(Rita Re PPP ARS Ed eae pi. ety nad Je My bavi ‘a sien . ORM Rtiee . ee wi ah ‘ \ Cone) Ab bi RAN Ney ate Nth A i Lt ust cis ty bY Ns ! yoy DOr Ree nish, 8 t shia aR oy HPs ah k Ae nuit! tain) a it) ne Lies Naat + y, ms ae Sith aisity Ny ae Mt Ra eel} MSH aaa, iy f Set Vie Hera ‘ 4 PUP Fub Ghar , ath i rae i ate: a i VAT iak ea aay ay PA aeRO i) Re RE ean t VAT Ne ‘i Peg is U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. Table, HpAcof ZV -cole gy Book 4727 LIBRARY CATALOGUE SLIPS. Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnology. Seventh annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1835-86 | by | J. W. Powell | director | [Vignette] | Washington | government printing office { 1891 8°, xliii,409 pp. 27 pl. Series title. Powell (John Wesley). Seventh annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1885~86 | by | J. W. Powell | director | [Vignette] | Washington | government printing office | 1891 8°. xliii,409 pp. 27 pl. [SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. Bureau of ethnology.] Author title. Seventh annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1885~86 | by | J. W. Powell | director | [ Vignette] | Washington | government printing office | 1891 8°, xliii,409 pp. 27 pl. [SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. Bureau of ethnology.] Title for subject entry. rt ea SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION [Motto Decent BY J WS EE" O WV LB EG DIRECTOR WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1891 CON PENA S: REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR. ; Page hetter‘orstransmn tale oie ce.ccecsisie ots eretsseinche s\n1ci vie aust nals sels aisiere atateieyeleversie si eree ete XII [mMtrOOUChON spre ciae etter oie alcls sae vices Sac) anise Maiarw ones AON ee as aate che XV JOTGIG Lorde 7 siee SE onOD COU OUR Gon Da nar Seiten Maar iaaae Ee em aton dice ae XvI Mound explorations.................... SMe ohusst icine areteced che Shan RS I XVI IWiorktoLpEroh Cyrus LOOMass pelts taersesinc ee smele sale selaciaprels XVI Explorationsin stone willapes yc. wer. ce sce ei aecssctninisys aelerase viel a oisneree XVIII SWVOTEAOL DITSCLOLT Ds aVWis Ee OWELL 501-1 5).051sscayenystava 1 ditteteie eaten sia vis tora XVIII IVWVOLKsOn Mr; ro aIMOS | SLEVONSOD. -tore ceisler nie sisi side csettie eee sees ele XXIV Work of Messrs. Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos Mindeleff ......... XXV IWiOLK One Wits: HieaVViay NCISOM. 5..)ara;cisrereretavorste a ).cSssa0ec2on aot ace ee ee 72 rani Cipalyteiber and vill ames) csiss ci 3, Hook eo ae es ee 74 PODUIAUONY sav Cascais VEU A ee mn ey eee 74 Bissett ADCS AIOMY Es ees Gye Sted wei ok dae Soe SA aE No - Iroquoianitamilive sve.aeees seen 4 Fema atogkeg a FoR Is ote aPC Ta. 76 Gposraphic distababion es. 6 seek ae ae seo T7 FCHICID aI SGC DES ans stas Sori hear ee Tee. eee Be a 79 RO pualationiaara cep act acca he ee tee 79 cal an coLinibarn ily caen iy ic se eee wee ep eed ie poh ae 81 PEMA HPAI MUIADED yarccteme eas Ae eet ala Re ese ee ee ee 82 EO DUA Oni mrt ssh et satiate aS ay ties enemies ny ey 82 SALAD RAW ANeCAINT yan eee ee aoe een et Rep abptiah mie 82 PS Cea SAMY AA Ane se matin cnet wees cee eb See 83 AVN: Sexe on det nao Se Bante eon tela nee ee en eta | tart 83 TRO THIEN navel Sab: aeiceaes gear ache ieee tee eae ene eer ma a 83 Kiowan family ............ DUDOV OST. CIA DODOL ES aaBt AGH AEMGOn he ot oot 84 Population’) 3205... Sop POD oriCnn Gor Canarsie a aectio cat Gaon 84 Kitunahan family ................ SO ROn oh One r CIT is MeL Ae aie tone: 85 WRIST c od seas hnens Seyret Meret oe eee eee eee ee ee aE 85 LO DULAON pene rae ir, GRIMES Seren sean yet ete AN oak aoe 85 eG NSC Hane lannl yay ences ate Ace ee ese ke ee 85 eiribesne seas. ee eee NO SOI0d OSC Oo Oars Bali serene certo sees 87 ODUM ALI ONSeemtere rey Ae eal atone nae EN 87 ILENE TSE LUPIN Aso pede eo gerne RC ae a ae a ena ae ee eee, 87 Geom apinieidintrDOnOnys.e. 48 2 te oar sees a Oe 88 NEES) 2 6d oSaide coNma nee munb Maceo etee eee ae ero ene ce ane 88 LQIRO OTE nee nig ein ieee eee ea Hessiearc (mann eee Ese ee 89 UES ag edo bn shoals weet Ra SHOD ERR eeaee ae eta i) Siena 89 EODULAt On meri .4,.4: Meare Sey. Soke et eA LRM es 89 LEER OSTIE 1 TOT Gs ieap gaan act cee: a Re nee a pe lgie 89 TENE oo C8 pets Ric Un eee pea Anne ee aa Nr a 90 POD CIALION fe meee ae © Ae et As aye ay Nec) Wm a 90 RESTA RETENG CONTIN Oc ae EG waa Rog SO 90 Geperapinic rd StaPOMON =. 6% f dares ouns cnc tte ee aati tes Aad 91 Tal S ES opting anbdSbor se SSMaC rs saree IM eee eee eT ge ay tn =~ Gl LEON Eine ance ation Sabo oSa anaea See Re RoR Re toca 91 Moquclumnansiarotlys yen tcey sacsee tote hea ee ee ee 92 Gecpraphicsdistributions tiensen ase. 37 ce eee 93 LSU GY CAN tha (25 Rees AR se teacn Gh ae een eg Leen gh» 93 OpUla COM meters Pacem eae re eta Re eee 93 WUE MOP EAT ANALY, 20, yee aes Aare gee fe Ae aa mee eee a a, 94 Gece raphicgd 1siri bu Glories sereee pete sa ee ue enema Bi 94 =A IU LL oy Re cee fe eee eee eae aan aes 95 ISODUIALON Gtr sete, ee. ciate ewer Ae le 95 Natchesanfamiliyn shy shes. cepee ep mneee an en F Bey sen Nene eke eel re 95 (PLE CTVAT Ah 7 eee metas Pier hc eee aa ie Sel al 97 HE ODUULALLOLI Nera) kets em ese ph an ne os ea ON 97 VI CONTENTS, Linguistic families—Continued. Palaihnihan familly 5.25 1.%2 2. ocfe a eave ol ecetele oh poleiecetepoyeyesetelesete lt heletelet fetal aeetate Geographic distribution ...... 2.0... .0 eee e eee eee ee eee c eee eeees Principal tribes .....-...... RAP boone dcrrio cous Ubd dad dgoNctoOCU AG Prjunan: family. shin we s:- elelornicteterehcne tele scice teieeen Tere metonae 299 THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY. IMtroduUctioni esgic res caer aac asses tore ee Mess Ha tale e cet Mere 307 How, the formulas were obtained... cn eaten ten ee ee 310 The A‘yi"ini (Swimmer) manuscript...........-....65....-- Su Mee Rots 310 The'Gatiewanast (Belt) manuscript... cas aacue dete eter ee 312 The Gahunl manuscript ee 21) sicjacers gilli) XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript— Y0"wéhi formula........ 312 XXVII. Facsimile of Gahuni manuscript—Formula for Didtiléski ....... 314 Fic. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient................. 159 2. Sikas’sigé’s combined charts, showing descent of Minabd'zho...... 174 Sem OLIPITO fi PINSON Ls ars tateanie ates stasalc fete aitaions Siete as iae Leechs olclcre exe tenatel stein e 175 ABE CED HOLS POSUhasareretea Waxototas eich sashs a orrve RL Mee Peete stetefeie ys tate ee 178 5. Migration of VAMISIITIA boo Maye enn ia lacets ee EO Pee ee ee 7 6.2Bireh-bark-record, from Wihite) Harth)ycec...... ac ecieie velele se cieieieie ci 185 Koebixch-parksreCord. tromly ned lakelen nerds ere cine seis ac, wallet Ssebirch-barkerecord, from Red Wake. a. sateen eisars a ceaisbersl ee ierernee 186 OUBEISH SUDO aay zc aris icll iets ccsishets sioncioseanag Maeda emenMeTapat cals te ceoss sero soogoos 187 10. Diagram of Midé’ wigan of the first degree ..................20005- ~ 188 En GArLOT OL Mid GWA SANT). leyce:ais sfousiel save erchet oveseselee letwny ctl owe var eis arelsie 188 DOD wa CUTTS ea. 07270) oi eioael aie sto) a) slaiegste Proiral=os stato eaMerstare oe otetetel ots es eres 190 DP Sem WUTC lire bbl etc cste reiera ays sy chnilere sre steqeserntess shacks stelae ROEM eioge cls tare eters 191 PASM a ttle care tre cre «1 viet ste creielemts lays aisle. nie DONT Io Sele musceiala see 191 ty feieoineerectiaes Willa e gonman so ccna npnashesas. HasckecogbodoabeccosoaS 192 GHW OODEIN DGAGE ee «,-iclersccrysis apttnciarscte oi toys ater aielerare wiclevera sofslercietarehemte arate Sie 205 XII FIa. ILLUSTRATIONS. bl AP NY'fovors (Nels pom eo nopdpeo cocoon oo nddconDo do ndwdoSvoadontousonds 18:, Wooden efi gy ir xteya asic «1 om cintoloteiciel sles tore evonciatatstaiete Yetoteiaise eerste tote arene 19: Hawk=lep fetish ss 0:2 i o.0ac0 cites adi qarer eterna « oteveseee cet rates cee eee ae 20;' Hunter's'medicine: ... 5.5 oni. << eiicateoe atl te eet eete tO oe ears 21.) Hunter’s!medicine! :/csciis-:e1-00 vais aio cee orem iohe sneer etme eces tee eee pe E02) os bth na ene Mem Cecrmions, 6 ova cosh Jodeuwe 23. Diagram of Midé'wigan of the second degree.....................- 24, Mide! destroying: an) enemy aici). .raysiah te iciateisieisvsieeienteiel reiterate 25. Diagram of Midé wigan of the third degree ........ §enoeconosucope 26. Jes'sakkan',or jugglers od ge: -isi cy. dalsaiesoneirereeetetei eerie 27, Jés'sakkan’, or juggler’s lodge............... maint arse efoto aneeelegetetacts 28. Jésisakkan', or jugeler’silodge:. :. 9.0... = «sen mictien saees camer 29. Jesisakkan! (or juggler’s|lod ge. acs smeie-mreisin gee sera tice arate 30: Jésisakkan:; or jueeler’s lodges. .csce ace oom ener eee tm mere al. Jes sakkid' curing: womane «Sones serait ete eee eae o2: Jes Sakkid! Curing: Mans 2 25 <<< «rane ciate ove oii em eerste eee 33. Diagram of Midé’wigan of the fourth degree ......... ......-..... 34. General view of Mide'wigdn...............0-cee--ees Tecinicieais 3 do; Indianidiagramiof ghost lodgeecr cc cca:) science ieee ene 36:. (Leech: Lake, Midel ison pos (2/551: ciate nde fists ite ee ee eee Sit. eech: Lake: Mid6? song? -c. castaensevis tones cee eee seeen ne eee 38:» LeechiLake Midge: song 2cicni ticle einacicoman neh ciate orien ete emai . Leech Lake Midé’ LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. SMITHSONIAN InstiTuTION, BuREAU or ETHNoLoey, Washington, D. C., October 1, 1886. Sir: I have the honor to submit my Seventh Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and operations of the Bureau; the second part consists of a series of papers on anthropologic subjects, prepared to illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, Prof. Spencer F. Barrp, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. XII r) tap ew NS Ty : SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. By J. W. Powe tt, Director. INTRODUCTION. The prosecution of ethnologic researches among the North American Indians, in accordance with act of Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 1885—86. The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted in former years, and which has been explained in earlier re- ports, was continued in operation. General lines of investigation were indicated by the Di- rector, and the details intrusted to selected persons trained in their several pursuits, the results of whose labors are published from time to time in the manner provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which each of these special students was engaged during the year, with its condensed re- sult, is presented below. This, however, does not specify in detail all of the studies undertaken or services rendered by them, as particular lines of research have been temporarily suspended in order to accomplish immediately objects regarded as of superior importance. From this cause the publication of several treatises and monographs has been delayed, although in some instances they have been heretofore reported as sub- stantially completed, and, indeed, as partly in type. The present opportunity is used to invite and urge again the assistance of explorers, writers, and students, who are not and xv XVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR may not desire to be officially connected with this Bureau, Their contributions, whether in the shape of suggestion or of extended communications, will be gratefully acknowledged and carefully considered. If published in whole or in part, either in the series of reports or in monographs or bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may in future allow, the contributors will always receive proper credit. The items which form the subject of the present report are presented in two principal divisions. ‘Phe first relates to the work prosecuted in the field, and the second to the office work, which consists largely of the preparation for publication of the results of the field work, complemented and extended by study of the literature of the several subjects and by cor- respondence relating to them. FIELD WORK. This heading may be divided into, first, Mound Explora- tions; second, Explorations in Stone Villages; and, third, General Field Studies, among which those upon mythology, linguistics, and customs have been during the year the most prominent. MOUND EXPLORATIONS. WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS. The work of the mound-exploring division, under the charge of Prof. Cyrus Thomas, was carried on during the fiscal year with the same success that had attended its earlier operations. It is proper to explain that the title given above to the division does not fully indicate the extent of its work. The simple exploration of mounds is but a part of its scope, which embraces, as contemplated in its organization, a careful exam- ination and study of the archeologic remains in the United States east of the Rocky Mountains. The limitation of the force engaged on this work renders it necessary that the inves- tigations should be conducted along but one or two selected lines at a time. Before and even during some portion of the year now UJ. $. NATIONAL MUSEUM. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XVII reported upon attention had been devoted almost exclusively to the exploration of individual mounds, with a view of ascertain- ing the different types of tumuli, as regards form, construction, and other particulars and the vestiges of art and human remains found in them. The study of these works in their relation to each other and their segregation into groups, and of the mural works, inclosures, and works of defense, is important in the attempt to obtain indications of the social life and customs of the builders. This plan of study had not received the attention desirable and involved the necessity of careful surveys. It was thought best to make a commence- ment this year in this branch of investigation. . During the summer of 1885 Prof. Thomas was in Wiscon- sin, engaged in investigating and studying the effigy mounds and other ancient works of that section. Messrs. James D. Middleton, John P. Rogan, and John W. Emmert were permanent assistants during the year; Mr. Charles M. Smith, Rev. 8. D. Peet, and Mr. H. L. Reynolds were employed for short periods as temporary assistants. During the summer and autumn of 1885 Messrs. Middleton and Emmert were at work on the mounds and ancient monu- ments of southwestern Wisconsin, the former surveying the groups of effigy mounds and the latter exploring the conical tumuli. When the weather became too cold for operations in that section they were transferred to east Tennessee, where Mr. Emmert continued at work throughout the remainder of the fiscal year. When it had been decided to commence the preparation of a report on the field work of the division, in the hope of its early publication, Mr. Middleton was called to the office to assist in that preparation, where he remained, preparing maps and plats and making a catalogue of the collections, until the latter part of April, 1886, when he again entered upon field work in the southern part of Ilinois, among the graves of that neighbor- hood. Mr. Rogan was in charge of the office work from the 1st of July until the latter part of August, during which time Prof. Thomas Was in the field as before mentioned. He Was ell- ’ 7 ETH IL XVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR gaged during the remainder of the year in exploring the mounds of northern Georgia and east Tennessee. Rey. S. D. Peet was employed for a few months in prepar- ing a preliminary map showing the localities of the antiquarian remains of Wisconsin and the areas formerly occupied by the several Indian tribes which are known to have inhabited that region. In addition he prepared for use in the report notes on the distribution and character of the mounds and other ancient works of Wisconsin. Mr. Smith was engaged during the month of June, 1886, in exploring mounds and investigating the ancient works in south- western Pennsylvania; and Mr. Reynolds, during the same time, in tracing and exploring the monumental remains of west- ern New York. Notwithstanding the details necessary for office work in the preparation of maps and plats for the report, and cataloguing the collection, the amount of field work accomplished was equal to that done in previous years. Although, as before stated, one of the assistants, Mr. Middleton, was chiefly engaged, while in the field, in surveying, about 3,500 specimens were col- lected and a large number of drawings obtained illustrating the different modes of construction of the mounds. EXPLORATIONS IN STONE VILLAGES, WORK OF DIRECTOR J. W. POWELL. During the summer of 1885 the Director, accompanied by Mr. James Stevenson, revisited portions of Arizona and New Mexico in which many structures are found which have greatly interested travelers and anthropologists, and about which vari- ous theories have grown. ‘The results of the investigation have been so much more distinct and comprehensive than any before obtained that they require to be reported with some detail. On the plain to the west of the Little Colorado River and north of the San Francisco Mountain there are many scattered ruins, usually having one, two, or three rooms each, all of which are built of basaltic cinders and blocks. Through the plain a valley runs to the north, and then east to the Little Colorado. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XIX Down the midst of the valley there is a wash, through which, in seasons of great rainfall, a stream courses. Along this stream there are extensive ruins built of sandstone and limestone. At one place a village site was discovered, in which several hun- dred people once found shelter. To the north of this and about twenty-five miles from the summit of San Francisco Peak there is a volcanic cone of cinder and basalt. This small cone had been used as the site of a village, a pueblo hay- ing been built around the crater. The materials of construction were derived from a great sandstone quarry near by, and the pit from which they were taken was many feet in depth and extended over two or three acres of ground. The cone rises on the west in a precipitous cliff from the valley of an inter- mittent creek. The pueblo was built on that side at the sum- mit of the cliff, and extending on the north and south sides along the summit of steep slopes, was inclosed on the east, so that the plaza was entered by a covered way. The court, or plaza, was about one-third of an acre in area. The little pueblo contained perhaps sixty or seventy rooms. Southward of San Francisco Mountain many other ruins were found. East of the San Francisco Peak, at a distance of about twelve miles, another cinder cone was found. Here the cin- ders are soft and friable, and the cone is a prettily shaped dome. On the southern slope there are excavations into the indurated and coherent cinder mass, constituting chambers, often ten or twelve feet in diameter and six to ten feet in height. The chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger cen- tral chamber forms a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones gathered about it. The smaller chambers are sometimes at the same altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at a lower altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these cham- bers have been excavated. Most of them are now partly filled by the caving in of the walls and ceilings, but some of them are yet in a good state of preservation. In these chambers, and about them on the summit and sides of the cinder cone, many stone implements were found, especially metates. Some bone implements also were discovered. At the very summit of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made xX ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR of volcanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled. The plaza is about forty-five by seventy-five feet in area. Here the people lived in underground houses— chambers hewn from the friable voleanie cinders. Before them, to the south, west, and north, stretched beautiful valleys, beyond which voleanie cones are seen rising amid pine forests. The people probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys. About eighteen miles still farther to the east of San Fran- cisco Mountain another ruined village was discovered, built about the crater of a volcanic cone. This volcanic peak is of much greater magnitude. The crater opens to the eastward, On the south many stone dwellings have been built of the basaltic and cinder-like rocks. Between the ridge on the south and another on the northwest there is a low saddle in which other buildings have been erected, and in which a great plaza was found, much like the one previously described. But the most interesting part of this village was on the cliff which rose on the northwest side of the crater. In this cliff are many natural caves, and the caves themselves were utilized as dwell- ings by inclosing them in front with walls made of voleanie rocks and cinders. These cliff dwellings are placed tier above tier, in a very irregular way. In many cases natural caves were thus utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made; that is, chambers have been excavated in the friable cinders. On the very summit of the ridge stone buildings were erected, so that this village was in part a cliff village, in part cavate, and in part the ordinary stone pueblo. Phe valley below, especially to the southward, was probably occupied by their gardens. In the chambers among the overhanging cliffs a great many interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, and wood, and many potsherds. About eight miles southeast of Flagstaff, a little town on the southern slope of San Francisco Mountain, Oak Creek enters a canyon, which runs to the eastward and then southward for a distance of about ten miles. The gorge is a precipitous box canyon for the greater part of this distance. It is cut through carboniterous rocks ) sandstones and limestones—which are here nearly horizontal. The softer sandstones rapidly disinte- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXI grate, and the harder sandstones and limestones remain. Thus broad shelves are formed on the sides of the cliffs, and these shelves, or the deep recesses between them, were utilized, so that here is a village of cliff dwellings. There are several hundred rooms altogether. The rooms are of sandstone, pretty carefully worked and laid in mortar, and the interior of the rooms was plastered. The opening for the chimney was usu- ally by the side of the entrance, and the ceilings of the rooms are still blackened with soot and smoke. Around this village, on the terrace of the canyon, great numbers of potsherds, stone implements, and implements of bone, horn, and wood were found; and here, as in all of the other ruins mentioned, corn- cobs in great abundance were discovered. In patina to the four principal ruins thus described many others are found, most of them being of the ordinary pueblo type. From the evidence presented it would seem that they had all been occupied at a comparatively late date. They were certainly not abandoned more than three or four centu- ries ago. Later in the season the Director visited the Supai Indians of Cataract Canyon, and was informed by them that their pres- ent home had been taken up not many generations ago, and that their ancestors occupied the ruins which have been de- scribed; and they gave such a circumstantial account of the occupation and of their expulsion by the Spaniards, that no doubt can be entertained of the truth of their traditions in this respect. The Indians of Cataract Canyon doubtless lived on the north, east, and south of San Francisco Mountain at the time this country was discovered by the Spaniards, and they subsequently left their cliff and cavate dwellings and moved into Cataract Canyon, where they now live. It is thus seen that these cliff and cavate dwellings are not of an ancient prehistoric time, but that they were occupied by a people still existing, who also built pueblos of the common type. Later in the season the party visited the cavate ruins near Santa Clara, previously explored by Mr. Stevenson. Here, on the western side of the Rio Grande del Norte, was found a system of voleanic peaks, constituting what is known as the XXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Valley Range. ‘To the east of these peaks, stretching far be- yond the present channel of the Rio Grande, there was once a great Tertiary lake, which was gradually filled with the sands washed into it on every hand and by the ashes blown out of the adjacent volcanoes. This great lake formation is in some places a thousand feet in thickness. When the lake was filled the Rio Grande cut its channel through the midst to a depth of many hundreds of feet. The voleanic mountains to the west- ward send to the Rio Grande a number of minor streams, which in a general way are parallel with one another. The Rio Grande itself, and all of these lateral streams, have cut deep gorges and canyons, so that there are long, irregular table-lands, or mesas, extending from the Rio Grande back to the Valley Mountains, each mesa being severed from the adjacent one by a canyon or canyon valley; and each of these long mesas rises with a precipitous cliff from the valley below. ‘The cliffs themselves are built of volcanic sands and ashes, and many of the strata are exceedingly light and friable. The specific gravity of some of these rocks is so low that they will float on water. Into the faces of these cliffs, in the friable and easily worked rock, many chambers have been excavated; for mile after mile the cliffs are studded with them, so that altogether there are many thousands. Sometimes a chamber or series of chambers is en- tered from a terrace, but usually they were excavated many feet above any landing or terrace below, so that they could be reached only by ladders. In other places artificial terraces were built by constructing retaining walls and filling the inte- rior next to the cliff with loose rock and sand. Very often steps were cut imto the face of a cliff and a rude stairway formed by which chambers could be reached. The chambers were very irregularly arranged and very irregular in size and structure. In many cases there is a central chamber, which seems to have been a general living room for the people, back of which two, three, or more chambers somewhat smaller are found. The chambers occupied by one family are some- times connected with those occupied by another family, so that two or three or four sets of chambers have interior communica- tion. Usually, however, the communication from one system of OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXIII chambers to another was by the outside. Many of the cham- bers had evidently been occupied as dwellings. They still contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little caverns or shelves in which various vessels were placed, and many evidences of the handicraft of the people were left in stone, bone, horn, and wood, and in the chambers and about the sides of the cliffs potsherds are abundant. On more care- ful survey it was found that many chambers had been used as stables for asses, goats, and sheep. Sometimes they had been filled a few inches, or even two ar three feet, with the excre- ment of these animals. Ears of corn and corneobs were also found in many places. Some of the chambers were evidently constructed to be used as storehouses or caches for grain. Altogether it is very evident that the cliff houses have been used in comparatively modern times; at any rate since the people owned asses, goats, and sheep. The rock is of such a friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric degradation very long, and there is abundant evidence of this character testifying to the recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings. Above the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been described, evidences of more ancient ruins were found. These were pueblos built of cut stone rudely dressed. Every mesa had at least one ancient pueblo upon it, evidently far more ancient than the cavate dwellings found in the face of the cliffs. It is, then, very plain that the cavate dwellings are not of great age; that they have been occupied since the advent of the white man, and that on the summit of the cliffs there are ruins of more ancient pueblos. Now, the pottery of Santa Clara had been previously studied by Mr. Stevenson, who made a large collection there two or three years ago, and it was at once noticed that the potsherds of these cliff dwellings are, both in shape and material, like those now made by the Santa Clara Indians. The peculiar pottery of Santa Clara is readily distinguished, as may be seen by ex- amining the collection now in the National Museum. While encamped in the valley below, the party meta Santa Clara Indian and engaged him in conversation. From him the history of the cliff dwellings was soon obtained. His statement was that originally his people lived in six pueblos, built of cut stone, XXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR upon the summit of the mesas; that there came a time when they were at war with the Apaches and Navajos, when they abandoned their stone pueblos above and for greater protection excavated the chambers in the cliffs below; that when this war ended part of them returned to the pueblos above, which were rebuilt; that there afterward came another war, with the Co- manche Indians, and they once more resorted to cliff dwellings. At the close of this war they built a pueblo in the valley of the Rio Grande, but at the time of the invasion of the Spaniards their people refused to be baptized, and a Spanish army was sent against them, when they abandoned the valley below and once more inhabited the cliff dwellings above. Here they lived many years, until at last a wise and good priest brought them peace, and persuaded them to build the pueblo which they now occupy—the village of Santa Clara. The ruin of the pueblo which they occupied previous to the invasion of the Spaniards is still to be seen about a mile distant from the present pueblo. The history thus briefly given was repeated by the governor and by other persons, all substantially to the same effect. It is therefore evident that the cavate dwellings of the Santa Clara region belong to a people still extant; that they are not of great antiquity, and do not give evidence of a prehistoric and now extinct race. Plans and measurements were made of some of the villages with sufficient accuracy to prepare models. Photographie views and sketches were also procured with which to illus- trate a detailed report of the subject to be published by the Bureau. WORK OF MR. JAMES STEVENSON. After the investigations made in company with the Diree- tor, as mentioned above, Mr. Stevenson proceeded with a party to the ancient province of Tusayan, in Arizona, to study the characteristics of the Moki tribes, its inhabitants, and to make collections of such implements and utensils as illustrate their arts and industries. Several months were spent among the villages, resulting in a large collection of rare objects, all of which were selected with special reference to their anthro- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXV pologic importance. This collection contains many articles novel in character and with uses differing from any heretofore obtained, and forms an important addition to the collections in the National Museum. A study of their religious ceremonials and mythology was made, of which full notes were taken. Sketches were made of their masks and other objects which could not be obtained for the collection. Mrs. Stevenson was also enabled to obtain a minute descrip- tion of the celebrated dance, or. medicine ceremony, of the Navajos, called the Yéibit-cai. She made complete sketches of the sand altars, masks, and other objects employed in this ceremonial. WORK OF MESSRS. VICTOR MINDELEFF AND COSMOS MINDELEFF. Mr. Victor Mindeleff, who had heen engaged for several years in investigating the architecture of the pueblos and the ruins of the southwest, was at the beginning of the fiscal year at work among the Moki towns in Arizona, in charge of a party. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff left Washington on July 6 for the same locality. He was placed in charge of the surveying necessary in the Stone Village region, and the result of his work is included in the general report of that division. Visits were paid to the Moki villages in succession, obtain- ing drawings of some constructional details, and also traditions bearing on the ruins in that vicinity. The main camp was established near Mashongnavi, one of the Moki villages. A large ruined pueblo, formerly occupied by the Mashongnayi, was here surveyed. No standing walls are found at the pres- ent time, and many portions of the plan are entirely oblit- erated. Typical fragments of pottery were collected. Following this work, four other ruined pueblos were sur- veyed, and such portions of them as clearly indicated dividing walls were drawn on the ground plans. = Many of the ruins in this vicinity, according to the tradi- tions of the Mokis, have been occupied in comparatively recent times—a number of them having been abandoned since the Spanish conquest of the country. In several cases the villages XXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR now oceupied are not upon the same sites as those first visited by the Spaniards, although retaining the same names. While the work of surveying was in progress, in charge of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, Mr. Victor Mindeleff made a visit of several days at Keam Canyon, there to meet a number of the Navajo Indians to explain the purpose of the work and allay the suspicions of these Indians, a necessary precaution, as some of the proposed work was laid out in Canyon de Chelly, in the heart of their reservation. Recent restrictions to which they had been subjected, as a consequence of new surveys of the reservation line, had made them especially distrustful of parties equipped with instruments for surveying. Incidental to expla- nations of the purpose of the work, an opportunity was afforded of obtaining a number of mythologic notes, and also interest- ing data regarding the construction of their “hogans,” with the rules prescribing the arrangement of each part of the frame and other particulars. A number of ceremonial songs are sung at the building of these houses, but of these only one could be secured, which was obtained in the original and translated. Whenever opportunity occurred, during the pro- gress of the work, photographs and diagrams of construction of “hogans” were procured. On August 17 the ceremony of the snake-dance took place at Mashongnavi, similar in every detail to that performed at Walpi, and differing only in the number of participants. Sev- eral instantaneous negatives of the various phases of the dance were secured. On the following day the same ceremony was performed on a larger scale at Walpi, the easternmost of the Moki villages. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff assisted in collecting from the present inhabitants of the region legendary information bearing upon ruins and in observing the snake-dances, a description of which was prepared for publication. While the surveysg the ruins were in progress many de- tailed studies were miide of special features in the modern vil- lages, particularly among the “kivas” or religious chambers. In several instances the large roofing timbers of the “kiva” were found to be the old beams from the Spanish churches, OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXVII hewn square, and decorated with the characteristic rude carv- ing of the old Spanish work. A number of legends connected with the ruined pueblos were recorded. On closing this work in the vicinity of the Moki villages, late in August, the party moved into Keam Canyon, en route for Canyon de Chelly. A day was devoted to the survey of a small pueblo of irregular elliptical outline, situated about eighteen miles northeast from Keam Canyon. This ruin is in excellent state of preservation and exhibits in the masonry some stones of remarkably large size. The early part of Sep- tember was employed in making a close survey of the Mammy Cave group of ruins in Canyon de la Muerte, this work includ- ing a five-foot contour map of the ground and the rocky ledge over which the houses were distributed. Detailed drawings of a number of special features were made here, particularly in connection with the circular ceremonial chambers. The latter were so buried under the accumulated débris of fallen walls that much excavation was required to lay bare the de- tails of internal arrangement. A high class of workmanship is here exhibited, both in the execution of the constructional features and in the interior decoration of these chambers. Later the White House group, in the Canyon de Chelly, com- prising a village and cliff houses, was examined and platted in the same manner. The drawings and plans were supplemented with a series of photographs. Some negatives of Navajo houses were also made. On closing this work the party went into Fort Defiance, en route for Zuni, and thence to Ojo Caliente, a modern farming pueblo of the Zuni, about twelve miles south of the principal village. Here two ruins of villages, thought to belong to the ancient Cibola group, were platted. One of these villages had been provided with a circular reservoir of large size, partially walled in with masonry. Here, also, well preserved walls of a stone church can be seen. The other contains the remains of a iarge church, built of adobe. A series of widely scattered house-clusters, occurring two miles west of Ojo Caliente, was also examined, but the earth had drifted over the fallen walls XXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR and so covered them that the arrangement of rooms could scarcely be traced at all. The modern village of Ojo Caliente was also surveyed and diagrams and photographs made. Towards the end of September camp was moved to the vicinity of Zuni. Here four other villages of the Cibola group and the old villages on the mesa of Ta-ai-ya-lo-ne were ex- amined. Camp was then moved to Nutria, a farming pueblo of Zuni. From this camp Nutria was surveyed and photo- eraphed, and also the village of Peseado, which is occupied only during the farming season. Both of these modern farm- ing pueblos appear to be built on the ruins of more ancient villages, the remains of which were especially noticeable in the case of Pescado, where the very carefully executed masonry, characteristic of the ancient methods of construction, could be seen outcropping at many points. WORK OF MR E. W. NELSON. Following the return of the main party to Washington, some preliminary exploration was carried on by Mr. E. W. Nelson, who made an examination of the headwaters of the South Fork of Salt River, but did not find any ruins. Thence the Blue Ridge was crossed, and the valley of the Blue Fork of the San Francisco River visited. Here ruins were fre- quently increasing in number toward the south. Farther south three sets of cliff ruins were also located. GENERAL FIELD STUDIES. WORK OF DR. H. C. YARROW. During the summer and fall of 1885, Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon U.S. Army, examined points in Ari- zona and Utah. In the vicinity of Springerville, Apache County, Arizona, in eompany with Mr. E. W. Nelson, he vis- ited a number of ancient pueblos and discovered that the peo- ple formerly occupying the towns had followed the custom of burying their dead immediately outside the walls of their hab- itations, marking the places of sepulcher with circles of stones. