘‘Men and dogs.” The two-legged animals were also 
intended to be dogs, but there was not room enough to admit of complete figures. The Lillooet 
interpret the pattern as ‘‘ Arrowhead” with figures of “Men,” “ Dogs,’’ and “Ducks” 

b, U.P.M. (N.A.) 1774 

c, A.M.N.H. 16-4643 

d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-441. Design: ‘Star’ 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 232. Imbrication except on small field near bottom 
p. 255. Realistic design 

6, p. 233. Basket with imbrication of the whole wall 

c, p. 234. Imbricated zigzag 

d, p. 232, Unimbricated basket with imbricated design 
p. 284. Basket with filler 


PLATE 24 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8001. Design: ‘‘Arrow points’’ (Spuzzum); ‘‘Necklace,”’ ‘‘ Bow snake,”’ 
“Bear foot’’ (Uta’mqt). The band in the middle: “‘ Necklace of quills’’ 

b, Thompson. A.M.N.H 16-4607. Design: ‘‘ Butterfly’’ (Lytton); ‘‘Variation of a little crow pat- 
tern’? (Lytton, Stlaxa’iux"); ‘‘ Arrow notch’’ (Thompson, Coldwater); ‘‘ Flying goose’ (Thompson, 
Nicola); ‘‘ Variation of necklace of dentalia and beads’? (Thompson, Spences Bridge, Gladwin); 
“Mountain sheep’’(?) 

c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4638A. Design: ‘‘ Arrowhead’’(?) 

d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8732. Design: ‘‘ Arrowhead,”’ ‘‘ Beaver” 

¢, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-9874. Design: ‘‘Snake track,’’ “Snake,” ‘‘Caterpillar.’’ The design in the 
center, “‘Fly’’ (Uta’maqt) 

f, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6939. Design, according to the Lillooet: ‘‘Trees’’ 

g, Thompson basket. A.M.N.H. 16-8835, Fraser River Division 

h, Field Museum 109263. 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 231. Design field divided into three sections with narrow middle band 
p. 268. Treatment of zigzag at corner 
b, p. 232. Designs on unimbricated background 
p. 253. Chevrons interpreted as flying birds 
c, p. 232. Design arranged in two fields on unimbricated background 
p. 268. Treatment of zigzag at corner 
d,p. 231. Design arrangement: central field imbricated, upper and lower imbrication on plain background 
p. 268. Treatment of zigzag at corner 
é€, p. 233. Lillooet basket with vertical stripes 
f, p. 255. Realistic design representing flower or tree 
g, p. 233. Thompson basket with vertical stripes 
p. 282. Displacement of stripes and filler 
h, p. 250. Rectangles in checker formation 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 24 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25 


THOMPSON BASKETS 


PLATE 25 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4638. Design: ‘‘Cross’’ (Uta’mqt, Coldwater); ‘Star’? (Spuzzum, 
Spences Bridge, Coldwater, Nicola, Lytton, Thompson); ‘‘ Morning star’’ (Spences Bridge, Nicola) 

b, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 222587. Design: ‘Indian rice’ (Lytton, Nicola) 

c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-1043 


d, Thompson 
REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 240. Diagonal distribution of design 
p. 240. All-over distribution of design 
b, p. 240. All-over distribution of design 
p. 253. Checker diamonds outlined in black 
c, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
d, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
p. 240. All-over distribution of design 
p. 251. Triangles 


53666°—28——Iv 


PLATE 26 


[Victoria Mvseum, Ottawa] 


a, Thompson. VI.M. 288. Design: ‘Snake,’’ ‘‘ Bullsnake”’ 

b, Thompson. VI.M. 289. Design: ‘‘Snake,” “Fly,” or ‘‘ Little spot’’ (Lower Thompson) 

c, Lillooet. VI.O.7 

d, Thompson. VI.M. 282. Design: “Snake;"’ first filler, ‘‘Head;”’ second filler, ‘‘Tail;’’ third filler, 
“Half arrowhead’’ 

e, Thompson. VI.M. 307. Design: “Striped snake”’ 

f, Thompson. VI.M. 278. Design: On the stripes, ‘“‘Dentalia;”’ on the filler, ‘‘Caterpillar”’ 

g, Lillooet. VI.O.4 

h, Lillooet. VI.O.3 


: 209: 
. 250. 
. 284, 
. 239. 
239. 
249. 
. 239. 
. 284. 
. 239. 
. 239. 
. 250. 
. 284. 
. 240. 
. 205. 
. 239. 
. 243. 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Vertical arrangement of design 

Rectangular design in vertical stripe 

Filler 

Vertical arrangement of design 

Vertical arrangement of design 

Squares consisting of six stitches and four coils 
Vertical arrangement of design 

Filler 

Vertical arrangement of design 

Vertical arrangement of design 

Vertical stripe consisting of rectangles 

Filler 

All-over distribution of design 

Storage basket 

Vertical arrangement of design . 
Stripe with long diagonals 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 26 


THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27 


med eahid Lore 
eee: 


THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 27 
[a-f, Victoria Museum] 


a, Thompson. VI.M. 283. Design: ‘‘ Striped snake”’ 

6, Thompson. VI.M. 272. Design: “Spot’’ 

c, Thompson. VI.M. 276. Design: ‘‘ Necklace’’ 

d, Thompson. VI.M. 348. Design: ‘“ Necklace,’’ “‘ Beads and copper tubes ;”’ below, “‘ String of teeth ”’ 

e, Thompson. VI.M. 327. Design: ‘‘ Cross,” “ Star,’’ ‘“‘ Flying bird.’’ The elbow or angle is called 
“Single hook,” “‘ Foot,’’ ‘‘Leg,’’ “‘ Pipe”’ 

f, Thompson. VI.M.277. Design: ‘‘ Twisted,’”’ ‘‘ Rope,’’ ‘‘ Necklace,’”’ “ Embroidery ” 

g, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5903. Beaded basket 

h, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5902. Beaded basket 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 245. Diagonal stripe 

b, p. 250. Small rectangles of varied colors 

c, pp. 250, 262. Horizontal bands with rectangles 
d, p. 234. Imbricated horizontal lines 


p. 240, 250, 262. Horizontal bands with rectangles of varied colors 

All-over design in diagonal arrangement 

Horizontal lines in beading 

Horizontal distribution of design 

Lillooet basket with vertical imbricated design and horizontal beading 
Lillooet basket with one beaded side 


ac) 


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PUPP? 
SgeRS 


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PLATE 28 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4608. Design: ‘‘Stars’”’ 

b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4637. Design: ‘‘ Arrowhead,” ‘“‘ Arrow points’? (Coldwater), ‘Pack 
Strap”? (Spuzzum), ‘‘Zigzag’? (Thompson), ‘“‘Deer fence with snares’? (Gladwin, Thompson 
Siding). (Long side of d) 

c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8824. Design: ‘‘Leg,’’ ‘‘ Foot,’’ “Double hook,’’ ‘‘Net”’ (Thompson, 
Nicola) 

d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4637. Design: ‘Sharp points,’ ‘Zigzag’? (Thompson), ‘Arrow 
points’ (Uta’maqt, Lytton). (Short side of 6) 

e, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 217438. Design: ‘‘Flower’’ (Buttercup, Larkspur), “Star’’ (Nicola), 
“Fly” (Uta’mqt), “Part of a long fly design’’ (Spuzzum) 

Jf, Thompson, A.M.N.H. 16-4606 

g, Thompson 

h, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-449 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


. 240. Horizontal arrangement of design 

254. Diamonds used as designs 

268. Treatment of zigzag at corner 

240. Diagonal arrangement of design 

240. Horizontal arrangement of zigzag 

268. Treatment of zigzag at corner 

240. All-over distribution of design 

241. Large single design _ . 
241. Large design on unimbricated background 
262. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 
. 240. Diagonal arrangement of design — 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29 


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LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 29 


a, b, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5907. Long and short sides. Design: According to the Lil- 
looet, “‘ Notch,” “‘ Mouths in a circle,” ‘‘ Intestine and flies,” ‘‘ Intestine and beads.” 
The design is not made in exactly the same way by the Thompson. Their pattern 
is called ‘‘Mouth design carried around in a circle’ (Coldwater), ‘Variety of 
Notch” (Thompson), ‘‘ Caterpillar design made in a circle’? (Thompson Siding). 
The design on the droppers is called “Fly’’ by the Spuzzum 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5906. This design is not made by the Thompson, but they 
interpret it among the Coldwater as a ‘‘ Variety of the mouth design.’’ The Thomp- 
son band call the dropper pattern ‘‘ Xanaxa’in.’”’ The Lillooet interpret the design 
as ‘‘ Arrowhead,” while the large pattern is the ‘‘Tooth.”” The whole design is 
known as the ‘‘ Head and mouth with hair along the back of the head” 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers 


p. 242. Intestine design 
p. 252. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 


b, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers 
p. 252. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 
c, p. 239. Lillocet basket with droppers 


p. 242. Head design 
p. 252. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 


p. 384. Decorated field divided by undecorated central band 


PLATE 30 
[Field Museum] 


a, Lillooet. 57909. Carrying basket. New. Splint foundation. Upper part with white imbricated 
groundwork, two zigzag horizontal bands of checkered pattern; each side with two droppers 

b, Lillooet. 57897. Carrying basket. Splint foundation. On three sides decorated, upper with 
horizontal zigzag in imbrication and droppers. Fourth side, five narrow droppers in black, white, 
and red 

c, Lillooet. 85540. Basket for berries (tsale), of coiled root formation. A little more than one-half 


imbricated above. Sides with design, corners with zigzag pattern. Allin red and black cherry on 
white ground 

d, Lillooet. 57912. Carrying basket. Split-root foundation. Upper part with imbricated groundwork 

e, Lillooet. 57888. Carrying basket 

f, Lillooet. 85541. Basket for berries (tsalz), of coiled root work. Design: Above, ‘‘ Hand hammers;”’ 
below, ‘‘ Mountains” 

g, Lillooet. 57895. Carrying basket. Split-root foundation. Upper half decorated with imbricated 
stitch, butterfly design 

h, Lillooet. 57896. Carrying basket. Splint foundation. Design: “‘ Butterfly” 

i, Lillooet. 85535. Carrying basket. Design: ‘‘ Butterfly and rows of animals”’ 

j, Lillooet. 85539. Carrying or berry basket. Slightly less than one-half imbricated above. Design: 
“Modified butterfly”’ 

k, Lillooet. 57933. Carrying basket. 

1, Lillooet. 85537. Carrying basket. Large upper half imbricated, ‘“‘Butterfly’’ design. Imbricated 
droppers on lower half 

m, Lillooet. 85538. Berry basket. ‘‘ Butterfly’’ ornamentation; below, ‘“‘ Arrowheads” 

n, Lillooet. 57902. Carrying basket. Split-root foundation 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a-e, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers consisting of vertical lines 
J, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 
g, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers consisting of vertical lines 
h, p. 239. Lillooet basket with lower field decorated by horizontal beading ‘ 
i, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 
j, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 
k, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers consisting of vertical lines 
1, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with isolated lines 
m, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with triangles 
n, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 31 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 31 


a, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5898. Modern basket. Design, according to the Thompson: “Like a single 
design with a grave box’’ (Coldwater), ‘‘Net’’ (all other bands), “‘Part of a net’? (Spuzzum), 
“Diamond pack-strap design” (Uta’mqt). According to the Lillooet it is ‘‘ Arrow”’ 

b, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5890. Storage basket. Design on lid, as interpreted by the Thompson: 
“Beads;’’ on the basket, ‘‘ Necklace,”’ ‘‘ Variation of the flying bird design,” “‘Zigzag,”’ ‘‘Ladder’’ 
(Lytton, Gladwin). The Lillooet call the main design ‘‘ Lightning” 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6940. Modern storage basket. According to the Lillooet the design belongs 
to the white man. It was copied from the border of a handkerchief 

d, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5893. Modern storage basket. Design, according to the Thompson: “ Varia- 
tion of the snake track’’ (Coldwater); ‘‘Necklace’’ (Spences Bridge, Nicola); ‘‘ Variation of the 
ladder’? (Gladwin); “‘Zigzag.’’ On the edge of the lid, ‘““Arrowhead;"”’ in the center, ‘“ Bead.” 
According to the Lillooet the designs are “‘ Lightning’’ and “ Arrowhead” 

e, Thompson. Burden basket 

f, Lillooet. U.S.N.M. 217436. Burden basket. Design: ‘‘Head’’ 


‘ REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 195. Basket with coiled handle 
254. Diamonds 
b, p. 225. Beaded lid 


8 


Imbricated diagonal lines 

Basket with beaded bottom 

Beaded lid 

Imbricated diagonals 

Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 

Method of adjustment of figure to upper field of Lillooet basket with unrelated droppers 


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PLATE 32 


a, Thompson. U.S.N.M, 222032 

b, Lytton or Lower Thompson. Design, according to Lytton: ‘‘ Notch;”’ and Lower Thompson ‘‘ Mouth 

c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4623. Design: At rim, ‘Spot’ (Coldwater); ‘Step,’ ‘‘Ladder’”’ (Lytto: 
“Heaped up”’ (Nicola); ‘‘ Embroidery” (Spences Bridge). The main design, ‘‘ Variation of the 
box” (Uta’maqt, Coldwater, Spuzzum, Lytton, Thompson, Nicola). Also, ‘‘ Lakes and creeks’’ 


REFERENCE TO PLATE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 


32 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


PLATE 33 


a, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 219876 

bt, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4613. Design: On ends, ‘‘Sxanema’ist”’ “‘fernlike plant with notched 
leaves’’ (Spuzzum); on the sides, ‘‘ Leaves,” ‘‘Hammer’’ (Spuzzum); ‘Variation of arrowhead’’ 
(Coldwater); ‘“‘ Butterfly mixed with leaves’ (Spuzzum). The leaf design on the ends was an old 
blanket pattern 

c, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 222585. Design: ‘‘Snake’’ (Thompson), ‘‘ Pack strap,” “Fly” (Uta’maqt) 

d, Fort Douglas. A.M.N.H. 16.1-551. ‘Part of a design’’ (Uta’mat), ‘‘ Paint pouch’”’ (Nicola) 

e, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 216426 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 240. Diagonal arrangement of design 
b, p. 241. Large single design representing leaves 
c, p. 243. Vertical stripe consisting of checks 

p. 284. Filler 
d,p. 241. Large single design on storage basket 
€, p. 253. Vertical zigzag 

p. 283. Filler 


53666°—28——y 


PLATE 34 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4603. Design: ‘‘ Dentalia’’ (Spences Bridge, Lytton, Nicola, Thompson); 
“Necklace of dentalia and beads’’ (Thompson, Lytton, Nicola); ‘Standing’? (Spuzzum). A name 
was once known among the Coldwater, but had been forgotten 

b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-1272. Design: ‘‘Stripe”’ 

c, Thompson. Burden basket 

d, Thompson. Burden basket 

REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Vertical stripe divided into alternating squares 

Vertical stripe divided into alternating squares 

Filler 

Vertical stripe consisting of imbricated and unimbricated lines 

Vertical stripe consisting of imbricated and unimbricated lines 

Vertical stripe with small squares 

Vertical stripe with small squares 

Small squares 

Filler 

Vertical stripe consisting of black and white rectangles interrupted by checkerwork 
Vertical stripe consisting of black and white rectangles interrupted by checkerwork 
Filler with design different from main design a 

Filler 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


| 


THOMPSON BASKETS 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 35 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4610. Design: “Half of a mouth pattern’? (Coldwater); ‘‘Notch,” 
‘Caterpillar’ “‘Snake’s tracks,’’ ‘‘ Mountain,” ‘“‘Teeth”’ 

6, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16.1488. Design: ‘‘ Necklace,’’ ‘‘Embroidery”’ 

c, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 213535. Design: ‘‘ Half arrowhead,” “‘ Dentalia,’’ ‘‘ Embroidery” 

d, Thompson or Lillooet. Burden basket 

e, U.P.M.(N.A.) 1772. Storage basket 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


234. Imbricated vertical and horizontal lines 
230. Decoration in vertical bands 

234. Vertical imbricated lines 

243. Design consisting of uninterrupted vertical imbricated lines 
243. Vertical stripe with diagonals 

284. Filler 

Vertical stripe with diagonals and chevrons 
253. Vertical stripe with diagonals and chevrons 
205. Storage basket 

243. Vertical stripe with diagonals 

284. Filler 

298. Lid continuing design of walls 

299. Lid continuing design of walls 


* A 
PeUU UU UD DUO 
nw 
~ 
wo 


a, Lytton. 
b, Thompson. VI.M. 215. Design: ‘‘Zigzag,’’ “‘ Arrow point,’’ ‘‘ Patch”’ or ‘‘Tree,’’ ‘“‘Earth and trees’”’ 


. 249. 
. 240. 
. 262. 
. 186. 
. 299. 
. 244, 
. 244, 
. 243, 
. 245. 
. 245. 
. 281. 
. 240. 


PLATE 36 


[Victoria Museum, Ottawa] 


VI.M. 342. Design: ‘‘ Tadpole,” “ Big bead,” ‘‘ Bird” 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Basket with isolated rectangles or squares with attached lines 
Zigzag design in horizontal arrangement 

Decoration by horizontal band 

Basket with lid of watch-spring coiling 

Basket with lid of watch-spring coiling 

Basket decorated with plain stripes 

Basket decorated with plain stripes 

Stripes with slipped double diagonals 

Diagonal stripe 

Vertical stripe with border consisting of triangles and central band 
Correction of direction of vertical stripe 

Diagonal arrangement of isolated patterns 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 36 


THOMPSON BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37 


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LAGER RELA, 
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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 37 


a,b,c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5910. Three views. Design, according to the Thompson: “ Arrow- 
head;”’ “Half arrowhead’’ (Coldwater, Thompson); ‘‘Old bead or embroidery pattern’’ 
(Nicola, Spences Bridge). According to the Lillooet, ‘‘Arrowhead,’’ excepting that on the 
side (the diamond) of which the meaning was uncertain. It was thought to be a dream design 
and was regarded as sacred and not used by other women except the maker 
d,e, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4622. Two views. Design: ‘Snake,’ ‘‘Snake track’? (Thompson); 
“Variety of arrowhead’’ (Coldwater) 


f, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8824. Design: ‘“Zigzag’’ or “‘Step’”’ 
REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 230. Decoration in vertical bands 
p. 244. Basket with vertical stripes with diagonals and triangles 
b, p. 244. Vertical stripe with triangles 
¢, p. 253. Isolated diamonds 
d, p. 244. Vertical stripe with zigzag 
€, p. 244. Vertical stripe with chevrons 
p. 253. Vertical stripe with chevrons 
f, p. 268. Treatment of corner 


PLATE 38 


a,b, Thompson. Victoria Museum, Ottawa. VI.M. 351 

c, Fraser River. A.M.N.H. 16-8830. Design: ‘‘Snake,” ‘‘ Bead,” “Embroidery” (Nicola); “ Arro I 
point’? (Thompson, Nicola) 

d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4609. Design: On bands, ‘‘Arrowheads;”’ the diamonds, 8 

heads,” ‘‘Leaves,’’ ‘Lakes’? (Nicola); ‘‘Eyes.’’ The other design was called ‘ Ribs,” $ 

lace,” ‘‘Bead Gals zalelery” 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 205. Storage basket 
p. 254. Diamonds 

b, p. 205. Storage basket 
p. 254. Hexagon 

c, p. 244. Vertical stripe with chevrons 
p. 253. Vertical stripe with chevrons 
p. 284. Filler 

d, p. 244. Vertical stripe with chevrons 
p. 253. Vertical stripe with chevrons 
p. 254. Vertical stripe with chevrons and diamonds in concentric arrangement 

s 


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wlth by 


THOMPSON BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


PLATE 39 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4624. Design: ‘Arrowheads’ (Coldwater, Spuzzum, Thompson); 
“Entwining” (Thompson); ‘Snake skin.’’ The superimposed triangles are sometimes called 
“Basket pattern,’’ as representative of a pile of baskets 

b, Thompscn. A.M.N.H. 16-9543. Design: ‘‘Ladder”’ (all bands); ‘‘Arrowhead’’ (Coldwater, Spuz- 
zum); “‘Half arrowhead.’’ The real ‘‘ladder,”’ according to the Uta’mqt, should have a vertical 
line dcwn the center or at one side to represent the handhold on the type of ladder used in the 


underground house 
ec, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-473. Design: ‘“‘ Arrowhead”’ 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 244. Vertical stripe with diamonds 
p. 284. Filler 

b, p. 244. Vertical stripe with marginal triangles 

c, p. 244. Vertical stripe consisting of rectangles divided diagonally 
p. 283. Filler 
p. 284. Filler 


PLATE 40 


a, Lillooet or Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-1580. Burden basket 

b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 164625. Design copied from the whites, according to the Coldwater. The 
Thompson say it isnot old. ‘‘Cireling” (Nicola), ‘Root digger’’ (Lytton), ‘‘Cross head”’ Se 
Bridge). Among the Spuzzum it is rare. It is also called ‘‘ Half circle” and ‘“‘Heart”’ 

ec, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8736. Design: ‘‘Flower,”’ ‘‘Indian Paint Brush’ (Uta’maqt) 

d,e, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8731. Two views. Design: ‘‘ Arrowhead and two kinds of flowers, one 
of which is the Indian Paint Brush’’ (Uta’maqt); ‘‘Embroidery,” ‘“‘Spear blade”’ 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


bo th 
25 


Vertical stripe with triangles 

Filler 

Vertical stripe leaning to left and leaving a bare field on right-hand upper side 
Basket with handles 

Modern basket, flower design 
Vertical stripe with diamonds 
Modern basket, flower design 


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FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


PLATE 25 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4638. Design: ‘‘Cross’’ (Uta’mqt, Coldwater); ‘Star’? (Spuzzum, 
Spences Bridge, Coldwater, Nicola, Lytton, Thompson); ‘‘ Morning star’’ (Spences Bridge, Nicola) 

b, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 222587. Design: ‘Indian rice’ (Lytton, Nicola) 

c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-1043 


d, Thompson 
REFERENCES TO PLATE 


. 240. Diagonal distribution of design 
240. All-over distribution of design 
240. All-over distribution of design 
253. Checker diamonds outlined in black 
Vertical arrangement of design 
239. Vertical arrangement of design 
240. All-over distribution of design 
251. Triangles 


53666°—28——1v 


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PUD UTUS 
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PLATE 26 
[Victoria Mvseum, Ottawa] 


a, Thompson. VI.M. 288. Design: ‘‘Snake,”’ ‘‘ Bullsnake”’ 

b, Thompson. VI.M. 289. Design: ‘‘Snake,”’ “ Fly,’’ or ‘‘ Little spot’? (Lower Thompson) 

c, Lillooet. VI.O.7 

d, Thompson. VI.M. 282. Design: ‘‘Snake;”’ first filler, ‘‘Head;’’ second filler, ‘‘Tail;’’ third filler, 
“Half arrowhead’’ 

e, Thompson. VI.M. 307. Design: ‘‘Striped snake’’ 

f, Thompson. VI.M. 278. Design: On the stripes, ‘‘ Dentalia;’’ on the filler, ‘‘Caterpillar’”’ 

g, Lillooet. VI.O. 4 

h, Lillooet. VI.O.3 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
p. 250. Rectangular design in vertical stripe 
p. 284. Filler 
b, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
c, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
p. 249. Squares consisting of six stitches and four coils 
d, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
p. 284. Filler 
é, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
f, p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
p. 250. Vertical stripe consisting of rectangles 
p. 284. Filler 
g, p. 240. All-over distribution of design 
h, p. 205. Storage basket 
p. 239. Vertical arrangement of design 
p. 243. Stripe with long diagonals 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 26 


THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27 


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See Sl atten ee era 
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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 27 
{a-f, Victoria Museum] 


a, Thompson. VI.M. 283. Design: ‘“ Striped snake’’ 

6, Thompson. VI.M. 272. Design: “Spot” 

c, Thompson. VI.M. 276. Design: ‘‘ Necklace’ 

d, Thompson, VI.M. 348. Design: ‘‘ Necklace,’’ “‘ Beads and copper tubes ;’’ below, “String of teeth ’”’ 

¢, Thompson. VI.M. 327. Design: ‘‘Cross,” “ Star,’’ ‘‘ Flying bird.’’ The elbow or angle is called 
“Single hook,” “‘ Foot,’’ ‘‘Leg,’’ “‘ Pipe”’ 

f, Thompson. VI.M. 277. Design: ‘‘ Twisted,’ ‘‘ Rope,”’ ‘‘ Necklace,” “ Embroidery ” 

¢, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5903. Beaded basket 

h, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5902. Beaded basket 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 245. Diagonal stripe 
6, p. 250. Small rectangles of varied colors 
c, pp. 250, 262. Horizontal bands with rectangles 
d, p. 234. Imbricated horizontal lines 
pp. 240, 250, 262. Horizontal bands with rectangles of varied colors 
é, p. 240. All-over design in diagonal arrangement 
f, p. 234. Horizontal lines in beading 
p. 262. Horizontal distribution of design 
g, p. 234. Lillooet basket with vertical imbricated design and horizontal beading 
h, p. 230. Lillooet basket with one beaded side 


PLATE 28 


a, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4608. Design: ‘‘Stars”’ 
b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4637. Design: ‘‘ Arrowhead,” ‘“‘ Arrow points’’ (Coldwater), ‘‘ Pack 


d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4637. Design: “Sharp points,’’ ‘Zigzag’ 


a, p. 
b, p. 

p. 
¢, Dp. 
d, p. 

p. 
é, p. 
f, p. 
4, D. 

p. 
h, p. 


strap”’ (Spuzzum), “‘Zigzag”’ 


Siding). (Long side of d) 
, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-8824. Design: ‘‘ Leg,’’ ‘‘ Foot,’’ ‘‘ Double hook,’’ ‘‘Net’’ (Thompson, 
Nicola) 


points’? (Uta’mat, Lytton). (Short side of b) 
e, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 217438. Design: ‘‘Flower’’ (Buttercup, Larkspur), ‘‘Star”’ (Nicola), 
“Fly” (Uta’mat), ‘ Part of a long fly design’’ (Spuzzum) 
jf, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4606 

g, Thompson 

h, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-449 


240. 
254. 
268. 
240. 
240. 
268. 
240. 
241. 
241. 
262. 
240. 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Horizontal arrangement of design 
Diamonds used as designs 

Treatment of zigzag at corner 

Diagonal arrangement of design 
Horizontal arrangement of zigzag 
Treatment of zigzag at corner 

All-over distribution of design 

Large single design 

Large design on unimbricated background 
Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 
Diagonal arrangement of design 


(Thompson), ‘‘Deer fence with snares’? (Gladwin, Thompson 


(Thompson), ‘‘ Arrow 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29 


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LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 29 


a, b, Lillooet.” A.M.N.H. 16-5907. Long and short sides. Design: According to the Lil- 
looet, ‘‘ Notch,”’ “‘ Mouths in a cirele,”’ ‘‘ Intestine and flies,’’ ‘‘ Intestine and beads.” 
The design is not made in exactly the same way by the Thompson. Their pattern 
is called ‘‘Mouth design carried around in a circle” (Coldwater), ‘Variety of 
Notch” (Thompson), ‘‘ Caterpillar design made in a circle” (Thompson Siding). 
The design on the droppers is called ‘‘ Fly” by the Spuzzum 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5906. This design is not made by the Thompson, but they 
interpret it among the Coldwater as a “‘ Variety of the mouth design.”” The Thomp- 
son band call the dropper pattern “‘Xanaxa’in.’’ The Lillooet interpret the design 
as ‘‘Arrowhead,"’ while the large pattern is the ‘‘Tooth.’’ The whole design is 
known as the ‘“‘ Head and mouth with hair along the back of the head” 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers 


p. 242. Intestine design 
p. 252. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 


6, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers 

p. 262. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 
¢, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers 

p. 242, Head design 

p. 232. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 
p. 384. Decorated field divided by undecorated central band 


PLATE 30 
[Field Museum] 


a, Lillooet. 57909. Carrying basket. New. Splint foundation. Upper part with white imbricated 
groundwork, two zigzag horizontal bands of checkered pattern; each side with two droppers 
b, Lillooet. 57897. Carrying basket. Splint foundation. On three sides decorated, upper with 
horizontal zigzag in imbrication and droppers. Fourth side, five narrow droppers in black, white, 
and red 
, Lillooet. 85540. Basket for berries (tsale), of coiled root formation. A little more than one-half 
imbricated above. Sides with design, corners with zigzag pattern. Allin red and black cherry on 
white ground 
d, Lillooet. 57912. Carrying basket. Split-root foundation. Upper part with imbricated groundwork 
, Lillooet. 57888. Carrying basket 
f, Lillooet. 85541. Basket for berries (tsale), of coiled root work. Design: Above, ‘“‘ Hand hammers;”’ 
below, ‘‘ Mountains”’ 
g, Lillooet. 57895. Carrying basket. Split-root foundation. Upper half decorated with imbricated 
stitch, butterfly design 
h, Lillooet. 57896. Carrying basket. Splint foundation. Design: “‘ Butterfly’’ 
i, Lillooet. 85535. Carrying basket. Design: ‘‘ Butterfly and rows of animals”’ 
j, Lillooet. 85539. Carrying or berry basket. Slightly less than one-half imbricated above. Design: 
“Modified butterfly”’ 
k, Lillooet. 57933. Carrying basket. 
l, Lillooet. 85537. Carrying basket. Large upper half imbricated, ‘“‘ Butterfly” design. Imbricated 
droppers on lower half 
m, Lillooet. 85538. Berry basket. ‘‘ Butterfly’’ ornamentation; below, ‘‘ Arrowheads” 
n, Lillooet. 57902. Carrying basket. Split-root foundation 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


o 


> 


a-e, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers consisting of vertical lines 
J, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 
g, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers consisting of vertical lines 
h, p. 239. Lillooet basket with lower field decorated by horizontal beading 
i, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 
j, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 
k, p. 239. Lillooet basket with droppers consisting of vertical lines 
1, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with isolated lines 
m, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with triangles 
n, p. 239. Lillooet basket, lower field decorated with large figures 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30 


LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 31 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 31 


a, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5898. Modern basket. Design, according to the Thompson: ‘Like a single 
design with a grave box’’ (Coldwater), ‘‘Net”’ (all other bands), ‘‘Part of a net’? (Spuzzum), 
“Diamond pack-strap design’’ (Uta’mqt). According to the Lillooet it is “Arrow” 

, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5890. Storage basket. Design on lid, as interpreted by the Thompson: 
“Beads;’’ on the basket, ‘‘ Necklace,”’ ‘‘ Variation of the flying bird design,” “Zigzag,” ‘‘ Ladder” 
(Lytton, Gladwin). The Lillooet call the main design ‘‘ Lightning”’ 

c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-6940. Modern storage basket. According to the Lillooet the design belongs 

to the white man. It was copied from the border of a handkerchief 
d, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5893. Modern storage basket. Design, according to the Thompson: “ Varia- 
tion of the snake track’’ (Coldwater); ‘Necklace’ (Spences Bridge, Nicola); ‘Variation of the 
ladder’? (Gladwin); “Zigzag.” On the edge of the lid, ‘‘Arrowhead;”’ in the center, “Bead.” 
According to the Lillooet the designs are ‘‘ Lightning’’ and ‘‘ Arrowhead” 

e, Thompson. Burden basket 

f, Lillooet. U.S.N.M. 217436. Burden basket. Design: ‘‘Head”’ 


J 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a,p.195. Basket with coiled handle 
p. 254. Diamonds 
b, p. 225. Beaded lid 
p. 234. Imbricated diagonal lines 
c, p. 225. Basket with beaded bottom 
d, p. 225. Beaded lid 
p. 234. Imbricated diagonals 
€, p. 262. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 
Jf, p. 337. Method of adjustment of figure to upper field of Lillooet basket with unrelated droppers 


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PLATE 32 


a, Thompson. U.S.N.M. 222032 aa) : } 
6, Lytton or Lower Thompson. Design, according to Lytton: ‘‘ Notch;” and Lower Thompson ‘‘ Mouth” 
c, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16-4623. Design: At rim, ‘‘Spot’’ (Coldwater); “Step,” ‘‘ Ladder” (Lytton) ic 


“Heaped up”’ (Nicola); ‘Embroidery’ (Spences Bridge). The main design, ‘‘ Variation of the g Ave 
box”’ (Uta’maqt, Coldwater, Spuzzum, Lytton, Thompson, Nicola). Also, ‘‘ Lakes and creeks” 
d uy 
REFERENCE TO PLATE Pos i 


’ ; Fae | 
a-c, p. 240. Large rectangular connected designs covering the whole wall or the upper part of the basket 
es foe 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 


THOMPSON BASKETS 


32 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


PLATE 49 


a, Above, Lillooet(?); below, Lillooet(?). Storage baskets 

b, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-27. Design: ‘Indian rice’ 

c, Lillooet or Thompson. Storage basket 

d, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5892. Design in the center, according to the Thompson: ‘Half arrow- 
head,” “Stripes,” ‘Ladder’? (Gladwin); ‘Caterpillar’ (Lytton, Uta’mqt). According to the 
Lillooet, ‘‘ Arrowhead” and ‘A variety of lightning”’ 

e, Basket, provenience unknown 

J, Fraser River. A.M.N.H. 16-8837. Design on the bands and at the corners: ‘‘Dentalia,’’ ‘Half 

arrowheads;”’ on the diamonds, ‘‘ Arrowheads and lakes,” “‘ Leaves,’’ ‘‘Eyes’’ (Nicola) 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a (top), p. 254. Storage basket with large hexagonal designs 
a (bottom), p. 245. Asymmetry of colors in vertical stripe 


b, p. 289. Detailed discussion of decoration 
c, p. 253. Black diamonds outlined in checkerwork 
p. 299. Lid 
d, p. 244. Broad vertical stripe with diagonals not reaching the edges 
e, p. 254. Diamond pattern on unimbricated background 
f, p. 283. Filler 


53666°—28——vi1 


PLATE 50 


a, Beaded lid of basket. See also Pl. 56, a 

b,c, Lytton. Basket andlid. Design: ‘‘Snake’”’ 

d,e, Upper Thompson. Basket and lid. Design: ‘‘ Mouth” 
f, Basket, provenience unknown 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 
a, pp. 225, 299. Beaded lid 


b, p. 240. Diagonal arrangement of squares 
c, p.186. Watch-spring lid 
d, p.205. Storage basket 

p. 342. Storage basket, comparison between Lillooet and Thompson mouth designs 
é, p.227. Beaded horizontal arrangement of decoration 

pp. 225, 299. Beaded lid 

jf, p. 229. Circular bottom of basket with design crossing center 

p. 299. Decorated slat bottom 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 50 


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THOMPSON BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 51 


THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 5l 
[Victoria Museum, Ottawa] 


a, Thompson. VI.M. 248. Design: ‘‘ Cactus” 

b, Thompson. VI.M.65. Design: ‘‘ Rib” 

ec, Thompson. VI.M.305 Design: ‘ Rain’’ 

d, Thompson. VI.M. 335. Design: “‘ Arrow point,’ “Zigzag,” ‘‘ Mountain” 

e, Thompson. VI.O. 14 

f, Thompson. VI.M. 243. Design: ‘‘ Half arrowhead,”’ ‘‘ Xanaxa’in,” ‘‘Dentalia”’ 

g, Thompson. VI.M. 256. Design: ‘‘Star,’’ ‘Cross’ 

h, Thompson. VI.M.32. Design: ‘‘Snake skin;” short lines, ‘Tails of snakes” 

i, Ruby Creek. VI.M. 50. Design: ‘Zigzag,’ ‘‘Step’”’ 

j, Thompson. VI.O.15 

k, Ruby Creek. VI.M.34. Design: ‘‘Zigzag,” ‘‘Arrow point,’ “Diamond,” ‘Indian rice” 
1, Lillooet. VI.O.8. Storage basket 
m, Thompson. VI.M.35. Design at the corners: ‘‘ Butterflies;"’ other designs are ‘‘Spots”’ 


£ 


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262. 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Sketch No. 852, Plate 94, realistic design representing cactus 
Horizontal arrangement of diagonal lines 

Vertical lines 

Horizontal arrangement of zigzag 

Diagonal lines leaning leftward 

Vertical stripe 

Basket with lid 

Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket 
Diagonal arrangement of design 

Vertical stripe 

Horizontal arrangement of zigzag 

Filler 

Lid 


m, pp. 299, 300. Lid 


PLATE 52 
[Victoria Museum, Ottawa] 


a,b, Thompson. VI.M. 205. Two views. Design: “Star,” ‘‘Cloud,’’ “Cloud and Mountain,” 
“Necklace,” ‘ Arrowhead star,” ‘‘Spearhead”’ 
c,d, Thompson, VI.M. 201. Two views. Design: ‘‘Beads,”’ ‘‘ Arrowheads,” “‘Star,’’ “Clouds” 
e,f, Thompson. VI.M.195. Two views. Design: ‘‘Cloud,” sometimes called ‘‘ Mountain,” “Half 
Indian rice,” “Half fly” (Uta’mat); “ Half star’’ (Nicola) 
g,h, Thompson, VI.M. 208. Two views. Design: ‘‘ Arrowhead,” ‘‘Leaf,’’ ‘Indian rice” 
i, Thompson, VI.M. 207. Design: “Necklace” 
j, Thompson. VI.M. 196. Design: “Clouds,” “Steps” 
k,l, Thompson. VI.M. 194. Two views. Design: ‘“‘ Mountain,” ‘‘Head,” “Points called horns,” and 
“Arrowhead star,”’ ‘‘Spot;’’ large design, ‘‘Cloud’”’ 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a-l, p. 300. Arrangement of designs 
a, b, p. 254. Star design 
c, p. 229. Tray with radial arrangement of ornament 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 52 


THOMPSON TRAYS 


REPORT PLATE 53 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


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THOMPSON TRAYS 


PLATE 53 
[Victoria Museum, Ottawa] 


a, Thompson. VI.M. 330. Design: ‘‘ Arrowhead and flying crane” 

b, Thompson. VI.M.198. Design at edge: ‘‘Clouds” (Nicola, Spences Bridge); at center, ‘‘ Arrows, 
moon, and stars’”’ (Nicola); ‘‘ Embroidery’? (Lytton) 

c, Thompson. VI.M. 343. Design: ‘‘ Wave,” ‘‘ Coyote,” “Duck,” “Star” 

d,e, Thompson. VI.M.218. Two views. Design: Main design, ‘‘ Arrowhead” or ‘Arrow chain.’”’ The 
squares at the bottom, ‘‘ Arrow feathers;"’ the triangles, ‘‘ Arrow nock;”’ ‘‘ Spot,”’ “ Fly,” “‘ Mountain 
side”’ 

REFERENCE TO PLATE 


a-e, p. 300. Arrangement of designs 


PLATE 54 


[Victoria Museum, Ottawa] 


a, Thompson. VI.M. 414. Tray. Design: ‘‘ Fish spear” and ‘‘Small star” 

6, Thompson. VI.M. 203 

c, Thompson. VI.M. 347. Design atthe edge: “‘ Arrowheads;”’ in the middle, 
attire; his sweat house; the sun, moon; his war club and four arrows’’ 

d, Thompson. VI.M. 425. Main design, ‘‘Flower;’’ at rim, ‘‘Tipis’”’ 


a-d, p. 300. 
a, p. 229. 
b, p. 229. 
Cc, DP. 229. 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Arrangement of designs 

Tray with radial arrangement of ornament 
Oval tray with design, direction of coiling 
Tray with radial arrangement of ornament 


“Young man in dancing 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 54 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


THOMPSON TRAYS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 55 


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LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 55 


a,c, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5904. Two views. According to the Thompson: ‘Pack strap” (Cold- 
water, Uta’maqt, Spuzzum,JLytton). Also ‘Arrow points,’’ but it is said that this is not the 
proper term because the angles fit too closely into one another. According to the Lillooet these 
are ‘‘Fly”’ patterns, but no name was obtained for the other large design 

, Lillooet. Trunk 

d, Harrison Lake. A.M.N.H. 16.1-504. Design: “Variation of an arrow point,” “‘Zigzag’’ 

e, Lillooet. U.S.N.M. 217435 

f, Harrison Lake. A.M.N.H. 16.1-513 

g, Lillooet. U.S.N.M. 219878. The upper design: “Beads,” ‘“Spots;’’ lower design, ‘‘ Zigzag,” 
“Necklace,” ‘‘ Deer fence”’ 

h, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5908. According to the Thompson meanders: “Variety of the mouth 
design’’ (Coldwater); “Caterpillar” (Uta’mqt). In the upper field the checker stripes and the 
clusters are “Fly” (Spuzzum, Uta’mat); ‘Stars’ (Nicola); ‘‘Flower,’’ ‘Buttercup’? (Spences 
Bridge, Lytton). The designs on the droppers, ‘‘Snake”’ (Nicola, Spences Bridge, Lytton); ‘Em- 
broidery”’ (Lytton, Stlaxa’iux»); “Fly”? (Spuzzum, Uta’mat); the clusters, ‘‘Leaf” (Uta’mqt). 
According to the Lillooet the designs are “Flies,” ‘‘ Half circles,’ ‘‘ Arrowheads” 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


~J 


a, p. 336. Lillooet basket with three beaded sides 
p. 337. Irregularity in arrangement of droppers 
b, p. 268. Treatment of zigzag at corner 
c, p. 336. Lillooet basket with three beaded sides and one imbricated side 
d, p. 253. Vertical lines of chevrons 


€, pp. 284, 336. Filler 

f, p. 337. Horizontal diagonals 

9, PP. 230, 263, 336. Lillooet basket with beaded side 
h, p. 284. Filler 


PLATE 56 
a, Lillooet. Trunk. See also Pl. 50, a 
b, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5909. The design was not made by the Thompson, but was interpreted by 
the Coldwater band as a ‘‘ Variety of the grave-box pattern.” By the Lillooet it was considered 
to be a ‘“‘Hatsimnalus” or ‘‘Tooth” design with ‘‘ Arrowheads”’ 
, Lillooet or Thompson. Burden basket 
d, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5903. Design, according to the Thompson: Stripes 1 and 3, ‘‘Dentalia,” 
“ Arrowhead;”’ stripe 2, ‘‘Standing ends’ (Spuzzum, Coldwater); ‘‘Snake’’ (Thompson); ‘‘ Notch” 
(Thompson, Coldwater). The beadwork between the stripes is called ‘‘Spot design” by all the 


bands. The pattern on the droppers is known as “‘Notch’’ (Coldwater, Thompson, Lytton), 
According to the Lillooet it is “‘Fly’’ and “‘ Arrow”’ 
e, Lillooet, Trunk 


2 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


p. 299. Lid 

p. 336. Angular shape of basket 

p. 284. Filler 

p. 336. Lillooet basket with filler and bifurcated stitch 

c, p. 337. Lillooet basket with horizontal design arrangement 
p. 337. Lack of adjustment between two design fields 

p. 250. Rectangular design 

p. 339. Lillooet storage basket 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 56 


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LILLOOET BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 57 


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THOMPSON AND LILLOOET BASKETS 


PLATE 57 


a, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5905. Thompson interpretations: ‘‘Mouth’’ (Coldwater); 


“Crooked’”’ 


(Thompson); ‘‘ Noteh,”’ “Cireling,”” ‘‘Crooked’’ (Nicola); ‘‘ Variation of the grave-box pattern” 


(Spuzzum). Lillooet interpretation: ‘‘ Fungus” 
, Lillooet. ‘‘ Head design”’ 


as 


“Part of a design” (Uta’maqt); ‘‘ Variation of the flying-geese pattern”’ (Thompson). 
‘ the Lillooet, the name for the large pattern was not known; the rest are ‘‘ Flies” 
d, Thompson. A.M.N.H. 16.1-319. Design: ‘‘ Eye” (Gladwin) 
e, Lillooet. U.P.M.(N.A.) 1769 


, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5902. Design: ‘Necklace’ (Thompson, Coldwater, Uta’mqt); “Zigzag,” 


According to 


f, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5885. Design, according to the Thompson: “‘ Mouth” (Coldwater, Uta’mat, 
Spuzzum). Also, elsewhere, ‘‘ Mouth,” ‘Zigzag,’ ‘‘ Notch.” The design on the lower half of the 
basket is not made by the Thompson. According to the Lillooet the pattern is ‘‘Circle’’ 


g, Lillooet. U.P.M.(N.A.) 1763 
h, Lillooet. U.P.M.(N.A.) 1767 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 262. Adjustment of figure to increasing diameter of basket. 
6, p. 337. Adjustment of large figure to decorative field 
c, p. 336. Lillooet basket with beading on three sides; imbrication on one side 
p. 337, Lillooet basket with horizontal design arrangement 
d, p. 250. Rectangular design 
p. 337. Adjustment of large design to decorative field 
€, pp. 284, 336. Filler 
f, p. 242. Head design 
pp. 336, 339. Storage basket showing regularity of form 
9, pp. 230, 336. Lillooet basket with beading on three sides; imbrication on the fourth side 
h, p. 337. Adjustment of large figure to decorative field 


53666°—28——vill 


PLATE 58 


a, Lillooet. A.M.N.H. 16-5914. Design, according to Thompson bands: ‘‘Zigzag’’ (Coldwater), 
“Kazotlaks’’ (Spuzzum). The pattern of the droppers, “Half arrowhead’? (Coldwater), 
““Xanaxa’in’? (Thompson), ‘‘Dentalia’’ (Lytton). According to the Lillooet, ‘‘ Arrowhead” 
(below), “‘ Lightning” (above) 

b, Lillooet. U.P.M.(N.A.) 1764 

c, Chileotin. U.P.M.(N.A.) 3381 

d, Chileotin. U.P.M.(N.A.) 3385 

e, Chileotin. U.P.M.(N.A.) 3407 

f, Chileotin. 

g, Chileotin. Field Museum 103054 

h, Chileotin. Victoria Museum, Ottawa. VI.J. 8 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 239. Droppers 
b, p. 339. Lillooet storage basket 
c-h, pp. 345-348, Discussion of Chilcotin baskets 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 58 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 59 


CHILCOTIN BASKETS 


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[e-h, Victoria Museum, Ottawa] 
, 6 VI.J.3 _f, VIT.5 g, VIJ.9 h, VIJ.2 


: REFERENCES TO PLATE 


230. Chileotin basket with design in three fields 
-348. Discussion of Chileotin baskets 


PLATE 60 


a, Chileotin. Field Museum 103050 

, Chileotin. A.M.N.H. 16-8353. Bottom field, ‘‘Nets;”’ second field, ‘“‘ Ribs,” “Ribs and backbone,”’ 
according to some people; third field, ‘‘Snake,”’ ‘Snake fence;”’ fourth field (rim), ‘‘ Arrowhead” 

, Chileotin. Victoria Museum, Ottawa. VI.J.6 

, Chilcotin. A.M.N.H. 16-8303. Design: At the bottom, ‘‘Nets;’’ second field, “‘Arrowhead;”’ third 
field, ‘‘Sacks;”’ fourth field, ‘‘ Arrowheads;”’ fifth field, ‘‘Nets;"’ sixth field, ‘‘Ribs’’ (of which the 
straight lines are fish ribs, the crooked, animal ribs, according to one old man), The basket maker 
interpreted the designs 

e, Chilcotin. Field Museum 102931 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


o 


as 


a, p. 230. Chilcotin basket with design in three fields 
a-e, pp. 345-348. Discussion of Chilcotin baskets 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 60 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


ner 


a 


CHILCOTIN BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 61 


CHILCOTIN BASKETS. (PP. 345-348) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 62 


CHILCOTIN BASKETS. (pp. 345-348) 
a, Sargent collection b, Field Museum 103055 f, Field Museum 103056 


PLATE 63 


a, A.M.N.H. 50-1493 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1471 
c, A.M.N.H. 50-1493 
d, A.M.N.H. 50-1466 
e, A.M.N.H. 50-1467 
g, A.M.N.H. 50-1472 
h, A.M.N.H. 50-1465 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a, p. 358. 


Klickitat bag with net design 


b, d, h, pp. 354, 376. Klickitat bags 


c, p. 358. 
d, e, p. 358. 
f, p. 358. 
h, p. 358. 


Klickitat bag with net design 
Klickitat bags with gill design 
Klickitat bag with leg design 
Klickitat bag with leg design 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 63 


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KLICKITAT WOVEN BAGS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 64 


KLICKITAT WOVEN BAGS 


i, 


PLATE 64 


A.M.N.H. 50-1521 
A.M.N.H. 50-1522 
A.M.N.H. 50-1476 
A.M.N.H. 50-1470 
A.M.N.H. 50-1514 
A.M.N.H. 50-1516 
g, A.M.N.H. 50-1512 
h, A.M.N.H. 50-1513 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 
a-h, p. 376. Klickitat bags 


c, p. 358, 


Klickitat bag with leg design 


PLATE 65 


a, A.M.N H. 50-1523 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1525 
c, A.M.N.H. 50-1524 
d, A.M.N.H. 16-4962 _ 
e, A.M.N.H. 50-1463 
f, A.M.N.H. 50-1464 


| REFERENCES TO PLATE 
a-f, p. 376. Klickitat bags 
a, p. 358. Net and zigzag designs 
b, p. 375. Design in horizontal arrangement 
c, p. 358. Net design 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 65 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


KLICKITAT WOVEN BAGS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 66 


KLICKITAT BASKETS 


PLATE 66 


a, A.M.N.H. 50-1482. Design: ‘‘ Birds’’ 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1483 

c, A.M.N.H. 50-1460. Design: ‘‘ Dogs’’(?), ‘‘ Horses and man” 
d, A.M.N.H. 50-1491 

e, A.M.N.H. 50-1490 

f, A.M.N.H. 50-1474 

g, A.M.N.H. 50-1469 

h, A.M.N.H. 50-1495 

i, A.M.N.H. 50-1462. Coiled basket 
j, A.M.N.H. 50-1461. Coiled basket 
k, A.M.N.H. 50-1457 

1, A.M.N.H. 50-1459 

A.M.N.H. 50-1484 

n, A.M.N.H. 50-1480 

o, A.M.N.H. 50-1496. Woven cap 

p, A.M.N.H. 50-1498. Woven cap 

q, A.-M.N.H. 50-1543. Woven cap 

r, A.M.N.H. 50-1497 Woven cap 

8, A.M.N.H. 50-1485. Design: ‘‘Deer”’ 
t, A.M.N.H. 50-1489 

u, A.M.N.H. 50-1478 

v, A.M.N.H. 50-1479 

w, A.M.N.H. 50-1486 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a-h, k-n, s-w, p. 354. Klickitat flexible baskets 
o-r, p. 354. Basketry caps 
i,j, p. 354. Coiled baskets 
k, p. 358. Foot or’gill design 
n, p. 358. Gill design 
P, 7, 0, p. 358. Step design 


3 


53666°—28——1x 


PLATE 67 


a, A.M.N.H. 50-1487 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1481 
c, A.M.N.H. 16.1-533 
d, A.M.N.H. 50-1527 
¢, A.M.N.H. 50-1414 
f, A.M.N.H. 50-1488 
g, A.M.N.H. 50-1526 
h, A.M.N.H. 50-1417 
i, A.M.N.H. 50-1490 
j, A.M.N.H. 50-1477 
k, A.M.N.H. 50-1494 
1, A.M.N.H. 50-1492 
m, A.M.N.H. 50-1415 
n, A.M.N.H. 50-1475 
0, A.M.N.H. 50-1441 
p, A.M.N.H. 50-1473 
q, A.M.N.H. 50-1408 
r, A.M.N.H. 50-1409 
s, A.M.N-H. 50-1407 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a-s, pp. 355-357. Klickitat baskets 
d, p. 358. Leg design 
i, p. 358. Tooth design 
k, p. 358. Gill design 
m, N, p. 358. Finger-nail design 
0, p. 358, Arrowhead design 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 67 


KLICKITAT BASKETS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 68 


KLICKITAT BASKETS 


PLATE 68 


a, A.M.N.H. 50-1436 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1435 
c, A.M.N.H. 50-1416 
d, A.M.N.H. 50-1442 
e, A.M.N.H. 50-1431 
f, A.M.N.H. 50-1425 
g, A.M.N.H. 50-1430 
h, A.M.N.H. 50-1456 
i, A.M.N.H. 50-1418 
j, A.M.N.H. 50-1426 
k, A.M.N.H. 50-1451 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a-k, pp. 355-357, Klickitat coiled baskets 
¢,f, p. 358. Leg design 
g, p. 358. Zigzag or scratch design 
i, p. 358. Tooth design 
j, p. 358, Leg design 
k. p. 358. Zigzag design 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 69 


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KLICKITAT BASKETS. (P. 358) 
a, A.M.N.H. 50-1448 b, A.M.N.H. 50-1449 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 70 


h i j 
KLICKITAT COILED BASKETS. (P. 358) 
a, A.M.N.H. 50-1537 e, A.M.N.H. 50-1423 h, A.M.N.H. 50-1450 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1413 f, A.M.N-H. 50-1411 i, A.M.N.H. 50-1540 
c, A.M.N.H. 50-1440 g, A.M.N.H. 50-1447 j, A.M.N.H. 50-1455 
d, A.M.N.H. 50-1446 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 71 


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KLICKITAT BASKETS. (P. 358) 


b, Sargent d, A.M.N.H. 50-1413 
c, A.M.N.H. 50-2473 e, A.M.N.H. 50-1421 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 72 


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a, A.M.N.H, 50-2483 c, A.M.N.H. 50-1538 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1539 d, A.M.N.H, 50-1536 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 73 


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KLICKITAT BASKETS. (P. 358) 
c, U.P.M.(N.A.) 1790 


a, A.M.N.H. 50-2471 b, A.M.N.H. 50-2470 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 74 


KLICKITAT COILED BASKETS 


a 


PLATE 74 


a, A.M.N.H. 50-1433 
b, A.M.N.H. 50-1427 
c, A.M.N.H. 50-1443 
d, A.M.N.H. 50-1420 
¢, A.M.N.H. 50-1412. Design: ‘‘Horses and men” 
J, A.M.N.H. 50-1419 
g, A.M.N.H, 50-1428 
h, A.M.N.H. 50-1454 
i, A.M.N.H. 50-1438 
j, A.M.N.H. 50-1437 
k, A.M.N.H. 50-1439 
l, A.M.N.H. 50-1452 
m, A.M.N.H. 50-1429 
n, A.M.N.H. 50-1453 
0, A.M.N.H. 50-1422 
p, A.M.N.H. 50-1444 
q, A.M.N.H. 50-1445 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


a-q, p. 358. Klickitat coiled baskets 
b, p. 358. Step design 
c, p. 358. Arrowhead design 
¢, k, p. 358. People 
f, i, p. 358. Zigzag design 
g, p. 358. Gill or leg design 
1, p. 358. Step design 
m, p. 358. Gill design 
n, p. 358. Leg design 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 75 


KLICKITAT AND COAST BASKETS. (P. 358) 


a-f, Klickitat coiled baskets i, k,l, Provenience unknown 
g,h,j, Twined baskets, Puget Sound 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 76 


A.M.N.H. 16-4621. Uta’mat 
A.M.N.H. 16-1044. Thompson A.M.N.H. 16-4640. Uta’mat 
A.M.N.H. 16-6933. Lillooet 


A.M.N.H. 16-4621. 


A.M.N.H. 16-1044. 
A.M.N.H. 16-4640. 
A.M.N.H. 16-6933. 