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY XXIX The graves were four or five feet in depth, and various house- hold utensils had been deposited with the dead. Mr. Nelson, who had made a careful search for these cemeteries, informed him of the locality of hundreds. Unfortunately for anthro- pometric science, most of the bones are too much decayed to be of practical value. The places of burial selected at these pueblos are similar to the burial places discovered in 1874 near the large ruined pueblo of Abiquiu, in the valley of the Chama, New Mexico. Dr. Yarrow also visited the Moki pueblos in Arizona, and obtained from one of the principal men a clear and succinct account of their burial customs. While there he witnessed the famous snake dance, which occurs every two years, and is supposed to have the effect of producing rain. From his knowledge of the reptilian fauna of the country he was able to identify the species of serpents used in the dance, and from personal examination satisfied himself that the fangs had not been extracted from the poisonous varieties. He thinks, how- ever, that the reptiles are somewhat tamed by handling during the four days that they are kept in the estufas and Sale are made to eject the greater part of the venom contained in the sacs at the roots of the teeth, by being teased and forced to strike at different objects held near them. He does not think that a vegetable decoction in which they are washed has a stupefying effect, as has been supposed by some. He also obtained from a Moki high priest a full account of the ceremonies attending the dance. Through the assistance of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, of Keam Canyon, Arizona, and Mr. A. M. Stephen, he was able to procure from a noted Navajo wise man an exact account of the burial customs of his people, as well as valuable information regarding their medical practices, especially such as relate to obstetrics. From Arizona Dr. Yarrow proceeded to Utah, and made an examination of an old rock cemetery near Farmington, finding it similar to the one he discovered in 1872 near the town of Fillmore. The bodies had been earried far up the side of the mountain; cavities had been prepared in a rock slide, and the bodies placed therein. Branches of cottonwood were then laid XxX ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR over and large boulders piled on top. In several of these eraves the skeletons were in a fair state of preservation, and were removed, as well as the articles found with them. Through the kindness of Mr. William Young, of Grantsville, a skeleton of a Gosiute, in excellent preservation, was obtained, and has been presented to the Army Medical Museum. — It may be stated that the examination of the rock cemetery at Farmington showed that the inhabitants of the eastern slope of the Wahsatch Range, in Great Salt Lake Valley, followed the mode of rock sepulture from this, the most northern point vis- ited, to below Parowan, a distance of at least two hundred miles southward, and it seems that these people occupied the valley long subsequent to those living near the water courses who constructed the small mounds on top of which were the rude adobe dwellings, and in some instances used these huts for burial purposes. WORK OF MR. J. C. PILLING. In the spring of 1886 Mr. James C. Pillmg made a trip to Europe in the interest of his work on the Bibliography of the Languages of the North American Indians, and spent many days in the library of the British Museum, the Bibliothéque Nationale at Paris, and several extensive private libraries in England and France. The results of this trip are highly sat- isfactory and valuable. WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN. Mr. Jeremiah Curtin continued to collect vocabularies and myths in California. The whole number of myths obtained in California and Oregon was over three hundred. The number of vocabularies was eight, being the Yana, Atsugéi (Hat Creek), Wasco, Miléblama (Warm Springs), Pai Ute, Shasta, Maidu, and Wintu. Texts were also obtained in Yana, Wasco, Warm Spring, and Shasta. OFFICE WORK. Prof. Cyrus 'THomas was engaged during the year, except the few weeks he was in the field, in the preparation of his general report and in correspondence relating to the archeology OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXI of the district before specified. He also finished a paper pub- lished in the Sixth Annual Report of this Bureau under the title, ‘‘Aids to the study of the Maya Codices,” and a special report on the ‘Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States.” The latter has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau. Mrs. V. L. Tuomas, in addition to her duties as clerk, has been employed in preparing a catalogue of the ancient works in that part of the United States east of the Rocky Mountains. This catalogue, now nearly complete, is intended to give the localities and character of all the antiquities in the region men- tioned, including discoveries which have been noted in publi- cations, as well as those mentioned in the revorts of work done under the Bureau. Mr. James C. Pitirye continued to give a large share of his time and attention throughout the year to the ‘“ Bibliography of the languages of the North American Indians,” which has been adverted to in previous reports. The advance ‘“proof- sheets” of this work, printed in the last fiscal year, were dis- tributed to collaborators and have been the means of obtaining the active cooperation of many persons throughout this and other countries who are interested in linguistic and biblio- graphic science. They have thus elicited a large number of additions, corrections, suggestions, and criticisms, all of which have received careful consideration. Mr. Frank H. Cusine was engaged in the preparation, from the large amount of Zuni material collected by him during several years, of papers upon the language, mythology, and institutions of that people. Mrs. Ermiynre A. Surra continued her study of the Lroquoian languages. The first part of her final contribution on the sub- ject was intended to be a Tuscarora grammar and dictionary. The first portion of the dictionary was completed, and had been forwarded to the Bureau when her sudden and lamented death occurred on June 9, 1886, at her home in Jersey City. Her former assistant, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of Tuscarora de- scent, has been engaged to complete the work she so success- fully began, and it is expected that the results of her long labors in the field will be published without delay. XXXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Mr. Cuarues ©. Royce resigned his connection with the Bureau in the early part of the year, thereby delaying the completion of the work upon the primal title of the Indian tribes to lands within the United States and the methods of procuring their relinquishment, the scope and value of which have before been explained. Mr. Royce, before his departure from Washington, completed a paper on the ‘‘Cherokee Nation of Indians,” which has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau. Dr. H. C. Yarrow was still engaged in preparing the mate- rial for the final volume upon the mortuary customs of the North American Indians, in the prosecution of which the large amount of information received and obtained from various sources has been carefully classified and arranged under proper divisions, so that the manuscript is now being rapidly put into shape for publication. Dr. Wasuincron Marruews, U.S. Army, continued to pre- pare for publication the copious notes obtained by him during former years in the Navajo country, his chief work being upon a grammar and dictionary of the Navajo language. He also wrote several papers, one of which, a “Chant upon the Moun- tains,” has been published in the Fifth Annual Report. Mr. W. H. Houmes continued his work in the office during the year, superintending the illustration of the various publi- cations of the Bureau. His scientific studies have been con- fined principally to the field of American archeologic art. Two tully illustrated papers have been finished and have appeared in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau. They are upon “Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia,” and “A study of the textile art in its relations to the development of form and ornament.” Mr. Holmes has, in addition, continued his duties as curator of aboriginal pottery in the National Museum. ; Mr. Vicror MInpELEFF, when not in the field, prepared re- ports on the Tusayan and Cibola architectural groups. These, when completed, are to be fully illustrated by a series of plans and drawings now being prepared from the field-notes and other material. In this work it is proposed to discuss the archi- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIII tecture in detail, particularly in the case of the modern pueb- los, where many of the constructional devices of the old builders still survive. The examination of these details will be found to throw light on obscure features of many ruined pueblos whose state of preservation is such as to exhibit but little detail in themselves. In connection with the classification and arrangement of new material from Canyon de Chelly, a paper was prepared on the cliff ruins of that region. Mr. Cosmos Mtnveerr has been in charge of the modeling room during the last year. Upon his return from the field a series of models to illustrate the Chaco ruins, architecturally ‘the most important in the Southwest, was commenced. Two of these, viz, the ruin of Wejegi and that of a small pueblo near Pueblo Alto, have been finished and duplicates have been deposited in the National Museum. The third, a large model of Penasco Blanco, is still uncompleted. All of these models are made from entirely new surveys made in the summer of 1884. The seale used in the previous series—the mhabited pueblos and the cliff ruins—though larger than usually adopted for this class of work, has shown so much more detail and has proved generally so satisfactory, that it has been continued in the Chaco Ruin group, bringing the entire series of models made by the Bureau to a uniform scale of 1:60, or one inch to five feet. In addition to this the work of duplicating the existing models of the Bureau for purposes of exchange was commenced. Three of these have been completed, and two others are about half finished. Mr. E. W. Newson was engaged upon a report ‘of his inves- tigations among the Eskimo tribes of Alaska. A part of this report, consisting of an Knglish-Eskimo dictionary, he has already forwarded. : As hereinafter explained, the year was principally devoted to the synonymy of the Indian tribes, the special studies of several officers of the Bureau being suspended so that their whole time might be employed in that direction. In the year 7 ETH—H11 XXXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR 1885, however, and at subsequent intervals, their work was as follows: Col. Garrick Mauuery, U.S. Army, continued the study, by researches and correspondence, of sign language and pic- tography. A comprehensive, though preliminary, paper on the latter subject has been printed, with copious illustrations, in the Fourth Annual Report. Mr. H. W. Hensuaw was engaged during the year in work upon the synonymy of Indian tribes, as specified below. Mr. Atsert S. Garscuer continued to revise and perfect his grammar and dictionary of the Klamath language, a large part of which work is in print. He also took down vocabu- laries from Indian delegates present in this city on tribal busi- ness, and thus succeeded in incorporating into the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology linguistic material from the Ali- bamu, Hitchiti, Muskoki, and Seneca languages. Rey. J. Owen Dorsey pursued his work on the Qegiha lan- guage. Having the aid of a Winnebago Indian for some time he enlarged his vocabulary of that language and recorded grammatical notes. He also reported upon works submitted to his examination upon the Tuscarora, Micmac, and Cherokee languages. Mr. James Mooney, who had been officially connected with the Bureau since the early part of the fiscal year, was also engaged upon linguistic work. SYNONYMY OF INDIAN TRIBES. The Director has before reported in general terms that the most serious source of perplexity to the student of the history of the North American Indians is the confusion existing among their tribal names. The causes of this confusion are various. The Indian names for themselves have been understood and recorded in diverse ways by the earlier authors, and have been variously transmitted by the latter. Nicknames arising from trivial causes, and often without apparent cause, have been imposed upon many tribes. Names borne by one tribe at some period of its history have been transferred to another, or to several other distinct tribes. Typographical errors, and im- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXV proved spelling on assumed phonetic grounds, have swelled the number of synonyms until the investigator of a special tribe often finds himself in a maze of nomenclatural perplexity. It has long been the intention of the Director to prepare a work on tribal names, which so far as possible should refer their confusing titles to a correct and systematic stand- ard. Delay has been occasioned chiefly by the fundamental necessity of defining linguistic stocks or families into which all tribes must be primarily divided; and to accomplish this, long journeys and laborious field and office investigations have been required during the whole time since the establishment of the Bureau. Though a few points still remained in an unsat- isfactory condition, it was considered that a sufficient degree of accuracy had been attained to allow of the publication for the benefit of students of a volume devoted to the subject. The preparation of the plan of such a volume was intrusted to Mr. H. W. Henshaw, late in the spring of 1885, and in June of that year the work was energetically begun in accordance with the plans submitted. The preparation of this work, which to a great extent underlies and is the foundation for every field of ethnologic investigation among Indians, was con- sidered of such prime importance that nearly all the available force of the Bureau was placed upon it, to the suspension of the particular investigations in which the several officers had been engaged. In addition to the general charge of the whole work, Mr. Henshaw gave special attention to the families of the north- west coast from Oregon northward, including the Eskimo, and also several in California. To Mr. Albert 8. Gatschet the tribes of the southeastern United States, together with the Pueblo and Yuman tribes, were assigned. The Algonkian family in all its branches—by far the most important part of the whole, so far as the great bulk of literature relating to it is concerned— was intrusted to Col. Garrick Mallery and Mr. James Mooney. They also took charge of the Iroquoian family. Rev. J. O. Dorsey’s intimate acquaintance with the tribes of the Siouan and Caddoan families peculiarly fitted him to cope with that part of the work, and he also undertook the Athapascan tribes. XXXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Dr. W. J. Hoffman worked upon the Shoshonean tribes, aided by the Director’s personal supervision. Mr. Jeremiah Curtin, to whom was assigned the California tribes, also gave assistance in other sections. Each of the gentlemen named has been able to contribute largely to the results by his personal experience and invyestiga- tions in the field, there being numerous regions concerning which published accounts are meager and unsatisfactory. The main source of the material to be dealt with has, however, been necessarily derived from books. A vast amount of the current literature pertaining to the North American Indians has been examined, amounting to over one thousand volumes, with a view to the extraction of the tribal names and the his- torical data necessary to fix their precise application. The work at the present time is well advanced toward com- pletion. The examination of literature for the collation of synonyms may be regarded as practically done. The tables of synonymy and the accounts of the tribes have been com- pleted for more than one-half the number of linguistic families. ACCOMPANYING PAPERS. LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF NORTH AMERICA. In harmony with custom, three scientific papers accompany this report, designed to illustrate the nature, methods and spirit of the researches conducted by the Bureau. The first is on the “Classification of the North American Languages.” It is by no means a final paper on the subject, but is intended rather to give an account of the present status of the subject, and to place before the workers in this field of scholarship the data now existing and the conclusions already reached, so as to constitute a point of departure for new work. With this end in view Mr. Pilling is engaged upon the bibliography of the subject and is rapidly publishing the same, and Mr. Hen- shaw is employed on the tribal synonymy. Altogether it is hoped that this work will inaugurate anew era in the investi- gation of the subject by making available the vast body of OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXVII material scattered broadeast through the literature relating to the North American Indians. In the course of these ethnic researches an interesting field of facts has been brought to view relating to the superstitions of the Indians. Already a very large body of mythology has been collected—stories from a great number of tongues which embody the rude philosophy of tribal thought. Such philos- ophy or opinion finds its expression not only in the mythie tales, but in the organization of the people into society, in their daily life and in their habits and customs. There is a realm of anthropology in this lower state of mankind which we call savagery, that is hard to understand from the standpoint of modern civilization, where science, theology, religion, med- icine and the esthetic arts are developed as more or less dis- crete subjects. In savagery these great subjects are blended in one, as they are interwoven into a vast plexus of thought and action, for mythology is the basis of philosophy, religion, medicine, and art. In savagery the observed facts of the uni- verse, relating alike to physical nature and to the humanities, are explained mythologically, and these mythic conceptions give rise to a great variety of practices. The acts of life are born of the opinions held as explanations of the environing world. Thus it is that philosophy finds expression in a com- plex system of superstitions, ceremonies and practices, which together constitute the religion of the people. The purpose of these practices is to avert calamity and to secure prosperity in the present life. It is astonishing to find how little the con- dition of a life to come is involved. The future beyond the grave is scarcely heeded, or when recognized it seems not to affect the daily life of the people to any appreciable degree. That which occupies the attention of the savage mind relates to the pleasures and pains, the joys and sorrows of present existence. Perhaps the chief motive is derived from the consideration of health and disease, as the pleasures and pains arising there- from are forever present to the experience or observation. Good and evil are also involved in those gifts of nature to man by which his biotic life is sustained, his food, drink, cloth- XXXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR ing and shelter. These bounties come not in a never-changing stream, but are apparently fitful and capricious. Seasons of plenty are accented by seasons of scarcity, and thus prosperity and adversity are strangely commingled in the history of the people. To secure this prosperity and avert this adversity seems to be the second great motive in the development of the superstitious practices of the people. A third occasion for the development of this primitive religion inheres in the social organization of mankind, primarily expressed in the love of man and woman for each other, but finally expressed in all the relations of kin and kith and in the relations of tribe with tribe. This gives rise to a very important development of primitive religion, for the savage man seeks to discover by oceult agencies the power of controlling the love and good will of his kind and the power of averting the effect of en- mity. ‘To attain these ends he invents a vast system of devices, from love philters to war dances. A fourth region of exploit- ation inthe realm of the esoteric relates to the origin of life itself, as many of their practices are designed to secure perpe- tuity of life by frequent births and less painful throes. It will thus be seen that life, health, prosperity, and peace are the ends sought in all this region of human activity as they are presented in the study of savage life. The opinions held by the people on these subjects are primarily expressed in speech and organized into tales, which constitute mythology, and they are expressed in acts, as ceremonies and observances, which constitute their religion, their medicine, and their esthetic arts. These arts consist of sculpture and painting, by which their mythic beings are represented, and they also consist of dancing, by which religious fervor is produced, and they give rise to music, romance, poetry, and drama. Thus it is that the esthetic arts have their origin in mythology. The epic poem and the symphony are lineal descendants of the dance, and the dance arises as the first form of worship, born of the mythic conception of the powers of nature. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIX THE MIDE’WIWIN, OR GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY OF THE OJIBWA, BY W.J. HOFFMAN, AND THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHER- OKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY. Mr. Hoffman presents a paper on the ‘“Mide’wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa,” and sets forth the vestiges of a once powerful organization existing among these people. Mr. Mooney has made a study of the Cherokee with the same end in view. In the opinion of the Director they are impor- tant contributions to this subject. The same lines of investiga- tion have been carried on by other members of the Bureau with other tribes where societies and practices have been but little modified by the contact of the white man, and where the subject is therefore much more plainly arrayed. In due time these additional researches will be published. In Mr. Hoffman’s paper it is seen that two and a half cen- turies of association with the white man has not only served to break down this organization to some extent, but has also inculcated in the minds of the Ojibwa a clearer conception of a Great Spirit and a future life than is normal to the savage mind. Mr. Mooney, whose paper largely deals with the use of plants by the Indians for the healing of disease, naively compares the pharmacopeeia of savagery with that of civiliza- tion, assuming that the latter is a standard of scientific truth. Perchance scientific men will make one step in advance of this position, and will be interested in discovering the extent to which savage philosophy is still represented in civilized materia medica as expressed in officinal formulas. A word in relation to the dramatis personze of Indian my- thology. In all those mythologies which have been studied with any degree of care up to the present time zoic deities greatly prevail, the progenitors and prototypes of the animals of the land, air, and water; yet there are other deities. Chief among these are the sun, moon, stars, fire, and the spirits of mountains and other geographical and natural phenomena. Yet these beings are largely zoomorphic, being considered rather as mythic animals than as mythic men; but it must be understood that the line of demareation between man and the lower animals is not so clearly presented to the savage mind XL ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR as to the civilized mind. In speaking of the theology of the North American Indians as being zoomorphic it must therefore be understood to mean that such is its chief characteristic, but not its exclusive characteristic; and further, it must be under- stood that it contains by survival many elements from an earlier condition in which hecastotheism prevailed, that is, that the form of philosophy known as animism was generally ac- cepted, and that psychic life, with feeling, thought, and will, was attributed to inanimate things. But more than this, zootheism is not a permanent state of philosophy, but only a stepping-stone to something higher. That something higher may be denominated physitheism, or the worship of the powers and more obtrusive phenomena of nature. In this higher state the sun, the planets, the stars, the winds, the storms, the rain- bow, and fire take the leading part. The beginnings of this higher state are to be observed in many of the mythologies of North America. It is worthy of remark that a mythology with its religion subject to the influences of an overwhelm- ing civilization yields first in its zoomorphic elements. Zoic mythology soon degenerates into folk tales of beasts, to be recited by crones to children or told by garrulous old men as amusing stories inherited from past generations; while phy- sitheism is more often incorporated into the compound of paganism and Christianity now held by the more advanced tribes. Notwithstanding this general tendency, zootheism is often, though not to so great an extent, compounded in the same way. The study of this stage of mythology, and of the arts and customs arising therefrom, as they are exhibited among the North American Indians, will ultimately throw a flood of light upon that later stage known as physitheism, or nature worship, now the subject of investigation by an army of Aryan scholars. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FINANCIAL STATEMENT. xLI Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American ethnology for the Jiscal year ending June 80, 1886. ¥ = | Amount Amount Expenses. | expended. | appropriated. ENETATGS sk aap Cpe SO ee ee a, ee ee $31, 287.93 Traveling expenses -.... 2,070. 71 Mransportation ofpropertye..2 295 aad -c- toe «oncsesseeescbeencnes -| 478. 91 SIU RS UU SIS LONCG race ae eee ace au a eae ce Seber eee enn 284. 99 Field expenses and supplies | 360. 32 Field material 163. 61 Modeling material 63. 11 | Photographie material 34. 44 Books and maps -... 469. 69 Stationery and drawir 169. 44 Illustrations for reports 289. 65 Goods for distribution to Indians 767. 82 Omics famiituces..S- = bo256=2 aces sak aise 12.00 Office supplies and repairs | 63. 56 MonrenpOndenc areca trac meee ee emanate eee ee Seen ene eel 13. 87 SI DSCAITEN Setar etre inka ae es tee cae ap Ase see eee cae oe noe eee | 800. 00 Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement. ...........- | 103. 84 Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities. ............ Sse cmns saeco | 2,566.11 WU 2c oetos sparc a aeE Tana ant ane oe bm aCe Eee SE eos Son aae eee eee | 40, 000. 00 $40, 000. 00 a ; he mt — ACCOMPANYING PAPERS. 7 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA NOT EE OW Mn XC Oo, BY J. W. POW ELL. ET H-——1 1 CONT EON IGS: Page. Nomenclaimre of lincuistic families. : (- sc... ccc sessces soe. acesels cevceen 7 Literature relating to the classification of Indian languages................. 12 ETA MELS HLCM AT peateyere ater serosal Ctareieyeaaietale vier cxale heteah oa ease Ae eines ae ae 25 iindiare nn bes Soden banyyitaccurcsssln velo rite Le ee oe eee Oe 30 LEO] CIENT. geod cadence odEceoeedeO OG OnebuitE connate EE p nner Top Eee te are 33 Eleriteall Shari hemes teres tecaey versa i cisietstersteiein onic ake elses vows oe ESS REE 40 VAMC ATES) Oe Se ots ROAHEC ODA AD EC REE OEE en Ee Ae een 40 NP TICTIUIEAMIAN Cem ics sete ricieis cise einicis Taam sk miemiow oe ee 41 UTI PRC ALIMAB eet cae A erate ei erasietels oe ico nsisie aie es in hae ee one 42 UMMA MOL MEW UCHONBs et iays isc )sie see See eiars cc ore oisteinis zee wine Aeleomete es 44 WP MPIC RATIOS are Se tepeye (are coe Seta sore tarsl ere lay oTatss ei eis orale waists, 6 bis an ite 45 JOIST SE S05 cabal fet BSG TODS ONO DOSE EE EOI Eee ODOC TATE Ree arn tee 45 A Pong tral Pano yi. shcicivseis vias oais sivisesies pr aYek cc een eistersie ais serge Oe 47 PAN OMG THEM AL Cdr ctererercis ciatian esiee ioe: -nales at) s Ge eased ead veel ooee 47 PrincipaeAlSonguiaM tribes x12 osu ssisst aeiceiae ae es coos ae cis tes sb eee 48 BOpulamOmectacn deier noniat ositeci tie seinoria b oleioenie niece eae atne et ae 48 PATE 2 ASCADWEATIVL Vin ravers Sara aysirele icisie als Neha fs as cies s Se aloe eatle ost ae ete 51 BOUNUAEION Etre miei ieiee ars emcee ne er tae act ae ae Oe ee a aloes 52 Nort hernyeron parce ve eens mere eee ae arene eee 53 LEVON ITO ae) (aed COCR SEIS HEA OrOGAECUr RAC ULE ODER Dees 53 SOUPHERMMST OUD seers tenia yee CU SE Ae a ieee eee ae a 54 EAN CASAL MEL DES are inte sretatepcter Ya (ores hele scaetoteterereyafe ae ere aisha ois seme a cca e 55 POPUL abi OMe pater rerer statecssteretaiels Scioto co ani aes oe ee eta EOE 55 PALCA CA DAML AVIS LY een mctelerciavercees or claiciny otet ors eral ate wscinrcmtioalonie Orewa 56 Teton ern UT hie ero 3S eet Enc OO RCESIO SOE RCO EREA SCC tena 57 Geozraphic dist bullOn ns. aas actecioanlecean oc se ones tenements: coer 58 Caddoantiammilystersr a that ccsits ie cei aeee dete aOR oo eee DS Northern eroup aac tcc boners aaiacs mesietiiae Sons Sve 60 MTGE OE OWD ei ecctatsiat alec teres Sete ae fine aie Sees Oe ne ee ee 60 MOULH ELIS POW wre cterohayatclors icles loi heen asers alos re ei ceueral intel ara ove 60 EIN Cal nnIDES eerie says vote ae mis ere eoere ae cceeee ete Mee ROT e nee 61 120) TIEN) tba S| Rehan ACoA Sonn? ESM armani cactich Sonmimmann acca. aboee 62 @hima kira nwehamily ieee torres cists eatice ere S rere VCR Se 62 PEIN GIPAlKGEI DOS epeaeie soars crne sara ovals 6 ots so alse oe aaias Tame eee 63 (Chin ars amish ATA hye 3: .ere rei cn aim siviete sisieiste’are sleveia te niome nae ae lee EG SHOGC 63 TAN palsbrIDES Py aiay.ceasteraio sie steele) vin stron ae eee eee eee eels 63 Chimmesyan family.............. EOS HSeSD Be Sc BER OAT UO DODO. NOOOUSCE 63 PVC ale bil DES: OF VILLAS OS h ajcicreteroarstoy seins arerelatelres a etetciete ieee tice one 64 ODE ATION eeataresire emai iele spate Aas oleic Me Bata een ae 64 WHIMNGG KAM ELAM Ly see ces store ai Galo Sn Ss aaron wel stare late aia on meses ee SST 65 EDIT CAMEL ES a ereretevelcieinvarcic/cv “arsyara Brera lttare raterataetatata.ioforeee eieteie cia aloes nee 66 Io dE nha te Soenand DoepaaoEbo) capSepdarascocscovedecanaee cor 66 4 CONTENTS, Linguistic families—Continued. Chitimachanifamilyseecn. teeta ee Chumiashan ‘family... 5 5. oe e.5 cies, svsyove tats nic Siento inte sls cetera eesti ee eters Populations... cies cosine lectsicies eieleiskeiersiere ieee lee eee eee Coahuiltecanifamily: 5 aco geiiks so asta gates oscil le aaa race eer eee ene Principal) tribes. ac:sci is oer aie ccie ere seis eee ree ee eer ame Gopelian family rs. 2 . ctr Smsicee kas sto csee eee Oe ee Oe Cie eects Geographic distribu tome ea cescretcttelaicie cictseisieieisteesetates letersi ieee Population S52 avers sece srcrotetes tare eteiainlehepamtar ths aenorn eee neces Pettit Concluding remarks ILLUSTRATION PLATE I. Map. Linguistic stocks of North America north of Mexico. In pocket at end of volume _ _ wD ww Wid www 2 ot _ a a_i HO =t 3 a5 — wv [o2) INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. By J. W. POWELL. NOMENCLATURE OF LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. The languages spoken by the pre-Columbian tribes of North Amer- ica were many and diverse. Into the regions occupied by these tribes travelers, traders, and missionaries have penetrated in advance of civilization, and civilization itself has marched across the conti- nent at a rapid rate. Under these conditions the languages of the various tribes have received much study. Many extensive works have been published, embracing grammars and dictionaries ; but a far greater number of minor vocabularies have been collected and very many have been published. In addition to these, the Bible, in whole or in part, and various religious books and school books, have been translated into Indian tongues to be used for purposes of instruction ; and newspapers have been published in the Indian lan- guages. Altogether the literature of these languages and that re- lating to them are of vast extent. While the materials seem thus to be abundant, the student of Indian languages finds the subject to be one requiring most thought- ful consideration, difficulties arising from the following conditions: (1) A great number of linguistic stocks or families are discovered. (2) The boundaries between the different stocks of languages are not immediately apparent, from the fact that many tribes of diverse stocks have had more or less association, and to some extent linguis- tic materials have been borrowed. and thus have passed out of the exclusive possession of cognate peoples. (3) Where many peoples, each few in number, are thrown. to- gether, an intertribal language is developed. To a large extent this is gesture speech ; but to a limited extent useful and important words are adopted by various tribes, and out of this material an intertribal ‘‘ jargon” is established. Travelers and all others who do not thoroughly study a language are far more likely to acquire this jargon speech than the real speech of the people ; and the tend; ency to base relationship upon such jargons has led to confusion. 7 8 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES, (4) This tendency to the establishment of intertribal jargons was greatly accelerated on the advent of the white man, for thereby many tribes were pushed from their ancestral homes and tribes were mixed with tribes. As a result, new relations and new industries, especially of trade, were established, and the new associations of tribe with tribe and of the Indians with Europeans led very often to the development of quite elaborate jargon languages. All of these have a tendency to complicate the study of the Indian tongues by comparative methods. The difficulties inherent in the study of languages, together with the imperfect material and the complicating conditions that have arisen by the spread of civilization over the country, combine to make the problem one not readily solved. In view of the amount of material on hand, the comparative study of the languages of North America has been strangely neglected, though perhaps this is explained by reason of the difficulties which have been pointed out. Andthe attempts which have been made to classify them has given rise to much confusion, for the following reasons : First, later authors have not properly recognized the work of earlier laborers in the field. Second, the attempt has more fre- quently been made to establish an ethnic classification than a lin- guistic classification, and linguistic characteristics have been con- fused with biotic peculiarities, arts, habits, customs, and other human activities, so that radical differences of language have often been ignored and slight differences have heen held to be of primary value. The attempts at a classification of these languages and a corre- sponding classification of races have led to the development of a complex, mixed, and inconsistent synonymy, which must first be unraveled and a selection of standard names made therefrom ac- cording to fixed principles. It is manifest that until proper rules are recognized by scholars the establishment of a determinate nomenclature is impossible. It will therefore be well to set forth the rules that have here been adopted, together with brief reasons for the same, with the hope that they will commend themselves to the judgment of other per- sons engaged in researches relating to the languages of North America. ‘ A fixed nomenclature in biology has been found not only to be advantageous, but to bea prerequisite to progress in research, as the vast multiplicity of facts, still ever accumulating, would otherwise overwhelm the scholar. In philological classification fixity of nomenclature is of corresponding importance; and while the anal- ogies between linguistic and biotic classification are quite limited, many of the principles of nomenclature which biologists have adopted having no application in philology, still in some important particulars the requirements of all scientific classifications are alike, POWELL. ] LAW OF PRIORITY. 9 and though many of the nomenclatural points met with in biology will not occur in philology, some of them do occur and may be governed by the same rules. Perhaps an ideal nomenclature in biology may some time be estab- lished, as attempts have been made to establish such a system in chemistry; and possibly such an ideal system may eventually be established in philology. Be that as it may, the time has not yet come even for its suggestion. What is now needed is a rule of some kind leading scholars to use the same terms for the same things, and it would seem to matter little in the case of linguistic stocks what the nomenclature is, provided it becomes denotive and universal. In treating of the languages of North America it has been sug- gested that the names adopted should be the names by which the people recognize themselves, but this is a rule of impossible appli- cation, for where the branches of a stock diverge very greatly no common name for the people can be found. Again, it has been sug- gested that names which are to go permanently into science should be simple and euphonic. This also is impossible of application,.for simplicity and euphony are largely questions of personal taste, and he who has studied many languages loses speedily his idiosyncrasies of likes and dislikes and learns that words foreign to his vocabulary are not necessarily barbaric. Biologists have decided that he who first distinctly characterizes and names a species or other group shall thereby cause the name thus used to become permanently affixed, but under certain conditions adapted to a growing science which is continually revising its classi- fications. This law of priority may well be adopted by philologists. By the application of the law of priority it will occasionally hap- pen that a name must be taken which is not wholly unobjectionable or which could be much improved. But if names may be modified for any reason, the extent of change that may be wrought in this manner is unlimited, and such modifications would ultimately become equivalent to the introduction of new names, and a fixed nomenclature would thereby be overthrown. The rule of priority has therefore been adopted. Permanent biologic nomenclature dates from the time of Linnzeus simply because this great naturalist established the binominal sys- tem and placed scientific classification upon a sound and enduring basis. As Linnzeus is to be regarded as the founder of biologic classification, so Gallatin may be considered the founder of syste- matic philology relating to the North American Indians. Before his time much linguistic work had been accomplished, and scholars owe a lasting debt of gratitude to Barton, Adelung, Pickering, and others. But Gallatin’s work marks an era in American linguistic science from the fact that he so thoroughly introduced comparative methods, and because he circumscribed the boundaries of many 10 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. families, so that a large part of his work remains and is still to be considered sound. There is no safe resting place anterior to Galla- tin, because no scholar prior to his time had properly adopted com- parative methods of research, and because no scholar was privileged to work with so large a body of material. It must further be said of Gallatin that he had a very clear conception of the task he was performing, and brought to it both learning and wisdom. Gallatin’s work has therefore been taken as the starting point, back of which we may not go in the historic consideration of the systematic phi- lology of North America. The point of departure therefore is the year 1836, when Gallatin’s ‘“‘Synopsis of Indian Tribes” appeared in vol. 2 of the Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society. It is believed that a name should be simply a denotive word, and that no advantage can accrue from a descriptive or connotive title. It is therefore desirable to have the names as simple as possible, consistent with other and more important considerations. For this reason it has been found impracticable to recognize as family names - designations based on several distinct terms, such as descriptive phrases, and words compounded from two or more geographic names. Such phrases and compound words have been rejected. There are many linguistic families in North America, and in a number of them there are many tribes speaking diverse languages. It is important, therefore, that some form should be given to the family name by which it may be distinguished from the name of a single tribe or language. In many cases some one language within a stock has been taken as the type and its name given to the entire family; so that the name of a language and that of the stock to which it belongs are identical. This is inconvenient and leads to confusion. For such reasons it has been decided to give each family name the termination “an” or ‘‘ian.” Conforming to the principles thus enunciated, the following rules have been formulated: I. The law of priority relating to the nomenclature of the sys- tematic philology of the North American tribes shall not extend to authors whose works are of date anterior to the year 1836. Il. The name originally given by the founder of a linguistic group to designate it as a family or stock of languages shall be permanently retained to the exclusion of all others. Ill. No family name shall be recognized if composed of more than one word. IV. A family name once established shall not be canceled in any subsequent division of the group, but shall be retained in a restricted sense for one of its constituent portions. V. Family names shall be distinguished as such by the termina- tion! <\anor tan? EE a ee POWELL] RULES OF NOMENCLATURE. 11 VI. No name shall be accepted for a linguistic family unless used to designate a tribe or group of tribes as a linguistic stock. VII. No family name shall be accepted unless there is given the habitat of tribe or tribes to which it is applied. VIII. The original orthography of a name shall be rigidly preserved except as provided for in rule 111, and unless a typographical error is evident. The terms “ family” and “stock ” are here applied interchangeably to a group of languages that are supposed to be cognate. A single language is called a stock or family when it is not found to be cognate with any other language. Languages are said to be coguate when such relations between them are found that they are supposed to have descended from a common ancestral speech. The evidence of cognation is derived exclusively from the vocabulary. Grammatic similarities are not supposed to furnish evidence of cognation, but to be phenomena, in part relating to stage of culture and in part adventitious. It must be remembered that extreme peculiarities of grammar, like the vocal mutations of the Hebrew or the monosyllabic separation of the Chinese, have not been dis- covered among Indian tongues. It therefore becomes necessary in the classification of Indian languages into families to neglect gram- matic structure, and to consider lexical elements only. But this statement must be clearly understood. It is postulated that in the growth of languages new words are formed by combination, and that these new words change by attrition to secure economy of utter- ance, and also by assimilation (analogy) for economy of thought. In the comparison of languages for the purposes of systematic phi- lology it often becomes necessary to dismember compounded words for the purpose of comparing the more primitive forms thus obtained. The paradigmatic words considered in grammatic trea- tises may often be the very words which should be dissected to dis- cover in their elements primary affinities. But the comparison is still lexic, not grammatic. A Jexic comparison is between vocal elements; a grammatic com- parison is between grammatic methods, such, for example, as gender systems. The classes into which things are relegated by distinction of gender may be animate and inanimate, and the animate may subsequently be divided into male and female, and these two classes may ultimately absorb, in part at least, inanimate things. The growth of a system of genders may take another course. The ani- mate and inanimate may be subdivided into the standing, the sitting, and the lying, or into the moving, the erect and the reclined; or, still further, the superposed classification may be based upon the supposed constitution of things, as the fleshy, the woody, the rocky, the earthy, the watery. Thus the number of genders may increase, while further on in the history of a language the genders may 12 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. decrease so as almost to disappear. All of these characteristics arein part adventitious, but to a large extent the gender is a phenomenon of growth, indicating the stage to which the language has attained. A proper case system may not have been established in a language by the fixing of case particles, or, having been established, it may change by the increase or diminution of the number of cases. A tense system also has a beginning, a growth, and a decadence. A mode system is variable in the various stages of the history of a language. In like manner a pronominal system undergoes changes. Particles may be prefixed, infixed, or affixed*in compounded words, and which one of these methods will finally prevail can be deter- mined only in the later stage of growth. All of these things are held to belong to the grammar of a language and to be grammatic methods, distinct from lexical elements. With terms thus defined, languages are supposed to be cognate when fundamental similarities are discovered in their lexical elements. When the members of a family of languages are to be classed in subdivisions and the history of such languages investigated, gram- matic characteristics become of primary importance. The words of a language change by the methods described, but the fundamental elements or roots are more enduring. Grammatic methods also change, perhaps even more rapidly than words, and the changes may goon to such an extent that primitive methods are entirely lost, there being no radical grammatic elements to be preserved. Grammatic structure is but a phase or accident of growth, and not a primordial element of language. The roots of a language are its most permanent characteristics, and while the words which are formed from them may change so as to obscure their elements or in some cases even to lose them, it seems that they are never lost from all, but can be recovered in large part. The grammatic structure or plan of a language is forever changing, and in this respect the language may become entirely transformed. LITERATURE RELATING TO THE CLASSIFICATION OF INDIAN LANGUAGES. While the literature relating to the languages of North America is very extensive, that which relates to their classification is much less extensive. For the benefit of future students in this line it is thought best to present a concise account of such lterature, or at least so much as has been consulted in the preparation of this paper. 1836. Gallatin (Albert), A synopsis of the Indian tribes within the United States east of the Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian possessions in North America. In Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society (Archezeologia Americana) Cambridge, 1836, vol. 2. The larger part of the volume consists of Gallatin’s paper. A short chapter is devoted to general observations, including certain POWELL.] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. 13 historical data, and the remainder to the discussion of linguistic material and the affinities of the various tribes mentioned. Vocabu- laries of many of the families are appended. Twenty-eight lin- guistic divisions are recognized in the general table of the tribes. Some of these divisions are purely geographic, such as the tribes of Salmon River, Queen Charlotte’s Island, etc. Vocabularies from these localities were at hand, but of their linguistic relations the author was not sufficiently assured. Most of the linguistic families recognized by Gallatin were defined with much precision. Not all of his conclusions are to be accepted in the presence of the data now at hand, but usually they were sound, as is attested by the fact that they have constituted the basis for much classificatory work since his time. The primary, or at least the ostensible, purpose of the colored map which accompanies Gallatin’s paper was, as indicated by its title, to show the distribution of the tribes, and accordingly their names appear upon it, and not the names of the linguistic families. Nev- ertheless, it is practically a map of the linguistic families as deter- mined by the author, and it is believed to be the first attempted for the area represented. Only eleven of the twenty-eight families named in this table appear, and these represent the families with which he was best acquainted. As was to be expected from the early period at which the map was constructed, much of the western part of the United States was left uncolored. Altogether the map illustrates well the state of knowledge of the time. 1840. Bancroft (George). History of the colonization of the United States, Boston, 1840, vol. 3. In Chapter xx of this volume the author gives a brief synopsis of the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, under a linguistic classifi- cation, and adds a brief account of the character and methods of Indian languages. A linguistic map of the region is incorporated, which in general corresponds with the one published by Gallatin in 1836. A notable addition to the Gallatin map is the inclusion of the Uchees in their proper locality. Though considered a distinct family by Gallatin, this tribe does not appear upon his map. Moreover, the Choctaws and Muskogees, which appear as separate families upon Gallatin’s map (though believed by that author to belong to the same family), are united upon Bancroft’s map under the term Mobilian. The linguistic families treated of are, I. Algonquin, I. Sioux or Dahcota, III. Huron-Iroquois, 1V. Catawba, V. Cherokee, VI. Uchee, VII. Natchez, VIII. Mobilian. ; 1841. Scouler (John). Observations of the indigenous tribes of the northwest coast of America. In Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. London, 1841, vol. 11. The chapter cited is short, but long enough to enable the author to construct a very curious classification of the tribes of which he 14 INDIAN. LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. treats. In his account Scouler is guided chiefly, to use his own words, ‘by considerations founded on their physical character, man- ners and customs, and on the affinities of their languages.” As the linguistic considerations are mentioned last, so they appear to be the least weighty of his ‘‘ considerations.” Scouler’s definition of a family is very broad indeed, and in his “Northern Family,” which is a branch of his ‘Insular Group,” he includes such distinct linguistic stocks as ‘‘all the Indian tribes in the Russian territory,” the’ Queen Charlotte Islanders, Koloshes, Ugalentzes, Atnas, Kolchans, Keniies, Tun Ghaase, Haidahs, and Chimmesygns. His Nootka-Columbian family is scarcely less incon- gruous, and it is evident that the classification indicated is only to a comparatively slight extent linguistic. 