PPD 
BR eee 


PLATE 76 


Lower Thompson basket 

Thompson basket 

Lower Thompson basket 

Lillooet basket. Another view on Plate 22, 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 


Two-field arrangement on Lillooet basket 
Vertical zigzag 

Diamond design 

Realistic design 

Realistic design 


PLATE 77 


A.M.N.H. 16-9236. Lower Thompson basket 
A.M.N.H. 16-8835. Thompson basket from the upper Fraser River 


REFERENCES TO PLATE 
p. 232. Imbrication on entire field on bare background 
p. 240. Diagonal distribution of designs 
p. 268. Treatment of diagonal, crossing corner 
p. 282. Error in placing vertical stripe 


PLATE 77 


ST ANNUAL REPORT 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 78 


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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


PLATE 78 


HORIZONTAL LINES 


1-3. Bead. 


4. 


oO 


6. 


ie 


10. 


ah ts 


. Dentalia, 


Striped snake, Coil (?). 

Cloud, Embroidery, Necklace, String of beads, 
Dentalia. 

Hair ribbon, Spot, Beads, Necklace, String of 
beads, Flies. 

Hair ribbon, Spot, Beads, Necklace, String of 
beads, Flies, Snake skin. 

Nose-rod, Flying bird or insect, 

Dragonfly. 


. Cloud, Embroidery, Dentalia, Necklace, String 


of beads. 

Cloud, Dentalia, Embroidery, Hair ribbon, 
Necklace, String of beads. 

Cloud, Embroidery, Dentalia, Necklace, String 
of beads. 


12, 13. Cloud, Embroidery, Dentalia, Necklace, 


14, 


15, 
i6. 


17, 


String of beads. 

Cloud, Embroidery, Dentalia, Necklace, String 
of beads, Rattlesnake. 

Cloud, Embroidery, Necklace, Dentalia, Snake. 

Hair ribbon, Snake, Bullsnake, Beads, Neck- 
lace, String of beads, Rattlesnake, Flies. 

19. Joined, Spliced, Snake. 


18, 20. Joined, Spliced. 


21. 


22, 
24. 


25. 
26. 


Hairy caterpillar, Dentalia, Necklace, 
lile’tsa Eagle (?). 

23. Striped snake, Coil. 

Dentalia, Snake or snake skin, 
Rattlesnake. 

Scratch, Stripe, Lines extending out. 

Legging with beaded fringe, Clouds appearing 
above the horizon, Beads (rarely). 


Opa- 


Bullsnake, 


DIAGONAL LINES 


27, 28. Rain, Beads. 
29. Leaning, Rainbow, Stripe, Scratch, Lines ex- 


30. 


31. 


32. 
33. 


tending out. 


Leaning, Rainbow, Striped snake, Stripe 
(Rainbow stump). 
Leaning, Rainbow, Little ladder, Stripe (Rain- 


bow stump). 
Scratches, Rainbow, Stripe, Rainbow stump. 
Rainbow, Little ladder, Striped snake. 


34. 
. Rain. 

. Xanaxa/in (an edible root). 

. Xanaxa’in, Stripe, Dentalia. 

. Striped snake. 

. Stlupaist or twisted, Xanaxa’in. 
40. 
41. 
42. 


(). 


Stlupaist or twisted, Xanaxa’in, Dentaiia. 
Arrowhead, twisted, Xanaxa’in. 
Half arrowhead, Xanaxa’in, Dentalia. 


VERTICAL LINES 


43, 44. Rain, Spot, Bead. 


45. 


Woodworm, Hair ribbon, Snake, Caterpillar, 
Spot, Necklace. 


46. 


Rain, Spot, Bead, Necklace, Dentalia. 


47. Frame, Legging. 


PLATE 79 


VERTICAL LINES 


48,49. Legging. 

50. Girl’s frame (tsrxa’ksten), Legging. 
51,52 Legging. 

53. False legging. 

54, False legging, Striped legging. 
55-59. Dentalia and Embroidery. 


68. 


67. 


Snake, Bullsnake, Snake’s head (rarely), Wood- 
worm. 

Snake, Bullsnake, Bead, Fly, Necklace, String 
of beads. 


. Snake, Snake skin, Necklace. 
. Snake, Snake skin. 
. Snake, Snake skin,Combined snake track and 


half arrowhead. 
Snake, Rattlesnake, Gartersnake, Necklace. 
74. Bead, Dentalia, Necklace, Rain. 


Snake, Snake track, Mountain tops, Zigzag, 
Caterpillar, Pack strap. 


60. (?). 71 

61, Lines extending out, Stripe, Scratch. 

62. Striped snake. 72. 

63, Snake, Ladder, Hair ribbon, Woodworm, 73, 

64,65. Snake, Caterpillar, Hairribbon, Woodworm. | 75. 

66. Snake, Bull snake. 76. Bead, Necklace. 

DIAGONAL ZIGZAG, HORIZONTAL 
77. Necklace of dentalia or tubers(?),Beads, Pend- | 80. 
ants. 
78. Arrowhead, Zigzag, Necklace with pendants. 81. 


79. Snake, Snake track, Mountain tops, Zigzag, 
Caterpillar, Pack strap. 


Snake, Snake track, Pack strap, Mountain, 
Caterpillar. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 79 


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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


PLATE 80 


DIAGONAL ZIGZAG, HORIZONTAL 


82. Pack strap (connected points or open middles), 
Rainbow connected. Necklace (rarely), Zig- 
zag, Meandering, Snake. 

83. Snake, Bullsnake. 

84. Necklace, Bead. 

85. Rainbow, Necklace, Part of grave box (rare), 
Grasshopper. 

85. Zigzag (flat or wide points), Half circles con- 
nected, Going back and forth in half circles, 
Mountains (rarely), Snake tracks (very rare), 
Deer fence. 

87. Grave box. 

88. Rainbow, Necklace, Part of grave box (rarely), 
Grasshopper. 

89,90, Mountains, 

91,92. Rainbow and cloud, Cloud over mountain, 

Embroidery, Necklace and _ pendants, 
Beads. 


93,94. Cloud (Nicola). 

. Deer fence with snares. 

. Indian fortress on top of a rock.! 

97. Head band, Embroidery on the fronts and backs 

of dresses, Net, Necklace. 

98. Necklace, Variety of net, Embroidery, Dress 

design. 

99. Dress design. 

100. Necklace, Rainbow, Part of earth lodge 
(rarely), Dress design. 

101. Necklace, Rainbow (Lytton), Half circle, 
Embroidery, Half ofa design, Part of a grave 
box (rare), Dress design, Grasshopper. 

102,103. Arrow points, Necklace. 


8 & 


DIAGONAL ZIGZAG, VERTICAL 


104. Trail, Snake tracks, Contorting, 
Ascending zigzag. 


105. Grasshopper, Grasshopper leg. 


Snake, 


106. Wave (two turns), Zigzag, Grasshopper. 
107. Wave (two turns), Zigzag, Grasshopper. 


1 This is supposed to have been in the Stlaxa’iux country. It is surrounded by a wall of logs 


stones. The diamonds represent gun holes. 


and 


128, 


130. 


135. 
136. 
137. 


138. 
139, 
141, 
142. 
143. 
144. 
145, 
146. 


PLATE 81 


DIAGONAL ZIGZAG, VERTICAL 


Wave (short turn), Zigzag, Grasshopper. 116, 117. Snake, Bullsnake, Caterpillar, Garter- 
Wave (three turns), Zigzag, Lightning (rarely), snake. 
Snake or Snake track. 118. Snake, Bullsnake, Caterpillar, Gartersnake, 
. Wave (four turns), Zigzag, Snake or Snake Striped snake. 
track. , 119. Snake, Caterpillar, Gartersnake, Striped 
. Blanket, Zigzag (up and down), Snake or eonicee 
Snake track. 120. Snake, Bead necklace, Caterpillar. 


113. Caterpillar, Lightning (rarely), Grass- 
hopper, Woodworm borings. 

115. Trail, Parfléche (rarely), Ascending zig- 
zag, Snake, Snake track, Contracted 
middles, Pack strap (rarely). 


121. Snake, Woodworm, Caterpillar. 
122-125. Striped snake. 
126, 127. (?). 


THE ZIGZAG COMPOSED OF VERTICAL AND HORIZONTAL SECTIONS 


129. Snake and snake track (rarely), Caterpil- | 131. Snake and snake track (rarely), Caterpillar. 


lar, Grasshopper. 132. Snake track. 

Snake and snake track (rarely), Caterpillar, | 133. Mountain, Zigzag, Necklace. 

Grasshopper, Lightning. 134. Mountain, Zigzag, Necklace, Caterpillar. 

THE CHEVRON 

Butterfly, Wing, Arrow point, Angle. 147. Bent leg, Broken back, Broken rib, Rib, Grass- 
Butterfly wing, Butterfly. hopper. 
Necklace, Butterfly (rarely), Broken or bent | 148, Bent leg, Broken back, Grasshopper, Rib. 

middle, : 149, Angle, Arrow point. 
Angle, Arrow point. 150. Fish backbone (Spuzzum). 
140. Arrow point. ; 151. Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 
Arrowhead (heaped up or overlapping). 152, Broken back, Bent leg, Fishhook, Hook, 
Arrowhead. Crook, Hooked end, Cross, Head, Root 
Arrowhead. digger. 


Tree, Fir branch, Branch. 

Tree, Fir branch, 

Waves (one turn), Angle, Arrowhead, Part of 
zigzag (Uta’mqt), Grasshopper. 


153. Rainbow (half or stumps) (rare), Bent middle, 
Bent back, Bent leg, Striped snake (rare). 


s WW. 


KO: 


135 \/ 
V 
V 


149 
SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


148 


ORK (A) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 82 


Bee eetROUR eee LEY MABUERUREE 
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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


PLATE 82 


THE CHEVRON 
154, Rainbow (half or stumps) (rare), Bent middle, Bent back, Bent leg, Striped snake (rare), 


THE RIGHT ANGLE WITH ONE LONG SIDE 


155. (?). 175. Caterpillars crossed. 
156. Leg, Foot, Grasshopper. 176. Caterpillar. 
157, 158. Leg, Foot, Caterpillar, Bent knee. 177. Caterpillar, Double hook, Double crook, 
159-162. Leg (variation), Foot (variation), Cater- Angle, Bent leg. 
pillar, Double hook, Crook. 178. (?). 

163. Leg, Foot (rarely), Caterpillar, Notch. 179. Caterpillar, Double hook, Double crook, 
164, Leg (variation), Necklace, Beads, Dentalia, Angle, Bent leg, Duck. 

Grasshopper (rarely) (arranged spirally and | 180, Root digger, Cross, Head. 

horizontally). 181. Root digger, Cross, Head (possibly from 
165. Leg (variation), Necklace (rarely), Dentalia, whites), Fishhook(?). 

Grasshopper. 182. Leg, Foot. 
166-168. (?). 183. Hooked end, Leaning, Hook, Fishhook 
169. Hook, Hooked end, Fishhook, Foot, Grass- (rarely), Foot, Bent leg, Grasshopper, Leg 

hopper. leaning. 
170. Leg, Foot, Grasshopper. 184. Bent back, Broken back, Broken rib, Bent leg, 
171. Grasshopper. » Grasshopper. 
172. Leg, Foot. 185. Fishhook. 
173, 174. Leg, Foot, Grasshopper. 186. Fish spear, Bird’s foot. 

THE MEANDER 

187, 188. Snake, Snake track (rarely), Mouth. 204. Necklace, Cloud, Mountain, Zigzag half circles 
189-191. Mouth. Stepped half circles, Embroidery. 
192. Variant of grave box, Mouth. 205. Cloud, Zigzag, Embroidery, Half design. 
193. Mouths, Notches facing each other. 205. Star, Star notched or stepped all around, 
194-196. Notch, Mouth, Caterpillar, SkEsknits(?). Gnawed all around. 
197. Snail, Caterpillar, Head, Duck’s head. 207. Star, Stepped star, Variation of ladder or 
198. Snail, Caterpillar, Head. necklace(?), Notched or gnawed edges all 
199. Necklace, 


around, Woven bag design. 

. Star, Notched star, Star stepped all around, 
Star surrounded by a cloud, Cloud with star 
shining through it. 


200. Necklace, Mountain, Zigzag steps. 208 
201, 202. Necklace, Cloud and mountain, Zigzag 
half circles, Stepped half circles, Em- 
broidery, Clouds, Steps. 
203. Necklace, Cloud and mountain, Zigzag half 
circle, Stepped half circle, Embroidery, 
Clouds. 


PLATE 83 


THE MEANDER 


209. Cloud, Necklace, Embroidery, Cloud and | 210. Cloud, Embroidery, Half of a design. 
mountain. 


CROSSED LINES 


211, 212. Star, Small star, Fly (rarely), Flying birds | 216. Star, Big Star (?), Morning star, Cross. 


or insects. 217. Star, Morning star. 
213. Star. 218. Star. 
214. Star, Fishline reel. 219. Star (notched), Leaf (Spuzzum). 
215. Star, Big star. 220, 221. Sun (painted on circular lids), Star, Flower. 
TRIANGLES 

222-229. Arrowhead. 248. Butterfly. 
230. Snake(?), Bullsnake(?), Snake’s head, Wood- | 249-251, Arrowhead. 

worm(?). 252. Arrowheads entering one another. 
231-233. Arrowhead. 253. (2). ; 
234, 235. Bush, Mushroom, Tree. 254. Arrowheads touching bases. 
236. Bush, Mushroom, Tree, Bead. 255, 256. (?). 
237. Butterfly(?). 257. Arrowhead, Ladder. 
238. Arrowhead.! 2 258-260. Parfléche(?). 
239. Butterfly, Wing of butterfly. 261. Butterfly. 
240, 241. Arrow, Arrowhead. 262. Leaf (double). 
242. Arrowhead.1 263. Tooth, Grizzly-bear tooth, Butterfly (rarely). 
243. Arrowhead, Leaf. 264-267. Arrowhead (rarely), Tooth, Leaf, Fern leaf. 
244. Arrowhead (joined all over), Cloud (rarely), | 268, 269. Arrowhead, Tooth. 

Fern. 270. Parfléche. 


245. Arrowheads touching bases. . Butterfly, Arrowhead star, Wing. 
246. Arrowhead. . Arrowhead, Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 
247. Arrowhead, Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 273. Tooth (rarely), Arrowhead (rarely), Wing. 


1 Occasionally used. Formerly beadwork pattern. 2 Drawn from Indian description. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 83 


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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 84 


279 
275 277 278 
| : 
289 
Alk 288 290 291 
284 285 287 


Pa 
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321 


SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


PLATE 84 


TRIANGLES 


274, 275. Arrowhead, Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 

276. Arrowhead. 

277. Arrowhead, Half arrowhead, Ladder (var.). 

278. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

279. (2) 

280. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

281. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

282, 283. (?) 

284. Arrowheads touching bases, Ladder. 

285. Arrowheads, Ladder. 

286. Arrowheads, Half arrowheads. 

7. Ladder, Notched bark. 

288. Ladder, Half arrowhead. 

289. Ladder, Tooth, Cloud (rarely), Half arrow- 
head. 

290, 291. Ladder. 

292. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

293. Ladder, Half arrowhead. 

294. Tree Ladder, Arrowhead. 

295.1 Arrowhead, Ladder for climbing trees. 

296. Arrowhead, Ladder. 

207. Bead, Beaded edge, Caterpillar. 

298. Half arrowhead, Dentalia, Connected, Hair 
ribbon, Xanaxa‘in. 

299. Swallow, Wing. 

300, 301. Arrowhead. 

302. Arrowhead, Snake, Snake skin. 

303. Half arrowhead, Xanaxa’in, 
broidery (cf. 571). 


Ladder, Em- 


1 On a new basket. 


304. Half arrowhead, Xanaxa’in, 
Dentalia, Connected. 

305. Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 

306. Single leaf. 

307. Half arrowhead horizontal, Ladder horizontal. 

308. Half arrowheads joined all over. 

309, 310. Swallow, Wing. 

311. Star, Arrowhead (occasionally). 

312. Ladder. 

313, 314. Ladder, Caterpillar. 

315, 316. Ladder, Arrowhead. 

317. Ladder, Caterpillar. 

318. Tree ladder, Arrowhead, Mountain, Cater- 
pillar. 

319. Star, Arrowhead (occasionally). 

320. Parfléche. 

321. Ladder (var.), Contracted middle, Butterfly 
(rarely). 

322. Comb, Double comb, Parfléche(?). 

323-325. Arrowhead, Parfléche. 

326. Arrowhead, Star, Cross. 

327. Arrowhead, Arrowhead star, White man’s 
design(?). 

328. Star, Arrowhead star, Arrowhead cross. 

329,330. Arrowheads touching bases, Ladder(?). 

331. Arrowhead, Variation of notched ladder, Bead. 

332. Arrowhead. 

333. Star, Arrowhead star (occasionally). 

334. Arrowhead. 


Hair ribbon, 


TRIANGLES 
335, 336. Arrowhead, Half arrowhead. 339. 
337. (?). 
338. Arrowhead. 
341, 
SQUARES 
343-346. (?). 370. 
347. Bead, Fly, Star. 371. 
348. Bead, Woodworm. 372. 
349. Bead, Star, Hairy caterpillar. 
350. TsEné’ka, Embroidery, Comb, 373. 
351, 352. Big bead. 
353, Tooth. 374. 
354, Necklace, Headband, Beads, Embroidery, 
Bullsnake, Rattlesnake. 
355, Twisted, Bead, Caterpillar (rare). ws 
356. Twisted, Bead, Hair ribbon, Necklace, String 377, 
of beads. 
357. Twisted, Bead, Hair ribbon, Necklace, Bull- 
snake, Snake skin. 
358. Embroidery, Bead, Fly, Necklace, Rattle- | 379. 


359. 
360. 
361. 
362. 
363. 
364. 
365. 


366. 
367. 
368. 


369. 


PLATE 85 


snake, Snake. 

Bead, Necklace, Spot, Joined squares. 

Grave box, Mouth (rarely). 

Xanaxa’in, Ladder. 

Fish net, Deer net. 

Snake, Woodworm, Hair ribbon. 

Spot, Bead, Hair ribbon, Woodworm. 

Snake, Bullsnake, Necklace, Bead embroid- 
ery, Fly. 

Snake, Snake skin, Caterpillar, Bead, Step, 
Embroidery. 

Rain (rarely), Necklace of beads, TsEné’ka, 
Embroidery. 

Comb, Embroidery, 
ment). 

Big bead, Notch, Cloud. 


TsEné’ka (hair orna- 


Arrowhead, Bird, Swallow, Dream design, 
Fern. 


340. Arrowhead, Bird, Swallow. 


342. Arrowhead. 


Big bead, Cloud. 

Big bead, Notch, Embroidery, Cloud, Circles. 

Big bead, Big spot, Embroidery, Cloud, Neck- 
lace, Butterfly, Insect, Bird. 

Big bead, Flying insect or bird (Uta’mat), 
Caterpillar. 

Big bead, Caterpillar, Dentalia. 


375. Star, Fly, Flying bird, Insect. 
376. Big bead, Hat. 


378. Cloud, Cluster of flies (Ut.), Heaped up, 
Bead, Embroidery, Part of mula, 
Spot (heaped up), Part of spotted star 
(Nicola), Mountain (rare), Caterpillar. 
Cloud, Bead, Step, Ladder, Half of a design, 
Embroidery. 


380-387. Cloud, Cluster of flies (Uta’mqt), Heaped 


388. 
389. 
390. 
391. 


392. 
393. 


up, Bead, Embroidery, Part of mula 
(root of wild rice, lily root), Spot 
(heaped up), Half or part of spotted 
star (Nicola), Mountain (rare), Cater- 
pillar. 
Star (Nicola), Fly (Uta’maqt), Dragon fly. 
Fly, Dragon fly, Flying bird. 
Cloud, Pipe, Bead. 

Big star, Small fly (Uta’maqt), 
(Nicola), Owl's face (Lytton). 
Big star, Flower, Buttercup, Owl's face. 

Big star (Nicola), Fly (Uta’mat). 


Buttercup 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 85 


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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 86 


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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


SQUARES 
394. Ornamented star variation. 410. 
395. Leaf (Spuzzum), Star, Bead. 411. 
396-398. Star, Shooting star (Nicola). 412. 


PLATE 86 


399, 400. Mula, Star (Lower Nicola), Cluster of 


Rattlesnake, Big bead. 

Ladder of underground house. 

Cloud, Embroidery, Fly, Big bead, Gnawed 
edges all around. 


stars (Niccla), Cluster of flies (Uta’maqt). | 413. Fly, Big bead, Steps, Snake or snake skin, 
401. Mula, Cluster of flies (Uta’mat). Hairy caterpillar, Embroidery. 
402. Mula, Cluster of flies (Uta’mqt), Cluster of | 414. Embroidery, Step, Big bead, Caterpillar, 

stars (Nicola). Snake, Snake skin. 
403, 404. Big bead, Caterpillar. 415. Star, Arrowhead star (occasionally), Big bead. 
405. Big bead. 416. Contracted middle, Arrowhead, Cloud, 
406. Ladder, Arrowhead. Parfléche. 
407. Ladder, Big bead, Caterpillar. 417, Arrowhead star. 
408. Ladder, Caterpillar. 418. Star, Notched star, Stepped star. 
409. Ladder, Big bead. 
RECTANGLES 
419. Star, Arrowhead star (occasionally), Big bead. | 435. Patch (real patch design), Net (rarely). 
420. Moss cake, TsEné’ka (hair flap). 436. Patch (Spuzzum). 
421. Window. 437. Bead, Striped bead, Dentalium. 
422. (?). 438. Snake, Bullsnake, Big bead, Fly, Dentalia. 
423. Beads, Part of step design, Big bead, Cater- | 439. Necklace, Snake. 
pillar. 440. Snake, Snake skin, Bullsnake, Fly. 

424. Star, Bead. 441. Big bead, Notch, Cloud, Flying bird. 
425. Star (Nicola), Bead, Fly. 442. Big bead, Necklace, Steps, Cloud, Embroidery 
426. Big bead, Fly. 443. Big bead, Necklace, Steps, Cloud, Embroid- 
427. Big bead, Dentalium, Caterpillar. ery, Ladder (variation). 
428. Dentalium, Caterpillar. 444. Big bead, Necklace, Steps, Cloud, Embroidery. 
429. Dentalium, Caterpillar. 445-447. Big bead, Big spot, Butterfly, Cloud, 
430. Door. Embroidery, Flying insect or bird 
431. Eye. (Uta’mat). 
432. TsEné’ka. 448. Necklace (in addition to preceding). 
433. Ladder, Dentalia, Xanaxa’in. 449. Big bead, Big spot, Butterfly (Spuzzum), 
434, Shell embroidery, Ladder (Coldwater), Den- Cloud, Notch, Flying insect or bird (Spuz- 


talia, Xanaxa’in. 


zum), Flying goose. 


450. 


451. 


452, 


454. 


455. 
456. 
457. 
458. 
459. 
460. 
461. 


462. 
463. 
464. 
465. 


466. 
467. 
468. 
469, 
471. 
472, 
473, 


PLATE 87 


RECTANGLES 


Big bead, Big spot, Butterfly (Spuzzum), 
Cloud, Notch, Flying insect er bird (Spuz- 
zum), Flying goose, Necklace. 

Beads, Necklace, Notch, Notch extended, 
Circling, Caterpillar, Clouds extended. 

453. Cloud extended, Notch, Caterpillar, Fly- 

ing goose. 

Cloud, Mountain, Cluster of flies (Uta’mat), 
Bead, Embrcidery, Hat, Spot (heaped up), 
Part of spotted star (Nicola), Hairy cater- 
pillar, Mula, Part of mula. 

Big bead, Hat, Dentalia, Hair ribbon. 

Big bead, Hat. 

Caterpillar, Woodworm. 

Spot, Big bead. 

Wide-pointed star. 

Star, Fly, Flying bird, Insect. 

Star (Nicola), Fly (Uta’mqt), Flying bird, 
Insect. 

Star (Nicola), Fly (Uta’mat). 

Dentalia, Ladder. 

Dentalia, Ladder, Big beads. 

Dentalia, Ladder, Big beads, Steps, Cater- 
pillar. 

Dentalia, Ladder, Big beads. 

Ladder. 

Big beads, Fly, Flying bird, Insect. 

470. Spot, Big beads. 

Ladder, Bead, Necklace, Dentalia. 

(CE 

474. Hairy caterpillar. 


475, 


477. 
478. 
479, 
480. 
481. 
482. 
483. 
484. 
485. 
486. 
487. 
488. 
489. 
490, 
492. 
493. 
494. 
495. 


496, 
498. 


499. 
500. 


501. 
602. 


476. Cloud, Fly, Bead, Embroidery, Caterpil- 
lar. 

Fly, Bead, Hairy caterpillar. 

Steps, Bead, Hairy caterpillar, Ladder. 

Big bead, Hairy caterpillar. 

Steps, Big bead, Hairy caterpillar, Ladder. 

Necklace, Beads, Dentalia. 

Big bead, Necklace. 

Big bead, Earring. 

Bead, Spot, Necklace, Joined squares. 

Dentalia, Necklace. 

Necklace, Joined squares, Spot. 

Necklace. 

Bead, Beaded edge, Caterpillar. 

Necklace. 

491. Big bead, Feathers. 

Star, Cross, Morning star, Big star. 

Bead, Star. 

Star. 

Cloud, Mountain, Necklace, Beads, Zigzag, 
Half circle. 

497. Necklace, Beads, Dentalia. 

Rig bead, Step, Embroidery, Caterpillar, Den- 
talia, Snake, Snake skin. 


Standing points (Spuzzum), Fly (checked 
part), Tsené’ka, Embroidery, Dentalia, 
Necklace, Part of a design: 

TsEné’ka. 


Caterpillar, Woodworm. 
Mountains and clouds, Beads, Clusters of 
flies (Uta’mat). 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 87 
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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 88 


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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


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504. 
505 


508. 


509. 
510. 


511. 
512. 


PLATE 88 


RECTANGLES 


Legging fringe, Clouds, Dentalia, Beads, Big 
spot (rarely), Caterpillar. 
Dentalia, Caterpillar. 


. Hand pointing. 


506. 
507. 


DIAMONDS 


Spearhead(?), Snares, Lakes, Leaves, Meshes, 
Part of a design (Uta’maqt). 

Wasp’s nest. 

Mula (root of wild rice), Cluster of flies, Heart, 
Big bead. 

Star, Eye, Snare, Mesh. 

Star, Eye, Flower. 


513-515. Star. 


516. 
517. 
518. 


Leaf. 
Leaf double. 
Net, Fence, Pack strap. 


519,520. Fish net, Deer net, Variation of grave box. 


521. 


522. 
523. 
524, 
525. 


526. 
527. 
528. 


Contracting, Eye, Arrowhead, Snake, Snare, 
Net, Part of net. 

Contracting, Eye, Big bead. 

Tied ends, Earring. 

Bead, Beaded edge, Woodworm, Caterpillar. 

Contracting, Eye, Arrowhead, Snare, Net, 
Part of net, Big bead, Snake. 

Rattlesnake, Big bead. 

Eye, Contracting, Big bead. 

Connected crosses, Big bead, Snake, Part cf 
net design, Contracting, Eye, Snare. 


529. 
530. 
531, 
532. 
533. 
534. 


535. 
536. 
537. 
538. 
539. 
540. 


Head, Duck’s head, Caterpillar. 
Necklace, Design on dresses, 
Beads. 


Flying bird, 


Arrowhead, Snake, Snake skin. 

Snake. 

Rattlesnake, Big bead. 

Arrowhead. 

Arrowhead heaped up (cf. 252). 

Necklace, Big bead, Mula, Clusters of flies 
(Uta’mqt), Heart (Uta’mat). 

Necklace, Big bead, Heart. 

Necklace, Bear’s foot(?), Tracks(?). 

Necklace, Embroidery, Snake, Net. 

Bear’s foot. 

Flower. 

Flower, Star, Leaf. 


541, 542. Flower, Star, Leaf (rarely). 


543. 


Star, Arrowhead(?), 


Leaf. 


Thunderbolt, Flower, 


544, 545. Star. 


546. 
547. 


548. 


Star, Flower, Leaf. 

Arrowhead, Leaf. 

Arrowhead with cross or star, Thunder arrow- 
head, Thunderbolt, Leaf. 


PLATE 89 


DIAMONDS 
. Beaver's tail. 560. Star, Pack strap. 
50. Arrowhead. 561. Net design in fragments. 
5 {€3}5 562. Necklace (rarely). 


Big bead, Heart, Mula, Clusters of flies | 563. Tsupeniiist (rarely), Net (rarely), Necklace, 


Ee (Uta’mat). Double zigzag. 

eas Pel head. 564. Butterfly(?), Part of tsupeniiist, Wing. 
Ae Seas ae citer nendict 565. Butterfly, Part of tsupeniist, Wing. 
558. Necklace with pendants, Double zigzag. 566. Zigzag, Deer fence and snares. 


. Arrowhead, Eye(?), Star, Beaver (rarely), | °67- Entwining, Zigzag. 


Variation of necklace, Deer fence and snares. 


RHOMBOIDS 
568, 569. Spot, Big bead, Dentalia, Caterpillar. 570, 571, Arrowhead, Necklace, Beaded embroid- 
ery, Dentalia, Xanaxa’‘in. 
TRAPEZOIDS 
572. Tooth, Grizzly-bear tooth, Butterfly (rarely). | 579. Cloud, Mountain, Dentalia, Embroidery. 
573-575. TsEné’ka, 580. Bead, Beaded edge, Caterpillar. 
576. Dentalia, Ladder. 581. Snake, Bullsnake, Rattlesnake. 
577, 578. Cloud (Nicola). 


THE HEXAGON 
582. Snare, Circle, Half or part of grave box. 583. Grave box. 


THE OCTAGON 


584. Grave box. 588. Full moon, Half horizontal zigzag or meander 

585. Real grave box (Spuzzum, ef. 520), Lodge (Spuzzum), Circle, Snare, Part of grave box, 
(Lytton design). Grasshopper. 

586. Big bead, Part of grave box, Necklace. 589. Moon. 


5 

X 

587. Variation of grave box, Eye (rarely). 
THE COMBINATION OF SIMPLE GEOMETRIC FIGURES 


590. Necklace, Beads, Dentalia, Embroidery of | 592. Part of grave.box. 
shell, beads, or quills. 593. Arrow notch, Mountain tops. 
591. Necklace, Beads, Dentalia. 594. (?). 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 89 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNU AL REPORT PLATE 90 


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SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


PLATE 90 


THE COMBINATION OF SIMPLE GEOMETRIC FIGURES 


595. Necklace. 

596. TsEné’ka. 

597, 598. Parfléche, Arrowhead. 
599-001. Parfléche(?). 

602. Arrow. 

603. Parfléche(?). 

604, 605, Star, Arrowhead star. 
606.1 Sun, Star, Flower. 

607.1 Arrowhead star, Flower. 

608. Star, Arrowhead star, Flower, 


609, 610. Star, Arrowhead star. 

611-613. Star, Arrowhead (occasionally). 

614. Star, Arrowhead (occasionally), Flower. 

615.2 Star, Arrowhead (occasionally). 

616, Star, Arrow-point star, Star notched all around. 
617. (?). 

618. Leaf, Arrowhead. 

619, (?). 

620.4 Star, White man’s star (Spuzzum), 


DESIGNS EITHER GEOMETRIC OR REALISTIC 


621. Half moon. 

622. Moon and arrowhead, Full moon, Arrowhead 
and shield(?). 

623, 624. Rattles, Rattlesnake’s tail. 

625, Snake, Bullsnake, Woodworm, Snake’s head. 

626, 627. Snake, Snake’s head, Bullsnake, Wood- 

worm. 
628-630. Crow’s foot, Bird’s foot. 
631, 632. Bear’s foot, Comb, 


633, 634. Hand, Fingers. 

635-040. Lizard. 

641. Moceasin, Inverted sweat house or lodge. 
642. Eagle’s nest, Bird’s nest. 

643. Panther, Robin’s nest, Bird’s nest. 

644, Bird’s nest. 

645. Sheep horns. 

646. Butterfly. 


1 Painted on circular lids. 

? Has different kinds of centers. 

§ Copied from oilcloth. 
centers. 


The general shape is always the same, but there are Many varieties of 


647. 
648, 


649. 
650. 
651 
652 
656. 
657 


658. 


659 
660. 


661 
662. 
663 


664. 


PLATE 91 


DESIGNS EITHER GEOMETRIC OR REALISTIC 


Flying birds, Swallow, Butterfly (rarely). 
Butterfly (rarely), Necklace, Notch, Arrow. 
. Butterfly. 
. Butterfly (rarely), Necklace, Notch, Arrow. 
. Butterfly. 
655. (?). 
. Spearhead, Flower. 
. Flower. 
Flower, White clematis. 
. Flower, Blue clematis. 
. Leaves, Flower, Spearhead, Thunderbolt 
(rarely). 
. Flower, Arrowhead, Spearhead. 
. Arrow, 
. Arrowhead. 
2) 


665-667. Leaf, Pool, Maple leaf. 


668, 669. Berries. 

670. Necklace with tooth pendants, Big beads. 

671. Embroidery, Cactus(?), Dress design. 

672. Arrowhead. 

673. Moccasin trailer, Deer track, Deer hoof. 
STRONGLY CO 

694. Eagle, Bird, Thunder. 

695. Moccasin, Clouds with stars. 


696-699. Duck, Caterpillar. 


700. 


. Spearhead, Thunderbolt and rainbow (rare), 
Storm clouds. 


675. 


676. 
677, 
678 
680 
681 
682. 


674. 


687. 
688. 
C89. 
690. 


691. 


692. 
693. 


701. 


702. 


Moceasin trailer, Deer track, Deer hoof, 
TsEné’ka, Notch, Notched end. 

. Notch, Arrowhead, Part of a design, TsEné’ka, 

Basketry. 

. Swallow tail. 

. TsEné’ka. 

, 679. Leg, Legging. 

. Hook, Foot (rarely), Leg. 

. Legging with beaded fringe. 

. House, Lean-to lodge. 


683-685. Ladder, Tree ladder (Coldwater). 
G86. 


Grave box(?), Ornament(?), TsEn6’ka, Woven 
bag patterns. 

Girl’s frame. 

Heart, TsEné’ka. 

Pack strap with fillings, Net, Mesh. 

Part of grave box, Butterfly, Kind of fern, 
Variation of butterfly, Xane’m. 


oy 
‘he 


Mula (Lytton), Dream design(?). 
Butterfly (?), Woven bag pattern, TsEené’ka 
(rarely). 


NVENTIONALIZED 


Spearhead, Thunderbolt and lightning (rare), 
Storm clouds, Cloud, Fanciful single figure. 

Lily root (Mula, Root of wild rice), Snake’s 
tail. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 91 


VILL 


654 
660 
“sit MW M/- Black 
667 
Wi WS We Red 


wy WW 
W WW WwW om 
MM fl If 669 
Ww Ww Ww 
668 


673 M 


678 


688 


680 681 


694 


SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 92 


AS MO ef == 3 uke 
704 = 
703 705 E : = ys u08 = 
706 709 

718 

aa a os" Be XV /\ 

710 We TRS 
; vib 716 
TAG 719 


a88 734 735 736 
Le = 
741 743 
739 ian Us pr 


OY EBS 


753 aoe 
757 


761 
Y, 760 763 
762 


SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


PLATE 92 


STRONGLY CONVENTIONALIZED 


703. Sweat house. 

704, 705. Butterfly, Butterfly wing. 
706. Eagle, Bird. 

707. Eagle, Flying bird. 

708. Eagle, Flying bird, Dentalia. 
709. Eagle, Flying bird. 

710, 711. Eagle, Bird. 

712, 713. Eagle, Flying bird, Eagle wing. 
714, 715. Flying goose, Bird. 

716, 717. Eagle, Bird. 

718. Eagle, Flying bird. 


719-722. Eagle, Bird, Eagle’s or bird’s tail. 


723. Eagle, Bird. 


724-730. Flying birds, Swallow. 
731, 732. Flying birds, Swallow, Swallow wing. 
733. Shaman wearing mask. 
734-736. Panther, Deer's head. 
737. Deer’s head. 

738. Deer's hoof. 

739. Arrowhead. 

740. Fish spear and fish. 
741-744. Pipe, Foot. 

745, Arrowhead (ornamented). 
746-756. Butterfly. 

757-759. Tree. 

760-763. Pine cones (yellow). 


PLATE 93 


STRONGLY CONVENTIONALIZED 


764. Pine cones (yellow). 774. Butterfly. 
765. Butterfly or insect. 775. Bird, Eagle, Opalilz’tsa. 
766. Half moon (?). 776. Rainbow, Circling half circle, Mouth, Notch, 
767. Flying bird, Swallow, Wing. Corral, Pack strap, Kakanétz. 
768-770. Man, People. 777.) Eagle. 
771-773. Underground house with cross at the head | 778-780. Eagle’s tail. 
of the ladder, Tipi, Dream designs, | 781. Fagle’s head. 


Grave mound with cross, 782, 783. Flying bird. 
REALISTIC 

784, 785. Little men, 798-803. Butterfly. 
786-789. Leg, Foot. 804-806. Eagle, Bird. 
790. Little deer. 807. Snake. 
791. Deer. 808. Hammer, Comb. 
792. Arrowhead, Star, Stretched bearskin. 809, 810. Hammer. 
793. Otter. 811. Hammer, Comb. 
794. Beaver. 812, 813. Comb, Single comb. 
795. Sheep horns. 814-817. Lily root (Mula, Root of wild rice), Snake’s 
796. Grouse tracks, Grouse feet, Bird’s feet, Bird’s tail. 

tracks. 818. Tipi, Girl’s lodge. 


797. Crow, Bird. 


1 This is sometimes a central figure on the basket wall, and is then surrounded by tail or head designs. 
The central diamond represents the heart; the cross, the head; and the checks, the ends of feathers. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 93 


ee ACY &) 


766 769 


Fue y 
MT oe Ut Jet yt 


li, i ot 
784 i i II ey. sy 793 
LX 


795 


€>sE 797 


796 


804 


j 


FX \ M 816 817 A 
/ 
812 ; 
811 813 814 815 


SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


53666°—28——Xx1I 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 94 


AAAKLAS® 
= FRITIT[ES 


340 
5% FF 
g AN 
839 849 
837 J ) 843 844 ee 846 
838 841 
f @ is om 
S47 848 850 851 853 y = 
849 852 854 856 
861 863 


SKETCHES OF DESIGNS 


PLATE 94 


REALISTIC 
819, Tipi, Girl’s lodge. 840. Pipe. 
820. Tipi, Girl’s lodge, Bird, Foot. 841. Comb. 
821. Tipi, Girl’s lodge, Earth lodge. 842. Rattle, Deer-hoof rattle. 
822, 823. Tipi. 843. Hand rattle. 
824. Tipi, Mat lodge. 844. Rainbow, Necklace(?) Snowshoe. 
825. Sweat house. 845. Catholic cross (Nicola, Gladwin rarely), Star. 
826. House, Lean-to lodge. 846, 847. Paint pouch (with fringe). 
827. Bow. 848. War club. 
828, 829. Bow and arrow. 849-851. Feather. 
830-832. Arrow. 852-854. Cactus. 
833. Arrow, Notched feather, 855, Leaf. 
834. Arrow. 856. Tree(?). 
835. Drill, Arrowhead. 857. Wasp’s nest and tree branches. 
836. Arrowhead. 858. Moon. 
837. Arrowhead, Paint pouch. 859. Dream design of snare and animal. 
838. Arrowhead, Spearhead. 860-865. (7) 


839. Arrowhead. 


TWO PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN MIDDLE 
TENNESSEE 


BY 


WILLIAM EDWARD MYER 


485 


ee rr ee 


ae <a eld 
: at? aa 2 7 
: ec : 
: oe 
Ox) 
he. 
- ae hh « 
J % | 
4 o 
LJ . 
Gh “a a = 
Ta 
——.. =a Ps 
aah a 
Niro 
——————— ee eee — 


| alaain Yat ea ALITY DAO TANIA 9 
amen 


4 i] ae hit - H 
Pes 
Bais 


AAYM CHAWOH MALL? 


CONTENTS 


Page 
CP OOUCIION sane see eee area ae ren ae nee ewe scan wane wen 493 
Gorpon Town SiTE 

Indian remains in central Tennessee Basin____-...___-_.._-_-_-_------ 496 
Present appearance of Gordon town site> <= 0-2 222 497 
SUAS ESRC eee ee ee ae ee Oe ne ee 498 
Ce MAU PERE prin ON anes soa tee oe ee ne aie ne tana see 498 
PRLS a ea eg i a a ee 498 
Lia SUE Rd el ae che cape ah ate eee nals cece lel ht ay Seek a ek ea sea pee a 499 
OMEN A TCLECEION OL SMOUNG se ee re ee ee ee ee ee 499 
Welebravious at ile 16-inch stage. eo 500 
@eremonies at phe oU-IcH Btage—w-- ~~ = ee 500 
TERPS GI 61 fae eps ets py ieee sda ia eI pte el Bae SxS be e e Rert RE e 501 
DRC NCCI NCH AI Eth WOOU eo Seat sae eee eee eS 501 

“CT EYE EY 0) Ue al ce po pet ep hl yng eae ae 501 
iCaremingicn ab erOCubi OL vel piooee= sek ae ee oe eae oe 503 
CONTAC ehy ets tk pe i A ce a pr pl capac 504 
UNE Tee pea yl 5 tae ap i a A CNR AG pe 505 
RP oe cca ie no ae ee ee ee ee oe 505 
Ceremonial fires at the four world quarters__-______-__.__.---__--- 506 
Other temples of the southern Indians_-____________-____________- 507 
Charlevoix’s account of Natchez temple_______-________--__.--___ 508 
Objects found in black loam covering temple-_-_---_-----_---__----- 509 
BUREN TA SOTXBRES LEU Sec re ecctee en wnre ae o ere ae ere pee 509 
1's 7% bel Sites 2 ed ele pelt tee date cece bl Deane et ane tetas Silos minynes Shige be 509 

HUES cD FNL NOr NTE hl 6 aplenty le lla bp ok pa ip letyia he ela > defeat ee 510 
The town squareof the Creek Indians-—-—-=-2- === 8 511 
PIR PRLE Rei ee oe ee ee een 514 
LOTTE SY ad Pama a eee sie tle al Dey Celt eters, pin ye nettles i hese dena 518 
Rectangular structure of small stones__---_._.-..-_---------_---- 519 
PoUsnediDInCk: HOOl.s == serie cee et os IS a oe ne een 520 
Pimallipounweud RLONG COVERS =. - oa o 2 a6 oe ane oe noe ene eee 520 
Childts ravewe= + ayn eee tn I Se Otis fooler 520 
Coffin containing bodies of two children______-_-_---------------- 520 
Other ebjects#* 2ore = ee fee ee cet eee SO 521 
Grave of adult on exterior of wall___-_-_---_---------------_-__-_ 523 
Dualfunctions of/ building === 222s at ee 523 
Domenic -veasselea~ ares ner ot er os SO 523 
Colors:of pottery t= = tac ee con os oe ee eS 527 
House Circle No: 2) os ee ees eee ee 527 
Child’ s:eraves-se=*~ 22 eee ne a Se ee ee eet ke 528 
ire: bed = 2<-e0 Ser § ace ee a oe ee ee ORT Ee ete 531 
Objects scattered through: soil2 =~ <-~=-->- eee eete es 2S I) REE 532 
Bowls with decorations showing probable Siouan relationship- - -- --- 533 
Other objectasns 9 a eee eee 535 


53666°—28——32 487 


A488 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


Page 

House 'CirclesNo. 7922 2- s  e e  eeeee 535 
Themetate.. 52.22.2282 4 33 See ee ee 535 
Small wood used'as‘fueli-2- sean ese es ee 536 
Rites: connected withthe metstes= == a= ee ee 536 
Children’s:graves 2. 2522 2- See See eee 537 
Burial/at:cornertof Grave, Wee se ee 538 
Pottery =s2. e254 Seen eect eee See eee ee ee 538 
Fire bed at: center ‘of circlaw:# 24220 magn. 2 8 a ee 540 
Hquality in-ancientilifes. =" S22 sae eee ee oe ee 540 
GraverP jc2a5 2222 Sees oe oe ie en Rca 541 
The owlietiity.: 4+ 22. =2 ae eee eS ee ee 541 
House; Circle No: 84 = 2-752 eens oe ca ce eo 542 
Av different. mode; of buns hase eee eee 543 

- Preparation of foodie ams ase ae eee ee 544 
House: Circles NO: 4255 eee een nore ee eek eee 545 
Stone mosaic floomes. =o - = 2-2 oe eee ee 545 
Child’s:eravevandumetates =o =~. 2s son 546 
Hire DO Wiese = S23 eos ook bo ce eee ee eee 546 
Trowelt eee eo2 2 25.2 a2 =e oe ee eee 547 
Othenanmitaets: <2 55s ae Lee Se ee Oe te SO ae 547 
House} @incle No. 20225-22225 escce San eee ee ae ee ee 547 
Gemeteriés 2. 22522 2 45 5S See se ee ee en ee 548 
Wealls-around Gordon towns seers oe 549 
Original appearanceyol walleso2- ease e hee ea eee 550 
Walls of other southern Indian towns._______-.___-- ____________ 550 
Mauvilas oe asses aa eee = ee ee 551 
Character of Gordon! town buildin gpa 552 
The roofs. =~ .s coe o= 2 ee a ee se 552 
Population of(Gordon towns. 2= 22.2 s—s= Soe eee 553, 
Groups’ of clanidwellings. 2. =--=-- cece seas ae ee ee 553 
Deserted by ats: inhabivants==-2 2-0. 2 553 
Probable relationship between Gordon town and Madisonville, Ohio____- 554 
Similan-foodvanimals= 226 s-— == 35. So aa eS ee 555 
Wanderings of thexGordontncop len == == a 555 
Date of the desertion of (GordOnisites = =e genes 557 


Tur Fewkes Group 


Hertile region ‘around: Wewkes groups ——- = 2 ee ee 561 
Mound! No, (20.3 55 > 2 a es Gg eee ee ee ee 561 
Stages. inerection === =- =. sewn. 2 ee 562 
Building. Boos. 42. 2S. Se fee ee 562 

Ash bedi... 3: 225 a4) eS oe a ee ee eee ee 564 
Discoidalifound onfloon == See ee ae a eee 564 
Sacred image hhotise.— = 2" Ss =e eee 564 
‘Trace ofan images. 22) pee SS Re See eg ee 565 
‘hwo wectan cular spilestotistOnes ayaa es eee 565 
Maize‘and .maizeuneal=: =—" ee = 2 eee 566 
Buildimegson firstlevel._<s2 2s s2 52 See eee eee eee 567 
Mound INo; 2:atisecondjleveli ast 426. tere aorta t oe ee 567 
Wire ypites Sete 2. 2. ee ee ae ne ce 567 
Building A—House of the Mysteries____--.---==-22- = 5 567 
‘Thevaltans 2S =. et: Se ae ae ery ee ee 568 


Rooms: 9 te 0 See Sa OS i 5 ie ae 570 


MYER] CONTENTS 489 


Mound No. 2 at second level—Continued. 


Building A—House of the Mysteries—Continued. Page 
PIGOC 2 =... 25 ee ee rte ey Oe oe os. Pw ie 570 
VC eee Ee ee oe ee Oe ee ee ee ee ee ne 570 
MestrucwGnsh vires es eee ee te ee Sree ok See 571 
Tracesol cane (nBihine= = 2 = soe oe. ee ast Bee ee Set ose 571 
Matateinne imines 2a een 8 eo on 572 
Pottery bowls > stout oe ao ee ee ere ee el 573 
Rire.bed for, domestic, use. sds42i seu be fh Joel suosl eu syeLe 573 
Maund. Noseceu ita Dresenuievel = -- = a. on se ed 574 
Obectaounn miunound No. 22 222th sek 2 ela aye 575 
Restorations of pottery vessels______ ses Violen canes id bbe fb _lovel 575 
Method of applying fire to vessels___-___/-----222-+ 22222-2042 583 
Mound No. 3, a burial mound of the flexed-burial people______-__--_---- 586 
GravesRee = 5... Te hlessibe erate Uae: uh a obaad = hogeulecsentasnc ht _ 587 
Grave Gteareralirrh dre boy elt bs __ Sorel pn ottott ob. _ tontto_ 588 
@found No, 4.225. .~.- bo alasn_seaddouebaotll A. 23 2 weal. 588 
MoundoNorketnts. > - soppeh om 1. seeps nuns dle tog- Hesse = 588 
Alleged room within mound No. 1_-22+-+--2-_----J-L0-Lule LiL 589 
Mound NO. 525 8 ab a eo eee 3 Be ig ehbes lars 590 
Beacen [On DnvNeinips sto. kes A gs ee et Ra oe Sede et ate 591 
@ircle Na: Get 352 teewess ete eeuist) _4_ . set Ye Jeysuagt soled eons) - 592 
BhOpe-sia bi pO xen See ee Be ee ee eee oe lee eda teh 595 
Otherobjects found... ..--- AGES A otal Qo sei hoes 596 
Unusual: depressions 1 2luia sue betiin Je eet Joes Juve Jew boacl - 597 
Homes of the, flexed-burial prople=2-=_ =. eo Se 597 
CirclarNosiaifmetia wd do syesy 2 billt 4. 8 Jo-azew able bese’ _ 597 
The central fire-bowl and connecting grave__________________- 598 
Da a hee. SS es a eee ee ee Sa 600 
Graves _acen!_osd!. 22 Ite eee soe ee Bode Jose hf 4 601 
Gravouin= Jo 8-0 See 2 Se sos abd lent 221 4e 3 601 
Bondib paride. detour Soreeup Dhare wotuedies ee suutevemoll . 601 
Who were these flexed-burial people?__-_---2_-+-------------=--- 602 
iRéctangular stone grave people__.-..-_-.-..=-24ht secede bes_eustiod_ 603 
Rectangular stonergravesso.640) 6 od ee leu edad Med) - 603 
Grawetiie tia) 28 _ 2S losin. sux0 euuetslows bee piatelé. 603 
COPED (0 BMAP Desk Sk, Seen el ae ee EE Deo pees hn ns 604 
GraveiOt we tls med deen ee 7. ce outa caves | 605 
Probable remains of rectangular stone grave people______-___-- 605 
Pottery of Gordon and Fewkes sites_______-_-_-.---Ls 2-224 Li -se 606 
Animal food of Gordon and Fewkes people --------------------------- 607 
Nojimaces oi bisonsite! Jeviieaitwor dos st 2 bwone eet de Poseepes lL 608 
Report on skeletal. material ton! :swsqus os20_Leod_ bestest! b= sobs 612 
Skeletal material from the Gordon site in the United States National 
Museum -teod. > siumeteer ts sad ieee on eb pe bebes 613 
Skeletal material from the Fewkes group in the United States National 
Museumeup) 22988 go9. sootesmioost2_ al. f_pane ee. dwed. beth - 613 
Conclusions...) Jase! 2 ecules lees 2 ys Se 8 8h srbdo_ 613 
Mnglex co... = Sate se ee oe 2 oh ls gn abjow hb bos 615 
. 


95. 
96. 
97. 
98. 
99. 
100. 
101. 
102. 


103. 
104. 


105. 
106. 
107. 


108. 
109. 


110. 


111. 


112. 


113. 


114. 


115. 


116. 


117. 


118. 


119. 
120. 


121. 
122. 


123. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Map.of, Gordon town) site: 2222225 = == = 2 alee eee 
Panorama from top of Williams Knob________-.-.__..__._--__-_- 
Gordon town’ site:....-. 22... ._ oe ee a 
Large: linden; 2 = ~..22s==== -==...--5 9% Tale at hee aepee 
Mound A and house circles Nos: 1, 2, 3222252 s25ite: We julien 
Altar in temple; circlesNo f= = == ise ot it abel k Ys Se 
a, Natchez temple (from Du Pratz). 6, Framework of lodge_____-_ 
a, Hourglass-shaped bead. 6, Small stone discoidal. c, Spherical 
object. d, Pottery head. e, Leaf-shaped chert implement______ 
a, Grave No. 7. 6, Portion of house circle No. 3_____-_----_-_-_- 
a, Small pot with stone cover. b, Stone dagger. c, Mortuary pot 
from grave at 1. d, Burial vase from grave at 1________-__--_- 
Ayrowheadsispautery,, etc... 2 eee ee ee 
Potsherdsieeee =. 3 =a o Sake. abe as ee 
a, Grave before removal of top. 0b, Grave after removal of top and 
intrusiveysoil)...... = — 4 Be So 2 es ee 
Reproduction of Plate B; “Man, 19072_---=-=- 24288 Siete 
a, Fire-bed and edge of top of adjoining child’s grave. 6, Grave of 
fetustat, 2... So soon ban cone a SEE eae ae i 
a, Top of child’s grave at 1. b, Child’s grave at 1 after removal of 
intrusive soil. c, Grave after removal of body, showing pottery 
mosaic floor. o=W18= == less 8 Wk a ee ee 
a, Mussel shell spoon from grave at 1. 6, Two large beads from 
pravevatil;..¢,,Smallybeads===2 222-2) 
a, Restoration of equal-arm world quarter center and V-rim bowl 
decoration. 6, Restoration of vessel with equal-arm cross on 
bottom:and jalso.ong@im=—— — --=---. =>_- Sues Sears es See 
a, Grave P before removal of top. 6, Objects in circle No. 23______ 
a, Metate and two stones from circle No. 79. b, Child’s grave at E, 
circle, No:'792242. ose e eo oe one seo ee ee eee 
a, Prayer bowl from grave E. 6, Vessel found upright on floor at edge 
of circle No. 792s4_<22e8 Sete cee hes ke seleue_ekte re ee 
Restored broken pot found inverted over bones at northeast corner 
of grave. B=... =-===-=2225- Sb Syst ease dee eee oes 
a, Fragment of red vessel with conventionalized human feature deco- 
ration. 6, Restored bowl from upper layer on top of children’s 
double’ grave, icirele No. #9 4! = eebeeek sell ses) Tape ee oe 
Beaded-rim bowls. a, Restored bowl. 6, Fragments of bowl_---- 
a}; Pot.: 6, \Owll effigy: vasez3_a! som Salton! ath eee) eneieee 
a, Owl bead from grave P. 5b, Circular stone pot cover found in 
circle No. 84. c, Pottery mushroom-shaped trowel. d, Beads 
and discoidal from circle No. 42. e, Toy sunfish bowl_--------- 
a, Interior of house circle No. 84. b, Body not in stone coffin__---- 
a, Child’s grave in circle No. 20. 6, Stone floor and surroundings in 
cireleNo: 20... - - eke aes ac cee eee ee 
Discoidal and two bowls found nested in grave, circle Ng. 20_----- 


490 


MYER| ILLUSTRATIONS 491 
Page 
foe Mapiof Newkes:group_--- ~~... <.-.-2t .u2. Slee se seen Me sess 558 
125. a, Photograph of west side. of Fewkes group. 6, Fewkes group___-_- 558 

126. a, Post holes. 6, Bed of maize and maize meal. c, Altar in House 
of Mysteries. d, Rectangular cavity and two piles of stones__-_-__ 558 
127. Charred grains of corn and ear of modern Cuban corn_________-_-- 570 

128. a, Pottery bowl, 9 inches in diameter. 0b, Pottery bowl, 714 inches 
in diameter. c, Metate and muller___.----.+-._--+.---.------ 570 
129. Objects found scattered through the soil of mound No. 2__________ 570 

130. a, Fabric used in modeling and handling vessel. 6, Restoration of 
VEESOLINO: oL, mound No. 2ieeeibsoss I5.4 4, Seseeet be seesse 570 

131. a, Shell-shaped vessel from mound No. 2. 6, Vessel with unusual 

rim from mound No. 2. c, Cooking utensil, drawn by John White 
on the coast of North Carolina, 1585_-.___.....-..-.---------- 580 
132. a, Beads. b, Potin Grave F. c, Image vase___-._---.---------- 580 
133. a, Objects from mound No. 5. 5, Altar from circle No. 6__________ 580 

134. a, Raccoon vessel from Noel cemetery. 6, Portion of vessel from in- 
tenor of.wircle NouG 25. Se oe boo eset se Sates ewdoltiew te 580 

135. a, Restoration of vessel from fragments. b, Objects from House 
tingle INOAG)2 522 2-52 spy oom geist Bo free Soy gee! barrens 598 

136. a, The two springs in the Fewkes group. 5, Portion of floor in circle 

No. 17. c, Grave D. d, Child in grave E, with head resting in 
edge of fire bowl! 2 = 5. are bate tt BN ies bese eL eobtte 598 

137. a, Objects found in Grave A. 6b, Rare celt and other objects from 
Grave Bice 5. Se er ES bee be, ari bre inte Let bebop 598 

TEXT FIGURES 

en Phaeram Of temple =. = Soe a Be ee ere ee Ad 502 
Peas ineram*of altars S222) lO ce See ae ee Os Oe 505 
ie vertical:section of mound Bess 4 is..-24l 20. 324 ecco aa ek ts 0) 50D) 
126. Site of the public square, hot house, and chunkey yard__________-_-_ 510 
127. Diagram of the Kasi’hta town square... =~. ..+...-.-------.---- 511 
128. Diagram B of Bartram’s ‘‘Creek and Cherokee Indians”’__________ 515 
der, Diagram: Of circle NO. 35.2 a= St ie v/a. ie ne Po OR ee ae 516 
130. Diagram showing depth of the remains in circle No, 3___---------- 517 
inde; Cominon formroficache! too. beseech Seek Seka 518 
aB2} Hire bowl, door stones, DOb. bo 44 tas peg 3a lS bee hy te 519 
abe Gholcian prave NO: oo - =. = ete 8 Sen ae 521 
134. Method of burning Catawba ware. .....----.---------=----.--.+- 522 
135. Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3. _..------------ 523 
136. Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3__. ~------------ 524 
137. Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3._.----~ -------- 524 
138. Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3__-_._------------ 525 
139. Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3_--.._------------ 525 
140. Large vessel from interior of circle No. 3.__---------~----------- 526 
ant, Dissram ot House circle No, Yoo = 22 oe rey ae 527 
ae vanes) Hye ly ak ee 2 52 Te a i eee 528 
143. Method of drilling hole through one of the large beads____-_--_~_- 529 
144. Restored pot from fragments in mosaic floor in grave at 1_________ 529 
145. Restored pot from fragments in mosaic floor in grave at 1_____-_-- 530 
16) Restoration Of pot... - ... 3. aging te sere Spa ie Bes pyc 531 
47: Large oval vessel, 30 by 24 inches- _ -__ 3-20 =+ 2. -.- -o ok 532 
ey CASpalan springs DOW), Ui Le Je eee ee ee a ee code eS ee $e 534 
12orUndecarated bow!from circle Nonos2- oo 2 ese 535 


492 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE 


[ETH. ANN. 41 


Page 
150; Diagram) of house’ circle No. /92222-—2— =. 22 ee ae ee eee 536 
151. Restoration of pot from top of grave H___..--.-...---__-----eLLk 538 
152. Restored handled pot from top of grave H________-_________-_____ 539 
153. Restored unhandled pot from top of grave E___________-_._______ 540 
154, Diagram of housercircleNos S4ahser tee Tyee ee te sales hae 543 
155. Diagram of hhotise:circle}No: 422 22s ose2~ Ai pee ee eee 545 
156) Vertical section. of mound No.) 2228052 fee. Seah oo See eee 562 
15% Diagram’ of mound! No: 2rateirst leveld@as anit Sass hee ees See 563 
158.. Diagram oficavitys. 2 esseset ist dues se eee i ae ee 565 
159. Diagram of mound No. 2 at second level__.-----2=----_~---_-=s5 569 
160. Vertical section through altar_22_ 2252222252 s2-=2 22 pent ae 570 
161. Mat house, Carolina Indians______ Sql af Bl feeseneyere: cereee pel ey) 
162. House construction, mound builders, plastered wattled work_-______ 571 
163), Vertical ‘section. of fireibedaey seuss! — 5 = OE ae eet 573 
164. Remains belonging to buildings on mound No. 2 at the final or 
present stagex4 Se eoltwel Ul _ pseboesden co alee oeee ss 2b eee 574 
165. Restoration of pot No. 1 from mound No, 2_____--_=-~---------- 575 
166. Restoration of pot No. 8 from mound No. 2___---------------_- E9576 
167. Restoration of vessel No. 3 from mound No. 2_------------------ 576 
168. Restoration of vessel No. 28 from mound No. 2___--------------- » 577 
169. Restoration of vessel No. 24 from mound No. 2___------------=-- 517 
170. Restoration of vessel No. 25 from mound No. 2______------------ 578 
171. Restoration of vessel No. 34, mound No. 2_.-002-----2 -_-2222t2 578 
172. Doubtful restoration of vessel No. 3la, mound No. 2_____----_--- 578 
178: Restoration of vesseluNo. 16; mound) Nom22o2 25 Seas eee ees 579 
174. Restoration of vessel No. 17, mound’ No. 2_------------------__- 579 
175. Restoration of vessel No. 18, mound No. 2_--------------------- 580 
176. Restoration of vessel No. 15, mound No. 2__-------------------- 580 
177. Restoration of vessel No. 13, mound No. 2__-_--------+------_-- 581 
178. Restoration of vessel No.'11, mound No. 2__=.---2--2-222_2---2_2 581 
179. Restoration of vessel No. 12, mound No. 2__-_-_--------2--- 2222 581 
180. Restoration of vessel No. 7, mound No. 2______----------+--+ 2. 582 
181. Restoration of vessel No. 23, mound No. 2_-__-_2----_-__ 22222222 582 
182. Restoration of vessel No. 22, mound No. 2__-_-----~---------2£24- 583 
183. Restoration of vessel No. 19, mound No. 2_---+---------------++ 583 
184. Restoration of vessel No. 21, mound No. 2.___--____-----=+-----+ 584 
185. Restoration of vessel No. 20, mound No. 2.--------------------- 584 
186. Restoration of vessel No. 35, mound No. 2____-_---------------- 585 
187. Restoration of vessel No. 30, mound No. 2_-_____---_-------=---- 585 
188. Restoration of vessel No. 9, mound No. 2_.--------------------= 585 
189. Restoration of vessel No. 10, mound No. 2___------------------- 586 
190. Cooking pot, reproduced from Schooleraft (vol. 1, pl. xxii)------~_~ 586 
191. Horizontal pole method of suspension _-------------------------- 587 
192. Skeleton from Moore’s ‘‘Aboriginal sites on Tennessee River”’ (p. 182) 587 
1932 Diagram: of ‘coffin We==+<<25sesee2e 2 2 lee Soe BE ee eee 588 
194) Diagram: of grave’ Gols 2225 ss"ssses-essessseeenseseee See 588 
195) Diagram: of mound = Now5l! 2. 22 2S Bae Se See ee eee 590 
196. Horizontal and vertical section of altar in circle No. 6_-_---------- 592 
197. Restoration of large pot from altar in circle No. 6-_-------------- 593 
198. Restoration of sunfish bowl from circle No. 6__------------------ 593 
199° Vessel-from house: circle No: 6:2-=- 220281 22 10 ee eae 594 
200) Diagram-ofcirclesNo, -l'4 522 -<2s<2cssss=52---5-00 eS eee 598 


TWO PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN MIDDLE 
TENNESSEE 


By Witt1ram Epwarp MYER 


_ 


INTRODUCTION 


The author spent the months of September and October, 1920, 
making explorations for the Bureau of American Ethnology in the 
Cumberland River Valley around Nashville, Tenn. 

He made excavations on sites which he has named the Gordon 
town site and the Fewkes group. The excavations on these two sites 
brought to light the ruins of several buildings of the two ancient 
towns, with their altars and the remains of what appeared to be their 
sacred fires. Many relics throwing light on the customs of these 
people were unearthed. The several hundred fragments of pottery 
found in these excavations were all saved and studied. This enabled 
him to determine the size, shape, color, and material of what was 
probably nearly their complete line of domestic pottery. 

Every fragment of bone found was saved. A study of these frag- 
ments by Mr. G. S. Miller, curator, Division of Mammals, United 
States National Museum, enabled him to determine with some 
accuracy their animal food which contained bones. In all this 
mass of bones not asingle fragment of the bones of the bison was 
found. Does this mean that the town was deserted before the bison 
came into this region? They were later found in some numbers here. 

The skeletal material from the graves was examined by Dr. A. 
Hrdli¢ka, curator, Division of Physical Anthropology, United States 
National Museum, whose report appears at the end of this volume. 
He reports that the skeletons indicate rather a weak people, sub- 
average for Indians. 

At a few places in this narrative the author has inserted descrip- 
tions recorded by early whites of ancient Indian life and towns which 
appear to very closely resemble those at the Gordon and Fewkes sites. 
These are already well known to all archeologists. They are given 
here in order that the general reader who is not an archeologist may 
form a better conception of the former appearance of these towns 
and the manner of life of the dwellers therein. 

The author has endeavored to determine, if possible, who these 
people were. While here and there some clues appear, on the whole 
the evidence is so hazy and apparently contradictory that he thinks 


it unsafe to venture an opinion. 
493 


494 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


He gratefully acknowledges assistance from Dr. A. Hrdliéka, Dr. 
John R. Swanton, Mr. Francis La Flesche, Mr. James Mooney, Dr. 
Walter Hough, Dr. W. E. Safford, Mr. G. S. Miller, Mr. Clarence B. 
Moore, Dr. R. S. Bassler, Mr. Wilbur A. Nelson, Dr. Truman 
Michelson, and many others. Due recognition has been given in 
each instance. 

He desires to thank Mr. and Mrs. H. L. Gordon and Mr. J. H. 
Womack for friendly cooperation in allowing him to excavate the 
ruins on their respective estates. 

He is under many obligations to Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, Chief of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology, for much needed advice and for 
many courtesies. 


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MAP OF GORDON TOWN SITE 


GORDON TOWN SITE 


The first sité explored was on the H. L. Gordon farm, 1 mile north- 
east of Brentwood, in Davidson County, Tenn. Here were discov- 
ered the remains of an ancient Indian walled town. These were in 
a woodland and had never been disturbed by the plow. It had long 
been known that there was a small mound at this point. Gen. G. P. 
Thruston had partially explored this mound, but no one had ever 
discovered, or at least grasped the significance of, the very faint 
saucer-shaped depressions which dotted the surrounding surface. No 
one suspected that here, a foot or so below this blue-grass sod, were 
the ruins of an ancient Indian town containing fragmentary remains 
which could bring to light many new and interesting details of 
the vanished life of a long-gone-by people. Faint traces of 87 house 
circles could be made out, and some slight indications of several 
more could be seen. 

This town (pl. 95) covered 11.2 acres and was surrounded by an 
earthen embankment which formerly had supported a palisaded wall 
equipped with semicircular towers about every 55 feet. 

The inhabitants for some unknown reason had deserted this village, 
and the site had never afterwards been occupied or disturbed. Nearly 
all the structures had been left standing. These had gradually fallen 
down, and their floors were wholly buried beneath from 14 to 20 
inches of rich black loam. In some of these circles portions of 
beautiful, smooth, hard-packed, glossy black floors were found. In 
the centers were the ancient fire bowls, still filled with the ashes of 
the last fires kindled in these homes before their owners left them. 
Near these fire bowls could be seen the metates, mullers, and other 
household utensils just as left the last time used. Underneath the 
floors were the stone-slab graves of their children. 

Near the center was a level open space which was evidently the 
town square, surrounded by important buildings. 

Within the line of walls could be distinguished 87 very faint earth 
circles with shallow saucer-shaped interiors. These were the remains 
of ancient dwellings. There was evidence showing the town had 
originally contained about 125 circular buildings, ranging from 15 to 
46 feet in diameter. A large proportion of these were 30 feet in 
diameter. 

All the buildings were circular with the exception of one, which was 
probably used both as a town house and a ceremonial house or temple. 
Also the building on the mound adjoining this town house or temple 


may not have been circular. 
495 


496 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


Excavations showed the walls of these buildings to have been made 
of small upright posts or poles, from 2 to 6 inches in diameter, placed 
firmly in the ground. In this line of posts was interwoven a wattling 
of cane stems, with leaves still attached. In some of the houses the 
wattling was plastered over with clay and the surface smoothed with 
a trowel. The roofs of the circular houses were probably either con- 
ical or dome shaped. The roofs of the four-sided structures were 
probably round arched. 

Lack of funds permitted the examination of only the central mound 
and 6 of the 87 house circles. These six yielded so much information 
in regard to the life of these people that it is probable the thorough 
exploration of the entire site would procure a fairly correct view of 
their everyday life. It would also shed much light on their religious 
beliefs and sacred rites. 

Beyond question the causes of the selection of this site were the 
two large bold springs indicated on the map (pl. 95), the fertility of 
the soil, and the natural adaptability of the site to fortification. 


INDIAN REMAINS IN CENTRAL TENNESSEE BASIN 


This town was situated in the finest portion of the celebrated blue- 
grass region of the central Tennessee Basin. The soil owes its 
extreme fertility to the weathering of its phosphate-bearing rocks. 
The beauty of this region, which contains the remains of the ancient 
Indian towns at Gordon farm and Traveler’s Rest, is brought out in 
the photograph shown in Plate 96. The fertility and beauty of this 
important section of the basin has appealed to all the successive 
waves of peoples which have come within the borders of what is now 
Tennessee. It has always been the thickest settled and the richest 
as well as the dominant section of the State. 

Probably more important Indian remains are to be found within 
60 miles of the Gordon site than in any other portion of the southern 
United States. Within this area are located the following: The great 
mounds at the junction of Dog Creek and Harpeth River, and the for. 
tress at the junction of Harpeth and Cumberland Rivers in Cheatham 
County; the fortified Indian town at the junction of Duck and Piney | 
Rivers in Hickman County; the Fewkes group and the De Graffen- 
reid and Old Town ruins in Williamson County; the Greenwood 
group, the Cottage Home group, and the mummy burial cave in 
Wilson County; the fortified town at the junction of Dixons Creek 
and Cumberland River in Smith County; the fortified town at Casta- 
lian Springs and the Rutherford-Kiser mounds in Sumner County. 
There are over 200 other more or less important Indian sites within 
this area. 


GONM SNVITIIM 40 dOL WOYH4S VWYWYHONVd 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 98 


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MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 497 


PRESENT APPEARANCE OF GORDON TOWN SITE 


The photograph reproduced in Plate 97 shows the present appear- 
ance of the western half of the Gordon town site. It is a gently 
rolling, almost level woodland, with a small remainder of the noble 
primeval forest which once covered the Central Tennessee Basin. 
The photograph does not show the finest trees on this site, which are 
principally beech, elm, and oak. Many of each of these species 
measure 13 feet in circumference 3 feet above the ground. The 
stump of one of these 13-foot elms showed more than 300 growth 
rings. The central portion of the stump being slightly decayed, it 
was impossible to determine the exact number. The accompanying 
illustrations show a few of these fine trees. The linden shown in 
Plate 98 measures 221% feet in circumference 5 feet above the ground. 
By its side is shown Dr. Harry S. Vaughan, of Nashville, who indirectly 
caused the discovery of the town by taking the author to see the 
small mound on this site. 

A map of the Gordon town site is shown in Plate 95. Here are 
shown the open flat space which was the town square, the two low 
mounds at the northwestern corner, the portion of the town now 
nearly obliterated in the cultivated fields and garden, and the 87 
saucer-shaped earth circles which can still be made out in the undis- 
turbed grassy woodland. In the spaces left blank on the map, in the 
woodland, there are many faint indications of earth circles. Very 
likely a thorough excavation of the town site would show that all the 
space within the walls was filled with earth circles, with the exception 
of the town square and the spaces marked ‘‘ Cemetery” and “Scat- 
tered graves.” This would give about 125 buildings within the walls, 
as excavations showed each earth circle to be the remains of an 
ancient building. 

All of the land around the town is now in cultivation with the 
exception of an undisturbed woodland on the gentle slope 300 feet 
to the east of the walls of the settlement. In this woodland, which 
extended 600 feet along the side of the town, were found only three 
small house circles. These were 9, 12, and 14 feet, respectively, in 
diameter and were from 50 to 100 feet distant from each other. This 
and other evidence would indicate that a very small number of the 
Indians lived in wigwams outside the walls of the town, and these 
could easily reach the protection of the fortifications. 

It was not possible to ascertain whether any trace of a cleared spot, 
indicating cultivated fields belonging to this town, was in evidence 
when the region was first visited by the English about 1770. It is 
probable that the old Indian cultivated fields had many centuries 
before grown up into an open forest. 


498 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


THE TOWN SQUARE 


The nearly rectangular town square, near the center of the town, 
had been made level by cutting down the small slope on the southern 
side. This square was 130 feet from north to south and between 
200 and 250 feet from east to west. Cultivation in the garden pre- 
vented determining its exact eastern limit. It was probably sur- 
rounded on all four sides by buildings or open sheds. The cultivated 
garden likewise made it impossible to determine this point with cer- 
tainty. 

In this town square much of the everyday social and religious life 
of the people centered. It was a convenient place for meeting and 
gossip and play or work. Here visitors of note were received; such 
open air sacred ceremonies as were public were performed; persons 
were tortured; many dances, both sacred and social, were held. 

Many of the open-air games of chance or dexterity were played on 
this square, including the chunkey game, with its polished stone 
biconcave disks, its smooth and level surface making it admirably 
adapted to the purpose. 

The Creek Indians had town squares very similar to that of the 
Gordon site. In the center of the Creek Indian square, during the 
celebration of the busk, was a fire fed by four logs, one log lying 
toward the east, one toward the south, one toward the north, and 
one toward the west. It is possible that the Indians of the Gordon 
site may have had a similar fire during certain rites in the center of 
this town square. 


COOKING AND GRINDING 


On several Indian town sites on the Cumberland Plateau in middle 
Tennessee were found large, moderately flat rocks, some of them 
fully 20 feet in width by as much in length, in which many mortar 
holes had been cut. On these rocks, near the mortar holes, were 
several much-used fireplaces. A fine example of these clustered 
mortar holes and fireplaces was discovered by the author at Win- 
ningham Rock on a cliff overlooking Obey River, near the junction 
with Eagle Creek, in Pickett County, Tenn. Here the women of the 
town gathered to grind and cook, to gossip, and play their games. 
The women at the Gordon site appear to have done their grinding 
and cooking in their own homes, as excavations brought to light a 
metate in each of several dwellings. 


BURIALS 


The ancient inhabitants of Gordon town site apparently buried all 
their dead within the walls of the town. With few exceptions the 


1See diagram of square in Gatschet’s ‘‘Migration Legend of the Creek Indians,’’ vol. 0, p. 186, repro- 
duced and described in Fig. 126 and its accompanying text in this volume. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 499 


dead were placed in stone-slab coffins, bodies lying on the back, 
extended full length, arms by the side. Most of the adults and 
children over 12 years of age were buried in the cemetery on the 
gentle slope of the small knoll at the northeastern corner of the town 
and also in that portion of the south-central part marked :“ Scattered 
graves’’ (pl. 95). They buried a few of their adults immediately 
adjoining the outer walls of the dwellings. 

Children from 5 to 12 years of age were sometimes buried in the 
cemeteries and at other times beneath the floors of the buildings. 
The very young children, less than 5 years, and also the fetuses, 
appear to have been buried beneath the floors of the dwellings. In 
some instances the little stone-slab coffins were immediately adjoining 
the domestic hearth. In other cases the grave was placed where the 
food ground on the metate would fall on the stone-slab top of the 
coffin. 

MOUND A 


Mound A, on the western edge of the town square, is the most 
prominent of the remains of the old village. It is shown in Plate 99. 
The base of this low, flat-topped mound is nearly rectangular, with 
rounded corners, and measures 4414 by 39 by 37 by 3314 feet. The 
mound is now from 4% to 514 feet in height. The flat top measures 
2014 by 18% by 214% by 18% feet. 

Beginning at the northern edge of the base a space in the mound 32 
feet in width and 30 feet in length was excavated through the original 
surface of the soil down to the undisturbed clay subsoil. Over two- 
thirds of the mound was thoroughly explored. 


Fires At Erection or Mounp 


- The erection of mound A appears to have been accompanied at 
different times and stages by various rites in which fire played a 
prominent part. 

Before the raising of the mound had begun a large fire was built 
on the surface of the soil at what was to be the center of the base of 
the future mound. This fire had been allowed to burn itself out. 
It left a bed of pure white ashes, 8 by 9 feet, and 2 inches thick. 
This had been a temporary fire, as the soil underneath showed no 
signs of long-continued burning. On the original surface of the soil, 
5 feet southwest of the above large central temporary fire, was a fire 
of different character. At this point a layer of clay, 3 by 3 feet, and 
2 inches in thickness, had been brought from elsewhere and spread 
upon the surface of the soil. A fire had then been started and con- 
tinued sufficiently long on this fire-bed or altar to hard-burn the clay, 
but not long enough to burn the black loam surface soil under- 
neath it. Neither of these fires showed any signs of broken ani- 


500 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ern. ANN. 41 


mal bones or of cooking or other domestic use. The one built on the 
clay fire-bed or altar probably was connected with the rite of greater 
importance, and was longer continued. A careful search of these 
fire-beds showed no objects deposited either in or below them. 


CELEBRATIONS AT THE 16-INCH STAGE 


When this mound had reached a height of 16 inches the builders 
must have ceased work for a time and celebrated with a great feast 
and different ceremonies, some of which must have continued several 
days. Here again fire played a conspicuous part. Near the center 
of what was then the surface of the mound another great clay fire-bed 
or altar had been made which covered a space 10 by 6 feet and was 2 
inches in thickness. The ceremonies connected with this altar 
differed from those of the altar at the bottom of the mound, and at 
one stage included a great feast; for in the ashes were a large number 
of deer bones and the fragments of a large domestic pot, evidently 
the remains of a barbaric feast. After the feast, and while the fire 
was still well supplied with wood, earth was thrown on it and the 
burning wood smothered into a layer of charcoal 4 inches in thickness. 

During this 16-inch stage celebration there appear to have been 
several ceremonies at various dates, each with its separate fire. Some 
of these rites must have continued for many days, as the fires con- 
nected with them had been continued long enough to make the soil 
underneath show the effects of heat for at least 244 inches. This 
burned soil was especially noticeable under the central altar and also 
under another fire which covered a circular space about 5 feet in 
diameter. The other fires at this stage were also somewhat circular 
but smaller and ranged from 2 to 4 feet in diameter. Some of the 
smaller fires appeared to have burned for a comparatively short 
time. None of these fires appears to have been used for cooking, 
with the exception of the great central clay altar. 


CEREMONIES AT THE 30-INCH STAGE 


When the further erection of mound A had been started and the 
mound had reached a height of 30 inches another series of cere- 
monies occurred; but these ceremonies were quite different from those 
of any of the previous stages. Five feet northeast of the center of 
the top of the mound at the 30-inch stage a great fire had been 
kindled. When this had burned down to a bed of glowing embers, 
clay had again been brought from elsewhere; but instead of being 
used as a fire-bed or altar, as formerly, it was now carefully spread 
out like a blanket over this great bed of glowing embers, smothering 
it into a bed of ashes and charcoal. This blanket of clay was 5 by 444 
feet in diameter and 11% inches in thickness. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 501 


A somewhat similar blanket of clay, covering a bed of once glowing 
embers, was found 4 feet southwest of the center of the top of the 
mound at the 30-inch stage. No traces of feasts appear at the 
30-inch celebration. 

BUILDINGS 


The two-thirds of this mound explored contained no burials 
While no trace of a building was found, it is probable that its level 
top, 2014 by 1814 by 2114 by 18% feet, supported some important 
structure. The ruins of what appeared to be the town house or 
temple immediately adjoined this mound on the west, and, as the 
eastern and apparently only door of this town house opened onto 
the top of the mound, it is likely the mound had on it either the house 
of the chief or an open shed. Under this shed public rites or open 
meetings could be held in bad weather. Many of the buildings in 
the Indian towns in the south had such sheds or piazzas attached to 
them.? The Creek Indians had a town arrangement of town square 
and mound sheds somewhat resembling this at the Gordon site.2 It 
must not be understood that any intimation of relationship between 
the Gordon site people and the Creeks is intended. 


ABSENCE OF UNCHARRED Woop 


At no point in this town were traces of wood or wooden structures 
found except where the wood had been reduced to charcoal. When 
uncharred and left to natural decay, all trace of wood vanished. It 
is well to note that no postholes, save those with charred wood, were 
found. It is therefore impossible to state with certainty that struc- 
tures existed where no trace was found. 


THE TEMPLE 


House circle No. 1 of the map is on the western side of mound A. 
It is shown in Plate 99. This probably was the ruins of a building 
which combined the functions of a town house and a ceremonial 
building or temple; or it may have been used solely as a temple. 
There were examples of both types of buildings found among the 
early Indians in the Southern States. 

This building is referred to as a temple because the word “temple” 
most nearly conveys a correct conception of its use by the ancient 
Indian worshipper. 

The Cherokees and several other southern tribes used such build- 
ings as temples for both secret and public rites, and also as town 
houses for public gatherings. In the town house visitors of note were 
sometimes lodged. Unfortunately buildings of this character became 


? See the various narratives of De Soto’s journey. 
5 See Gatschet’s “‘ Migration Legend of the Creek Indians,” vol. a, p. 186. 


502 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


known to the early whites as town houses, and their priests as medi- 
cine men or jugglers. These names are somewhat misleading. 

The Natchez and many other tribes of the South used these 
buildings solely as temples, with priestly attendants and solemn, 
though barbaric, rites. 

The building in house circle No. 1 is referred to as a temple because 
the preponderance of evidence indicates it was used solely as a temple 


Ai 
7 
FIRE BED Z 


ann 


AT sa eye! 


3 
= 


H 


i 
7 . 
“an, een 
m8 oo 
Nensen tayyyynn tenner 


f s-WALL POSTS 
( 


lh WALL POSTS -\f| 
- 4 te ORIGINAL EMBANKMENT 


- i fe 
ORIGINAL EMBANKMENT.” 1 Tf 
} y PRESENT SURFACE OF SOUL ; as 
BLACK FLOOR | a SANQUETTE 


os 


| 0 


Fic. 123.—Diagram of temple 


i e 
J FIRE BED, BLACK FL00R Fy BANQUETTE—< __||ASHES. 


A diagram of this temple is shown in Figure 123. Its eastern wall, 
1, 6, 5, appears to have been straight. Its northern, southern, and 
western walls were somewhat curved. It measured: 1 to 5, 37 feet; 
2 to 4, 46 feet; 3 to 6, 33 feet. 

This building appeared to have had walls consisting of upright 
posts from 4 to 6 inches in diameter, set from 2 to 3 feet apart. In 
and out between these posts a wattling of cane stems, with leaves 
still attached, had been interwoven. This rough wattled wall was 
then plastered, within and without, with a clay mortar which was 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 503 


smoothed with pottery trowels resembling our modern flatirons in 
shape. The mortar was mixed with the tough grass found in the 
neighborhood. The grass served as a binder, similar to the straw 
used in the Egyptian bricks and in modern adobe. The early whites 
saw the southern Indians building such houses and applying such 
mortar. The Indians softened the clay with water and then kneaded 
the grass into the mass with their bare feet. Farther south they 
often used long gray moss as a binder.* The combined action of the 
attached cane leaves and the binding grasses must have caused the 
mortar to adhere closely to the walls. Nothing was found which 
would indicate the exact shape of the roof, its means of support, or 
the nature of its covering. 

This temple appears to have been destroyed by fire in some un- 
known manner, at some date after the Indians had removed all their 
belongings. At several points in the interior of house circle No. 1 
were found small fragments of the fallen-in, burned, clay-plastered 
walls. At 24-25 in Figure 123 a large mass of this material was 
found on the floor. It had not been disturbed since it had fallen in. 
This fragment of the burned plastered wall showed the cane stem 
wattling with the leaves still attached to the stems. The casts of 
the wild grass binding material could also be clearly seen. 


CEREMONIES AT ERECTION OF TEMPLE 


A study of this house site and the diagram in Figure 123 brings 
out the following facts: This building was erected with many cere- 
monies. The ground on which it was to stand appears to have been 
cleared and the black loam removed down to the original clay subsoil. 
Then, at X, where the earthen rim and the wall of the temple were to 
be erected, a cache pit, 43 by 27 inches, and 52 inches in depth, was 
dug in the clay subsoil. In this cache pit probably some sacred 
object was placed, which contained no bone or stony material. The 
black earth which filled this pit retained no hint as to the character 
of object, if any, placed therein. It evidently consisted of some 
substance like fur, feathers, or wood, which left no recognizable trace 
other than the loose black soil. After this cache pit had been filled, 
a small layer of clay, 12 by 10 inches, and 1% inches in thickness, 
was brought from elsewhere and spread on top of the pit. A strong 
fire was then built and continued upon this little clay cover sufficiently 
long to hard-burn the cover and make the soil underneath show the 
effect of fire to a depth of 2 inches. 


4 See Swanton’s ‘‘ Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley,” Bull. 43, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 59. 
53666°—28——33 


504 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN, 41 


Cacue Pits 


In like manner another cache pit, 27, with similar contents, was 
dug and filled. This one was 20 inches in diameter and 5 feet in 
depth. Over this pit the platform, A, B, C, D, of black loam was 
raised. This was covered with a layer of clay brought from else- 
where. The platform was built up to a height of about 17 inches 
above the surface of the floor. It was used as a fire bed. 

Another similar cache pit was found at 18, near the doorway on 
the eastern side. It was 14 inches in diameter and 4 feet in depth 
and filled with the same character of black soil as the other pits in 
this circle. No recognizable trace of original contents could be found. 
This last pit had no clay cover. 

That pits X and 27 were receptacles for sacred objects or sacrifices 
connected with the building of this edifice, and not intended for 
domestic storage pits, is proved by the fact that they had coverings 
of clay upon which fire had been long continued, and these fire- 
hardened covers were never afterwards removed. They showed no 
signs of disturbance such as would have been necessary to get at 
the contents of domestic cache pits underneath. It will be interest- 
ing to compare these pit caches with the somewhat similar ones of 
the later Omahas, reproduced in Figure 131. 

At 7, Figure 123, on the site of the future southern earth rim of 
this temple, a ceremonial fire was built and continued long enough 
to form a deep layer of pure white ashes. This fire was not for 
domestic purposes. It contained no fragments of animal bones or 
pottery. After these elaborate rites had been completed the level, 
hard-packed, earthen floor was covered with a layer of clay brought 
from elsewhere. This layer of clay was then smoothed and hard 
packed and also still further hardened by fires being built upon it. 
After this hardening process a space about 3 feet in width and extend- 
ing from R& to S and another space at 9, about 3 by 4% feet, were 
covered with a coating of a black, hard, glossy substance, ranging 
from one-fourth to three-eighths of an inch in thickness. This sub- 
stance was clay mixed with some very black material which took a 
beautiful black glossy finish, somewhat resembling the appearance of 
polished black iron stovepipe. This coating once extended over 
much of the space in the center of the temple and was later worn 
away by use. It still retained a considerable amount of luster when 
uncovered but faded on exposure to the air. It must have presented 
a very pleasing and appropriate appearance. That this floor was 
put down before the walls of the temple were raised is proved by the 
fact that it was found extending underneath the wall from R to S. 

There is some shght indication that an earthen platform or ban- 
quette, raised about 9 inches above the floor, extended partially 
around the room next to the wall; the evidence, however, is not 
conclusive. 


MyER] GORDON TOWN SITE 505 


ALTAR 


An ancient altar or fire bow] was found 3 teet south of the center of 
the house circle. This altar was built on top of the floor. It was 
still partially filled with the fine, firm, pure white ashes of the ancient 
fires. A photograph of this altar is shown in Plate 100. Its bowl is 
29 by 27 inches, outside measure, and the interior is 414 inches deep. 

The edge of the rim was 7 inches above the surface of the floor on 
which it rested. A diagram is shown in Figure 124. It appears to 
have been made by placing a layer of ordinary earth on the floor at 
this point. Inthe layer 
of earth a depression 
Was made, correspond- 
ing to the exterior of 
the basin-shaped altar. 
This carefully shaped 
depression was next 
lined with a coating of 
puddled clay about 14% 
inches in _ thickness, 
which was then hard- 
ened by fire. The hard- 
burned appearance of 
the altar and the floor 
under it indicated its 
long continued use. 


That this was an altar SS a 
and not merely a fire VLEET 
bow] for domestic cook- - Wy 
ing is shown by the fact We 


that the ashes in it con- 

tained no animal bones 

and no fragments of domestic or other pottery, such as are usually 
found in fires long used for the latter purpose.* 


Fic. 124.—Diagram of altar 


Fire Bep 


That this fire bowl was an altar which contained a ceremonial fire, 
not even to be profaned by use in warming the inmates, is further 
confirmed by the fire bed found at A, B, C, D, Figure 123. This 
fire bed probably was used for occasional heating purposes, and pre- 
paring feasts.° As already stated, it covered cache pit 27. It 
measured: D to C, 9 feet; A to B, 71% feet; B to C, 51% feet; A to D, 
5 feet. 


6 This altar was incased in reinforced plaster and removed to the Bureau of American Ethnology at 
Washington. 
6 See Charlevoix’s account of Natchez temple, reproduced on p. 508. 


506 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


At the building of the temple, when the black loam surface soil 
was removed down to the clay subsoil in order to obtain a hard floor, 
after filling cache pit 27, they raised over it a low platform, 17 inches 
above the remainder of the clay subsoil floor. This is shown by the 
17-inch layer of black soil found under the clay fire bed. On this 
raised earthen platform was spread a layer of clay, brought from 
elsewhere, and mixed with cane stems with leaves attached. This 
formed a fire bed. That this layer was not part of the plastered 
wattled wall, fallen in when the building was burned, like that found 
at space 24-25, is proved by the fact that the surface of the fire bed 
is not sharply rough and uneven and lumpy like that on space 24-25. 
It shows signs of smoothing and wearing down, caused by the raking 
away of ashes and the other wear of long use as a fire bed. It was 
not burned as hard as the clay in the altar. What remained of it 
after its long wearing down varied from one-half to 21 inches in 
thickness. The soil underneath it showed the effects of fire to a 
depth of from 1 to 244 inches. The burning of the light, plastered, 
cane-wattled wall would not have been Jong enough continued to have 
affected the underlying soil to such a depth. 

On the dotted area 24-25 was found a low, irregular, rough, lumpy 
layer of hard-burned clay, which contained the impressions of cane 
stems with the leaves attached. This had every appearance of being 
a portion of the old clay-plastered wattled wall, fallen inward when 
the building was destroyed by fire. 


CEREMONIAL Frres AT THE Four Woritp QUARTERS 


At 8, 13, 14, and 15, Figure 123, were found traces of small fires. 
At 8 was a large fragment of log, 12 inches long and 4 inches in 
diameter; lying diagonally across this was the charred fragment of 
another log, 24 inches long and 5 inches in diameter. 

At 13 were found the remains of a single fragment of charred log, 
about 8 inches long and 4 inches in diameter. It was lying at an 
angle of about 25 degrees in a large bed of loose black earth, in which 
was a large number of small fragments of charcoal. This loose black 
earth showed traces of the action of fire. ; 

At 14 two fragments of charred logs, each about 20 inches long 
and 5 inches in diameter, were found, one lying diagonally across the 
other. 

Two similar-sized charred logs, one lying across the ‘other, were 
found at 15. 

There were no large beds of ashes at any of these four points such 
as would arise from fires in continuous operation at the same point 
for a long period of time. Neither did the soil under these piles of 
charred logs show signs of long-continued heat. Everything pointed 


MyER) GORDON TOWN SITE 507 


to their being the remains of fires of no great intensity, probably not 
often used, and then for only a few hours at a time. 

It will be noted that these fires are approximately at the four 
cardinal points or four world quarters. Later in this record it appears 
that the four cardinal points or four world quarters and the spirits 
dwelling therein played an important part in the religious beliefs of 
this people. It is therefore highly probable that these four fires 
were lighted at the celebration of rites in which the four world 
quarters played a part. The appearance of the deeply burned soil 
underneath the central altar indicates fires of long continuance. 

That this was either a temple or a town house is further indicated 
by finding therein nothing which belonged exclusively to domestic 
use. Only about one-fourth as many fragments of animal bones and 
pottery were found scattered through the accumulated black loam 
which covered the ruins of this building as were found in that cover- 
ing the ruins of buildings unmistakably for domestic purposes. These 
fragments of bones and pottery were such as might accumulate from 
occasional feasts. 


OrHER TEMPLES OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS 


A study of some of the temples seen by the earlier explorers in the 
Gulf States will aid in arriving at the probable use and appearance 
of Gordon temple. It must be borne in mind that the tribes were 
different and their structures probably more or less dissimilar. 

The temple of the Taensas in Louisiana was 30 by 12 feet. The 
well-known temple of the Natchez, a few miles from the site of the 
present city of Natchez, Miss., was about 30 by 30 feet. 

The dimensions of the Gordon temple are 46 by 33 feet. It is 
therefore larger than either of the above well-known temples. 

As an aid to getting at least an approximate idea of the use and 
appearance of the Gordon temple, Dr. John R. Swanton’s translation 
of a portion of the description by Du Pratz of the Natchez temple is 
here reproduced, with the illustration accompanying the same 
(pl. 101, a). 

It must not be supposed that the temple and its uses would be 
precisely the same among tribes so far separated and so different 
from each other as those of the Gordon site and those around Natchez. 


This temple, the front of which looks toward the rising sun, is placed on a 
mound of earth brought thither which rises about 8 feet above the natural level 
of the ground on the bank of a little river. * * * This temple measures 
about 30 feet each way. The four angle or corner posts are of the inner part of 
the cypress, which is incorruptible. These trees in their actual condition appear 
to have a diameter of a foot and a half. They rise 10 feet out of the earth and 
extend to the beginning of the roof. The Natchez state that they are as much 
in the earth as above it, a fact which must make it secure against the winds. 
The other posts are a foot in diameter and are of the same wood, having the 


508 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [erH. ANN. 41 


same length in the earth as above it. The wall is a rough mud wall entirely 
smooth outside and a little sunken between every (two) posts inside in such a 
way that it is not more than 9 inches thick in the middle. 

The interior of this temple is divided into two unequal parts by a little wall 
which cuts it from the rising to the setting sun. The part into which one enters 
may be 20 feet wide and the other may be 10, but in this second part it is extremely 
gloomy, because there is only one opening, which is the door of the temple itself, 
which is to the north, and because the little communicating door is not capable 
of lighting the second part. 

There is nothing remarkable in the inside of the temple except a table or altar 
about 4 feet high and 6 long by 2 broad. On this table is a coffer made of cane 
splints very well worked, in which are the bones of the last great Sun. The 
eternal fire is in this first part of the temple. In the other and more secluded 
part nothing can be distinguished except two planks worked by hand on which 
are many minute carvings (plusieurs minuties) which one is unable to make out, 
owing to the insufficient light. 

The roof of this temple is a long vault, the ridge pole of which is ABE more than 
6 feet long, on which are placed representations of three great birds (carved) on 
flat pieces of wood. They are twice as large as a goose. They have no feet. 
The neck is not as long as that of a goose, and the head does not resemble it. 
The wing feathers are large and very distinct. The ground color is white mingled 
with feathers of a beautiful red color. These birds look toward the east. The 
roof is very neat outside and in. In fact, the structure and roof appear of a 
perfect solidity. 

* * * * * * * 

It is in this temple that two men tend the perpetual fire during each quarter 
of the moon. There are eight guardians for the four quarters, and a superior 
who is called chief of the guardians of the fire to command them and to see that 
they do their duty, and to have the wood brought for this fire. This wood must 
be clear wood. They employ for it only clear white walnut (or hickory) without 
bark. The logs are 7 to 8 inches in diameter by 8 feet long. They are placed 
near the temple about the trunk of a tree with a rather short stem. This tree is 
covered with thorns from the earth to the top. I have given a description of it 
in the natural history under the name of passion thorn. I have never been able 
to find out why they have respect for this tree wherever they find it, unless it be 
on account of the employment to which it is destined. These guardians are 
interested in preserving the fire, for it costs their lives to let it go out. There is 
besides, for the service of the temple, a master of ceremonies, who is also the 
master of the mysteries, since, according to them, he speaks very familiarly to 
the spirit. In the great ceremonies he wears a crown which has feathers only in 
front and is thus a half crown. He also has in his hand a red baton ornamented 
with red or white feathers according to the requirements of the feast. Above 
all these persons is the great Sun, who is at the same time high priest and sovereign 
of the nation.’ 


CuHARLEVOIx’s Account or NATCHEZ TEMPLE 


Charlevoix’s journal describing this Natchez temple says: 


The temple is very near the great chief’s cabin, turned toward the east, and 
at the end of the square. It is composed of the same materials as the cabins, 
but its shape is different; it is a long square, about 40 feet by 20 wide, with a 
common roof, in shape like ours. At the two ends there are what appear to be 
two weather cocks of wood, which represent very indifferently two eagles. 


7 Indian tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley, Bull. 43, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 162-163. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 100 


ALTAR IN TEMPLE, CIRCLE NO. 1 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 101 


Mort ct Convert du Scrpent pyc 
of ., 


a, Natchez temple (from Du Pratz) b, Framework of lodge 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 102 


a, Hourglass-shaped bead d, Pottery head 
b, Small stone discoidal é, Leaf-shaped chert implement 
c, Spherical object 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 103 


a, Grave No. 7 b, Portion of house circle No. 3 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 509 


The door is in the midst of the length of the building, which has no other 
opening. On each side there are benches of stone. The inside perfectly corre- 
sponds to this rustic outside. Three pieces of wood, which touch at the ends 
and which are placed in a triangle, or, rather, equally distant from each other, 
take up almost all. the middle of the temple. These pieces are on fire and burn 
slowly. A savage, whom they call the keeper of the temple, is obliged to 
tend the fire and prevent its going out. If it is cold, he may have his fire 
apart, but he is not allowed to warm himself at that which burns in honor of the 
sun. 0 ee 


Oxssects Founp in Brack Loam CovERING TEMPLE 


Seattered through the black loam which covered this temple circle 
were found the lower jaw of an adult black bear, two teeth of a black 
bear, an hourglass shaped bead of black pottery (pl. 102, a), anda 
small rude stone discoidal, 114 inches in diameter and five-eighths of 
an inch in thickness, This discoidal is shown in Plate 102, b. 


THE TOWN SQUARE 
Mounp B 


The low, oval, almost flat mound B, at the northwestern corner 
of the town square, is 41 feet across the base from A to B and 21% 
feet in height, Cto D. (See vertical section in fig. 125.) 


7 a 


D 
Fic. 125.—Vertical section of mound B 


Fire ceremonies played a considerable part in the erection of this 
mound; but its rites were quite different from those in the erection 
of mound A, diagonally across the corner of the square. The many 
such differences found in mounds whose contemplated uses were en- 
tirely different lead to the belief that each type of mound probably 
had appropriate, distinctive sacred rites peculiar to its intended use. 

At the center of the proposed mound an irregularly shaped layer 
of clay, approximately 40 inches in length and 27 inches in width, 
had been spread to a depth of 4 inches on the original surface of the 
soil. A heavy and long-continued fire had been kept on this layer 
of clay or altar until it had been hardened and the soil underneath it 
more or less burned to a depth of 4 inches. This made a total depth 
of 8 inches showing the effect of long-continued strong heat on this 
clay altar. Then, before any earth was piled on top of this burned 
clay bed, all the ashes and débris were carefully removed; but the 
clay was left undisturbed. This removal of ashes was quite different 
from any rites used in the construction of mound A. If there was 


§ Swanton, op. cit., pp. 159-160. 


510 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


any feasting in connection with the fire, all traces were removed with 
the ashes. 

The mound was then raised to its present height. Traces of two 
or three small beds of ashes, in different portions of the mound, 
showed that ceremonies, accompanied by small fires, had been per- 
formed at various stages of its erection. 

In the original clay subsoil, 10 feet east of the center of the mound, 
was a rifled stone-slab grave. It contained a few bones belonging to 
an adult, and also some belonging to a child about 10 years of age. 
It was impossible to determine whether or not both had been buried 
in this one grave. If so, they must have been placed in it after decay 
of the flesh, as the coffin, while of the usual adult size, was too small 


z 
3 
3 
= 
= 
: 


ES 
EE 
ES 
E= 
EE 


Fic. 126.—Site of the public square, hothouse, and chunkey yard 


to have held both bodies if buried at the same time before the decay 
of the flesh. 
Usr or Mounp B 


The use to which this mound was put is not clear. If the adjoining 
town square had an arrangement somewhat similar to the ancient 
Southern Creek town shown in Figure 126 it is very probable this 
mound supported a building such as the early whites called a hot 
house. This hot house was used both for ceremonials and for other 
public purposes, especially in cold weather. It must not be confused 
with so-called sweat houses.® No trace of this building, if it ever 
existed, was found. However, it must be remembered that the age 
of the Gordon town site is such that all wooden objects have dis- 
appeared except those that became charred. 


° See Swan’s description of such a hot house in an Alabama Creek town in 1791, reproduced in this 
volume, p. 514. 


MYERI GORDON TOWN SITE 511 


Tue Town SQUARE OF THE CREEK INDIANS 


The town square of some of the Creek towns will likely throw 
some light on the plan and uses of the Gordon town square. Two 
very good accounts of typical Creek town squares are here given. 

Figure 127 is a reproduction of a diagram * representing the town 
square of Kasi’hta, a Creek town “on Deep Fork west and east of 
Okmulgee,” in what is now Oklahoma, as it appeared about 1888. 
It throws an interesting side light on the appearance of the town 


Northern shed. 


PPYS UsLIZSOY 
Eastern shed. 


Southern shed. 


for pallplay and alg yD 
sp? (tédshe ) om 


Fic. 127.—Diagram of the Kasi’hta town square 


square and the uses of the building thereon, during the celebration 
of one of the many different great sacred ceremonies of the Creeks. 


Although the diagram appended intends to represent the town-square of 
Kasi’hta town in particular, it may be regarded as an average reproduction of 
all of the town houses, or tchtiko ‘Iéko, as found to exist at the present time in 
the few settlements of the Creek Nation, Indian Territory, which have preserved 
the antique institution of the busk or puskita. 

The four sheds are rather low and of equal size and construction, each facing 
one of the four points of the compass; the roof rests on five supports, and thus 


10 Gatschet’s “Migration Logend of the Creek Indians,” vol. 1, p. 186. 


512 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


each shed is divided into four parts. The front of each measures about forty 
feet, and open passages are left between. Each shed stands upon ground sloping 
forward, is open behind, and on its floor contains from 12 to 15 logs running 
parallel and intended for seats. The sheds or ttipa, lit. ‘‘scaffolds,’”’ are entered 
from behind; the space under the seats is reserved for the storage of objects 
needed during the celebration of the busk, which formerly lasted eight days, 
but is now in several towns reduced to six or even four days. 

The council house, rotunda, or tchuk6éfa ‘léko, where meetings were held only 
in winter and during bad weather, is built into the southern end of the western 
shed, and a road leads from its door to the square and fireplace, upon which the 
people often moved in file or procession. South of the southern shed is the 
tidshu or area surrounded by an earth wall, where games and dancing have full 
sway. In the town of Tukabatchi this area lies behind the western shed. The 
four logs which feed the sacred fire lie in the center of the square, and each in 
the direction toward one of the points of the compass. 

The sheds and partitions assigned to each of the gentes and divisions of the 
people vary greatly from town to town. Tadlua ‘liko, now the only busking 
town of the Hitchiti connection, disposes them, according to G. W. Stidham, in 
the following order: The western shed is assigned to the mfkalgi; the south shed 
to the tassikdyalgi, familiarly called boys; the east shed to the women and chil- 
dren; the north shed to the tastenakdlgi or ‘‘warriors.’”’ The details of the 
present diagram refer to the square of Kasi’hta town on the Deep Fork of Cana- 
dian River and were obtained from chief Ispahidshi, who is a native of that 
town and well acquainted with its present and earlier customs. 

Following his indications, the seats of the Kasif’hta square are occupied as 
follows during the busk festival: The western partition of the northern shed is 
held by the warriors or tusténdkis, the three others by the wild cat, fox, panther, 
and itamdlgi gentes. The front seat in the westernmost corner is oceupied by 
the hi ‘li opundya or war-speaker (%), who had to be consulted on war questions 
and military matters and has been compared to our “Secretary of War.’”’ The 
other seven front seats next to each partition pillar (+) are held by busk officials 
called Im4‘la, who had to act as masters of ceremonies. Two pots filled with 
miko-huyanidsha stand in front of the shed upon the area of the square. 

In the western shed one of the middle front seats is occupied by the town chief, 
or miko (2/), who among the Kasi’htas is always selected from the bear clan, 
or nokusdlgi. Immediately to the north of him sits the vice chief (+), who is 
elected from the bear clan also. Around and behind these dignitaries the men 
of the alligator and the fish gens are occupying seats. Three pots of black 
drink, ete., are placed in front of this shed. 

The western front seat of the southern shed is assigned to another dignitary, 
called Kési miko (@), selected from the beaver gens exclusively. He and the 
tdlua hiniha ‘l4ko, or ‘‘grand hiniha of the town,” who sits in the partition 
corner next to him (+), had the privilege of appointing another mfko in case 
of death or incapacity, provided the two agreed upon the same person. They 
tried by their most suggestive means of oratory to persuade him to accept the 
office; afterwards he was silently recognized as chief by the whole community. 
In the same shed are sitting, in succession from west to east, the men of the 
beaver, wind, ahalakdlgi, bird, and deer gens. Two pots stand in front of the 
southern shed. 

The eastern shed is not occupied by any officials, but reserved to women, chil- 


dren, and strangers. No medicine pots are placed in front of this shed. 
* * * * * * * 


After the participants have arrived and made themselves ready on the first 
day, the second day of the Kas{’hta busk becomes the great joyful day for young 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 513 


and old. Being asort of mardi gras, it is called by the Creeks the ‘‘day of all-day 
eating,” or nita himpi isydéfkita. Since men are detailed for almost every con- 
ceivable ministration connected with the busk, the chiefs send out on the morning 
of the second day four men for logs to kindle the ‘‘new fire.”” They cut them as 
large as each man can carry, and deposit them on the four corners of the square, 
where they have to remain for that day. Then the logs are brought together 
with their ends so close as to allow the fire to burn between them, and on the 
last day everybody has to take home some of the new sacred fire (called so 
because kindled ceremonially), and extinguish the old fire upon his fireplace." 


Swan’s diagram (fig. 126) is here reproduced with his explanation 
of a typical Alabama Creek town square in 1791.” 


The publie squares, placed near the center of each town, are formed by four 
buildings of equal size, facing inward, and inclosing an area of about 30 feet on 
each side. These houses are made of the same materials as their dwelling houses, 
but differ by having the front which faces the square left entirely open, and the 
walls of the back sides have an open space of two feet or more next to the eaves, 
to admit a circulation of air. Each of these houses is partitioned into three 
apartments, making twelve in all, which are called the cabins; the partitions 
which separate these cabins are made of clay, and only as high as a man’s shoul- 
ders, when sitting. Each cabin has three seats, or rather platforms, being broad 
enough to sleep upon. The first is raised about two feet from the ground, the 
second is eight inches higher, and the third or back seat, as much above the 
second. The whole of the seats are joined together by a covering of cane mats 
as large as carpets. It is a rule, to have a new covering to the seats every year, 
previous to the ceremony of the busk; therefore, as the old coverings are never 
removed, they have, in most of their squares, eight, ten, and twelve coverings, 
laid one upon the other. 

The squares are generally made to face the east, west, north, and south. The 
center cabin, on the east side, is always allotted to the beloved, or first men of 
the town, and is called the beloved seat. Three cabins, on the south side, belong 
to the most distinguished warriors; and those on the north side to the second 
men, etc. The west side is appropriated to hold the lumber and apparatus used 
in cooking “black drink,’ ‘“‘war physic,’”’ ete. On the post, or on a plank over 
each of the cabins, are painted the emblems of the family to whom it is allotted, 
to wit: The buffalo family have the buffalo painted on their cabin, the bear has 
the bear, and so on. 

Up under the roofs of the houses are suspended a heterogeneous collection of 
emblems and trophies of peace and war, viz, eagles’ feathers, swans’ wings, 
wooden scalping knives, war clubs, red-painted wands, bunches of hoops on 
which to dry their scalps, remnants of scalps, bundles of snake-root war physic, 
baskets, ete. 

Such posts and other timbers about the square as are smooth enough to admit 
of it have a variety of rude paintings of warriors’ heads with horns, horned 
rattlesnakes, horned alligators, etc. 

Some of the squares in the red or war towns, which have always been governed 
by warriors, are called painted squares, having all the posts and smooth timber 
about them painted red, with white or black edges. This is considered a peculiar 
and very honorary mark of distinction. Some towns also have the privilege of 
a covered square, which is nothing more than a loose scaffolding of canes laid 
on poles over the whole of the area between the houses. Whence these privi- 
leges arose, I could never learn, and it is a doubt with me if they know themselves. 


11 Gatschet, op. cit., pp. 186-189. 
42 From Schoolcraft’s “‘ Information Respecting the Indian tribes of the United States,” vol. v, pp. 264-266. 


514 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [erH. ANN. 41 


Traveling Indians, having no relations in the town, often sleep in the public 
square as they are passing on their journey. This is one of their ancient rites 
of hospitality. And poor old men and women, suffering for want of clothes, are 
entitled to sleep in the hothouses of the town they live in, if they please. 

The square is the place for all public meetings and the performance of all their 
principal warlike and religious ceremonies. 


* * * * * * * 


Each square, as necessary appendages, has a hothouse at the northwest corner 
of it and a May-pole, with a large circular beaten yard around it, at the south- 
west corner, which is called the ‘‘chunkey yard.” These two places are chiefly 
appropriated to dancing. The yard is used in warm and the hothouse in cold 
weather. 

The hothouse is a perfect pyramid of about 25 feet high on a circular base of 
the same diameter. The walls of it are of clay, about 6 feet high, and from thence 
drawn regularly to a point at the top and covered round with tufts of bark. 
Inside of the hothouse is one broad circular seat made of canes and attached to 
the walls all around. The fire is kindled in the center, and the house, having 
no ventilator, soon becomes intolerably hot; yet the savages, amidst all the 
smoke and dust raised from the earthen floor by their violent manner of dancing, 
bear it for hours together without the least apparent inconvenience. 


That mound B most likely supported a hothouse or winter council 
house is also borne out by Bartram’s description of some of the Creek 
towns seen by him shortly before 1789. Referring to earth works of 
the ancients which shortly before 1789 were still being used by the 
then existing Creeks, he states: 

B, a circular eminence at one end of the [chunkey] yard, commonly 9 or 10 
feet higher than the ground round about. Upon this mound stands the great 
Rotunda, Hot House, or Winter Council House of the present Creeks. It was 
probably designed and used by the ancients who constructed it for the same 
purpose.!% 

He also shows, on the same page, that the chunkey yard had a 
“chunk” pole erected in the center of the yard and two “slave posts,” 
one at each of two corners of the chunkey yard. His diagram of this 
rotunda or hothouse is reproduced in Figure 128, with the following 
explanation: 

B, the rotunda; A, the door opening toward the square; the three circular lines 
show the two rows of seats, sofas, or cabins, the punctures show the poles or 


columns which support the building; C, the great central pillar or column, sur- 
rounded by the spiral fire, which gives light to the house. 