1846. Hale (Horatio). United States exploring expedition, during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, under the command of Charles Wilkes, U. 8. Navy, vol. 6, ethnog- raphy and philology. Philadelphia, 1846. In addition to a large amount of ethnographic data derived from the Polynesian Islands, Micronesian Islands, Australia, ete., more than one-half of this important volume is devoted to philology, a large share relating to the tribes of northwestern America. The vocabularies collected by Hale, and the conclusions derived by him from study of them, added much to the previous knowledge of the languages of these tribes. His conclusions and classification were in the main accepted by Gallatin in his linguistic writings of 1848. 1846. Latham (Robert Gordon). Miscellaneous contributions to the ethnography of North America. In Pro- ceedings of the Philological Society of London. London, 1846, vol. 2. In this article, which was read before the Philological Society, January 24, 1845, a large number of North American languages are examined and their affinities discussed in support of the two follow- ing postulates made at the beginning of the paper: First, “‘ No Amer- ican language has an isolated position when compared with the other tongues en masse rather than with the language of any particular class;” second, ‘The affinities between the language of the New World, as determined by their vocabularies, is not less real than that inferred from the analogies of their grammatical structure.” The author’s conclusions are that both statements are substantiated by the evidence presented. The paper contains no new family names. 1847. Prichard (James Cowles). Researches into the physical history of mankind (third edition), vol. 5, con- taining: researches into the history of the Oceanic and of the American nations. London, 1847. It was the purpose of this author, as avowed by himself, to deter- mine whether the races of men are the cooffspring of a single stock or have descended respectively from several original families. Like POWELL. } LINGUISTIC LITERATURE, 15 other authors on this subject, his theory of what should constitute a race was not clearly defined. The scope of the inquiry required the consideration of a great number of subjects and led to the accumula- tion of a vast body of facts. In volume 5 the author treats of the American Indians, and in connection with the different tribes has something to say of their languages. No attempt at an original classification is made, and in the main the author follows Gallatin’s classification and adopts his conclusions. 1848, Gallatin (Albert). Hale’s Indians of Northwest America, and vocabularies of North America, with an introduction. In Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, New York, 1848, vol. 2. The introduction consists of a number of chapters, as follows: First, Geographical notices and Indian means of subsistence; second, Ancient semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila and its vicinity; third, Philology; fourth, Addenda and miscellaneous. In these are brought together much valuable information, and many important deductions are made which illustrate Mr. Gallatin’s great acumen. The classification given is an amplification of that adopted in 1836, and contains changes and additions. The latter mainly result from a consideration of the material supplied by Mr. Hale, or are simply taken from his work. The groups additional to those contained in the Archeeologia Americana are: 1. Arrapahoes. 6. Palainih. 2. Jakon. 7. Sahaptin. 3. Kalapuya. 8. Selish (Tsihaili-Selish). 4. Kitunaha, 9. Saste. 5. Lutuami. 10. Waiilatpu. 1848. Latham (Robert Gordon). On the languages of the Oregon Territory. In Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1. This paper was read before the Ethnological Society on the 11th of December. The languages noticed are those that lie between ‘Russian America and New California,” of which the author aims to give an exhaustive list. He discusses the value of the groups to which these languages have been assigned, viz, Athabascan and Nootka-Columbian, and finds that they have been given too high value, and that they are only equivalent to the primary subdivisions of stocks, like the Gothic, Celtic, and Classical, rather than to the stocks themselves. He further finds that the Athabascan, the Kolooch, the Nootka-Columbian, and the Cadiak groups are sub- ordinate members of one large and important class—the Eskimo. No new linguistic groups are presented. 1848. Latham (Robert Gordon). On the ethnography of Russian America. In Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1. 16 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. This essay was read before the Ethnological Society February 19, 1845. Brief notices are given of the more important tribes, and the languages are classed in two groups, the Eskimaux and the Kolooch, Each of these groups is found to have affinities— (1) With the Athabascan tongues, and perhaps equal affinities. (2) Each has affinities with the Oregon languages, and each per- haps equally. (3) Each has definite affinities with the languages of New Cali- fornia, and each perhaps equal ones. (4) Each has miscellaneous affinities witlt all the other tongues of North and South America. 1848. Berghaus (Heinrich). Physikalischer Atlas oder Sammlung von Karten, auf denen die hauptsach- lichsten erscheinungen der anorganischen und organischen Natur nach ihrer geographischen Verbreitung und Vertheilung bildlich dargestellt sind. Zweiter Band, Gotha, 1848. This, the first edition of this well known atlas, contains, among other maps. an ethnographic map of North America, made in 1845. It is based, as is stated, upon material derived from Gallatin, Hum- boldt, Clavigero, Hervas, Vater, and others. So far as the eastern part of the United States is concerned it is largely a duplication of Gallatin’s map of 1836, while in the western region a certain amount of new material is incorporated. 1852. In the edition of 1852 the ethnographic map bears date of 1851. Its eastern portion is substantially a copy of the earlier edition, but its western half is materially changed, chiefly in accordance with the knowledge supplied by Hall in 1848. Map number 72 of the last edition of Berghaus by no means marks an advance upon the edition of 1852. Appareutly the number of families is much reduced, but it is very difficult to interpret the meaning of the author, who has attempted on the same map to indi- cate linguistic divisions and tribal habitats with the result that con- fusion is made worse confounded, 1853. Gallatin (Albert). Classification of the Indian Languages; a letter inclosing a table of generic Indian Families of languages. In Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3. This short paper by Gallatin consists of a letter addressed to W. Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, requesting his cooperation in an endeavor to obtain vocabularies to assist in a more complete study of the grammar and structure of the languages of the Indians of North America. It is accompanied by a ‘Synopsis of Indian Tribes,” giving the families and tribes so far as known. Inthe main the classification is a repetition of that of 1848, but it differs from that in a number of particulars. Two of the families of 1848 do not POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. iL appear in this paper, viz, Arapaho and Kinai. Queen Charlotte Island, employed as a family name in 1848, is placed under the Wakash family, while the Skittagete language, upon which the name Queen Charlotte Island was based in 1848, is here given as a family designation for the language spoken at ‘‘Sitka, bet. 52 and 59 lat.” The following families appear which are not contained in the list of 1848: 1. Cumanches. 5. Natchitoches. 2. Gros Ventres. 6. Pani, Towiacks. 3. Kaskaias. 7. Ugaljachmutzi. 4. Kiaways. 1853. Gibbs (George). Observations on some of the Indian dialects of northern California. In In- formation respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3. The “ Observations” are introductory to a series of vocabularies collected in northern California, and treat of the method employed in collecting them and of the difficulties encountered. They also contain notes on the tribes speaking the several languages as well as on the area covered. There is comparatively little of a classificatory nature, though in one instance the name Quoratem is proposed as a proper one for the family ‘‘ should it be held one.” 1854. Latham (Robert Gordon). On the languages of New California. In Proceedings of the Philological Society of London for 1852 and 1853. London, 1854, vol. 6. Read before the Philological Society, May 13, 1853. A number of languages are examined in this paper for the purpose of determining the stocks to which they belong and the mutual affinities of the latter. Among the languages mentioned are the Saintskla, Umkwa, Lutuami, Paduca, Athabascan, Dieguno, and a number of the Mis- sion languages. 1855. Lane (William Carr). Letter on affinities of dialects in New Mexico. In Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1855, vol. 5. The letter forms half a page of printed matter. The gist of the communication is in effect that the author has heard it said that the Indians of certain pueblos speak three different languages, which he has heard called, respectively, (1) Chu-cha-cas and Kes-whaw-hay; (2) E-nagh-magh; (3) Tay-waugh. This can hardly be called a classification, though the arrangement of the pueblos indicated by Lane is quoted at length by Keane in the Appendix to Stanford’s Compendium, 7 ETH 4 18 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. 1856. Latham (Robert Gordon). On the languages of Northern, Western, and Central America. In Trans- actions of the Philological Society of London, for 1856. London [1857 ?]. This paper was read before the Philological Society May 9, 1856, and is stated to be ‘‘a supplement to two well known contributions to American philology by the late A. Gallatin.” So far as classification of North American languages goes, this is perhaps the most important paper of Latham/’s, as in it a number of new names are proposed for linguistic groups, such as Copeh for the Sacramento River tribes, Ehnik for the Karok tribes, Mariposa Group and Mendocino Group for the Yokut and Pomo tribes respect- ively, Moquelumne for the Mutsun, Pujuni for the Meidoo, Weit- spek for the Eurocs. 1856. Turner (William Wadden). Report upon the Indian tribes, by Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, esq., and Prof. William W. Turner, Washington, D. C., 1855. In Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean. Washington, 1856, vol. 3. part 3. Chapter v of the above report is headed ‘‘ Vocabularies of North American Languages,” and is by Turner, as is stated in a foot-note. Though the title page of Part 1m is dated 1855, the chapter by Turner was not issued till 1856, the date of the full volume, as is stated by Turner on page 84. The following are the vocabularies given, with their arrangement in families: I. Delaware. a eaea XI. Navajo. ) II. Shawnee. { Algonkin, XII. Pinal Natio! ‘ Apache. III. Choctaw. XII. Kiwomi. ) IV. Kichai. } pa wnee? XIV. Cochitemi. - Keres. V. Huéco. § ee XV. Acoma. VI. Caddo. XVI. Zuni. VII. Comanche. XVII. Pima. VITI. Chemehuevi. - Shoshonee. XVIII. Cuchan. LX. Cahuillo. j XIX. Coco-Maricopa. ly X. Kioway. XX. Mojave. uma. XXI. Diegeno. Several of the family names, viz, Keres, Kiowa, Yuma, and Zufi, have been adopted under the rules formulated above. 1858. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard), Die V6lker und Sprachen Neu-Mexiko’s und der Westseite des britischen Nordamerika’s, dargestellt von Hrn. Buschmann. In Abhandlungen (aus dem Jahre 1857) der kéniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin, 1858. This work contains a historic review of early discoveries in New Mexico and of the tribes living therein, with such vocabularies as were available at the time. On pages 315-414 the tribes of British America, from about latitude 54° to 60°, are similarly treated, the various discoveries being reviewed; also those on the North Pacific coast. Much of the material should have been inserted in the POWELL. | LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. 19 volume of 1859 (which was prepared in 1854), to which cross refer- ence is frequently made, and to which it stands in the nature of a supplement. 1859. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard). Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nérdlichen Mexico und héheren amerikanischen Norden. Zugleich eine Musterung der Vélker und Sprachen des nérdlichen Mexico's und der Westseite Nordamerika’s von Guadalaxara an bis zum Eismeer. In Abhandlungen aus dem Jahre 1854 der kéniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin, 1859. The above, forming a second supplemental volume of the Trans- actions for 1854, is an extensive compilation of much previous litera- ture treating of the Indian tribes from the Arctic Ocean southward to Guadalajara, and bears specially upon the Aztec language and its traces in the languages of the numerous tribes scattered along the Pacific Ocean and inland to the high plains. A large number of vocabularies and a vast amount of linguistic material are here brought together and arranged in a comprehensive manner to aid in the study attempted. In his classification of the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, Buschmann largely followed Gallatin. His treat- ment of those not included in Gallatin’s paper is in the main original. Many of the results obtained may have been considered bold at the time of publication, but recent philological investigations give evi- dence of the value of many of the author’s conclusions. 1859. Kane (Paul). Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America from Canada to Vancouver's Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s territory and back again. London, 1859. The interesting account of the author's travels among the Indians, chiefly in the Northwest, and of their habits, is followed by a four- page supplement, giving the names, locations, and census of the tribes of the Northwest coast. They are classified by language into Chymseyan, including the Nass, Chymseyans, Skeena and Sabassas Indians, of whom twenty-one tribes are given; Ha-eelb-zuk or Balla- bola, including the Milbank Sound Indians, with nine tribes; Klen-e- kate, including twenty tribes; Hai-dai, including the Kygargey and Queen Charlotte’s Island Indians, nineteen tribes being enumerated; and Qua-colth, with twenty-nine tribes. No statement of the origin of these tables is given, and they reappear, with no explanation, in Schooleraft’s Indian Tribes, volume v, pp. 487-489. In his Queen Charlotte Islands, 1870, Dawson publishes the part of this table relating to the Haida, with the statement that he received it from Dr. W. F. Tolmie. The census was made in 1836-’41 by the late Mr. John Work, who doubtless was the author of the more com- plete tables published by Kane and Schoolcraft. 20 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES, 1862. Latham (Robert Gordon). Elements of comparative philology. London, 1862. The object of this volume is, as the author states in his preface, ‘to lay before the reader the chief facts and the chief trains of rea- soning in Comparative Philology.” Among the great mass of material accumulated for the purpose a share is devoted to the lan- guages of North America. The remarks under these are often taken verbatim from the author’s earlier papers, to which reference has been made above, and the family names and classification set forth in them are substantially repeated. 1862. Hayden (Ferdinand Vandeveer). Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of the Missouri Valley. Philadelphia, 1862. This is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Missouri River tribes, made at a time when the information concerning them was none too precise. The tribes treated of are classified as follows: I. Knisteneaux, or Crees. } Il. Blackfeet. - Algonkin Group, A. Ill. Shyennes. \ IV. Arapohos. V. Atsinas. VI. Pawnees. VII. Arikaras. § VIII. Dakotas. } IX. Assiniboins. X. Crows. XI. Minnitarees. } Dakota Group, D XII. Mandans. | ; Arapoho Group, B. Pawnee Group, C. XIII. Omahas. XIV. Iowas. 1864. Orozco y Berra (Manuel). Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnografica de México Precedidas de un ensayo de clasificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para las inmigraciones de las tribus. Mexico, 1864. : The work is divided into three parts. (1) Tentative classification of the languages of Mexico; (2) notes on the immigration of the tribes of Mexico; (3) geography of the languages of Mexico. The author states that he has no knowledge whatever of the lan- guages he treats of. All he attempts to do is to summarize the opinions of others. His authorities were (1) writers on native gram- mars; (2) missionaries; (3) persons who are reputed to be versed in such matters. He professes to have used his own judgment only when these authorities left him free to do so. His stated method in compiling the ethnographic map was to place before him the map of acertain department, examine all his authori- ties bearing on that department, and to mark with a distinctive color all localities said to belong to a particular language. When this was done he drew a boundary line around the area of that language. Examination of the map shows that he has partly expressed on it the classification of languages as given in the first part of his text, and partly limited himself to indicating the geographic boundaries U, S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, pha POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. Dill of languages, without, however, giving the boundaries of all the languages mentioned in his lists. 1865. Pimentel (Francisco). Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indigenas de México. México, 1865. According to the introduction this work is divided into three parts: (1) descriptive; (2) comparative; (3) critical. The author divides the treatment of each language into (1) its mechanism; (2) its dictionary; (3) its grammar. By ‘‘ mechanism ” he means pronunciation and composition; by ‘‘ dictionary” he means the commonest or most notable words. In the case of each language he states the localities where it is spoken, giving a short sketch of its history, the explanation of its etymology, and a list of such writers on that language as he has become acquainted with. Then follows: ‘‘ mechanism, dictionary, and grammar.” Next he enumerates its dialects if there are any, and compares specimens of them when he isable. He gives the Our Father when he can. Volume I (1862) contains introduction and twelve languages. Vol- ume II (1865) contains fourteen groups of languages, a vocabulary of the Opata language, and an appendix treating of the Comanche, the Coahuilteco, and various languages of upper California. Volume m1 (announced in preface of Volume tt) is to contain the “comparative part” (to be treated in the same ‘‘ mixed” method as the ‘‘descriptive part”), and a scientific classification of all the languages spoken in Mexico. In the ‘‘critical part” (apparently dispersed through the other two parts) the author intends to pass judgment on the merits of the languages of Mexico, to point out their good qualities and their defects. 1870, Dall (William Healey). On the distribution of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent territory. In Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Sci- ence. Cambridge, 1870, vol. 18. In this important paper is presented much interesting information concerning the inhabitants of Alaska and adjacent territories. The natives are divided into two groups, the Indians of the interior, and the inhabitants of the coast, or Esquimaux. The latter are designated by the term Orarians, which are composed of three lesser groups, Eskimo, Aleutians, and Tuski. The Orarians are distinguished, first, by their language; second, by their distribution; third, by their habits; fourth, by their physical characteristics. 1870. Dall (William Healey). Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870. The classification followed is practically the same as is given in the author’s article in the Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. 92 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. 1877. Dall (William Healey). Tribes of the extreme northwest. In Contributions to North American Eth- nology (published by United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). Washington, 1877, vol. 1. This is an amplification of the paper published in the Proceedings of the American Association, as above cited. The author states that ‘‘ numerous additions and corrections, as well as personal obser- vations of much before taken at second hand, have placed it in my power to enlarge and improve my original arrangement.” In this paper the Orarians are divided into ‘‘two well marked vroups,” the Innuit, comprising all the so-called Eskimo and Tuskis, and the Aleuts. The paper proper is followed by an appendix by Gibbs and Dall, in which are presented a series of vocabularies from the northwest, including dialects of the Tlinkit and Haida nations, T’sim-si-ans, and others. 1877. Gibbs (George). Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1887, vol. 1. This is a valuable article, and gives many interesting particulars of the tribes of which it treats. References are here and there made to the languages of the several tribes, with, however, no attempt at their classification. A table follows the report, in which is given by Dall, after Gibbs, a classification of the tribes mentioned by Gibbs. Five families are mentioned, viz: Nutka, Sahaptin, Tinneh, Selish, and T’sintk. The comparative vocabularies follow Part I. 1877. Powers (Stephen). Tribes of California, In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Wash- ington, 1877, vol. 3. The extended paper on the Californian tribes which makes up the bulk of this volume is the most important contribution to the sub- ject ever made. The author’s unusual opportunities for personal observation among these tribes were improved to the utmost and the result is a comparatively full and comprehensive account of their habits and character. Here and there are allusions to the languages spoken, with refer- ence to the families to which the tribes belong. No formal classifi- cation is presented. 1877. Powell (John Wesley). Appendix. Linguistics edited by J. W. Powell. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1877, vol. 3. This appendix consists of a series of comparative vocabularies collected by Powers, Gibbs and others, classified into linguistic families, as follows: POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC LITERATURE. 23 Family. Family. 1. Ka-rok. 8. Mut'-stn. 2. Yu-rok. 9. Santa Barbara. 3. Chim-a-ri-ko. 10. Y6-kuts. 4. Wish-osk. 11. Mai’-du. 5. Yu-ki. 12. A-cho-ma'-wi. 6. Pémo. 13. Shas-ta. 7. Win-tin’. : 1877. Gatschet (Albert Samuel). Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories. In Magazine of American History. New York, 1877, vol. 1. After some remarks concerning the nature of language and of the special characteristics of Indian languages, the author gives a synopsis of the languages of the Pacific region. The families men- tioned are: 1. Shéshoni. 11. Pomo. 21. Yakon. 2. Yuma. 12. Wishosk. 22. Cayuse. 3. Pima. 13. Eurok. 23. Kalapuya. 4, Santa Barbara. 14. Weits-pek. 24. Chinook. 5. Mutsun. 15. Cahrok. 25. Sahaptin. 6. Yocut. 16. Tolewa. 26. Selish. 7. Meewoc. 17. Shasta. 27. Nootka. 8. Meidoo. 18. Pit River. 28. Kootenai. 9. Wintoon. 19. Klamath. 10. Yuka. 20. Tinné. This is an important paper, and contains notices of several new stocks, derived from a study of the material furnished by Powers. The author advocates the plan of using a system of nomenclature similar in nature to that employed in zoology in the case of generic and specific names, adding after the name of the tribe the family to which it belongs; thus: Warm Springs, Sahaptin. 1878. Powell (John Wesley). The nationality of the Pueblos. Inthe Rocky Mountain Presbyterian. Denver, November, 1878. This is a half-column article, the object of which is to assign the several Pueblos to their proper stocks. A paragraph is devoted to contradicting the popular belief that the Pueblos are in some way related to the Aztecs. No vocabularies are given or cited, though the classification is stated to be a linguistic one. 1878. Keane (Augustus H). Appendix, Ethnography and philology of America. In Stanford’s Com- pendium of Geography and Travel, edited and extended by H. W. Bates. London, 1878. In the appendix are given, first, some of the more general charac- teristics and peculiarities of Indian languages, followed by a classi- fication of all the tribes of North America, after which is given an 24 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. alphabetical list of American tribes and languages, with their habi- tats and the stock to which they belong. The classification is compiled from many sources, and although it contains many errors and inconsistencies, it affords on the whole a good general idea of prevalent views on the subject. 1880. Powell (John Wesley). Pueblo Indians. In the American Naturalist. Philadelphia, 1880, vol. 14. This is a two-page article in which is set forth a classification of the Pueblo Indians from linguistic considerations. The Pueblos are divided into four families or stocks, viz: 1. Shinumo. 3. Keran. 2. Zunian. 4, Téwan. Under the several stocks is given a list of those who have collected vocabularies of these languages and areference to their publication. 1880. Eells (Myron). The Twana language of Washington Territory. In the American Antiqua- rian. Chicago, 1880-81, vol. 3. This is a brief article—two and a half pages—on the Twana, Clallam, and Chemakum Indians. The author finds, upon a com- parison of vocabularies, that the Chemakum language has little in common with its neighbors. 1885. Dall (William Healey). The native tribes of Alaska. In Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, thirty-fourth meeting, held at Ann Arbor, Mich., August, 1885. Salem, 1886. This paper is a timely contribution to the subject of the Alaska tribes, and carries it from the point at which the author left it in 1869 to date, briefly summarizing the several recent additions to knowledge. It ends with a geographical classification of the Innuit and Indian tribes of Alaska, with estimates of their numbers. 1885. Bancroft (Hubert Howe). The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 3: the native races, vol. 8, myths and languages. San Francisco, 1882. In the chapter on that subject the languages are classified by divi- sions which appear to correspond to groups, families, tribes, and dialects. The classification does not, however, follow any consistent plan, and is in parts unintelligible. 1882. Gatschet (Albert Samuel). Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories and of the Pueblos of New Mexico. In the Magazine of American History. New York, 1882, vol. 8. : This paper is in the nature of a supplement to a previous one in the same magazine above referred to. Itenlarges further on several ee ee LS eee ee a ee ae POWELL, ] LINGUISTIC MAP. 25 of the stocks there considered, and, as the title indicates, treats also of the Pueblo languages. The families mentioned are: 1. Chimariko. 6. Takilma. 2. Washo. 7. Rio Grande Pueblo. 3. Yakona. ; &. Kera. 4. Saytskla. 9. Zuni. 5. Kusa. 1883. Hale (Horatio). Indian migrations, as evidenced by language. In The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Chicago, 1883, vol. 5. In connection with the object of this paper—the study of Indian migrations—several linguistic stocks are mentioned, and the lin- guistic affinities of a number of tribes are given. The stocks men- tioned are: Huron-Cherokee. Algonkin. Dakota. Chahta-Muskoki. 1885. Tolmie (W. Fraser) and Dawson (George M.) Comparative vocabularies of the Indian tribes of British Columbia, with a map illustrating distribution (Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada). Montreal, 1884. The vocabularies presented constitute an important contribution to linguistic science. They represent ‘‘one or more dialects of every Indian language spoken on the Pacific slope from the Columbia River north to the Tshilkat River, and beyond, in Alaska; and from the outermost sea-board to the main continental divide in the Rocky Mountains.” A colored map shows the area occupied by each lin- guistic family. LINGUISTIC MAP. In 1836 Gallatin conferred a great boon upon linguistic students by classifying all the existing material relating to this subject. Even in the light of the knowledge of the present day his work is found to rest upon a sound basis. The material of Gallatin’s time, how- ever, was too scanty to permit of more than an outline of the subject. Later writers have contributed to the work, and the names of Latham, Turner. Prichard, Buschmann, Hale, Gatschet, and others are connected with important classificatory results. The writer’s interest in linguistic work and the inception of a plan for a linguistic classification of Indian languages date back about 20 years, to a time when he was engaged in explorations in the West. Being brought into contact with many tribes, it was possible to col- lect a large amount of original material. Subsequently, when the Bureau of Ethnology was organized, this store was largely increased through the labors of others. Since then a very large body of literature published in Indian languages has been accumulated, and a great number of vocabularies have been gathered by the Bureau 26 : INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. av assistants and by collaborators in various parts of the country. The results of a study of all this material, and of much historical data, which necessarily enters largely into work of this character, appear in the accompanying map. The contributions to the subject during the last fifty years have been so important, and the additions to the material accessible to the student of Gallatin’s time have been so large, that much of the reproach which deservedly attached to American scholars because of the neglect of American linguistics has been removed. The field is a vast one, however, and the workers are comparatively few. Moreover, opportunities for collecting linguistic material are grow- ing fewer day by day, as tribes are consolidated upon reservations, as they become civilized, and as the older Indians, who alone are skilled in their language, die, leaving, it may be, only a few imperfect vocabularies as a basis for future study. History has bequeathed to us the names of many tribes, which became extinct in early colonial times, of whose language not a hint is left and whose linguistic relations must ever remain unknown. It is vain to grieve over neglected opportunities unless their con- templation stimulates us to utilize those at hand. There are yet many gaps to be filled, even in so elementary a part of the study as the classification of the tribes by language. As to the detailed study of the different linguistic families, the mastery and analysis of the languages composing them, and their comparison with one another and with the languages of other families, only a beginning has been made. After the above statement it is hardly necessary to add that the accompanying map does not purport to represent final results. On the contrary, it is to be regarded as tentative, setting forth in visible form the results of investigation up to the present time, as a guide and aid to future effort. Each of the colors or patterns upon the map represents a distinct linguistic family, the total number of families contained in the whole area being fifty-eight. It is believed that the families of languages represented upon the map can not have sprung from a common source; they are as distinct from one another in their vocabularies and apparently in their origin as from the Aryan or the Scythian families. Unquestionably, future and more critical study will result in the fusion of some of these families. As the means for analysis and comparison accumulate, resemblances now hidden will be brought to light, and relationships hitherto unsus- pected will be shown to exist. Such a result may be anticipated with the more certainty inasmuch as the present classification has been made upon a conservative plan. Where relationships between families are suspected, but can not be demonstrated by convincing evidence, it has been deemed wiser not to unite them, but to keep PowELt.] LINGUISTIC MAP. 27 them apart until more material shall have accumulated and proof of a more convincing character shall have been brought forward. While some of the families indicated on the map may in future be united to other families, and the number thus be reduced, there seems to be no ground for the belief that the total of the linguistic families of this country will be materially diminished, at least under the present methods of linguistic analysis, for there is little reason to doubt that, as the result of investigation in the field, there will be discovered tribes speaking languages not classifiable under any of the present families; thus the decrease in the total by reason of con- solidation may be compensated by a corresponding increase through discovery. It may even be possible that some of the similarities used in combining languages into families may, on further study, prove to be adventitious, and the number may be increased thereby. To which side the numerical balance will fall remains for the future to decide. As stated above, all the families occupy the same basis of dissim- larity from one another—i. e., none of them are related—and conse- quently no two of them are either more or less alike than any other two, except in so far as mere coincidences and borrowed material may be said to constitute likeness and relationship. Coincidences in the nature of superficial word resemblances are common in all languages of the world. No matter how widely separated geograph- ically two families of languages may be, no matter how unlike their vocabularies, how distinct their origin, some words may always be found which appear upon superficial examination to indicate rela- tionship. There is not a single Indian linguistic family, for instance, which does not contain words similar in sound, end more rarely sim- ilar in both sound and meaning, to wordsin English, Chinese, Hebrew, and other languages. Not only do such resemblances exist, but they have been discovered and pointed out, not as mere adventitious similarities, but as proof of genetic relationship. Borrowed lin- guistie material also appears in every family, tempting the unwary investigator into making false analogies and drawing erroneous con- clusions. Neither coincidences nor borrowed material, however, can be properly regarded as evidence of cognation. While occupying the same plane of genetic dissimilarity, the fami- lies are by no means alike as regards either the extent of territory oc- cupied, the number of tribes grouped under them respectively, or the number of languages and dialects of which they are composed. Some of them cover wide areas, whose dimensions are stated in terms of latitude and longitude rather than by miles. Others occupy so little space that the colors representing them are hardly discern- ible upon the map. Some of them contain but a single tribe; others are represented by scores of tribes. In the case of a few, the term “family” is commensurate with language, since there is but one 28 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. language and no dialeets. In the case of others, their tribes spoke several languages, so distinct from one.another as to be for the most part mutually unintelligible, and the languages shade into many dialects more or less diverse. The map, designed primarily for the use of students who are en- gaged in investigating the Indians of the United States, was at first limited to this area; subsequently its scope was extended to include the whole of North America north of Mexico. Suchanextension of its plan was, indeed, almost necessary, since a number of important families, largely represented in tue United States, are yet more largely represented in the territory to the north, and no adequate conception of the size and relative importance of such families as the Algonquian, Siouan, Salishan, Athapascan, and others can be had without including extralimital territory. To the south, also, it happens that several linguistic stocks extend beyond the boundaries of the United States. Three families are, indeed, mainly extralimital in their position, viz: Yuman, the great body of the tribes of which family inhabited the peninsula of Lower California; Piman, which has only a small representation in south- ern Arizona; and the Coahuiltecan, which intrudes into southwestern Texas. The Athapascan family is represented in Arizona and New Mexico by the well known Apache and Navajo, the former of whom have gained a strong foothold in northern Mexico, while the Tatioan, a Pueblo family of the upper Rio Grande, has established a few pueblos lower down the river in Mexico. For the purpose of neces- sary comparison, therefore, the map is made to include all of North America north of Mexico, the entire peninsula of Lower California, and so much of Mexico as is necessary to show the range of families common to that country and to the United States. It is left toa future occasion to attempt to indicate the linguistic relations of Mexico and Central America, for which, it may be remarked in pass- ing, much material has been accumulated. It is apparent that a single map can not be made to show the loca- tions of the several linguistic families at different epochs; nor can a single map be made to represent the migrations of the tribes com- posing the linguistic families. In order to make a clear presentation of the latter subject, it would be necessary to prepare a series of maps showing the areas successively occupied by the several tribes as they were disrupted and driven from section to section under the pressure of other tribes or the vastly more potent force of European encroachment. Although the data necessary for a complete repre- sentation of tribal migration, even for the period subsequent to the advent of the European, does not exist, still a very large body of material bearing upon the subject is at hand, and exceedingly valu- able results in this direction could be presented did not the amount POWELL, ] LINGUISTIC MAP. 29 of time and labor and the large expense attendant upon such a pro- ject forbid the attempt for the present. The map undertakes to show the habitat of the linguistic families only, and this is for but a single period in their history, viz, at the time when the tribes composing them first became known to the European, or when they first appear on recorded history. As the dates when the different tribes became known vary, it follows asa matter of course that the periods represented by the- colors in one portion of the map are not synchronous with those in other portions. Thus the data for the Columbia River tribes is derived chiefly from the account of the journey of Lewis and Clarke in 1803-05, long before which period radical changes of location had taken place among the tribes of the eastern United States. Again, not only are the periods represented by the different sections of the map not syn- chronous, but only in the case of a few of the linguistic families, and these usually the smaller ones, is it possible to make the color- ing synchronous for different sections of the same family. Thus our data for the location of some of the northern members of the Shoshonean family goes back to 1804, a date at which absolutely no knowledge had been gained of most of the southern members of the group, our first accounts of whom began about 1850. Again, our knowledge of the eastern Algonquian tribes dates back to about 1600, while no information was had concerning the Atsina, Black- feet, Cheyenne, and the Arapaho, the westernmost members of the family, until two centuries later. Notwithstanding these facts, an attempt to fix upon the areas for- merly occupied by the several linguistic families, and of the pristine homes of many of the tribes composing them, is by no means hopeless. For instance, concerning the position of the western tribes during the period of early contact of our colonies and its agreement with their position later when they appear in history, it may be inferred that as a rule it was stationary, though positive evidence is lacking. When changes of tribal habitat actually took place they were rarely in the nature of extensive migration, by which a portion of a lin- guistic family was severed from the main body, but usually in the form of encroachment by a tribe or tribes upon neighboring terri- tory, which resulted simply in the extension of the limits of one linguistic family at the expense of another, the defeated tribes being incorporated or confined within narrower limits. If the above infer- ence be correct, the fact that different chronologic periods are rep- resented upon the map is of comparatively little importance, since, if the Indian tribes were in the main sedentary, and not nomadic, the changes resulting in the course of one or two centuries would not make material differences. Exactly the opposite opinion, how- ever, has been expressed by many writers, viz, that the North 30 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. American Indian tribes were nomadic. The picture presented by these writers is of a medley of ever-shifting tribes, to-day here, to-morrow there, occupying new territory and founding new homes— if nomads can be said to have homes—only to abandon them. Such a picture, however, is believed to convey an erroneous idea of the former condition of our Indian tribes. As the question has signifi- cance in the present connection it must be considered somewhat at length. INDIAN TRIBES SEDENTARY. In the first place, the linguistic map, based as it is upon the ear- liest evidence obtainable, itself offers conclusive proof, not only that the Indian tribes were in the main sedentary at the time history first records their position, but that they had been sedentary for a very long period. In order that this may be made plain, it should be clearly understood, as stated above, that each of the colors or patterns upon the map indicates a distinct linguistic family. It will be noticed that the colors representing the several families are usually in single bodies, i. e., that they represent continuous areas, and that with some exceptions the same color is not scattered here and there over the map in small spots. Yet precisely this last state of things is what would be expected had the tribes representing the families been nomadic to a marked degree. If nomadic tribes occupied North America, instead of spreading out each from a common center, as the colors show that the tribes composing the several families actually did, they would have been dispersed here and there over the whole face of the country. That they are not so dispersed is considered proof that in the main they were sedentary. It has been stated above that more or less extensive migrations of some tribes over the country had taken place prior to Huropean occupancy. This fact is disclosed by a glance at the present map. The great Athapascan family, for instance, occupying the larger part of British America, is known from linguistic evidence to have sent off colonies into Oregon (Wilopah, Tlatskanai, Coquille), Cali- fornia (Smith River tribes, Kenesti or Wailakki tribes, Hupa), and Arizona and New Mexico (Apache, Navajo). How long before European occupancy of this country these migrations took place can not be told, but in the case of most of them it was undoubtedly many years. By the test of language it is seen that the great Siouan family, which we have come to look upon as almost exclu- sively western, had one offshoot in Virginia (Tutelo), another in North and South Carolina (Catawba), and a third in Mississippi (Biloxi); and the Algonquian family, so important in the early history of this country, while occupying a nearly continuous area in the north and east, had yet secured a foothold, doubtless in very recent times, in Wyoming and Colorado. These and other POWELL. | INDIAN TRIBES SEDENTARY. 