HOUSE CIRCLE NO. 3 


Lack of funds prevented excavation of as many of the 87 house 
circles as was desirable. Circles Nos. 3, 20, 23, 42, 18, 79, and 84 
were therefore selected. These represented every section of the town, 
and probably many types of occupants, and thus were likely to yield 
widely different information. 


18 Bartram’s Creek and Cherokee Indians, in Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, vol. 
Ill, part 1, p. 52. 
14 Bartram, ibid., p. 54. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 515 


House circle No. 3, shown in Plate 99, adjoined mound A on the 
south, and also was at the southwestern corner of the town square. 
The large size of this circle, its prominent position, ‘and the relics 
found therein, all indicate it was occupied by some important 
personage. 

There was an earthen platform on the eastern side, overlooking the 
town square. This platform is shown on the map, Plate 95. Judging 
from other southern Indian towns seen by the early whites, this 
building probably had in front of it a shed or piazza extending over 


YMA 
Wil 
Sty 
SY wWY 
SS 4% 
AN ny Uy 
aaa 
WLM 
Cc 
We 
Sy 
= iy 
i Uy 
y 


Fic. 128,—Arrangement of chunkey yard (C), public square (A), and rotunda (B), (From 
Bartram’s ‘‘ Creek and Cherokee Indians’’) 


a portion of the platform. Under this shed important personages 
and possibly others viewed the happenings in the town square. 

If this square had an arrangement similar to that of some of the 
early Creek towns, as shown in Figure 126, the chunkey yard was in 
front of this building No. 3, in the nook at the southwestern corner 
of the square and the portions of the square adjacent thereto. 

Plate 103, b, shows a photograph of the uncovered floor in the 
central portion of house circle No. 3, and a diagram of this circle is 
shown in Figure 129. There is evidence indicating the existence of 


516 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


the line of wall posts shown in the diagrams of circles Nos. 3, 23, 42, 79, 
and 84, but time and the elements have destroyed all remains of them. 
Only in rare instances where the wood had become charred were any 
traces of wooden objects found on the Gordon site. 

A diagram giving what is probably a correct vertical section of the 
original circle, and showing the relative depths of the various graves, 
altar, and other objects, is shown in Figure 130. 

A study of the photograph (pl. 103, 6) will show that black Joam 
to a depth of over 16 inches had accumulated on the floor of this 


o 
0 
one 


E> 
i 
ge: 
= BB | 
© 
o 


° 

oe a O 
, 
: 


~-0---¢9---O aoe 


oO 


Fic. 129.—Diagram of circle No. 3 


ancient building since it was deserted by its last occupants. The 
yardstick in the illustration is not resting upon the floor. 

As this building was similar in construction to a large percentage 
of the houses in this town, the various steps in its erection will be 
traced. Excavations showed that strong poles for house-wall sup- 
ports had been firmly set around a circle 38 feet in diameter. The 
surface soil within this circle had been removed down to the firm clay 
subsoil over the circular space, 30 feet in diameter, shown by the 
dotted line 1, 2, 3, 12, 13, and 14 of the diagram in Figure 129. The 
soil from this interior circular space was thrown against the wall of 
poles, forming a raised earthen ring, which held the poles more firmly, 


MyER] GORDON TOWN SITE Dd 


added to the warmth of the interior, and aided in keeping out surface 
water. This ring has worn down with the lapse of time. 

This left a raised platform or banquette, 4 feet wide, around the 
inside of the wall of the house. In this banquette upright posts had 
probably been fixed, supporting shelves or bunks of woven cane 
stems. These supporting posts were about 2 to 214 feet in height, 
and the shelves were used as seats by day and as beds by night. The 
hairy hides of large animals, like deer and bear, were spread on these 
bunks for mattress and cover. The space underneath was used for 
storage. At a point where the banquette met the floor were found 
several objects which either had been stored under the edge of these 
beds or had become covered with débris. 

The following account of the Omaha structures of the middle of 
the nineteenth ceatury may throw some light on those of Gordon 
site. 

The earth lodge [pl. 101, 6] was a circular dwelling, having walls about | 8 feet 
high and a dome-shaped roof, with a central opening for the escape “of smoke 


1.243 FOUND HERE 


ple fi LA 


Fic. 130.—Diagram showing depth of the remains in circle No. 3 


and the admission of light. The task of building an earth lodge was shared by 
men and women. The marking out of the site and the cutting of the heavy logs 
were done by the men. When the location was chosen, a stick was thrust in 
the spot where the fireplace was to be, one end of a rawhide rope was fastened 
to the stick and a circle 20 to 60 feet in diameter was drawn on the earth to mark 
where the wall was to be erected. The sod within the circle was removed, the 
ground excavated about a foot in depth, and the earth thrown around the circle 
like an embankment. Small crotched posts about 10 feet high were set 8 or 10 
feet apart and 114 feet within the circle, and on these were laid beams. Outside 
this frame split posts were set close together, having one end braced against the 
beams, thus forming a wall of timber. The opening generally, though not always, 
faced the east. Midway between the central fireplace and the wall were planted 
4 to 8 large crotched posts about 10 feet in height, on which heavy beams rested, 
these serving to support the roof. This was made of long, slender, tapering trees 
stripped of their bark. These were tied at their large ends with cords (made 
from the inner bark of the linden) to the beams at the top of the stockade and at 
the middle to those resting in the crotches of the large posts forming the inner 
circle about the fireplace. The slender ends were cut so as to form the circular 
opening for the smoke, the edges being woven together with elm twine, so as to be 
firm. Outside the woodwork of the walls and roof, branches of willow were laid 
crosswise and bound tight to each slab and pole. Over the willows a heavy 
thatch of coarse grass was arranged so as to shed water. On the grass was 
placed a thick coating of sod. The sods were cut to lap and be laid like shingles. 


Fletcher and La Flesche, ‘“‘The Omaha Tribe,’ Twenty-seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
pp. 97-99, Washington, 191]. 


518 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


Finally they were tamped with earth and made impervious to rain. The en- 
trance way, 6 to 10 feet long, projected from the door and was built in the same 
manner as the lodge and formed a part of it. A curtain of skin hung at the inner 
and one at the outer door of this entrance way. Much labor was expended on 
the floor of the lodge. The loose earth was carefully removed and the ground 
then tamped. It was next flooded with water, after which dried grass was 
spread over it and set on fire. Then the ground was tamped once again. This 
wetting and heating was repeated two or three times until the floor became hard 
and level and could be easily swept and kept clean. Brooms were made of 
brush or twigs tied together. Couches were arranged around the wall in the 
spaces between the posts of the framework. These were provided with skins 
and pillows and served as seats by day and as beds by night. * * * 

Near each dwelling, generally to the left of the entrance, the cache * * * 
was built. This consisted of a hole in the ground about 8 feet deep, rounded at 
the bottom and sides, provided with a neck just large enough to admit the body 
of a person. The whole was lined with split posts, to which was tied an inner 

lining of bunches of dried grass. The opening was 


a stse, ipo wiser syste 


WY protected by grass, over which sod was placed. In 
Uy these caches the winter supply of food was stored; 
< the shelled corn was put into skin bags, long strings 

of corn on the cob were made by braiding the outer 


husks, while the jerked meat was packed in par- 
fleche cases. Pelts, regalia, and extra clothing were 


J generally kept in the cache; but these were laid in 
ornamented parfleche cases, never used but for this 
purpose. 

Uy When the people left the village for the summer 
VW buffalo hunt, all cumbersome household articles— 
as the mortars and pestles, extra hides, ete.—were 
placed in the caches and the openings carefully 
concealed. The cases containing gala clothing and regalia were taken along, as 
these garments were needed at the great tribal ceremonies which took place during 
that period. 

Plate 101, 6 (a reproduction from pl. 22 of the Twenty-seventh 
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, which accom- 
panies the above account), shows how the Omahas remove the earth 
from the center and throw it into a ring around the walls, very much 
as was done on the Gordon site. The floors appear to have been 
prepared in a similar way. 

Figure 131, which is also a reproduction from the same report, 
page 98, shows the common form of the Omaha cache. This cache 
recalls the one found under the floor and walls of temple circle No. 1 
of the Gordon site. 

In the erection of the Gordon building, when the surface soil of 
the interior had been removed down to the original hard clay subsoil, 
this subsoil was smoothed and hard packed.and apparently hardened 
by fire to form a firm floor. Many of these clay floors showed traces 
of the action of fire. 


Ui 


Fic. 131.—Common form of cache 


Fire Bowi 


A diagram of the interior of circle No. 3 is shown in Figure 129. 
Resting on the floor, at the exact center of the circle, is the fire bowl 
No. 8. To the northeast of this fire bowl was a beautiful black, 


MYER| GORDON TOWN SITE 519 


glossy floor, at 9, the shape of which is shown in the diagram. The 
fire bowl, floor, and other near-by remains are shown in more detail 
in Figure 132. 

Nos. 5 and 7 of Figure 129 are stone-slab graves of children, which 
were immediately beneath the floor. No. 11 is a rectangular struc- 
ture of small stones. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 12, 13, and 14 are the line of the 
edge of the banquette. The fire bowl, No. 8, is shown in Plate 103, b, 
and in diagram in Figure 129. It is 29 by 27 inches outside measure; 
25 by 238 inches inside. It rests upon the hard-packed clay floor. 
The rim is the same size as that of the fire bowl or altar in temple 
circle No. 1, but the bowl is deeper. The depth of the interior of 


kK habarae = 74" --->4 


Apia goo), 4. 
H 
' 
SECTION i 
° 
‘ 
v4 - ' 
peroee Fe 5‘o"-------- A 
N 
ona) 
S@il 
N A 
=) 


Fic 132.—Fire bowl, floor stones, pot 


this bowl is 614 inches; that of house circle No. 1 is 414 inches. It 
was made of puddled clay, later hard-burned by long-continued use, 
in the same manner as the temple altar, as the earth showed action 
of heat to a depth of 6 inches below the bottom of the bowl. It was 
about half filled with fine white ashes. The remainder of the interior 
of the bowl contained ashes mixed with minute fragments of charcoal 
and dark earth. No bones or fragments of pottery were found in it. 
The.rim of the bowl was 8 inches below the present surface of the soil. 


RECTANGULAR STRUCTURE OF SMALL STONES 


To the south of this fire bowl was a rectangular structure of small 
limestone rocks, 10 by 14 inches, height 8 inches. These stones 
ranged from the size of an egg to the size of the fist. They were 
roughly but neatly fitted together, slightly weather-worn, and were 
such as were plentiful in the near-by brook. This structure is shown 
in Figure 132, No. 11. There were no signs of ashes or action of fire 
around it. Its use is not known. 

53666°—28——-34 


520 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


PouisHep Brack FLoor 


To the northeast of the fire bowl (fig. 129) is No. 9, the black, 
glossy section of floor shown on a large scale in Figure 132, No. 9. 
The floor at this point had been smoothed and hardened to a slight 
extent with fire; then a one-half inch layer of a black glossy mate- 
rial was spread over it and carefully smoothed and polished. As the 
edges were clearly defined and no other traces of it were found in 
this building, it probably covered only the space shown. 


SMALL Pot witH STONE CovER 


A small earthen pot, shown in Plate 104, a, was found upright on 
the surface of the floor, 1 foot southeast of the fire bowl, near the 
foot of the yardstick in Plate 103, b. This pot is 314 inches in 
diameter across the rim and 3 inches deep. It had a neatly fitted 
cover made from two thin slabs of limestone, the edges of which had 
been rounded to fit the top of the pot. It was filled with a black 
earth which contained no solid objects. This black earth repre- 
sented the original contents and filled the pot completely, supporting 
the still horizontal two-piece stone-slab top, which otherwise would 
have fallen in. The contents were submitted to chemists who report 
that the continued leaching during a long period had removed all 
recognizable traces of the original matter. 


CHILD’s GRAVE 


At 5 in Figure 129 was found the grave of a child about 3 months 
old. The stone-slab coffin was 12 by 26 inches and ran east and 
west. It was immediately below the surface, with the stone-slab top 
flush with the floor. There were no signs of ashes or fire about this 
grave. The sides had been forced in, probably by pressure arising 
from walking on the floor surrounding it. The body was extended 
on its back, arms at the sides, knees apparently originally bent 
upward, as shown in Figure 133. This child had no ornaments or 
artifacts of any kind with it. 


Corrin ContTatninc Bopres or Two CHILDREN 


At 7 in Figure 129 was a stone-slab coffin which contained the 
skeletons of two little children. Plate 103, a, shows this grave after 
all the intrusive soil had been carefully removed, and before the bones 
had been disturbed. The top of the grave was flush with the hard- 
packed clay floor. The stone-slab coffin was 3 feet 9 inches long and 
12 inches wide at the north end, 14 inches wide at the south end. 
Its depth was 10 inches. The grave ran N. 10° E. 

The position of the undisturbed bones clearly established the fact 
that these children had been buried after decay of the flesh. The 


T 18 GABIF MOI aSBA [BING ‘p T 18 OAvIS TIO 4od Arenqioyy ‘9 Jes3ep eu0jg ‘g J9A09 8038 TITM od [Bug ‘D 


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vOL 3LV1Id 18YOd3e4 TIVNNNY 1SHIs-ALYOS ADSOIONHLA NVOIYAWY 4O NvayNE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 105 


ARROWHEADS, POTTERY, ETC. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 521 


skeleton in the southern end of the coffin is now in the United States 
National Museum, Division of Anthropology, No. 316086. This 
child was about 2 years of age. The one in the northern end (United 
States National Museum, Division of Anthropology, No. 316087) was 
that of a child about 7 years of age. No ornaments were found with 
these bodies. The stone slabs of the coffins were neatly fitted and 
some of the edges had been straightened by rude chipping with stone 
hammers. After the bones of these children had been placed on the 
bottom of the coffin it had been filled with surface soil. This soil 
contained fragments of domestic pottery and a few periwinkle shells, 
which probably had been scattered through the soil when it was 
placed in the coffin, as the surface soil contained few, if any, such 
shells. These periwinkles probably represented food for the journey 
of the children on their way to the darkening land of the West. 


OTHER OBJECTS 


At 1 in the diagram (fig. 129) the beautiful yellow flint dagger 
shown in Plate 104,6, was found. This dagger was on the original 
surface of the floor, against the edge of the banquette (fig. 130). 
It had evidently been 
hidden underneath the 
bed or accidentally 
covered with refuse 
swept back against the 
raised embankment. 

Plate 102, c, is a photograph of a spherical object of pottery, three- 
fourths of an inch in diameter. Its use is unknown. It was found 
on the floor at 3, on the edge of the banquette (fig. 130), and was 
probably lost in the same manner as the dagger. 

The little broken pottery head shown in Plate 102, d, was found at 2. 
It probably came from a human-figure vase or bowl, and was dis- 
covered on the clay floor, against the banquette. 

Plate 102, e, represents a leaf-shaped implement, 6 inches in length, 
made of yellow chert. Like the others, it was found on the floor, 
on the east side of the wigwam, near the banquette. 

A fragment of a grayish-black bowl with beaded rim was found 
among the fragments of pottery scattered through the black loam 
which filled the interior of circle No. 3. 

A small portion of the interior of circle No. 3 was purposely lett 
unexcavated, and a portion of the black, glossy floor was preserved 
in situ for the benefit of future students. 

Plate 105 shows arrow heads, fragments of pottery, an implement 
made from the up of an antler, a bear’s tooth, and an ear plug or 
bead of black pottery. These were found scattered through the 
black loam which had accumulated in the interior of house circle 


Fic. 133.—Child in grave No. 5 


§22 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


No. 3. Mingled with these objects were several hundred other frag- 
ments of domestic pottery and many animal bones. All the marrow 
bones had been broken in order to obtain the marrow. The bead or 
ear plug still retained a considerable portion of its original polished, 
glossy black surface, which had been worn away in some spots by use. 

About one-half of the black, hourglass-shaped beads found on the 
Gordon and Fewkes sites, and several fragments of fine sunfish- 
shaped bowls and small, fine-beaded-rim bowls, were originally pol- 
ished and colored. 

These fine specimens of the potter’s art resemble in polish and 
color a black ware made by the modern Catawbas, Cherokees, and 
the Santa Clara, New Mexico, Indians. Mr. James Mooney, of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, described to the author the following 
method which he had seen the Catawbas use in making their finest 
black ware: 

After the vessel or other object has received its final shape, and 
before it is baked, it is given a high polish by much rubbing with 


Fic. 134.—Method of burning Catawba ware 


certain very hard and smooth stones or mussel shells with edges 
properly shaped by grinding. Over these unbaked, highly polished 
objects selected fragments ot oak bark are piled, and the heap is then 
carefully and closely covered with a large inverted unbaked pottery 
vessel, as shown in Figure 134. Over this unbaked pot a large 
amount of oak bark is piled and then set on fire. This produces con- 
siderable heat and bakes the large inverted vessel. The penetrating 
heat finally sets fire to the oak bark fragments underneath it, which, 
being shut off from a full supply of air, burn after the manner of 
charcoal and produce a strong, penetrating black, which reaches to 
a great depth into the ware, thus producing the beautiful color. 
The glossiness arises from polishing. 

The modern Cherokee produce a black which is much inferior to 
the above by burning ground corncobs in a small excavation in the 
soil, over which the vessel to be blackened is inverted. They also 
produce an inferior black by burning corncob meal within the vessel, 
which, in this case, is covered to prevent too rapid burning of the 
meal and the escape of the smoke. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 523 


GRAVE oF ADULT ON ExTERIOR OF WALL 


A stone-slab grave of an adult male was found at 6, Figures 129 
and 130. It was within the earth circle but a foot outside of the 
wall of the building. Plate 107, a, shows this grave before the 
removal of the top. The top was from 6 to 10 inches below the 
present surface of the raised earth circle at that point. 

Plate 107, b, snows the grave after the removal of the top and of 
the earth which filled all the interior but before disturbing any of 
the bones. The body was buried extended full length, on its back, 
with arms at side. It rested on the surface of the original clay sub- 
soil. No ornaments or artifacts were found with the skeleton. The 
grave had been entered at the lower corner, near the feet, by some 
prowling animal, which had disturbed some of the leg and neck 
bones. The soil which filled this grave contained periwinkles and 
fragments of domestic pottery scattered through it. The grave ran 
N. 10° E. with the head at the north end. The tibiae of this male 
(National Museum, Division of 
Physical Anthropology, No. 

316101) showed patches of mod- 
erate periostitis. 


Dua Functions or BUILDING 


There were some indications 
that the building on circle No. 3 
had a dual function. It appears 
to have been occupied partly as a 
dwelling and partly aSaceremonial F's. 135.—Restoration of vessel from interior of 
room. No trace of domestic cook- aie 
ing appears in this circle. The ashes in the fire-bowl or altar contain 
no fragments of bone or pottery, such as would likely arise from 
domestic cookery. Did the chief, or subchief, or other important 
personage who occupied this building also occupy the building on 
house circle No. 2, which closely adjoins No. 3 on the west? Was 
the building on No. 3 used for some of the purposes of a dwelling 
and also for certain public rites which required an altar free from 
the profanement of domestic cooking? Were the cooking and some 
of the other domestic affairs carried on in the adjoining No. 2 build- 
ing? Possibly the excavation of No. 2 may give an answer. 


Domestic VESSELS 


Many pottery fragments were found in the black loam which filled 
the interior of circle No. 3. By a careful study of these fragments 
fairly accurate outlines of several were obtained. 

In Figure 135 is shown a restored vessel, 10 inches in depth and 10 
inches in diameter at the rim. Both its exterior and interior were 
Indian red, with small white shell mottling (pl. 106, e). 


524 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


Another restored vessel, 5 inches in depth and 4 inches in diameter 
at the rim, is shown in Figure 136. Both its exterior and interior 
were black (pl. 106, 2). 

Fragments of several vessels similar in shape to that in Figure 137 
were found. Three of these were 10 inches in diameter at the rim 
and 10 inches in depth. The exteriors of all three were light red 
(pl. 106, f); their interiors were Indian red (pl. 106, e). 


Fic. 136.—Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3 


Another vessel, similar in shape to that in Figure 137, was 7 inches 
in diameter at the rim and 7 inches in depth. Both its exterior and 
interior were yellowish gray (pl. 106, q). 

A similar vessel was 12 inches in diameter at rim and 12 inches 
deep. Both its exterior and interior were dark gray (pl. 106, a). 

Another vessel of fine, 
hard-burned, polished 
ware, similar to that shown 
in Plate 115, b, was about 
5 inches in diameter at the 
rim. Exterior and interior 
were Indian red (pl. 106, e), 
with large splotches of 
black mottling. 

Figure 138 shows the 
type of several bowls. 
All these were well burned 
and polished. They were 
beyond question much prized by the ancient women who lived in this 
circle. One bowl was 8 inches in diameter at the rim, exterior and 
interior light gray (pl. 106, b). Two were 8 inches in diameter, exte- 
rior and interior Indian red (pl. 106, e). Another was 8 inches in 
diameter; and two others, similar in shape, were 10 inches in diameter. 
The paste of these three bowls was a dark gray. This had been 
coated, both on the exterior and interior, with an Indian red slip, and 


Fic. 137.—Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 106 


POTSHERDS 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 525 


this slip had then been stained black, probably after the manner 
shown in Figure 134. Another was 12 inches in diameter, exterior 
and interior warm gray (pl. 106, db). 

Figure 139° represents a vessel 8 inches in diameter at the rim. 
It is very hard burned, and contains an unusual amount of ground 


Fic. 138.—Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3 


mussel shell material. Both exterior and interior are gray (pl. 106, 5). 
This vessel would have stood nearly as much hard usage as the modern 
white man’s pottery. 

Figure 140 shows a restoration of a large oval-bottom vessel, to 
which has been given a probable diameter of only 28 inches, although 
the curve of the rim fragment indicates a diameter of about 32 inches. 


Fic. 139.—Restoration of vessel from interior of circle No. 3 


The wall of this vessel is only three-eighths of an inch and the rim 
one-half inch in thickness. It was probably 10 inches in depth. 
This vessel was made of fairly well burned clay, mingled with pow- 
dered mussel shell. Its exterior and interior have a thin, smooth 
coating of fine buff-colored clay, closely resembling Plate 106, h. 
This vessel very closely resembles four large salt boiling vessels 
discovered at a salt spring near the village of Kimmswick, Jefferson 
County, Missouri, by Mr. David I. Bushnell, jr. One of these 


526 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


vessels found by Mr. Bushnell is shown in Plate 108.1° In order to 
show the method of using such large, thin, easily broken, bowl-like 
vessels which had no handles, we quote from Mr. Bushnell’s text, 
which accompanied this plate.” q 


In the main excavation more than 8,000 square feet of the original clay surface 
were exposed to view. On this surface were discovered four large earthen pans 
placed as they had been when last used, fragments of four similar pans, probably 
broken while in use, and 28 fire beds. 

* * * The pan designated as II is 2514 inches in diameter, 9 inches deep, 
and less than three-quarters of an inch thick. It was set in the clay, allowing 
the rim to extend less than 2 inches above the surface. To make this pan more 
substantial, large fragments of a similar vessel had been placed under the bottom 
and around it at a distance varying from a half to 11% inches, the intervening 
space having been filled with blue clay from the bed of the creek. 

The next example, III, is the smallest of the four. * * * It was set in the 
clay, the rim extending about 2 inches above the surface. Fragments of pottery 
and a mass of blue clay surrounded it, similar to II. A photograph of this vessel 
before it was removed from the clay is reproduced, Plate B. The fragments of 


Fic. 140.—Large vessel from interior of circle No. 3 


pottery surrounding the pan are visible. The largest pan discovered (I) was 
not set in the yellow clay as were all the others but rested upon a mass of ashes 
and earth a few inches above the clay surface—probably it had never been used. 
The dimensions of this large vessel are: diameter 31 inches, depth 12 inches. 
This, although of the greatest capacity, is the thinnest of the four; in many 
places it is not more than half an inch in thickness. Pan IV was set into the 
clay with its rim extending 2 inches above the surface. Dimensions: diameter, 
24inches; depth, 9inches. Although neither the blue clay nor sherds surrounded 
this vessel, it was found to be in an excellent state of preservation. A photo- 
graph of this plate as it was discovered is shown in Plate B. All were made of 
clay, to which a large quantity of pulverized shell was added. The surfaces, 
both inside and outside, are smooth and without decoration of any sort. 

The fire beds, 28 in number, averaged more than 2 feet in diameter, and 
beneath many the heat had reddened the clay to a depth of from 6 to 9 inches, 
while, of course, the surfaces had become quite hard. In pan II a piece of stone 
about 8 inches in diameter was found which showed the effect of fire; similar 
stones were discovered either near or resting upon different fire beds, all showing 
unmistakable evidence of having been heated. And so we may conclude that 
the stones were heated and placed in the pan containing the water from the 
spring, the water would soon evaporate, leaving the salt in the bottom of the 
vessel. 


The Gordon site people had no salt water. The closest source of 
salt water was the salt and sulphur spring in Sulphur Spring Bottom, 
on the present site of Nashville, about 8 miles to the north. Boiling 


16 Primitive salt-making in the Mississippi Valley. Man, No. 13, 1907. Pl. B. 
17 Ibid., pp. 17-19. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 527. 


was probably by the well-known method of heated stones placed in 
the vessel. Fragments of several similar large bowl-shaped vessels 
were found both on the Gordon site and in the Fewkes group. 

Many other vessels were represented in these fragments found in 
circle No. 3, but the fragments were not of sufficient size to enable 
us to determine their size or appearance. 


Cotors oF POTTERY 


One hundred and thirty-two pottery fragments were found in the 
black loam which filled the interior of circle No. 3. Of these 20 were 


--O-"-O---0. 
Pc ee Bo ae r 
ot, ms 
* te. iy Cy Ss 
ee t i 
9 SN) mR Sei x 
o* ~ Sn ad 9 oA 
Stone acd Ft ye) 
o Pa ‘ LESS 2 


ot 


oI 

<JO=10+-G-..Ah 

«XO “©. 
Wetec, 
ra oO 


Rog 


Fic. 141.—Diagram of house circle No. 23 


various shades of gray (pl. 106, a, 6), 4 were black (pl. 106, 7), 5 were 
dark cream (pl. 106, c), 63 were yellowish gray (pl. 106, g), and 40 
were various shades of red (pl. 106, e). 


HOUSE CIRCLE NO. 23 


The walls of house circle No. 23 (fig. 141) were circular and 30 
feet in diameter. The earthen rim is now level with the exterior 
soil. The saucer-shaped central depression appears somewhat raised 
at the center, as will be seen by reference to the vertical section, due 
to soil being thrown in when the farm road which skirts this circle 
on the west was built. 


528 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


This building had a raised bank of earth, or banquette, about 4 feet 
wide and 12 inches in height, around the walls on the interior, similar 
to that in some of the other circles. Only a portion of the banquette 
was utilized for beds or seats. Part of the eastern side was occupied 
by the domestic fire bed and a child’s grave. The floor was the 
surface of the original clay subsoil. 

Figure 142, H, J, K, was a line of three upright thin limestone 
slabs. These slabs had nothing under or around them to indicate 
their character or use, and showed no signs of action of fire. Beyond 
question they belonged to the everyday domestic life of the wigwam; 
but their use is unknown. 

The sections marked ‘‘Unexcavated”’ and also a portion of the 
other interesting fire bed, A, B, C, D, Figure 141, were left unexca- 
vated for the benefit of future explorers. A child’s grave was found 
beyond the walls, on the west, at 2, and the stone-slab grave of a 
child was also found at 1, on the eastern side of the circle. This 
grave adjoined the domestic fire bed or hearth, A, B, C, D. 

Three interesting 
stones were found about 
8 inches above the floor, 
at points /, F, G on the 
diagram (fig. 141). 
They are clearly shown 
in the photograph, Plate 
109, a. One measured 
12 by 10 inches, another 10 by 8 inches, and another 10 by 6 inches. 
They were from three-fourths of an inch to 2 inches in thickness. 
Nothing was buried under these stones, and no trace of fire or ashes 
or any signs of use found around them. The central one, /’, had a 
slightly worn appearance, as if it had been a very small metate; but it 
was too small to have been of much service as such. This arrange- 
ment of three stones for some domestic purpose was customary in this 
town. Three larger stones, similarly arranged, were found in house 
circle No. 79. They are shown in Plate 114, a. One of these was 
a metate. 


Fic, 142.—Stones H, J, K 


CHILD’s GRAVE 


Plate 109, a, shows at B the fire bed, A, B, C, D (fig. 141). At C 
is shown the adjoining stone-slab top of the child’s grave at 1 (fig. 
141). 

Plate 110, a, shows the grave before removal of the stone-slab top 
or cover. The top of this stone-slab cover was 15 inches below the 
present surface of the soil. 

Plate 110, 6, shows the grave after removal of the interior soil and 
before any of the bones or relics were disturbed. This stone-slab 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 107 


b 


a, Grave after removal of top and intrusive soil b, Grave before removal of top 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 108 


SALT-BOILING VESSEL FOUND NEAR KIMMSWICK, MO. 
Reproduction of Plate B, ‘‘Man,’’ 1907 


Z 48 SN4aJ JO BABIN ‘Q 9ABI9 S,p[Iqo Zurulofpe jo doq Jo odpa pus peq oily ‘Dv 


q D 


60l 3LV1id LYOd3ayY IVANNY 1SYIis-ALYO4 ASOIONHLA NVOIYAWY 3O Nv3aynNd 


100y 91 Ar0},0d Furmoys ‘Apoq Jo [BAOMIAI Joye OATID ‘9 [IOS BAISNIZU! JO [BAOMIAI 10zJB [ 1B GABIT S,PIITD ‘Q 1 28 9ARIF S,ptqo Jo doy, ‘v 


OlL 3LV1id LYOdSayd TIVANNY 1S¥ls-ALYOS ADOIONHLA NVOIYSAWY 4O Nvauna 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 529 


grave was 40 inches in length, 12 inches wide at the eastern end, and 
14 inches wide at the western end, and was 12 inches in depth, inside 
measurement. The grave ran W. 20° N. The pottery-fragment 
bottom of the coffin rested on the clay subsoil floor of the wigwam, 
with body lying on back, extended full length, head to the west. 
This child (U. S. National Museum, Division of Physical Anthro- 
pology, No. 316089) was about 5 years of age. It had been wrapped 
in a matting woven from the outer portion 
of cane stems. To the right of the head 
was the fine burial vase shown in Plate 
104, d, made of black clay with minute 
flecks of finely powdered mussel shells. 
It had been polished with great care and 
then well burned. To the left of the head 
was the mortuary pot shown in Plate 104, ¢. Fis. 143—Method of drilling hole 
Both the vase and the mortuary pot had SSS pala aa 
been placed upright in the grave. The pot was entirely, and the vase 
partly, filled with earth, apparently similar to that which filled the 
remainder of the grave. While they doubtless had at one time con- 
tained food, all traces of it had been leached out by the rains of 
many centuries. The chemists of the Department of Agriculture 
were unable to find any traces of animal or vegetal matter in the 
contents of these vessels. 

By the side of the pot was 
the spoon made from the shell 
of a mussel (unio), shown in 
Plate 111, a. 

Plate 111, 6, shows two large 
beads from the column of the 
conch. They are 134 inches in 
length. One of these was found 
under each hinge of the lower 
jaw of the child. Their posi- 
tion indicated that they were 

sli bide ear pane at ems in mosaic probably either attached to the 

lobe of each ear or to a leather 

thong around the neck. Figure 143 shows the method of drilling 
the holes through these long beads. 

The small beads shown in Plate 111, ¢, were found around the neck 
of the child, as though worn as a necklace. One of these beads was 
within the cavity of the dropped-down lower jaw in such position 
that it could not have been on the necklace. It was probably 
attached to the hair or the ear, and had fallen into the place where it 
was found after decay of the flesh and the dropping down of the jaw. 


530 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


Extremely faint traces of what was probably a cane mat could be 
seen near the breast and arms and underneath the body. The body, 
bedecked with its best ornaments and its best garments, had been 
wrapped in this cane matting and placed in the grave immediately 
adjoining the domestic hearth. 

The grave was dug after the adjoining hearth had been in use. 
This is proved by the fact that several lumps of burned clay which 
came from the hearth were found scattered through the earth which 
entirely filled the interior of the grave. These evidently got into the 
coffin by accident when they were filling the interior. 

After the body, wrapped in the cane matting, had been placed in 
the grave, the shell spoon and the mortuary vessels, probably con- 
taining food and drink, were placed at its head. Then the coffin 


Fic. 145.—Restored pot from fragments in mosaic floor in grave at 1 


was filled with earth. Periwinkles, for food on the long journey, 
were scattered in this earth as it was placed in the grave. 

A grooved pendant, made from the tooth of a small bear, was with 
the body. It probably had been attached to some portion of the 
clothing, as it was not in such position as would indicate its being 
worn as a pendant to a necklace. 

Plate 110, c, shows this small grave after the body had been re- 
moved. It will be seen that the bottom of the coffin had been 
covered with a mosaic of fragments of domestic pottery, which rested 
on the clay subsoil floor of the wigwam. These fragments appeared 
to belong to a few vessels which had been broken in course of domestic 
use. Among them were three small pieces of a fine image vessel 
representing a raccoon, similar to the raccoon vessel reproduced in 
Plate 134,a. The grave was situated in the banquette which ran 
around the wall. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 531 


A vessel, fragments of which were found amid the sherds com- 
posing the mosaic floor of this small grave, is shown in Figure 144. 
Both its exterior and interior were light red, showing mottled flecks 
of powdered mussel shell (pl. 106, f). 

Figure 145 shows another large-sized vessel restored from frag- 
ments found in the mosaic floor of grave at 1 (fig. 141). It was about 
17 inches in diameter across the top and 15 inches in depth. Ex- 
terior and interior of this vessel were a light red, with flecks of 
powdered shell, somewhat lighter red than Plate 106, f. This vessel 
probably held about 10 or 12 gallons. The material was strong and 


well burned. 
Fire Bep 


The fire bed, Figure 141, A, B, C, D, which adjoined this grave, 
was also situated in the banquette which extended around the rim. 


Fic. 146.—Restoration of domestic pottery 


This fire bed was 9 feet from A to B and 3% feet from Bto D. It 
was about 8 inches in depth and rested on the original clay subsoil, 
on a level with the floor. The sides and edges were fairly well defined 
and it showed signs of much use. It is shown in Plate 109,a@. The 
construction of this fire bed was as follows: On the original clay 
subsoil, level with the floor, was first a layer of whitish-brown ashes, 
2 inches thick; then a layer of brownish ashes mixed with burned 
clay, 1 inch thick; then a layer of mingled clay, ashes, and charcoal, 
114 inches thick. This last layer yielded a fragment of domestic 
pottery (fig. 146) and some small animal bones. The charcoal con- 
tained some charred cane stems. Then came a 2-inch layer of very 
hard-burned red clay, which contained some impressions of cane 
leaves. On top of this was a layer of mingled black earth and ashes, 
from one-half to 114 inches in thickness. This top layer appeared 
to be the remains of the last fire upon this hearth. 


532 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ern. ANN. 41 


The placing of this fire bed in the banquette, only a few inches 
from the wall, is so unusual and so dangerous that it might cause 
some to doubt its being a fire bed. A portion of it was left undis- 
turbed, so that it might be studied by others, if necessary. Speci- 
mens of the various layers were also preserved. The near-by wall 
was doubtless heavily plastered with clay as a protection against the 
fire. 

It will be noted that the stone slabs of the adjoining child’s grave, 
though immediately against this fire bed, showed no signs of action 
of fire. Was the burial made and the house abandoned immediately 
thereafter? It is more probable the grave was kept well covered by 
the soil of the banquette in which it was situated. There was no 
other fire bed in the wigwam. 

A circular pit, 18 inches in depth and 12 inches in diameter, was 
found adjoining the southwestern corner of the fire bed. It was 


Fic. 147.—Large oval vessel, 30 by 24 inches 


filled with loose ashes and charcoal and appeared to be a receptacle 
for ashes from the adjoining fire bed; or it may have been used in 
pit cooking 

A small stone-slab double grave was found at 2, on the western 
edge of this house rim, but beyond the line of the wall. The un- 
opened grave is shown in Plate 109, 6. This grave was 24 inches in 
length and 10 inches in width, and it was 10 inches to the mosaic 
floor of domestic pottery fragments, inside measurement. It ran 
W. 30° N. This coffin had contained two bodies. One was a fetus 
(U. S. National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology, 
No. 316090) and the other (U. S. National Museum, Division of 
Physical Anthropology, No. 316091), a child less than six months old. 
The grave had been so disturbed by marauding animals that it was 
impossible to tell the original arrangement of the bodies. The head 
of one was in the northwestern end and the other head in the opposite 
end. No ornaments or other artifacts were found in this grave. 


OssEcTS SCATTERED THROUGH THE SOIL 
Scattered through the black loam which filled the interior of circle 
No. 23 was found a large amount of fragments of domestic pottery. 
Some fragments were distinguished which belonged to the following 
vessels: 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 533 


A large oval vessel, 30 by 24 inches, shown in Figure 147. It had 
no fabric impressions on its exterior. 

Three pots resembling the one shown in Figure 145 and similar to 
each other in size and shape, 12 inches in diameter at rim. 

Two beaded-rim bowls, identical in shape, color, and ornamenta- 
tion, one 10 inches and the other 8 inches in diameter. They are 
similar to the restored bowl in Plate 118, a. They were both of 
dark gray ware, showing a large number of powdered shell flecks, 
similar to Plate 106, a. 

One small, light red pot (pl. 106, f). It was 5 inches in diameter 
at rim and similar in shape to pot shown in Figure 135. 

Two fragments of flint. 


Bows with DECORATIONS SHOWING PROBABLE S1oUuAN RE LA- 
TIONSHIP 


Small fragments of three bowls bearing the equal-arm cross and 
the encircling sun symbol were found scattered through the black 
loam in circles Nos. 1, 3, and 23. The design on the interior of two 
of these bowls is shown in Plate 112, a; that of the third in Plate 112, b. 

Two of these bowls had similar designs. On the interior they were 
ornamented with equal-arm crosses with encircling sun symbol on 
the bottom and with V-shape decorations on the side. Plate 112, a, 
shows the design on the interior of both of these bowls. The frag- 
ment of one of these bowls was found in circle No. 1; the fragment of 
the other in circle No. 23. At first glance these fragments may 
appear too small to form a basis for the restoration of this elaborate 
design. As a matter of fact, the restoration has a much larger foun- 
dation; it is in reality based on several similarly decorated bowls 
found on various sites in Tennessee, Arkansas, and southeastern 
Missouri, whose culture closely resembles that of the Gordon site. 
If space permitted illustrations of these similar bowls, the reader 
would see that the restorations have reasonable foundation. 

In Plate 112, 6, is shown a restoration of the third vessel with 
decoration somewhat similar to that in Plate 112, a, except that the 
four world-quarter and sun symbols replace the V-shaped decorations 
on the rim. These fragments were from circle No. 3. 

The exterior of one of the bowls reproduced in Plate 112, a, was a 
brownish Indian red somewhat browner than Plate 106, e. The 
decorations were white on a black ground. 

The other bowl represented by the same illustration was a whitish 
cream color, both on its exterior and interior. The decorations were 
cream on a black ground. 

The vessel shown in Plate 112, 6, was black on its exterior and 
cream on its interior. The decorations were black on a cream back- 


ground. 


534 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


The decorations on all three of these bowls were confined to the 
interior. The material and polish of these three fine vessels repre- 
sented the highest development of the potter’s art in the Middle 
South. They are hard and firm and have a fine polish. 

These equal-arm cross or four-world-quarter symbols with the 
inclosing sun circles are connected with the most sacred fundamental 
religious concepts of the people who once inhabited this town. They 
are shown on the hair of a figure representing Kicking Bear, a Sioux 
warrior, in one of the exhibition cases of the United States National 
Museum, and the modern Sioux use them at the present day. 


Fic, 148.—Castalian Springs bow] 


The significance of the V-shaped decorations on these bowls is 
unknown. It is certain they had a meaning and are not mere crea- 
tions of the artist’s fancy. The author unearthed a fine bowl with 
somewhat similar V-shaped decorations in the culturally related 
town at Castalian Springs, about 30 miles northeast of the Gordon 
town site. This Castalian Springs bowl is shown in Figure 148. 

A fragment of a water-bottle-shaped vase with the four world- 
quarter and sun symbols was found in circle No. 23. Similar deco- 
rated water-bottle vases were found at Castalian Springs and else- 
where in middle Tennessee. 

There is a bowl with somewhat similar V-shaped decorations illus- 
trated in Thruston’s ‘‘Antiquities of Tennessee,” Figure 41. It was 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 111 


a, Mussel shell spoon b, Two large beads from grave at 1 c, Small beads 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 112 


b 


a, Restoration of equal-arm world quarter center and V-rim bowl decora- 
tion 
b, Restoration of vessel with equal-arm cross on bottom and also on rim 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 113 


a, Grave P before removal of top b, Objects in circle No. 23 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 114 


a, Metate and two stones from circle No, 79 b, Child’s grave at E, circle No. 79 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 585 


found in the Noel Indian cemetery about 4 miles north of the Gordon 
site. 

Figure 149 shows a restoration of a fine red undecorated bowl from 
circle No. 3. Both its exterior and interior are similar to Plate 106, f. 
It is hard-burned, but not as highly polished as the decorated bowls 
to which we have just referred. 


OTHER OBJECTS 


Some of the other artifacts found in circle 23 are shown in Plate 
113, b. Among these are a rude discoidal, 114 inches in diameter, 
three arrowheads, an hourglass-shaped bead of black pottery, and 
a grooved whetstone of fine-grained sandstone. 


HOUSE CIRCLE NO. 79 


A family of the plain common people lived in house circle No. 79, 
in the northeastern section of the town. A diagram of this typical 


Fic. 149.—Undecorated bow] from circle No. 3 


house of the ordinary man of the ancient Gordon town is shown in 
Figure 150. 

The low earthen rim of this house circle denotes walls not so thick 
as some of the more important buildings. There was no elaborate 
fire bowl in the center. The fire had been built on the floor of the 
wigwam. ‘There was no evidence denoting especial importance any- 
where in the building. 

Not far from the open fire in the center were the charred remains 
of an ancient wooden metate, an ancient grinding stone, and some 
other stones for domestic purposes. In the floor of the wigwam, to 
the west of the central fire bed, was the stone slab covering of the 


grave of three children. 
Tur MeETAtTE 


About 18 inches south of the edge of the central fire bed were 
found the metate (A) and the other two stones (B and () shown in 
Plate 114,a. The metate is 14 by 11 inches and about 3 inches in 
thickness. It sloped at an angle of about 25 degrees. It is now in the 
National Museum. The other two stones were 8 by 10 inches and 16 
by 10 inches, respectively. These last two were rough unworked 
stones, and were probably for some unknown domestic use. Similar 
arrangements of three stones were probably in many of the other 
dwellings. (See smaller ones resembling these, in circle No. 23, shown 

53666°—28——35 


536 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


These stones were probably placed near the fire for 
the convenience of the women, who could thus grind and easily look 
after the fire and what might be cooking thereon. 


in pl. 109, a.) 


SmaLL Woop Usrp as FUEL 


In considering these domestic fires, it must be steadily borne in 
mind that they were comparatively small. The Indian was frugal 
in regard to his fires as well as in many other things. The charred 
wood of domestic fires unearthed by us in many places in central 
Tennessee indicates that small limbs, ranging from 1 to 3 inches in 


Lah @erOr Oona id 
Oe Ow. w E 
Gr are % ©. 
foe 42 al ‘ Ons 
is te Sage i a 
oO er oh 
O > ‘ é pad 
: : / i) 
i f Ri ane 
“A f et 1 ot 


oO 
Fo 
i) O 
‘ 
; 
4 fe) 
2 ! 
3 
S P / 
0. oe - 
fe) aoa we 
“oO FTV Wes ba) er 
on. é i _O 
~O.._UNEXCAVATED x, .-O° 
pS Oat er aca 
DEPRESSION OF 


ADJOINING W/GWAM 


ZA 


== = — 

G , NZ 
Us YY MMH Vie 
Fig. 150.—Diagram of house circle No. 79 


diameter, constituted nearly the entire fuel supply. These sizes 
were such as could often be picked up in the surrounding forest. 
The enormous labor of cutting with their rude stone implements 


prevented the use of wood of large diameter for fuel. 


stand. 


Rires CONNECTED WITH THE METATE 


Explorations showed these three stones for domestic use in circle 
No. 79 had been placed in position with due and proper rites. First 
a small fire had been kindled on the spot where they were later to 

Then a layer of clay, 1 inch in thickness, had been spread 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 537 


over this ceremonial fire. Upon this layer of clay these stones were 
placed with a single mussel shell (unio) under each. This unio shell 
doubtless had a mystical connection with food and life. 


CHILDREN’S GRAVE 


At E, Figure 150, 8 feet west of the center of the building, was 
found the top cover of a stone-slab coffin, protruding slightly above 
the level of the clay subsoil floor. This proved to be the grave of 
two children. 

The coffin was 32 inches in length, 914 inches in width at the south 
end, and 614 inches at the north end, inside measurement. It ran 
N. 10° E. It had been covered with a single stone slab, 33 inches in 
length and 24 inches in width, on top of which, completely covering 
the coffin, other stones were placed. ‘Several fragments of pottery 
had been used to level these added stone slabs. This grave, shown 
in Plate 114, 6, had a floor covered with a mosaic of pottery frag- 
ments. It contained the bones of two children, one between 2 and 3 
years of age, the other a little less than 1 year old, buried after the 
decay of the flesh. The bones were intermingled, the skull of one 
at the northern end, the skull of the other at the southern end of 
the coffin. With the bones were found a little prayer bowl " (pl. 
115, a), probably filled with food at the time of burial. This bowl, 
decorated with four human heads, was found so placed that each 
head faced approximately one of the four quarters of the earth and sky. 

This little grave sheds light on some of the most sacred beliefs of 
these ancient people. It shows they had certain concepts pertaining 
to the present and future life which continued down to the time of 
contact with the white missionaries and later. The ancient inhabi- 
tants of the Gordon site probably held the fundamental ideas of the 
sun as the giver of life and of the four world quarters and the powerful 
spirits which dwell in them. This is borne out by numbers of frag- 
ments of ware found on this site, which were decorated with the 
cross representing the four world quarters, and one or more inclosing 
concentric circles representing the sun or the horizon. Several of 
these are illustrated in this volume. The four-headed prayer bowl 
found in this grave is connected with this same religious concept. 

Many later Indians held similar concepts at the time of the coming 
of the whites. For example, four is one of the sacred numbers of 
the Cherokees. The placement of many objects in ceremonial per- 
formances and the construction of many of their prayer formulas 
have reference to the four cardinal points—the four quarters of the 
world and sky. 


18 Many similar bowls and vases, which I have designated as prayer bowls and prayer vases, have been 
found on related sites in middle Tennessee and Arkansas. Typical Tennessee examples of such four- 
headed prayer bowls and water-bottle-shaped mortuary vases are shown in Thruston’s ‘“‘Antiquities of 
Tennessee,” pl. vm, and also in Holmes’ “Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States,’’ Twentieth 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pl. xtrx. Plate x1v of the latter paper shows a similar four-headed prayer 
vase from a related site in Arkansas. 


538 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


At many points in Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, Missouri, and 
Arkansas, wherever the people probably kindred to those of the Gor- 
don site in Tennessee have dwelt, objects of stone, copper, shell, and 
pottery, decorated with these sacred four world-quarter crosses and 
sun symbols, have been found. 

A Cherokee doctor in some of the treatments of a patient makes 
a circle around him, halting at the east, south, north, and west in 
this exact order. At the east he prays to the red spirits who dwell 
on high in the east—the land of the dawn. At the south he prays 
to the white spirits who dwell on high in the gentle south. At the 
north he prays to the blue spirits who dwell on high in the cold and 
forbidding north. And then he turns to the west and prays to the 

black spirits dwell- 
soled # ing on high in the 
west, the mysterious, 
darkening land of the 
sunset and night. 


BurraL AT CoRNER 
or Grave 


On the exterior of 

the stone-slab grave, 

Fic. 151.—Restoration of pot from top of grave E E, Figure 150, but 

adjoining the northeast corner of it, was a compact mass of small 

human bones, occupying a space of about 6 by 5 inches, which had 

been buried after decay of the flesh. Many of the bones had been 

placed within the brain cavity in order to make the heap as small as 
possible. This child was between 2 and 3 years of age. 

This small heap was covered by the fragments of a little vessel 
334 inches in height and 414 inches in diameter at its widest part 
(pl. 116). About one-fourth of it was missing. This vessel had 
probably been “killed” in order that its soul might be for the child’s 
use in the land of spirits. The decorations on this pot represent a 
. highly conventionalized human mouth, nostrils, eyes, ears, and other 
body openings. 

PotTrery 


In the layer of pottery fragments between the stone slabs forming 
the top of the grave, Figure 150, £, were found portions of a fine, 
large, red domestic vessel with conventionalized human features 
shown in Plate 117,a. It is 7 inches in diameter at the rim, 11 
inches in diameter at its widest point, and 81% inches in height. 

The incised decoration on this pot is not very common. It appears 
on the rims of possibly three or four vessels found on this site. A 
few specimens with similar incised rim decorations have been found 
on other sites within a radius of 15 miles from Nashville. Thruston’s 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 115 


b 


oy 


a, Prayer bow] from grave E 6, Vessel found upright on floor at edge of circle No. 79 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 116 


RESTORED BROKEN POT FOUND INVERTED OVER BONES AT 
NORTHEAST CORNER OF GRAVE E 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 117 


a, Fragment of red vessel with conventionalized human feature decoration 
b, Restored bow] from upper layer on top of children’s double grave, circle No 79 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 118 


6 
BEADED-RIM BOWLS 


a, Restored bowl b, Fragments of bowl 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 539 


“Antiquities of Tennessee’’ shows, in Plate 6, a vessel with a conven- 
tionalized animal feature decoration and incised border on rim. 
There is some reason to believe that it probably came from the 
Gordon site. Thruston left no record. 

In the probably kindred cultural region of Arkansas vessels have 
been found which show related conventionalized animal designs. 
Some of these are shown in the Twentieth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, Plate 23. 

There are a few vessels with somewhat similar conventionalized 
decorations in the United States National Museum. These came 
from Tennessee, and probably represent raccoons. 

Several large fragments of each of the domestic vessels shown in 
Plate 117, 6, and Figures 
151, 152, 153, and the 
entire vessel, in frag- 
ments, shown in Plate 
118, 6, were found in the 
stratum of pottery coy- 
ering grave E, in circle 
No. 79. Plate 117, 6,is 
a restoration of a bowl 
of black and gray mot- 
tled pottery, 6 inches 
in diameter. It is ornamented with four knoblike protuberances. 
Figure 151 is a restoration of a pot, of light Indian red material, 10 
inches in diameter across the top and 10 inches in depth. 

Plate 118, a, shows a beautiful, slightly oval, beaded-rim bowl, 
914 by 101% inches in diameter. Both its exterior and interior are 
' dark cream color, somewhat darker than Plate 106,c. This vessel 
was made of clay mixed with finely powdered mussel shell, and both 
the interior and exterior then coated with a dark cream-colored clay 
slip. The vessel was later highly polished by rubbing with some 
polishing instrument. The bowl is well burned and hard. 

Figure 152 represents a handled pot of dark cream-colored ware, 
somewhat darker than Plate 106,c. It was 10 inches in diameter 
across the top. 

In this layer of pottery fragments were also found portions of a 
vessel similar in shape and character to Figure 152. It was 12 inches 
across the top, made of firm hard-burned bluish-gray ware, and was 
a very serviceable vessel. 

Figure 153 shows a restoration of an unhandled pot of hard-burned 
ware. Its exterior and interior were a light red, resembling Plate 
106, f. It was 8 inches across the top. 

A small pottery vessel with incised decorations, shown in Plate 
115, 6, was found on the original clay subsoil surface of the floor of 


Fic. 152.—Restored handled pot from top of grave E 


540 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


the wigwam, at /, Figure 150, near the eastern wall. This vessel 
was upright and contained black earth mingled with some very small 
portions of a lumpy black substance. These were examined by Dr. 
W. E. Safford, economic botanist, Department of Agriculture. He 
reports these lumps “‘ Evidently of organic origin, which may possibly 
have been finely ground maize made into a kind of mush,” because 
this substance had the appearance of having run together as would 
a maize material of the character of mush. He thinks, if the original 
contents had been maize meal, and not mush, the remains would 
have been granular. This little vessel, about 4 inches in height, had 
been filled with this prepared maize material and placed upon the 
floor against the wall. The head shown on this vessel was missing. 
The vessel doubtless originally had such a head. A somewhat similar 
vessel, with a head, is shown 
in Figure 50, page 144, of 
Thruston’s “Antiquities of 
Tennessee.” This related 
vessel was found in the 
vicinity of the Gordon town. 
He does not give the exact 
site. Other slightly similar 
vessels from the related cul- 
tural region of southeastern 
Missouri and Arkansas are 
shown on Plates 20 and 
25 of the Twentieth Annual Report of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology. 


Fic. 153.—Restored unhandled pot from top of grave E 


Frre Bep at CENTER OF CIRCLE 


At the center of circle No. 79 was found an ancient fire bed which 
contained only a very few ashes. It was 3 feet in diameter and 
showed little signs of use. Apparently this wigwam was not built 
until a short time before the town was abandoned or the wigwam 
was, for some reason, deserted after it had been used only a short 
time. But it was occupied at least long enough for the three chil- 
dren, already described, to be born to the dwellers therein. 


EQuaLity IN ANCIENT LIFE 


A comparison of the ruins of house circle No. 79 with those of 
house circle No. 3 will bring out clearly the near equality in the 
material belongings of these ancient people. No. 3 was one of the 
most important in the town. There is no very great difference 
between No. 3 and No. 79. No. 3 is 38 feet in diameter and No. 79 is 
only 30 feet. No.3 had a fire bowl and No. 79 had only a plain fire 
bed. No.3 had a portion of its floor black and glossy, while that of 
No. 79 was hard-packed clay, like the remainder of the floor of No. 3. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 541 


The labor of the six people who probably occupied No. 79 could 
have made it similar to No. 3 in every respect in two days’ time. 
In other words, the extreme difference between the dwellings and the 
positions of the highest and lowest in this town of the younger days 
was the difference between two cottages belonging to laboring men, 
on the same street, in some modern industrial town, where the men 
work side by side and earn about the same wage. There was no 
great place on the hill, neither was there the hovel in the hollow 
below. 


GRAVE P 


In probing portions of this town site not covered with house cir- 
cles an adult stone-slab grave was found near house circle No. 62, 
20 feet west of the large hackberry tree shown at the most eastern 
point on the wall. This grave is shown in Plate 113, a. Its top 
was from 1 to 6 inches below the present surface of the soil. 

The body was that of an adult male lying on its back.” The grave 
ran W. 10° N., head at east end. An earthenware pot, shown in 
Plate 119, a, was lying on its side, to the right of the head. This pot 
was filled with earth containing traces of organic matter. Dr. W. E. 
Safford examined this material. He reported, ‘‘ Evidently of organic 
origin, which may perhaps have been finely ground maize made into 
a kind of mush.” ‘Therefore it is probable that this vessel contained 
ground maize made into mush for food on the journey to the other 
world. 

In the grave there was a small cylindrical bone bead near the 
throat of the body three-fourths of an inch long and three-eighths 
of an inch in diameter. The coffin was filled with earth taken from 
the surrounding surface soil, which at that time contained a few 
scattered fragments of domestic pottery. Here, as elsewhere in this 
town, a few periwinkles had been distributed through the earth as 
it was placed in the grave. No periwinkles were found in the sur- 
rounding surface soil. 

Tue Owr Erricy 


The unique owl effigy pottery bead, shown in Plate 120, a, was 
found resting on the man’s forehead in grave P. It had probably 
been attached to a bandeau or some other headdress or to the hair. 

The pottery owl-effigy vase shown in Plate 119, 6, was found by 
Mr. H. L. Gordon in cutting a road along the outer western edge of 
circle No. 23. It was presented by him to Doctor Fewkes. It is 
4 inches in height. Two pottery owl images, very similar to the 
Gordon vase, were found in stone-slab graves in the Noel Indian 


1 U.8. National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology, No. 316099. See Dr. Hrdli¢ka’s report 
on this interesting skeleton, p. 612. 


542 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


cemetery, 314 miles to the northwest.” Another owl image, probably 
made of dark cream pottery though said to have been carved out of 
a stone, was found near the ancient town on the Rutherford-Kiser 
farm, near Hendersonville, Sumner County, Tenn., about 20 miles to 
the north. This town had fortifications and house circles somewhat 
resembling the Gordon site. 

The owl played a part in the sacred beliefs of many of our Indian 
tribes. The early accounts of the Natchez temple, wherein the 
perpetual fire was maintained, related that stuffed owls were seen in 
this temple, along with other sacred objects and images. 

The ancient Sioux held the owl in great respect. They regarded 
him as the warrior of the night. The Otos, who belong to the Siouan 
family, have an owl (Makache) gens.” 

The standing of the owl varied among the different tribes. Some 
of them regarded him as a witch. Even the possession of owl 
feathers was considered proof of being a wizard, and was punishable 
with death. 


HOUSE CIRCLE NO. 84 


A diagram of house circle No. 84 is shown in Figure 154. This 
building stood not far from the southeastern corner of the old town 
square. The circle is 30 feet in diameter and the center of its saucer- 
like depression, at the time is was excavated, was a foot lower than 
the wallrim. In this circle was found a fire bowl, B, near the center. 
Northwest of the center was found a portion of the floor raised 6 
inches higher than the remainder. On this raised portion were found 
the stones (, D, FE, a broken muller, /, and the badly charred remains 
of a small mortar, A. This portion of the circle is shown in Plate 
121,a. Adjoining this arrangement of stones was a kitchen refuse 
heap, H. Near the center of the wigwam on the south was the fire 
bowl shown in Plate 121,a. It was similar in appearance and ma- 
terial to the fire bowl in the town house or temple, but it was an inch 
or so larger. This fire bowl was 30 by 29 inches, and 8 inches deep, 
outside measurements. It rested on the hard-packed clay subsoil 
floor. The rim of the fire bowl was 6 inches under the present surface 
of the soil The fire bowl was filled to the brim with compact pure 
white ashes, containing little, if any, charcoal. These ashes con- 
tained a very small number of periwinkle shells and two fragments 
of the femur of a small animal, which Dr. O. P. Hay, research asso- 
ciate of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, thinks was likely 
a red squirrel, though it might have been a weasel or a skunk; the 
fragments were too small to determine with certainty. No fragments 


20 One of these is shown in Thruston’s “‘Antiquities of Tennessee,’’ second edition, Plate III. 
21 Handbook of American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 30, pt. 2, p. 166. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 119 


b 
a, Pot t, Ow] efligy vase 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 120 


c d 
a, Owl bead from grave P d, Beads and discoidal from circle No. 42 
b, Circular stone pot cover found in circle No. 84 e, Toy sunfish bowl 


c, Pottery mushroom-shaped trowel 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 121 


a, Interior of house circle No. 84 b, Body not in stone coffin 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 122 


a, Child’s grave in circle No. 42 b, Stone floor and surroundings in circle No. 42 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 543 


of pottery and no other bones were found in the fire bowl. This 
fire bowl must have been in use for a long period, because the floor 
underneath it showed the effects of long-continued fire. 


A DrrreReNtT Mope or Buriat 


At 1, Figure 154, in the southern part of house circle No. 84, was 
a burial different from any other found in this town. It was the 
body of an adult male, buried after decay of the flesh. This was 
the only adult found interred within a house circle, and the only adult 
not placed in a stone-slab coffin, on the Gordon site. The bones had 
been buried in a shallow grave beneath the clay floor, and originally 


eaSeiint Ta ese 
oO ‘i: 2 “On, E 
’ uP OL 


Fic, 154.—Diagram of house circle No. 84 


had only 2 inches of the floor covering them. The bones had been 
placed in an elongated pile which ran approximately W. 10° N. 
Some of the large leg bones appeared to have been broken before 
burial. These can be seen in Plate 121,6. The ribs and lower jaw 
and some other bones were not present. The body had no ornaments 
or other artifacts. Three periwinkle shells were found among the 
bones. Very little dark earth, such as would result from decay of 
flesh or wrappings, was found in this grave. Some of the vertebra 
had been placed approximately as in life. 


2 Now in U. 8. National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology, No 316102. 


544 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


Who was this man buried in such an unusual manner? Why had 
the leg bones been broken? Why were important bones missing? 

Our southern Indians and many others believed that when a 
warrior was slain in battle his soul wandered in disquiet until some 
enemy was slain in reparation or until some captive was adopted in 
his place. A captive so adopted took the place of the slain warrior 
in the family and received the care and affection which was the due 
of the deceased. A captive, on reaching the village of his captors, 
might be put to death with the cruelest torture, or he might be 
adopted into a place of honor and affection in the tribe. 

Was this man, whose bones we found, a captive from some other 
tribe, adopted in place of some dead warrior into the family occupying 
circle No. 842 Had his bones been buried just underneath the floor 
after the manner of his former tribe instead of that of his adoption? 
Is there any significance in the fact that no children were found 
buried under the floor of this dwelling wherein we discovered the 
bones of this adult male? His skeleton resembles those of the 
remainder of Gordon town. 


PREPARATION OF Foop 


We came upon the remains of the food department at C, D, E, F, 
G, H, K, in Figure 154. Cis a stone slab, 9 inches long and 4 inches 
in width by 2 inches in thickness. Stone D is 6 by 6 inches, by 6 
inches thick; stone £ is 6 by 8 inches, by 4 inches thick. C showed 
some very slight traces of having been used as a metate, but it is so 
small that such use must be regarded as doubtful. is the charred 
remains of a small wooden mortar 9 inches in diameter and 3 inches 
in depth, inside measurement. This mortar was 514 inches in height. 
Underneath 0, D, E, and K was a layer of black soil containing 
decayed mussel (unio) shells. This layer was 214 feet in diameter 
and about 3 inches in thickness. JH is a pile of kitchen refuse. In 
this refuse was a circular stone-pot cover, 31% inches in diameter and 
one-fourth inch thick, shown in Plate 120, 6. 

The broken muller, /, was found near the slab, #. This muller 
can be seen in situ in Plate 121, a. 

The women of circle 84 were the most slovenly housekeepers in 
the town. No such untidy layers of refuse were found in any of 
the other circles excavated. : 

The floor of the west and northwest sides of the wigwam was 6 
inches higher than the remainder of the floor in the central part of 
the circle. This is shown in Plate 121, a. 

The spaces L, M, O, P, Figure 154, were left unexcavated for the 
benefit of future explorers. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 545 


HOUSE CIRCLE NO. 42 


House circle No. 42 is 33 feet in diameter. The center of its 
saucerlike depression is 18 inches below the rim of the circle. This 
rim does not rise above the surface of the surrounding soil. A dia- 
gram of this circle is shown in Figure 155. 

Near the center of the circle was a fire bowl which was somewhat 
smaller than those found elsewhere in the town. Near the fire 
bowl and occupying the south central portion of the circle was an 


_--O---O---¢E.. 
Pa, ae 
0 “O-., i 
oO ™o, 
oO xo} 
Ca F ‘ 


0., 


nN 
oO 0, 
fe) 


poo = oe ee 
Fi. 155.—Diagram of house circle No. 42 
uneven stone mosaic floor composed of irregular, rough stone slabs 
rudely fitted together. Adjoining this floor, on the south, was a 
child’s grave, at the south side of which and only 2 inches above it 
was a small metate. By the side of the grave and near the metate 
was found a rude limestone muller. 


Strong Mosaic FLoor 


A photograph of a portion of this stone mosaic floor and the grave 
is shown in Plate 122, a. The floor was composed of irregular thin 
limestone slabs, probably picked up on the hillside half a mile to 


546 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


the west. These slabs were from 6 by 10 inches to 10 by 10 inches 
and were about an inch thick. They were laid on the original clay 
subsoil and had been rudely fitted together. The surface of this floor 
was very wavy and uneven, as can be seen in the illustration. 

‘This floor probably was originally laid level and became uneven 
because the soil under it had not been hard-packed or from some other 
cause. This rough, bumpy floor, which could have been taken up 
and relaid in two hours’ time, tells in a graphic manner the untidiness 
of this ancient home. The floor was removed and a careful search 
was made in the clay subsoil supporting it. Nothing was found 


under it. 
Curtp’s GRAVE AND METATE 


At the southern edge of this floor, at H in Figure 155, and Plate 
122, a, was the stone-slab grave of a child. The grave had been 
rifled by relic hunters, but luckily they had not disturbed its sur- 
roundings. The coffin was 32 inches in length and 10 inches in 
width. Its top was level with the surface of the stone floor. Adjoin- 
ing the southern side of the coffin, and only 2 inches above it, was a 
small ancient metate in situ. A small corner of this metate can be 
seen at D in Figure 155 or at D in Plate 122, 6. This metate was 10 
by 12 inches and 21% inches thick. On the floor by the side of the 
coffin and near the metate was a rude stone muller. 

Some of the Siouan tribes, notably the Omahas and Otos, had a 
custom which was connected with a class of actions pertaining to 
“the lowest or oldest stratum of tribal rites.” It is part of the old 
‘and sacred ceremony of introducing a child into its recognized place 
in the tribe.4 

The baby’s first moccasins were made with a little hole in one of 
the toes, in order that it might perhaps prevail on the dread mes- 
senger of death to allow it to remain on earth. 

When moceasins are made for a little baby, a small hole is cut in the sole of 
one. This is done in order that ‘‘if a messenger from the spirit world should 
come and say to the child, ‘I have come for you,’ the child could answer, ‘I can 
not go on a journey—my moceasins are worn out!’’’ A similar custom obtains 
in the Oto tribe. A little hole is cut in the first pair of moccasins made for a 
child. When the relatives come to see the little one, they examine the moccasins, 
and, seeing the hole, they say: ‘“‘Why he (or she) has worn out his moccasins; 
he has traveled over the earth!’”’ This is an indirect prayer that the child may 
live long. 

Fire Bowni 


At A in Figure 155, about 2 feet north of the center of the wigwam 
and 15 inches under the present surface of the soil, was found part of 
an old fire bowl. At some time in the past it had been broken and 


23 “Tt is directly related to the cosmic forees—the wind, the earth, and the fire.”"—La Flesche. 
4 Fletcher and La Flesche in 27th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 117. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 547 


a portion removed, probably by relic hunters. This fire bowl was 
smaller than any of the others found on the Gordon site. It was, 
as nearly as could be determined, 20 by 24 inches, and was filled to 
the brim with ashes. Some of these ashes can be seen near the 


shovel in Plate 122, b. 
TROWEL 


A mushroom-shaped trowel, made of hard-burned pottery, was 
found at F, Figure 155. This trowel is shown in Plate 120,c. It 
was not on the floor, but about 8 inches above the floor, in the loose 
rich black loam which filled the circle. Nothing else was with it. 
This trowel was probably used in smoothing domestic pottery. Its 
stem or handle has a small hole, one-eighth inch in diameter, which 
extends through its entire length, as shown by the dotted lines. 
When this trowel was fashioned a small cane apparently had been 
placed in the center of the still moist and soft stem, so that this cane 
would burn out in the fire and leave this cavity, which would aid in 
the more thorough burning of the thick stem. 


OTHER ARTIFACTS 


Two beads and a small discoidal were also found scattered through 
the black loam filling the circle. They are shown in Plate 120, d. 

At EF, Figure 155, 4 inches above the surface of the floor, in the loose 
black loam, was a broken celt made of diorite. After this celt had 
been broken the fragment found had been used as a hammer stone. 

It has been puzzling to find in Gordon town heavy objects like the 
pottery trowel and the diorite celt in the black loam some distance 
above the floor and also to find pottery fragments scattered all 
through this loam, with more fragments at the top, just beneath the 
grass roots, than elsewhere. These objects must have been left 
lying on the surface of the original floor. They probably were 
gradually forced upward by the upward pushing freezing water as 
the black loam slowly accumulated. This freezing water often 
appears on the surface of the soil as minute upward-forced columns 
of ice. 


HOUSE CIRCLE NO. 20 


House circle No. 20 is 28 feet in diameter. It was not explored 
beyond opening the stone-slab grave of a child, which was discovered 
by means of a sounding rod. The coffin was 38 inches long and 11 
inches wide, inside measure, and ran W. 25° N. It contained the 
body of a child 6 years of age, lying on its back, extended full length, 
head at the west end.* To the left of the head was an upright 
nest of two small bowls and a biconvex discoidal. The discoidal was 


*® U.S. National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology, No. 316085. 


548 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


on top of and formed a cover for the smaller bowl, which was within 
the larger one. Neither of the bowls appeared to have ever had any 
solid contents. The discoidal fitted into the rim of the bowl so closely 
that no solid substance had been able to filter into it. The larger 
bowl was not well baked and crumbled into very small fragments, 
which have been placed back in proper position. Its rim is oval, 
5 by 4 inches. It originally had four knobs at each end. These two 
bowls and the discoidal, which were found nested, are shown sepa- 
rately in Plate 123. 
CEMETERIES 


In addition to the children’s graves found in the wigwam floors 
there were two well-defined cemeteries. These are shown on the 
map (pl. 95). One is in the southeastern portion of the town in the 
dotted area marked ‘‘Scattered graves.’’ Here apparently the graves 
were widely scattered. They have nearly all been destroyed by 
cultivation. Theother cemetery is on asmall knoll at the northeastern 
corner of the town. Here the graves have not been disturbed by 
the plow, but they have been subjected to some erosion. The 
graves here are fairly close together, ranging from 1 to 3 feet in dis- 
tance each from the other. These graves le at all angles, with no 
definite rule as to direction. There had probably been 25 graves in 
this cemetery, mostly of adults. These were all typical middle 
Tennessee stone-slab graves, with the bodies lying on back, extended 
full length, with arms at side. Judging from similar graves in that 
portion of the Gordon site not subjected to so much erosion, the 
stone-slab tops of the graves in all the cemeteries in this town had 
been placed from 16 to 25 inches beneath the surface of the soil at 
the time of burial. Erosion in this northeastern cemetery has 
brought the tops of the graves to the level of the soil and in some 
instances 1 or 2 inches above it. They had all been disturbed by 
relic hunters. 

In a corner of a rifled child’s grave, about 38 inches long, inside 
measure, was found the unusual toy pottery sunfish bowl shown in 
Plate 120, e. It is 134 inches in length. A similar toy sunfish bowl 
was found by Mr. John Early Jackson in an adjoining child’s grave. 
This bowl was 2% inches in length and was in the child’s right hand. 
The sunfish-shaped bowl is one of the types of mortuary vessels 
found in some of the stone-slab graves of middle Tennessee. It 
appears not to have been much used for domestic purposes. Out of 
thousands of fragments of domestic pottery found by the author in 
middle Tennessee only three or four were fragments of sunfish vessels. 
The sunfish, possibly from its very remote resemblance to the sun’s 
disk, especially when first removed from the water, may have been 
connected with the sacred sun rites of these people. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 549 


So far as could be discovered by inquiry and search and by testing 
with a sounding rod’ there were no burials outside the walls of the 
town. 

The stone-slab graves were made as follows: A pit was dug to a 
depth of from 30 to 50 inches. This pit was the length and width 
of the stone coffin desired. Then the unworked limestone slabs were 
set up around the sides. In a few cases the bottom was lined with 
fragments of domestic pottery. The body was placed in the coffin, 
on its back, and usually extended full length, with arms at sides. 
The mortuary vessels were placed in the coffin, usually near the head, 
and the coffin filled with earth containing scattering periwinkles and 
the stone-slab top placed on the coffin. After this top was in place 
the earth was thrown back in the grave in the same manner as a 
modern white would fill up a shallow grave after the coffin had been 
placed therein. 

In many of the stone-slab burials in other portions of middle Ten- 
nessee no earth was placed in the coffin. The author has often found 
them with joints so carefully constructed and protected that little or 
no earth succeeded in filtering into the interior. When the top of 
the coffin was removed the skeleton and mortuary vessels would be 
as free from earth as on the day they had been placed therein. 


WALLS AROUND GORDON TOWN 


It was hoped that some faint trace would be found of the decayed 
ancient wooden palisades which doubtless had been embedded in 
and surmounted the earthen embankment which now encircles this 
town. 

Search was begun in the eastern wall, at the poimt where house 
circle No. 58 touches the wall. Four test trenches were dug, extend- 
ing along the lines of the wall embankment, 5, 7, 4, and 5 feet, respec- 
tively, in length. They extended down into the original clay subsoil. 
The 7-foot trench was dug in the first bastion in the embankment, 
to the north of circle No. 58. This bastion trench was 7 feet north 
to south and 15 feet east to west. In none of these trenches was there 
the slightest trace of the ancient palisades or their postholes. Here, 
as everywhere in this old town, all traces of the original wooden con- 
struction had disappeared, save in the cases where the wood had 
been charred. 

The test trenches revealed that this site probably had been in- 
habited for a considerable time before the wall was raised. The soil 
contained very few fragments of pottery—about one-fourth the pro- 
portion found in the soil filling the interior of the house circles. The 
soil around the spots where the test trenches were dug in the wall 
could not be expected to have as rapid an accumulation of pottery 
fragments as in the house interiors or in the central portions of the 


550 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


town. It is also probable that some of this earth in the wall came 
from the surface on the outer side of the wall, where there would be 
extremely little, if any, accumulation of pottery fragments. There- 
fore these few pottery fragments in the wall embankment render it 
likely that the walls were raised at a time not far from the central 
period of the town’s occupation. 

In some of the walled towns in middle Tennessee, notably the one 
on the Lindsey farm, 4 miles east of Lebanon, Tenn., there was a 
ditch along the inside of the entire length of the wall. No trace of 
such a ditch was found at the Gordon town. 


ORIGINAL APPEARANCE OF WALL 


Judging from the description of the many fortified towns found by 
De Soto and other early visitors in the southern United States, it is 
probable that this town was surrounded by a wall of wooden palisades 
firmly placed in the earthen embankment. This line of palisades was 
made of small tree trunks, from 3 to 10 inches in diameter, set prob- 
ably about 4 or 5 feet into the earthen embankment and rising about 
10 or 12 feet above it. These tree trunks were placed touching each 
other. The crack between them was protected by another tree 
trunk placed behind them, on the inside of the wall. As will be seen 
from the map (pl. 95), earthen bastions were placed about every 
55 feet. Upon these bastions semicircular towers, projecting beyond 
the line of the wall, were raised. These towers were about 17 feet 
in height. They were fitted with a platform, on the inside, about 8 
feet above the ground, which, with the surface of the earthen bastion, 
gave them two platforms for supporting warriors. From three to 
five warriors could stand on each platform. The towers projected 
beyond the line of the wall, and thus more effectively commanded 
its outer surface. 

These palisades were braced by long, slender poles extending along 
the inside of the wall, bound to the palisade trunks by wild vines or 
split cane stems. The outer surface of the wall and of the towers 
was plastered with a thick coating of mortar made of clay with inter- 
mingled tough wild grasses as a binder, and smoothed with a trowel, 
rendering the scaling more difficult. The walls and the towers were 
pierced with a large number of small loopholes, to allow the defenders 
to discharge arrows at the enemy. 


Watts or OTHER SouTHERN InpDIAN Towns 


The Gordon walls had an entrance like that of old Mauvila, 
destroyed by De Soto, but otherwise were somewhat similar to the 
Natchez forts, a description of which follows: 


I can not describe these forts better than by comparing them to a barrel hoop 
from which the withes have been cut. This circle is relaxed and the outside 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 551 


end is at some distance from the inside end, so that to enter the circle without 
passing over it, it is necessary to make a turn. It is by this opening that one 
enters the fort, the inner side of which is protected by a half tower and the outer 
side in the same way. Besides, if they are in great fear, this opening or passage 
is filled with brambles and thorns. * * * The walls of these forts are com- 
posed of great posts, which are made of the trunks of trees a span in circumfer- 
ence, buried 5 to 6 feet in the earth and extending 10 above it, and pointed above. 
The lines of contact of these posts, however round, are covered inside with other 
posts a foot in diameter. This wall is provided outside with half towers 40 
paces apart. They make them doubtless to prevent scaling. The lower ends 
of the posts are supported inside by a banquette 3 feet wide by as much in height, 
which is itself supported by stakes bound together with green branches in order 
to retain the earth which is in this banquette.2° 


’ 


MAvviLa 


Mauvila was a strongly fortified Indian town destroyed by De 
Soto. It was probably located near the junction of the Tombigbee 
and Black Warrior Rivers in Greene County, Ala. Its walls closely 
resembled those of Gordon site. They are described as follows in 
Irving’s “ Conquest of Florida,” vol. m1, pp. 37-88: 


It stood in a fine plain, surrounded by a high wall formed of huge trunks of 
trees driven into the ground, side by side, and wedged together. These were 
crossed within and without by. others smaller and longer, bound to them by 
bands made of split reeds and wild vines. The whole was thickly plastered 
over with a kind of mortar, made of clay and straw trampled together, which 
filled up every chink and crevice of the woodwork, appearing as if smoothed 
with a trowel. Throughout its whole circuit the wall was pierced with loop- 
holes, from whence arrows might be discharged at an enemy, and at every fifty 
paces it was surrounded by a tower, capable of holding seven or eight fighting 
men. Numbers of the trees which had been driven into the ground had taken 
root and flourished, springing up out of the rampart and spreading their branches 
above it, so as to form a circle of foliage round the village. There were but two 
gates to the place, one to the east, the other to the west. In the center was a 
large square, around which the principal dwellings were erected. 


Referring to these walls, in describing the Spanish attack, Irving 
Says, on pages 45-46: 


They then charged the enemy with a fury, inspired by their recent maltreat- 
ment, and drove them back into the village, whither they would have followed 
them, but were assailed with such showers of stones and arrows from the wall 
and loopholes that they were compelled to draw back. 


A further description of the part these walls played in the attack 
is given on page 49: 


In an instant a band of two hundred resolute cavaliers dashed forward to the 
assault. The savages received them valiantly and beat them back several times. 
The gate, however, was soon broken open and the Spaniards rushed in, pell- 
mell, amidst a shower of darts and stones. The opening being too narrow to 
admit them all readily, some attacked the wall with their axes; quickly demol- 
ished the frail facing of clay and straw, and laying bare the cross-beams and their 
fastenings, assisted each other to scramble up by them, and thus got into the 
village to the aid of their comrades. 


% Du Pratz, quoted by Swanton in Bull. 43, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 133. 
53666°—28——36 


552, PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN, 41 


The walls of this fortified Gordon town, like those of the other 
Indian fortified places in middle Tennessee, did not take in the 
springs or other sources of water supply. The Gordon fortifications 
could easily have extended to inclose the fine spring at the northern 
end of the town, only about 50 feet from the line of wall. This brings 
out the well-known fact that Indian warfare and fortifications did 
not contemplate long sieges. 


CHARACTER OF GORDON TOWN BUILDINGS 


In 1700 Father Gravier visited the wigwams of the Tunica on the 
lower Yazoo River. As these Tunica wigwams somewhat resembled 
those on the Gordon site, his description will give some idea of the 
probable appearance of the Gordon wigwams. 

Their cabins are round and vaulted. They are lathed with canes and plastered 
with mud from bottom to top, within and without, with a good covering of straw. 
There is no light except by the door; it is as hot as a vapor bath. At night a 
lighted torch of dried canes serves as a candle and keeps all the cabin warm. 
Their bed is of round canes, raised on four posts, 3 feet high, and a cane mat 
serves as a mattress. Nothing is neater than their cabins. * * * Their 
granaries are near their cabins, made like dovecotes, built on four large posts, 
15 or 16 feet high, well put together and well polished, so that the mice can not 
climb up, and in this way they protect their corn and squashes.” 


Tur Roor 


The roof of the wigwam was sometimes covered with a thick 
thatch of cornstalks, tied in place to the roof framework, and still 
further held in place and made more rain resistant by a layer of 
smooth, close-woven cane matting, which was also tied to the roof 
framework. This cane matting was woven from narrow strips of the 
outer portion of the cane stems. 

Early explorers stated that these roofs turned the rain very well, 
and in some instances lasted from 10 to 20 years. In other cases 
long marsh grasses took the place of cornstalks. The roofs were also 
often made of long, wide strips of bark, laid on the roof framework 
with the inner side of the bark turned upward. The joints between 
these strips of bark were covered with other strips, with the inner 
side of the bark turned downward. This gave a roof construction 
resembling the white man’s tile roof. 

The author found shingles, made of the bark of the cottonwood, 
covering a grave in a rock shelter on the Cumberland Plateau, about 
80 miles east of the Gordon site. They were shaped like our house 
shingles of the present day. They were about 11 inches long and 
from 5 to 8 inches wide. The bark strips for the bark roof of the 
old wigwams were probably several feet in length. 

The Gordon site people do not appear to have used conical-shaped 
tipis covered with the skins of the bison or other large animals. 


*7 Swanton’s “‘ Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley,’’ Bull. 43, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 315. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 553 
POPULATION OF GORDON TOWN 


There is no means of determining with precision the exact number 
of people who lived in Gordon town. 

Judging by the many accounts given by early travelers among the 
Indians of the southern United States, it is conservative to count 
three warriors, or a total of 10 men, women, and children, to a wig- 
wam, in towns with habitations similar in size to those on the Gordon 
site. The Gordon wigwams have only one fireplace, and appear to 
have been occupied by only one blood family. According to the 
customs of other southern Indians, a typical family in one of these 
wigwams probably consisted of the father and mother and their 
unmarried children, and also one or two sons-in-law with their wives. 
These sons-in-law lived with the wife’s parents for a year or so. 
There was also in many cases an aged and infirm parent, and some- 
times adopted children; and in some rare instances a slave or a 
captive warrior, adopted in place of some deceased member of the 
family. 

As stated heretofore, there are evidences that there were about 
125 wigwams in Gordon town. Considering the facts just brought 
out, it is quite probable that these 125 wigwams contained about 375 
warriors, or a total of about 1,250 men, women, and children. 


Groups oF CLAN DWELLINGS 


A study of the map of Gordon town in Plate 95 shows the house 
circles to be gathered more or less into groups. This may be more 
apparent than real, as what appeared to be some extremely faint 
traces of circles were found in the space shown as vacant on the map. 
These traces were not sufficiently distinct to justify recording them 
without confirming their existence by the spade. Should this group- 
ing prove true, it possibly means that each of the groups was inhabited 
by members of a clan, as among the Creeks, where “ The towns were 
composed of irregular clusters of four to eight houses, each cluster 
being occupied by the representatives of a clan.” 


DESERTED BY ITS INHABITANTS 


As previously stated, the ancient inhabitants for some unknown 
reason deserted this town site. 

They evidently were in no immediate danger of attack by an 
enemy because they had time to take with them their domestic 
pottery and other utensils. Probably hoping to return, they left all 
the buildings standing except the ceremonial house or temple and 


28 Reference is made to the articles Family, Marriage, Women, Slavery, and the references therewith, 
in ‘‘ Handbook of American Indians,” Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn. 
® Article ‘‘Creeks,”” Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 364. 


554 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


one or two wigwams. These were burned either at the time the 
inhabitants left or later. If they had fled hurriedly before an attack, 
they would probably have burned all the buildings to prevent their 
falling into the hands of the enemy. If the town had been taken 
and not inhabited by the enemy, the enemy would have burned it 
if they expected the old inhabitants to return. 

Everything points to an orderly desertion of the site and a slow 
and gradual decay and covering up of the deserted village with black 
loam. 


PROBABLE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE GORDON 
TOWN AND MADISONVILLE, OHIO 


There is evidence to show some probable relationship between the 
Gordon people and those at Madisonville, Ohio, in the outskirts of 
Cincinnati. The little Gordon skeletal material that has been 
unearthed appears to resemble that of Madisonville.” The culture 
of Gordon also somewhat resembles that of Madisonville. 

The similarity of some of the artifacts of the Gordon region to 
those of Madisonyille is very noticeable.*! 

The people on both the Gordon and Madisonville sites buried their 
dead extended at full length and on the back. Both sometimes 
buried the skeleton after decay of the flesh. Gordon used stone-slab 
coffins; Madisonville did not. At Gordon the slabs could be easily 
obtained, being found lying loose in the bed of the neighboring brook. 
At Madisonville slabs could be obtained only by quarrying them 
with very great labor from horizontally bedded stone. This was a 
work of almost prohibitive difficulty to men of the stone age. 

The use of the cache pits uncovered at Gordon site appears to have 
been somewhat different from that of those found by Doctor Swanton 
and others at Madisonville. The Gordon pits contained no bones 
or pottery fragments and were filled solely with loose black soil. 
They were in the floors of buildings which had apparently been used 
for sacred purposes. Those at Madisonville probably were used as 
domestic storage pits and for similar purposes. Possibly the future 
excavation of some of the spaces between house circles at Gordon 
may show similar domestic storage pits. 

The owl was represented in the cultures of both towns. (Pls. 119, 
b; 120, a.) 

Several symbols found at Madisonville resemble similar ones found 
on sites in middle Tennessee which are related to Gordon. These 
furnish indirect evidence of relationship between Gordon and Madi- 
sonville. 


30 See Doctor Hrdliéka’s report, p. 612. 
31 See pls. 1, 16, 17, 18, 20, 23, and 24 and figs. 2and 5, Hooton and Willoughby, “Indian Village Site and 
Cemetery near Madisonville, Ohio,’ Papers Peabody Museum, Harvard Univ., vol. 8, no. 1. 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 555 


SmiLtar Foop ANIMALS 


Their favorite food animals changed very little after the Madison- 
ville people left their Tennessee kin. The Madisonville people had 
learned to eat the dog. Some other changes will be seen. A com- 
parison of the following table of food bones from cache pit III on the 
Madisonville site with the table of the food bones of the Gordon and 
Fewkes sites, near the end of this volume, will be instructive. 


Cacue Pir III, 6” 


Per cent Per cent 
Gate e ae serene ee ee CUNO TM RACCOOnM eas = Santee keene ew 0.'5 
Markevas fF eee eee stot SON Beaver uae woe ta eh Part 5 
Bearased yaa haisk ve Leeez eee. 2.5 | Opossum, puma, fish, fox, otter, 
THIS 2A Ee Se ee 2.'5 woodchuck, badger__________ 1.0 
lpia Oe Be eee eee 2.5 
shurtle: (2. Species) 52 = ao lem 2.5 Rotel eee ee = eit 100. 0 


A study of the Gordon and Madisonville sites throws some light 
on the comparatively late arrival of the bison in the region east of 
the Mississippi and south of the Ohio. 

As stated elsewhere in this volume, the bison had probably not 
arrived in Tennessee at the time the Gordon site was inhabited; but 
the Madisonville people appear to have come in contact with it after 
_ they left their Gordon kin. This is shown by the fact that not a 
trace of the bison was found on the Gordon site, while at Madison- 
ville it appears to have been eaten, but sparingly. 


WANDERINGS OF THE GORDON PEOPLE 


The possible relationship between Gordon town and some of the 
other ancient peoples who have lived in the central basin of Tennes- 
see has already been indicated in this work. There is some extremely 
hazy evidence of the migration of these ancient Gordon kindred 
peoples from the Northwest down into the mountainous regions of 
southeastern West Virginia and southwestern Virginia. There are 
some faint archeological evidences that they remained for a long 
period of time in this portion of the Virginias. 

The author has found apparent traces of them after they reached 
the Jasper Allen mound region in Scott County, Va., about 30 miles 
northwest of Bristol, Tenn. These traces are shown by relics found 
by Mr. Valentine in the Jasper Allen mound, and now in the Valen- 
tine Museum, Richmond, Va. One is a water-bottle-shaped vase 
with four world-quarter human prayer heads. Another is a few 
fragments of a water-bottle-shaped vase with equal arm cross or four 
world-quarter symbols with encircling sun ring. There are also other 
traces in these Allen mound relics. 


® Hooton and Willoughby, op. cit., p. 32. 


556 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


Somewhere in southeastern West Virginia and southwestern Vir- 
ginia the Gordon people appear to have been struck, possibly by the 
Cherokees, who had hitherto been living in their former northern 
homes on the extreme headwaters of the Ohio River or were gradually 
working southward therefrom. The invading Cherokees appear to 
have driven out the Gordon bands, and advanced down the Allegheny 
range until they reached the region in eastern Tennessee and western 
North Carolina where they were later found by the early whites. 

The driving out of the ancient Gordon bands was several hundred 
years before 1540, the time at which De Soto found the Cherokees 
in this region, firmly fixed in these seats, which even then appeared 
to have been long occupied by them. 

The advancing Cherokees drove the apparently kindred Gordon 
bands to the south and southwest. Traces of them are found near 
Augusta, Ga.; Moundsville, Ala.; Chattanooga, Tenn.; Henry’s island, 
in Tennessee River, near Guntersville, Marshall County, Ala.; Cas- 
talian Springs, Sumner County, Tenn.; near Labanon, Wilson County, 
Tenn.; near Hendersonville, Sumner County, Tenn.; at Nashville, 
and on the Gordon site and at many other places in the Cumberland 
Valley. 

When the Gordon bands reached the Central Basin of Tennessee 
they established many large settlements within a radius of 75 miles 
of Nashville. Their seats were towns of large size and strongly 
fortified. The immense number of graves showing traces of rela- 
tionship indicate they lived in this region for many hundreds of years. 
There are also many other evidences corroborating this. They 
appear to have been gradually driven out of this fertile basin at some 
unknown time before the year 1000 A. D. When they were driven 
out they went slowly, in scattered bands and at different times, down 
the Cumberland .and out the Ohio River, forming scattered settle- 
ments at many points in their slow remoyal. Traces of a very few 
of these settlements have been found near the mouth of the Cumber- 
Jand and along the banks of the lower Ohio River from Shawneetown 
to the mouth of the Ohio. 

At the mouth of the Ohio River some of these bands or tribes went 
downstream, where traces of them have been found in southeastern 
Missouri, around New Madrid; in northeastern Arkansas; on the 
White and St. Francis Rivers; and also around the mouths of the 
Arkansas and Yazoo Rivers. 

At the mouth of the Ohio other bands or tribes appear to have 
gone up the Mississippi. Possible traces of some of their settlements 
in Illinois, near the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and 
the Missouri, are to be found at the following points described in the 
Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology: 


MYER] GORDON TOWN SITE 557 


Randolph County.—Mill tract; De Frenne place; Bluff Ferry, 1 mile below 
Rockwood; Rockwood and several points in its immediate vicinity; Sparta. 

Jackson County.—On Big Muddy River in sec. 22, T. 108., R. 3 W. 

Alexander County.—Hale’s place. 

Union County.—Linn’s place: NW. 14 sec. 16, T. 13, R. 2 W.; NW. 14 sec. 16, 
T.10S., R.2W 

They also appear to have lived at several points along the Illinois 
River and elsewhere in Illinois and adjoining States. The remains 
left by the ancient Gordon peoples in their long wanderings through 
the southern United States mark the highest degree of culture reached 
by stone age man east of the Mississippi River and south of the Ohio. 


DATE OF DESERTION OF GORDON SITE 


All the facts indicate that the Gordon people came into the Central 
Basin of Tennessee at some unknown time prior to A. D. 1000 and 
that their arrival may have been hundreds or even a thousand or 
more years before A. D. 1000. They probably arrived in different 
bands at widely separated intervals. Their settlement of the region 
was probably gradual. They appear to have built many important 
towns and small settlements. Somewhere in nearly every rich bot- 
tom of the Cumberland River in middle Tennessee traces of one or 
more of their homes can be found. They probably remained in the 
Central Basin of Tennessee for at least 450 years. 

It is impossible to state what peoples lived in middle Tennessee 
before the Gordon people. Beyond question many wandering bands 
of savages drifted into this region before the Gordons, and these 
bands gradually went out or were forced out later. The Gordon 
people appear to have built some of the larger towns in middle Ten- 
nessee. Probably one-third of the known Indian remains in this 
region of Tennessee belongs to the Gordon kin. 

The Gordon site furnishes some facts which will throw additional 
light on the probable date of its desertion. These facts are as follows: 

There is an accumulation of from 14 to 20 inches of black loam 
covering the floors of the ruins. It will average about 16 inches. 

The present depth of rich black loam on top of the original clay 
subsoil on this site, on the exterior of the house circles, immediately 
under the following letters on map (pl. 95), is: 


Inches 
Under ©, betweenvciroles#Nos. and'S_-. === eee 31 
Under D, between: circles) Noa:3;, 5,’and 6.2... =) eee ee ek 2414 
Under F, to the éast; obcirdlewNo; 24-2 2 5S ee ee 22 
Wnuder'H, between, circles" Woswdi7-nndile 2s = eee oe. 58. 21 


There are a number of very large trees standing on top of these 
ruins. 


558 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [erH. ANN. 41 


A beech, 13 feet in circumference at 3 feet above the ground, stands 
upon the line of the earthen wall embankment on the west side of 
the town. 

Several elms, measuring from 13 to 1314 feet in circumference at 
3 feet above the ground, stand upon the wigwam circles. 

An elm, 12 feet in diameter at 3 feet above the ground, stands upon 
the line of the earthen wall embankment on the eastern side of the 
town. 

On the rim of circle No. 31 there is an elm stump which measures 
17 feet in circumference at 20 inches above the ground, which corre- 
sponds to a circumference of 13 feet at 3 feet above the ground. This 
stump has somewhere between 300 and 325 annual growth rings. 
About 8 inches at the center is somewhat decayed, and this prevents 
an accurate count of that portion. Two hundred and eighty-five 
rings could be plainly seen, and there were enough indications in the 
partially decayed portion to render a total of 300 to 325 rings a con- 
servative estimate. This elm had reached a ripe old age and died a 
natural death. The life of an American elm is about 300 years. 

In short, in the year 1920 there was an average accumulation of 
about 16 inches of black loam covering the floors of these ruins, and 
upon the ruins were living trees at least 300 years old. 

This means that the abandonment of Gordon town was some time 
prior to 1620, sufficiently long to allow an accumulation, up to the 
year 1920, of at least 16 inches of black loam on the deserted dwelling 
floors. 

No one has yet made accurate records of the rate of accumulation 
of black loam on sites and under conditions similar to Gordon. 

The Gordon site is a key site. Determining its approximate age 
will give probable dates to a large number of contemporary related 
sites in middle Tennessee and relative dates to its possibly kindred 
sites; the probably earlier ones in West Virginia, Virginia, east 
Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama, and the probably later ones in 
Ohio, Illinois, South Carolina, Missouri, and Arkansas, 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 123 


DISCOIDAL AND TWO BOWLS FOUND NESTED IN GRAVE, CIRCLE 
NO. 20 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 124 


A = A 
HEIGHT, 238. DIAM,179' 


pee ys 
SER mart SECTION L-L- 


8 . 4 
HEIGHT, 23'8. DIAM. 1/66. 
—— 
HEIGHT, 5'7. DIAM. 240' 

0 —————— ye) 

HEIGHT. 57. 0/4M 1. 


BOILING SPRING 
ACADEMY 


TUS SS 
FHS 
AYN 
HIN > 


CGC —$— rr 
HEIGHT, 3'8'DIAM.200° 


4 —_——___ 


HEICHT,3'8'DIAM, 180" 


*IOUND NO.3. 
DIAN. E-E. 103° 
0144. F-F. 113° 
HEIGHT. 3'8" 


MAP OF FEWKES GROUP 


dnoi3 soymoayq ‘Q dnoia say May JO apis sama Jo Ydeidojoyg ‘pv 


SZi 3L1V1d LYOd3yY IVNNNY 1Sdls-ALYOS ADSOTONHLS NVOINAWY 40 NvaunE 


BUREAU. OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 126 


U d 


a, Post holes ! c, Altar in House of Mysteries 
b, Bed of maize and maize meal d, Rectangular cavity and two piles of stones 


THE FEWKES GROUP 


During October, 1920, an unnamed Indian village group was par- 
tially excavated at Boiling Spring Academy, about 1 mile north of 
Moran Station on the Louisville & Nashville Railroad and 6 miles 
northeast of Franklin, on the Little Harpeth River, in Williamson 
County, Tennessee. At the request of many citizens of Tennessee 
this site was named the Fewkes group in honor of Dr. J. Walter 
Fewkes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, who had 
visited it and recognized its possibilities a few months before. 

At least two different peoples had lived on this site. The earlier 
people, whom I have designated the flexed-burial people, on account 
of their mode of burial, built the mounds and most of the other 
remains. The traces of these flexed-burial people cover 14.6 acres. 
At a later date a smaller band of some other tribe located here. The 
flexed-burial people buried the bodies closely flexed in either hexagonal 
or almost circular stone-slab coffins. The later band buried in rec- 
tangular stone-slab graves, with body extended full length, on its back. 

The Fewkes group consists of five mounds, one on each of the four 
sides of a level town square and another on .the edge of the river 
bank. There are also traces of about a dozen house circles and a 
small remnant of what was once a considerable stone-slab cemetery. 

As far as can now be determined the circular buildings of the 
common people were scattered about the outer edges of the group 
of four mounds inclosing the town square. 

Most of these habitations were to the west of mounds Nos. 2 and 3 
and to the north of mounds Nos. 1 and 2, east of mound No. 1 and 
near mound No. 5 and possibly to the south of mound No.3. These 
sites are inclosed by dotted lines on the map. Some houses of more 
than usual importance adjoined mound No. 1 on the northeast side. 

Mound No. 2 on the map (pl. 124) is a low, oval mound situated 
on the western side of the town square. It is also shown in the 
photograph, Plate 125, b. The site of this mound had been lived 
upon for a time before the mound was raised. The mound was com- 
menced and raised to a height of 3 feet and a building or buildings, 
for unknown purposes, erected thereon. This building was later 
torn down, and then the mound was raised 3 feet higher and again 
used for unknown purposes for a period. Then the town house or 
ceremonial house was built upon it. This building had a rare, 
beautiful floor made of clay, smoothed, and then hardened by fire, 
and later covered with a thin black coating which was then polished. 
This coating was black and glossy when uncovered. 

559 


560 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


In the center of the building on this polished floor was found an 
altar which was similar to the altar shown in Plate 100. 

The walls of the building were made of cane stems, with the leaves 
still attached, which had been woven in and out between the upright 
posts supporting the roof and plastered with earth. Traces were 
found of the fine cane matting which had been hung as a decorative 
wall covering on the interior. In some way this building was 
destroyed by fire. Earth was thrown on the remains in time to 
smother its still glowing embers. This produced a large amount of 
powdery charcoal containing fragments of cane stems with the leaves 
attached. It also contained minute portions of the charred cane- 
matting wall covering. 

After this building was burned the mound was again raised 14 
feet or more in height. All traces of its last use had been destroyed 
by 85 years of cultivation. 

The low mound, No. 3, on the south side of the town square, was 
used for burial by these flexed-burial people. 

The tall oval mound, No. 1, on the north side of the town square, 
is 180 feet across the base and 25 feet in height. It is the most 
conspicuous mound in the group. Lack of funds prevented its exca- 
vation. 

House circle No. 6 was one of the group of buildings, Nos. 6, 10, 11, 
whose functions were closely interwoven. No. 6 contained in its 
center a fine altar or fire-bowl. 

There was evidence that this town had either been taken by an 
enemy who burned it, or the ancient inhabitants, forced to flee, had 
burned their homes to prevent their falling into the hands of the 
invader. 

House circle No. 17 (shown in pl. 136, b) was probably a typical 
dwelling. Its floor was of hard-packed clay. The fire-bowl was 
sunk in the center of the Moor, and not raised above the floor, as was 
customary at Gordon town and in several other middle Tennessee 
towns. At this fire bowl a puzzling burial was unearthed. A child, 
about 12 years of age, was buried by the side of the upright stone 
slab seen in Plate 136, b, with its head resting just within the edge of 
the fire bowl, whose rim had been cut away at this point to admit 
the top of the child’s head. The fire bow] was found still filled with 
ashes. These ashes covered the top of the child’s head, which 
showed not the faintest trace of the action of fire. 

The graves of two other children were also found in the floor of 
this house. The highest of the upright stone slabs of one of the 
coffins can be seen to the right of the feet of the woman. 

At both the Gordon and the Fewkes groups, every piece of bone 
and every fragment of pottery was carefully saved and location 
within certain limits noted. These thousands of fragments have 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 561 


given a reliable record of the food animals and a fairly complete list 
of all the sizes and shapes of their domestic pottery. 

Both of these sites, when partial excavations were completed, were 
accurately restored to their original shape, for the benefit of future 
explorers. The interesting altars, fire bowls, building postholes, and 
vestiges of domestic life were carefully preserved and again covered 
up so as to allow their future study. The citizens of Tennessee 
strongly urge that the Fewkes group be made a national monument. 


FERTILE REGION AROUND FEWKES GROUP 


The Fewkes group was in the midst of one of the most thickly 
settled ancient Indian regions in Tennessee. A large number of 
Indian villages and smaller settlements existed along both the Little 
Harpeth and the Big Harpeth Rivers in Williamson County. These 
two streams drain the most fertile portion of the blue-grass region of 
Tennessee. It attracted ancient man as well as modern man. 
Traces of Indian habitations are to be found around each of the many 
large bold springs for which this region is celebrated. 

There are signs of a small settlement of apparently only three or 
four houses around the bold spring 114 miles from Fewkes group up 
the Little Harpeth River. One mile farther upstream, at another 
big spring, on the Crocket farm, are traces of a considerable settle- 
ment and of a large stone cemetery. This cemetery has been de- 
stroyed by cultivation. 

One and one-half miles to the southwest of the Fewkes group, 
around a big spring, was another small village. Two miles down the 
Little Harpeth from Fewkes group is a village site and mound. 
Thus it continues all along the two Harpeth rivers in Williamson 
County. It is not probable that all of these sites were inhabited at 
the same time, but everything points to a large Indian population in 
this region. 

There are records of 29 ancient inhabited sites reported in Wil- 
liamson County. A careful survey of this county would reveal pos- 
sibly as many more small sites. Most of these sites appear to have 
belonged to a people like the last comers to Fewkes group, who buried 
in rectangular stone-slab coffins, with bodies on the back, extended 
full length. 

MOUND NO. 2 


Mound No. 2 is a low, oval mound on the west side of the town 
square. It measures 235 feet north and south across the top and 
160 feet east and west and is at present 714 feet high. 

Plate 125, a, shows a view of the Fewkes group taken from the hill- 
side to the west of the group. The laborers are standing on mound 
No. 2, which they are excavating. 


562 


PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


The town had been inhabited for only a short time before this 
mound was raised. This is proved by the following facts: 

In this mound was an ancient dwelling fire bed on the original 
surface of the soil. This fire bed was a shallow circular depression, 


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a Ach bed 12 


IST. LEVEL 


‘owl shaped 


Ash bed 27 
Fic, 156.—Vertical section of mound No. 2 


= B 


ZNO LEVEL 


2 feet in diameter, and was filled with ashes and 
broken animal bones, such as are found on domestic 
hearths. It resembled in shape that found in house 
circle No. 17 but was not so well made. It is shown 
in Figure 156 as ash bed 27. This fire bed belonged 
to a dwelling which had stood on this site before the 
mound was raised. In other words, the town had been 
inhabited before mound No. 2 was raised. This is - 
further indicated by the animal bones in the ashes 
of this early wigwam showing more signs of age than 
those in mound No. 2, which was later raised over them. 

This mound, as will be seen later, was raised in 
different stages. The soil in the lowest layer, belong- 
ing to its first stage, contained about one-third as 
many fragments of animal bones and pottery as the 
soil in the upper layers. This shows its erection was 
begun at a time when only one-third as many evidences 
of human occupancy had accumulated in the sur- 
rounding surface soil from which the mound was taken 
as were in the soil when the later stages were added. 

There has been nothing unearthed on this site to 
enable us to determine with any degree of certainty 
the approximate date of the flexed-burial people who 
first occupied it, who they were, or how long they 
remained. 

STaGEs IN [RECTION 


After the site had been occuried for some unknown 
length of time the dwelling or dwellings were cleared 
away and the mound was raised to a height of about 
3 feet. Its shape at that first stage is shown by the 
dotted line marked ‘First level,” in vertical section 


shown in Figure 156. 
Burpine B 


On the mound at this stage—the first level—one or 


more buildings were erected. This has been designated ‘Building B.” 
The mound was not sufficiently explored to determine the extent or 
precise character of building B and its possible neighbors. Figure 157 
shows a diagram of the mound at the first level. The portion exca- 
vated is shown by the dotted lines, The large round dots represent 


MYEFS| THE FEWKES GROUP 563 


postholes belonging to buildings.. The number of postholes, con- 
sidering the small space uncovered, leads us to hope for a fairly 
@ 


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Fig. 157,—Diagram of mound No. 2 at first level 
accurate ground plan of all the structures when the mound shall have 


been thoroughly explored. 
A photograph of some of the postholes of building B and its neigh- 


bors is shown in Plate 126, a. This building had a fairly level floor. 


564 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


The soil of the floor apparently had only such packing down as 
would arise from use. It had not been made smooth; neither had it 
been hardened by fire. On the floor was a pavementlike arrange- 
ment of stone slabs, marked “Stone slabs” in Figure 157. These 
slabs were, respectively, 32 by 26 by 3% inches, 28 by 26 by 3% 
inches, and 12 by 12 by 2 inches. Nothing was found under them. 
Further excavation will be required to bring out complete details of 
this pavement. 
AsH Brep 


In the northwestern portion a fire bed or ash bed, No. 12, was 
found. It was 6 by 51% feet, and was not bowl shaped, but shaped 
as shown in Figures 156 and 157. It was made of clay and was 
covered with a layer of white ashes from 1 to 2 inches in thickness, 
which contained no bones or pottery fragments. The fire bed did 
not appear to have been long in use, because the clay was not burned 
hard. 

Adjoining the southeast corner of this fire bed was the hole, No. 32, 
Figure 157. It was 6 inches in diameter and 12 inches deep. It did 
not appear to be a posthole, as the loose black earth which filled it 
was more fluffy and powdery than that in the postholes. It con- 
tained no ashes or pottery, but on the clay bottom we found four 
unworked fragments of deer bones. It evidently had a definite, but 
now unknown, use. 


DiscomaL Founp on FLoor 


At 11 the beautiful small biconcave discoidal shown in Plate 129, a, 
was found. It is 13% inches in diameter and was made of a fine- 
grained, dark red, compact, slightly clayish sandstone, which con- 
tains a few specks of mica. It was found on what was about the 
level of the floor of Building B, where it probably had become covered 
up in the rubbish and lost. 


SacreD IMAGE HousE 


Tn the southwestern portion of the mound we came upon the ruins 
of a structure to which we have given the name of Sacred Image 
House. This was a very small building, and apparently of great 
sanctity. Here were found traces of what was probably an ancient 
sacred image or idol, the remains of their sacred maize and maize 
meal, a peculiar arrangement of rectangular piles of stones probably 
belonging to a shrine, and traces of some of their ancient fire cere- 
monies. 

This building was lighter in construction than the others on this 
mound at this stage. Its postholes are closer together, many being 
smaller than those of the other buildings, and only from 9 to 10 
inches apart. 


aver] THE FEWKES GROUP 565 


On the interior of this Sacred Image House, at the doorway, was a 
peculiar arrangement of two posts. A somewhat similar arrange- 
ment appeared in a later building, the House of Mysteries. The use 
of these two posts inside the door is not known. 


TRACE OF AN IMAGE 


In what appeared to be the north wall of this structure was a 
rectangular cavity, a diagram of which is shown in Figure 158. It 
measured 10 inches across the top, 14 inches in height, 10 inches 
across the bottom, and was 3% inches deep. The diagram in Figure 
158 and the photograph in Plate 126, d, both show there was a layer 
of mingled ashes, charcoal, and earth immediately below this cavity, 
and also undisturbed layers of ashes just above the top of the cavity. 
The photograph (pl. 126, d) shows faint traces of these undisturbed 
layers of ashes immediately over this cavity, showing clearly that 
the wooden object which caused the formation of this cavity was 
placed in the wall before the stratified 
and undisturbed ash beds were formed 
above it. Therefore it is not of white- 
man origin. It belongs to the first 
stage of themound. Both the diagram 
and the photograph show very clearly 
that this wooden object was in the line 
of wall. It was, beyond question, an 
object of importance, and was placed 
in a prominent place. Wood was dif- 
ficult for a stone age Indian to work. 
A wooden object so placed in the 
wall would probably be of some real importance. A plaster cast 
was made of a portion of the cavity and the decayed wood found 
therein, which proved to be red cedar, was saved. The size and 
shape faintly suggest an image or idol with a rectangular base, some- 
what similar to the wooden image found in Bell County, Ky., formerly 
in the collection of Col: Bennett H. Young, and now in the Museum 
of the American Indian. From the accounts of early white visitors 
to the southern tribes of the Mississippi Valley it is known that such 
images were often placed in somewhat similar positions on the sides 
of the walls of sacred structures. 


ENS ete se 


Fic, 158,—Diagram of cavity 


Two RecranGcuLar PILES OF STONES 


Within this room were found two piles of stones. These are shown 
in the photograph (pl. 126, d) and in the diagram (fig. 157). These 
piles are somewhat irregularly rectangular and were about 15 by 14 
inches and 6 inches in height. The stones comprising the piles 
varied from the size of the fist to five times that large. The indi- 


566 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


vidual stones were unusually rectangular for stone-age man. They 
showed no signs of having been shaped by man and evidently had 
been selected with care. Both of these piles of stone rested on the 
same bed of gray ashes. The ashes also were mingled through the 
bottom layer of the stones. They contained no fragments of pottery 
or bones and showed no signs of being used for domestic purposes. 
The soil under one of the piles of stones was burned red, showing 
strong action of fire; the soil under the other showed no effect of 
fire. None of the stones in either pile showed any signs of strong 
heat. These two piles appear to have been placed in position after 
the fire had been discontinued at these points but before the ash bed 
had been removed. They were probably used in some of the sacred 
rites. Their location on the floor and their general appearance 
suggest their being portions of an ancient shrine. 