31 similar facts sufficiently prove the power of individual tribes or gentes to sunder relations with the great body of their kindred and to remove to distant homes. Tested by linguistic evidence, such instances appear to be exceptional, and the fact remains that in the great majority of cases the tribes composing linguistic fam- ilies occupy continuous areas, and hence are and have been practi- cally sedentary. Noris the bond of a common language, strong and enduring as that bond is usually thought to be, entirely sufficient to explain the phenomenon here pointed out. When small in number the linguistic tie would undoubtedly aid in binding together the members of a tribe; but as the people speaking a common language increase in number and come to have conflicting interests, the lin- guistic tie has often proved to be an insufficient bond of union. In the case of our Indian tribes feuds and internecine conflicts were common between members of the same linguistic family. In fact, it is probable that a very large number of the dialects into which Indian languages are split originated as the result of internecine strife. Factions, divided and separated from the parent body, by contact, intermarriage, and incorporation with foreign tribes, devel- oped distinct dialects or languages. But linguistic evidence alone need not be relied upon to prove that the North American Indian was not nomadic. Corroborative proof of the sedentary character of our Indian tribes is to be found in the curious form of kinship system, with mother- rite as its chief factor, which prevails. This, as has been pointed out in another place, is not adapted to the necessities of nomadic tribes, which need to be governed by a patriarchal system, and, as well, to be possessed of flocks and herds. There is also an abundance of historical evidence to show that, when first discovered by Europeans, the Indians of the eastern United States were found living in fixed habitations. This does not neces- sarily imply that the entire year was spent in one place. Agricul- ture not being practiced to an extent sufficient to supply the Indian with full subsistence, he was compelled to make occasional changes from his permanent home to the more or less distant waters and for- ests to procure supplies of food. When furnished with food and skins for clothing, the hunting parties returned to the village which con- stituted their true home. At longer periods, for several reasons— among which probably the chief were the hostility of stronger tribes, the failure of the fuel supply near the village, and the compulsion exercised by the ever lively superstitious fancies of the Indians—the villages were abandoned and new ones formed to constitute new homes, new focal points from which to set out on their annual hunts and to which to return when these were completed. The tribes of the eastern United States had fixed and definitely bounded habitats, and their wanderings were in the nature of temporary excursions to 32 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. established points resorted to from time immemorial. As, however, they had not yet entered completely into the agricultural condition, to which they were fast progressing from the hunter state, they may be said to have been nomadic to a very limited extent. The method of life thus sketched was substantially the one which the Indians were found practicing throughout the eastern part of the United States, as also, though to a less degree, in the Pacific States. Upon the Pacific coast proper the tribes were even more sedentary than upon the Atlantic, as the mild climate and the great abundance and permanent supply of fish and shellfish left no cause for a seasonal change of abode. When, however, the interior portions of the country were first visited by Europeans, a different state of affairs was found to pre- vail. There the acquisition of the horse and the possession: of firearms had wrought very great changes in aboriginal habits. The. acquisition of the former enabled the Indian of the treeless plains to travel distances with ease and celerity which before were practically impossible, and the possession of firearms stimulated tribal aggres- siveness to the utmost pitch. Firearms were everywhere doubly effective in producing changes in tribal habitats, since the somewhat gradual introduction of trade placed these deadly weapons in the hands of some tribes, and of whole congeries ef tribes, long before others could obtain them. Thus the general state of tribal equilib- rium which had before prevailed was rudely disturbed. Tribal warfare, which hitherto had been attended with inconsiderable loss of life and slight territorial changes, was now made terribly destruc- tive, and the territorial possessions of whole groups of tribes were augmented at the expense of those less fortunate. The horse made wanderers of many tribes which there is sufficient evidence to show were formerly nearly sedentary. Firearms enforced migration and caused wholesale changes in the habitats of tribes, which, in the natural order of events, it would have taken many centuries to pro- duce. The changes resulting from these combined agencies, great as they were, are, however, slight in comparison with the tremendous effects of the wholesale occupancy of Indian territory by Europeans. As the acquisition of territory by the settlers went on, a wave of migration from east to west was inaugurated which affected tribes far remote from the point of disturbance, ever forcing them within narrower and narrower bounds, and, as time went on, producing greater and greater changes throughout the entire country. So much of the radical change in tribal habitats as took place in the area remote from European settlements, mainly west of the Mississippi, is chiefly unrecorded, save imperfectly in Indian tra- dition, and is chiefly to be inferred from linguistic evidence and from the few facts in our possession. As, however, the most im- portant of these changes occurred after, and as a result of, European POWELL. ] INDIAN POPULATION. 33 occupancy, they are noted in history, and thus the map really gives a better idea of the pristine or prehistoric habitat of the tribes than at first might be thought possible. Before speaking of the method of establishing the boundary lines between the linguistic families, as they appear upon the map, the nature of the Indian claim to land and the manner and extent of its occupation should be clearly set forth. POPULATION, As the question of the Indian population of the country has a direct bearing upon the extent to which the land was actually occu- pied, a few words on the subject will be introduced here, particu- larly as the area included in the linguistic map is so covered with color that it may convey a false impression of the density of the Indian population. As a result of an investigation of the subject of the early Indian population, Coil. Mallery long ago arrived at the conclusion that their settlements were not numerous, and that the population, as compared with the enormous territory occupied, was extremely small.’ Careful examination since the publication of the above tends to corroborate the soundness of the conclusions there first formulated. The subject may be set forth as follows: The sea shore, the borders of lakes, and the banks of rivers, where fish and shell-fish were to be obtained in large quantities, were nat- urally the Indians’ chief resort, and at or near such places were to be found their permanent settlements. As the settlements and lines of travel of the early colonists were along the shore, the lakes and the rivers, early estimates of the Indian population were chiefly based upon the numbers congregated along these highways, it being generally assumed that away from the routes of travel a like popu- lation existed. Again, over-estimates of population resulted from the fact that the same body of Indians visited different points during the year, and not infrequently were counted two or three times; change of permanent village sites also tended to augment estimates of population. For these and other reasons a greatly exaggerated idea of the Indian population was obtained, and the impressions so derived have been dissipated only in comparatively recent times. As will be stated more fully later, the Indian was dependent to no small degree upon natural products for his food supply. Could it be affirmed that the North American Indians had increased to a point where they pressed upon the food supply, it would imply a very much larger population than we are justified in assuming from other considerations. But for various reasons the Malthusian law, ‘ Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Science, 1877, vol. 26. 7 ETH——3 b4 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. whether applicable elsewhere or not, can not be applied to the Indians of this country. Everywhere bountiful nature had provided an un- failing and practically inexhaustible food supply. The rivers teemed with fish and mollusks, and the forests with game, while upon all sides was an abundance of nutritious roots and seeds, All of these sources were known, and to a large extent they were drawn upon by the Indian, but the practical lesson of providing in the season of plenty for the season of scarcity had been but imperfectly learned, or, when learned, was but partially applied. Even when taught by dire experience the necessity of laying upadequate stores, it was the almost universal practice to waste great quantities of food by a con- stant succession of feasts, in the superstitious observances of which the stores were rapidly wasted and plenty soon gave way to scarcity and even to famine. Curiously enough, the hospitality which is so marked a trait among our North American Indians had its source in a law, the invariable practice of which has had a marked effect in retarding the acquisition by the Indian of the virtue of providence. As is well known, the basis of the Indian social organization was the kinship system. By its provisions almost all property was possessed in common by the gens or clan. Food, the most important of all, was by no means left to be exclusively enjoyed by the individual or the family obtaining it. For instance, the distribution of game among the families of a party was variously provided for in different tribes, but the practi- cal effect of the several customs relating thereto was the sharing of the supply. The hungry Indian had but to ask to receive and this no matter how small the supply, or how dark the fucure prospect. Tt was not only his privilege to ask, it was his right to demand. Undoubtedly what was originally a right, conferred by kinship con- nections, ultimately assumed broader proportions, and finally passed into the exercise of an almost indiscriminate hospitality. By reason of this custom, the poor hunter was virtually placed upon equality with the expert one, the lazy with the industrious, the improvident with the more provident. Stories of Indian life abound with instances of individual families or parties being called upon by those less fortunate or provident to share their supplies. The effect of such a system, admirable as it was in many particu- lars, practically placed a premium upon idleness. Under such com- munal rights and privileges a potent spur to industry and thrift is wanting. There is an obverse side to this problem, which a long and inti- mate acquaintance with the Indians in their villages has forced upon the writer. The communal ownership of food and the great hospitality practiced by the Indian have had a very much greater influence upon his character than that indicated in the foregoing POWELL. | COMMUNALISM OF INDIANS. 35 remarks. The peculiar institutions prevailing in this respect gave to each tribe or clan a profound interest in the skill, ability and industry of each member. He was the most valuable person in the community who supplied it with the most of its necessities. For this reason the successful hunter or fisherman was always held in high honor, and the woman who gathered great store of seeds, fruits, or roots, or who cultivated a good corn-field, was one who commanded the respect and received the highest approbation of the people. The simple and rude ethics of a tribal people are very important to them, the more so because of their communal institu- tions; and everywhere throughout the tribes of the United States it is discovered that their rules of conduct were deeply implanted in the minds of the people. An organized system of teaching is always found, as it is the duty of certain officers of the clan to instruct the young in all the industries necessary to their rude life, and simple maxims of industry abound among the tribes and are enforced in diverse and interesting ways. The power of the elder men in the clan over its young members is always very great, and the training of the youth is constant and rigid. Besides this, a moral sentiment exists in favor of primitive virtues which is very effective in molding character. This may be illustrated in two ways. Marriage among all Indian tribes is primarily by legal appoint- ment, as the young woman receives a husband from some other prescribed clan or clans, and the elders of the clan, with certain excep- tions, control these marriages, and personal choice has little to do with the affair. When marriages are proposed, the virtues and industry of the candidates, and more than all, their ability to properly live as married couples and to supply the clan or tribe with a due amount of subsistence, are discussed long and earnestly, and the young man or maiden who fails in this respect may fail in securing an eligible and desirable match. And these motives are constantly presented to the savage youth. A simple democracy exists among these people, and they have a variety of tribal offices to fill. In this way the men of the tribe are graded, and they pass from grade to grade by a selection practically made by the people. And this leads to a constant discussion of the virtues and abilities of all the male members of the clan, from boy- hood to old age. He is most successful in obtaining clan and tribal promotion who is most useful to the clan and the tribe. In this manner all of the ambitious are stimulated, and this incentive to industry is very great. When brought into close contact with the Indian, and into inti- mate acquaintance with his language, customs, and religious ideas, there is a curious tendency observable in students to overlook aboriginal vices and to exaggerate aboriginal virtues. It seems to 36 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. be forgotten that after all the Indian is a savage, with the character- istics of a savage, and he is exalted even above the civilized man. The tendency is exactly the reverse of what it is in the case of those who view the Indian at a distance and with no precise knowledge of any of his characteristics. In the estimation of such persons the Indian’s vices greatly outweigh his virtues; his language is a gib- berish, his methods of war cowardly, his ideas of religion utterly puerile. The above tendencies are accentuated in the attempt to estimate the comparative worth and position of individual tribes. No being is more patriotic than the Indian. He believes himself to be the result of a special creation bya partial deity and holds that his is the one favored race. The name by which the tribes distinguish themselves from other tribes indicates the further conviction that, as the Indian is above all created things, so in like manner each par- ticular tribe is exalted above all others. ‘‘Menof men” isthe literal translation of one name; ‘‘the only men” of another, and so on through the whole category. A long residence with any one tribe frequently inoculates the student with the same patriotic spirit. Bringing to his study of a particular tribe an inadequate conception of Indian attainments and a low impression of their moral and in- tellectual plane, the constant recital of its virtues, the bravery and prowess of its men in war, their generosity, the chaste conduct and obedience of its women as contrasted with the opposite qualities of all other tribes, speedily tends to partisanship. He discovers many virtues and finds that the moral and intellectual attainments are higher than he supposed; but these advantages he imagines to be possessed solely, or at least to an unusual degree, by the tribe in question. Other tribes are assigned much lower rank in the scale. The above is peculiarly true of the student of language. He who studies only one Indian language and learns its manifold curious grammatic devices, its wealth of words, its capacity of expression, is speedily convinced of its superiority to all other Indian tongues, and not infrequently to all languages by whomsoever spoken. If like admirable characteristics are asserted for other tongues he is apt to view them but as derivatives from one original. Thus he is led to overlook the great truth that the mind of man is everywhere . practically the same, and that the innumerable differences of its products are indices merely of different stages of growth or are the results of different conditions of environment. In its development the human mind is limited by no boundaries of tribe or race. Again, a long acquaintance with many tribes in their homes leads to the belief that savage people do not lack industry so much as wisdom. They are capable of performing, and often do perform, great and continuous labor. The men and women alike toil from day to day and from year to year, engaged in those tasks that are POWELL. ] IMPROVIDENCE OF INDIANS. 37 presented with the recurring seasons. In civilization, hunting and fishing are often considered sports, but in savagery they are labors, nd call for endurance, patience, and sagacity. And these are exer- cised to a reasonable degree among all savage peoples. It is probable that the real difficulty of purchasing quantities of food from Indians has, in most cases, not been properly understood. Unless the alien is present at a time of great abundance, when there is more on hand or easily obtainable than sufficient to supply the wants of the people, food can not be bought of the Indians. This arises from the fact that the tribal tenure is communal, and to get food by purchase requires a treaty at which all the leading members of the tribe are present and give consent. As an illustration of the improvidence of the Indians generally, the habits of the tribes along the Columbia River may be cited. The Columbia River has often been pointed to as the probable source of a great part of the Indian population of this country, because of the enormous supply of salmon furnished by it and its tributaries. If an abundant and readily obtained supply of food was all that was necessary to insure a large population, and if population always in- creased up to the limit of food supply, unquestionably the theory of repeated migratory waves of surplus population from the Columbia Valley would be plausible enough. It is only necessary, however, to turn to the accounts of the earlier explorers of this region, Lewis and Clarke, for example, to refute the idea, so far at least as the Columbia Valley is concerned, although a study of the many diverse languages spread over the United States would seem sufficiently to prove that the tribes speaking them could not have originated at a common center, unless, indeed, at a period anterior to the formation of organized language. The Indians inhabiting the Columbia Valley were divided into many tribes, belonging to several distinct linguistic families. They all were in the same culture status, however, and differed in habits and arts only in minor particulars. All of them had recourse to the salmon of the Columbia for the main part of their subsistence, and all practiced similar crude methods of curing fish and storing it away for the winter. Without exception, judging from the accounts of the above mentioned and of more recent authors, all the tribes suf- fered periodically more or less from insufficient food supply, although, with the exercise of due forethought and economy, even with their rude methods of catching and curing salmon, enough might here have been cured annually to suffice for the wants of the Indian popu- lation of the entire Northwest for several years. In their ascent of the river in spring, before the salmon run, it was only with great difficulty that Lewis and Clarke were able to provide themselves by purchase with enough food to keep themselves from starving. Several parties of Indians from the vicinity of the 38 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Dalles, the best fishing station on the river, were met on their way down in quest of food, their supply of dried salmon having been entirely exhausted. Nor is there anything in the accounts of any of the early visitors to the Columbia Valley to authorize the belief that the population there was a very large one. As was the case with all fish-stocked streams, the Columbia was resorted to in the fishing season by many tribes living at considerable distance from it; but there is no evi- dence tending to show that the settled population of its banks or of any part of its drainage basin was or ever had been by any means excessive. The Dalles, as stated above, was the best fishing station on the river, and the settled population there may be taken as a fair index of that of other favorable locations. The Dalles was visited by Ross in July, 1811, and the following is his statement in regard to the population : The main camp of the Indians is situated at the head of the narrows, and may contain, during the salmon season, 3,000 souls, or more; but the constant inhab- itants of the place do not exceed 100 persons, and are called Wy-am-pams; the rest are all foreigners from different tribes throughout the country, who resort hither, not for the purpose of catching salmon, but chiefly for gambling and speculation. And as it was on the Columbia with its enormous supply of fish, so was it elsewhere in the United States. Even the practice of agriculture, with its result of providing a more certain and bountiful food supply, seems not to have had the effect of materially augmenting the Indian population. At all events, it is in California and Oregon, a region where agriculture was scarcely practiced at all, that the most dense aboriginal population lived. There is no reason tu believe that there ever existed within the limits of the region included in the map, with the possible excep- tion of certain areas in California, a population equal to the natural food supply. On the contrary, there is every reason for believing that the population at the time of the discovery might have been many times more than what it actually was had a wise economy been practised. The effect of wars in decimating the people has often been greatly exaggerated. Since the advent of the white man on the continent, wars have prevailed to a degree far beyond that existing at an earlier time. From the contest which necessarily arose between the native tribes and invading nations many wars resulted, and their history is well known. Again, tribes driven from their ancestral homes often retreated to lands previously occupied by other tribes, and intertribal wars resulted therefrom. The acquisition of firearms and horses, through the agency of white men, also had its influence, and when a commercial value was given to furs and skins, the Indian aban- ' Adventures on the Columbia River, 1849, p. 117. POWELL, ] OWNERSHIP OF LAND. 39 doned agriculture to pursue hunting and traffic, and sought new fields for such enterprises, and many new contests arose from this cause. Altogether the character of the Indian since the discovery of Columbus has been greatly changed, and he has become far more warlike and predatory. Prior to that time, and far away in the wilderness beyond such influence since that time, Indian tribes seem to have lived together in comparative peace and to have settled their difficulties by treaty methods. A few of the tribes had distinct organizations for purposes of war; all recognized it to a greater or less extent in their tribal organization; but from such study as has been given the subject, and from the many facts collected from time to time relating to the intercourse existing between tribes, it appears that the Indians lived in comparative peace. Their accumulations were not so great as to be tempting, and their modes of warfare were not excessively destructive. Armed with clubs and spears and bows and arrows, war could be prosecuted only by hand-to-hand conflict, and depended largely upon individual prowess, while battle for plunder, tribute, and conquest was almost unknown. Such inter- tribal wars as occurred originated from other causes, such as infrac- tion of rights relating to hunting grounds and fisheries, and still oftener prejudices growing out of their superstitions. That which kept the Indian population down sprang from another source, which has sometimes been neglected. The Indians had no reasonable or efficacious system of medicine. They believed that dis- eases were caused by unseen evil beings and by witchcraft, and every cough, every toothache, every headache, every chill, every fever, every boil, and every wound, in fact, all their ailments, were attrib- uted to such cause. Their so-called medicine practice was a horrible system of sorcery, and to such superstition human life was sacrificed on an enormous scale. The sufferers were given over to priest doc- tors to be tormented, bedeviled, and destroyed; and a universal and profound belief in witchcraft made them suspicious, and led to the killing of all suspected and obnoxious people, and engendered blood feuds on a gigantic scale. It may be safely said that while famine, pestilence, disease, and war may have killed many, superstition killed more; in fact, a natural death in a savage tent is a compara- tively rare phenomenon; but death by sorcery, medicine, and blood feud arising from a belief in witchcraft is exceedingly common. Scanty as was the population compared with the vast area teem- ing with natural products capable of supporting human life, it may be safely said that at the time of the discovery, and long prior thereto, practically the whole of the area included in the present map was claimed and to some extent occupied by Indian tribes; but the possession of land by the Indian by no means implies occu- pancy in the modern or civilized sense of the term. In the latter sense occupation means to a great extent individual control and Co 40 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. ownership. Very different was 1t with the Indians. Individual own- ership of land was, as a rule, a thing entirely foreign to the Indian mind, and quite unknown in the culture stage to which he belonged. All land, of whatever character or however utilized, was held in common by the tribe, or in a few instances by theclan. Apparently an exception to this broad statement is to be made in the case of the Haida of the northwest coast, who have been studied by Dawson. According to him’ the land is divided among the different families and is held as strictly personal property, with hereditary rights or possessions descending from one generation to another. ‘‘ The lands may be bartered or given away. The larger salmon streams are, however, often the property jointly of a number of families.” The tendency in this case is toward personal right in land. TRIBAL LAND. For convenience of discussion, Indian tribal land may be divided into three classes: First, the land occupied by the villages; second, the land actually employed in agriculture; third, the land claimed by the tribe but not occupied, except as a hunting ground. Village sites.—The amount of land taken up as village sites varied considerably in different parts of the country. It varied also in the same tribe at different times. Asarule, the North American Indians lived in communal houses of sufficient size to accommodate several families. In such cases the village consisted of a few large struc- tures closely grouped together, so that it covered very little ground. When territory was occupied by warlike tribes, the construction of rude palisades around the villages and the necessities of defense generally tended to compel the grouping of houses, and the per- manent village sites of even the more populous tribes covered only a very small area. In the case of confederated tribes and in the time of peace the tendency was for one or more families to establish more or less permanent settlements away from the main village, where a livelihood was more readily obtainable. Hence, in territory which had enjoyed a considerable interval of peace the set- tlements were in the nature of small agricultural communities, established at short distances from each other and extending in the aggregate over a considerable extent of country. In the case of popu- lous tribes the villages were probably of the character of the Choc- taw towns described by Adair.* ‘*The barrier towns, which are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly set- tled for social defense, according to the general method of other savage nations; but the rest, both in the center and toward the Mis- sissippi, are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy ' Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878, p. 117. ? Hist. of Am. Ind., 1775, p. 282. POWELL. | INDIAN AGRICULTURAL LAND. 4] way of living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous, extensive towns without seeing half a dozen houses in the direct course of his path.” More closely grouped settlements are described by Wayne in American State Papers, 1793, in his account of an expedition down the Maumee Valley, where he states that “The margins of the Miamis of the Lake and the Au Glaize appear like one continuous village for a number of miles, nor have I ever beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America from Canada to Florida.” Such a chain of villages as this was probably highly exceptional; but even under such circumstances the village sites proper formed but a very small part of the total area occupied. From the foregoing considerations it will be seen that the amount of land occupied as village sites under any circumstances was incon- siderable. Agricultural land.—It is practically impossible to make an accu- rate estimate of the relative amount of land devoted to agricultural purposes by any one tribe or by any family of tribes. None of the factors which enter into the problem are known to us with sufficient accuracy to enable reliable estimates to be made of the amount of land tilled or of the products derived from the tillage; and only in few cases have we trustworthy estimates of the population of the tribe or tribes practicing agriculture. Only a rough approximation of the truth can be reached from the scanty data available and from a general knowledge of Indian methods of subsistence. The practice of agriculture was chiefly limited to the region south of the St. Lawrence and east of the Mississippi. In this region it was far more general and its results were far more impor- tant than is commonly supposed. To the west of the Mississippi only comparatively small areas were occupied by agricultural tribes and these lay chiefly in New Mexico and Arizona and along the Arkansas, Platte, and Missouri Rivers. The rest of that region was tenanted by non-agricultural tribes—unless indeed the slight atten- tion paid to the cultivation of tobacco by a few of the west coast tribes, notably the Haida, may be considered agriculture. Within the first mentioned area most of the tribes, perhaps all, practiced agriculture to a greater or less extent, though unquestionably the degree of reliance placed upon it as a means of support differed much with different tribes and localities. Among many tribes agriculture was relied upon to supply an important—and perhaps in the case of a few tribes, the most impor- tant—part of the food supply. The accounts of some of the early explorers in the southern United States, where probably agricul- ture was more systematized than elsewhere, mention corn fields of great extent, and later knowledge of some northern tribes, as the Troquois and some of the Ohio Valley tribes, shows that they also raised corn in great quantities. 42 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. The practice of agriculture to a point where it shall prove the main and constant supply of a people, however, implies a degree of seden- tariness to which our Indians asa rule had not attained and an amount of steady labor without immediate return which was pecul- iarly irksome to them. Moreover, the imperfect methods pursued in clearing, planting, and cultivating sufficiently prove that the Indians, though agriculturists, were in the early stages of develop- ment as such—a fact also attested by the imperfect and one-sided division of labor between the sexes, the men as a rule taking but small share of the burdensome tasks of clearing land, planting, and harvesting. It is certain that by no tribe of the United States was agriculture pursued to such an extent as to free its members from the practice of the hunter’s or fisher’s art. Admitting the most that can be claimed for the Indian as an agriculturist, it may be stated that, whether because of the small population or because of the crude manner in which his operations were carried on, the amount of land devoted to agriculture within the area in question was infinitesimally small as compared with the total. Upona map colored to show only the village sites and agricultural land, the colors would appear in small spots, while by far the greater part of the map would remain uncolored. Hunting claims.—The great body of the land within the area mapped which was occupied by agricultural tribes, and all the land outside it, was held as a common hunting ground, and the tribal claim to territory, independent of village sites and corn fields, amounted practically to little else than hunting claims. The com- munity of possession in the tribe to the hunting ground was estab- lished and practically enforced by hunting laws, which dealt with the divisions of game among the village, or among the families of the hunters actually taking part in any particular hunt. Asarule, such natural landmarks as rivers, lakes, hills, and mountain chains served to mark with sufficient accuracy the territorial tribal limits. In California, and among the Haida and perhaps other tribes of the northwest coast, the value of certain hunting and fishing claims led to their definition by artificial boundaries, as by sticks or stones.* Such precautions imply a large population, and in such regions as California the killing of game upon the land of adjoining tribes was rigidly prohibited and sternly punished. As stated above, every part of the vast area included in the present map is to be regarded as belonging, according to Indian ideas of land title, to one or another of the Indian tribes. To determine the sev- eral tribal possessions and to indicate the proper boundary lines between individual tribes and linguistic families is a work of great 1880, p. 117. U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. POWELL. | INDIAN CLAIMS TO LAND. 43 difficulty. This is due more to the imperfection and scantiness of available data concerning tribal claims than to the absence of claim- ants or to any ambiguity in the minds of the Indians as to the bound- aries of their several possessions. Not only is precise data wanting respecting the limits of land actually held or claimed by many tribes, but there are other tribes, which disappeared early in the history of our country, the bound- aries to whose habitat is to be determined only in the most general way. Concerning some of these, our information is so vague that the very linguistic family they bélonged to is in doubt. In the case of probably no one family are the data sufficient in amount and accuracy to determine positively the exact areas definitely claimed or actually held by the tribes. Even in respect of the territory of many of the tribes of the eastern United States, much of whose land was ceded by actual treaty with the Government, doubt exists. The fixation of the boundary points, when these are specifically men- tioned in the treaty, as was the rule, is often extremely difficult, owing to the frequent changes of geographic names and the conse- quent disagreement of present with ancient maps. Moreover, when the Indian’s claim to his land had been admitted by Government, and the Jatter sought to acquire a title through voluntary cession by actual purchase, land assumed a value to the Indian never attaching to it before. - Under these circumstances, either under plea of immemorial occu- pancy or of possession by right of conquest, the land was often claimed, and the claims urged with more or less plausibility by several tribes, sometimes of the same linguistic family, sometimes of different families. It was often found by the Government to be utterly impracticable to decide between conflicting claims, and not infrequently the only way out of the difficulty lay in admitting the claim of both parties, and in paying for the land twice or thrice. It was customary for a number of different tribes to take part in such treaties, and not infrequently several linguistic families were represented. It was the rule for each tribe, through its representatives, to cede its share of a certain territory, the natural boundaries of which as a whole are usually recorded with sufficient accuracy. The main purpose of the Government in treaty-making being to obtain possession of the land, comparatively little attention was. bestowed to defining the exact areas occupied by the several tribes taking part in a treaty, except in so far as the matter was pressed upon attention by dis- puting claimants. Hence the territory claimed by each tribe taking part in the treaty is rarely described, and occasionally not all the tribes interested in the proposed cession are even mentioned cate- gorically. The latter statement applies more particularly to the territory west of the Mississippi, the data for determining ownership 44 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. to which is much less precise, and the doubt and confusion respecting tribal boundary lines correspondingly greater than in the country east of that river. Under the above circumstances, it will be readily understood that to determine tribal boundaries within accurately drawn lines is in the vast majority of cases quite impossible. Imperfect and defective as the terms of the treaties frequently are as regards the definition of tribal boundaries, they are by far the most accurate and important of the means at our command for fixing boundary lines upon the present map. By their aid the territorial possessions of a considerable number of tribes have been determined with desirable precision, and such areas definitely established have served as checks upon the boundaries of other tribes, concerning the location and extent of whose possessions little is known. For establishing the boundaries of such tribes as are not men- tioned in treaties, and of those whose territorial possessions are not given with sufficient minuteness, early historical accounts are all important. Such accounts, of course, rarely indicate the territorial possessions of the tribes with great precision. In many cases, how- ever, the sites of villages are accurately given. In others the source of information concerning a tribe is contained ina general statement of the occupancy of certain valleys or mountain ranges or areas at the heads of certain rivers, no limiting lines whatever being assigned. In others, still, the notice of a tribe is limited to a brief mention of the presence in a certain locality of hunting or war parties. Data of this loose character would of course be worthless in an attempt to fix boundary lines in accordance with the ideas of the modern surveyor. The relative positions of the families and the relative size of the areas occupied by them, however, and not their exact boundaries, are the chief concern in a linguistic map, and for the purpose of establishing these, and, in a rough way, the bounda- ries of the territory held by the tribes composing them, these data are very important, and when compared with one another and cor- rected by more definite data, when such are at hand, they have usually been found to be sufficient for the purpose. SUMMARY OF DEDUCTIONS. In conclusion, the more important deductions derivable from the data upon which the linguistic map is based, or that are suggested by it, may be summarized as follows: First, the North American Indian tribes, instead of speaking related dialects, originating in a single parent language, in reality speak many languages belonging to distinct families, which have no apparent unity of origin. Second, the Indian population of North America was greatly exaggerated by early writers, and instead of being large was in reality small as compared with the vast territory occupied and the POWELL. ] LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. 45 abundant food supply; and furthermore, the population had nowhere augmented sufficiently, except possibly in California, to press upon the food supply. Third, although representing a small population, the numerous tribes had overspread North America and had possessed themselves of all the territory, which, in the case of a great majority of tribes, was owned in common by the tribe. Fourth, prior to the advent of the European, the tribes were probably nearly in a state of equilibrium, and were in the main sedentary, and those tribes which can be said with propriety to have been nomadic became so only after the advent of the European, and largely as the direct result of the acquisition of the horse and the introduction of firearms. Fifth, while agriculture was general among the tribes of the east- ern United States, and while it was spreading among western tribes, its products were nowhere sufficient wholly to emancipate the Indian from the hunter state. LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Within the area covered by the map there are recognized fifty- eight distinct linguistic families. These are enumerated in alphabetical order and each is accom- panied by a table of the synonyms of the family name, together with a brief statement of the geographical area occupied by each family, so far as it is known. A list of the principal tribes of each family also is given. ADAIZAN FAMILY. = Adaize, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 116, 306, 1836. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1, 31-59, 1846. Latham, Opuscula, 293, 1860. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, xcix, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1858. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as one of the most isolated languages of N. A.). Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478, 1878 (or Adees). = Adaizi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind. v, 406, 1847. = Adaise, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848. = Adahi, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1038, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 368, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp., Phil., 738, 477, 1862 (same as his Adaize above). = Adaes, Buschmann, Spuren der aztekischen Sprache, 424, 1859. = Adees, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.) 