Maize AND Maize Mar 


Immediately south of the piles of stones was found what was 
probably the remains of a store of maize and maize meal, shown in 
Plate 126, 6. There was about one peck of this material. It was 
found upon an earthen platform about 30 inches above the floor. 
The maize had been shelled. The grains were well preserved on 
account of having been charred. This ancient maize was submitted 
to Dr. W. E. Safford, who reported: 

This maize owes its preservation to the fact that it is charred and, like charcoal, 
will last indefinitely. The grains have been removed from the cob, but they 
are so well preserved that their size and shape can easily be seen, showing that 
the variety to which they belong is that known as the many-rowed tropical flint, 
about halfway between a true flint and a popcorn. Corn of this variety occurs 
in the West Indies. * * * Associated with it were pieces of charred wood 
and lumps of a substance, evidently of organic origin, which may possibly have 
been finely ground maize made into a kind of mush. 

Maize and maize meal are intimately connected with many of the 
rites of our Indians. 

A photograph of some of the grains of this corn is shown in Plate 
127. Through the courtesy of Dr. W. E. Safford there is reproduced 
alongside this ancient corn a typical ear of its nearest modern kin, 
the many-rowed tropical flint corn from Cuba. This ear of Cuban 
corn is 6% inches long and 11% inches in largest diameter. The 
grains of the Fewkes corn are somewhat similar both in size and tex- 
ture to those of the Cuban corn. An ear of this ancient corn would 
probably yield about one-third as much as an average modern ear. 
The Cuban corn is yellow. The ear shown in the illustration has 
four red-tinged purple grains scattered over it. 

While sacred corn might vary from tribe to tribe, each tribe com- 
monly had some one variety which they held for sacred uses only. 
This was planted so as to be in proper condition for use when the 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 567 


time arrived for celebration of certain rites. The sacred variety was 
not, as a rule, different in size of ear from the corn cultivated for 
food. It is therefore probable that the ear of Cuban corn fairly 
represents in size, at least, one of the varieties of corn used for food 
by the Fewkes people. 


Buriprnes oN First Lever 


Not more than one-fifth of the area of this large mound was exca- 
vated. From the limited space uncovered it is impossible to discOver 
the extent of the buildings or their number. Judging from the post- 
holes found in all three of the sections of the mound excavated, it is 
probable that the mound at this stage had upon it one or more large 
buildings, some of which were subdivided into two or more rooms, 
or there may have been two or more isolated buildings upon it. 
Mounds with both characters of buildings have been known in the 
South. 

MOUND NO. 2 AT SECOND LEVEL 


After the buildings on the first level had been used for some un- 
known length of time the structures appeared to have been torn 
down. At least there was no trace of their having been burned. 
The mound was then raised about 3 feet higher, to its second level. 

Before it had quite reached its second level it appears that a portion 
of it had been used for a short time for domestic purposes, as the 
remains of a large domestic ash bed were found at 8, Figure 156. 
This ash bed contained a large amount of fragments of domestic 
pottery and broken animal bones, but the soil under it did not show 
signs of long continued action of fire. Ash bed 8 also yielded two 
bone awls. 

After this period of domestic use the mound was raised or leveled 
a few inches, and reached its second stage. 


Fire Pir 


At 24, Figure 156, was found a large fire pit. No fragments of 
pottery or animal bones were found in it. From the large amount 
of ashes in this bed and the appearance of the surrounding soil, a fire 
must have been maintained here for a long period of time. 


Buitpinc A—Hovusr or THE MystTERIEeSs 


After long use of the fire pit at 24 the ancient inhabitants decided 
to erect an important town house or House of the Mysteries. They 
smothered the fire with earth, and over the former fire pit, which 
they had left filled with ashes, they laid a floor of black, glossy earth, 
erected a building, and established an altar therein. This altar is 
shown in vertical section in Figure 156. A study of the vertical 

53666°—28——37 


568 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


section, coupled with the following facts, will establish the details 
of erection of Building A. 

The top portion of the discarded fire pit, 24, contained a pile of 
four large pieces of charcoal, about 6 inches in diameter and from 6 
to 10 inches in length. These were covered with a layer of mingled 
earth and ashes, as though they had been smothered with earth. 
Then the floor was smoothed and packed down, but not made level. 
After that a black glossy floor coating was applied, covering the old 
sacred fire pit, and also a considerable space in addition thereto. 
This floor can be seen in Figure 156. 

The floor belonged to Building A, the town house, or, more properly, 
House of the Mysteries. The postholes belonging to Building A are 
shown in Figure 159, which is a diagram of mound No. 2 at its second 
level, when it was supporting this House of the Mysteries. There 
probably were also one or two other buildings on the mound at this 
stage. 

Judging from its large size, as seen from a stone-age viewpoint, it 
is probable that Building A was used both for sacred rites and for 
public gatherings of many kinds. The House of the Mysteries most 
clearly conveys its meaning. 

As far as the trenches uncovered this House of the Mysteries, it 
stood slightly to the westward of the central north and south line of 
the mound, though it may prove to have covered more space when 
all of it is unearthed. There are indications that it may have been 
divided into two rooms. 

The building appears to have had upright posts set about 18 inches 
apart. The postholes were similar to those shown in Plate 126, a. 
The walls were made of cane stems woven in and out between the 
upright posts. The wattling was plastered with earth and the wall 
was hung with a layer of woven cane matting. 

The doorway of the main room of the House of the Mysteries 
faced the east and looked out over the town square. On the interior, 
at the doorway, is an interesting curved arrangement of three posts. 
A similar arrangement of posts was found at the doorway of the 
Sacred Image House, on the first level. The use of these inner posts 
at the door is unknown. 

THE ALTAR 


Within the House of the Mysteries was an ancient altar at 35, 
Figure 159. Figure 160 shows a vertical section through this altar, 
and Plate 126, c, shows a photograph of it. The altar bowl was oval, 
32 by 29 inches outside measure, and 28 by 25 inches, and 4 inches 
deep, inside measure. It was composed of hard-burned puddled red 
clay, and was filled with clean, white powdery ashes, which contained 
no charcoal or fragments of pottery or bones. The sacred fire had 


THE FEWKES GROUP 569 


MYER] 


been allowed to burn out without being smothered. The smooth, 
black glossy floor did not continue underneath the altar. Adjoining 
the altar on the south and level with its rim was a hard-packed clay 


N 


Ha eeeennee, 


: 
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‘+ 


s. 
Fig. 159.—Diagram of mound No. 2 at second level 
platform, out of which a cavity had originally been scooped and 


lined with puddled clay, thus forming an altar bowl. 
Adjoining the altar on the north was a bed of mingled ashes, earth, 
and charcoal, as if the ashes of the altar had been raked out on this 


570 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


side. While some of the ashes had been removed from this ash heap 
from time to time, an untidy remnant was left. The rim of the altar 
was only 8 inches beneath the present surface of the soil. The altar 
was not removed, but was carefully covered up. Mr. J. H. Womack, 
the owner of the site, promised to see that it was not disturbed. 


ROOMS 


This House of the Mysteries probably had two rooms. The por- 
tion which contains the altar appears likely to be the western room. 
This western room was probably 56 feet north and south by 22 feet 
east and west. 

FLOOR 


The eastern portion of the altar room appears to have had a beau- 
tiful, smooth, black glossy floor, like that in the temple of the Gordon 
site, and to have been composed in some places of clay and in others 
of the hard-packed soil of the mound, carefully smoothed and packed 
down, and hardened by a heavy fire built upon it. This fire was 
sufficient to more or less burn the floor to a depth of from 2 to 4 


— 
NO BLACK GLOSSY FLOOR HERE 


p+ 
3 Top Soil. SCALE SE LEE Ashes, charcoals earth. 
F3Black, gloasy Floor. EA Hard clay,here and there Hard baked clay. 
{0 Smooth, hard burned clay showing signs of action of fire E23 Powdery charcoal. 


Fic. 160.—Vertical section through altar 


inches. Then the ashes of the fire were thoroughly removed and a 
half-inch layer of clay, rendered black with some substance, was 
spread over it and given a fine polish by rubbing. The floor must 
have presented a most pleasing appearance. 


WALLS 


The walls of this building were composed of poles from 3 to 7 
inches in diameter and from 12 to 24 inches distant from each other, 
a large proportion being about 18 inches apart. These poles were 
doubtless bent over and tied together at the top, thus forming an 
arched roof, like those of many of the southern Indian buildings. 
One with this type of roof is shown in Figure 161. The walls had 
then been made by weaving canes in and out between the poles, thus 
forming a wattling, which was covered with a coating of clay plaster, 
both within and without. Traces of plastered walls of this type were 
found on the Gordon site and also in the building on circle No. 6 of 
Fewkes group. The method of construction is shown in Figure 162.* 
This clay-plastered wattled wall, when completed, was sometimes 
hung, both within and without, with a layer of woven cane matting 
covering on the inner wall. : 


33 Eenwines ‘am eriicley Habitations, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Bull. 30, pt. 1, p. 517. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 127 


LL 

) LE) Leb Le 
BELL) | 
S199 79944 


a 
=r 
Y. 2a 
= Fr 
—- -_- 
(fe > 
= © 


5 


CHARRED GRAINS OF CORN AND EAR OF MODERN CUBAN CORN 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 128 


a, Pottery bowl, 9 inches in diameter c, Metate and muller 
b, Pottery bowl, 714 inches in diameter 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 129 


OBJECTS FOUND SCATTERED THROUGH THE SOIL OF MOUND 
NO. 2 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 130 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


PTE MUL MMM 


LOTT ETL 


b, Restoration of vessel No. 31, mound No, 2 


a, Fabrice used in modeling and handling vessel 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 571 


DESTRUCTION BY FIRE 


The House of the Mysteries was later destroyed by fire. There 
were evidences of the fallen-in plastered wall on top of the black, 
glossy floor in the layer of powdery charcoal near the line of the 
wall south of the hard-packed clay platform, as shown in Figure 160. 


TRACES OF CANE MATTING 


In the layer of charcoal near the door were very faint traces of the 
woven cane matting which appeared to belong to the interior wall 
covering. Apparently the wall had 
fallen in on the floor and the burning 
matting had been smothered. 

Early white explorers in the south- 
ern United States saw similar cane 
matting wall coverings. 

In 1811 two mummified bodies were 
found in a “copperas cave”’ 15 miles 
southwest of Sparta, White County, 
Tenn. They were buried in woven 
cane baskets very curiously wrought. 

There is a specimen of beautiful ancient Tennessee woven cane 
matting preserved in the United States National Museum. This was 
found in a rock shelter on Clifty, near Harriman, Tenn. The author 
has several specimens which were found in rock shelters in 
Smith and Pickett Counties, Tenn. 
Judging from this Clifty specimen, 
the weaver of the wall covering of 
the House of Mysteries in Fewkes 
group had introduced elaborate 
patterns in the woven designs. 
This natural dark cream-tinted 
cane matting was then further decorated with harmonious color 
designs, usually in black. This structure, with its polished black 
floor and beautiful cane matting wall decorations, wdicates a high 
type of barbaric buildings. 

The following extracts from Swanton’s Indian Tribes of the Lower 
Mississippi Valley (Bull. 48, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 59 
and 60) will throw light on the method of construction and appearance 
of this building. These extracts were taken by Doctor Swanton from 
several of the accounts of the early explorers. 


Fic. 161.—Mat house, Carolina Indians 


builders, plastered wattled work 


The cabins of the great village of the Natchez, the only one I saw, are in the 
shape of a square pavilion, very low, and without windows. The top is rounded 
much like an oven. The majority are covered with the leaves and stalks of corn; 


572 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


some are built of clay mixed with cut straw, which seemed to me to be tolerably 
strong, and which were covered within and without with very thin mats. That 
of the great chief is very neatly plastered on the inside. It is also larger and 
higher than the rest, placed on a somewhat elevated spot, and stands alone, no 
other building adjoining it on any side. It fronts the north and has a large 
open space in front, not of the most regular outline. 

* * * * * * * 

The natives go into the young woods in search of young walnut (hickory) 
trees 4 inches in diameter by 18 to 20 feet long. They plant the largest at the 
four corners to determine the dimensions and the size of the dome. But before 
planting the others they prepare the scaffold (rafters). This is composed of 
four poles fastened together above, the ends below resting at the four corners. 
On these four poles they fasten others crosswise 1 foot apart, all making a four- 
sided ladder or four ladders joined together. 

That done they plant the other poles in the earth in straight lines between those 
at the corners. When they are thus planted they are bound firmly to a cross pole 
on the inside of each face (or side). For this purpose they use great cane splints 
to bind them, at the height of 5 or 6 feet, according to the size of the cabin. 
This is what forms the walls. These erect poles are not more than 15 inches 
apart. A young man then mounts to the top of a corner post with a cord between 
his teeth. He fastens the cord to the pole, and as he mounts inward the pole 
bends because those who are below draw the cord to make the pole curve as much 
as is needed. At the same time another young man does the same to the pole 
forming the angle opposite. Then the two poles, bent to a suitable height, are 
firmly and smoothly bound together. The same is done to the poles of the two 
remaining corners which are made to cross the first. Finally all the other poles 
are joined to the top, giving the whole the appearance of a bower in a greenhouse 
such as we have in France. After this work canes are fastened to the lower sides 
or walls crosswise about 8 inches apart, as high up as the pole which I have 
spoken of as determining the height of the walls. 

These canes being fastened in this manner, they make mud walls of earth 
mortar (mortier de terre) in which they put a certain amount of Spanish beard. 
These walls are not more than 4 inches thick. No opening is left except the 
door, which is but 2 feet wide at most by 4 in height, and some are very much 
smaller. Finally they cover the framework I have just described with cane 
mats, placing the smoothest on the inside of the cabin, and they fasten them to 
each other carefully so that they join well. 

After this they make many bundles of grass, of the tallest they can find in the 
low grounds, which are 4 or 5 feet long. It is laid down in the same manner as 
the straw with which cottages are covered. They fasten this grass by means of 
large canes and splints also made of cane. After the cabin has been covered with 
grass they cover all with cane mats well bound together, and below they make a 
circle of lianas all the way around the cabin. Then the grass is clipped uniformly, 
and in this way, however high the wind may be, it can do nothing against the 
cabin. These coverings last 20 years without repairing. 


METATE AND MULLER 


Near the line of four postholes which probably constituted a portion 
of the northwest corner of this Building A or House of the Mysteries 
were found at 34, Figure 159, a metate, and near it a muller, now in 
the National Museum (pl. 128, c). The metate immediately ad- 
joined a bed of mingled ashes, charcoal, and earth. It was 15 by 16 
inches, by 31% inches in thickness. The muller was found at 341%, 
4 feet south of the metate. The soil under the bed of ashes did not 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 573 


show evidences of long, heavy firing, and was not burned red. It 
was impossible to determine whether this metate and fire bed were 
in the House of the Mysteries or a room adjoining it, or just outside 
the house wall. 

POTTERY BOWLS 


Near 40 were found the two pottery bowls shown in Plate 128, a, b. 
One is 9 inches and the other 7% inches in diameter. They are of 
the usual baked clay mixed with pulverized shell and still retain 
traces of their original rich, lustrous black color. These vessels were 
upright, near the wall, and 6 inches distant from each other. They 
appeared to have been placed on a platform of earth or banquette 
which raised them about 6 inches above the level of the floor and 
were surrounded by a layer of mingled clay, ashes, and fine char- 
coal—probably the remains of the adjoining burned clay-plastered 
wall. The soil immediately around these two bowls was black and 


vite ritiet he EES harcoal 


POR eee 
LAW i 7 ne nies 
Aen [= Aine iy TS ehly gap gi shes 


mi cnn M1 
iM) Hh 
in ih De oe 


ISIE = 


Fia. 163.—Vertical section of fire bed 


full of humus. It is doubtful if this arose from the original contents 


of the vessel. 
FIRE BED FOR DOMESTIC USE 


At the southwest corner of the mound, at 4, Figure 156, was a 
large fire bed, 11 by 14 feet, which yielded a large amount of broken 
pottery and animal bones. It appeared to have been used for 
domestic cooking during all the various stages of the mound. A 
vertical section of this fire bed is shown in Figure 163, from which it 
will be seen that the old inhabitants began cooking at this point on the 
original surface of the soil. Then when the mound was raised to its 
first level this cooking bed was covered with a layer of earth. A bed 
of charcoal was formed upon this earthen layer by the smothering 
out of a fire thereon with another layer of soil. This brought the 
bed up to the second level, to which the House of the Mysteries 
belonged. 

When the mound was raised to its last or present level this domestic 
cooking bed was covered up with earth. It was then probably con- 
tinued in use as a domestic fire bed; but all traces of the last uses 
have long since been destroyed by cultivation. 


574 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


MOUND NO. 2 AT ITS PRESENT LEVEL 


Mound No. 2 has been in continuous cultivation for at least 85 
years. Some of the old citizens, who have known this mound con- 
tinuously for from 50 to 65 years, say that the erosion has not been 
appreciable. They think the mound has not decreased more than 
12 or 15 inches in height during the last 65 years. 

A reference to Figure 164, which shows the remains belonging to 
the buildings on mound No. 2 at its final or present stage, will show 
only a very small amount of evidence of structures on the last or 
present level. However, enough postholes were found to establish 
the fact that a building was on it. The + on the south point of the 
compass represents the center of the present surface of the mound. 
While not enough of these postholes were found to throw any definite 

light on the plan or character of 


20x Bed this building, it is extremely prob- 
tn-s Burnedfi350 able that the mound continued to 


y haye the same character of build- 
ings as at the previous levels. — 
A bed of about one peck of 
decayed unworked mussel (unio) 
: shells was found at 36, about 18 
Post holes feet northwest of the center of the 
mound, and 7 inches below the 
@Mussels N. present surface of the soil. At 50, 
about 38 feet north of the center 
and 6 inches below the present 
surface of the mound, a fire bed of 
:Postholes hard-burned clay, 4 by 21% feet, 
10 inches in thickness, was uncoy- 
Ss! ered. This fire bed was underlaid 
Fic. 164.—Remains belonging to buildings with a 14-inch stratum of light, 
on mound No. 2 at the final or present stage powdery ch arcoal, such as would 
arise from burning light, chaffy materials, which probably represented 
a ceremonial fire at the establishment of this fire bed. 

The similarity of the cultures of its various stages makes it appear 
that the mound was in continuous use by the same people. It does 
not appear to have been left deserted for any considerable period 
during all this time. This is brought out by the fact that no surface- 
soil line was found in the interior of this mound, such as would arise 
from its being deserted and allowed to form a humus soil line. Such 
lines would have shown clearly in the mound. 

Some burials of a later and different people are reported by Hon. 
P. E. Cox, of Franklin, Tenn., to have been found by him near the 
present surface of the soil on mound No. 2, at the point marked 
“Cox” on Figure 164... These will be described later. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 575 


Oxssects Founp 1x Mounp No. 2 


Among other things found scattered through the soil of mound 
No. 2 were the artifacts shown in Plate 129. The barbed arrow 
point, b, was made from the tip of an antler. It has a projecting 
barb which would hold the point within a wound when the shaft 
was withdrawn. 

The bone awl, c, shown in Plate 129, was made from the ulna of a 
Virginia deer; the whetstone, d, is of fine-grained red sandstone; 
and the bone ‘awl, e, is from the tibia of a deer. 

Especial attention is called to the unnotched triangular arrow 
point, 7, shown in Plate 129. 

One or two arrow heads are not enough upon which to build con+ 
jectures; but it is proper to note that a few archeologists think it 
probable that the majority of arrow heads of this type belonged to 
lroquoian people. 


Fic. 165.—Restoration of pot No. 1 from mound No. 2 


Only two flint arrowheads were found in mound No. 2. The other 
one, in Plate 129, g,.is of the stone drill type. This drill type was 
used by nearly all the tribes. 

The fact that only two flint arrow points were found in this im- 
portant mound, which was occupied for such a long period of time, 
shows how careful and frugal were the ancient dwellers thereon. In 
all that time they let only these two become lost in the spaces exca- 
vated. 

A disk, 214 inches in diameter, made from a fragment of pottery, 
is shown in Plate 129,4. It may have been the stone cover of a 
very small pot. A small pot with a similar stone cover, about 3 
inches in diameter, was found on the Gordon site. 


ReEsTORATIONS OF PoTTERY VESSELS 


Every fragment of pottery found in mound No. 2 was saved. A 
careful ‘study of these fragments has enabled us to make fairly 
accurate restorations of a large number of vessels for domestic use, 
belonging to the people who raised this mound. Typical examples 
of these are shown in Figures 165 to 189, inclusive. Not all the 


576 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


sherds belonging to any one of these vessels were identified in this 
large mass of fragments; but enough were found to allow reasonable 
accuracy in restorations. These restorations probably illustrate 
nearly all the sizes, shapes, and colors of the domestic vessels of this 
flexed-burial people of mound No. 2. A few sherds were found 
belonging to vessels with shapes entirely different from any repro- 
duced here. Unfortunately there was not a sufficient number of rec- 
ognizable fragments 
of these to allow 
reasonably accurate 
restorations. 

Figure 165 shows 
a restoration of 
domestic vessel No. 
1, 10 inches across 
rim and 81% inches 
in depth. Exterior 
dark yellowish gray, 
somewhat darker 
than g, Plate 106. 
Interior dark gray, with flecks of powdered shell like a, Plate 106. 

Figure 166 illustrates a domestic vessel, No. 8, 10 inches across 
rim and 10 inches in depth. Both exterior and interior are very 
dark gray with coarse flecks of powdered shell, similar to a, Plate 106. 
Fragments were found of another vessel of similar shape and size. 
Its exterior was light red, like f, Plate 
106. Its interior was dark gray, like a, 
Plate 106. 

Figure 167, restoration of vessel No. 3, 
51% inches in height. Both exterior and PN ee eee en. 
interior very dark cream, much darker  _~ - Si 
than c, Plate 106. This vessel was of 
excellent material, finely polished, and 
well burned. : 

Figure 168, restoration of vessel No.28, \, : mak a 
10 inches across rim and 91% inches in on Pak 
depth. Exterior and interior dark flesh 9 7>-=------~ * 
color, intermediate between d and c, Plate 1. 167.—Restoration of vessel No. 3 

¥ from mound No, 2 
106. Excellent material, well burned. 

Figure 169, restoration of vessel No. 24, 26 inches across rim and 
8 inches in depth. Walls one-half inch thick. This vessel shows 
very distinct impressions of an ancient woven fabric on its exterior. 
Both its exterior and interior are light red, like f, Plate 106. The 
material is excellent and well burned. ‘The interior had been finely 
polished, 


Fic. 166.—Restoration of pot No. 8 from mound No. 2 


= 
.. 
~~ 
‘. 
‘, 
- 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 577 


Figure 170, restoration of vessel No. 25. It was 24 inches across 
rim and 8 inches in depth. Wall was five-eighths of an inch thick 
at rim and tapered to three-eighths of an inch in thickness near the 
bottom. It had been made of a moderately good light red paste 
(pl. 106, f). It had a very thin coating of black spread over its 
exterior, The interior had been nicely polished, but not so well 
polished as No. 24. The exterior showed very distinct impressions 
of a woven fabric, 
which was of a 
coarser texture than 
that on the exterior 
of vessel No. 24. 
Woven fabrics were 
used to hold in 
shape, during the 
modeling process 
and while being 
handled, such large 
flat-bottom vessels 
as are shown in Figures 169, 170, and Plate 130, 6, while they were 
in the plastic stage. 

Plate 130, a, shows the fabric used in the modeling and handling 
of the vessel in Figure 170. 

Plate 130, b, restoration of vessel No. 31, 32 inches across rim, 
8 inches in depth. Walls were seven-eighths of an inch in thickness 
near rim and tapered to one-half inch near the bottom. The paste 
of this vessel was a light red. Its material is excellent and contains 


Fic. 168.—Restoration of vessel No. 28 from mound No, 2 


Fic. 169.—Restoration of vessel No, 24 from mound No, 2 


a large amount of very finely powdered shell. Its interior is highly 
polished; its exterior shows impressions of a fine woven fabric. 
Fragments of another vessel, similar in size to that shown in Plate 
130, b, were found. It had a dark gray paste, covered with a thick 
coating of fine clay, yellowish salmon, somewhat similar to h, Plate 
106. The interior was finely polished; the exterior showed impres- 
sions of a fine woven fabric, similar to that of vessel No. 24 (Fig. 169). 
Figure 171, restoration of vessel No. 34, 30 inches across rim, 
11 inches in depth. The paste was dark gray. It contained about 
equal quantities of clay and finely powdered shell. Its exterior was 


578 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


coated with a thin layer of reddish buff color, somewhat similar to d, 
Plate 106. The interior was not polished. Somewhat similar ves- 
sels were found at the Gordon site (see fig. 147). These large, 
round-bottomed vessels show no trace of woven fabrics on their 


Fic. 170.—Restoration of vessel No. 25 from mound No. 2 


exteriors and do not show a care and polish equal to that of the large 
flat-bottomed vessels. 

Figure 172, doubtful restoration of vessel No. 31-A. Not enough 
fragments of this vessel were found to restore it with certainty. One 


Fic. 171.—Restoration of vessel No. 34, mound No. 2 


or two somewhat similar vessels found in the southern United States 
justify the form given. It was about 5 inches in height. The ware 
was well burned and hard. [Exterior and interior Indian red (pl. 
106, e), mottled with black, probably from use in domestic cooking. 
Figure 173, restoration of vessel No. 16. 
Not certain about handles, as none were 
found. It was 10 inches across rim and 10 
inches in height. Exterior and interior a 
dark reddish flesh color, intermediate between 
d and f, Plate 106. 
Figure 174, restoration of vessel No. 17. 
Not certain as to the handles. None were 
Fie. 172.—Doubtful restoration found. It was 10 inches across rim and 9 
of vessel No. 3la, mound No.2 , 5 Fi . . 
inches in depth. Exterior and interior a very 
dark cream, darker than c, Plate 106. Exterior was stained black 
from domestic fire. 
Figure 175, restoration of vessel No. 18. Not certain as to han- 
dles. None were found. It was 12 inches across rim and 10 inches 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 579 


in depth. Exterior light Indian red, with a slight admixture of 

yellow, somewhat like e, Plate 106. Its interior was dark cream. 
Figure 176, restoration of large vessel No. 15. Very hard-burned 

ware. It was 18 inches across rim and 13 inches in depth. Prob- 


Fic. 173.—Restoration of vessel No. 16, mound No. 2 


ably held about 7 gallons. Exterior and interior light red, with 
large flecks of powdered shell (Pl. 106, f). Another vessel was found 
similar in shape and color to that in Figure 176. It was 12 inches in 
diameter at the rim. 


Fia. 174.—Restoration of vessel No. 17, mound No. 2 


Figure 177, restoration of vessel No. 13. It was 13 inches across 
rim and 11 inches in depth. It probably held about 4 gallons. 
Exterior and interior light red, with large flecks of powdered shell 
(Pl. 106, f). 


580 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


Figure 178, restoration of vessel No. 11. Very hard-burned ware. 
Thirteen inches across rim and 11 inches in depth. Exterior smoke- 
stained light red (pl. 106, f). Interior very dark cream. Probably 
held about 4 gallons. 

Figure 179, restoration of hard-burned vessel No. 12. Fourteen 
inches across rim and 12 inchesin depth. It probably held about 5 gal- 
lons. Exterior light 
red with large flecks 
of powdered shell 
(pl. 106, f). Inte- 
rior dark cream. 

Figure 180, res- 
toration of vessel 
No. 7. The paste 
of this vessel was 
unusual. It was 
black with a few 
very minute specks 
of finely powdered 

Fic. 175.—Restoration of vessel No. 18, mound No. 2 shell. This vessel 
was coated both on exterior and interior with a thin slip of dark 
cream color. The exterior was badly smoke stained. It was 9 


Fia. 176.—Restoration of vessel No. 15, mound No, 2 


inches across rim and 81% inches in depth. It probably held about 
6 quarts. 

Figure 181, restoration of vessel No. 23. Hard-burned ware, 634 
inches across rim and 8 inches in depth. No handles were found. 
It probably had none. Exterior and interior very dark cream, 
darker than Plate 106, ¢. It had large flecks of powdered shell. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 131 


a, Shell-shaped vessel from mound No. 2 
b, Vessel with unusual rim from mound No. 2 
c, Cooking utensil, drawn by John White, on the coast of North Carolina, 1585 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 132 


c 


a, Beads b, Pot in grave F c, Image vase 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 133 


b 
a, Objects from mound No. 5 b, Altar from circle No. 6 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 134 


b 


a, Raccoon vessel from Noel cemetery 
b, Portion of vessel from interior of circle No, 6 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 581 


aay 


Fic. 177.—Restoration of vessel No. 13, mound No. 2 


Fic. 178.—Restoration of vessel No. 11, mound No. 2 


Fic. 179.—Restoration of vessel No. 12, mound No. 2 


582 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


Figure 182, restoration of vessel No. 22. Eleven inches across rim 
and 1014 inches in depth. Exterior and interior very dark cream. 
Interior cream coating had large mottles of black. 

Figure 183, restoration of vessel No. 19. Twelve inches across rim 
and 10 inches in depth. Exterior and mterior very dark crcam. 
The paste is black and has no powdered shell except at the rim. The 


Fic. 180.—Restoration of vessel No. 7, mound No. 2 


black paste had been covered with a very thin coating of dark cream- 
colored clay, both on exterior and interior, This material made a 
vessel which would not stand rough usage. 

Figure 184, restoration of vessel No. 21. Eleven and one-half 
inches across rim, 10 inches in depth. No handles found. Exterior 
light ‘red, with flecks of powdered 
shell (pl. 106, f). Interior very 
dark cream, darker than Plate 
106, c. 

Figure 185, restoration of vessel 
No.20. Twelve inches across rim, 
10 inches in depth. Exterior and 
interior Indian red. A few faint 
black mottlings. 

Figure 186, restoration of vessel 
No. 35. Nine inches across rim, 
8 inches in depth. Exterior and 
interior light red, somewhat lighter than Plate 106, f, with flecks of 
powdered shell. The interior had aslight staining of black. Attention 
is called to its unusual handle. 

Figure 187, restoration of vessel No. 30. Eighteen inches across 
rim, 12 inches in depth. Exterior and interior dark gray, mottled 
with dull red, with large flecks of powdered shell. It probably held 
about 6 gallons. 


Fic. 181.—Restoration of vessel No. 23, mound No. 2 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 583 


Figure 188, restoration of vessel No. 9. Eight and one-half inches 
across rim, 8 inches in depth. Both exterior and interior light red, 
somewhat lighter than Plate 106, f, with flecks of powdered shell. 
Strong, well-burned material. 

Figure 189, restoration of vessel No. 10. Ten inches across rim, 
91% inches in depth. 
Exterior and inte- 
rior light red, 
lighter than Plate 
106, f, with flecks 
of powdered shell. 
Strong, well-burned 
material. 

Plate 131, a, pho- 
tograph of a rare 
shell-shaped vessel, 


of which a sufficient 
number of frag- Fic. 182.—Restoration of vessel No, 22, mound No. 2 


ments were found in the great ash bed at 4 in mound No. 2 to 
restore it with considerable accuracy. It is 834 inches in diameter 
and 414 inches in height. The ware is dark gray. It is the hardest 
burned vessel so far 
found by the writer 
in Tennessee and is 
fully as well burned 
as modern ordinary 
pottery. 

Plate 131, b, pho- 
tograph of a vessel 
with a most unu- 
sualrim. It is101% 
inches across rim 
and 10 inches in 


depth. Its exterior 
is — i 7 No. 19, No. 2 C < 
Fic. 183.—Restoration of vessei No. 19, mound No and interior are 


light gray. A considerable number of the fragments which had con- 
stituted the original vessel were found. 


MetHop or AppLyinG Fire To VESSELS 


The pot, in cooking, was generally set directly on the fire and kept 
in position by the fuel or other supports placed about its sides. This 
method is illustrated in Plate 131, c, which is from a drawing made 
by John White at Roanoke in 1585.54 White, who was one of the 


“ Hariot’s Briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia, Pl. 15, Frankfort, 1590. 


53666°—28 38 


584 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ern. ANN. 41 


party which founded the celebrated settlement of Sir Water Raleigh 
at Roanoke Island, made a large number of drawings showing the 
everyday life of the Indians. The originals are now preserved in the 
British Museum. Thomas Hariot was also at Roanoke in 1585. 


Fic. 184.—Restoration of vessel No. 21, mound No. 2 


Hariot was a man of talent and well informed in many departments 
of learning and was an astronomer of some note. White’s drawings 
and Hariot’s report are mines of information in regard to the life of 
the Indians before they were changed by contact with the whites. 

In many cases the 
vessels were support- 
ed over the fire by a 
tripod made of poles 
or by a_ horizontal 
pole which rested in 
the forks of two up- 
right stakes, the ves- 
sels being suspended 
by means of vines, 
cords, or thongs. 

The tripod suspen- 
sion is shown in Fig- 
ure 190; *° the horizontal pole method of suspension is shown in 
Figure 191. This method of suspension was made possible by the 
strong ears or handles or the outcurving of the upper margin. 


Fic, 185.—Restoration of vessel No. 20, mound No. 2 


% Reproduced from Schoolcraft, H. R., Historicaland Statistical Information Respecting the Indian 
Tribes of the United States, pt. 1, Pl. 22. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 585 


Fic. 186.—Restoration of vessel No. 35, mound No. 2 


Fic. 187.—Restoration of vessel No, 30, mound No. 2 


Fic. 188.—Restoration of vessel No. 9, mound No. 2 


586 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


Boiling by means of heated stones placed within the vessel was 
also sometimes practiced. This stone boiling was a survival of the 
preceramic usage, when the boiling was done in baskets or vessels of 
skins. 


Fic. 189.—Restoration of vessel No. 10, mound No. 2 


MOUND NO. 3, A BURIAL MOUND OF THE FLEXED- 
BURIAL PEOPLE 


The low oval mound, No. 3, on the southwest corner of the town 
square, was a burial mound. It is shown in Plates 124 and 125, a. If 
this mound had at any time 
supported a building or had 
ever been used for any pur- 
pose other than burial, all 
traces had been removed by 
long erosion and 85 years of 
continuous cultivation. 

At the present time this 
mound measures about 100 
by 110 feet across the top. 
It slopes so gradually into 
the adjoining soil that it is 
impossible to determine its 
exact limits. It had origi- 
nally been built on the 
summit of a very low knoll. 
The center of the mound 
at the present time is about 
3 feet above what was for- 

Fia. 190.—Cooking pot (reproduced from Schoolcraft, merly the high point of the 
vol. 1, pl. xxii) 
knoll. 

It had originally probably contained 10 or 15 stone-slab graves. 
All but two of these had been destroyed by the relic hunter or the 
plow. These graves had been made on the original surface of the 
low knoll and the mound raised around and over them. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 587 


The bodies buried in this mound were those of some of the first 
inhabitants of the site. They are the ones who raised the mounds 
of the Fewkes group. These first inhabitants have been designated 
the flexed-burial people because of their unusual method of burial. 

The two graves re- 
maining in mound No. 
3 were very different 
from the usual rectan- 
gular stone-slab graves 
of middle Tennessee, in 
which the bodies were 
buried on the back, 
extended full length. 
The graves in mound 
No. 3 were either hex- 
agonal or octagonal or 
nearly round. The 
stone-slab coffins were about 32 inches in diameter and about 18 
inches in depth. The bodies were closely flexed. They had appar- 
ently been buried on the back, with the limbs very closely flexed, as 
shown in Figure 192. The graves had been more or less disturbed by 
relic hunters. 


Fic. 191.—Horizontal pole method of suspension 


GRAVE F 


Grave F was the first opened in this mound. If it ever had a top 
it had already been removed and the bones slightly disturbed. The 
stone-slab coffin was shaped as shown in Figure 193, with a floor of 
limestone slabs, and was 32 inches in diameter and 18 inches in depth. 
As near as could be determined, the 
body had been buried on the back, 
with limbs closely flexed, as shown in 
Figure 192. Around the lower end of 
the humerus the five large shell beads 
shown in Plate 132, a, were found. 

The pot shown in Plate 132, b, was 
found upright at the left of the head. 
Fic. 192.—Skeleton showing flexed burial The photograph correctly portrays its 

aoe Riven” pi) Stes 9m Te2 unsymmetrical shape when found in 
the grave. It is now impossible to 
determine whether this arose from some pressure from aboye, while 
it was in the grave, which had no stone-slab top, or whether it got 
into this shape while being fired. The pot was filled with earth, 
which was examined by Dr. W. E. Safford, but the leaching of the 
years had removed all trace of its original contents. It was 6 inches 
across the rim and 6 inches in depth. 


588 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH ANN. 41 


GRAVE G 


Somewhat similar in shape and size to Grave F, and immediately 
adjoining it on the west, was Grave G. It is shown in Figure 194. 
This grave is 36 inches in diameter and has six sides. It had been 
entered by relic hunters, who overlooked a little image burial vase 
which was sitting upright in the open space in the wall 
at A. This vase is shown in Plate 132, c. Joseph 
Jones, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 
volume 22, page 132, shows an image vase, B, in his 
Figure 71, which came from this site and is very much 
Fic. 193—Diagram like this one. 

oor © A badly decayed mussel shell, which was probably 
a spoon, was found where the head had likely rested. 

The body had been disturbed, but enough bones remained in place 
to show that it had probably been buried somewhat in the position 
shown in Figure 192. Not enough were in place, how- ( 


ever, to determine this with certainty. 

Under the stone-slab floor of grave G was a small A 
amount of ashes containing a few scattered mussel shells Sel 
and fragments of domestic pottery. There was no indi- 
cation of strong action of fire. This evidently repre- Fic. 194—Diagram 
sented a temporary domestic cooking place on the ®ve ¢ 


surface of the original knoll before the placing of the grave or the 
erection of the mound around it. 


MOUND NO. 4 


MISSINg 


Mound No. 4, on the east side of the town square (pl. 125, 6), is 
a low, oblong mound, 200 feet north and south and 180 feet east and 
west, and about 4 feet in height. A test pit was sunk, 3 by 2 feet, 
to a depth of 3 feet. The soil appeared similar to the poor soil on 
all the other natural knolls in the field. No pottery or ashes were 
found. The mound was apparently a natural knoll which had been 
given its present shape by the removal of soil, which went into the 
large mound, No. 1, to the north. No traces of graves could be 
found in mound No. 4. Those who have plowed this mound for many 
years state that they have never seen any evidences of graves in it. 
This mound may possibly have supported some important building. 
If so, all trace has been destroyed by erosion and long cultivation. 


MOUND NO. 1 


The principal mound of the Fewkes group is No. 1. It is the large 
central mound with the tall, slender tree, shown in Plate 125, db. 
Dr. Harry S. Vaughn, ornithologist, at the left, is standing on mound 


MyER] THE FEWKES GROUP 589 


No. 2; John Trotwood Moore, poet, is in the center on mound No. 3; 
John H. DeWitt, president of the Tennessee Historical Society, is at 
the right on mound No. 2. 

Mound No. 1 measures 185 feet north and south and 160 feet east 
and west across the base. It is 25 feet in height. Lack of funds 
prevented its exploration. A test shaft was sunk about 25 feet 
from the southern edge. This shaft was 3 by 7 feet and had a depth 
of 8 feet. At a depth of 514 feet the original black surface soil was 
found, which here had a depth of 24 inches. Digging continued to 
a depth of 10 inches in the clay subsoil beneath this layer of black soil. 

Judging from the outline of the surface soil exposed in this test, 
there had been a natural knoll at this point. It was probably 6 or 8 
feet in height. The mound had been raised on the top of it. Several 
similar knolls are to be found in the surrounding field. The clay 
subsoil contained no bones or pottery. The 24-inch layer of original 
black surface soil contained a few animal bones and fragments of 
pottery. The soil for mound No. 1 had evidently been largely taken 
from the town square and from the natural knoll which formed 
mound No. 4. The character of the soil and the amount of broken 
bones and pottery fragments in this pit in No. 1 are similar to that in 
mound No. 2. 

Everything pointed to mounds Nos. 1 and 2 having been built 
near the same time and the earth composing them having been taken 
from the same locality. 

There had been a small shaft, about 8 by 8 feet, sunk by relic 
hunters to a depth of possibly 5 or 6 feet on the summit of this 
mound. ‘This shaft is now nearly filled with earth. They found no 
relics as far as could be learned. 

Mound No. 1 was probably surmounted by the house of the chief, 
as the remains of the House of the Mysteries were found on mound 
No. 2. 

ALLEGED Room Wirnutn Mounpv No. 1 


About halfway up the north side of mound No. 1 is a hole about 6 
inches in diameter which is said to lead to an old animal den. The 
older inhabitants state that it has been used almost continually by 
various animals as a den for the last 50 years. It is now, and has 
been for some years, the home of a family of foxes. Some believe 
this entrance hole leads to a cellarlike room in the interior of the 
mound. Several claim to have seen and been in this room. They 
claim that 40 years ago its entrance was about 4 by 4 feet, extending 
back a few feet into the mound, where it opened into a room about 
10 feet wide, 6 feet high, and 20 feet in length. They claim this 
room was entirely empty. Reliable people who have known the 


590. PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [erH. ANN. 41 


mound for 60 years have no recollection of any such room or entrance, 
and they do not believe it ever existed. There was no exterior 
evidence of such a room. The probe showed no indications of it. 


MOUND NO. 5 


Mound No. 5 is a small, low, oval mound, 100 feet north of the 
Boiling Spring Academy building. It overlooks the beautiful Little 
Harpeth River, being on the edge of its steep bank, which is 20 feet 
high at this point. The river and mound are shown in Plate 124. 
Mound No. 5 measures 32 feet across the base and is 314 feet in 
height. The irregular rectangle within the circle, Figure 195, was 
excavated. No traces of burials or buildings were found. Small 
amounts of broken animal bones and fragments of pottery were 


S. 


Fic. 195.—Diagram of mound No. 5 


scattered through the soil in this mound. The proportion was about 
the same as that in mound No. 2. In the space F, G, H, on the 
original surface of the soil was a large bed of white ashes from 3 to 6 
inches in thickness. The bed ceased along line H-F. The ashes 
contained a considerable amount of animal bones and broken pottery 
and had every appearance of having been a domestic fire bed. A bone 
implement and a fragment of antler, shown in Plate 133, a, were 
found in this bed. In the space K, F, D, at a depth of 2 feet, was a 
considerable amount of small, irregular, natural-shape limestone 
rocks, from the size of a fist to double that size. They showed no 
order, design, or purpose, and no action of fire. No ashes were near 
them. 

The objects shown in Plate 133, a, were found scattered through 


the soil of mound No. 5. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 591 


TRACES OF BUILDINGS 


To the north of mound No. 1, in the undisturbed grassy lawn of 
Boiling Spring Academy and in the adjoining pasture land, were 
found many more or less faint saucerlike depressions, which previous 
experience in Tennessee explorations indicated were traces of ancient 
buildings. The large space on Plate 124 to the east and north of 
mound No. 1 is crowded with these evidences of structures. There 
were also indications that the portion of the town west of mounds 
Nos. 2 and 3 had a large number of buildings. 

Limited funds did not admit of a full exploration of these interesting 
remains. Only nine of the most discernible depressions in this part 
of the town have been placed on the map. Structures Nos. 6, 7, 
10, 11, and 12 appear to have been the most important. No. 6 was 
explored in order to secure proof as to the character of these saucer- 
like depressions. A glance at the map and also at the vertical section 
in upper right corner will bring out the fact that Nos. 6, 10, and 11 
were closely related buildings whose functions were probably inter- 
woven. Building No. 7 may possibly belong to the same group. No. 
11 was on the edge of the steep river bank, overlooking the Little 
Harpeth, as can be seenin the vertical section. 

No one who truly lays hold upon the soul of the gentle quietudes 
can stand on the site of mound No. 5, overlooking this gently flowing 
river, without feeling the calm and the charm which beyond doubt 
was one of the reasons which led the ancient Indian to choose this site. 
This deeply reverential spirit of mystical contemplation of nature is 
well brought out by Mr. Francis La Flesche. Describing the Indian’s 
keen perception of the beautiful and changing colors of the dawn, 
and his division of these into three well-defined phases, for each of 
which he has a name which conveys its mystical meaning, Mr. La 
Flesche relates the following of the Osages: 

There are three phases of the dawn that with their mysterious movements and 
changes in color have ever stirred the imagination of the ancient Non’-hon- 
zhin-ga, the sages of the Osage people. These beautiful colors that subtly suc- 
ceed one another as the day approaches, stole into the thoughts of those ancient 
men who continually sought within all nature for the source of life. Each of 
these colors they deified as an abiding place of Wa-kon’-da. These dawn colors 
the ancient Non’-hon-zhin-ga embodied in some of the tribal rites that have for 
their themes the mysteries of life, and they are spoken of, in some of the rituals, 
in the following order: 

1. Wa-kon’-da U-ga’/-ci-hi Kshe: The god that lies as though stricken with a 
yellowish hue. 

2. Wa-kon’-da U-ga’-gon-hon Kshe: The god that lies as though stricken with 
a pale, whitish hue. . 

3. Wa-kon’-da U-ga’-zhi-hi Kshe: The god that lies as though stricken with a 
crimson hue. 


592 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


CIRCLE NO. 6 


The saucerlike depression, No. 6, is 28 feet in diameter. The rim 
rises 5 inches above the surrounding soil. The center of the present 
interior was 9 inches lower than the top of the rim. This building 
is a member of the important group Nos. 6, 10, and 11. On removing 


a ee 


ot ia 
—e er it eritug, @asses 


Fes 


SS 08S ee 


fy 
OK 14" Charcoal 
12" DEEP 


asly 


| 


' 
‘ 
‘ 

Wet eee 


of 
= burned 


AS BAN U08Ly punopy jo uorpes sso17 
[Mod 


WwOsLV 1d 


~aanund ion” 


Fic. 196.—Horizontal and vertical section of altar in circle No. 6 


the soil from the interior of No. 6, the beautiful fire bowl or altar 
shown in Plate 133, 6, was found at its center. This altar was upon 
a low platform which was from 2 to 3 inches above the surface of the 
surrounding floor of the building and extended from 24 to 30 inches 
around the altar on all sides. The altar measures 40 by 38 inches 
outside and 26 by 25 inches inside and is 7 inches in depth inside. A 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 593 


vertical and horizontal section of the altar and surrounding platform 
and a small portion of the adjoining floor is shown in Figure 196. 
The altar ran nearly northeast and southwest. On the southwestern 
side the adjoining platform was of very hard-burned red clay for a 
distance of 14 inches. Its extent is shown by the fine dotted lines. 
The remainder of the platform was of the same subsoil clay as the 
surrounding floor. Neither this unbaked portion of the platform 


(7 


Fic. 197.—Restoration of large pot from altar in circle No. 6 


nor the adjoining floor was hard packed or smoothed. Its surface 
could be detected with very great difficulty. 

The altar apparently was formed of a hard-packed puddled-clay 
core. This core was covered with a layer of very hard-burned red- 
dish-yellow puddled clay. The outer layer was about as hard as a 
modern soft-burned red clay brick. The altar was half filled with 
clean white ashes which contained no animal bones or pottery frag- 
ments. Lying on top of these ashes 
was a pile of pottery fragments; 
others were found on the outer edge 
of the altar at the north corner, some 
of which were lying upon and par- 
tially covering the adjoining small 
open stone-slab box but did not ap- 
pear to have been intended as a top Fic. 198,—Restoration of sunfish bowl from 
covering for it. These piles of frag- ak 
ments appeared to be the remains of large vessels intentionally 
broken against the hard rim of the fire bowl, either by the owners at 
the time the building was deserted or by the enemy. 

A study of these fragments showed that if the vessels had been 
purposely broken some of the sherds had been removed at some 
later time. Considerable portions of several vessels were found, but 
no fragments constituting an entire one. The vessels shown in 
Figures 197, 198, 199, and Plate 134, 6, are restorations from some 
of these sherds. 


594 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


The restoration of the vessel shown in Figure 197 indicates it to 
have been 16 inches across the rim and 16 inches in depth. Both 
its exterior and interior were yellowish gray (pl. 106, 9). Fragments 
were also found of another vessel similar in size, shape, and color to 
that shown in Figure 197. 

Figure 198 shows a restoration of a fine sunfish bowl about 7 inches 
in length. The material is hard-burned clay mixed with powdered 
shell. Both interior and exterior are black. 

Plate 134, a, shows a black vessel which represents a raccoon. At 
some places the black is worn away and the very dark gray paste 
with flecks of powdered shell can be seen. It is in the author’s col- 
lection, and was found in the Noel stone-slab cemetery about 9 miles 
northwest of the Fewkes group. <A fragment of a similar vessel was 


Fic. 199.—Vessel from house circle No. 6 


among the sherds in circle No. 6. The Fewkes raccoon vessel was a 
dark salmon color, somewhat similar to Plate 106,4. The bowl of 
the Fewkes vase was about 7 inches in diameter at its widest point. 
The bowl of the Noel vase was 4 inches in diameter. 

The vessel shown in Figure 199 is 514 inches across the rim and 
6 inches in depth. It is not highly polished, but has a close, firm 
texture, and is much better burned than was customary with the 
Indians. It is composed of fine clay, well mixed with powdered shell, 
and coated both on exterior and interior with a thin layer of buff- 
colored clay, somewhat darker than Plate 106,h. This vessel will 
compare favorably in hardness and general usefulness with the 
pottery of the modern whites. 

Fragments of another vessel, similar in shape to that shown in 
Figure 199, were found in circle No. 6. It was 10 inches across rim 


MvER] THE FEWKES GROUP 595 


and 10 inches in depth. Both its exterior and interior were light 
gray, with mottlings of black near the rim. The bottom was fire- 
smoked. 

The portion of a very rare vessel of unknown design, shown in 
Plate 134, b, comprises all its fragments left within the building. It 
is to be regretted that the ancient inhabitants did not leave enough 
to enable its original form to be determined with reasonable certainty. 

The shape of two vessels with somewhat similar flat bottoms and 
full rounded bodies, shown in Plate V, Thruston’s Antiquities of 
Tennessee, gives some faint reason for the shape of the rim in the 
restoration. Thruston’s two vessels were found in a village of 
related culture, about 10 miles from Fewkes group. 

One portion of the bottom and its adjoining body bulge of this 
vessel in Plate 134, 6, shows far more effects of prolonged fire action 
than the other side. It has the appearance of not haying been sus- 
pended, but of having rested on its bottom, with the fire placed 
against only one side. This further tends to show it probably had 
no handles for suspension. 

The paste of this is different from that of the usual domestic vessel 
found in the Fewkes group. It is of a fine buff-colored clay mingled 
with sand containing a very few finely pulverized fragments of shell. 
The building in which it was found does not appear to have been a 
dwelling and was probably used for sacred ceremonial purposes. 

These two fine, unusual vessels, shown in Figure 199 and Plate 
134, b, were probably ceremonial and of a material not allowed in 
domestic vessels. The paste in that shown in Plate 134, b, resembles 
the buff-colored clay and sand material used in making the altar in 
this building, the only difference being the admixture of the small 
amount of finely powdered shell. 

The fine altar was not disturbed. The interior of this circle was 
again filled with earth and left for future investigators. 


STONE-SLAB Box 


The stone-slab box near the north corner of the altar was 9 by 14 
inches and 12 inches in depth. It was dug in the floor of the wigwam 
and had no stone cover or bottom. This box was filled with loose 
black earth very similar to the accumulated black loam which filled 
the remainder of the interior of the house circle. It possibly was 
slightly more fluffy and powdery. Through this soil in the stone 
box were found scattered a very few minute fragments of charcoal. 
It contained no ashes, broken bones, or pottery fragments, and 
showed no action of fire. This box was carefully made and may 
have been a receptacle for some sacred ceremonial object. Its use, 
however, is problematical. 


596 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


OrHER Oxssects Founp 


Scattered through the black loam which filled the interior of house 
circle No. 6 were found a bear’s tooth, some fragments of charred 
cane stems, a very few broken animal bones, and a few fragments of 
hard-burned clay containing casts of cane stems and grasses. These 
latter were probably remains of the ancient plastered walls. The 
rim of this circle was not examined for traces of these walls. 

The two small stone disks (20, 21) shown in Plate 137, 6, were also 
found in the accumulated loam. They are, respectively, 13¢ inches 
and 11% inches in diameter. Both are of limestone which has weath- 
ered into what is known locally as phosphate rock. This rock is 
mined within sight of the Fewkes group. 

There was an upright cylindrical fragment of charcoal near the. 
northeast corner or altar, at the point marked “Charcoal” in Figure 
196. It was 5 inches in diameter and 4 inches in height. It did not 
enter the floor but rested upon it. 

Scattered through the soil in the interior of house circle No. 6 
were other objects shown in Plate 135, b. No. 1 is a fragment of a 
ground gray flint celt. No. 2 is a broken arrowhead of gray flint. 
There was also a flint flake found in this circle which showed along 
its edge slight traces of having been used asa saw. No. 3, the cup- 
shaped half of a natural concretion, probably was used as a paint 
cup. Still adhering to the interior of the cup is some of the yellow 
ochre which was used by these people as a paint. This cup was not 
a mortar in which to grind the paint but only a receptacle for it. 
These concretions are sometimes found on the surface of the soil 
around the Fewkes group. Many of them, when broken open, are 
found to contain a fine quality of yellow ochre. This ochre had 
good adhesive qualities, as is shown by that which still adheres to 
the interior of this cup after the lapse of untold centuries. This 
adhesive quality made it especially adapted to painting the body. 
The fact that it was found in the interior of the circle also points 
to its use for that purpose. No. 4 is a whetstone of fine-grained red 
sandstone from the Carboniferous rocks in the adjoining hills. This 
was a material largely used for such purposes by all the ancient 
Indian inhabitants whose successive migrations have drifted through 
the Cumberland Valley. 

Mr. James Mooney states that the Kiowas and other tribes still 
use yellow ochre as a paint for their bodies, and also for ornamenting 
objects made of buckskin and other materials. Yellow ochre was a 
favorite color with the Indians on the Fewkes site. This is shown 
by the fact that over one-fourth of the hundreds of fragments of 
domestic pottery on this site had a slip or coating of some of the 
various shades of yellow ochre, either on the exterior or interior. 

The modern Kiowas and some of the other tribes use the muci- 
laginous juice of the prickly pear as a mordant for yellow ochre when 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 597 


applied to the body or to buckskin or similar materials. This 
mucilaginous juice spread over the paint causes it to adhere where 
otherwise it would quickly fall away when it had become dry. The 
prickly pear is plentiful on the hills around the Fewkes group. 


UnusuaL Depression aT 12 


Especial attention is called to the depression, No. 12, shown on 
the map of Fewkes group, Plate 124. It has an unusual shape and 
probably is not of Indian origin. It will require excavating to 
determine. 


HOMES OF THE FLEXED-BURIAL PEOPLE 


_ It is reasonably certain that traces of ancient habitations of the 
flexed-burial people will be found in all those areas on the map which 
are included within the dotted lines. This conclusion was reached 
from observation and from some faint evidences struck by the men 
who have tilled the cultivated portion of the site. 


CrrcLte No. 17 


Local tradition says ashes and other evidences of wigwams have 
been struck by the plow all along the dotted line area west of mound 
No. 2. This is partially confirmed by exploration in that area. Ex- 
cayation brought to light house circle No. 17 in the cultivated land 
where all traces of house circles had long since been destroyed by the 
plow. The floor of this building was at a depth of from 6 to 17 
inches below the present surface of the soil. A small portion of this 
floor, on the north and west, had already been destroyed by culti- 
vation. The remainder would soon have been reached by the plow. 

On removing the soil a hard-packed, moderately smooth earthen 
floor was found. It was not made of clay and had not been hardened 
by fire. What remained was 21 feet in diameter east and west and 
18 feet north and south. The building had probably originally been 
circular. The floor was level and did not follow the slight natural 
slope of the surface soil. A diagram and vertical section are shown 
in Figure 200. 

To the north of and immediately adjoining what was probably the 
original center of the floor was a fire bowl. A child had been buried 
by the side of the upright stone slab, with its head resting within the 
edge of the fire bowl. Two other graves of children could be seen. 
The edges of their stone-slab coffins rose an inch above the floor. On 
the west portion of the floor there was a small, irregular pile of stones. 
Two postholes, one 5 inches in diameter and 12 inches deep, the 
other 3 inches in diameter and 6 inches deep, could be seen on the 
eastern edge of the circle. 

The woman who lived in this dwelling was frugal. She was also 
the neatest housekeeper found in the village. When she abandoned 
her home she removed all her belongings, including her domestic 
pottery. She then swept the floor. It was not a very smooth floor, 


598 


PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE 


but she left it clean. No untidy pottery fragments or broken animal 
bones or ashes were left scattered over the floor. This is clearly seen 
in the portion of the floor shown in Plate 136, b. This photograph 
shows the floor just as she left it and brings out vividly one very 
common feature of this ancient family life—the burial of the bodies 
of young children beneath the floor of the mother’s wigwam. The 
projecting stone-slab sides of one of the coffins are seen to rise from 
1 to 2 inches aboye the floor near the upright pick. The stone-slab 
top of these graves had presumably been removed by the plow. The 
sides of the other grave (I) in this circle projected above the floor 


[eTH. ANN. 41 


as 
-- -—— 
~ 


x 
‘ ‘\ 
/ ‘ 
1 *\ 
i Pile stones \ 
ye 
/ \ \ 
W. i. _fFire Bowl Post® \E. 
a oles 


-_----- 
we en ae ere eee 


Ww ee ee 
Vertical section of soi covering. 
Fic. 200.—Diagram of circle No. 17 
in the same way. When the wigwam was inhabited the stone-slab 
tops of these little graves must have risen above the floor to a height 
of 3 or 4 inches. 
THE CENTRAL FIRE BOWL AND CONNECTING GRAVE 


The fire bowl, near the center of the floor, was 22 inches in diameter 
and 7 inches deep. It was shaped very much like a modern wash- 
basin. <A hole of this shape had been made in the earthen floor and 


the cavity and a little of the adjoining floor had been covered and 
smoothly plastered with puddled clay, forming a rounded, plastered 
bowl almost as smooth in the interior as our modern earthenware 
washbowls. 

One side of the fire bowl had been cut away in order to allow an 
upright stone slab to be placed as shown in Plate 136, 6. The body 
of a child about 12 years of age had then been buried against the 
eastern side of the slab with the head resting within the edge of the 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 135 


b 


a, Restoration of vessel from fragments b, Objects from house circle No. 6 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 136 


SPRING + 


a, The two springs in the Fewkes group c, Grave D 
b, Portion of floor in circle No, 17 d, Child in grave E, with head resting in edge of fire bowl 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 137 


b 


a, Objects found in grave A b, Rare celt from grave E, and other objects 


ie 
oa 


— 
——_ 
a. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 599 


fire bowl. This burial is called grave E. The body is No. 316094, 
United States National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology. 
The fire bowl, when uncovered, was entirely filled with pure white 
ashes, free from broken bones or fragments of pottery. They cov- 
ered the back and the top of the head of the child, as can be seen in 
Plate 136, d, a photograph taken before any of the bones had been 
disturbed or ashes removed from around the child’s head. The top 
of the skull was only 6 inches beneath the surface of the soil and 
had been broken by the plow. The ashes can be seen around the top 
of the skull, which, although within the edge of the fire bowl and sur- 
rounded by ashes, showed not the slightest trace of the action of fire. 

The body had been buried by the side of the upright slab, which 
can be seen in Plate 136, 6 and d. This slab ran N. 25° KE. The 
head was at the south end of the slab. 

The body had been tightly flexed and made into a compact bundle. 
It must of necessity have been closely tied with some kind of cord 
in order to hold it in this compact bundle form. From what is 
known of such burials it is probable the body was wrapped in some 
kind of skin or cane matting and then the bundle bound with cord. 
If this skin or matting wrapping had ever existed, all trace of it had 
disappeared. The nearness to the surface would have hastened its 
disappearance. The little body, as can be seen in the photograph, 
was lying on its back and turned very slightly on its left sidé. Its 
shoulders had been twisted to the left until the right humerus was 
parallel to and rested nearly on the center of the breast. The arms 
had been folded across the breast and the legs bent to the left and 
then brought closely against the left breast. This was done while 
in the flesh, for all the bones were in proper place. The position of 
the bones is shown in Plate 136, d. 

This fire bowl filled with ashes and the child’s unburned head 
resting within its edge are mysteries. Did the parents bury their 
child with its head within the cavity of the fire bowl and the fire 
bowl continue in use? If so, how was it possible to prevent at least 
some slight burning of the head? There was no evidence of their 
abandoning this fire bowl and starting another fire elsewhere in the 
circle. It is more probable this burial was made after the wigwam 
had been abandoned, or that the wigwam was abandoned at the time 
the burial was made. 

The decayed remnants of what was probably a mussel-shell spoon 
were under the right ear of the child. 

The rare celt (£) shown in Plate 137, b, was found at the left side 
of the body, near the hips. Especial attention is called to the unusual 
beveling on the sides, and to the shape of the cutting edge. So far 

53666°—28——39 


600 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


as known, this is the only celt of this shape ever found in Tennessee. 
The material is a fine-grained argillaceous limestone. 


GRAVE K 


The stone-slab grave, K, in circle No. 17 measured 12 inches at 
each end and 22 inches in width at the center and was 40 inches in 
length. The sides curved, as is shown in Figure 200. The edges of 
some of the upright slabs of this coffin projected from 1 to 2 inches 
above the surface of the floor of the wigwam. The top had probably 
been removed by the plow. This grave contained the bones of a 
child about 2 years old (United States National Museum, Depart- 
ment of Physical Anthropology, No. 316092). Two large, useless 
fragments of pottery were found with the body in this grave. 
These had been placed apparently with the same care that would 
have been used with unbroken, entire vessels. One of these frag- 
ments was placed at the right of the head. Both the exterior and 
interior of this vessel were light salmon tinged with buff, somewhat 
darker than Plate 106, h. 

A large fragment of another old, broken pot had been placed at 
the southwest corner of the grave. A restoration of the domestic 
vessel to which it once belonged is also shown in Plate 135, a. Its 
exterior and interior were buff colored, somewhat between the shades 
of c and h, Plate 106. 

Does the placing of only fragments of old, broken vessels in this 
grave, in place of entire vessels, indicate a belief that a fragment 
of an old, broken or ‘‘dead”’ vessel would become whole and useful 
to the dead with whom it was buried? 

There was a well-known practice of breaking or puncturing or 
otherwise “killing” entire vessels and placing all their fragments in 
the grave. But in grave K evidently no vessel was “killed.” Only 
the fragment of some old, broken vessel was picked up and placed 
with the dead. 

Near the center of grave K was found the fragment of coral (X) 
shown in Plate 137,b. These corals can be found in the rotten lime- 
stone on the surrounding hills. Its burial with the little body had 
some significance. Indians often chose for sacred purposes stones that 
were unusual on account of their beauty or oddity or fancied resem- 
blances. These were sometimes placed in their sacred bundles. 
Sometimes they were kept in their House of Mysteries. Gravier 
relates, among other things, in regard to the Natchez temple: “All 
that I saw somewhat rare was a piece of rock crystal, which I found 
in a little basket.” 

A small whetstone of firm, close-grained, red Carboniferous sand- 
stone was also found in this grave. It is No. 56 in Plate 137, b. 


36 “Jesuit Relations’’ Ixv, pp. 138-141. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 601 


No. 49, Plate 137, 6, shows the frugality of the Indian. This is a 
broken celt made of diorite. The owner had begun to work this 
fragment into another and smaller implement when it developed 
other fractures which rendered it worthless. 


GRAVE I 


Grave I is a very unusual shaped stone-slab grave 16 by 12 inches 
and 19 inches in depth. Its top edges were level with the floor of 
the wigwam. This stone-slab box contained the badly decayed bones 
of a child about 12 years old buried after decay of the flesh (United 
States National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology, No. 
316093). This box contained no artifacts of any kind. 

Near the western side of circle No. 17 a small, irregular pile of 
unworked stones was found. This pile was 12 by 6 inches and 6 
inches in height. Their use is unknown. 

The only postholes found in this circle were the two at the eastern 
side. If there had been others, they had been destroyed by the plow 
or by time. They probably belonged to the wall of the building. 


GRAVE D 


Grave D was a stone-slab grave 100 feet southeast of the center 
of mound No. 3. It is shown in Plate 136, c. The coffin was 4 feet 
long and 16 inches deep, inside measure. The grave ran W. 10° S. 
Body of adult, buried in the flesh, head at west end of grave. This 
body had been loosely flexed and was lying on its right side. No 
ornaments or artifacts of any kind were with it, and the top of the 
grave had been removed by the plow. Only the light-colored tip of 
the large slab projected above the present surface of the soil. This 
was the body of a female. (United States National Museum, Divi- 
sion of Physical Anthropology, No. 316000.) 

Was evidently of a different type, dolichocephalic, and may have belonged to 
a different tribe * * * The skeleton shows extensive pathological (posterior 
periostitis) involvement of bones. As the skull and jaw were evidently not 
involved, the nature of the pathological process is uncertain.%? 

This woman had likely come into the tribe of her own accord by 
marriage, or she may have been taken captive and held there as a 
slave, or, more probably, taken as a wife by one of her captors. 


BunDLE BuRIAL 


On the exterior of grave D, at its western end, was found a pile or 
bundle of bones belonging to an adult. These had been buried after 
decay of the flesh. No ornaments or artifacts were found with this 


8 See Dr. Hrdli¢ka’s report, p. 612. 


602 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


bundle of bones. Did this person, for whom no one appears to have 
cared enough to even make a rude coffin, have any connection with 
this woman of an alien race, by the side of whose coffin his bones 
had been buried? Was it the body of some captive? 


Wuo Were TuHesr FLexep-BurtaL PEOPLE? 


This concludes the record of the remains of the flexed-burial people 
who built the mounds and the first village at the Fewkes group. 
Who were these flexed-burial people? 

Their method of burial, the bodies more or less closely flexed, the 
stone coffins hexagonal or octagonal or tending to circular, is different 
from that of the other stone-grave peoples who have lived at various 
times in the surrounding region in middle Tennessee. This method 
of burial resembles that-found by the author in the Sequatchie Valley, 
in the Kelley group, 8 miles south of Dunlap, on the Sequatchie 
River, a small tributary of the Tennessee River, in east Tennessee. 
It also resembles some of the flexed burials found by others in east 
Tennessee, north Georgia, and north Alabama, principally along the 
waters of the Tennessee River. However, at some points along the 
Tennessee River, for example, at Bennett Place in Marion County, 
Tenn., about 25 miles south of the Kelley group, in a mound exea- 
vated by Mr. Clarence B. Moore and described in his ‘Aboriginal 
Sites on Tennessee River,” pages 338 to 352, both the flexed burials 
and extended-full-length burials are found in the same mound. Some 
other comminglings have been found. <A study of the small number 
of these commingled burials does not settle the question as to whether 
the same people practiced both forms of burial, or whether the unlike 
forms of burial belonged to two different peoples who had occupied 
the site at separate times. More information is necessary in order 
to establish the truth of the matter. It is to be regretted that the 
Fewkes excavations did not bring to light sufficient skeletal material 
to greatly aid in this determination. The type of buildings found in 
mound No. 2 and in circle No. 6, including the altars, and also some 
of the artifacts found with these flexed-burial people, indicate contact 
with the surrounding rectangular-stone-slab people, such as those 
found on the Gordon site and elsewhere in the Cumberland Valley 
in middle Tennessee. 

These first or flexed-burial inhabitants of the Fewkes group, for 
some unknown reason, deserted the site. There may be some very 
slight indications in the large amount of broken pottery on the floor 
of circle 6 that they were forced to leave hurriedly, and such of their 
belongings as they could not carry with them they destroyed. This 
important site, which contains the remains of two waves of ancient 
migrations, should be thoroughly explored. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 603 


RECTANGULAR STONE GRAVE PEOPLE 


A few graves of a later and different people were found on the 
adjoining hillside, to the west of the Fewkes group, in a cultivated 
field west of the garden and dwelling of the present owner, Mr. J. H. 
Womack. These people were drawn to this site by the fine springs 
of the old Fewkes group; but they chose the hillside to the west of 
the springs rather than the site formerly occupied by the flexed-burial 
people. These two springs are shown in Plate 136, a. The one 
known as Boiling Spring, because its clear waters formerly bubbled 
up through a layer of sand, causing a boiling appearance, gave its 
name to Boiling Spring Academy, which is on this ancient flexed- 
burial site. The other bold and cold, clear spring, in the cool shadows 
of the stone and white lattice spring house, has dark rocks covered 
with moss all around its deep basin. The water comes from crevices 
in these moss-covered stones. 

The Cherokees have a beautiful belief in regard to springs. The 
ancient inhabitants have no doubt sat by this spring flowing out of 
the mysterious crevices of the rocks and listened to the story of the 
other world to which such springs as this are the gateways. The 
version here given is from Mr. James Mooney’s ‘‘Myths of the 
Cherokee,” Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, page 240. 

There is another world under this, and it is like ours in everything—animals, 
plants, and people—save that the seasons are different. The streams that come 
down from the mountains are the trails by which we reach this underworld, and 
the springs at their heads are the doorways by which we enter it, but to do this 
one must fast and go to water and have one of the underground people for a 
guide. We know that the seasons in the underworld are different from ours, 
because the water in the springs is always warmer in winter and cooler in summer 
than the outer air. 

RECTANGULAR STONE GRAVES 


Only three graves belonging to this later band of the rectangular- 
stone-grave people were found in the aforementioned cultivated field 
to the west of Mr. Womack’s barn and garden. ‘There is evidence 
to show that a few other similar graves have been destroyed by the 
plow in this field. Erosion and cultivation have caused these graves 
to be brought so near the surface that they are now struck by the 
plow. 

GRAVE A 

The first of these graves uncovered was grave A. It was 90 feet 
west of the Womack barn, since burned. It was a rectangular stone- 
slab grave, 40 inches long, 13 inches wide at east end, and 14 inches 
at west end. It ran W. 10° S. Top of coffin was 7 inches under 
present surface of the soil. The bottom of this coffin was lined with 
fragments of domestic pottery, neatly fitted together into a mosaic 


604 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


floor. It contained the body of a child about 4 years old. (U.S. 
National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology, No. 316088.) 
The body had been buried in the flesh, extended full length, on its 
back, arms at side, head at west end of grave. 

The two bone dice shown in Plate 137, a, were found buried with 
this child. One was at the child’s right ankle, the other at its right 
knee. These dice were both made from the astragalus bone of a 
Virginia deer. As will be seen from the illustration, these bones had 
been carefully worked down, apparently by rubbing, until they had 
somewhat rectangular faces. It will also be observed that each face 
is different, and, like our modern dotted-face dice, each face probably 
had a different counting value. 

Astragalus bones of the deer, sheep, bison, and many other animals 
have been used by savage man as dice from the earliest times, in 
every quarter of the globe. The early Greeks and Romans so used 
them. In the Corcoran Art Gallery, in Washington, there is a 
plaster cast of ‘‘The Bone Player,” catalogue number 1045, the 
original of which is in the Louvre. It represents a young maiden 
playing with four deer astragalus dice, and was unearthed in Rome 
in 1730. Modern incised dotted dice are descended from the ancient 
astragalus dice. Astragalus bones were used as dice by many of our 
Indian tribes. Such dice have been found in many of the stone-slab 
graves in the region around the Fewkes group, and also in Kentucky, 
Arkansas, Mississippi, and elsewhere. They have been found in the 
graves of adults as well as of children. The dice from these graves 
show that both the young and the old of the middle Tennessee stone- 
grave people played with them. 

At the right of the child’s neck was the miniature pot shown in 
Plate 137,a. This small pot measured only 114 inches in diameter. 
It was inverted, which proves it was not intended to contain food or 
drink. 

GRAVE B 

The stone-slab grave B was 125 feet north of grave A. It was so 
near the surface that the top had been removed and the bones broken 
by the plow. It contained the badly decayed bones of an adult 
male (U. S. National Museum, Division of Physical Anthropology, 
No. 316098), lying on its back, extended full length, arms at sides. 
The skull shows signs of occipital compression. The coffin was 5 feet 
6 inches in length and 14 inches in width. The bottom was lined with 
thin stone slabs. The grave ran W. 5° N., and no ornaments or 
artifacts of any kind were found in it. 


38 Consult Stewart Culin’s ‘‘ Games of the North American Indians,’ Twenty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. 
Amer. Ethn., 1907. 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 605 


GRAVE C 


Limestone-slab grave C adjoined grave B on the east. Length of 
coffin 5 feet 10 inches. Width 14 inches at east end and 15 inches 
at west end. Ran N. 40° W. Bottom lined with thin limestone 
slabs. Body of adult male. (U.S. National Museum, Division of 
Physical Anthropology, No. 316103.) It was extended full length, 
on back, arms at sides. No ornaments or artifacts with the body. 
Cranium had been broken by the plow. Dr. Hrdlitka’s report, 
page 612 of this paper, says this skull was undeformed and shows 
‘a mildly brachycephalic form, which would seem to indicate a con- 
nection of these people with those of the mound region of Ohio and 
parts of Kentucky.” 


PROBABLE REMAINS OF RECTANGULAR STONE GRAVE PEOPLE 


Hon. P. E. Cox, of Franklin, Tenn., did a small amount of digging 
at Fewkes group about 1895. He made no written record at the 
time. The information given herewith depends on his recollection 
after a period of 25 years. 

He opened a stone-slab grave about 100 feet southwest of house 
circle No. 17, in the region marked “‘Scattered graves.” Body was 
on back, and probably at full length. Head rested in conch-shell cup. 

In the region to the north and south of house circle No. 17 he found 
five or six beds of ashes containing pottery fragments and broken 
bones. These beds were about 21% feet in diameter and about 2 feet 
beneath the surface of the soil. He thinks this line of beds ran north 
and south, and that they were about 7 feet distant from each other. 
Some limestone slabs were lying between them. He found nothing 
under the slabs. It will be recalled that somewhat similar slabs 
were found on the original surface under mound No. 2. 

' Between the two large oak trees between mound No. 5 and house 
remains No. 12 he found what appeared to be a kitchen refuse dump. 

On the northwest portion of mound No. 2, marked ‘‘Cox”’ in 
Figure 164, he found the following burials: The first was a stone- 
slab coffin, the top of which was sufficiently near the surface to have 
been removed by the plow. It contained the body of an adult, 
extended full length, with no relics. Ten inches immediately below 
the coffin was the body of another adult, not in a stone coffin. He 
thinks he found about three more skeletons buried immediately 
beneath the two bodies mentioned. None of these were in coffins. 
In other words, at this point he thinks he found about five bodies 
buried, extended full length, each below the other. What he prob- 
ably found was a stone-slab coffin containing two or three bodies 
each on top of the other. The author found similar stone-slab graves 
at Castalian Springs, in Sumner County, Tenn. 

Mr. Cox was not positive as to whether these bodies were extended 
full length or flexed but thought probably they were full length. 


606 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


With one of the lower bodies he found a nest of four upright pottery 
bowls, similar to the one shown in Plate 118, a. The largest was 
about 10 inches in diameter and the others in decreasing sizes. Near 
the pelvis of one of the bodies he found a fine 8-inch flint spearhead. 
He did not remember what he did with the stone slabs of the coffin 
or with the bones. Digging at the point indicated by Mr. Cox as 
the location of the above-described burials in mound No. 2 revealed 
no trace of the bones or the stone slabs of the coffin. 

“This burial of several bodies in one coffin on the present surface of 
mound No. 2 was an intrusive burial made by the later rectangular 
stone-slab graye band on the mound, which had been built by the 
earlier flexed-burial people. 

These later rectangular stone-slab grave people appear to be closely 
related to the similar rectangular stone-slab grave people whose re- 
mains were found at Gordon town site and elsewhere in the Central 
Tennessee Basin. As has already been stated, thousands of graves 
of a similar people have been found scattered through the Cumber- 
land Valley in middle Tennessee. 


POTTERY OF GORDON AND FEWKES SITES 


A careful study of the many hundreds of pottery fragments 
unearthed on the Gordon and Fewkes sites brings out some needed 
information in regard to the size, material, and colors of their domestic 
pottery. 

There were some staple domestic pots whose use was common 
to all of the tribes. These had much the same shape in all the south- 
ern tribes, but the materials differed with the resources of the locali- 
ties. A comparison of the pottery shown in the preceding pages will 
bring out an apparent difference in some, but not all, of the vessels. 
The following table is based on a study of all the recovered fragments 
and will show some of the differences in materials and colors. 


Per cent 
Colors and materials 
Gordon Fewkes 
Various shades of black and gray clay mixed with powdered 
mussel shells Nhardiburmed =.S2 2. - > ep eee oe es 30 25 
Various shades of cream and buff-colored slips on a gray paste 
mixed with powdered mussel shells; hard burned_________ 15 15 
Various shades of cream and buff-colored slips on buff-colored 
clay paste mixed with powdered mussel shells; well burned_ 40 25 
Various shades of red slips on gray paste mixed with powdered 
mussel.shells, hard) bumediesee a_i o  fuan ee 8 5 20 
Various shades of cream and buff-colored slips on a yellowish 
light gray paste containing no mussel shells; not well 
burned. =_ ===. =v] 2 eee! BS os gees eee A ee 5 10 
Othericolorsithaniaboves= se pon ee eee 5 5 
Total. sy9ye-ysett -sidadere- felenett ctl fegal 100 100 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 607 


About half of these domestic pots held from 2 to 3 gallons. Frag- 
ments of several pots were found which held from 4 to 7 gallons and 
some larger vessels which held from 10 to 15 gallons. 

Fully two-thirds of the domestic vessels found on these two sites 
showed black smoke discolorations arising from fires over which they 
had been either suspended in some manner or supported by stones. 
These stones thus took the place of the modern pot leg. The frag- 
ments showed conclusively that the cooking in fully two-thirds of 
the round-bottom vessels was done by fires built underneath them. 
In a very few of the other round-bottom vessels the cooking may 
have been done by means of heated stones placed within. 

The large flat-bottom vessels showed no signs of fire-smoking under- 
neath, and. all these were beyond doubt used in stone-boiling; that 
is, heated stones were placed in their contents. This heated them 
very rapidly but did not add to the cleanly appearance of the cooked 
contents. 

The writer recalls a stone-boiling, probably derived from the 
Indians, which continued in Tennessee as late as 1876, in the annual 
fall hog killings. Water was placed in a large inclined wooden barrel 
or hogshead, or sometimes in wooden troughs. The stones, having 
been heated in great blazing piles of commingled wood and stones, 
were then taken singly, with an iron shovel, and placed in the water, 
which rapidly came to the boiling point. As the water became 
cooled, other heated stones were added and the cold ones removed. 


ANIMAL FOOD OF GORDON AND FEWKES PEOPLE 


Every fragment of bone found on the Gordon and Fewkes sites 
was preserved. “These were examined by Dr. G. S. Miller, Curator 
of the Division of Mammals, United States National Museum. He 
found the proportions of animal food represented by these bones to 
be about as follows: 


Animal Per cent 
Virginia deer (no bones of elk, moose, or bison)_~-..----------------- 85 
lol tid: \ ne an ae 2. Se ee 10 


Box turtle, snapping turtle, black bear, raccoon, skunk, gray fox, fox 
squirrel, cottontail rabbit, small birds, fish__..........------------- 


Only one fresh-water drum fish, two fresh-water suckers, and one 
other fish were found in the two groups. A very few mussel shells 
and not over a dozen periwinkle shells were found on both sites, 
outside of the graves. 

The proportion and character of the animal food was practically 
the same in both the Gordon site and the Fewkes group. 


608 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [eTH. ANN. 41 


These bones showed that the staple food of both these groups was 
the Virginia deer. It constituted fully 85 per cent of all their animal 
food which contained bones. Wild turkeys came next, with about 
10 per cent. Not much of other animal food was used. Very rarely 
indeed a black bear, raccoon, skunk, fox squirrel, or some other of 
the small animals noted above was used for food. These pedple did 
not eat dogs. 

There was a reason for not using some animals which probably 
were plentiful and easy to obtain. Only one or two rabbits were 
found. This probably arose from the well-known belief of the 
southern Indian that the rabbit, being timorous, would impart this 
characteristic to those who ate its flesh. The Cherokees make a 
rabbit soup and endeavor to pour it in the pathway of the competing 
team in their ball play, in order to render their competitors less 
daring. 

No bones of the red squirrel were found. The flesh of the red 
squirrel was supposed by some of the Indians to induce rheumatism, 
because the squirrel runs or sits with his back in an apparently 
uncomfortable curve, as though rheumatic. 

Deer were plentiful and easy to kill. One deer produced a large 
amount of food—so why worry with small animals? 

The Indian did not kill, as we do, for sport, i. e., for the pleasure 
of killing. He killed only to supply his necessities and much of this 
killing was carried out with due and proper rites of propitiation to 
the spirit of the animal slain. 

Apparently land or water birds were rarely eaten. 

It is not unexpected that the remains of only four individual fish 
were found. The Indian was very poorly equipped for catching fish; 
though in some of the mountain streams of Tennessee the author 
discovered evidences of several very ingenious, though simple, fish 
traps which must have caught a considerable number of fish. Here, in 
the mountains, he found more evidences of the use of fish for food. 

A very few mussels (wnio) were eaten. Periwinkles were found 
scattered through the soil which filled some of the graves at the 
Gordon site, where they appear to have been used only as food for 
the journey to the other world. On some other Indian village sites 
in middle Tennessee the author has found large numbers of peri- 
winkle shells on the surface, indicating that they were used as every- 
day food in those villages. 


No Traces or Bison 


The Indians on both the Gordon and Fewkes sites, as well as. on 
many other sites in middle Tennessee, do not appear to have made 
use of the wood bison or buffalo. The author has explored several 
hundred ancient village sites in Tennessee and has never found even 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 609 


a fragment of bison bone, and only one thing which may possibly, 
but not probably, indicate the existence of bison in this region. In 
a reproduction of an ancient Indian engraved stone slab, found near 
Castalian Springs, in Sumner County, Tenn., and now in the collec- 
tion of the Tennessee Historical Society, appears a very faint design 
in the upper right-hand corner which may possibly represent a bison. 
This design is too weathered and vague to allow of anything more 
definite than a guess as to the animal represented. 

It is a well-known fact that when the early English hunters began 
coming into middle Tennessee about 1770 they found large numbers 
of ‘buffaloes. Referring to these 1770 hunters, Haywood, in his 
“Civil and Political History of Tennessee,” page 90, says that on 
the present site of Nashville “they saw an immense number of 
buffaloes and wild game, more than they had ever seen at any one 
place. The lick and all the adjoining lands were crowded with them. 
Their bellowings resounded from the hills and forests.” On page 94 
of the same book he states that De Mumbrune saw “immense num- 
bers of buffalo and other game” around Nashville in 1775; and that 
he met a party of hunters who had descended the Cumberland 
River. These reported they “had found an incredible number of 
buffaloes; that one of the party * * * had been killed by a 
buffalo.” 

It is known that the wood bison was a comparatively late arrival 
in the country east-of the Mississippi River and south of the Ohio. 
It may be possible that he had not come into the region at the time 
the Fewkes and Gordon groups were inhabited. However, the fol- 
lowing must be considered: The buffalo was harder to kill than the 
deer and more dangerous when wounded. .The absence of buffalo 
bones on the Indian village sites may not be absolute proof of the 
nonexistence of the bison in this region at that time. Mr. Francis 
La Flesche relates that many of the western tribes who lived largely 
upon the buffalo did not carry the bones to camp when it was some 
distance away. They removed what flesh was desired and left the 
bones. The Tennessee Indians may have done the same. Very few 
bison bones have been reported as surface finds anywhere in Tennes- 
see. This probably arises from no careful search having been made 
for them and their close resemblance to the bones of domestic cattle. 

The first printed reference to bison is found in the “‘ Narrative of 
Cabeza de Vaca” (1528-1536), in which it is stated: 

Inland are many deer, birds, and beasts other than those I have spoken of. 
Cattle come as far as here. Three times I have seen them and eaten of their 
meat. I think they are about the size of those in Spain. They have small 
horns like the cows of Morocco; the hair is very long and flocky like the merino’s. 
Some are tawny, others black. To my judgment the flesh is finer and fatter 
than that of this country. Of the skins of those not full grown the Indians 


make blankets, and of the larger they make shoes and bucklers. They come as 
far as the seacoast of Florida from a northerly direction, ranging through a tract 


610 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE [ETH. ANN. 41 


of more than four hundred leagues, and throughout the whole region over which 
they run the people who inhabit near descend and live upon them, distributing 
a vast many hides into the interior country.*” 

By ‘‘cattle” he undoubtedly means bison. The portion of 
“Florida” here referred to is most probably somewhere on the 
present coast of Texas in the neighborhood of Galveston Island. His 
narrative does not make the exact location clear. 

Very few bison appear to have been in the southern part of the 
United States east of the Mississippi River at the time of De Soto’s 
memorable journey in 1540. In all his long wanderings over what is 
now Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, and 
Mississippi, his chroniclers make no record of bison haying been 
actually seen or eaten by the Spaniards. 

Curiously enough, the only two references to bison made by these 
chroniclers in this portion of the southern United States locate them 
in What is now middle Tennessee. These two references are found 
in the account of De Soto’s two attempts to reach the town of Chisca, 
which he thought might be rich in gold. The author has unearthed 
a considerable amount of evidence which tends to show that the site 
of Chisca was very probably the well-known ruin, Old Stone Fort, 
on Duck River near Manchester, Coffee County, Tenn. 

The first mention of bison is in the account of the “two Christians” 
sent out from Chiaha (probably at the present junction of the Little 
Tennessee River and the Tennessee River in Loudon County, Tenn.) 
to make an attempt to reach Chisca. 

In three days they went to Chisea, got back, and related that they had been 
taken through a country so scant of maize and with such high mountains that 
it was impossible the army should march in that direction; and finding the dis- 
tance was becoming long, and that they should be back late, upon consultation 
they agreed to return, coming from a poor little town where there was nothing 
of value, bringing a cowhide as delicate as a calfskin the people had given them, 
the hair being like the soft wool on the cross of the merino with the common 
sheep.*” 

The other mention is in the narrative of the men sent out from 
the Province of Chicaga in northeastern Mississippi near the Ten- 
nessee River. From this point De Soto again sent out men to 
attempt to reach Chisca at the Old Stone Fort. 

They traveled seven days through desert, and returned in great extremity, 
eating green plums (persimmons) and maize stalks, which they had found in a 
poor town of seven or eight houses. The Indians stated that thence toward the 
north, the country, being very cold, was very thinly populated; that cattle were 


in such plenty, no maize field could be protected from them, and the inhabitants 
lived upon the meat.*! 


39 Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, edited by F. W. Hodge, in ‘Spanish Explorers in the Southern United 
States,’’ New York, 1907, p. 68. 

40 Narrative of \he Expedition of Hernando De Soto, by the Gentleman of Elvas, edited by Theodore 
H. Lewis in Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, New York, 1907, p. 182. 

‘i Ibid, pp. 212-213, 


MYER] THE FEWKES GROUP 611 


On page 263, “Myths of the Cherokee” (Nineteenth Annual 
Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 1), Mr. James Mooney 
states: 

The buffalo, the largest game animal of America, was hunted in the southern 
Allegheny region until almost the close of the last century, the particular species 
being probably that known in the West as the wood or mountain buffalo. The 
name in use among the principal gulf tribes was practically the same and can not 
be analyzed, viz, Cherokee, yiist’; Hichitee, ya’nasi; Creek, yéna’sa; Choctaw, 
yanash. Although the flesh of the buffalo was eaten, its skin dressed for blan- 
kets and bed coverings, its long hair woven into belts, and its horns carved into 
spoons, it is yet strangely absent from Cherokee folklore. So far as is known it 
is mentioned in but a single one of the sacred formulas, in which a person 
under treatment for rheumatism is forbidden to eat the meat, touch the skin, 
or use a spoon made from the horn of the buffalo, upon the ground of an occult 
connection between the habitual cramped attitude of a rheumatic and the 
natural “hump” of that animal. 

Mr. Mooney in the volume quoted only gives three or four instances 
of the mention of bison in the folklore of the Cherokees. 

It will be found by a study of the accounts of the early whites in 
middle Tennessee that they also killed very few of these ‘‘immense 
numbers of buffaloes.”” While many were sometimes seen to gather 
around the salt licks, as at the lick at Nashville and at Castalian 
Springs, it is very probable their numbers were small over the terri- 
tory asa whole. Granting this to be so, it is astonishing how rapidly 
they disappeared on the advent of the English settlers. One finds 
scarcely a mention of them five years after the first permanent. 
English settlers arrived. They vanished almost in a night. 

On the other hand, it is also well to remember that the bison for 
some reason does not enter to any appreciable extent into the myths 
or rituals of any of the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi River. 
However, Swan’s description of an Alabama Creek town in 1791 
(p. 513 of this volume), says the Creeks had a “buffalo family”’ at 
that time. The bison figures to a very considerable extent in the 
religious life of the plains Indians. 

The preponderance of the evidence at present indicates it is prob- 
able the bison had not yet come into the Cumberland Valley in 
middle Tennessee at the time the Gordon and Fewkes groups were 
inhabited. 

As was to be expected, no trace of vegetal food was found, save 
the charred maize and maize meal discovered in the Sacred Image 
House on mound No. 2, Fewkes group. 


REPORT ON SKELETAL MATERIAL FROM FEWKES 
GROUP AND GORDON SITE, BY DR. A. HRDLICKA, 
CURATOR OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY, UNITED 
STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM 


The collection consists of parts of about 25 persons, the majority 
of whom are children or young. 

The whole material indicates rather a weak people, subaverage for 
Indians. 

The remains of the children and fetuses are approximately of the 
following ages: 


Catalogue Limit of variation Approximate age Locality 

316090 | Fetus___-_-_-+-- Fetus /_-2_- Circle No. 23, child’s double grave, 
west rim of house, Gordon. 

316091 | Fetusto6months_|_________-_- 0. 

316086 | 1 to 3 years_____ 2 years__+- Circle No. 3, double grave, Gordon. 

S1G092 se (Uo ek oe Be phe (ako See ane | Circle No. 17, grave K, Fewkes. 

316088 | 3 to 6 years____-_ 4 years____-_ Grave A, Fewkes. 

316089 |___-- do. lLente ay 5 years__L__ Circle No. 23, grave 1, east side of 
house, Gordon. 

316085 ; 6 to 10 years____| 6 years____- Circle No. 20, Gordon. 

316087 |2_-_- dale aP Te diyearss _ Us Circle No. 3, double grave, Gordon. 

316095 |----- doe Se 9 years__- _- McGavock site, mouth of Stones 

iver. 
316093 | 10 to 14 years___| 12 years____| Cirele No. 17, grave I, wigwam floor. 
316094 |____- dosny soak eto lone St ae Circle No. 17, grave E, Fewkes. 
| 


Of the adults there are only five skulls in a sufficient state of pres- 
ervation to permit of any comment. Two of these (316099, grave P, 
Gordon site, and 316103, grave C, Fewkes group), both males, are 
undeformed and show a mildly brachycephalic form, which would 
seem to indicate a connection of these people with those of the mound 
region of Ohio and parts of Kentucky. A female skull (316100, 
grave D, Fewkes group) was evidently of a different type, dolicho- 
cephalic, and may have belonged to a different tribe. The two 
remaining crania show moderate occipital flattening, and but little 
can be said about their original type. 

Of the skeletons only that of 316099, grave P, Gordon site, 
approaches in strength, but without equaling, an average male Indian. 

The skeleton 316100, grave D, Fewkes group, female, shows 
extensive pathological (posterior periostitis) involvement of bones. 
As the skull and jaws were evidently not involved, the nature of the 
pathological process is uncertain. 

612 


| THE FEWKES GROUP | 613 


The rest of the skeletal material is normal with the exception of 
the tibie of 316101, adult, grave on west side of circle No. 3, Gordon 
site, which shows patches of moderate periostitis. 

A. HrpiiéKa. 


SKELETAL MATERIAL From THE GORDON SITE IN THE UNITED States NATIONAL 
Musrum 


316099. Adult male; grave P. 

316085. Child; cirele No. 20. 

316086. Child; double grave; circle No. 3. 

316087. Child; double grave; circle No. 3. 

316089. Child; grave 1 on east side of circle No. 23. 

316090. Fetus; child’s double grave on western rim of circle No. 23. 

316091. Fetus to six months; child’s double grave on western rim of cirele No. 23. 
316099. Adult male; grave P. 

316101. Adult male; grave in west side of circle No. 3. 

316102. Adult male, not in a stone coffin, at 7; circle No. 84. 


SKELETAL MaTertaAL From Fewkes Group IN THE UNITED STATES NATIONAL 
MusrEuM 


316088. Small child; grave A. 

316092. Part of lower jaw and femur only; grave K. 
316093. Child; ‘grave I in circle No. 17. 

316094. Child; grave E. 

316098. Adult male; occipital compression; grave B. 
316100. Adult female; grave D. : 

316104. Adult male; grave F. 


CONCLUSION 


The skeletal material from the Gordon and Fewkes sites brought 
to light a most puzzling set of apparent facts, and strongly empha- 
sizes the great necessity for further explorations in this region. A 
considerable amount of the adult skeletal material found was so 
deformed by the occipital flattening practiced by these ancient 
people as to be of little value in certain lines of research. Only one 
undeformed adult skull was obtained from the Gordon site and only 
one from the Fewkes site. 

The ornaments, implements, and other artifacts, and the modes of 
burial—the entire culture of the Fewkes flexed-burial people—appear 
to have been somewhat different from that of the Gordon extended- 
full-length people, and it also was slightly different from the other 
extended-full-length sites in middle Tennessee. 

The culture of the Gordon site people appears to have been closely 
related to that of many, but not all, of the surrounding ancient 
Indian towns in middle Tennessee. 

The one undeformed skull from the Fewkes group and the one 
from the Gordon group, and the other small amount of usable skeletal 
material from these two sites, appear to tend to show that the later 


614 PREHISTORIC VILLAGES IN TENNESSEE (ETH. ANN. 41 


Fewkes extended-full-length rectangular-stone-grave people were 
probably related to the Gordon extended-full-length rectangular- 
stone-grave people. This skeletal material also tends to show that 
the Gordon site people do not closely resemble physically those who 
lived in the near-by towns whose culture appears to be related to that 
of the Gordon town. 

This small amount of skeletal material from the Fewkes and 
Gordon sites appears to resemble that found by Mr. Clarence B. 
Moore at Indian Knoll, on Green River, in Ohio County, southern 
Kentucky. It also resembles that found by the Peabody Museum 
expeditions at Madisonville, in the outskirts of Cincinnati, Ohio. 
Yet the artifacts found at Indian Knoll are entirely different from 
those of either the Gordon or Fewkes site. Indeed it would be 
difficult to find sites whose entire cultures are as different as that of 
the Gordon town and Indian Knoll. The Indian Knoll people 
buried flexed. The Gordon and the later rectangular-stone-grave 
Fewkes group people buried extended full length. Though Indian 
Knoll is in a stone-slab region, they did not use stone-slab coffins, 
while those of the Gordon and Fewkes groups did. The artifacts 
found at Gordon and Fewkes are entirely different from those at 
Indian Knoll. 

There appears to be some very slight trace of resemblance between 
the culture of Madisonville and that of the Gordon site. These two 
sites are probably related. 

Beyond all question, the rich valley of the Cumberland has been 
occupied by wave after wave of succeeding Indian tribes. Many of 
these were unrelated. The Gordon kindred people left more remains 
in the valley than any other. Further needed explorations will 
probably show many more. 


INDEX 

Page Page 
ABRAM, CHARLES, information furnished by 8 | BAND, HORIZONTAL, discussion of__-_..-___ 263-273 
BURNOWLEDGMENTS 5.0625 icn emo tendon 494 | BANNER STONES, discovery of___..--.------- 69 
ALASKA, investigations in________--.-------- 49,63 | BANQUETTE— 
ALDER, RED, used in basketry 145 irehinninaeirele neo = sn ne oe ee 528 
ALGONQUIN INDIANS, researches among--_-.- 58, 84 TR OUOS TION Ole socom nm = Sac aankinn ores 504 
ALKALI GRASS, used in basketry---_..-------- 1445 | BARK— 
iAWLI-OVER DESIGNS.......-..-.---=- baskets of 353 
ALTAR— gathering of 150 

{2g fa) 2 RR te ae A preparation of, for basketry_-__-------- 153-154 


in House of the Mysteries 
ALVARADO, CIPRIANO, assistance rendered by 85 
AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HisToRY, 

Tye LPT TCD + eee MI Ee sere + apa SR tee 223 
ANGLES IN DESIGN, interpretation of- 
ANIMAL FEATURES, as decoration. -__--.----- 539 
ANIMAL FOOD, of Tennessee Indians___ 555, 607-711 


ANIMAL FORMS, in designs on basketry - - - - _- 379- 
381, 382, 429-430 

ARCHEOLOGY, AMERICAN— 
«TL STC Sg 1 pep mrt tere me Se a 25-26 
PONCALCHGS Tiles wn nn een oceans 3 
ARROWHEAD, found in mound________---__-- 575 
ARROWHEAD DESIGNS-____ 317, 321, 343-344, 422424 


ARROWHEADS, application of the term___-- 317, 321 
ARTIFACTS— 


conclusion drawn from 613 
POM MOUN Gen so oceans aan e n= 575 
ASHCROFT BANDS, as basket makers-----_-.-- 144 
ATHAPASCANS, basketry of__...---.---.------ 134 
ATKINS, Miss Jutta S.— 
appointment of______- See 73 
NLC creer aes =, pa a sane 71, 106, 116 
AWL— 
Fin) 10s Cig 7 aetat hay pip ape parma 392 
manner of using 160 
BaBIes, manner of carrying_-_.------------- 211 
BABY CARRIERS— 
REGO PORK ON a ceca canoe naunuenan 211 
ya 0) fed anes int tr AER ea 165 
decoration of_ ---- 210-211 
J a a al apes Sree alte Ra 210-211 
211 
174 
397 
Baer, Joun L.— 
collections made by----......-------.-.- 95, 116 
investigations made by__.--------------- 68-69 
Work Of... 2. onossns 3 ouseeusee SEL 92 
Bacs— 
Gesigns On... ast oe SAS 


ornamentation of__ 
technique of weaving 
woven, described___- 
woven, general use of. 
BALsaM, used in basketry__.._...-...------- 145 


53666°—28——40 


use of, in basketry 
BARK BASKETS, beading on 


BARK RECEPTACLES, common use of_-_------- 138 

BARREL-SHAPED BASKETS, Coils of- 164 

Barrett, S. A., reference to__--.----------- 378 

BASIN-SHAPED BASKETS, terms for-__-------- 396 

BASKETRY— 
difficulties encountered in------.-- 258-261, 263 
diffusion of the art of-.---..----------- 133-139 
INIPERIGC MONS Ul Nn mene nein oa 262 
ingenuity/showm in ~~ -.--.--..-.-.----- 261 
time required for- 
Wabermhipht@ener tess oon nema as 

BASSLER, R. 8., acknowledgment to--_----- 494 


BATHING, baskets used for______.-.-------- 
BATH-TUB BASKETS, terms for__-------------- 
BEAD, application of the term_ 
BEADED DESIGNS 3+ 22 - oneness 
BEADING— 
@s ornamentation -2_---...-.-2--~- === 
materials used for_. 


methods of 

relation of, to imbrication 

CEES TASC se OS aie 

RUS ROUTINE TON eet naa os rece e ee 
BEADS— 

SUE) oe a ea = pa aS aya nan e OS S, 521, 522 

recovered from child's grave.__--...----- 529 
BELIEFS— 

concerning animal food__...------------- 608 

of sonthernIndians#<=<= "S.-- won 544 
BELL County, Ky., image found in___._---- 565 


Bic HARPETH RIVER, Indian settlements on_ 561 
Bia Sroux River, location of village sites on_ 64 


Brrcg, used in basketry___.--------------- 145, 148 
Birp CHERRY, used in basketry--- sans, 145 
BIRDIDESIGNAS® ce et 22 cece cowe ease nnceen 257, 334, 342 
See also BUTTERFLY DESIGNS. 
Bison— 
absence of bones of__---__---------- 493, 608-609 
first printed reference to____--- - 609 
in myth and religion of Indian___ meee Oil 


late arrival of, in middle Tennessee__.. 555, 611 
See also BUFFALO. 


BLACKFEET, baskets bought by--.._---.------ 135 
BLACKWELL, THOMAS— 
GNDOM MANE Ola. oscars a sete eelan 95 
AUG) AU ee ape ee ee ees 94, 115 
615 


616 INDEX 
Page Page 
BLANKETS— BURIAL OF CLIFF DWELLER, preservation of 52 
designs on 360 | BuRIALS— 
materials used in 355 absence of, in mound--_--_-----...-__----- 
Boas, FRANZ— adult, in house circle 
position held by, abolished___-----.----- 21 after decay of the flesh 
preface 'by2 22 eset Sees 131-132 at Gordon site__ 
publication under direction of__.__------ 119 flexed ----_--- 
Borina, by means of heated stones___. . 586 in cane baskets 
BOILING BASKETS, terms for 396 in fire bowl__------ 
Borne SPRING ACADEMY— in floor of wigwam. 
Indian remains at 559 intrusive - ------------------------------- 
naming of - 603 multiple__------------------------------- 
BOTTOMS OF BASKETS— Of DOnes he sen ee eene se eee eee 
Colled aaa a eet oe Serene ee eeenaes 167-174 OK Ch dere ee er eee 499, 
method of making 174-179 520-521, 537, 546, 547, 598, 601 
varieties of 167-168 See also BUNDLE BURIAL; CHILDREN’S 


Bow.Ls— 
baskets used as. 


nest of, found in burial 606 
See also POTTERY; PRAYER BOWL. 
BOWL-SHAPED BASKETS, Coils of_ -___.------- 164 
Box, STONE-SLAB, in floor of wigwam 595 
BOX-SHAPED BASKETRY--_-__----------- 165, 207-208 
BRAECELEIN, J. G., collection presented by-. 116 
BRAIDING OF BASKET RIMS_----_---------- 182-184 
BRIGHAM, EpwarD M., manuscript sub- 
mitted: byss2- - 225-2ses = kee ree oe 16 
Buck, JosHva, information furnished by. 8 
BUCKSKIN, used in trade_____-.-_---.-_..-... 158 
BUFFALO— 
hunted in the Allegheny region_________- 611 
in Tennessee 
late arrival of, in Tennessee_____________- 609 
See also BISON, 
BUFFALO HUNT, influence of, on basketry_-. 141 
BuILDINGS— 
character of =) 52 
number of, on Gordon site. 495, 497 
Onunonnde. pene eens 501, 562-564, 567-571 
shape of. 495 
traces of 591 
BUNDLE BURIALS, of bones --- 601-602 
BUNZEL, Dr. RuTH, reference to__-- 387 
BURDEN BASKETS— 
change in 236, 361 
coils of ---- 164, 165 
described --- 198-201 
designs on --- 229-234 
development of form of__--.------------- 386 
grouped according to shape__ 197 
of the Chilcotin 344-348 
of the Lillooet _- 335-338, 421422 
Of The) Shuswap: se ss--aeeee ease at Se 351-352 
of the Thompson___ --. 416-420 
proportions of--__- 212-223 
shape of_.--.ca--ceea Seasons ee 137 
technical difficulties in decorating - -___ 258-259 
terms for 395-396 
two groups of. --- 217-218 
value of____-- --- 157,158 
widespread use of - 141 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY— 
appropriations for_-_-_--.---_--_- 1, 25, 47, 77, 99 
Work: Offs. ---5s-cc8 3, 25-27, 47-50, 77-80, 99-101 
BURIAL MOUND, described__-_----.-------- 586-588 


BURIALS; FLEXED BURIALS; GRAVES; 
STONE-SLAB BURIALS. 
BURNSIDE, Mrs. S. H., collection presented 


1 eee ees am sae Sas erie es 116 
Burton, Lewis T., owner of Burton Mound. 108 
BuRTON MOUND, excavation of_____- 85-86, 107-109 
BUSHNELL, Davin I., JR.— 

manuscript purchased from 6 
pottery discovered by ___ 525-526 
WORK Of = os ogee 14, 40, 67 
Busk, Kasi’Hta, new fire ceremony of____--. 513 
BUTTERFLY DESIGNS-_-_-_------____ 257-258, 273, 342 


See also BIRD DESIGNS. 
CABEZA DE VACA, extract from narrative of. 609-610 
(CACHES OM ATA. Soe ance oe eee eee 518 
CACHE PITS— 
described_ 


CAHOKIA MOUND, efforts to preserve_ 


=swres 
CAHOKIA MOUND GROUP, airplane pictures of- 67 
CALIFORNIA TRIBES, influence of, in basketry 375- 


376, 384 
CALKING, materials used for--_--...-..------ 147 
CANE MATTING, specimens of_-------.------- 571 
See also MATTING, CANE. 
CANOEs, value of, in trade _-_.------_-..--.- 158 
Caps— 


OAPTIVES) treatment Of- = 22-2 -aeee pean 544 
CARDINAL POINTS— 


bow! buried according to_ 537 
Fipes ab = Seem ane 506-507 
place of, in religion -_---.------- 537 
See also WORLD QUARTERS. 
CARE OF BASKETS 196 
CARRIER TRIBE, mention of. 135 
CARTWRIGHT, JOHN BELL, collection pre- 
sented byi<- <2 -s5.o--aspenee eee eee 116 
Casca INDIANS, mention of__--------------_- 135 
CASCADE PEOPLE, basketry of_--------- 141, 156, 361 
CASTALIAN SPRINGS, TENN.— 
burials found at 605 
fortified town at_ 496 
vases found at 534 
CATAWBAS, black pottery of 522 
CAT-TAIL FLAG, used in basketry- 145 
Cayuse INDIANS, mention of 136 


CEDAR ROOTS, used in basket making__---_- 137 


INDEX 617 
Page Page 
CEDAR TREE— Cocopa INDIANS, researches among____._..__ 61-62 
importance of, in basket making. -- 145 | COEUR D'ALENE INDIANS— 
influence of, on basket making__ we 144 LO Sat ens Se 
CEDAR-TREE TOWER, excavation of____.----- 29 Cuetec n {) Soe ae ee 
CELTs— imbrication among. __.._- 
argillaceous limestone, found with flexed shapes of baskets of_._-..----.--------- 
ie) |e eee ee, eee 600 | COILED BASKETRY— 
diorite, found in house circle. 547 REGIONE NG staan eaten eee 154 * 
diorite, reworked 601 Lk: SS ar sem 167 
CEMETERIES, described__.....------------- 548-549 material used in_-..._- eee ntnnne 137 
See also BURIALS; GRAVES. tribes making--___._- 154 
CENTRAL AMERICA, need of investigation in. 105 See also BASKETRY. 
CEREMONIAL FIRES— CorLinc— 
at celebration of rites.--.-....--------- directions Of 52 cepa et ope ge ensean nae 160 
at erection of mound - _ pe ae eee ae eee 170-172 
fire bow] containing -__._...........----- technique of__.__.._. ~ 159-167, 170-172 
CHAPMAN, C. O., collection presented by_.-. 116 the preferred technique.._.....-------.-- 361 
CHARLEVOIX, temple described in journal Coits— 


CHEATHAM CouNTY, TENN., remains in_. 89, 496 


CHECKERWORE, in design 248 
CHECKS, interpretation of, in basketry.__... 322 
CHEHALIS TRIBE— 
136 
383 

CHEMAKUM TRIBE, basketry of_.....-.------ 136 
CHEROKEE— 

belief of, concerning the buffalo__..---.-- 611 

Dlack pottery iafisccins sete cides aa, «p 522 

buildings used by, as temples _ -_--.--- 501-502 

custom of______ begieed 58 ene. secow 608 

Gordon people driven out by__-------.-. 556 
CHEROKEE FORMULAS, paper on, by 

Ce 0) ae a Sn 56 
CHEROKEE INDIANS— 

belief of, concerning springs - - Scnangp 603 
CuHERT, leaf-shaped implement of___._-.-_... 521 
CHEVRON— 

as an element in design.__...-....... 244, 253 

interpretation of. 312-313 
CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SHIELDS, paper on, 

by James Mooney. -.-------..---....--.- 56 
CHILCOTIN TRIBE— 

basketry of 133, 


134, 135, 142, 180, 182, 184, 196, 201, 223, 
229, 230, 231, 233, 246, 247, 250, 336, 344- 
351, 356, 361, 372, 373. 


characteristics of basketry of_...._-...- 230, 233 
374 
of Athapascan stock_.........------..-.. 373 
CHILDREN— 
PI 0 mn ss RRS 499, 
520-521, 537, 546, 547, 560, 598, 601, 604 
Picuris, stories told to.-_.-..----.-.-.-.- S4 
CHINOOK TRIBE, mention of_.....--.-.--...- 136 
CHIPPEWA INDIANS— 
PAPOTS ON . =... 2 8. ese ees 37, 60 
researches among..-.-..-.-- 13-14, 88-89 
Cuisca, object of De Soto's search .__._.-__.. 610 
CHOKECHERRY, used in basketry---.-.-._-- 145, 148 
CLALLAM TRIBE, mention of 136 
CLAN, members of, living in groups-__._____ 553 
CLARK, Miss May §., work of__.. 21, 44, 73, 95, 116 
Cay, used to cover fire..........-.+.-.--. 500, 501 
Curr DWELLERS, preservation of grave of___ 52 
Cxora, used in imbrication - ._..-----.-.--_. 226 


uniformity of__....---- 3 
CoLpWATER INDIANS, basketry of. 
Coty, Mrs. LEE, collection presented by__. 116 
COLLECTIONS ACQUIRED BY THE BUREAU__-_ 19-20, 

43, 72-73, 95, 115-116 


CoLors— 
BIXANECHIONG Of oan cae ae aeene cece 


used by Salish tribes 
used in beading --_--_- 


used in imbrication__._-.-.-..----------- 
COLUMBIA TRIBE— 
TARO y Olan cone cenaacas 142, 154, 155, 230, 414 
Riis Of DASKOLS O}..-- coos oe meennsaen are] 
shapes of baskets of_.__.__---..-- 138, 141 
use of imbrication by---------....------- 140 
COLVILLE TRIBE— 
imbricated basketry of___--..---.---_- 140, 155 
materials used in basketry of-_-__--._.__ 154 
itays meade Dyed fool el eee ac eee 138 
Cooxinc— 
fidt rocks used ‘for: — _.--.- 232 2ssiiesdes 498 
in clay vessels. -_.--.-- ---- 583-586, 607 
COOKING BASKETS, terms for__-_..--------_- 396 
Corn. See Maize. 
CORNERS OF BASKETS, treatment of__-_______ 265, 
268, 269, 277, 278, 281, 336-337, 347 
CORNWALLIS INDIANS, mention of__-.-.---_- 144 
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE BUREAU_-_--_-___- 6-7, 
27, 56, 80, 86 


CoTTAGE HOME GROUP OF RUINS, mentioned. 496 


CotTonwoop CANYON, UTAH, collection 
ic): oe eee a nee Se 19 
COWLITZ TRIBE— 
basketry of.__-_... 133, 142, 182, 354, 355, 356, 357 


caps worn by---_-------. - 354 


dialect of, like upper Chehalis. _ 383 
mention Of. 7 <.-asosctucsaee: - 136 
rims of baskets of.....-.---..-.---------- 142 
Cox, P. E.— 
burials found by...-- 2 -cscusaesenccsans 574 
excavations made by-.-.-.--.-..------------ 605 
COYOTE, THE CULTURE HERO, basketry 
pa | DR ae ee eee 223 


618 INDEX 
CREEK INDIANS— Page |‘ DrsicNs—Continued. Page 
bulletin on Lillooet --- 230, 339 
town arrangement of_ 501 Lytton__ . 331-334 
town square of. == ----<-=-=--=---+- 498, 511-514 names of. _ 358-359 
CREMATION, among Cocopa and Yuma----- 61, 88 obsolete_ _-. 370-371 
Crossgs, interpretation of-__.._.---------- 316-317 realistic___ 254-258, 330-331, 339, 348 
CULTURE HERO, basketry taught by-_-------- 223 resulting from dreams --- 302-303 
CUMBERLAND RIVER, remains of fortresson_ 496 selection of. _-. 300-304 
CuP-SHAPED BASKETS— sketched by basket maker_-__-_-____.__ 259-260 
COIS oPAehee Rec Sad = eae ee cen es eee 164 symmetry in arrangement of. 284, 
285, 286, 287, 296 
2se8 terms descriptive of_.-.-_-.-.----1.---- 400-402 


CusHInG, F. H., mention of__--------------- 101 
DaGGER, yellow flint, from house circle_- 521 
Davipson County, TENN., remains in__-__-- 495 
Dawn, interpretation of colors of-_-_-------- 591 
Dr GRAFFENREID RUINS, mention of-_------- 496 
De Soto EXPEDITION, bison not seen by------ 610 
De Wirt, JoHn H., mentioned_-_-.-.-------- 589 
DECORATION ON BASKETRY. See DESIGNS; 

ORNAMENTATION. 
DECORATION ON POTTERY, suggesting Siouan 

TelationSh passe es en ae eee ee ee eee 533 
DENIG ASSINIBOIN MANUSCRIPT, preparation 

(6) ee ee ahs ee rh 6 
Denny, L. W., burial mound on property of_- 89 
DENSMORE, Miss FRANCES, work of ___-_--- 12-14, 


35-37, 60-62, 87-89, 112-113 
DEPRESSIONS, SAUCER-SHAPED, remains of 


Gwellings! sess sss see se ae ee ee 495 
DESIGN ARRANGEMENTS, comparison of__.. 424-426 
DESIGN ELEMENTS— 

@ISCUBSION Of =— aa os5 neon a= see eee 245-258 


IDESIGN ERE LDS See a2 aaa ee 228-234 
DESIGN NAMES— 
distribution of. 470-472 


index to 462-470 

‘Lower Thompson\-255=" == -----------~ 471-472 

WpperUhOMpson=---9-——s- see eee 470-472 
DEsIGNS— 

application of, to field---_._-.--.------ 258-299 


arrangement of_______---_-- 
California, on Klickitat bags- 
Chilcotine ss ne- nen soeeeea = 

combinations of 
considered as incomplete--- 
diamond— = so25---tee ae 
difficulties in applying---- 


303-304 
258 
-- 244, 324-325 
258-261, 263 


discussion of, by informants--_-_------ 431-448 
discussion of types of-------------------- 262 
dreams = = 22 essen eee 302-303, 339, 387, 451 
either geometric or realistic__--------_-- 330 


errors in arrangement of-- 
geometric, Chilcotin.__._----------.__- 
geometric, described_-_-....------------- 
geometric, discussion of_ 
geometric, interpretation of____._.--__- 
geometric, list of 
geometric, names for_- 
illustrating a story-- 


IMM PICA LiONa es ese eae seen sae eee 140 
in vertical stripes__ 242-245 
index to sketches of- 473-483 
Indian division of__- 254, 256 
inheritance of. Fa 301 


interpretation of___ 304-330, 348-350, 383, 387-388 
Klickitat and Yakima--__---...-------- 357-360 


Thompson _-_- 
variations of____ 


230-233, 365, 366, 378-383 


DIAMOND, as an element in design 
DIAMOND DESIGNS-_-___----------- 

DICE, BONE, buried with child 
DINWIDDIE, WM., collection made by_ ue 72 


253-254 


Drirrer, terms for basket used as___- - 397 
DiscoriaL— 
found in house circle__._.-_--..---------- 547 
found in mound 564 
found on temple site. 509 


used as cover for bowl-_---------------- 547-548 


DISTRIBUTION OF COILED BASKETRY-- eet abe 
Drxons CREEE, fortified town on_ - 496 
DopcGrE, CHEE, blanket presented by_ - 116 
Doc CREEK, remains on_--_----------------- 496 
DoGwoop, used in basketry_.--.------------ 145 


DREAM DESIGNS— 


DROPPERS— 
discussion’ of: === 2p senna eee eee 368-370 
Lillooet work distinguished by---------- 242 
use of, in ornamentation______--__- 230, 231, 232 
Du Pravz, description of temple by__----- 507-508 
Duck Rrver, fortified Indian town on_____-- 496 


IDES? 1186! Ofna oan en aa ee 

Ear_e, CHARLES T., collections made by_ 

EARTHENWARE, pot of, with stone cover____- 
See also POTTERY. 