478, 1878 (same as his Adaize). = Adai, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., 41, 1884. Derivation: From a Caddo word hadai, sig. ‘‘ brush wood.” This family was based upon the language spoken by a single tribe who, according to Dr. Sibley, lived about the year 1800 near the old 46 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Spanish fort or mission of Adaize, ‘about 40 miles from Natchi- toches. below the Yattassees, on a lake called Lac Macdon, which communicates with the division of Red River that passes by Bayau Pierre.”' A vocabulary of about two-hundred and fifty words is all that remains to us of their language, which according to the col- lector, Dr. Sibley, ‘‘ differs from all others, and is so difficult to speak or understand that no nation can speak ten words of it.” It was from an examination of Sibley’s vocabulary that Gallatin reached the conclusion of the distinctness of this language from any other known, an opinion accepted by most later authorities. A recent comparison of this vocabulary by Mr. Gatschet, with several Caddoan dialects, has led to the discovery that a considerable per- centage of the Addai words have a more or less remote affinity with Caddoan, and he regards it as a Caddoan dialect. The amount of material, however, necessary to establish its relationship to Caddoan is not at present forthcoming, and it may be doubted if it ever will be, as recent inquiry has failed to reveal the existence of a single member of the tribe, or of any individual of the tribes once Sur- rounding the Addi who remembers a word of the language. Mr. Gatschet found that some of the older Caddo in the Indian Territory remembered the Addi as one of the tribes formerly belong- ing to the Caddo Confederacy. More than this he was unable to learn from them. Owing to their small numbers, their remoteness from lines of travel, and their unwarlike character the Addi have cut but a small figure in history, and accordingly the known facts regarding them are very meager. The first historical mention of them appears to be by Cabega de Vaca, who in his ‘* Naufragios,” referring to his stay in Texas, about 1530, calls them Atayos. Mention is also made of them by several of the early French explorers of the Mississippi, as d’Iberville and Joutel. The Mission of Adayes, so called from its proximity to the home of the tribe, was established in 1715. In 1792 there was a partial emigration of the Addi to the number of fourteen families to a site south of San Antonio de Bejar, southwest Texas, where apparently they amalgamated with the surrounding Indian population and were lost sight of. (From documents preserved at the City Hall, San An- tonio, and examined by Mr. Gatschet in December, 1886.) The Adai who were left in their old homes numbered one hundred in 1802, ac- cording to Baudry de Lozieres. According to Sibley, in 1809 there were only ‘‘twenty men of them remaining, but more women.” In 1820 Morse mentions only thirty survivors. 1 Travels of Lewis and Clarke, London, 1809, p. 189, SOW ELE] ALGONQUIAN FAMILY. AT ALGONQUIAN FAMILY. >Algonkin-Lenape, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 23, 305, 1836. Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid, 1852. > Algonquin, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., m1, 237, 1840. Prichard Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin). > Algonkins, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt.1, xcix, 77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, m1, 401, 1853. > Algonkin, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rept., 11, pt. 8, 55, 1856 (gives Delaware and Shawnee vocabs.). Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Inds., 232, 1862 (treats only of Crees, Blackfeet, Shyennes). Hale in Am. Antiq., 112, April, 1883 (treated with reference to migration). < Algonkin, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1856 (adds to Gallatin’s list of 1836 the Bethuck, Shyenne, Blackfoot,and Arrapaho). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860 (as in preceding). Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 447, 1862. < Algonquin, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp., (Cent. and S. Am.), 460, 465, 1878 (list includes the Maquas, an Iroquois tribe). > Saskatschawiner, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (probably designates the Arapaho). > Arapahoes, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. x Algonkin und Beothuk, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. Derivation: Contracted from Algomequin, an Algonkin word, sig- nifying ‘*‘those on the other side of the river,” i. e., the St. Lawrence River. ALGONQUIAN AREA, The area formerly occupied by the Algonquian family was more extensive than that of any other linguistic stock in North America, their territory reaching from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and from Churchill River of Hudson Bay as far south at least as Pam- lico Sound of North Carolina. In the eastern part of this territory was an area occupied by Iroquoian tribes, surrounded on almost all sides by their Algonquian neighbors. On the south the Algonquian tribes were bordered by those of Iroquoian and Siouan (Catawba) stock, on the southwest and west by the Muskhogean and Siouan tribes, and on the northwest by the Kitunahan and the great Atha- pascan families, while along the coast of Labrador and the eastern shore of Hudson Bay they came in contact with the Eskimo, who were gradually retreating before them to the north. In Newfound- land they encountered the Beothukan family, consisting of but a single tribe. A portion of the Shawnee at some early period had separated from the main body of the tribe in central Tennessee and pushed their way down to the Savannah River in South Carolina, where, known as Savannahs, they carried on destructive wars with the surrounding tribes until about the beginning of the eighteenth century they were finally driven out and joined the Delaware in the north. Soon afterwards the rest of the tribe was expelled by the Cherokee and Chicasa, who thenceforward claimed all the country stretching north to the Ohio River. 48 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. The Cheyenne and Arapaho, two allied tribes of this stock, had become separated from their kindred on the north and had forced their way through hostile tribes across the Missouri to the Black Hills country of South Dakota, and more recently into Wyoming and Colorado, thus forming the advance guard of the Algonquian stock in that direction, having the Siouan tribes behind them and those of the Shoshonean family in front. PRINCIPAL ALGONQUIAN TRIBES, Abnaki. Menominee. Ottawa. Algonquin. Miami. Pamlico. Arapaho. Micmac. Pennacook,. Cheyenne. Mohegan. Pequot. Conoy. Montagnais. Piankishaw. Cree. Montauk. Pottawotomi. Delaware. Munsee. Powhatan. Fox. Nanticoke. Sac. Illinois. Narraganset. Shawnee. Kickapoo. Nauset. Siksika. Mahican. Nipmue. Wampanoag. Massachuset. Ojibwa. Wappinger. Population.—The present number of the Algonquian stock is about 95,600, of whom about 60,000 are in Canada and the remainder in the United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially recognized, compiled chiefly from the United States Indian Com- missioner’s report for 1889 and the Canadian Indian report for 1888. It is impossible to give exact figures, owing to the fact that in many instances two or more tribes are enumerated together, while many individuals are living with other tribes or amongst the whites: Abnaki: "“@ldtownelmndianss Manette rece cnt aceite eines a fergie 410 Passamaquoddy Indians, Maine ............ Ra Bes th GOs 215? Abenakis of St. Francis and Bécancour, Gucheom Sorin ee 369 ‘* Amalecites” of Témiscouata and Viger, Quebec........ Foon, alle) ** Amalecites ” of Madawaska, etc., New Brunswick............ 682 : ———- 1, 874? Algonquin: Of Renfrew, Golden Lake and Carleton, Ontario............... 797 With Iroquois (total 131) at Gibson, Ontario..................., 31? With Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec.......... woe 30 Quebec Province.......... Sener PRriCR ticks Fopiehatitons eee EO OUS ——-— 4,767? Arapaho: Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory.............. 1, 272 Shoshone Agency, Wyoming (Northern Arapaho).............- 885 Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, and Lawrence school, Kansas... . 55 = 2,212 POWELL] ALGONQUIAN FAMILY. 49 Cheyenne: Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota (Northern Cheyenne) ........ 517 Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory. ............. 2,091 Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, and Lawrence school, Kansas... . 1538 Tongue River Agency, Montana (Northern Cheyenne) .......... 865 — 3,626 Cree: With Salteau in Manitoba, etc., British America (treaties Nos.. IPAS Oo bObAL OOOO) acters aes areesaere Siete ocean aie etote Fisica 3, 066? Plain and Wood Cree, treaty No. 6, Manitoba, etce.............. 5, 790 Cree (with Salteau, etc.), treaty No. 4, Manitoba, etc ...... . 8,530 -———17, 386? Delaware, etc.: Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Agency, Indian Territory... . 95 Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory ....... ......... 1, 000? Delaware with the Seneca in New York......................0. 3 Hampton and Mbawrence SCHOOIS wicjct an ie. a cys severe er ieie. soos serec = 3 Muncie in New York, principally with Onondaga and Seneca... 56 Munsee with Stockbridge (total 133), Green Bay Agency, Wis. . 28? Munsee with Chippewa at Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Reeney piansas| (bObAL LO). se cctercinye ee > cers cists) aieoersis oes Seer te 37? Munsee with Chippewa on the Thames, Ontario................ 131 faMoravians) Jol the Mhames: @ntario: cc. sales. arocw coco eile ss o's 288 Delaware with Six Nations on Grand River, Ontario ........... 134 1,750? Kickapoo: Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory..................-00:00- 325 Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas............. 237 ATTN CO Bere Pence e. carats oe aiage rates nniss hives se ei Nee oe sacs 200? 762? Menominee: Green bay A Pen Gye, WISCONSIN. 2 oe taics fesisisieie aioe siejee series. ace 1,811 WarlsleISChOOle yee tine cette cree vise tar ent. Moilya we Sescedasewee 1 ——— 1,312 Miami: Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory................-.+.--- 67 EA LIAI A op OSAP OMG Vater dats oh, spate ss 1s eiopoaerete ee skteleioe) ache bia Gie iseiaeteiee s 3002 awrenceand Carlisle; schools’ <5 2.2. ecrrcete sats clean see ee 7 ——— 374? Micmac: Restigouche, Maria, and Gaspé, Quebec................0+-0000e 732 Tiras SPC ET IS TCLS) 1 Ea ee PE ie MO rs ero ee en 2, 145 ISG LETRA SE os BU ROBE GO HERE Soe is GOP Cer eno moses omnes 912 RerITI COME CALC MLS ANG veers (oh tavare Acyoctavovic toate chorea) sierra eres eee 319 —— 4,108 Misisauga: Ainwack, New Credit, ete:, Ontario. «. 2.265 .cs ccc see sciee corse de 774 Monsoni, Maskegon, etc. : Hastern Rupert’s Land, British America..............¢+1e.-0+s 4,016 Montagnais: Betsiamits, Lake St. John, Grand Romaine, etc., Quebec. 1, 607 Devenwislands QUCHEC aie, s. i. oe shoreyetel ecencister ses elects ste ynyeeeteregeeereievele > 312 — 15919 Nascapee: 2 Lower St. Lawrence, Quebec... ...... 05. 0cccesecnccssscsecus 2, 860 7 ETH——4 50 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Ojibwa: White Earth Agency, Minnesotarr.c soc et-\cfaysteie' da «sereitie siateseinlaiciagele 6, 263 Ita Pointe Agency, Wisconsimt. -. a.niee see einen aera 4,778 Mackinac Agency, Michigan (about one-third of 5,56¢ Chippewa! «.<.sidisis sess cisiere cro eisiarenrs fie Ore Mere eee tcl loteeresiertctee Mackinae Agency, Michigan (Chippewa alone).... Devil's Lake Agency, North Dakota (Turtle Mountain Chippewa). 1,340 Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas (one-half of “5 Chippewa:and) Muncie) )y.-ry.coc ieverevloetesilate teens Greer neers 38? Lawrence!and! Carlisleschoolsta-. shee ei eee eee 15 ‘*Ojibbewas” of Lake Superior and Lake Huron, Ontario....... 5,201 ‘“Chippewas”: of Sarnia, etc., Ontario ...... 05. ...2- eee essen me 1,956 “Chippewas” with Munsees on Thames, Ontario...... 0 ........ 454. **Chippewas” with Pottawatomies on Walpole Island, Ontario. — 658 **Ojibbewas” with Ottawas (total 1,856) on Manitoulin and Cock- burniislands Ontario nescence sre PODE UN ED Tae 928? “Salteaux” of treaty Nos. 3 and 4, etc., Manitoba, etc .......... 4,092 “Chippewas” with Crees in Manitoba, etc., treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5 (total Chippewa and Cree, 6,066).................-.+00- 8, 000? —31, 928? Ottawa: Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory..............5.0.:.0----:-6: 137 Mackinac Agency, Michigan (5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa)...... 3, 709? Lawrence:and Carlisle schools: 4. : irre secretin cles 20 With ‘ Ojibbewas” on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, On- GALI fia) arene (sia at eralenbustase" os Bs opie tose te ehareresscuctabetste,staersie psyete seperate 928 , 194? Peoria, etc. : Quapaw,acency, un dian Meriibory. sei + cemitst cisions sie iiei eit 160 Lawrenceiand) Carlisle schools: «..< acess recientes ae eee 5 —— 165 Pottawatomie: Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory ......................-- 480 Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas ............. 462 MackinaceAgency-sMichi canine seeaoerra see ener eaeictoiete V7 Braine bands. Wisconsin. acca seeeeen eee eerie errr =a 80 Carlisle, Lawrence and Hampton schools ...................--- 117 With Chippewa on Walpole Island, Ontario........... ........ 166 —— 1,582 Sac and Fox: Saciand Hox Agency, Indian) Temitory -2..4.seeceens tees 515 SaciandeHox Alcency,Lowarjccyssesin tone ese eect ters eahastdee 381 Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas............. 77 Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools................. Adios 8 981 Shawnee: Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory.......................-- 426 79 Saciand Hox Agency, ImciamMerntonyec as mace cra iis cienteetemenl: 640 Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory.................. 8002 Lawrence, Carlisle, and Hampton schools..................--+» 40 ——— 1,559? Siksika: Blackfoot Agency, Montana. (Blackfoot, Blood, Piegan)....... 1,811 Blackfoot reserves in Alberta, British America (with Sarcee and Assiniboine)iz fd eee tessa aca ees 4,932 - 6, 743 POWELL. ] ATHAPASCAN FAMILY. 51 Stockbridge (Mahican): GreeniBay Asency,, WISCONSIN.) 2... 5 Athapascas, Gallatin in Trans, and Coll. Am, Antiq. Soc., 11, 16, 305, 1886. Prich- ard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 875, 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Tbid., 1852. Turner in ‘‘ Literary World,” 281, April 17, 1852 (refers Apache and Navajo to this family on linguistic evidence). > Athapacecas, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, mm, 401, 1853. (Evident mis- print.) > Athapascan, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 11, pt. 3,84, 1856. (Mere mention of fam- ily; Apaches and congeners belong to this family, as shown by him in ** Liter- ary World.” Hoopah also asserted to be Athapascan.) > Athabaskans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 302,1850. (Under Northern Athabaskans, includes Chippewyans Proper, Beaver Indians, Daho-dinnis, Strong Bows, Hare Indians, Dog-ribs, Yellow Knives, Carriers. Under Southern Athabaskans, includes (p. 308) Kwalioqwa, Tlatskanai, Umkwa.) = Athabaskan, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 65, 96, 1856. Buschmann (1854), Der athapaskische Sprachstamm, 250, 1856 (Hoopahs, Apaches, and Nava- joes included). Latham, Opuscula, 333, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 388, 1862. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 1, 31-50, 1846 (indicates the coalescence of Athabascan family with Esquimaux). Latham (1844), in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 161, 1848 (Nagail and Taculli referred to Athabascan). Scouler (1846), in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 230, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 257, 259, 276, 1860. Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 463, 1878. > Kinai, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 14, 305, 1886 (Kinai and Ugaljachmutzi; considered to form a distinct family, though affirmed to have affinities with western Esquimaux and with Athapascas). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 440-443, 1847 (follows Gallatin; also affirms a relationship to Aztec). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848. > Kenay, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 1, 32-34, 1846. Latham, Opus- cula, 275, 1860." Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 389, 1862 (referred to Esqui- maux stock). > Kineetzi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 441, 1847 (same as his Kinai above). > Kenai, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soe., I, xcix, 1848 (see Kinai above). Busch- mann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 695, 1856 (refers it to Athapaskan). x Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 218, 1841. (Includes Atnas, Kolchans, and Kenaies of present family.) x Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as his Northern family). > Chepeyans, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 379, 1847 (same as Athapascas above). > Tahkali-Umkwa, Hale in U. 8S. Expl. Exp., v1, 198, 201, 569, 1846 (“a branch of the great Chippewyan, or Athapascan, stock:” includes Carriers, Qualioguas, Tlats- kanies, Umguas). Gallatin, after Hale in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt.1, 9, 1848. > Digothi, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Digothi. Loucheux, ibid. 1852. > Lipans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (Lipans (Sipans) between Rio Arkansas and Rio Grande). 52 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. > Tototune, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 3825, 1850 (seacoast south of the Saintskla). > Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (‘* perhaps Athapascas”). > Umkwa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., v1, 72, 1854 (a single tribe). Latham, Opuscula, 300, 1860. > Tahlewah, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (a single tribe). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 (a single tribe). Latham. Opuscula, 342, 1860. > Tolewa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (vocab. from Smith River, Oregon; affirmed to be distinct from any neighboring tongue). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscellany, 438, 1877. s > Hoo-pah, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (tribe on Lower Trinity, California). > Hoopa, Powers in Overland Monthly, 155, August, 1872. > Hu-pa, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 72, 1877 (affirmed to be Athapascan). =Tinneh, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass. A. 8., XVIII, 269, 1869 (chiefly Alaskan tribes). Dall, Alaska and its Resources, 428, 1870. Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 24, 1877. Bancroft, Native Races, MT, 562, 583, 605, 1882. = Tinné, Gatschet in Mag. Am, Hist., 165, 1877 (special mention of Hoopa, Rogue River, Umpqua.) Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 440,1877. Gatschet in Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vit, 406, 1879. Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1854. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. = Tinney, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 463, 1878. x Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878; or Lutuami, (Lototens and Tolewahs of his list belong here.) Derivation: From the lake of the samename; signifying, accord- ing to Lacombe, ‘‘ place of hay and reeds.” As defined by Gallatin, the area occupied by this great family is included in a line drawn from the mouth of the Churchill or Mis- sinippi River to its source; thence along the ridge which separates the north branch of the Saskatchewan from those of the Athapas- cas to the Rocky Mountains; and thence northwardly till within a hundred miles of the Pacific Ocean, in latitude 52° 30’. The only tribe within the above area excepted by Gallatin as of probably a different stock was the Quarrelers or Loucheux, living at the mouth of Mackenzie River. This tribe, however, has since been ascertained to be Athapascan. The Athapascan family thus occupied almost the whole of British Columbia and of Alaska, and was, with the exception of the Eskimo, by whom they were cut off on nearly all sides from the ocean, the most northern family in North America. Since Gallatin’s time the history of this family has been further elucidated by the discovery on the part of Hale and Turner that isolated branches of the stock have become established in Oregon, California, and along the southern border of the United States. The boundaries of the Athapascan family, as now understood, are best given under three primary groups—Northern, Pacific, and Southern. POWELL] ATHAPASCAN FAMILY. 53) Northern growp.—This includes all the Athapascan tribes of Brit- ish North America and Alaska. In the former region the Athapas- cans occupy most of the western interior, being bounded on the north by the Arctic Eskimo, who inhabit a narrow strip of coast; on the east by the Eskimo of Hudson’s Bay as far south as Churchill River, south of which river the country is occupied by Algonquian tribes. On the south the Athapascan tribes extended to the main ridge between the Athapasca and Saskatchewan Rivers, where they met Algonquian tribes; west of this area they were bounded on the south by Salishan tribes, the limits of whose territory on Fraser River and its tributaries appear on Tolmie and Dawson’s map of 1884. On the west, in British Columbia, the Athapascan tribes nowhere reach the coast, being cut off by the Wakashan, Salishan, and Chimmesyan families, ; The interior of Alaska is chiefly occupied by tribes of this family. Eskimo tribes have encroached somewhat upon the interior along the Yukon, Kuskokwim, Kowak, and Noatak Rivers, reaching on the Yukon to somewhat below Shageluk Island,’ and on the Kuskok- wim nearly or quite to Kolmakoff Redoubt.* Upon the two latter they reach quite to their heads.* | A few Kutchin tribes are (or have been) north of the Porcupine and Yukon Rivers, but until recently it has not been known that they extended north beyond the Yukon and Romanzoff Mountains. Explorations of Lieutenant Stoney, in 1885, establish the fact that the region to the north of those mount- ains is occupied by Athapascan tribes, and the map is colored accordingly. Only in two placesin Alaska do the Athapascan tribes reach the coast—the K’naia-khotana, on Cook’s Inlet, and the Ah- tena, of Copper River. Pacific growp.—Unlike the tribes of the Northern group, most of those of the Pacific group have removed from their priscan habitats since the advent of the white race. The Pacific group embraces the following: Kwalhioqua, formerly on Willopah River, Washing- ton, near the Lower Chinook;* Owilapsh, formerly between Shoal- ‘water Bay and the heads of the Chehalis River, Washington, the territory of these two tribes being practically continuous; Tlatscanai, formerly on a small stream on the northwest side of Wapatoo Island.° Gibbs was informed by an old Indian that this tribe ‘formerly owned the prairies on the Tsihalis at the mouth of the Skukumchuck, but, on the failure of game, left the country, * Fide Nelson in Dall’s address, Am. Assoc. Ady. Sci., 1885, p. 13. * Cruise of the Corwin, 1887. 4Gibbs in Pac. R. R, Rep. I, 1855, p. 428. * Lewis and Clarke, Exp., 1814, vol. 2, p. 382 54. INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. south ”"—a statement of too uncertain character to be depended upon; the Athapascan tribes now on the Grande Ronde and Siletz Reservations, Oregon,’ whose villages on and near the coast extended from Coquille River southward to the California line, including, among others, the Upper Coquille, Sixes, Euchre, Creek, Joshua, Tutu tinné, and other “Rogue River” or ‘‘Tou-touten bands,” Chasta Costa, Galice Creek, Naltunne tinné and Chetco villages;* the Athapascan villages formerly on Smith River and tributaries, California;’ those villages extending southward from Smith River along the California coast to the mouth of Klamath River;’ the Hupa villages or ‘‘clans” formerly on Lower Trinity River, California;’ the Kenesti or Wailakki (2), located as follows: ‘‘They live along the western slope of the Shasta Mountains, from North Hel River, above Round Valley, to Hay Fork; along Kel and Mad Rivers, extending down the latter about to Low Gap; also on Dobbins and Larrabie Creeks;”’ and Saiaz, who ‘‘ formerly occupied the tongue of Iand jutting down between Eel River and Van Dusen’s Fork.”’ Southern growp.—Includes the Navajo, Apache, and Lipan. Engineer José Cortez, one of the earliest authorities on these tribes, writing in 1799, defines the boundaries of the Lipan and Apache as extending north and south from 29° N. to 36° N., and east and west from 99° W. to 114° W.; in other words from central Texas nearly to the Colorado River in Arizona, where they met tribes of the Yuman stock. The Lipan occupied the eastern part of the above territory, extending in Texas from the Comanche country (about Red River) south to the Rio Grande.” More recently both Lipan and Apache haye gradually moved southward inte Mexico where they extend as far as Durango.’ The Navajo, since first known to history, have occupied the coun- try on and south of the San Juan River in northern New Mexico and Arizona and extending into Colorado and Utah. They were surrounded on all sides by the cognate Apache except upon the north, where they meet Shoshonean tribes. 1 Gatschet and Dorsey, MS., 1883-84. ? Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B. E. 3 Hamilton, MS., Haynarger Vocab., B.-E.; Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 65. 4 Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B. E. 5 Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, pp. 72,73. 6 Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 114. 7 Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 122. 8 Cortez in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1856, vol. 3, pt. 38, pp. 118, 119. * Bartlett, Pers. Narr., 1854; Orozco y Berra, Geog., 1864. POWELL. } A. Northern group: Ah-tena. Kaiyuh-khotana. Kealtana. K’naia-khotana. Koyukukhotana. B. Pacifie group: Ataakat. Chasta Costa. Chetco. Dakube tede (on Ap- plegate Creek). Euchre Creek. Hupa. Kalts’erea tinné. Kenesti or Wailakki. C. Southern group): ATHAPASKAN FAMILY. PRINCIPAL TRIBES, Kutchin. Montagnais. Montagnards. Nagailer. Slave. Kwalhioqua. Kwajami. Micikqwttme tinné. Mikono tinné. Naltunne tinné. Owilapsh. Qwincttinnetitin. Saiaz. Sluacus-tinneh. Taculli. Tahl-tan (1). Unakhotana. Talttictun tide (on Galice Creek). Tcémé (Joshuas). Tcétléstcan tinné. Terwar. Tlatscanai. Tolowa. Tutu tinné. Arivaipa. Lipan. Navajo. Chiricahua. Llanero. Pinal Coyotero. Coyotero. Mescalero. Tchiktn. Faraone. Mimbrefio. Tchishi. Gilefio. Mogollon. Jicarilla. Na-isha. Population.—The present number of the Athapascan family is about 32.899, of whom about 8,595, constituting the Northern group, are in Alaska and British North America, according to Dall, Daw- son, and the Canadian Indian Report for 1888; about 895, comprising the Pacific group, are in Washington, Oregon, and California; and about 23,409, belonging to the Southern group, are in Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Indian Territory. Besides these are the Lipan and some refugee Apache, who are in Mexico, These have not been included in the above enumeration, as there are no means of ascer- taining their number. Northern group.—This may be said to consist of the following: iNnaieme (MN Wedagbononioetcon ss cpedacecoodbonascbrs soonusebeeagece ete 364? JNrewenit( (stele) 0 a done Ab aoeen So tontGoono RddconuLom oocobcdn ceogdearcnooore 250 AM -pa- tim (Sicanmnie) estimated (1888) sore c.cys tei ea lejer a clerteveiz che ayeieihmnntonetarepesorers 500 of whom there are at Fort Halkett (1887)...................2..- 73 of whom there areat Port Wiard\ (1887)... eccrine eee sen 78 Chippewyan, Yellow Knives, with a few Slave and Dog Rib at Fort Res- QUO NS os onseenoae ES a oStrApoe aouobunonoanbacne tonecoDeASstEeeaer 469 ODMR Gb aby H Ort NNOLIMAMII. core crests 4 oleic aisle i= «)ayelas fore ielele = =/a7e]@/alere chelate == cine) aja 133 Dog Rib, Slave, and Yellow Knives at Fort Rae..............--.+--+-+.-- 657 EVacera pe Hort: GOOG ELOpPe a. = niecies -eieicietin | eleielelolete:cfeveve\sraiele is] #!layntete\laoyere' tn) =lai 364 56 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Hare at Fort Norman’ 2... 5 4c sec cease siessinte sposiorats cs storaya oe She terelee levetete revevee ete 108 Kai-yuh-kho-tana (1877), Koyukukhotana (1877), and Unakhotana (1877)... 2, 0002 Knai-a Khotana: (1880). =< cc. stnaetar- fer st-tetst=tatehels 17, 208 San Carlos Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona) .. ........+..++++-: 1,352? White Mountain Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona)..... ......... 36 White Mountain Apache (under military af Camp Apache, Arizena)..... 1, 920 23, 409? ATTACAPAN FAMILY. =Attacapas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 116, 306, 1836. Galla- tin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 348, 1850 (includes Attacapas and Carankuas). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 426, 1859. =Attacapa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 11, 31-50, 1846. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847 (or ‘‘Men eaters”). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 105, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 295, 1860. POWELL. | ATTACAPAN—BEOTHUKAN FAMILIES. Di —Attakapa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as one of the two most isolated languages of N. A.). =Atakapa, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., I. 45, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 414, Apr. 29, 1887. Derivation: From a Choctaw word meaning ‘‘man-eater.” Little is known of the tribe, the language of which forms the basis of the present family: The sole knowledge possessed by Gal- latin was derived from a yocabulary and some scanty information furnished by Dr. John Sibley, who collected his material in the year 1805. Gallatin states that the tribe was reduced to 50 men. According to Dr. Sibley the Attacapa language was spoken also by another tribe, the ‘‘ Carankouas,”’ who lived on the coast of Texas, and who conversed in their own language besides. In 1885 Mr. Gat- schet visited the section formerly inhabited by the Attacapa and after much search discovered one man and two women at Lake Charles, Calcasieu Parish, Louisiana, and another woman living 10 miles to the south; he also heard of five other women then scattered in western Texas; these are thought to be the only survi- vors of the tribe. Mr. Gatschet collected some two thousand words and a considerable body of text. His vocabulary differs considera- bly from the one furnished by Dr. Sibley and published by Gallatin, and indicates that the language of the western branch of the tribe was dialectically distinct from that of their brethren farther to the east. The above material seems to show that the Attacapa language is distinct from all others, except possibly the Chitimachan. BEOTHUKAN FAMILY. —Bethuck, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (stated to be ‘‘Algonkin rather than aught else”), Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 453, 1862. =Beothuk, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., 408, Oct., 1885. Gatschet, ibid., 411, July, 1886 (language affirmed to represent a distinct linguistic family). Gatschet, ibid., 1, Jan.-June, 1890. Derivation: Beothuk signifies ‘“‘ Indian” or “‘red Indian.” The position of the language spoken by the aborigines of New- foundland must be considered to be doubtful. In 1846 Latham examined the material then accessible, and was led to the somewhat ambiguous statement that the language ‘‘ was akin to those of the ordinary American Indians rather than to the Eskimo; further investigation showing that, of the ordinary Ameri- can languages, it was Algonkin rather than aught else.” Since then Mr. Gatschet has been able to examine a much larger and more satisfactory body of material, and although neither in amount nor quality is the material sufficient to permit final and 58 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. satisfactory deductions, yet so far as it goes it shows that the lan- guage is quite distinct from any of the Algonquian dialects, and in fact from any other American tongue. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. It seems highly probable that the whole of Newfoundland at the time of its discovery by Cabot in 1497 was inhabited by Beothuk Indians. In 1534 Cartier met with Indians inhabiting the southeastern part of the island, who, very likely, were of this people, though the description is too vague to permit certain identification. A century later the southern portion of the island appears to have been aban- doned by these Indians, whoever they were, on account of Kuropean settlements, and only the northern and eastern parts of the island were occupied by them. About the beginning of the eighteenth century western Newfoundland was colonized by the Micmac from Nova Seotia. As a consequence of the persistent warfare which followed the advent of the latter and which was also waged against the Beothuk by the Europeans, especially the French, the Beothuk rapidly wasted in numbers. ‘Their main territory was soon confined to the neighborhood of the Exploits River. The tribe was finally lost sight of about 1827, having become extinct, or possibly the few survivors having crossed to the Labrador coast and joined the Nas- capi with whom the tribe had always been on friendly terms. Upon the map only the small portion of the island is given to the Beothuk which is known definitely to have been occupied by them, viz., the neighborhood of the Exploits River, though, as stated above, it seems probable that the entire island was once in their possession, CADDOAN FAMILY. >Caddoes, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antig. Soc., 1, 116, 306, 1836 (based on Caddoes alone). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Man!ind, v, 406, 1847. Gallatin in School- craft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853 [gives as languages Caddo, Red River, (Nanda- koes, Tachies, Nabedaches)]. SCaddokies, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 116, 1886 (same as his Caddoes). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847, >Caddo, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 0, 31-50, 1846 (indicates affinities with Iroquois, Muskoge, Catawba, Pawnee). Gallatin in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848, (Caddo only). Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (Caddos, ete.). Ibid., 1852. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (between the Mississippi and Sabine). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 101, 1856. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., m1, pt. 3, 55, 70, 1856 (finds resemblances to Pawnee but keepsthem separate). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 426, 448, 1859. Latham, Opuscula, 290, 366, 1860. >Caddo, Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 470, 1862 (includes Pawni and Riccar). >Pawnees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., M, 128, 306, 1836 (two nations: Pawnees proper and Ricaras or Black Pawnees). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatm in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., POWELL] CADDOAN FAMILY. 59 i, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (or Panis: includes Loup and Republican Pawnees). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, mr, 402, 1853 (gives as languages: Pawnees, Ricaras, Tawakeroes, Towekas, Wachos?). Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Indians, 232, 345, 1862 (includes Pawnees and Arikaras). >Panis, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., Um, 117, 128, 1836 (of Red River of Texas: mention of villages; doubtfully indicated as of Pawnee family). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 407, 1847 (supposed from name to be of same race with Pawnees of the Arkansa). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (Paw- nees or). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 (here kept separate from Pawnee family). : >Pawnies, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (see Pawnee above). >Pahnies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. >Pawnee(?), Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 01, pt. 8, 55, 65, 1856 (Kichai and Hueco vocabularies). =Pawnee, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478, 1878 (gives four groups, viz: Pawnees proper; Arickarees; Wichitas; Caddoes). = Pani, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 42, 1884. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. >Towiaches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antig. Soc., 1, 116, 128, 1836 (same as Panis above). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 407, 1847. >Towiachs, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (includes Towiach, Tawakenoes, Towecas ?, Wacos). >Towiacks, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853. >Natchitoches, Gallatinin Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq.Soc., 11, 116, 1836 (stated by Dr. Sibley to speak a language different from any other). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847 (after Gallatin). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (a single tribe only). >Aliche, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (near Nacogdoches; not classified). >Yatassees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antig. Soc., m1, 116, 1836 (the single tribe; said by Dr. Sibley to be different from any other; referred to as a family). >Riccarees, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (kept distinct from Pawnee family). >Washita, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 103, 1856. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 441, 1859 (revokes previous opinion of its distinctness and refers it to Pawnee family). >Witchitas, Buschmann, ibid., (same as his Washita). Derivation: From the Caddo term ka’-ede, signifying ‘‘chief” (Gatschet). The Pawnee and Caddo, now known to be of the same linguistic family, were supposed by Gallatin and by many later writers to be distinct, and accordingly both names appear in the Archzeologia Americana as family designations. Both names are unobjection- able, but as the term Caddo has priority by a few pages preference is given to it. Gallatin states “‘that the Caddoes formerly lived 300 miles up Red River but have now moved to a branch of Red River.” He refers to the Nandakoes, the Inies or Tachies, and the Nabedaches as speak- ing dialects of the Caddo language. Under Pawnee two tribes were included by Gallatin: The Paw- nees proper and the Ricaras. The Pawnee tribes occupied the country on the Platte River adjoining the Loup Fork. The Ricara towns were on the upper Missouri in latitude 46° 30’. 60 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. The boundaries of the Caddoan family, as at present understood, can best be given under three primary groups, Northern, Middle, and Southern. Northern group.—This comprises the Arikara or Ree, now confined to a small village (on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota,) “which they share with the Mandan and Hidatsa tribes of the Siouan family. The Arikara are the remains of ten different tribes of “‘Pa- neas,” who had been driven from their country lower down the Mis- souri River (near the Ponka habitat in northern Nebraska) by the Dakota. In 1804 they were in three villages, nearer their present location. ' According to Omaha tradition, the Arikara were their allies when these two tribes and several others were east of the Mississippi River.’ Fort Berthold Reservation, their present abode, is in the northwest corner of North Dakota. Middle group.—This includes the four tribes or villages of Paw- nee, the Grand, Republican, Tapage, and Skidi. Dunbar says: “Theoriginal hunting ground of the Pawnee extended from the Nio- brara,” in Nebraska, ‘*‘ south to the Arkansas, but no definite boun- daries can be fixed.” In modern times their villages have been on the Platte River west of Columbus, Nebraska. The Omaha and Oto were sometimes southeast of them near the mouth of the Platte, and the Comanche were northwest of them on the upper part of one of the branches of the Loup Fork." The Pawnee were removed to Indian Territory in 1876. The Grand Pawnee and Tapage did not wander far from their habitat on the Platte. The Republi- can Pawnee separated from the Grand about the year 1796, and made a village on a ‘‘large northwardly branch of the Kansas River, to which they have given their name; afterwards they sub- divided, and lived in different parts of the country on the waters of Kansas River. In 1805 they rejoined the Grand Pawnee.” The Skidi (Panimaha, or Pawnee Loup), according to Omaha tradition,* formerly dwelt east of the Mississippi River, where they were the allies of the Arikara, Omaha, Ponka, etc. After their passage of the Missouri they were conquered by the Grand Pawnee, Tapage, and Republican tribes, with whom they have remained to this day. De L’Isle* gives twelve Panimaha villages on the Missouri River north of the Pani villages on the Kansas River. Southern growp.—This includes the Caddo, Wichita, Kichai, and other tribes or villages which were formerly in Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Indian Territory. ' Lewis, Travels of Lewis and Clarke, 15, 1809. * Dorsey in Am. Naturalist, March, 1886, p. 215. 3 Dorsey, Omaha map of Nebraska. 4 Dorsey in Am. Nat., March, 1886, p. 215. ° Carte de la Louisiane, 1718. POWELL. ] CADDOAN FAMILY. 61 The Caddo and Kichai have undoubtedly been removed from their priscan habitats, but the Wichita, judging from the survival of local names (Washita River, Indian Territory, Wichita Falls, Texas) and the statement of La Harpe,’ are now in or near one of their early abodes. Dr. Sibley* locates the Caddo habitat 35 miles west of the. main branch of Red River, being 120 miles by land from Natchi- toches, and they formerly lived 375 miles higher up. Cornell’s Atlas (1870) places Caddo Lake in the northwest corner of Louisiana, in Caddo County. Italso gives both Washita and Witchita as the name of atributary of Red River of Louisiana. This duplication of names seems to show that the Wichita migrated from northwestern Louis- lana and southwestern Arkansas to the Indian Territory. After comparing the statements of Dr. Sibley (as above) respecting the habitats of the Anadarko, Ioni, Nabadache, and Hyish with those of Schermerhorn respecting the Kado hadatco,* of Le Page Du Pratz (1758) concerning the Natchitoches, of Tonti* and La Harpe* about the Yatasi, of La Harpe (as above) about the Wichita, and of Sib- ley concerning the Kichai, we are led to fix upon the following as the approximate boundaries of the habitat of the southern group of the Caddoan family: Beginning on the northwest with that part of Indian Territory now occupied by the Wichita, Chickasaw, and Kiowa and Comanche Reservations, and running along the south- ern border of the Choctaw Reservation to the Arkansas line; thence due east to the headwaters of Washita or Witchita River, Polk County, Arkansas;thence through Arkansas and Louisianaalong the western bank of that river to its mouth; thence southwest through Louisi- ana striking the Sabine River near Salem and Belgrade; thence south- west through Texas to Tawakonay Creek, and along that stream to the Brazos River; thence following that stream to Palo Pinto, Texas; thence northwest to the mouth of the North Fork of Red River; and thence to the beginning. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. A. Pawnee. Grand Pawnee. Tappas. Republican Pawnee. Skidi. B. Arikara. C. Wichita. (Ki-¢i’-teac, Omaha pronunciation of the name of a Paw- nee tribe, Ki-dhi’-chash or Ki-ri’-chash). 1Tn 1719, fide Margry, v1, 289, ‘‘ the Ousita village is on the southwest branch of the Arkansas River. 21805, in Lewis and Clarke, Discoy., 1806, p. 66. Second Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 2, 1814, p. 28. 41690, in French, Hist. Coll. La., vol. 1, p. 72. 51719, in Margry, vol. 6, p. 264. 62 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. D. Kichai. E. Caddo (Kii’-do). Population.—The present number of the Caddoan stock is 2,259, of whom 447 are onthe Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota, and .the rest in the Indian Territory, some on the Ponca, Pawnee, and Otoe Reservation, the others on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation. Below is given the population of the tribes officially recognized, compiled chiefly from the Indian Report for 1889: Pig ll:¢:\ thee nO One COCat ceo dst Chl basole a somoncionad aonosdanos 448 PA WICG eeoie odie cus Saarssea fir aycuthe te, vata alee ean or aerate Ronee ate Nora tee eters 824 Wiaichitanayee sels stb, evo Lah ial ose » wht rapn META = shar eheo eee AetePapete sie eee ae 176 Towakarehu...... wisi Gueiod Gre wa (al QAINE Cie Mal Ce oie gpes ewes Se cha teraeen ys 145 WiaCOs. face cis scitie Sars trate nave cutee etewe ete Yaloentovereurce wystehel chet tare teyeveteter erensere te at 64 385 HGH ai vis co cctars wore dee ots mena Ste eo ie ee ee ee 63 Or: 6 (0 (c ee ea arte Seed orn BOE ACOA GOL) CGDO SCAN Sat donna oe 539 Ho 7) ee er aa eee a en RN rey eae The Se I ASR ninco de 2, 209 CHIMAKUAN FAMILY. =Chimakum, Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1, 481, 1855 (family doubtful). —Chemakum, Eells in Am. Antiquarian ,52, Oct., 1880 (considers language different from any of its neighbors). Chinooks, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 134, 306, 1836 (a single tribe at mouth of Columbia). ; —Chinooks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., vr, 198, 1846. Gallatin, after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 15,1848 (or Tsinuk). . . =Tshinuk, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., v1, 562, 569, 1846 (contains Watlala or Upper Chinook, including Watlala, Nihaloitih, or Echeloots; and Tshinuk, including Tshinuk, Tlatsap, Wakaikam). =Tsinuk, Gallatin. after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 15,1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. >Cheenook, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 236, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 253, 1860. >Chinuk, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 317, 1850 (same as Tshinik; includes Chiniks proper, Klatsops, Kathlamut, Wakaikam, Watlala, Nihaloitih). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of family name). Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Buschmann. Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 616-619, 1859. =Tschinuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas,map 17,1852. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73,1856 (mere mention of family name). Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 402, 1862 (cites a short vocabulary of Watlala). =Tshinook, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (Chinooks, Clatsops, and Watlala). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs. Brit. Col., 51,61, 1884. >Tshinuk, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 616, 1859 (same as his Chinuk), =T'sinuk, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (mere mention of family). =Chinook, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 167, 1877 (names and gives habitats of tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise. , 442, 1877. Chinook, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 565, 626-628, 1882 (enumerates Chinook, Wakia- kum, Cathlamet, Clatsop, Multnomah, Skilloot, Watlala). < Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soe. Lond., XI, 224, 1841 (includes Cheenooks, and Cathlascons of present family). XSouthern, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as his Nootka-Columbian family above). The vocabulary of the Chinook tribe, upon which the family name was based, was derived from the mouth of the Columbia. As now understood the family embraces a number of tribes, speaking allied languages, whose former homes extended from the mouth of the river for some 200 miles, or to The Dalles. According to Lewis and Clarke, our best authorities on the pristine home of this family, most of their villages were on the banks of the river, chiefly upon the northern bank, though they probably claimed the land upon either bank for several miles back. 7? ETH—5 66 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Their villages also extended on the Pacific coast north nearly to the northern extreme of Shoalwater Bay, and to the south to about Tilla- mook Head, some 20 miles from the mouth of the Columbia. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Lower Chinook: Cathlapotle. Kcheloot. Chinook. Chilluckquittequaw. Multnoma. Clatsop. Clackama. Wahkiacum. Upper Chinook: Cooniac. Wasco. Cathlamet. ; Population.—There are two hundred and eighty-eight Wasco.on the Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon, and one hundred and fifty on the Yakama Reservation, Washington. On the Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon, there are fifty-nine Clackama. From informa- tion derived from Indians by Mr. Thomas Priestly, United States Indian Agentat Yakama, it is learned that there still remain three or four families of ‘‘ regular Chinook Indians,” probably belonging to one of the down-river tribes, about 6 miles above the mouth of the Columbia. Two 6f these speak the Chinook proper, and three have an imperfect command of Clatsop. There are eight or ten families, probably also of one of the lower river tribes, living near Freeport, Washington. Some of the Watlala, or Upper Chinook, live near the Cascades, about 55 miles below The Dalles. There thus remain probably be- tween five and six hundred of the Indians of this family. CHITIMACHAN FAMILY. = Chitimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 114, 117, 1836. Prich- ard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v ,407, 1847. = Chetimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am, Antiq. Soc., 1, 306, 1886. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853. = Chetimacha, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., m1, 31-50, 1846. Latham, Opuscula , 293, 1860. = Chetemachas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1,77, 1848 (same as Chiti- machas). = Shetimasha, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 44,1884. Gatschet in Science, 414, April 29, 1887. “ Derivation: From Choctaw words tchtti, ‘‘ cooking vessels,” miasha, ‘* tlley possess,” (Gatschet). This family was based upon the language of the tribe of the same name, ‘‘ formerly living in the vicinity of Lake Barataria, and still existing (1836) in lower Louisiana.” Du Pratz asserted that the Taensa and Chitimacha were kindred tribes of the Na’htchi. A vocabulary of the Shetimasha, however, revealed to Gallatin no traces of such affinity. He considered both POWELL. | CHUMASHAN FAMILY. 67 to represent distinct families, a conclusion subsequent investigations have sustained. In 1881 Mr. Gatschet visited the remnants of this tribe in Louis- iana. He found about fifty individuals, a portion of whom lived on Grand River, but the larger part in Charenton, St. Mary’s Parish. The tribal organization was abandoned in 1879 on the death of their chief. CHUMASHAN FAMILY. > Santa Barbara, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 85, 1856 (includes Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, San Luis Obispo languages). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 531,535, 588, 602,1859. Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860. Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 550, 567, 1877 (Kasua, Santa Inez, Id. of Santa Cruz, Santa Barbara). Gatschet in U. S.Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vir, 419, 1879 (cites La Purisima, Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Kasua, Mugu, Santa Cruz Id.). x Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 (Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz Id.,San Luis Obispo, San Antonio). Derivation: From Chumash, the name of the Santa Rosa Islanders. The several dialects of this family have long been known under the group or family name, ‘Santa Barbara,” which seems first to have been used in a comprehensive sense by Latham in 1856, who included under it three languages, viz: Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, and San Luis Obispo. The term has no special pertinence as a family designation, except from the fact that the Santa Barbara Mission, around which one of the dialects of the family was spoken, is perhaps more widely known than any of the others. Neverthe- less, as itis the family name first applied to the group and has, more- over, passed into current use its claim to recognition would not be questioned were it not a compound name. Under the rule adopted the latter fact necessitates its rejection. As a suitable substitute the term Chumashan is here adopted. Chumash is the name of the Santa Rosa Islanders, who spoke a dialect of this stock, and is a term widely known among the Indians of this family. The Indians of this family lived in villages, the villages as a whole apparently having no political connection, and hence there appears to have been no appellation in use among them to designate themselves as a whole people. Dialects of this language were spoken at the Missions of San Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, Purisima, and San Luis Obispo. Kindred dialects were spoken also upon the Islands of Santa Rosa and Santa Cruz, and also, probably, upon such other of the Santa Barbara Islands as formerly were permanently inhabited. These dialects collectively form a remarkably homogeneous family, all of them, with the exception of the San Luis Obispo, being closely related and containing very many words in common. Vo- cabularies representing six dialects of the language are in possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. 65 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. The inland limits of this family can not be exactly defined, although a list of more than one hundred villages with their sites, obtained by Mr. Henshaw in 1884, shows that the tribes were essen- tially maritime and were closely confined to the coast. Population.—In 1884 Mr. Henshaw visited the several counties formerly inhabited by the populous tribes of this family and dis- covered that about forty men, women, and children survived. The adults still speak their old langusge when conversing with each other, though on other occasions they use Spanish. The largest settlement is at San Buenaventura, where perhaps 20 individuals live near the outskirts of the town. COAHUILTECAN FAMILY. = Coahuilteco, Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864. = Tejano 6 Coahuilteco, Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indigenas de México, 11, 409, 1865. (A preliminary notice with example from the language derived from Garcia’s Manual, 1760.) Derivation: From the name of the Mexican State Coahuila. This family appears to have included numerous tribes in south- western Texas and in Mexico. They are chiefly known through the record of the Rev. Father Bartolomé Garcia (Manual para adminis- trar, etc.), published in 1760. In the preface to the ‘‘ Manual” he enumerates the tribes and sets forth some phonetic and grammatic differences between the dialects. On page 63 of his Geografia de las Lenguas de México, 1864, Orozco y Berra gives a list of the languages of Mexico and includes Coahuilteco, indicating it as the language of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas. He does not, however, indicate its extension into Texas. It would thus seem that he intended the name as a general designation for the language of all the cognate tribes. Upon his colored ethnographic map, also, Orozco y Berra desig- nates the Mexican portion of the area formerly occupied by the tribes of this family Coahuilteco.' In his statement that the lan- guage and tribes are extinct this author was mistaken, as a few Indians still survive who speak one of the dialects of this family, and in 1886 Mr. Gatschet collected vocabularies of two tribes, the Comecrudo and Cotoname, who live on the Rio Grande, at Las Prietas, State of Tamaulipas. Of the Comecrudo some twenty-five still remain, of whom seven speak the language. The Cotoname are practically extinct, although Mr. Gatschet obtained one hundred and twenty-five words from a man said to be of this blood. Besides the above, Mr. Gatschet obtained information of the existence of two women of the Pinto or Pakawéa tribe who live at La Volsa, near Reynosa, Tamaulipas, on the Rio Grande, and who are said to speak their own language. ‘ Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864. POWELL. | COPEHAN FAMILY. 69 PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Alasapa. Miakan. Pastancoya. Cachopostate. Orejone. Patacale. Casa chiquita. Pacuache, Pausane. Chayopine. Pajalate. Payseya. Comecrudo. Pakawa. Sanipao. Cotoname. Pamaque. Tacame. Mano de perro. Pampopa. Venado. Mescal. COPEHAN FAMILY. > Cop-eh, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 421, 1853 (mentioned as a dialect). = Copeh, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 79, 1856 (of Upper Sacramento; cites vocabs. from Gallatin and Schoolcraft). Latham, Opuscula, 345, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 412, 1862. = Wintoons, Powers in Overland Monthly, 530, June, 1874 (Upper Sacramento and Upper Trinity). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, 1877 (defines habitat and names tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscellany, 434, 1877. = Win-tiin, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1m, 518-534, 1877 (vocabularies of Wintun, _ Sacramento River, Trinity Indians). Gatschet in U. S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vil, 418, 1879 (defines area occupied by family). x Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (cited as including Copahs, Patawats, Wintoons). Bancroft, Nat. Races, m1, 565, 1882 (contains Copah). > Napa, Keane, ibid. , 476, 524, 1878 (includes Myacomas , Calayomanes, Caymus, Ulu- cas, Suscols). Bancroft, Nat. Races, m1, 567, 1882 (includes Napa, Myacoma, Calay- omane, Caymus, Uluca, Suscol). This name was proposed by Latham with evident hesitation. He says of it: ‘* How far this will eventually turn out to be a conven- ient name for the group (or how far the group itself will be real), is uncertain.” Under it he places two vocabularies, one from the Upper Sacramento and the other from Mag Redings in Shasta County. The head of Putos Creek is given as headquarters for the language. Recent investigations have served to fully confirm the validity of the family. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The territory of the Copehan family is bounded on the north by Mount Shasta and the territory of the Sastean and Lutuamian families, on the east by the territory of the Palaihnihan, Yanan, and Pujunan families, and on the south by the bays of San Pablo and Suisun and the lower waters of the Sacramento. The eastern boundary of the territory begins about 5 miles east of Mount Shasta, crosses Pit River a little east of Squaw Creek, and reaches to within 10 miles of the eastern bank of the Sacramento at Redding. From Redding to Chico Creek the boundary is about 10 miles east of the Sacramento. From Chico downward the Puju- nan family encroaches till at the mouth of Feather River it occupies va) INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. the eastern bank of the Sacramento. The western boundary of the Copehan family begins at the northernmost point of San Pablo Bay, trends to the northwest in a somewhat irregular line till it reaches John’s Peak, from which point it follows the Coast Range to the upper waters of Cottonwood Creek, whence it deflects to the west, crossing the headwaters of the Trinity and ending at the southern boundary of the Sastean family. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. A. Patwin: Napa. B. Wintu: Chenposel. Olelato. Daupom. Guilito. Olposel. Nomlaki. Korusi. Suisun. Nommuk. Liwaito. Todetabi. Norelmuk. Lolsel. Topaidisel. Normuk. Makhelchel. Waikosel. Waikenmuk. Malaka. Wailaksel. Wailaki. COSTANOAN FAMILY. =Costano, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 82,1856 (includes the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos, Romonans.Tulomos, Altatmos). Latham, Opuscula, 348, 1860, < Mutsun, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (includes Ahwastes, Olhones, Al- tahmos, Romonans, Tulomos). Powellin Cont. N. A. Eth., 11,535, 1877 (includes under thisfamily vocabs. of Costano, Matstn, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz). Derivation: From the Spanish costano, ‘‘ coast-men.” Under-this group name Latham included five tribes, given above, which were under the supervision of the Mission Dolores. He gives a few words of the Romonan language, comparing it with Tshokoyem which he finds to differ markedly. He finally expresses the opinion that, notwithstanding the resemblance of a few words, notably personal pronouns, to Tshokoyem of the Moquelumnan group, the affinities of the dialects of the Costano are with the Salinas group, with which, however, he does not unite it but pre- fers to keep it by itself. Later, in 1877, Mr. Gatschet,’ under the family name Mutsun, united the Costano dialects with the ones classified by Latham under Moquelumnan. This arrangement was followed by Powell in his classification of vocabularies.* More recent comparison of all the published material by Mr. Curtin, of the Bureau, revealed very decided and apparently radical differ- ences between the two groups of dialects. In 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the coast to the north and south of San Francisco, and obtained a considerable body of linguistic material for further comparison. The result seems fully to justify the separation of the two groups as distinct families. 'Mag. Am. Hist., 1877, p. 157. * Cont. N. A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 535. =I — POWELL. | ESKIMAUAN FAMILY. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, The territory of the Costanoan family extends from the Golden Gate to a point near the southern end of Monterey Bay. On the south it is bounded from Monterey Bay to the mountains by the Esselenian territory. On the east side of the mountains it extends to the southern end of Salinas Valley. On the east it is bounded by a somewhat irregular line running from the southern end of Salinas Valley to Gilroy Hot Springs and the upper waters of Con- estimba Creek, and northward from the latter points by the San Joaquin River to its mouth. The northern boundary is formed by Suisun Bay, Carquinez Straits, San Pablo and San Francisco Bays, and the Golden Gate. Population.—The surviving Indians of the once populous tribes of this family are now scattered over several counties and probably do not number, all told, over thirty individuals, as was ascertained by Mr. Henshaw in 1888. Most of these are to be found near the towns of Santa Cruz and Monterey. Only the older individuals speak the language. ESKIMAUAN FAMILY. > Eskimaux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 9,305, 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 401, 1853. = Eskimo, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1848. Ibid., 1852. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 288, 1850 (general remarks on origin and habitat). Buschmann,Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 689, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 385, 1862. Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 562,574, 1882. > Esquimaux, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 367-371, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 182-191, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 266-274, 1860. > Eskimo, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869 (treats of Alaskan Eskimo and Tuski only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the Aleutian). > Eskimos, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878 (excludes Aleutian). > Ounangan, Veniaminoff, Zapiski ob ostrovay Unalashkinskago otdailo, 0, 1, 1840 (Aleutians only). >Uniigiin, Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 22, 1877 (Aleuts a division of his Orarian group). > Unangan, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. x Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841 (includes Uga- lentzes of present family). x Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224, 1841 (same as his Northern family). > Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (lat. 60°, between Prince Williams Sound and Mount St. Elias, perhaps Athapascas). Aleuten, Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizzen d. Vélker Russ. Am., 1855. > Aleutians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869. Dall, Alaska and Resources, 374.1870 (in both places a division of his Orarian family). > Aleuts, Keane, App. Stanford’s Com, . (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878 (consist of Unalaskans of mainland and of Fox and Shumagin Ids., with Akkhas of rest of _ Aleutian Arch.). > Aleut, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 01,562, 1882 (two dialects, Unalaska and Atkha). 72 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. > Konjagen, Holmberg, Ethnograph. Skizzen Volker Russ. Am., 1855 (Island of Koniag or Kadiak). — Orarians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 265, 1869 (group name; includes Innuit, Aleu- tians, Tuski). Dall, Alaska and Resources, 374,1870. Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 8, 9, 1877. x Tinneh, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass. ,269, 1869 (includes ‘‘ Ugalensé ”). > Innitit, Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth.,1,9, 1877 (** Major group” of Orarians: treats of Alaska Innuit only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the Aleu- tians). Derivation: From an Algonkin word eskimantik, ‘eaters of raw flesh.” GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The geographic boundaries of this family were set forth by Gal- latin in 1836 with considerable precision, and require comparatively little revision and correction. In the linear extent of country occupied, the Eskimauan is the most remarkable of the North American linguistic families. It extends coastwise from eastern Greenland to western Alaska and to the extremity of the Aleutian Islands, a distance of considerably more than 5,000 miles. The winter or permanent villages are usually sit- uated on the coast and are frequently at considerable distances from one another, the intervening areas being usually visited in summer, for hunting and fishing purposes. The interior is also visited by the Eskimo for the purpose of hunting reindeer and other animals, though they rarely penetrate farther than 50 miles. A narrow strip along the coast, perhaps 30 miles wide, will probably, on the average, represent Eskimo occupancy. Except upon the Aleutian Islands, the dialects spoken over this vast area are very similar, the unity of dialect thus observable being in marked contrast to the tendency to change exhibited in other lin- guistic families of North America. How far north the east coast of Greenland is inhabited by Eskimo is not at present known. In 1823 Capt. Clavering met with two families of Eskimo north of 74° 30’. Recent explorations (185485) by Capt. Holm, of the Danish Navy, along the southeast coast reveal the presence of Eskimo between 65° and 66° north latitude. These Eskimo profess entire ignorance of any inhabitants north of themselves, which may be taken as proof that if there are fiords farther up the coast which are inhabited there has been no intercom- munication in recent times at least between these tribes and those to the south. It seems probable that more or less isolated colonies of Eskimo do actually exist along the east coast of Greenland far to the north. Along the west coast of Greenland, Eskimo occupancy extends to about 74°. This division is separated by a considerable interval of uninhabited coast from the Etah Eskimo who occupy the coast from Smith Sound to Cape York, their most northerly village being in POWELL. ] ESKIMAUAN FAMILY. (3) fe) 78° 18’, For our knowledge of these interesting people we are chiefly indebted to Ross and Bessels. In Grinnell Land, Gen. Greely found indications of permanent Eskimo habitations near Fort Conger, lat. 81° 44’. On the coast of Labrador the Eskimo reach as far south as Ham- ilton Inlet, about 55° 30’. Not long since they extended to the Straits of Belle Isle, 50° 30’. On the east coast of Hudson Bay the Eskimo reach at present nearly to James Bay. According to Dobbs' in 1744 they extended as far south as east Maine River, or about 52°. The name Notaway (Eskimo) River at the southern end of the bay indicates a former Eskimo extension to that point. According to Boas and Bessels the most northern Eskimo of the middle group north of Hudson Bay reside on the southern ex- tremity of Ellesmere Land around Jones Sound. Evidences of former occupation of Prince Patrick, Melville, and other of the northern Arctic islands are not lacking, but for some unknown cause, probably a failure of food supply, the Eskimo have migrated thence and the islands are no longer inhabited. In the western part of the central region the coast appears to be uninhabited from the Copper- mine River to Cape Bathurst. To the west of the Mackenzie, Her- schel Island marks the limit of permanent occupancy by the Macken- zie Eskimo, there being no permanent villages between that island and the settlements at Point Barrow. The intervening strip of coast is, however, undoubtedly hunted over more or less insummer. The Point Barrow Eskimo do not penetrate far into the interior, but farther to the south the Eskimo reach to the headwaters of the Nunatog and Koyuk Rivers. Only visiting the coast for trading purposes, they occupy an anomalous position among Eskimo. Eskimo occupancy of the rest of the Alaska coast is practically continuous throughout its whole extent as far to the south and east as the Atna or Copper River, where begin the domains of the Kolu- schan family. Only in two places do the Indians of the Athapascan family intrude upon Eskimo territory, about Cook’s Inlet, and at the mouth of Copper River. Owing to the labors of Dall, Petroff, Nelson, Turner, Murdoch, and others we are now pretty well informed as to the distribution of the Eskimo in Alaska. Nothing is said by Gallatin of the Aleutian Islanders and they were probably not considered by him to be Eskimauan. They are now known to belong to this family, though the Aleutian dialects are unintelligible to the Eskimo proper. Their distribution has been en- tirely changed since the advent of the Russians and the introduction "Dobbs (Arthur). An account of the Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay. Lon- don, 1744, 74 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. of the fur trade, and at present they occupy only a very small portion of the islands. Formerly they were much more numerous than at present and extended throughout the chain. The Eskimauan family is represented in northeast Asia by the Yuit of the Chukchi peninsula, who are to be distinguished from the sedentary Chukchi or the Tuski of authors, the latter being of Asiatic origin. According to Dall the former are comparatively recent arrivals from the American continent, and, like their brethren of America, are confined exclusively to the coast. PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND VILLAGES. Greenland group—Kast Greenland villages : Akorninak. Kemisak. Sermiligak. Aluik. Kikkertarsoak. Sermilik. Anarnitsok. Kinarbik. Taterat. Angmagsalik. Maneetsuk. Umanak. Igdlolnarsuk. Narsuk. Umerik. Tvimiut. Okkiosorbik. West coast villages : Akbat. Karsuit. Tessuisak. Labrador group: Itivimiut. Suqinimiut. Taqagmiut. Kiguaqtagmiut. Middle Group : Aggomiut. Kangormiut. Pilingmiut. Ahaknanelet. Kinnepatu. Sagdlirmiut. Aivillirmiut. Kramalit. Sikosuilarmiut. Akudliarmiut. Nageuktormiut. Sininiut. Akudnirmiut. Netchillirmiut. Ugjulirmiut. Amitormiut. Nugumiut. Ukusiksalingmiut. Tglulingmiut. Okomiut. Alaska group : Chiglht. Kittegareut. Nushagagmiut. Chugachigmiut. Kopagmiut. Nuwungmiut. Ikogmiut. Kuagmiut. Oglemiut. Imahkliniut. Kuskwogmiut. Selawigmiut. Inguhklimiut. Magemiut. Shiwokugmiut. Kaialigmiut. Mahlemiut. Ukivokgmiut. Kangmaligmiut. Nunatogmiut. Unaligmiut. Kaviagmiut. Nunivagmiut. Aleutian group : Atka. Unalashka. Asiatic group : Yuit. Population.—Only a rough approximation of the population of the Eskimo car be given, since of some of the divisions next to POWELL. ] ESSELENIAN FAMILY. 7d nothing is known. Dall compiles the following estimates cf the Alaskan Eskimo from the most reliable figures up to 1885: Of the Northwestern Innuit 3,100 (?), including the Kopagmiut, Kangma- ligmiut, Nuwukmiut, Nunatogmiut, Kuagmiut, the Inguhklimiut of Little Diomede Island 40 (?), Shiwokugmiut of St. Lawrence Island 150 (?), the Western Innuit. 14,500 (?), the Aleutian Island- ers (Unungun) 2,200 (?); total of the Alaskan Innuit, about 20,000. The Central or Baffin Land Eskimo are estimated by Boas to number about 1,100." From figures given by Rink, Packard, and others, the total num- ber of Labrador Eskimo is believed to be about 2,000. According to Holm (1884-85) there are about 550 Eskimo on the east coast of Greenland. On the west coast the mission Eskimo numbered 10,122 in 1886, while the northern Greenland Eskimo, the Arctic Highlanders of Ross, number about 200. Thus throughout the Arctic regions generally there is a total of about 34,000. ESSELENIAN FAMILY. < Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes Gioloco ?, Ruslen, Soledad, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, and San Miguel, cited as including Eslen). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. As afterwards mentioned under the Salinan family, the present family was included by Latham in the heterogeneous group called by him Salinas. For reasons there given the term Salinan was restricted to the San Antonio and San Miguel languages, leaving the present family without a name. It is called Esselenian, from the name of the single tribe Esselen, of which it is composed. Its history is a curious and interesting one. Apparently the first mention of the tribe and language is to be found in the Voyage de la Pérouse, Paris, 1797, page 288, where Lamanon (1786) states that the language of the Ecclemachs (Esselen) differs ‘‘ absolutely from all those of their neighbors.” He gives a vocabulary of twenty-two words and by way of comparison a list of the ten numerals of the Achastlians (Costanoan family). It wasa study of the former short vocabulary, published by Taylor in the California Farmer, October 24, 1862, that first led to the supposition of the distinctness of this language. A few years later the Esselen people came under the observation of Galiano,* who mentions the Eslen and Runsien as two distinct nations, and notes a variety of differences in usages and customs which are of no great weight. It is of interest to note, however, that this author also appears to have observed essential differences 1 Sixth Ann. Rep. Bu. Eth., 426, 1888. 2 Relacion del viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el afio de 1792. Madrid, 1802, p. 172. 76 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. in the languages of the two peoples, concerning which he says: ‘* The same difference as in usage and custom is observed in the languages of the two nations, as will be perceived from the following com- parison with which we will conclude this chap‘er.” Galiano supplies Esselen and Runsien vocabularies of thirty-one words, most of which agree with the earlier vocabulary of Lamanon. These were published by Taylor in the California Farmer under date of April 20, 1860. In the fall of 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the vicinity of Monterey with the hope of discovering survivors of these Indians. Two women were found in the Salinas Valley to the south who claimed to be of Esselen blood, but neither of them was able to recall any of the language, both having learned in early life to speak the Runsien language in place of their own. An old woman was found in the Carmelo Valley near Monterey and an old man living near the town of Cayucos, who, though of Runsien birth, remem- bered considerable of the language of their neighbors with whom they were connected by marriage. From them a vocabulary of one hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases and short sentences were obtained. These serve to establish the general correctness of the short lists of words collected so long ago by Lamanon and Gali- ano, and they also prove beyond reasonable doubt that the Esselen language forms a family by itself and has no connection with any other known. The tribe or tribes composing this family occupied a narrow strip of the California coast from Monterey Bay south to the vicinity of the Santa Lucia Mountain, a distance of about 50 miles. TROQUOIAN FAMILY. > Iroquois, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 21, 25, 305, 1836 (excludes Chero- kee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. nance 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (as in 1886). Gallatin in School- craft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 401, 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856. Latham, One ih, 327, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 463, 1862. > Trokesen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1848. Ibid., 1852. x [rokesen, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (includes Kataba and said to be derived from Dakota). > Huron-Iroquois, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 11, 243, 1840. > Wyandot-Iroquois, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 468, 1878. > Cherokees, Gallatin in Am. Antiq. Soc., 11,89, 306, 18386 (kept apart from Troquois though probable affinity asserted). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 11, 246, 1840. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 401, 1847. Gallatinin Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (a separate group perhaps to be classed with Iroquois and Sioux). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 401, 1853. Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Keane, App. Stanford’s ODED (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 472, 1878 (same as Chelekees or Tsalagi — “apparently entirely distinct from all other American tongues”). > Tschirokies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. POWELL. | IROQUOIAN FAMILY, en > Chelekees, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am. ), 472, 1878 (or Chero- kees). > Cheroki, Gatschet,Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 24, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887. = Huron-Cherokee, Hale in Am. Antiq., 20, Jan., 1883 (proposed as a family name instead of Huron-Iroquois; relationship to Troquois affirmed). Derivation: French adaptation of the Iroquois word hiro, used to conclude a speech, and koué, an exclamation (Charlevoix). Hale gives as possible derivations ierokwa, the indeterminate form of the — verb to smoke, signifying ‘‘they who smoke;”’ also the Cayuga form of bear, iakwai.' Mr. Hewitt? suggests the Algonkin words irin, true, or real; ako, snake; withthe French termination ois, the word becomes Trinakois. With reference to this family it is of interest to note that as early as 1798 Barton* compared the Cheroki language with that of the Iroquois and stated his belief that there was a connec- tion between them. Gallatin, in the Archzeologia Americana, refers to the opinion expressed by Barton, and although he states that he is inclined to agree with that author, yet he does not formally refer Cheroki to that family, concluding that ‘* We have not a sufficient knowledge of the grammar, and generally of the language of the Five Nations, or of the Wyandots, to decide that question,” Mr. Hale was the first to give formal expression to his belief in the affinity of the Cheroki to Iroquois.’ Recently extensive Cheroki vocabularies have come into possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and a careful comparison of them with ample Iroquois material has been made by Mr. Hewitt. The result is convincing proof of the relationship of the two languages as affirmed by Barton so long ago. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, Unlike most linguistic stocks, the Iroquoian tribes did not occupy a continuous area, but when first known to Europeans were settled in three distinct regions, separated from each other by tribes of other lineage. The northern group was surrounded by tribes of Algon- quian stock, while the more southern groups bordered upon the Catawba and Maskoki. A tradition of the Iroquois points to the St. Lawrence region as the early home of the Iroquoian tribes, whence they gradually moved down to the southwest along the shores of the Great Lakes. When Cartier, in 1534, first explored the bays and inlets of the Gulf of St. Lawrence he met a Huron-Iroquoian people on the shores of the Bay of Gaspé, who also visited the northern coast of the gulf. In the following year when he sailed up the St. Lawrence River he 'Troquois Book of Rites, 1883, app., p. 173. * American Anthropologist, 1888, vol. 1, p. 188. “New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America. Phila., 1798. ‘Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 92. * Am. Antiq., 1883, vol. 5, p. 20. 78 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. found the banks of the river from Quebec to Montreal occupied by an Iroquoian people. From statements of Champlain and other early explorers it seems probable that the Wyandot once occupied the country along the northern shore of Lake Ontario. The Conestoga, and perhaps some allied tribes, occupied the coun- try about the Lower Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania and Maryland, and have commonly been regarded as an isolated body, but it seems probable that their territory was contiguous to that of the Five Nations on the north before the Delaware began their westward movement. As the Cherokee were the principal tribe on the borders of the southern colonies and occupied the leading place in all the treaty negotiations, they came to be considered as the owners of a large territory to which they had no real claim. Their first sale, in 1721, embraced a tract in South Carolina, between the Congaree and the South Fork of the Edisto,’ but about one-half of this tract, form- ing the present Lexington County, belonging to the Congaree.* In 1755 they sold a second tract above the first and extending across South Carolina from the Savannah to the Catawba (or Wateree),’ but all of this tract east of Broad River belonged to other tribes. The lower part, between the Congaree and the Wateree, had been sold 20 years before, and in the upper part the Broad River was acknowledged as the western Catawba boundary.* In 1770 they sold a tract, principally in Virginia and West Virginia, bounded east by the Great Kanawha,* but the Iroquois claimed by conquest all of this tract northwest of the main ridge of the Alleghany and Cum- berland Mountains, and extending at least to the Kentucky River," and two years previously they had made a treaty with Sir William Johnson by which they were recognized asthe owners of all between Cumberland Mountains and the Ohio down to the Tennessee.’ The Cumberland River basin was the only part of this tract to which the Cherokee had any real title, having driven out the former occupants, the Shawnee, about 1721.° The Cherokee had no vil- lages north of the Tennessee (this probably includes the Holston as its upper part), and at a conference at Albany the Cherokee delegates presented to the Iroquois the skin of a deer, which they said belonged to the Iroquois, as the animal had been killed north of the Tennes- see.’ In 1805, 1806, and 1817 they sold several tracts, mainly in 1 Cession No. 1, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884. 2 Howe in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, p. 163. 3 Cession 2,on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884. 4 Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, pp. 155-159. 5 Cession 4, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884. ® Sir William Johnson in Parkman’s Conspiracy of Pontiac, app. 7 Bancroft, Hist. U.S. 8’ Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853. * Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853. POWELL. | IROQUOIAN FAMILY. 79 middle Tennessee, north of the Tennessee River and extending to the Cumberland River watershed, but this territory was claimed and had been occupied by the Chickasaw, and at one conference the Cherokee admitted their claim.’ The adjacent tract in north- ern Alabama and Georgia, on the headwaters of the Coosa, was not permanently occupied by the Cherokee until they began te move westward, about 1770. The whole region of West Virginia, Kentucky, and the Cumber- land River region of Tennessee was claimed by the Iroquois and Cherokee, but the Iroquois never occupied any of it and the Chero- kee could not be said to occupy any beyond the Cumberland Moun- tains. The Cumberland River was originally held by the Shawnee, and the rest was occupied, so far as it was occupied at all, by the Shawnee, Delaware, and occasionally by the Wyandot and Mingo (Iroquoian), who made regular excursions southward across the Ohio every year to hunt and to make salt at the licks. Most of the temporary camps or villages in Kentucky and West Virginia were built by the Shawnee and Delaware. The Shawnee and Dela- ware -were the principal barrier to the settlement of Kentucky and West Virginia for a period of 20 years, while in all that time neither the Cherokee nor the Iroquois offered any resistance or checked the opposition of the Ohio tribes. The Cherokee bounds in Virginia should be extended along the mountain region as far at least as the James River, as they claim to have lived at the Peaks of Otter,* and seem to be identical with the Rickohockan or Rechahecrian of the early Virginia writers, who lived in the mountains beyond the Monacan, and in 1656 ray- aged the lowland country as far as the site of Richmond and de- feated the English and the Powhatan Indians in a pitched battle at that place.* The language of the Tuscarora, formerly of northeastern North Carolina, connect them directly with the northern Iroquois. The Chowanoc and Nottoway and other cognate tribes adjoining the Tuscarora may have been offshoots from that tribe. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Cayuga. Neuter. Seneca. Cherokee. Nottoway. Tionontate. Conestoga. Oneida. Tuscarora. Erie. Onondaga. W yandot. Mohawk. Population.—The present number of the Iroquoian stock is about 43,000, of whom over 34,000 (including the Cherokees) are in the United States while nearly 9,000 are in Canada. Below is given the population of the different tribes, compiled chiefly from the ! Blount (1792) in Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4, p. 326. * Schooleraft, Notes on Iroquois, 1847. * Bancroft, Hist. U.S. s0 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Canadian Indian Report for 1888, and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890: Cherokee: Cherokee and Choctaw Nations, Indian Territory (exclusive of adopted Indians; neproes;iand -wihites) i) )asciciiet steels ister erent eri 25, 557 Eastern Band, Qualla Reservation, Cheowah, etc., North Carolina (ex- clusive’of those ipractically, white) fos ae eeneeie rerae etait terete 1,500 ? Lawrence'school, Kansas! ../-.o cj. 2 nines atone tvelapr tee erraeret ate 6 27, 063 ? Caughnawaga: @atighnawaga,(Quebeey seri. sereislsspeperetete clits rere takeleteneterarei ie net ele tay ste ere 1, 673 Cayuga: GrandRiver; (Omtarioy sy. rastciencrtsete ees cteueieiy str srteemee tee tee oh ete ee ere 972? With Seneca, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255)... ....... 128? Cattaraugus Reserve, New York....... SSCS CSE E eee. SMeode 165 @therReservestin (New Yorks, cee. ces aceite maa tebe erent ents ees 36 1,301? “* Troquois ”: Of Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec, mainly Mohawk (with Algon- (CHiN) Boat arpa onsGedsAgED SEU ODOR ab MUS. UscUnooh acoshoo bed ows ubolne 345 With Algonquin at Gibson, Ontario (total 181) ...................... 31? 3762 Mohawk: Quinte Bay, \OntariOncemasscic acetic ieee terrae aeme rane rstetats 1, 050 Grand River, Ontarion.......4..csseeee Oa Ser RS ST e tae Mea 1, 302 Tonawanda, Onondaga, and Cattaraugus Reserves, New York........ 6 2,358 Oneida: QOneida,and other: Reserves; New) WOrky. cseniciecietiseei setter eles este 295 Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin (‘‘including homeless Indians”)........ 1,716 Carlisletand Elamptonyschools: essences eee eee eee ee ee 104 TMaames River: «Omar's Se oh riror ctoree cesceteetore note he colors a ce ote ett eee hon Tis Grand River, Ontario s.j..- vate ccterrorko sect selene ios eee eee oer eral 236 3, 129 Onondaga: @nondacaphesenves NG wal wOvks mre sal tetotsetstatistelsene esteteree re coeacntc eterna 380 Ailevany Reserves News MOLK mniacui ic cert ticrise sence staccato ae G7 Cattaraugus Reserves Ne wav OL Kero teretiaouieie’ sislersicraeeivercietetseetere rials 38 Tuscarora (41) and Tonawanda (4) Reserves, New York..............- 45 Carlislevand? Elampton schools rriec ost eiestatlteicte eet eee eralre : 4 Grand) River; Ontanion.. fcc se A aby, DMORO Ronis Sar G AnD Oe 346 890 Seneca: With Cayuga, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255)........... 127? Allegany Reserve, New York... 0.0.52. 55 020500 ceecce ews ee eeeer cece 862 Cattaraugus Reserves New, Vorkete pee eerse eter eciee er cere 1,318 TonaywandaiResenve. ING wa OLK eet eesteleie eter eres cae rere sietete tee reecte 517 Tuscarora and Onondaga Reserves, New York ..............+----- Shans 12 Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools............-......-------:: 13 Grands River OntariOcirncc oayciteiers oe eisiacicies siete nie lsierereeietteee eters 206 3, 055? POWELL. | KALAPOOIAN FAMILY. $1 St. Regis: St. Regis Reserve, New York...... ..... DP Eiht: Beet tis Ie see 1,053 Onondaga and other Reserves, New York.................0-0ee00-005 17 St. Regis Reserve, Quebec............. 