ELEMENTS OF DESIGN-_-----------.--------- 245-258 
Exuiott, E. M., cooperation with---_-_-.--- 101 
ENVIRONMENT, basketry affected by_---_---- 143 
Equauity in life of people__.-_.-.--.---.-- 540-341 
Errors in arrangement of designs__.----.- 287-295 
ETHNOLOGY, aims!0fs--22 2-2 s_-. === See 1 
Fapnrics, WOVEN, used in modeling vessels... 577 
Far View HOvss, repair of----.-------.---- 50, 81 
Far View Tower, excavation of_.--.-----.- 53 
Feast, during erection of mound_------.---- 500 
FEewkeEs, J. WALTER— 

acknowledgment to 494 


administrative reports of. -.. 1-116 
collections made by-- _- 20, 43, 72 
site named for 559 
work of...------- 4-6, 27-31, 50-54, 79-82, 101-103 
FEWKzs CANYON, construction of road along_ 28 
FEWKES GROUP OF MOUNDS--_____-------- 559-614 
FIELD MUSEUM OF CHICAGO, reference to.... 211 


INDEX 619 
Page Page 

FILLERS IN DESIGNS-----........-.---- .---- 276-287 | GEOMETRIC FIGURES, names for__._._------ 402-411 
rare on Chilcotin baskets. 346 | GEOMETRICFORMS and theirinterpretation_ 304-330 
use of, on Lillooet baskets._.......-.--..- 336 See also DESIGNS, GEOMETRIC. 

TIBIAL POSION Of... 5 cope ew een nn ak owen 290 | Grsson, JOHN ARTHUR, information obtained 
Fre BED— OT aso seein ha See 8 

over cache pit_.-- Girts, baskets intended for 204 

unusual situation of..........--------- 531,532 | GmL, DE LANCEY, work of___-___. 18, 42, 71, 94, 114 
FIRE BOWL— Gms, baskets used by---.----.-.-.-.---.-.-- 200 

burial fn edge of-._..-.-.---------- 560, 598-599 | GorDoN, H. L.— 

enor ned nn ca lias 518-519, 446-547 acknowledgment to___....---------.----- 494 
FYRE CEREMONIES. See CEREMONIAL FIRES. Indian remains on farm of__.-.-.-.---.-- 495 
Fire TEMPLE, work done on....-.---------- 28 oR te i ae EO eee ay 541 
Fire TEMPLE House, opened to visitors__-- 28 | Gorpon, Mrs. H.L., acknowledgment to... 494 
Fires— GORDON PEOPLE— 

at cardinal points.__......-....-.------ 506-507 compared with those of Madisonville, 

built during erection of mound_______- 499-500 (0) +5 Ee Re een meee nee Pee 

for domestte 1196), ctr cese Sen sknc teen 573 driven out by Cherokee---....-.-.-.---- 

CC cee ee See ae 536 relationship of, to other people. 

See also CEREMONIAL FIRES; FIRE BED; SHANOLOEANIS Ol saab oo sce ta ante eased 

FIRE BOWL. GORDON SITE— 

isa, 1se.0f,,98 food... . 1.2 asc 2 sca on Soe ee 608 date of desertion of. .-....-.-..-..---<. 

FLATHEAD TRIBE— deserted by inhabitants 
as basket makers. kis caches esgien sor am 141 | GRAPE. See OREGON GRAPE, 

TG) Seeeese ee eee 154,155 | GRASSES— 

baskets of, unimbricated__._..._.--_-__-- 140 preparation of, for basketry__....-...-. 152-153 

Heskets ROld DY. ase onan eee Rees 135 purple, use of 146 

shapes made DY =~ ss acnttence-ornust = 138, 141 time for cutting 150 
FLEXED BURIALS, described... 587-588, 598-599, 601 used in basketry --..........-.-...---.-- 148 
FLEXED-BURIAL PEOPLE— GRAVES— 

CONVENES OF8 oA -son donne anand 528-529, 537, 547 
hexagonal and round----_.---_----------- 587 
of children__.. 499, 520-521, 537, 546, 547, 598, 601 
TOCtANADAr STONE na neni 603-606 
See also BURIALS; STONE-SLAB GRAVES. 

FLoors— GREENWOOD GROUP OF RUINS, Mentioned__._ 496 
polished black GRINDING, rocks used in 498 
pottery mosaic, of grave_--...--.------ 603-604 | GuHA, B. S., work of___-_----------- -- 67-68 
StONO MOSA os a newn ene seeeeeet 545-546 | GuIcHON, Mrs., basket belonging to 236 
treatment of___._-__- .--- 518, 520,570 | HasiTations, study of-----.-..----.-------- 2 

Froripa, archeological work in___...-..----- 101 | HAEBERLIN, H. K.— 

Foop— TOUCH Ole eee me a 266, 
animal, of Tennessee Indians____-____- 607-611 269, 272, 275, 276, 287, 288, 290, 296-297, 298 
beliefs concerning._.._....._------------- 608 | Uh) paper by_---------._---__- “2 en eee= 119 
See also Foops, INDIAN; MamzE. 265, 275, 284, 286, 289 

Foop ANIMALS, table of bones of__.....-.---- 555 | | Workof__..-.-.--------------02 20-2024. 131 

Foop DEPARTMENT, remains of______.------- 544 preservation of, recom- 

Foops, INDIAN, value of study of_...-.--.--- 105 | Mmended_--__-__-____-_-_..---.------------ 26 

Foor OF BASKET, method of making_-__-_- 191-193 | HALLEys Buurr, an Indian village site------- 66 

Forms, GEOMETRIC. See GEOMETRIC FORMS. HANDLES OF BASKETS--____---------------- 

HORMS.OF BASEETSLA loads seer. Xe 197-210 | Hariot, THOMAs, value of report of. 

See also SHAPES OF BASKETS. HARMON, D. W., reference to_---__- 

Fortiriep Towns. See WALLED Towns. HARPETH RIVER, remains on-__------------- 

FOUNDATION OF BASKET, making of________- 160 See also Bic HarpeTH River; LITTLE 

Four, a sacred number__........------------ 537 HARPETH RIVER. 

FowkKeE, GERARD— HARRINGTON, J. P.— 
collections made by_--..--.---.------- 19, 20, 72 water basket secured by_.-----.--------- 116 

__ 15, 40, 41, 48, 91-92 WORK Glan 11, 33-34, 58-60, 84-86, 107-109 

Fox INDIANS, researches among _.. 11-12, | Hatze, MR., mention of-_------------------ 

34, 57-58, 83, 106-107 | HAwau, archeological work in. 

FRASER RIVER PEOPLE— Héy,.O. P, pmenbion Of Leesan on 
BABOLEY Olea cose asso aa ae 207, 208, 209,275 | HepBEerG, STANLEY, work assigned to. 

See also LOWER FRASER INDIANS. ELE WEDE 0 CIN «Disp WOLK, hana n cnc ncanenaenncee 8-10, 
FRINGING, as decoration ____.....-.-.-.---- 368-369 | 31-33, 55-56, 86-87, 109-111 
FURCATION, ornamental effect achieved by... 228 | HexaGon— 

Gasoosa, GEORGE, aid rendered by-------- 32 as an element in design_.__.......------- 254 

Game, played with dice.__.-__._____- 604 327 

Gay, Aspé Jo. PEDRO, manuscripts of.__-_- 16 | HickKMAN CouNTY, TENN., remainsin....... 496 


620 INDEX 

Page Page 
Hitt, Asa R., assistance rendered by______-- 10 | JACKSON, SHELDON, collection made by----- 7 
HincoMaN, AvuGusTus F., owner of Burton Jacoss, MELVILLE, reference to_- 383 

Wound ons oon aoe sso ene teenie enema ne 108 | JAR-SHAPED BASKETS ae 
HINCHMAN, Miss STELLA F., acknowledg- JEANCON, J. A.— 

Ment tos 22k =seseeee Se Ss ee ewes ea ehee eae 108 appointment of222<2s-2-S-sescasseaeeeses 44 
Homes, W. H., reference to---__ 246 collections made by-_-.-------------- 15, 20, 43 
HORIZONTAL BAND, in decoration, discussion WOPKO DSSS 8 <8 ones ee ne eee 39 

(0) pee eae tae epee 263-273 | JONES, JOSEPH, image vase figured by------- 588 
HoRsE— Jupp, Nem M.— 

influence of introduction of_-__-__-__----- 141 collections made by------------- 
value of, in trade 158 
HoTHOUSE— 
514 | Kata, classic designs wrought by-_-- 
510 | KALISPEL TRIBE, basketry of__-__-----_ 141, 154, 155 
510 | KaMLoops, a trading point--------.--------- 157 
HoucuH, WALTER— Kasaan— 
acknowledgment to 494 made a national monument. 49 


collection made by 
HOUSE CIRCLES— 


described==-2enna---=~ 
size of 497 
traces of 495 
HOUSE OF THE MYSTERIES, traces of______- 567-568 
HOUSE-SHAPED BASKET. See LODGE-SHAPED 
BASKET. 
HOUSE SITES, small, on Mesa Verde--_------ 5 
HOVENWEEP NATIONAL MONUMENT— 
@fforts to'establish*=*=""" {Sete e- nen -e 53 
TeServa lon Ofiss sn nee anes area eee 82 
HrpuitKa, ALES— 
acknowledgment to-_--_---...-------_--_- 494 
pS) (0) 0p. Gn et spo 493, 612-614 
HUMAN FEATURES, as decoration-----.-----. 538 
HuMPTUuLIrs, mention of. 136 
Ipaxo, imbrication in) 222- ee an eee nen 140 
Ipot. See IMAGE. 
ILLUSTRATIONS, preparation of _ 18, 42, 71, 94, 114-115 
IMAGE, ancient sacred, traces of__._-.------ 564, 565 
IMBRICATED BASKETRY, changes in area of--. 383 
IMBRICATED DESIGNS~--...-----=2-2-+---- 236-237 
IMBRICATION— 
colors used in 140 
designs used in ee 140 
discussion of__- ---- 139-142 
distri bnwon off oo 2 ene ee 140 
extent of__._._- 141 
home of___--_-_- 139 
in ‘‘all-over?” desiens= co. -<--5- sees wn 233 
materials used in--- 139, 140, 155 
methods of---_-_-- -- 226-228 
on Shuswap baskets Sana pe ORs 
relation of, to beading_-----_- 384-385 


relation of, to technical execution of de- 
SIGNS -~ = oa eee eee ng eee een 295-296 


terms used in_- 400 

time required for 413 

use of, as background__-__._-..----------- 231 

use of, as ornamentation.__-.-.---------- 362 

INDIAN HEMP, used in basketry___ 145 
INDIAN KNOLL, comparison of, with Fewkes 

NG GONG ON Sites sen eee 614 

INDIAN REMAINS, within Gordon area_.--__-. 496 

INFORMANTS, designs made by------ 431-454 

Troquolts INDIANS, research among---------- 8-10, 

31-33, 55, 86-87, 109-111 

JACKSON, JOHN EARLY, toy bowl found by-- 548 


Jackson, Miss LEsLi£, collection purchased 


plans regarding--_----- 7 
preservation of, urged 26 
Kasr’aTA, town square of. 511 
KENNEDY, Mas. FRANK M., assistance ren- 
ered DY: cao =~ eo en ee ee 67 
KETTLE BASKET, value of, in trade_____------ 158 
KETTLES— 
baskets used as 
Shape of. =====2=-=== 
Kick1nG BEAR, mention of---------- 534 
KIOWA HERALDRY, work on, by James 
INT GOT V2 sess ae ee 6, 56 
Kiowa INDIANS, body painting of----------- 596 
KIOWA LANGUAGE, preparation of paper on_ 33-34, 
58-59 
KIssEL, Mary Lois, work of-.--------------- 40 
KLAMATH TRIBE— 
caps worn by. 354 
materials used by, in basketry--- 146 
KLICKITAT TRIBE— 
area inhabited by. 383 
basketry of. 136, 


137, 139, 142, 182, 183, 184, 198, 223, 229, 356-360, 
361, 372, 373, 414-415, 424-426. 


designs of, influenced by California 
GALS ee rr te le 375-376 
mention of. 136 
of Sahaptian stock- . 373 
rims of baskets of__..--_----- < gnl42 
Koorenat INDIANS, basketry of 135 

KoryYAK OF SIBERIA, decoration employed 
iy eee ee sees Se aa 364-365, 367 
KreEMeER, FE. N., implement found by------- 43 
Kroeber, A. L., mention of 374 
KUROR, THE, a Memorial ceremony- 61 


Kurz, Friepricx, journal of, copied for Bu- 


LABRADOR, researches in- 
DADDER DESIGN = <----- 25-5250 <eeeehenna=e= 
La FLESCHE, FRANCIS— 

acknowledgment to. 


LAKE INDIANS— 
basketry of_.------- 
imbrication among- 
shapes of baskets of 


LEAGUE OF THE IROQUOIS, work on___------- 8, 
42-43, 71-72, 94, 115 
LIBRARY, report on___---- 18-19, 42-43, 71-72, 94, 115 


INDEX 621 
Page Page 
PN On HABER TS — cee eee eam cenne 185-191 | MATERIALS USED IN BASKETRY-------------- 138, 


made in one with basket_____-_-_------ 189-190 

problems connécted with decoration of. 298-300 

DA Seep cd EE A nl i 186 
LILLOOET TRIBE— 

DESC Y Oli ssa Se ee SRE EA AS 133, 142, 


154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 165, 177, 178, 180, 182, 184, 
207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 222, 223, 225, 229, 230, 231, 
233, 237, 240, 241, 242, 245, 275, 335-344, 350-351, 
361, 362, 370, 372, 373, 384, 414-415, 421, 424-426, 


443-444, 
characteristics of basketry of_.__.___--- 230, 233 
designs of, related to Tlingit 373 
influence of, in basketry ------------ 134 
of Salishan stock 220. oo eee 373 
LINES USED IN DESIGN— 
diagonal 247-248, 306-307 
horizontal) 202 acecene see as= a2 246, 305-306 


Lxano, N. Mex., archeological work at. 


LODGE-SHAPED BASKETS, term for__--------- 397 
Loorwork— 

TOOVO DHSKOb A= So) aE + een eaeee 193 

TOMBE? S922 2st ee eee 184-185 
LOWER FRASER INDIANS— 

RRICOETY Ole kaos ie Se 323. weer e eee 133, 136 


See also STALO INDIANS. 
Lower Koorenal INDIANS, baskets made 


Lower THOMPSON, basketry of_____-------- 144, 
156, 157, 158, 159, 174, 182, 204, 207, 208, 223-224 
Lower UtTA’maQt, basketry of. -- 446-452 


LUMMI TRIBE, mention of_____------ - 136 
LYTTON BANDS— 
ANKLE) Of sete see re ee 156, 166, 
182, 201-202, 204, 205, 208, 209, 231, 257, 331-334, 
378, 435, 437-441, 443-444, 453. 
Genienis Of:2°0 35 st penne tee e ena see 331-334 
dyeing methods of... .-. 222.222 147 
McEwen, Lieut. NorMAN, assistance ren- 
89 
McKintry, Lieut. ASHLEY C., mounds 
PUPORKEDNON DY ccenes coiacnssocecs seen 67 
McPuHERsON, RopERICE— 
RAONIETIPLUA ODN Olas ste te a mannan 95 
ERR Of tee cee nee ae Sane aes 94 
MADISONVILLE, On10, people of, compare: 
with those of Gordon site______-..------.-- 554 
MADISONVILLE SITE, comparison of, with 
BROAN SIGS. 2 sonnet anne eer scsesan 614 
Maize, remains of store of__--------------- 566-567 
Makau INDIANS— 
DARMOLYY Of. 5 ox 2 con cece cones essere eee 136 
researches among -- 112-113 


MALLery, OTTO, collection presented by 
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE BUREAU_----------_-- 


144, 145-149, 154, 155, 360-361 


distribution’ of== 2 oars ens --- 154-155 

qatiiorinit ofso2.225 sarees cess 149-150 

preparation of. 150-154 

terms for... . 389-390 

pe 8 ey ener ae Ra Bagel 156 
MATHER, STEPHEN T., mention of__________- 27 
Mats— 

made by Thompson Indians-_- 138 

not ornamented _-_-..--.--- 360 

used for covering lodges___...------------ 355 

Pee Gis Mal ae oe 6 i SE a 185 
MATTING, CANE— 

STOGES OL See ten ote a eeerc 

used in burial---__--.-- 

ey Te aries lier allan Seles aay 
MAvvita, description of_..-..-.------------- 
MEADOW, Mk., collection presented by---. 116 
MEANDER— 

MOMNPMONU OLS sree ee eras crane cee 266, 267 

in‘degibn s =! 72h 2? -- 282, 283 

interpretation of___.------ -- 315-316 
MEASUREMENT, terms used in - --_------.-- 393-394 
MEDICINE MAN, YUMA, treatment of the sick 

TS ee I RISE! pan pt 88 

MEGALITHIC House, naming of. maa 82 
MENDING OF BASKETS-_.----------- 147, 179, 196-197 

i PEN Ce eee pe pi aa 9 eer 397 
MESA VERDE— 

EST SPUIY Sete terete nee een 116 

WULKUONG OMS = co cnnane ae eecesscecencas 27-31 


Mesa VERDE NATIONAL PARK, researchesin. 46 
METATES— 
found in House of the Mysteries__--_---- 572 


found near grave - -- comeing 

rites connected with__ -- 536-537 

wooden, remains of 535 
MExico, need of investigation in-__-________ 105 
MICHELSON, TRUMAN— 

acknowledgment to- _-_.---.---.-----.... 494 


work of____- 11-12, 27, 34-35, 57-58, 83-84, 106-107 


MILLER, SAMUEL H.— 

POMSUSNON Ole oon nance amasseaddmaanea 73 
MILLER’s CAVE, Mo., collection from -_____- 19-20 
MIMBRES VALLEY, pottery of. -_-----..---_- 82 
MISCOGEON, JOHN, texts supplied by----___- 32 
Missourt, archeological work in__.-..-.-_-_- 91-92 
MOCccaASIN, BABY’S, custom concerning.__..-. 546 
Mopoc INp1ans, basketry materials of. -____ 146 
Mooney, JAMES— 

acknowledgment to- -.-.---------------- 494 

cited on Kiowa custom .....-.....------- 596 

classification of material prepared by.... 56 

SIDED SY teen oo nee den taa ee 73 

quoted on Cherokee belief-_.-....-.-..-- 603 

qouted on the buffalo - -__.-------------- 611 

WO ra eta 2 3 tre kapha FI ws 6-7, 31 
MookrgE, A. B., collection presented by_-..-- 116 
Moore, CLARENCE B,— 

acknowledgment to 494 

excavations made by - 602 

Ci) As a Re ee ee 614 


622 INDEX 
Pago Page 
Moorg, JOHN TROTWOOD, mentioned______- 589 | NOEL INDIAN CEMETERY— 
Morice, FATHER, reference to_-------------- 133 how] found)in- <= -<os-=-_-. =: 
MoOsEs PEOPLE, basketry of__.-------------- 230 owl images from__ 
Mounps— pottery from 
puildings:on:-—--=- =~ 20-- soto pee 501 | Noorsak INDIANS, coiled basketry made by_ 133 
cultivation of surface of_ .--. 574 | NORDENSKIOLD, Baron G., archeological 
described 499-501, worlkjiof=:<~ 2252-6 


509-510, 559-560, 561-562, 588-589, 590 
explored by W. E. Myer-_---.---------- 
fires at erection of - -----___- 
stages in erection of 


USO Of 22 sos ooo tet aor ee eer 510 
Murr, JOHN M., collection presented by-__-_-- 20 
MULLER, from House of the Mysteries_______- 572 
MUMMIFIED BODIES, in cane baskets_ - 571 


MuMMY BURIAL CAVE, mentioned_ 
Mummy LAKE, excavations near_ .. 30-31, 81-82 
MunNROE, Miss HELEN, work of____ 18, 42, 70, 93, 114 
Moriz, JAMES R.— 


revision;of paper by_—-2s4-5s5- eee 31 

work of, on Pawnee manuscript--_--_-__- 40 
MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN, HEYE 

FOUNDATION, cooperative work with______ 85, 107 


Mousic, INDIAN; Stud yiOf_ 3-5 5-5 eee 2-3, 

12-14, 35-37, 60-62, 87-89, 112-113 
MUSKHOGEAN PEOPLES, work on___--------- 32-33 
Myer, W. E.— 


16, 106 
workiofe=4--se2— 15, 37-38, 64-67, 89-91, 111-112 
NAHANI INDIANS, mention of______-.-------- 133 
NAMES OF DESIGNS, discussion of__ 382-383, 387 
NAMING. OF BASKETS. <= <= =<. =-=-==----—- eo a 
NATCHEZ INDIANS— 
buildings used by, as temples____-___-__- 502 
construction of buildings of__________-- 571-572 


forts of, described 
temple of, described 
NATIONAL PARK SERVICE— 


eooperationiwith. 9-522 ae 3 
mention of. 26 
NAVAHO, research among 67-68 


NELSON, WILBUR A., acknowledgment to__ 89, 494 
NESPELIM TRIBE— 


nasketry Of2s— sosso5cs 3 3ssoe=- = 154, 155, 414 

imbrication learned by------------------ 140 
NEST-SHAPED BASKETS, term for_ 397 
NEts, making of__ 138 
New Fire ritEs, building devoted to_ 6 
New Mexico, archeological work in_---__-_ 39 
Newman, CuHas. B.— 

RESRSOn Ole nn pe 44 

WODK Of. o-oo eto eae Soe ee 18, 42 
NEWHOUSE, SETH, translation made by-.---- 10 
NEz PERCE TRIBE— 

basketry of 

caps worn by-- 354 
NicHoLs, Mrs. FRANCEs S., work of________- 16, 

21, 41, 69, 92, 113 

NICOLA BAND, basketry of___#___------------ 157, 


322, 323, 324, 434, 436, 445, 452-453 

NIDEVER, Capt. GEORGE C., owner of Bur- 
ton Mounds Set ne nse eee en ee ee 108 
NISQUALLI TRIBE, basketry of----- 136, 137, 142, 182 


NUT-SHAPED BASKETS 


OAK-TREE HOUSE, opened to visitors_ 28 
OcTaGon— 

as an element in design.___-..----..------ 254 

interpretation, Of 2. ~2=-- soo. suep<Se- cae = 327 
ODD-SHAPED BASKETS__-_.--_--------- 206-207, 208 
OETTEKING, BRUNO, report by-_------------- 109 
OKANAGON INDIANS— 

basketry of ---- 133, 140, 154, 155, 157 

imbrication adopted by_----_---_-------- 140 
OLD Town, Mo., an Osage village site___-___ 66 


OLD TOWN RUINS, mentioned___- 
OMAHA STRUCTURES, account of- 


OMAHA VILLAGE SITES, investigation of______ 64-66 
ONE CLAN HovsE, excavation of___------__-- 52 
ONEIDA INDIANS, researches among--_-___-_-- 9 
ORCHARD, WILLIAM C., quill work described 

--. 365-366 
OREGON GRAPE, used in basketry_ 145 


ORNAMENTATION OF BASKETRY— 
animals represented in_.--_-.....--.... 429-430 
comparison: Of: 23-545. crear peters 
development of___ 
discussion of 
objects represented in 


plants represented in_ 428 
terms used in_-__-----.------- - 399 
OSAG¥ TRIBE, preparation of papers on- ----- 10-11, 
33, 57, 111 
OSAGE VILLAGE SITES, investigation of___.---- 64-67 
OwL— 
beliefs concerning------ =... -~.-==-.--=-- 542 
in pottery 
PAIL-SHAPED BASKETS, decoration of____----- 228 
Patnt, Kiowa method of mixing 
PAINT CUP, natural concretion used as_-.----- 596 


PAINTED Housg, archeological work on____ 6, 27-28 
PaintTeD Kiva Hovskg, partial excavation of. 29-30 
PALISADES— 


construction of 550 
disappearance of traces of___- 549 
See also WALLED TOWNS. 
PALOUSE INDIANS, mention of___--------_---- 136 
PAN Paciric CONVENTION, mention of_-____. 40, 48 
PAPAGO MUSIC— 
manuscripts Ona. sss sks ke sene eee ences 35 
study of. 


PARFLECHES— 


357 

PARTITIONS IN BASKETS..._----..-----=-=----= 210 

PARTS OF BASKETS, terms used for_-_.----- 394-395 

PAWNEE MUSIC, work done on-_.------------ 12-13 
PEARCE, J. E.— 

collections made by-- -- 20, 43, 72 

work of. - 14-15, 38-39 


PEND D’OREILLE TRIBE, basketry of--_ 141, 154, 155 


INDEX 623 
Page Page 
PERIWINKLES— Rassit, belief concerning---.-...----.------- 608 
asSveryany food. 2-22 eee 608 | RACCOON EFFIGY VESSEL, from house circle... 594 
shells of, in graves___..---- 530, 541, 543, 549, 608 | RaTTLES— 
PETTIGREW, F. W., excavations made by---- 64 Dbasketey =... Sek eR Let a 208 
PEYOTE CULT, material on, collected by James basketay, terms foreactcee 22sec euss 397 
MEOOUSY=- onan ot nt ante caeeseccseucce eee 56 gourd, 190 Of. 55. 26-.20-2 Se Se Ne 62 
Picket? County, TENN., remains in_- 498 | RECTANGLE— 
PICTOGRAPHIC ROCKS, investigation of_- - 68-69 as an element in design-____..--------- 250-251 
Prney River, fortified Indian town on__---- 496 interpretationioft-Wust. se! Dectssseo su 321-323 
Pire SHRINE HovsE— RECTANGULAR SHAPES, designs on____------- 229 
excavation of. REEDS— 
naming of_. time foriqutiing: x... 2st Soaerese sevasce se 150 
repair of. use of, in basketry_-.------------.----- 145, 146 
P’KalsT INDIANS, mention of__.....---------- 144 | ReIcHARD, Dr. Guapys A., reference to_-__-. 387 
PLACE NAMES— RELIGIOUS BELIEFS— 
Alaskan, preparation of list of_-_..-.---- of Chet Onibeieteet how 22 Rese oe 591 
California, work on_.._.--.-.------ of the Tennessee Indians_-...-.--.------- 531 
PLAINS TRIBES, influence of designs of-_ REMAINS, Within Gordon area__.--_--------- 496 
PLAQUES, used for food__......------------ REPAIRING OF BASKETS. See MENDING. 
PopuLaTION, INDIAN— RHOMBOID, interpretation of.._.-.-.-.------ 326 


‘ar Gordon towmns=-- 5 4a. 5 see 
paper on, by James Mooney--.-----.---- 
Port GUICHON, design on basket from 
Pot, Toy, buried with child--.-.------- 
POrsHAareD BASKETS 2223-2 2c eee nen 


black, method of making-- 

bowls of, found in mound---__----------- 

ROOTS ON oo at 2 a eet ee ed 

decorations on, suggesting Siouan rela- 
Honship =.= =. 2as.2e5e> 

found in burials----.-.-- 

fragments of, in burial 

fragments of, from house circle---_- 521, 523-527 

from stone-slab graves 


restorations of vessels of_-..---- 575-583, 593-595 

table showing results of study of-------- 606 

OWE INHUGN ae canane eo oce pee enone 547 

See also EARTHENWARE; VESSELS, POT- 
TERY. 


PoucHEs, ornamentation of__.__..-.--------- 355 
PowELL, Mas. J. W., bureau founded by-_-- 99, 103 
Powers, Miss Emma B., work of_ 18, 42, 70, 93, 114 


PRAYER BOWL, decorated with heads_---_-__ 537 
PREFIXES, occurring in basketry terms-.-_--_ 398-399 
PRESERVATION OF BASKETS--_-------------- 196 
PROCESSES OF BASKET MAKING, technical 
terms for 
PROPERTY OF THE BUREAU--_-------- 20, 44, 73, 116 
PROPORTIONS OF BASKETS--_------ 203-204, 212-223 
ReMAS TRO0) 20 = oem aoe 397-398 
PUBLICATIONS OF THE BUREAU— 
distribution of_-.-------------- 18, 42, 70, 93, 114 
Oa ge eee eats a 17, 41-42, 70, 93, 114 
1 et bape snes — Ss 17, 41, 70, 92-93, 113 
policy regarding--_..-..-------.-..-..... 2 
PuLaski County, Mo., collection from_-_--- 20 
PURPOSES OF BASKETS---------------.---- 197-210 
Qurrzs, mention Of-----2-2-— ------- ane ne ne 136 
QUILEUTE— 
DARROLCY Olsen asoseee ene one ana ae canis 376 
parler funy oss a oe ee pe ele So 136 
HILESWORR =. see een eee ema 


QUILLs, use of, for ornamentation__ 
QUI eOLT, Mention of ieee nee, So cenennonn 


RIMS OF BASKETS— 
Drelllpdiesaeeeeee tee cent eee eac ek eeee 182-184 


difference in construction of-.---.-------- 142 

~ 166, 184-185 

.-- 181-182 

| 219 

sels ete Stee ne OU Satie se be 181 

190 

64 

music transcribed by------.------------- 40, 84 

paper by------ wee 1i9 

Work Of 2s2<sassssssane= oie 13) 

“RoBIN’s NEST,”’ 4 fancy basket.._..--.----- 204 
Roors— 

construction ofs=44..f062625 Telco ase 552 

Rhine: 0fss-ssawe see da aed et eee eee ee 496 

Room, alleged, in mound__--.--.---------- 589-590 
Roots— 

preparation of, for basket making-- Set 150 

Selection of--_-= -Biaees Ss Sos oak 149 

time for collecting 149 

Ropes, Mags. E. H., collection made by----- 95 

Roscor, Capt. JAmEs, collection presented 
DYNES. cada snasn SER eetes 116 


RotH, WALTER E.— 
implement presented by------- 
work Of 5.222 -25.-.- 
RotTuNDA, CREEK, described by Bartram 
Ruins, preservation of....----.----1--------- 
RuvsHEs, used in basketry--_-.-.---------- 


RUTHERFORD-KISER FARM, OWlimagefrom.. 542 
RUTHERFORD-KISER MOUNDS, mentioned... 496 
RYE STRAW, used in basketry_---.---------- 145 
SacRED IMAGE HOUSE.--..- 


SADDLEBAG, basket used as-. 
Sarrorp, W. E.— 


acknowledgment to........-------------- 494 

remains examined by..-.-------------- 540, 541 

report made byee least teens acess suse 566 
SAHAPTIN TRIBES— 

basketry offs... 2... .s5.=. Sete 

grass caps made by. 

imbrication practiced by. -_-.-----.------- 139 
SALISH LANGUAGE, superseded by Yakima 

Uinlogtes Sasa setn tk Sa ee ees. - 384 


624 INDEX 
Page Page 
SALISH TRIBES— SPAPTSAN INDIANS, mention of_____________- 144 
as basketimakers ees.222 39ers 141 | Speck, FRANK G., manuscript purchased 


coiled basketry made by. --- 133, 134 
colors used by, in basketry----------.--- 146 
distribution of coiled basketry among.... 154 
materials used by_ 2.4, 154,155 
mentioned-__-__----_- s=2 1136 
SALT Licks, buffaloes at_-==2282-2-2ee-u 2.3 611 
SALT PANS, described by Bushnell___---_-_-- 526 
SANPOIL INDIANS— 
basketryof-<i25.46..-..=sscss= 


imbrication learned by-_- 
shapes made ‘bys. ss: s-2sssseseeet os sas 
trays madelb yuetes. 2 ae oP ae ee, 


SANTA BARBARA INDIANS, village of_______ 107, 108 
SARGENT, HOMER F., investigation financed 

DY wasn te cn ee ee ese 131 
SATsoP, mention of____-_---- =i) e136) 


SEARLES, STANLEY, work of--_- 16, 41, 69, 92, 113 


SECHELT INDIANS, basketry of_ --- 183, 184 
SEKANY, Mention (Of-=55-955-5 sees ec 135 
SEMIAHMOO, mention of-_---.------------s.-- 136 
SEQUATCHIE VALLEY, burials in- 602 
SEWING, method of, in basketry-_-_.-.--.--- 160 
SHAMAN’S BASKET— 
Pe YOl Ss 5 eee en 396 
used in treatment of the sick 201 
SHAPES OF BASKETS— 
angular, where found-..-..-.-.---------- 142 
changejin-=— 2... = -=<08 eee eee ere eee 361 
Chilcotin__ 
comparison of ==. aseo- At ee 414-415 
distribution ofe< -...2-55--<2s—5-<5 137-138, 141 
eolickitat= --sestee! eee -- 361-362 
illoost= 22-4 sss ces cess 361, 362 
made by older women_-_-___ bo) 
Square, where found_--.--.-------------- 135 
terms sed for: - =. --t.see28-52 fn ast 397-398 
Thompson 361, 362 
used by interior tribes. ..-.----.-.-------- 413 


See also FORMS OF BASKETS. 
SHELLS, bed of 
SHUSWAP TRIBE, basketry of_____- ---- 133, 154, 

155, 156, 157, 182, 228, 230, 336, 351-352, 361, 362 


SIDES OF BASKETS, construction of..------- 179-181 
SIMILKAMEEN BANDS, basketry of__-_------ 144, 157 
SIOUAN TRIBES, a custom of___-..------------ 546 
Sioux INDIANS— 
belief of, regarding owl_---...------..---. 542 
decoration used by_----- 534 


SkaGitT INDIANS, mentioned 

SKELETAL REMAINS— 
conclusions drawn from. __------------ 613-614 
from Gordon site and Fewkes group_.. 612-614 


occurrence of 510, 523 
SKOKOMISH INDIANS, basketry of.----------- 376 
SLAT-BOTTOMED BASKETS— 

technique oft: <-> 5.2.25) ses 174-179 


typesiofs s- == 22. 3s=- et ane boee see 174 
SmirH County, TENN., remains in__-. 496 
SNAKE INDIANS, coiled work made by------- 135 
SNOHOMISH TRIBE— 

pasketry:0f=-2--s=25-.--- eee 142 

mention of 136 
SONGISH TRIBE, mentioned___-_--.---------- 136 


SoutH AMERICA, importance ofresearchin.. 104 


PROMS ep wees 2 oe ee 16 
| SPENCE, GEORGE, translations by___---.--_- 16 
SPENCES BRIDGE BAND— 
basketryof. 2-2: 5-5-2. 28. aes 431-434, 455-456 
trade of, in baskets... <-5-2<--ceseeee5 156, 157 
SPLINTS— 
Coil and Sewing ae cerca es a as 150-152 
introduction of24s ss. = cscesssoaeenes 161 
moistening of. -s=ss-<--==--.--beaeeceeee 163 
number of, for coils_- --- 161-162 
Spuit Rock SITE, exploration of__-----_---_-- 65-66 
SPOKANE IINDIANS— 
Dbasketry ofc seecsenccstetacann nana 141, 154, 155 
caps: worn by <2). tee 354 
zims/of baskets Of ==. <ssecnqc-csncna 142 
SPOON, BASKETRY— 
Coils of = s_ 255: a ees ns 
construction of__ - 209-210 
terms for. 397 
Sprinas, Cherokee belief concerning_.-_.---- 603 
SPRUCE— 
influence of, on basket making__.--.--.-- 144 
WIIG) ere eRe eee eee ceeer tee c Seoreeecee o> 145 
SPpuzzUM BAND— 
basketry of --- 144-145, 166, 236, 446-452 
dyeing Obj ~ 553m ees soo te eee ee 147 
SQUAMISH INDIANS, basketry of--_----_ 133, 184, 211 
SQuaRE— 
as an element in design__-----_-.-___-- 248-250 
interpretation of. 
SQuARE TOWER Hovusg, work done on_-__--- 45 


SQuAwW GRASS, used for imbricating-- 
SQUIRREL, RED, belief concerning -__ 
STALo INDIANS, basketry of__-- 
Stars, representation of__-..---.---.-------- 
SOIRLING, M. W,., work of------------- ena 
STLAXAI'UX DIVISION, basketry of_ 
STLUE,pvalue of, instrade. __-- seen oe 
See also STORAGE BASKETS. 
STONE BOILING, a custom derived from 


(in isi oles so te ee ee ee 607 

STONE-SLAB GRAVES— 
beneath floor. -...-....------.- 499, 519, 520, 601 
Construction Of. 2 3e S  ee 549 
described___.-- 520-521, 523, 528-529, 537, 541 
(10h 8t) (Cee ee eee ee ee ae aes 532 
Inumound 2s =3 ce seeseesee ot oon nase ae 510 
typical of middle Tennessee --_------.--- 548 
See also BURIALS; GRAVES. 

STONES— 
rare, used for sacred purposes__---.------ 600 


rectangular piles of 
STORAGE BASKETS— 


geserihedis 62. aatoonc sone eewoncnuas 205-206 
Shape Ofo- 2-5-0 oo a. ce cone seaman) 137 
terms {Ors os A<caanen= aaa. eGo 

use of__ - 197-198 
STRATMAN CAVE, investigations in --- 91-92 
STRIPES, VERTICAL, use of, in design_-_-.__ 242-245, 
273-287 

STRUCTURE OF BASKETS_------------.----.- 167-195 
Stuarts LAKE, water-tight basketry of----- 133 
Sruwi’x (ATHAPASCAN), mention of...-----. 156 
Stuwi’XAMUX¥, mention of..... aoe eaesasesey 


INDEX 625 

Page Page 

SUFFIXEs, occurring in basketry terms_---- 398-399 | Turuston, G. P., mound explored by --.---- 495 
SUMNER County, TENN., remains in___..-.- 496 | TIME REQUIRED IN BASKET MAKING~-.---- 412-413 
SUN SYMBOLS— TRLEE’ KA DESIGNS sa sbcss eee ss sok as = 254-258 

occurrence of, as decoration__..-.------ 537, 588 | Txiinait INDIANS, basketry of-.--..---- 364, 370, 373 

use of, in treatment of sick 538 | TOBACCO BASKET, terms for__..-...--------- 397 
Sun TEMPLE, work done on_---------------- 31 | Toots, used in basket making___-...------ 154, 392 
SUNFISH-SHAPED BOWLS— TOTEMIC MONUMENTS, investigation of...... 63 

found in house circle_-...-.-------------- 594 | TOWERS OF THE MESA VERDE--.---------- 80-81 

mention of. : 522 | Town SITE, GoRDON, size of___--..-----..-. 495 

hoyee os -.-2--- 548 | TOWN, WALLED. See WALLED TOWNS. 

SWANTON, JoHN R.— ’ TOWN HOUSE, apparent ruins of__..-..---... 501 
acknowledgment to...-..---------------- 494 See also TEMPLE. 

reference to____---- aay O71 | Tow site, advantages of... ..--Sacpccicnes 496 

translation by_.- cust t= 5s cet eee 507 | TOWN SQUARE— 

Vy Til eX) ES eee ae 7, 31, 40, 54-55, 83, 105-106 GLC Lec Ee ee cee ue eee 509-514 
SWEAT-HOUSE BASKET, term for___----------- 396 495 
SWEAT LODGE, basket used in..__...--------- 201 498 
SWEENEY, ALBERT E., work of___- 18, 42,71, 94, 114 498 
Sweet, A. T., collections presented by--_--- 73, 116 146 
SYMMETRY, in arrangement of designs__------ 284, | Toys— 

285, 286, 287, 206 in graves of children_-..-.----.---.--.- 548, 604 
SyvsTUN, Santa Barbara Indian village.... 107, 108 of basketry ____ 


TAENSAS, temple of 507 
TTAHLTAN INDIANS, mention of____--------- 133, 135 
TAITNAPAM TRIBE— 

area held BY. . ...0<5sesus-asesenassoea 


mention of__-- 
Tal/XNAPAM, basketry 0! 
TECHNIQUE OF BASKET MAKING— 


terms used for- 
types Ofscas < Sawer e Reese oe 
TEIT, JAMES A — 
data collected by.......=----=--Sa-een== 143 
paper by-_- 
WWODKOf od cb ucrateceseacanet seas 131 
TEMPLE— 
ceremonies at erection of___ 
construction of walls of_- 
description of. 
dimensions of... 
of southern Indians__ 
use of the word 
See also TOWN HOUSE. 
TENAINO INDIANS— 
REVOS WOLD) Dann seen eet ie ee 354 
designs used by 
TENNESSEE, archeological work in_ 15, 37, 89-90, 111 
TERMS USED IN BASKETRY---------------- 389-398 
TEXAS— 
archeological work in- 
iGollection from(2=5 2222 SSSeee ceases 
TrHomrson INDIANS— 
Pasketry of. ..-.=.------=---=28Seeteecet 142, 
143-145, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 177, 178, 180, 
185, 200, 209, 210, 211, 216, 217, 223, 225, 229, 
230-233, 234, 237, 284, 350-351, 361, 362, 370, 
372, 373, 414-420, 424-426, 444-445, 


characteristics of basketry of._-.-..--- 230, 233 
coiled basketry taught by-...----------- 133 
designs of___.-- SR Sas ee eee 378 
discussion of art 0 . 369-376, 376-383 
GO VIFONMGN) Olesen seas eee een eae ee 143 
influence of, in basketry--.------------- 134, 135 
of/Balishan St00ks. osameeee eens = == 373 
See also LOWER THOMPSON; UPPER 
THOMPSON, 


TRADE IN BASKETRY- 
TRAPEZOID, interpretation of. 
TRAYS— 
GOS Ofe ona keen nc conn ee eee eee 
designs on- 
imbrication of- 
rigidity of... ==.--.=-.-----Seeesen 
ised for food een ae ne 
TREASURE BOXES, baskets used as. 
TRIANGLES— 
as an element in design_--..----------- 
false, as an element in design 
interpretation of_- 
on vertical stripes_ 
TRIANGULAR BASKETS— 


term for 
TROWEL, made of pottery 
WUNK BASKETS..2s. s5g5shs cet. eecke 


Tsi.’A, specially designed for burdens--- 199 
TUB-SHAPED BASKETS----.----------- 207 
TULE, used in basketry_ 145, 148 
TUNA’xXE, baskets sold by------------------- 135 
TUNICA WIGWAMS, described---..-.---------- 552 
TWANA TRIBE— 

Basabiy: Ofes sa aaecnee nse nee nc cee See 137 

mentioned--. 136 
UMATILLA TRIBE— 

CAPS WONT DY2- oon ache esses neue 354 

TNANUION Oeree ne = <a nee eee eee 136 
“UNDERGROUND HOUSE,” storage basket 

CEN: Die SE Se Bee eee mse at 205 

Upper FRASER, basketry of--------------- 156, 223 
Upper KooreNal, mention of-.-.----------- 135 
Upper THOMPSON INDIANS— 

pe Ce nae Seen eee meee ay 144, 156, 


174, 195, 205, 209, 211, 223, 431-433, 434-435, 437 
materials used by, in basket making. 145-146 
Upper UTA’MmaQt, basketry of_. 201, 236, 257, 446, 454 
UrA’mvt, basketry of__ 133, 144, 241, 258, 322, 324, 378 
See also LOWER UTA’MQT; UPPER 
Urd/maqt. 


626 


UtEs, research among. ----..----------------- 
VALENTINE MUSEUM, mention of__-__-- 
VARGAS, ROSENDO, songs rendered by-- 
VAUGHAN, Harry S., mentioned__-__---__- 
VERTICAL STRIPES— 


in decoration -- 242-245, 273-287 

small'desipns on) 22012: 32 2% 222% 2 287-300 
VeRwyst, FR. CHRYSOSTOM, manuscript 

presented -by222--- -22 Sen eS 16 


VESSELS, pottery— 
method of cooking in 
practice of ‘‘ killing’’___ 
restorations of. 

See also POTTERY. 


VILLAGE— 
deserted by inhabitants_-_--------- 495, 553, 558 
See also TOWN; WALLED TOWNS. 
WADLEIGH, F. A., mention of_---.---------- 27 
Watcort, Cuas. D., collection received from_ 73 
WALLAWALLA TRIBE— 
caps worn by- 354 
mention of. 136 
WALLED TOWNS— 
ofsouthernIndians=4esese se es 550-551 
remains of 
water’supply Of. =2-2-=s2252s2s222-<--22 25 552 
WALLETS— 
designs on 
ornamentation of 355 
Weaving Ofs:s-<ss25==35 139 
WaLis— 


construction of... 490, 496, 502-503, 560, 568, 570 

of fortified towns 550-551 

of Gordon townes2 22. oe Ee 495, 549-550 
WANUET, mention of 136 
WakPING, prevention of 
Wasco INDIANS— 


basketry of 

caps worn by 354 

mantion of: 2522-2 SI eee 136 
WASHINGTON TRIBES, basketry of - --------_- 136, 

137, 140, 184, 205 

WASHTUB BASKET, terms for__-------------- 396 
WATCH-SPRING COILS- --.-------------- 168-169, 172 

Glongated.=2=2: 54. Reiss 169-170, 173 
WATERMAN, T. T.— 

collection made by - - ---------------.---- 95 

Pworls.Gtteeena= 2 cn cancasn aac 49, 63, 73, 79 
WATER-TIGHT BASKETS-----_----------- 135, 201-20 
WEAVING OF BASKETS, materials used for__ 353-354 
WEEDEN ISLAND, FLA., researches on_.___-- 102 
WELLS, LiEUT. HAROLD R., mounds photo- 

graphed by. 67 
WENATCHI INDIANS— 

basketry Of2s. 2.2. ss 5eseesasn52h en seence 142, 


154, 155, 157, 182, 198, 223, 230 


INDEX 


WENATCHI INDIANS—Continued. 
caps worn by 


imbrication among-------.-----.--..--_- 140 

rims of baskets of-_ 142 

shapes made by_--___ _.__- 141 
WHEATSTRAW, used in basketry 145 
WHITE, JOHN, drawings made by____________ 583 
WHITE County, TENN., remains discovered 

Wtsessscascaseseas cnn Se 571 
WIGWAMS, probable appearance of__________ 552 
WILDING, ANTHONY, work of_________ 44, 73, 95, 116 
WILLAPA TRIBE— 

coiled basketry of- 134 

mentioned--.-.-.--.---- 136 


WILLIAMSON CouNTY, TENN.— 
Indian remains in 


WILSON County, TENN., remains in________ 496 
WINNINGHAM ROCK, mortar holes at_-______ 498 
WISHRAM INDIANS— ' 


caps worn by 

designs used by-------- 

mention of-_ --_--------- 

woven basketry of. 
WISSLER, CLARK— 


mentionof_.....-==--22-2s25=2-esee0e eae 74 

work: Ofss ses2ss-c22252= $esscccn tt aed ae 40 
WOLF Moss, used in basketry_--------------- 145 
Womack, J. H.— 

acknowledgment to 

mentioned 
WoMEN, position of, in basket making_-__.__ 167 
WOODEN STRUCTURES, absence of traces of-_ 495 
WORKBASKETS— 

fine coils of 163 

nut-shaped __ 202-203 

terms forss< 22252 Bets ede we cece eee 397 
WORLD-QUARTER SYMBOLS, religious concept 

Ofc ar EL SR 534 


See also WORLD QUARTERS. 
WORLD QUARTERS— 
ceremony connected with_____----------- 538 
place of, in religion 
See also WORLD-QUARTER SYMBOLS. 
YAKIMA LANGUAGE, influence of___--------- 384 
YAKIMA TRIBE— 
basketry) 0feec- =29 6 sa ecc gece s= 139, 353-360 
CSIDSIWOIM DY acento sp eae ee 
mention .of— ~~ <--eo 
Yaqui INDIANS, researches among- ----- 
Youna, Cot. BENNETT H., mentioned- 
Yuma INDIANS, researches among---_-_------- 
ZIGZAG DESIGNS— 


Gdjustmentiof 2222-22 rere. - ta ee 270, 272 
arrangementiofi2f- oes. .2285- et Aesees 274, 275 
interpretation of__ 309-312 


WERE) re ee ee | 


Za eaoce 
—-F== Smrmoacce 


° 
at 
= 


SALISH DIALECTS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


== Boundaries of linguistic families. 


*— Boundaries of dialects. 


--«+ Boundaries of sub-dialects. 


INLAND 


. Flathead, Plains Salish, Sematuse, Pend 


d’Oreilles, Kalispel, Spokane. 


. Coeur d'Alene. 

. Okanagon, Lake, Sanpoil, Colville. 
| d, Shuswap. 

. Lillooet. 

+ Thompson, 

. Columbia, Wenatchi, Peskwaus. 


COAST. 
. Bellacoola, 
. Tillamook, 
. Comox, Pentlatch, Seshelt. 
. Squamish 


. Lower Fraser, Cowichan, Nanaimo. 

. Lkungen, Lummi, Clallam, 

. Nootsak. 

« Skagit, Snohomish, Nisqualli. 

ii. Twana, 

« Quinault, Xumtolepe. 

. Lower Chehalis, Upper Chehalis, Satsop. 
. Cowlitz. 


ER LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. 


(1. Tlingit. (Koluschan) 
(2. Haida (Skittagetan). 
Es 3, Tsimshian (Chimmesyan), 
(EN) 4. Kwakiut! and Nootka (Wakashan)- 
(5. Quileute and Chemakum (Chimakuan). 
[EN «6. Chinook (Chinookan). 
(ER) 7.. Kalapuya (Kalapooian). 
[EG 8. Alsea and Yaquina (Yakonan)- 
(ED «9.. Siustaw. 
[9999 10. Sahaptin and Nez Percé (Shahaptian). 
(ER 11. Molata and Cayuse (Waiilatpuan). 
12. Shoshoni and Bannock (Shoshonean). 
13. Crow and Assiniboin (Siouan). 
{_} 14. Cree, Blackfoot, Gros Ventre (Algonquian). 
cocoalidlogt (i Ncaeun ctr tig 
[ER 16. Kutenai (Kitunahan). 

"ss 


ne, 
oe eee 
ely . 


=a 


Grays Hosnde 


ws 
uw" De 


: PROBAB Ly S AHAP 


ey Sms GAS 


F3 Se: 4 a2 io, - fen 


FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT 


DISTRIBUTION OF SALISH DIALECTS, AND OF LANGUAGES SPOKEN IN THE ADJOINING TERRITORY, BEFORE 1800, BASED ON 


INFORMATION CQLLECTED BY JAMES A. TEIT, FRANZ BOAS, AND LEO J. FRACHTENBERG. 
BY FRANZ BOAS 


AtiarnaCo Baltimore 


"TOONAMI 


3 9088 01453 2238