02... b sts atievar soa Crt ate 1,179 2, 249 Tuscarora: MUsScaArorauResenvewNe wi A OLle anc ce eae Ono oe nee 398 Cattaraugus and Tonawanda Reserves, New York.................... 6 (Caving Iie MOMMUGhOs Sr oseenpeesaoee sone. abescotone Sent Ok: erate tie B29 733 Wyandot: QuapaweAlpeney, indian ALerribOlyps cacndeis satel asi omomietieeelsis scene 288 Lawrence; Hampton, and/Carlisleschoolse: 2. +2 -cceclnee se ses -e01 18 piturons of Gorettes Quebecss. «5 os.) mene se ce nes uefas spapehabo sieves eye 279 *Wyandots” of Anderdon, Ontario................. cigs vouttdhobe 98 683 The Iroquois of St. Regis, Caughnawaga, Lake of Two Mountains (Oka), and Gibson speak a dialect mainly Mohawk and Oneida, but are a mixture of all the tribes of the original Five Nations. KALAPOOIAN FAMILY. = Kalapooiah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond. , x1, 225, 1841 (includes Kala- pooiah and Yamkallie; thinks the Umpqua and Cathlascon languages are re- lated). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 599, 617, 1859, (follows Scouler). —Kalapuya, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 217,564, 1846 (of Willamet Valley above Falls), Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soe. , 11, pt. 1,¢, 17,77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73,1856. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 617, 1859. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 167, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877. > Calapooya, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 111, 565,629, 1882. x Chinooks, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am.), 474, 1878 (includes Calapooyas and Yamkally). > Yamkally, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 565, 630, 1882 (bears a certain relationship to Calapooya). Under this family name Scouler places two tribes, the Kalapooiah, inhabiting ‘‘the fertile Willamat plains” and the Yamkallie, who live ‘“‘more in the interior, to ards the sources of the Willamat River.” Scouler adds that the Umpqua ‘‘ appear to belong to this Family, although their language is rather more remote from the Kalapooiah than the Yamkallie is.” The Umpqua language is now placed under the Athapascan family. Scouler also asserts the inti- mate relationship of the Cathlascon tribes to the Kalapooiah family. They are now classed as Chinookan. The tribes of the Kalapooian family inhabited the valley of Wil- lamette River, Oregon, above the falls, and extended well up to the 7 ETH 6 82 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. headwaters of that stream. They appear not to have reached the Columbia River, being cut off by tribes of the Chinookan family, and consequently were not met by Lewis and Clarke, whose state- ments of their habitat were derived solely from natives. PRINCIPAL TRIBES Ahantchuyuk Calapooya. Yamil. (Pudding River Chelamela. Yonkalla (Ayankéld). Indians). Lakmiut. Atfalati. Santiam. Population.—So far as known the surviving Indians of this family are all at the Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon. The following is a census for 1890: AtEalatices So. tae eee eee cM iat y Kal ntsyot aor NRA AR ni ets sla ae Ate 27 Calapooyal saj.sr acess ores Spr, 22 | pO Gveit lle ee cara Sadawtaanoccaasead 30 Tua Mmilit,-7.. consetere sts ceiearcisee eats 29) svonkallaice.=ees A eer ee aie 7 Mary/ScRIVeCY) sea.) eee 28 — Total a. eee eae eee 171 KARANKAWAN FAMILY. = Karankawa, Gatschet in Globus, xLrx, No.8, 128, 1886 (vocabulary of 25 terms; distinguished as a family provisionally). Gatschet in Science, 414, April 9, 1887. The Karankawa formerly dwelt upon the Texan coast, according to Sibley, upon an island or peninsula in the Bay of St. Bernard (Matagorda Bay). Im 1804 this author, upon hearsay evidence, stated their number to be 500 men.’ In several places in the paper cited it is explicitly stated that the Karankawa spoke the Attakapa language; the Attakapa was a coast tribe living to the east of them. In 1884 Mr. Gatschet found a Tonkawe at Fort Griffin, Texas, who claimed to have formerly lived among the Karankawa. From him a vocabulary of twenty-five terms was obtained, which was all of the language he remembered. The vocabulary is unsatisfactory, not only because of its meager- ness, but because most of the terms are unimportant for comparison. Nevertheless, such as it is, it represents all of the language that is extant. Judged by this vocabulary the language seems to be dis- tinct not only from the Attakapa but from all others. Unsatisfac- tory as the linguistic evidence is, it appears to be safer to class the language provisionally as a distinct family upon the strength of it than to accept Sibley’s statement of its identity with Attakapa, especially as we know nothing of the extent of his information or whether indeed his statement was based upon a personal knowledge of the language. ' Am. State Papers ,1832, vol. 4, p. 722. POWELL. ] KERESAN FAMILY. $3 A careful search has been made with the hope of finding a few survivors of this family, but thus far not a single descendant of the tribe has been discovered and it is probable that not one is now living. KERESAN FAMILY. > Keres, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep. , 111, pt. 3, 5586-90, 1856 (includes Kiwomi, Cochi, temi, Acoma). = Kera, Powell in Rocky Mt. Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Cochiti,Santa Afia, Cia, Acoma, Laguna, Povate, Hasatch, Mogino). Gatschet in U.S.Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vu, 417, 1879. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 259, 1882. = Keran, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, Aug., 1880 (enumerates pueblos and gives linguist- ic literature). = Queres, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878. == Chu-cha-cas, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, Vv, 689, 1855 (includes Laguna, Acoma, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Cochite, Sille). == Chu-cha-chas, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (mis- print; follows Lane). = Kes-whaw-hay, Lane in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 689, 1855 (same as Chu-cha-cas above). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (follows Lane). Derivation unknown. The name is pronounced with an explosive initial sound, and Ad. F. Bandelier spells it Qq’uéres, Quéra, Quéris. Under this name Turner, as above quoted, includes the vocabu- laries of Kiwomi, Cochitemi, and Acoma. The full list of pueblos of Keresan stock is given below. They are situated in New Mexico on the upper Rio Grande, on several of its small western affluents, and on the Jemez and San José, which also are tributaries of the Rio Grande. VILLAGES. Acoma. Pueblito.’ Santo Domingo. Acomita.' Punyeestye. Seemunah. Cochiti. Punyekia. Sia. Hasatch. Pusityitcho, Wapuchuseamma. Laguna. San Felipe. Ziamma. Paguate. Santa Ana. Population.—According to the census of 1890 the total population of the villages of the family is 3,560, distributed as follows: - AWUTO Sep Seana ae Ota neem 566 | San Felipe. ..... Re oe aes 554 (CCAS sie! SO Cs A ee ee kei asenelroy |Dleyenibaleg0) aac thy nasoasan 670 LLetiq rene 2 Nae. eee ne ee ee ae AS s| (Slane sates eee atic ce mies aok 106 (Stounday J Naties 4g Aenea ae See 253 ‘Summer pueblos only. 2 Includes Acomita and Pueblito. 3Includes Hasatch, Paguate, Punyeestye, Punyekia, Pusityitcho, Seemunah, Wapuchuseamma, and Ziamma. 84 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. KIOWAN FAMILY. = Kiaways,Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (on upper waters Ar- kansas). — Kioway, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 11, pt. 3,55, 80, 1856 (based on the Kioway (Cai- gua) tribe only). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 482, 438, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 444, 1862 (** more Paduca than aught else”). — Kayowé, Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 280, Oct., 1882 (gives phonetics of). Derivation: From the Kiowa word K6-, plural K6-igu, meaning * Kayowé man.” The Comanche term kiyowé means “rat.” The author who first formally separated this family appears to have been Turner. Gallatin mentions the tribe and remarks that owing to the loss of Dr. Say’s vocabularies ‘‘we only know that both the Kiowas and Kaskaias languages were harsh, guttural, and extremely difficult.”' Turner, upon the strength of a vocabulary furnished by Lieut. Whipple, dissents from the opinion expressed by Pike and others to the effect that the language is of the same stock as the Comanche, and, while admitting that its relationship to Camanche is greater than to any other family, thinks that the likeness is merely the result of long intercommunication. His opinion that it is entirely distinct from any other language has been indorsed by Buschmann and other authorities. The family is rep- resented by the Kiowa tribe. So intimately associated with the Comanches have the Kiowa been since known to history that it is not easy to determine their pristine home. By the Medicine Creek treaty of October 18, 1867, they and the Comanches were assigned their present reservation in the Indian Territory, both resigning all claims to other territory, especially their claims and rights in and to the country north of the Cimarron River and west of the eastern boundary of New Mexico. The terms of the cession might be taken to indicate a Joint owner- ship of territory, but it is more likely that the Kiowa territory adjoined the Comanche on the northwest. In fact Pope* definitely locates the Kiowa in the valley of the Upper Arkansas, and of its tributary, the Purgatory (Las Animas) River. This is in substan- tial accord with the statements of other writers of about the same period. Schermerhorn (1812) places the Kiowa on the heads of the Arkansas and Platte. Earlier still they appear upon the headwaters of the Platte, which is the region assigned them upon the map.* This region was occupied later by the Cheyenne and Arapaho of Algonquian stock. Population.—According to the United States census for 1890 there are 1,140 Kiowa onthe Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation, Indian Territory. ‘Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 11, p. 133. > Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 16. * Pike, Exp. to sources of the Mississippi, App., 1810, pt. 3, p. 9. NATIONAL MUSEUM OT et oe ee ee ee a a a ‘el . 8 i ie POWELL. | KITUNAHAN—KOLUSCHAN FAMILIES. $5 KITUNAHAN FAMILY. = Kitunaha, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 204,535, 1846 (between the forks of the Columbia). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1,¢, 10,77, 1848 (Flatbow). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond.,70, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 338, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (between 52° and 48° N.L., west of main ridge of Rocky Mountains). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (on Kootenay River). —=Coutanies, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vr, 204, 1846 (—Kitunaha). — Katanis, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man. ,316, 1850 (Kitunaha). — Kituanaha, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (Coutaria or Flatbows, north of lat. 49°). — Kootanies, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859. = Kutani, Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha). — Cootanie, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (synonymous with Kitunaha). = Kootenai,Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (defines area occupied). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 446, 1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 565, 1882. —Kootenuha, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 79-87, 1884 (vocabulary of Upper Kootenuha). = Flatbow, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 204, 1846 (— Kitunaha). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 0, pt. 1, 10, 77, 1848 (after Hale). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877. = Flachbogen, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. x Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878 (in- cludes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi). This family was based upon a tribe variously termed Kitunaha, Kutenay, Cootenai, or Flatbow, living on the Kootenay River, a branch of the Columbia in Oregon. Mr. Gatschet thinks it is probable that there are two dialects of the language spoken respectively in the extreme northern and south- ern portions of the territory occupied, but the vocabularies at hand are not sufficient to definitely settle the question. The area occupied by the Kitunahan tribes is inclosed between the northern fork of the Columbia River, extending on the south along the Cootenay River. By far the greater part of the territory occu- pied by these tribes is in British Columbia. TRIBES, The principal divisions or tribes are Cootenai, or Upper Cootenai; Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai; Klanoh-Klatklam, or Flathead Coo- tenal; Yaketahnoklatakmakanay, or Tobacco Plains Cootenai. Population.—There are about 425 Cootenai at Flathead Agency, Montana, and 539 at Kootenay Agency, British Columbia; total, 964, KOLUSCHAN FAMILY. = Koluschen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 0, 14, 1836 (islands and ad- jacent coast from 60° to 55° N. L.). = Koulischen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 306, 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848, (Koulischen and Sitka languages): Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (Sitka, bet. 52° and 59° lat.) 86 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. < Kolooch, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 1, 31-50, 1846 (tends to merge Kolooch into Esquimaux). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 163, 1848 (com- pared with Eskimo language.). Latham, Opuscula, 259, 276, 1860. = Koluschians, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 433, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Scouler (1846) in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 231, 1848. < Kolich, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 294, 1850(more likely forms asubdivision of Es- kimo than a separate class; includes Kenay of Cook’s Inlet, Atna of Copper River, Koltshani, Ugalents, Sitkans, Tungaas, Inkhuluklait, Magimut, Inkalit; Digothi and Nehanni are classed as ‘‘ doubtful Koluches”). = Koloschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 680, 1859. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. = Kolush, Latham, El. Comp. Phil.,401, 1862 (mere mention of family with short vocabulary). = Kaloshians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375,1885 (gives tribes and population). x Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 218,1841 (includes Koloshes and Tun Ghasse). x Haidah, Scouler, ibid, 219, 1541 (same as his Northern). = Klen-ee-kate, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 489, 1855, — Klen-e-kate, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app. , 1859 (a census of N. W. coast tribes classified by language). —Thlinkithen, Holmberg in Finland Soc., 284, 1856 (fide Buschmann, 676, 1859). = Thl nkets, Dallin Proc. Am. Ass., 268, 269, 1869 (divided into Sitka-kwan, Stahkin- kwan, ‘‘ Yakutats”). =Tlinkets, Dall in Cont. N. A. Eth.,1, 36,1877 (divided into Yak ‘itats, Chilkaht’- kwan, Sitka-kwan, Stakhin’-kwan, Kygah‘ni). =—Thlinkeet, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 462, 1878 (from Mount St. Elias to Nass River; includes Ugalenzes, Yakutats, Chilkats, Hoodnids, Hoodsinoos, Takoos, Auks, Kakas, Stikines, Eeliknts, Tungass, Sitkas). Ban- croft, Nat. Races, U1, 562, 579, 1882. —Thlinkit, Tolmieand Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14, 1884 (vocab. of Skutkwan Sept; also map showing distribution of family). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. —Tlinkit, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885(enumerates tribes and gives population). Derivation: From the Aleut word kolosh, or more properly, kaluga, meaning ‘‘ dish,” the allusion being to the dish-shaped lip ornaments. This family was based by Gallatin upon the Koluschen tribe (the Tshinkitani of Marchand), ‘‘ who inhabit the islands and the adja- cent coast from the sixtieth to the fifty-fifth degree of north lati- tude.” Inthe Koluschan family, Gallatin observes that the remote analo- gies to the Mexican tongue to be found in several of the northern tribes, as the Kinai, are more marked tian in any other. The boundaries of this family as given by Gallatin are substan- tially in accordance with our present knowledge of the subject. The southern boundary is somewhat indeterminate owing to the fact, ascertained by the census agents in 1880, that the Haida tribes extend somewhat farther north than was formerly supposed and occupy the southeast half of Prince of Wales Island. About lati- tude 56°, or the mouth of Portland Canal, indicates the southern limit of the family, and 60°, or near the mouth of Atna River, the northern limit. Until recently they have been supposed to be exclu- o.2) POWELL.] KULANAPAN FAMILY. 87 sively an insular and coast people, but Mr. Dawson has made the interesting discovery ' that the Tagish, a tribe living inland on the headwaters of the Lewis River, who have hitherto been supposed to be of Athapascan extraction, belong to the Koluschan family. This tribe, therefore, has crossed the coast range of mountains, which for the most part limits the extension of this people inland and confines them to a narrow coast strip, and have gained a perma- nent foothold in the interior, where they share the habits of the neighboring Athapascan tribes. TRIBES. Auk, Hunah. Tagish. Chileat. Kek. Taku. Hanega. Sitka. Tongas. Hoodsunu. Stahkin. Yakutat. Population.—The following figures are from the census of 1880.* The total population of the tribes of this family, exclusive of the Tagish, is 6,437, distributed as follows: Devi hey se PORE Cae AA ee GAD, (iol. eens eee oo ee eee OOS GUC jadoqsa cee earas Osea Seeaeaae OBSR eSitkarree corre wae eases ae a6 aoe Yea! Hanega (including Kouyon and RStahkin oa ywaee sete eee en 317 TTS oe Sopp ne Seeeaeeeae mee J00'| IRN Siade apap oak enon cen OBe canes 269 ETO OCSTIRM Up yee nice Meron acy ertlele Se GEGS PRON AS sorta revere corel) steve Sieroter oxspsiete als 273 LEANER A ae conse Gano crc (Osha OEIC disomy o to cine crocs FeeC eee ae 500 KULANAPAN FAMILY. x Kula-napo, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 421, 1853 (the name of one of the Clear Lake bands). > Mendocino (?), Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (name suggested for Choweshak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai, Khwaklamayu languages). Latham ,Opuscula, 343, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 410, 1862 (as above). > Pomo, Powers in Overland Monthly, rx, 498, Dec., 1872 (general description of habitat and of family). Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 146, 1877. Powell, ibid., 491 (vocabularies of Gal-lino-mé-ro, Yo-kai’-a, Ba-tem-da-kaii, Chau-i-shek, Yu-kai, Ku-la-na-po, H’hana, Venaambakaiia, Ka’-bi-na-pek, Chwachamaju). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 16,1877 (gives habitat and enumerates tribes of family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 436, 1877. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (includes Castel Pomos, Ki, Cahto, Choam, Chadela, Matomey Ki, Usal or Calamet, Shebalne Pomos, Gallinomeros, Sanels , Socoas, Lamas, Comachos). Mariposa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 84, 1856 (Coconoons language, Mariposa County). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Philology, 416, 1862 (Coconoons of Mercede River). =Yo'-kuts, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1m, 369, 1877. Powell, ibid. , 570 onnne laries of Yo-kuts, Wi'-chi-kik, Tin'-lin-neh, King’s River, Coconoons, Calaveras County). = Yocut, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 158, 1877 (mentions Taches, Chewenee, Watooga, Chookchancies, Coconoons and others). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise., 432, 1877 Derivation: A Spanish word meaning ‘“ butterfly,” applied to a zounty in California and subsequently taken for the family name. _ Latham mentions the remnants of three distinct bands of the Coconoon, each with its own language, in the north of Mariposa County. These are classed together under the above name. More recently the tribes speaking languages allied to the Cocontn have been treated of under the family name Yokut. As, however, the stock was established by Latham on a sound basis, his name is here restored. POWELL] MARIPOSAN FAMILY. 91 GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The territory of the Mariposan family is quite irregular in out- line. On the north it is bounded by the Fresno River up to the point of its junction with the San Joaquin; thence by a line run- ning to the northeast corner of the Salinan territory in San Benito County, California; on the west by a line running from San Benito to Mount Pinos. From the middle of the western shore of Tulare Lake to the ridge at Mount Pinos on the south, the Mariposan area is merely a narrow strip in and along the foothills. Occupying one- half of the western and all the southern shore of Tulare Lake, and bounded on the north bya line running from the southeast corner of Tulare Lake due east to the first great spur of the Sierra Nevada range is the territory of the intrusive Shoshoni. On the east the secondary range of the Sierra Nevada forms the Mariposa bound- ary. In addition to the above a small strip of territory on the eastern bank of the San Joaquin is occupied by the Cholovone division of the Mariposan family, between the Tuolumne and the point where the San Joaquin turns to the west before entering Suisun Bay. TRIBES. Ayapai (Tule River). Chainimaini (lower King’s River.) Chukaimina (Squaw Valley). Chuk’chansi (San Joaquin River above Millerton). Chunut (Kaweah River at the lake). Cocontin’ (Merced River). Ititcha (King’s River). Kassovo (Day Creek). Kau-f-a (Kaweah River ; foothills). Kiawétni (Tule River at Porterville). Maydyu (Tule River, south fork). Notodnaiti (on the lake). Ochingita (Tule River). Pitkachi (extinct ; San Joaquin River below Millerton). Pohdllin Tinleh (near Kern lake). Sawakhtu (Tule River, south fork). Tachi (Kingston). Télumni (Kaweah River below Visalia). Tinlinneh (Fort Tejon). Tiséchu (upper King’s River). Wichikik (King’s River). Wikchtimni (Kaweah River ; foothills). Wiksachi (upper Kaweah Valley). Yiikol (Kaweah River plains). Population.—There are 145 of the Indians of this familys now at- tached to the Mission Agency, California. eo) bo INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. MOQUELUMNAN FAMILY. > Tcho-ko-yem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 421, 1853 (mentioned as a band and dialect). > Moquelumne, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond. , 81, 1856 (includes Hale’s Talatui, Tuolumne from Schoolcraft, Mumaltachi, Mullateco, Apangasi. La- pappu, Siyante or Typoxi, Hawhaw’s band of Aplaches, San Rafael vocabulary, Tshokoyem vobabulary, Cocouyem and Yonkiousme Paternosters, Olamentke of Kostromitonov, Paternosters for Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of Mofras, Paternoster of the Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco). Latham, Opuscula, 347, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 414, 1862 (same as above). — Meewoc, Powers in Overland Monthly, 322, April, 1873 (general account of family with allusions to language). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and bands of family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 488, 1877. —Mi-wok, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 246, 1877 (nearly as above). < Mutsun, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., 11, 535, 1877 (vocabs. of Mi’-wok, Tuolumne, Costano, Tcho-ko-yem, Muatstin, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, Chum-te’-ya, Kaweya, San Raphael Mission, Talatui, Olamentke). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (gives habitat and members of family), Gatschet, in Beach, Ind. Misc., 430, 1877. x Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So, Am.),476, 1878 (includes Olhones, Eslenes, Santa Cruz, San Miguel, Lopillamillos, Mipacmacs, Kulana- pos, Yolos, Suisunes, Talluches, Chowclas, Waches, Talches, Poowells). Derivation: From the river and hill of same name in Calaveras County, California; according to Powers the Meewoc name for the river is Wakalumitoh. The Talatui mentioned by Hale' as on the Kassima (Cosunmes) River belong to the above family. Though this author clearly dis- tinguished the language from any others with which he was ac- quainted, he nowhere expressed the opinion that it is entitled to family rank or gave it a family name. Talatui is mentioned as a tribe from which he obtained an incomplete vocabulary. It was not until 1856 that the distinctness of the linguistic family was fully set forth by Latham. Under the head of Moquelumne, this author gathers several vocabularies representing different lan- guages and dialects of the same stock. These are the Talatui of Hale, the Tuolumne from Schoolcraft, the Sonoma dialects as repre- sented by the Tshokoyem vocabulary, the Chocuyem and You- kiousme paternosters, and the Olamentke of Kostromitonov in Biier’s Beitriige. He also places here provisionally the paternosters from the Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of Mofras; also the language Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco, The Costano containing the five tribes of the Mission of Dolores, viz., the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos of the coast, Romonans, Tulomos andthe Altahmos seemed to Latham to differ from the Moquelumnan language. Concerning them he states ‘upon the whole, however, the affinities seem to run in the direction of the languages of the next 1U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 680, 633. POWELL] MOQUELUMNAN FAMILY. 93 group, especially in that of the Ruslen. He adds: ‘‘ Nevertheless, for the present I place the Costano by itself} as a transitional form of speech to the languages spoken north, east, and south of the Bay of San Francisco.” Recent investigation by Messrs. Curtin and Hen- shaw have confirmed the soundness of Latham’s views and, as stated under head of the Costanoan family. the two groups of languages are considered to be distinct. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, The Moquelumnan family occupies the territory bounded on the north by the Cosumne River, on the south by the Fresno River, on the east by the Sierra Nevada, and on the west by the San Joaquin River. with the exception of a strip on the east bank occupied by the Cholovone. A part of this family occupies also a territory bounded on the south by San Francisco Bay and the western half of San Pablo Bay; on the west by the Pacific Ocean from the Golden Gate to Bodega Head; on the north by a line running from Bodega Head to the Yukian territory northeast of Santa Rosa, and on the east by a line running from the Yukian territory to the northern- most point of San Pablo Bay. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Miwok division: Awani. Lopolatimne. Seroushamne. Chauchila. Machemni. Talatui. Chumidok. Mokelumni. Tamoleka. Chumtiwa. Newichumni. Tumidok. Chumuch. Olowidok. Tumun. Chumwit. Olowit. Walakumni. Hettitoya. Olowiya. Yuloni. Kani. Sakaiakumni. Olamentke division: Bollanos. Nicassias. Sonomi. Chokuyem. Numpali. Tamal. Guimen. Olamentke. Tulare. Likatuit. Olumpali. Utchium. Population.—Comparatively few of the Indians of this family survive, and these are mostly scattered in the mountains and away from the routes of travel. Asthey were never gathered on reser- vations, an accurate census has not been taken. In the detached area north of San Francisco Bay, chiefly in Marin County, formerly inhabited by the Indians of this family. almost none remain. There are said to be none living about the mission of San Rafael, and Mr. Henshaw, in 1888, succeeded in locating only six at Tomales Bay, where, however, he obtained a very good vocabu- lary from a woman. 94 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. MUSKHOGEAN FAMILY. >Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., m, 94, 306, 1836 (based upon Muskhogees, Hitchittees, Seminoles). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 402, 1847 (includes Muskhogees, Seminoles, Hitchittees). >Muskhogies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Tbid., 1852. >Muscogee, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 471, 1878 (in- cludes Muscogees proper, Seminoles, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Hitchittees, Coosa- das or Coosas, Alibamons, Apalaches). =Maskoki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 50, 1884 (general account of family; four branches, Maskoki, Apalachian, Alibamu, Chahta). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. >Choctaw Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 119, 1836. >Chocta-Muskhog, Gallatin in Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77,1848. Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes. 1, 401, 1853. —=Chata-Muskoki, Hale in Am. Antiq.,108, April, 1883 (considered with reference to migration). >Chahtas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 100, 306, 1836 (or Choc- taws). >Chahtahs, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 403, 1847 (or Choktahs or Flat- heads). >Tschahtas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. >Choctah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 337, 1850 (includes Choctahs, Muscogulges, Mus- kohges). Latham in Trans. Phil. Soc. Lond.,103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 1860. >Mobilian, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 249, 1840. >Flat-heads, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 403, 1847 (Chahtahs or Choktahs). >Coshattas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (not classified). >Humas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (east of Mississippi above New Orleans). Derivation: From the name of the principal tribe of the Creek Confederacy. In the Muskhogee family Gallatin includes the Muskhogees proper, who lived on the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers; the Hitchittees, living on the Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers; and the Seminoles of the peninsula of Florida. It was his opinion, formed by a comparison of vocabularies, that the Choctaws and Chickasaws should also be classed under this family. In fact, he called’ the family Choctaw Muskhogee. In deference, however, to established usage, the two tribes were kept separate in his table and upon the colored map. In 1848 he appears to be fully convinced of the soundness of the view doubtfully expressed in 1836, and calls the family the Chocta-Musk- hog. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The area occupied by this family was very extensive. It may be described in a general way as extending from the Savannah River and the Atlantic west to the Mississippi, and from the Gulf of Mexico north to the Tennessee River. All of this territory was held by Muskhogean tribes except the small areas occupied by the Yuchi, Nahtchi, and some small settlements of Shawni. *On p. 119, Archzeologia Americana. POWELL. | MUSKHOGEAN—NATCHESAN FAMILIES. 95 Upon the northeast Muskhogean limits are indeterminate. The Creek claimed only to the Savannah River; but upon its lower course the Yamasi are believed to have extended east of that river in the sixteenth to the eighteenth century.’ The territorial line be- tween the Muskhogean family and the Catawba tribe in South Caro- lina can only be conjectured. ; It seems probable that the whole peninsula of Florida was at one time held by trives of Timuquanan connection; but from 1702 to 1708, when the Apalachi were driven out, the tribes of northern Florida also were forced away by the English. After that time the Semi- nole and the Yamasi were the only Indians that held possession of the Floridian peninsula. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Alibamu. Choctaw. Seminole. Apalachi. Creek or Maskoki proper. Yamacraw. Chicasa. Koasati. Yamasi. Population.—There is an Alibamu town on Deep Creek, Indian Territory, an affluent of the Canadian, Indian Territory. Most of the inhabitants are of this tribe. There are Alibamu about 20 miles south of Alexandria, Louisiana, and over one hundred in Polk County, Texas. So far as known only three women of the Apalachi survived in 1886, and they lived at the Alibamu town above referred to. The United States Census bulletin for 1890 gives the total number of pure- blood Choctaw at 9,996, these being principally at Union Agency, Indian Territory. Of the Chicasa there are 3,464 at the same agency; Creek 9,291; Seminole 2,539; of the latter there are still about 200 left in southern Florida. There are four families of Koasati, about twenty-five individuals, near the town of Shepherd, San Jacinto County, Texas. Of the Yamasi none are known to survive. NATCHESAN FAMILY. >Natches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 95, 306, 18386 (Natches only). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 402, 408, 1547. >Natsches, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. >Natchez, Bancroft, Hist. U. S., 248, 1840. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (Natchez only). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 340, 1850 (tends to include Taensas, Pascagoulas, Colapissas, Biluxi in same family). Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, ut, 401, 1853 (Natchez only). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878 (suggests that it may in- clude the Utchees). >Naktche, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 34,1884. Gatschet in Science 414, April 29, 1887. 1Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1884, vol. 1, p. 62. 96 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Taensa, Gatschet in The Nation, 382, May 4, 1882. Gatschet in Am. Antiq., Iv, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1, 33,1884. Gatschet in Science, 414, April 29, 1887 (Taensas only). The Nahtchi, according to Gallatin, a residue of the well-known nation of that name, came from the banks of the Mississippi, and joined the Creek less than one hundred years ago.’ The seashore from Mobile to the Mississippi was then inhabited by several small tribes, of which the Na’htchi was the principal. Before 1730 the tribe lived in the vicinity of Natchez, Miss., along St. Catherine Creek. After their dispersion by the French in 1730 most of the remainder joined the Chicasa and afterwards the Upper Creek. They are now in Creek and Cherokee Nations, Indian Ter- ritory. The linguistic relations of the language spoken by the Taensa tribe have long been in doubt, and it is probable that they will ever remain so. As no vocabulary or text of this language was known to be in existence, the *‘Grammaire et vocabulaire de la langue Taensa, avec textes traduits et commentés par J.-D. Haumonté, Parisot, L. Adam,” published in Paris in 1882, was received by American linguistic students with peculiar interest. Upon the strength of the linguistic material embodied in the above Mr. Gat- schet (loc. cit.) was led to affirm the complete linguistic isolation of the language. Grave doubts of the authenticity of the grammar and vocabulary have, however, more recently been brought forward.” The text con- tains internal evidences of the fraudulent character, if not of the whole, at least of alarge part of the material. So palpable and gross are these that until the character of the whole can better be under- stood by the inspection of the original manuscript, alleged to be in Spanish, by a competent expert it will be far safer to reject both the vocabulary and grammar. By so doing we are left without any linguistic evidence whatever of the relations of the Taensa language. D'Iberville, it is true, supplies us with the names of seven Taensa towns which were given by a Taensa Indian who accompanied him; but most of these. according to Mr. Gatschet, were given in the Chicasa trade jargon or, as termed by the French, the ‘* Mobilian trade jar- gon,” which is at least a very natural supposition. Under these circumstances we can, perhaps, do no better than rely upon the statements of several of the old writers who appear to be unanimous in regarding the language of the Taensa as of Na’htchi connection. Du Pratz’s statement to that effect is weakened from the fact that the statement also includes the Shetimasha, the language of which is known from a vocabulary to be totally distinct not only from the Na@whtchi but from any other. To supplement Du Pratz’s testi- mony, such as it is, we have the statements of M. de Montigny, the 1Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 95. 2D. G. Brinton in Am. Antiquarian, March, 1885, pp. 109-114. POWELL. ] PALAIHNIHAN FAMILY. 97 missionary who affirmed the affinity of the Taensa language to that of the Na’htchi, before he had visited the latter in 1699, and of Father Gravier, who also visited them. For the present, therefore, the Taensa language is considered to be a branch of the Na’htchi. The Taensa formerly dwelt upon the Mississippi, above and close to the Na’htchi. Early in the history of the French settlements a portion of the Taensa, pressed upon by the Chicasa, fled and were settled by the French upon Mobile Bay. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Na’htchi. Taensa. Population.—There still are four Na’htchi among the Creek in Indian Territory and a number in the Cheroki Hills near the Mis- souri border. PALAIHNIHAN FAMILY. = Palaihnih, Hale in U. S. Expl. Expd., vi, 218, 569, 1846 (used in family sense). = Palaik, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., v1, 199, 218, 569, 1846 (southeast of Lutuami in Oregon), Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt.1, 18,77. 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 325, 1850 (southeast of Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soe. Lond., v1, 82, 1854 (cites Hale’s vocab).. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856 (has Shoshoni affini- ties). Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862. =Palainih, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., I, pt. 1, c, 1848. (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. = Pulairih, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853 (obvious typographical error; quotes Hale’s Palaiks). = Pit River, Powers in Overland Monthly, 412, May, 1874 (three principal tribes : Achomawes, Hamefcuttelies, Astakaywas or Astakywich). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (gives habitat ; quotes Hale for tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misce., 439, 1877. = A-cho-ma’-wi, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 601, 1877, vocabs. of A-cho-ma’-wi and Lutuami). Powers in ibid., 267 (general account of tribes ; A-cho-ma/-wi, Hu-ma-whi, Es-ta-ke’-wach, Han-te’-wa, Chu-ma’-wa, A-tu-a’-mih, Il-ma’-wi). < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475, 1878 (includes Palaiks). Pujuni, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 80, 1856 (contains Pujuni, Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, Cushna of Schoolcraft). Latham, Opuscula, 346, 1860. >Meidoos, Powers in Overland Monthly, 420, May, 1874. = Meidoo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and tribes), Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877. >Mai-du, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 282, 1877 (same as Mai’-deh; general ac- count of; namesthe tribes). Powell, ibid. , 586 (vocabs. of Kon’-kau, Hol-o'-lu-pai, Na’-kum, Ni-shi-nam, ‘‘ Digger,” Cushna, Nishinam, Yuba or Nevada, Punjuni, Sekumne, Tsamak). >Neeshenams, Powers in Overland Monthly, 21, Jan., 1874 (considers this tribe doubtfully distinct from Meidoo family). >Ni-shi-nam, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 11, 313, 1877 (distinguishes them from Maidu family). Sacramento Valley, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (Ochecumne, Chupumne, Secumne, Cosumne, Sololumne, Puzlumne, Yasumne, etc.; ‘altogether about 26 tribes”). The following tribes were placed in this group by Latham: Pujuni, Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, and the Cushna of Schoolcraft. The name adopted for the family is the name of a tribe given by Hale.* This was one of the two races into which, upon the information of Captain Sutter as derived by Mr. Dana, all the Sacramento tribes ‘Buschmann, Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der Koloschen, pp. 321-482. 2 According to the U. S. Census Bulletin for 1890. 3U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, p. 631. 100 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. were believed to be divided. ‘‘ These races resembled one another in every respect but language.” . Hale gives short vocabularies of the Pujuni, Sekumne, and Tsamak. Hale did not apparently consider the evidence as a sufficient basis for a family, but apparently preferred to leave its status to be settled later. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The tribes of this family have been carefully studied by Powers, to whom we are indebted for most all we know of their distribution. They occupied the eastern bank of the Sacramento in California, be- ginning some 80 or 100 miles from its mouth, and extended north- ward to within a short distance of Pit River, where they met the tribes of the Palaihnihan family. Upon the east they reached nearly to the border of the State, the Palaihnihan, Shoshonean, and Washoan families hemming them in in this direction. PRINCIPAL TRIBES, Bayu. Ki’Imeh. Tishum. Boka. Kulomum. Todmtcha. Kskin. Kwatéa, Tosikoyo. Hélto. Nakum. Toto. Hoak. Olla. Ustdéma. Hoankut. Otaki. Waptimni. Hololtipai. Paupakan. Wima. Koloma. Pustina. Yuba. Konkau. Taitchida. QUORATEAN FAMILY. >Quoratem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (proposed as a proper name of family ‘‘ should it be held one”). >Eh-nek, Gibbs in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 422, 1853 (given as name of a band only; but suggests Quoratem as a proper family name). >Ehnik, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 (south of Shasti and Lu- tuami areas). Latham, Opuscula, 342, 1860. =Cahrocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, 328, April, 1872 (on Klamath and Salmon Rivers). —Cahrok, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 488, 1877. —Ka’'-rok, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 19,1877. Powell in ibid., 447, 1877 (vocabu- laries of Ka'-rok, Arra-Arra, Peh’-tsik, Eh-nek). San Antonio, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 568, 1877 (vocabulary of; not given as a family, but kept by itself). : < Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (cited here as containing San Antonio). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., viz, 419, 1879 (con- tains San Antonio, San Miguel). x Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (San Miguel of his group belongs here), Derivation: From river of same name. The language formerly spoken at the Missions of San Antonio and San Miguel in Monterey County, California, have long occupied a doubtful position. By some they have been considered distinct, not only from each other, but from all other languages. Others have held that they represent distinct dialects of the Chumashan (Santa Barbara) group of languages. Vocabularies collected in 1884 by Mr. Henshaw show clearly that the two are closely connected dialects and that they are in no wise related to any other family. 102 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. The group established by Latham under the name Salinas is a heterogeneous one, containing representatives of no fewer than four distinct families. Gioloco, which he states ‘“‘may possibly belong to this group, notwithstanding its reference to the Mission of San Francisco,” really is congeneric with the vocabularies assigned by Latham to the Mendocinan family. The ‘‘Soledad of Mofras” be- longs to the Costanoan family mentioned on page 348 of the same essay, asalsodothe Ruslen andCarmel. Of thethreeremaining forms of speech, Eslen, San Antonio, and San Miguel, the two latter are re- lated dialects, and belong within the drainage of the Salinas River. The term Salinan is hence applied to them, leaving the Eslen lan- guage to be provided with a name. Population.—Though the San Antonio and San Miguel were prob- ably never very populous tribes, the Missions of San Antonio and San Miguel, when first established in the years 1771 and 1779, con- tained respectively 1,400 and 1,200 Indians. Doubtless the larger number of these converts were gathered in tue near vicinity of the two missions and so belonged to this family. Im 1884 when Mr. Henshaw visited the missions he was able to learn of the existence of only about a dozen Indians of this family, and not all of these could speak their own language. SALISHAN FAMILY. >Salish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 134, 306, 1836 (or Flat Heads only). Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 11, 31-50, 1846 (of Duponceau. Said to be the Okanagan of Tolmie). x Salish, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878 (includes Flatheads, Kalispelms, Skitsuish, Colvilles, Quarlpi, Spokanes, Pisquouse, Soaiatlpi). = Salish, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 565, 618, 1882. > Selish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 1, pt. 1, 77,1848 (vocab. of Nsietshaws). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs,, 63, 78. 1884 (vocabularies of Lillooet and Kulléspelm). > Jelish, Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1858 (obvious misprint for Selish; follows Hale as to tribes). = Selish, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 169, 1877 (gives habitat. and tribes of family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 444, 1877. < Selish, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Yakama, which is Shahaptian). > Tsihaili-Selish, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 205, 535, 569, 1846 (includes Shushwaps., Selish or Flatheads, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Skwale, Tsihailish, Kawelitsk, Nsietshawus). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soce., 1, pt.1,c¢, 10, 1848 (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 658-661, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 399, 1862 (contains Shushwap or Atna Proper, Kuttelspelm or Pend d’Oreilles, Selish, Spokan, Okanagan, Skitsu- ish, Piskwaus, Nusdalum, Kawitchen, Cathlascou, Skwali, Chechili, Kwaintl, Kwenaiwtl, Nsietshawus, Billechula). : > Atnahs, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq.Soc., 1, 134, 135, 306, 1836 (on Fraser River). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 427, 1847 (on Fraser River). POWELL. ] SALISHAN FAMILY. 103 > Atna, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 71, 1856 (Tsihaili-Selish of Hale and Gallatin). x Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 224, 1841 (includes, among others, Billechoola, Kawitchen, Noosdalum, Squallyamish of present family). x Insular, Scouler, ibid., (same as Nootka-Columbian family). x Shahaptan, Scouler, ibid., 225 (includes Okanagan of this family). x Southern, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as Nootka-Columbian family). > Billechoola, Latham in Jour, Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848 (assigns Friendly Village of McKenzie here). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860 (gives Tolmie’s vocabulary). + Billechula, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (mouth of Salmon River). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 (same). Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. > Bellacoola, Bancroft, Nat. Races, U1, 564, 607, 1882 (Bellacoolas only: specimen vocabulary). > Bilhoola, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884 (vocab. of Noothlakimish). > Bilchula, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 150, 1887 (mentions Satsq, Nute'l, Nuchalkmy, Taleomy). x Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 1, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (cited as including Billechola). > Tsihaili, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 310, 1850 (chiefly lower part of Fraser River and between that and the Columbia; includes Shuswap, Salish, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Kawitchen, Skwali, Checheeli, Kowelits, Noosdalum, Nsietshawus). Flatheads, Keane, ibid., 474, 1878 (same as his Salish above). > Kawitshin, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 39, 1884 (vocabs. of Songis and Kwantlin Sept and Kowmook or Tlathool). > Qauitschin, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 131, 1887. > Niskwalli, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 121, 1884 (or Skwalliamish vocabulary of Sinahomish). The extent of the Salish or Flathead family was unknown to Gal- latin, as indeed appears to have been the exact locality of the tribe of which he gives an anonymous vocabulary from the Duponceau collection. The tribe is stated to have resided upon one of the branches of the Columbia River, ‘‘ which must be either the most southern branch of Clarke’s River or the most northern branch of Lewis’s River.” The former supposition was correct. As employed by Gallatin the family embraced only a single tribe, the Flathead tribe proper. The Atnah, a Salishan tribe, were considered by Gallatin to be distinct, and the name would be eligible as the family 104 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. name ; preference, however, is given to Salish. The few words from the Friendly Village near the sources of the Salmon River given by Gallatin in Archeologia Americana, I, 1836, pp. 15, 306, belong under this family. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, Since Gallatin’s time, through the labors of Riggs, Hale, Tolmie, Dawson, Boas, and others, our knowledge of the territorial limits of this linguistic family has been greatly extended. The most southern outpost of the family, the Tillamook and Nestucca, were established on the coast of Oregon, about 50 miles to the south of the Columbia, where they were quite separated from their kindred to the north by the Chinookan tribes. Beginning on the north side of Shoalwater Bay, Salishan tribes held the entire northwestern part of Washington, including the whole of the Puget Sound region, except only the Macaw territory about Cape Flattery, and two in- significant spots, one near Port Townsend, the other on the Pacific coast to the south of Cape Flattery, which were occupied by Chi- makuan tribes. HEastern Vancouver Island to about midway of its length was also held by Salishan tribes, while the great bulk of their territory lay on the mainland opposite and included much of the upper Columbia. On the south they were hemmed in mainly by the Shahaptian tribes. Upon the east Salishan tribes dwelt to a little beyond the Arrow Lakes and their feeder, one of the extreme north forks of the Columbia. Upon the southeast Salishan tribes extended into Montana, including the upper drainage of the Columbia. They were met here in 1804 by Lewis and Clarke. On thenortheast Salish territory extended to about the fifty-third parallel. In the north- west it did not reach the Chilcat River. Within the territory thus indicated there is considerable diversity of customs and a greater diversity of language. The language is split into a great number of dialects, many of which are doubtless mutually unintelligible. The relationship of this family to the Wakashan is a very inter- esting problem. Evidences of radical affinity have been discovered by Boas and Gatschet, and the careful study of their nature and extent now being prosecuted by the former may result in the union of the two, though until recently they haye been considered quite distinct. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Atnah, Copalis. Met’how. Bellacoola. Cowichin. Nanaimo. Chehalis. Cowlitz. Nanoos. Clallam. Dwamish. Nehalim. Colville. Kwantlen. Nespelum. Comux. Lummi. Nicoutamuch. POWELL. J SALISHAN-SASTHAN FAMILIES 105 PRINCIPAL TRIBES—continued. Nisqualli. Sans Puell. Snoqualmi. Nuksahk. Satsop. Soke. Okinagan. Sawamish. Songish. Pend d’Oreilles. Sekamish. Spokan. Pentlate. Shomamish. Squawmisht. Pisquow. Shooswap. Squaxon. Puyallup. Shotlemamish. Squonamish. Quaitso. Skagit. . Stehtsasamish. Queniut. Skihwamish. Stillacum. Queptlmamish. Skitsuish. Sumass. Sacumehu. Skokomish. Suquamish. Sahewamish. Skopamish. Swinamish. Salish. Sktehlmish. Tait. Samamish. Smulkamish. Tillamook. Samish. Snohomish. Twana. Sanetch. Population.—The total Salish population of British Columbia is 12,325, intlusive of the Bellacoola, who number, with the Hailtzuk, 2,500, and those in the list of unclassified, who number 8,522, distrib- uted as follows: Under the Fraser River Agency, 4,986; Kamloops Agency, 2,579; Cowichan Agency, 1,852; Okanagan Agency, 942; Williams Lake Agency, 1,918; Kootenay Agency, 48. Most of the Salish in the United States are on reservations. They number about 5,500, including a dozen small tribes upon the Yakama Reservation, which have been consolidated with the Clickatat (Sha- haptian) through intermarriage. The Salish of the United States are distributed as follows (Indian Affairs Report, 1889, and U.S. Cen- sus Bulletin, 1890): Colville Agency, Washington, Cceur d’ Alene, 422; Lower Spokane, 417; Lake, 303; Colville, 247; Okinagan, 374; Nespilem, 67; San Pueblo (Sans Puell), 300; Calispel, 200; Upper Spokane, 170. Puyallup Agency, Washington, Quaitso, 82; Quinaielt (Queniut), 101; Humptulip, 19; Puyallup, 563; Chehalis, 136; Nisqually, 94; Squaxon, 60; Clallam, 351; Skokomish, 191; Oyhut, Hoquiam, Mon- tesano, and Satsup, 29. * Tulalip Agency, Washington, Snohomish, 443; Madison, 144; Muckleshoot, 103; Swinomish, 227; Lummi, 295. Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon, Tillamook, 5. SASTEAN FAMILY. = Saste, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218, 569, 1846. Gallatinin Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., I, pt. 1,c, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 572, 1859. 106 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. — Shasty. Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1. 218, 1846 (—=Saste). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek, Sprache, 572, 1859 (= Saste). = Shasties, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 199, 569, 1846 (=Saste). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. — Shasti,Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (southwest of Lutuami). Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., v1, 82, 1854. Latham, ibid, 74, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860 (allied to both Shoshonean and Shahaptian families). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862. — Shasté, Gibbs in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 422, 1853 (mentions Watsa-he-wa, a Scott's River band). — Sasti, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 (— Shasties). = Shasta, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 607, 1877. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877. — Shas-ti-ka, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 248, 1877. = Shasta, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (==Shasteecas). < Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 565, 1882 (includes Palaik, Watsahewah, Shasta). < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So, Am.), 475, 1878 (contains Shastas of present family). . Derivation: The single tribe upon the language of which Hale based his name was located by him to the southwest of the Lutuami or Klamath tribes. He calls the tribe indifferently Shasties or Shasty, but the form applied by him to the family (see pp. 218, 569) is Saste, which accordingly is the one taken. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, The former territory of the Sastean family is the region drained by the Klamath River and its tributaries from the western base of the Cascade range to the point where the Klamath flows through the ridge of hills east of Happy Camp, which forms the boundary be- tween the Sastean and the Quoratean families. In addition to this region of the Klamath, the Shasta extended over the Siskiyou range northward as faras Ashland, Oregon. SHAHAPTIAN FAMILY. > Shahaptan, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 225, 1841 (three tribes, Shahaptan or Nez-percés, Kliketat, Okanagan; the latter being Salishan). Sahaptin, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., v1, 198,212, 542, 1846 (Shahaptin or Nez-percés, Wallawallas, Pelooses, Yakemas, Klikatats). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., I, pt. 1, ¢, 14, 1848 (follows Hale). Gallatin, ibid., 1, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (Nez-percés only). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402,1853 (Nez-perces and Wallawallas). Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Taitinapam and Kliketat). > Saptin, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 428, 1847 (or Shahaptan). Shahaptani, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs. , 78, 1884 (Whulwhaipum tribe). > Nez-percés, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 428, 1847 (see Shahaptan). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am. ), 474, 1878 (see his Sahaptin). X Selish, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Yakama which belongs here). Derivation: From a Selish word of unknown significance, The Shahaptan family of Scouler comprised three tribes—the Sha- haptan or Nez Percés} the Kliketat, a scion of the Shahaptan, dwell- ing near Mount Ranier, and the Okanagan, inhabiting the upper part of Fraser River and its tributaries ; “these tribes were asserted to speak dialects of the same language.” Of the above tribes the Okin- agan are now known to be Salishan. The vocabularies given by Scouler were collected by Tolmie. The term **Sahaptin”” appears on Gallatin’s map of 1836, where it doubtless refers only to the Nez Percé tribe proper, with respect to whose lin- guistic affinities Gallatin apparently knew nothing at the time. At all events the name occurs nowhere in his discussion of the linguistic families. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The tribes of this family occupied a large section of country along the Columbia and its tributaries. Their western boundary was the Cascade Mountains ; their westernmost bands, the Klikitat on the north, the Tyigh and Warm Springs on the south, enveloping for a short distance the Chinook territory along the Columbia which ex- tended to the Dalles. Shahaptian tribes extended along the tribu- taries of the Columbia for a considerable distance, their northern boundary being indicated by about the forty-sixth parallel, their southern by about the forty-fourth. Their eastern extension was in- terrupted by the Bitter Root Mountains. PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION, Chopunnish (Nez Percé), 1,515 on Nez Percé Reservation, Idaho. Klikitat, say one-half of 330 natives, on Yakama Reservation, Washington. Paloos, Yakama Reservation, number unknown. Tenaino, 69 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon. Tyigh, 430 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon. Umatilla, 179 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon. Walla Walla, 405 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon. 108 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. SHOSHONEAN FAMILY. >Shoshonees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 120, 133, 306, 1836 (Shoshonee or Snake only). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218, 1846 (Wihinasht, PAnasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Gallatinin Trans. Am, Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (as above). Gallatin, ibid., 18, 1848 (follows Hale; see below). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1, pt. 3, 55, 71, 76, 1856 (treats only of Comanche, Chemehuevi, Cahuillo). Busch- mann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 552, 649, 1859. >Shoshoni, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 199, 218, 569, 1846 (Shosh6ni, Wihinasht, Panasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73,1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. >Schoschonenu Kamantschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. >Shoshones, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 429, 1847 (or Snakes; both sides Rocky Mountains and sources of Missouri). —Shdshoni, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 154, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 426, 1877. Snake, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 120, 133, 1836 (or Sho- shonees). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., vi, 218, 1846 (as under Shoshonee). Prich- ard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 429, 1847 (as under Shoshones). Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 101, pt. 3, 76, 1856 (as under Shoshonees). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 552, 649, 1859 (as under Shoshonees). Kizh, Hale in U. S. Expl. Exp., vi, 569, 1846 (San Gabriel language only). >Netela, Hale, ibid., 569, 1846 (San Juan Capestrano language). >Paduca, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 415, 1847 (Cumanches, Kiawas, Utas). Latham, Nat. Hist., Man, 310, 326, 1850. Latham (1853) in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., vi, 78, 1854 (includes Wihinast, Shoshoni, Uta). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 96, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 300, 360, 1860. Cumanches, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853. >Netela-Kij, Latham (1853) in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., v1, 76, 1854 (composed of Netela of Hale, San Juan Capistrano of Coulter, San Gabriel of Coulter, Kij of Hale). >Capistrano, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes Netela, of San ~ Luis Rey and San Juan Capistrano, the San Gabriel or Kij of San Gabriel and San Fernando). In his synopsis of the Indian tribes’ Gallatin’s reference to this great family is of the most vague and unsatisfactory sort. He speaks of ‘‘some bands of Snake Indians or Shoshonees, living on the waters of the river Columbia” (p. 120), which is almost the only allusion to them to be found. The only real claim he possesses to the author- ship of the family name is to be found on page 306, where, in his list 1Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 1836. POWELL. ] SHOSHONEAN FAMILY. 109 of tribes and vocabularies, he places ‘‘Shoshonees” among his other families, which is sufficient to show that he regarded them as a dis- tinct linguistic group. The vocabulary he possessed was by Say. Buschmann, as above cited, classes the Shoshonean languages as a northern branch of his Nahuatl or Aztec family, but the evidence presented for this connection is deemed to be insufficient. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, This important family occupied a large part of the great interior basin of the United States. Upon the north Shoshonean tribes ex- tended far into Oregon, meeting Shahaptian territory on about the forty-fourth parallel or along the Blue Mountains. Upon the north- east the eastern limits of the pristine habitat of the Shoshonean tribes are unknown. The narrative of Lewis and Clarke’ contains the ex- plicit statement that the Shoshoni bands encountered upon the Jef- ferson River, whose summer home was upon the head waters of the Columbia, formerly lived within their own recollection in the plains to the east of the Rocky Mountains, whence they were driven to their mountain retreats by the Minnetaree (Atsina), who had obtained firearms. Their former habitat thus given is indicated upon the map, although the eastern limit is of course quite indeterminate. Very likely much of the area occupied by the Atsina was formerly Sho- shonean territory. Later a division of the Bannock held the finest portion of southwestern Montana,* whence apparently they were be- ing pushed westward across the mountains by Blackfeet.” Upon the east the Tukuarika or Sheepeaters held the Yellowstone Park coun- try, where they were bordered by Siouan territory, while the Washaki occupied southwestern Wyoming. Nearly the entire mountainous part of Colorado was held by the several bands of the Ute, the east- ern and southeastern parts of the State being held respectively by the Arapaho and Cheyenne (Algonquian), and the Kaiowe (Kiowan). To the southeast the Ute country included the northern drainage of the San Juan, extending farther east a short distance into New Mexico. The Comanche division of the family extended farther east than any other. According to Crow tradition the Comanche formerly lived northward in the Snake River region. Omaha tradition avers that the Comanche were on the Middle Loup River, probably within the present century. Bourgemont found a Comanche tribe on the upper Kansas River in 1724.‘ According to Pike the Comanche territory bordered the Kaiowe on the north, the former occupying the head waters of the upper Red River, Arkansas, and Rio Grande.’ How ! Allen ed., Philadelphia, 1814, vol. 1, p. 418. 2U.S. Ind. Aff., 1869, p. 289. ’Stevens in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 1, p. 329. 4 Lewis and Clarke, Allen ed., 1814, vol. 1, p. 34. 5Pike, Expl. to sources of the Miss., app. pt. 3, 16, 1810. 110 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. far to the southward Shoshonean tribes extended at this early period is not known, though the evidence tends to show that they raided far down into Texas to the territory they have occupied in more recent years, viz, the extensive plains from the Rocky Mountains eastward into Indian Territory and Texas to about 97°. Upon the south Shoshonean territory was limited generally by the Colorado River. ‘The Chemehuevyi lived on both banks of the river between the Mohave on the north and the Cuchan on the south, above and below Bill Williams Fork.’ The Kwaiantikwoket also lived to the east of the river in Arizona about Navajo Mountain, while the Tu- sayan (Moki) had established their seven pueblos, including one founded by people of Tafoan stock, to the east of the Colorado Chi- quito. In the southwest Shoshonean tribes had pushed across Cali- fornia, occupying a wide band of country to the Pacific. In their extension northward they had reached as far as Tulare Lake, from which territory apparently they had dispossessed the Mariposan tribes, leaving a small remnant of that linguistic family near Fort Tejon." A little farther north they had crossed the Sierras and occupied the heads of San Joaquin and Kings Rivers. Northward they occupied nearly the whole of Nevada, being limited on the west by the Sierra Nevada. The entire southeastern part of Oregon was occupied by tribes of Shoshoni extraction. PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION, Bannock, 514 on Fort Hall Reservation and 75 on the Lemhi Res- ervation, Idaho. Chemehuevi, about 202 attached to the Colorado River Agency, Ari- zona. Comanche, 1,598 on the Kiowa, Comanche and Wichita Reserva- tion, Indian Territory. Gosiute, 256 in Utah at large. Pai Ute, about 2,300 scattered in southeastern California and south- western Nevada. Paviotso, about 3,000 scattered in western Nevada and southern Oregon. Saidyuka, 145 under Klamath Agency. Shoshoni, 979 under Fort Hall Agency and 249 at the Lemhi Agency. Tobikhar, about 2,200, under the Mission Agency, California. Tukuarika, or Sheepeaters, 108 at Lemhi Agency. Tusayan (Moki), 1,996 (census of 1890). Uta, 2,839 distributed as follows : 985 under Southern Ute Agency, Colorado; 1,021 on Ouray Reserve, Utah; 833 on Uintah Reserve, Utah. ‘Ives, Colorado River, 1861, p. 54. ? Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 369. ? U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM POWELL] SIOUAN FAMILY. 111 SIOUAN FAMILY. xSioux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll, Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 121, 306, 1836 (for tribes included see text below). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. , 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (asin 1836). Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Gallatin in School- eraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 402, 1853. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. >Sioux, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 333, 1850 (includes Winebagoes, Dakotas, Assine- boins, Upsaroka, Mandans, Minetari, Osage). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (mere mention of family). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil. , 458, 1862. >Catawbas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq.Soc., 11, 87, 1836 (Catawbas and Woccons). Bancroft, Hist. U. S., 1, 245, et map, 1840. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 399, 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am. ), 460, 473, 1878. >Catahbas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. >Catawba, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 334, 1850 (Woccoon are allied). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 401, 1853. >Kataba, Gatschet in Am. Antiquarian, Iv, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 15, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887. >Woccons, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 306, 1836 (numbered and given as a distinct family m table, but inconsistently noted in foot-note where referred to as Catawban family.) >Dahcotas, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 11, 248, 1840. >Dakotas, Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Ind., 232, 1862 (treats of Dakotas, Assiniboins, Crows, Minnitarees, Mandans, Omahas, lowas). >Dacotah, Keane, App. toStanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 470, 1878. (The following are the main divisions given: Isaunties, Sissetons, Yantons, Teetons, Assiniboines, Winnebagos, Punkas, Omahas, Missouris, Iowas. Otoes, Kaws, Quappas, Osages, Upsarocas, Minnetarees.) >Dakota, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. Derivation: A corruption of the Algonkin word *‘nadowe-ssi-wag, “*the snake-like ones,” ‘‘ the enemies” (Trumbull). Under the family Gallatin makes four subdivisions, viz, the Winnebagos, the Sioux proper and the Assiniboins, the Minnetare group, and the Osages and southern kindred tribes. Gallatin speaks of the distribution of the family as follows: The Winneba- goes have their principal seats on the Fox River of Lake Michigan and towards the heads of the Rock River of the Mississippi; of the Dahcotas proper, the Mendewahkantoan or ‘‘ Gens du Lac” lived east of the Mississippi from Prairie du Chien north to Spirit Lake. The three others, Wahkpatoan, Wahkpakotoan and Sisitoans inhabit the country between the Mississippi and the St. Peters, and that on the southern tributaries of this river and on the headwaters of the Red River of Lake Winnipek. The three western tribes, the Yank- tons, the Yanktoanans and the Tetons wander between the Missis- sippi and the Missouri, extending southerly to 43° of north latitude and some distance west of the Missouri, between 43° and 47° of lati- el INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. tude. The ‘‘Shyennes” are included in the family but are marked as doubtfully belonging here. Owing to the fact that ‘‘Sioux” is a word of reproach and means snake or enemy, the term has been discarded by many later writers asa family designation, and ‘‘ Dakota,” which signifies friend or ally, has been employed in its stead. The two words are, however, by no means properly synonymous. Theterm ‘* Sioux” was used by Gallatin in a comprehensive or family sense and was applied to all the tribes collectively known to him to speak kindred dialects of a widespread language. It is in thissense only, as applied to the linguistic family, that the term is here employed. The term ‘* Dahcota” (Dakota) was correctly applied by Gallatin to the Dakota tribes proper as distin- guished from the other members of the linguistic family who are not Dakotas ina tribal sense. The use of the term with this signifi- cation should be perpetuated. It is only recently that a definite decision has been reached respect- ing the relationship of the Catawba and Woccon, the latter an extinct tribe known to have been linguistically related to the Catawba. Gallatin thought that he was able to discern some affinities of the Catawban language with ‘‘Muskhogee and even with Choctaw,” though these were not sufficient to induce him to class them together. Mr. Gatschet was the first to call attention to the presence in the Catawba language of a considerable number of words having a Siouan affinity. Recently Mr. Dorsey has made a critical examination of all the Catawba linguistic material available, which has been materially in- creased by the labors of Mr. Gatschet, and the result seems to justify its inclusion as one of the dialects of the widespread Siouan family. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The pristine territory of this family was mainly in one body, the only exceptions being the habitats of the Biloxi, the Tutelo, the Catawba and Woccon. Contrary to the popular opinion of the present day, the general trend of Siouan migration has been westward. In comparatively late prehistoric times, probably most of the Siouan tribes dwelt east of the Mississippi River. The main Siouan territory extended from about 53° north in the Hudson Bay Company Territory, to about 33°, including a consider- able part of the watershed of the Missouri River and that of the Upper Mississippi. It was bounded on the northwest, north, north- east, and for some distance on the east by Algonquian territory. South of 45° north the line ran eastward to Lake Michigan, as the Green Bay region belonged to the TIMES SOROS 1See ae of Pane ae Chien, 1825. roweLt.] SIOUAN FAMILY. i133 It extended westward from Lake Michigan through Illinois, cross- ing the Mississippi River at Prairie du Chien. At this point began the Algonquian territory (Sac, etc.) on the west side of the Missis- sippi, extending southward to the Missouri, and crossing that river it returned to the Mississippi at St. Louis. The Siouan tribes claimed all of the present States of Iowa and Missouri, except the parts occu- pied by Algonquian tribes. The dividing line between the two for a short distance below St. Louis was the Mississippi River. The line then ran west of Dunklin, New Madrid, and Pemiscot Counties, in Missouri, and Mississippi County and those parts of Craighead and Poinsett Counties, Arkansas, lying east of the St. Francis River. Once more the Mississippi became the eastern boundary, but in this case separating the Siouan from the Muskhogean territory. The Quapaw or Akansa were the most southerly tribe in the main Siouan territory. In 1673' they were east of the Mississippi. Joutel (1687) located two of their villages on the Arkansas and two on the Missis- sippi one of the latter being on the east bank, in our present State of Mississippi, and the other being on the opposite side,in Arkansas. Shea says* that the Kaskaskias were found by De Soto in 1540 in latitude 36°,and that the Quapaw were higher up the Mississippi. But we know that the southeast corner of Missouri and the northeast corner of Arkansas, east of the St. Francis River, belonged to Algonquian tribes. A study of the map of Arkansas shows reason for believ- ing that there may have been a slight overlapping of habitats, or a sort of debatable ground. At any rate it seems advisable to compro- mise, and assign the Quapaw and Osage (Siouan tribes) all of Arkan- sas up to about 36° north. On the southwest of the Siouan family was the Southern Caddoan group, the boundary extending from the west side of the Mississippi River in Louisiana, nearly opposite Vicksburg, Mississippi, and run- ning northwestwardly to the bend of Red River between Arkansas and Louisiana ; thence northwest along the divide between the water- sheds of the Arkansas and Red Rivers. In the northwest corner of Indian Territory the Osages came in contact with the Comanche (Shoshonean), and near the western boundary of Kansas the Kiowa, Cheyenne, and Arapaho (the two latter being recent Algonquian intruders ?) barred the westward march of the Kansa or Kaw. The Pawnee group of the Caddoan family in western Nebraska and northwestern Kansas separated the Ponka and Dakota on the north from the Kansa on the south, and the Omaha and other Siouan tribes on the east from Kiowa and other tribes on the west. The Omaha and cognate peoples occupied in Nebraska the lower part of the Platte River, most of the Elkhorn Valley, and the Ponka claimed the region watered by the Niobrara in northern Nebraska. 1 Marquette’s Autograph Map. ' Disc. of Miss. Valley, p. 170, note. 7? ETH——8 114 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. There seems to be sufficient evidence for assigning to the Crows (Siouan) the northwest corner of Nebraska (i. e., that part north of the Kiowan and Caddoan habitats) and the southwest part of South Dakota (not claimed by Cheyenne’), as well as the northern part of Wyoming and the southern part of Montana, where they met the Shoshonean stock.’ The Biloxi habitat in 1699 was on the Pascogoula river,* in the southeast corner of the present State of Mississippi. The Biloxi sub- sequently removed to Louisiana, where a few survivors were found by Mr. Gatschet in 1886. The Tutelo habitat in 1671 was in Brunswick County, southern Virginia, and it probably included Lunenburgh and Mecklenburg Counties.* The Earl of Bellomont (1699) says* that the Shateras were “‘supposed to be the Toteros, on Big Sandy River, Virginia,” and Pownall, in his map of North America (1776), gives the Totteroy (i. e., Big Sandy) River. Subsequently to 1671 the Tutelo left Vir- ginia and moved to North Carolina." They returned to Virginia (with the Sapona), joined the Nottaway and Meherrin, whom they and the Tuscarora followed into Pennsylvania in the last century; thence they went to New York, where they joined the Six Nations, with whom they removed to Grand River Reservation, Ontario, Can- ada, after the Revolutionary war. The last full-blood Tutelo died in 1870. For the important discovery of the Siouan affinity of the Tutelo language we are indebted to Mr. Hale. The Catawba lived on the river of the same name on the northern boundary of South Carolina. Originally they were a powerful tribe, the leading people of South Carolina, and probably occupied a large part of the Carolinas. The Woccon were widely separated from kinsmen living in North Carolina in the fork of the Cotentnea and Neuse Rivers. The Wateree, living just below the Catawba, were very probably of the same linguistic connection. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. I. Dakota. (A) Santee: include Mde’-wa-ka"-to"-wa® (Spirit Lake village, Santee Reservation, Nebraska), and Wa-qpe’-ku-te (Leaf Shooters); some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana. 1See Cheyenne treaty, in Indian Treaties, 1873, pp. 124, 5481-5489. 2 Lewis and Clarke, Trav., Lond., 1807, p. 25. Lewis and Clarke, Expl., 1874, vol 2, p. 390. A. L. Riggs, MS. letter to Dorsey, 1876 or 1877. Dorsey, Ponka tradi- tion: ‘‘ The Black Hills belong to the Crows.” That the Dakotas were not there till this century see Corbusier's Dakota Winter Counts, in 4th Rept. Bur. Eth., p. 180, where it is also said that the Crow were the original owners of the Black Hills. 3Margry, Découvertes, vol. 4, p. 195. 4Battsin Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., 1858, vol. 3, p. 194. Harrison, MS. letter to Dor- sey, 1886. ’Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., 1854, vol. 4. p. 485. ® Lawson, Hist, Carolina, 1714; reprint of 1860, p. 384. POWELL] SIOUAN FAMILY. 115 I. Dakota—Continued. (B) Sisseton (Si-si’-to"-wa"), on Sisseton Reservation, South Dakota, and part on Devil’s Lake Reservation, North Dakota. (C) Wahpeton (Wa-qpe’-to"-wa", Wa-lipe-ton-wan); Leaf vil- lage. Someon Sisseton Reservation; most on Devil’s Lake Reservation. (D) Yankton (I-hatk’-to"-wa"), at Yankton Reservation, South Dakota. (EK) Yanktonnais (I-hatik’-to"-wa"’-na); divided into Upper and Lower. Of the Upper Yanktonnais, there are some of the Cut-head band (Pa’-ba-ksa gens) on Devil’s Lake Res- ervation. Upper Yanktonnais, most are on Standing Rock Reservation, North Dakota; Lower Yanktonnais, most are on Crow Creek Reservation, South Dakota, some are on Standing Rock Reservation, and some on Fort Peck Reser- vation, Montana. (F) Teton (Ti-to"-wa"); some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana. (a) Brulé (Si-tca’-xu); some are on Standing Rock Reservation. Most of the Upper Brulé (Highland Sitca"xu) are on Rosebud Reservation, South Dako- ta. Most of the Lower Brulé (Lowland Sitca™xu) are on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota. (b) Sans Ares (I-ta'-zip-tco’, Without Bows). Most are on Cheyenne Reservation, South Dakota; some on Standing Rock Reservation. (c) Blackfeet (Si-ha’sa'-pa). Most are on Cheyenne Res- ervation; some on Standing Rock Reservation. (d) Minneconjou (Mi'-ni-ko’-o-ju). Most areon Cheyenne Reservation, some are on Rosebud Reservation, and some on Standing Rock Reservation. (e) Two Kettles (O-0'-he-no"’-pa, Two Boilings), on Chey- enne Reservation. (f) Ogalalla (O-gla’-la). Most on Pine Ridge Reserva- tion, South Dakota; some on Standing Rock Reser- vation. Wa-za-za (Wa-ja-ja, Wa-zha-zha), a gens of the Oglala (Pine Ridge Reservation); Loafers (Wa-glu-xe, In-breeders), a gens of the Oglala; most on Pine Ridge Reservation; some on Rosebud Reser- vation. (g) Unepapa (1862~63), Uncapapa (1880-81), (Hui- kpa-pa), on Standing Rock Reservation. II. Assinaboin (Hohe, Dakota name); mostin British North America; some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana. Ill. Omaha (U-ma*’-ha"), on Omaha Reservation, Nebraska. IV. Ponca (formerly Ponka on maps; Ponka); 605 on Ponca Reser- vation, Indian Territory; 217 at Santee Agency, Nebraska, ~— 116 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. V. Kaw (ya"’-ze; the Kansa Indians); on the Kansas Reserva- tion, Indian Territory. VI. Osage; Big Osage (Pa-he'-tsi, Those on a Mountain); Little Osage (Those at the foot of the Mountain); Arkansas Band (gan-jsu-y¢i", Dwellers in a Highland Grove), Osage Reservation, Indian Territory. VIL. Quapaw (U-ya'-qpa; Kwapa). A few are on the Quapaw Reserve, but about 200 are on the Osage Reserve, Okla- homa. (They are the Arkansa of early times.) VILL. Jowa, on Great Nemaha Reserve, Kansas and Nebraska, and 86 on Sac and Fox Reserve, Indian Territory. IX. Otoe (Wa-to'-qta-ta), on Otoe Reserve, Indian Territory. X. Missouri or Missouria (Ni-uw'-t’a-tci), on Otoe Reserve. XI. Winnebago (Ho-teati’-ga-ra); most in Nebraska, on their re- serve: some are in Wisconsin; some in Michigan, accord- ing to Dr. Reynolds. XII. Mandan, on Fort Berthold Reserve, North Dakota. XIII. Gros Ventres (a misleading name; syn. Minnetaree; Hi-da’- tsa); on the same reserve. XIV. Crow (Absdruqe, Aubsdroke, etc.), Crow Reserve, Montana. XV. Tutelo (Ye-sa"’), among the Six Nations, Grand River Reserve, Province of Ontario, Canada. XVI. Biloxi (Ta'-neks ha’-ya), part on the Red River, at Avoyelles, Louisiana; part in Indian Territory, among the Choctaw and Caddo. XVII. Catawba. XVIII. Woccon. Population.—The present number of the Siouan family is about 43,400, of whom about 2,204 are in British North America, the rest being in the United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially recognized, compiled chiefly from the Canadian In- dian Report for 1888, the United States Indian Commissioner’s Re- port for 1889, and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890: Dakota: Mdewakantonwan and Wahpekute (Santee) on Santee Reserve, Nebraska 869 JA: Flamdreats Dalkotars, stecoctens (sce cosets epee tetecees eee eden eine eee els rore maces 292 Santeelat Devilisiialke Ao emciyprim cette tst itera teeter etter erate 54 Sisseton and Wahpeton on Sisseton Reserve, South Dakota. ............ 1,522 Sisseton, Wahpeton, and Cuthead (Yanktonnais) at Devil’s Lake Reserva- THOM lan bce retaeete ane ee eR es Sean) cba noT atl 857 Yankton: On Yankton Reservation, South Dakota.................... 1,725 At Devilisibake Acencynaras-cen crate demociiecerr ie ete tect 123 On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana... ... eee aeics 1,121 A few on Crow Creek Reservation, South Dakots ls Bi eos arene noes 10 A few on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota........... 10 2, 989 POWELL. ] SIOUAN FAMILY. Dakota—Continued. Yanktonnais: Upper Yanktonnais on Standing Rock Reservation.............. 1, 786 Lower Yanktonnais on Crow Creek Reservation................. 1, 058 ATI SLANCINCUROCK HAO CNCY) 5. octets cited ars niaie ore eeeere stl pce oa 1,739 Teton: Brule, Upper Brulé on Rosebud Reservation................ .... 3, 245 QOnebevilisnbake “Reservations... \crte ser sistem ters 0f 5a ei tiathareie 2 Lower Brulé at Crow Creek and Lower Brulé Agency......... 1, 026 Minneconjou (mostly)and Two Kettle, on Cheyenne River Reserve 2,823 Blackfeet on Standing Rock Reservation .................-.---- 545 Two Kettle on Rosebud Reservation .................-00.-+000 315 Oglala on Pine Ridge Reservation ...............00.e-ce-eereees 4,592 Wajaja (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation ................ 1, 825 Wagluxe (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation. ............ .. 1,353 Uncapapa, on Standing Rock Reservation... ................ soo HA Dakota at Carlisle, Lawrence, and Hampton schools..... ......... 169 Dakota in British North America (tribes not stated): On Bird Tail Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency, Northwest Territory. 108 On Oak River Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency ...... ............. 276 On Oak Lake Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency................-...- 55 On Turtle Mountain Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency......... ..... 34 On Standing Buffalo Reserve, under Northwest Territory........ 184 Muscowpetung’s Agency : White Cap Dakota (Moose Woods Reservation).................. 105 IAIN ETICAD SIOUX (MOMESCLVO)) mr eesstarerocictere a sraisictere aiaietctetas rele tora 95 Assinaboin: On Fort Belknap Reservation, Montana............... ......6: 952 On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana..............:...ceee2s05% 71 AGRE VIL SplAK CPA ROT CY rie nie ic cuvette ve se cicisly eh niecaien teense The following are in British North America: Pheasant Rump’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 6 at Mis- SOULL ANG 4 abeLuchle MOUNTAIN) atec.2 cl) veiw e espe e eeiietw ec a» 69 Ocean Man’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 4 at Missouri). . 68 The-man-who-took-the-coat’s band, at Indian Head (of whom 5 ALLA PHM RLV EL) aa ao yaa cras ns roe ele ee ee ee a eve ets 248 Bear’s Head band, Battleford Agency.................-+++-.-+% 227 Chee-pooste-quahn band, at Wolf Creek, Peace Hills Agency ... 128 Bears Paw) band;at Morleyville:: 3.1.5 sc¢es5020 0s. s este cscs 236 Chiniquy band, Reserve, at Sarcee Agency............ .--..--. 134 AVEC] OSE oP rao Wipes Si os ere ad ichatats Aero SDR vce o DOE Ica pre Rca ese 227 Omaha: Omaha and Winnebago Agency, Nebraska..... ............--- 1, 158 ‘AtiCanlisle; School wbennsylvaniay oe. val ac yevstes 5 eredcy.siahapneleroreeh oeclatieitaremite 4 a 232 Towa: On Great Nemaha Reservation, Kansas ................-.20005 165 On Sac and Fox Reservation, Oklahoma .... ................-- 102 At Carlisles IRennsylivamiialts...75 6 -yerycre rns niet «ere tor oeterseseeraterel ae 1 At uawrence;, Kansas ici. cctv avelepoucceicncsetevoyte taka cet sane rere te eecenlar hela 5 oo 273 Oto and) Missouris in) Indian Porriborysaer ee) ieie ele sieyeeleleleleieraie Bape 358 Winnebago: TnsNebraskas§i2c5 tie ctvsnte cnae sine sia ae eae ee Carer eeraee 1, 215 nu Wisconsin G1889)! 15 ejciet aces ret ese meiner on cae ciaihe reer ene 930 AG Carlisle; Pennsylvamiar.ccciicintee o-roremns oer iek eerere eases 27 HA HHA WENGOS: KANSAS sco... eye; aictevaie hacer) etcke eTSte rs alte betel oats coker eroke tans RES 2 AG am pton; AVidr oma ese ough aera scvelsteiere cles oleh rarer ieteretsieleietotekeceias 10 -—— 2,184 Mandan: On Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota .................. 251 At Hampton’, Virginia das. 1secrntetea cca iterates ore Gee ele ante / ——- . 282 Hidatsa, on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota.............. 522 Crow,on) Crow: Reservation, Montana) entices leeinccte seieiineiete 5 2, 287 Tutelo, about a dozen mixed bloods on Grand River Reserve, Ontario, Canada. and a few more near Montreal (?), say, about........ 20 Biloxi: Im sBowisianas BDOuUb. oy. anetciteresciosetersuors cones 7 ac ce fexeshe lo otobekaretaneteyereee 25 At Atoka, Imdianl Rerritony te... crase le oes cters.cltevedet ney esemnd cestoni eres 1 -—— 26 Catawba: In York County, South Carolina, about..:...........-..:...... 80 Scattered through North Carolina, about..... ................- 40? 120? SKITTAGETAN FAMILY. >Skittagets, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1,¢, 1848 (the equiv- alent of his Queen Charlotte’s Island group, p. 77). >Skittagetts, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. >Skidegattz, Gallatin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1858 (obvious typograph- ical error; Queen Charlotte Island). x Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., X1, 224, 1841 (same as his Northern family; see below). POWELL. ] SKITTAGETAN FAMILY. 119 =Haidah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (Skittegats, Massets, Kumshahas, Ky- ganie). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 (includes Skittigats, Massetts, Kumshahas, and Kyganie of Queen Charlotte’s Ids. and Prince of Wales Archipelago). Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 673, 1859. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (as in 1856). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass’n, 269, 1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids. and southern part of Alex- ander Archipelago). Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 564, 604, 1882. >Hai-dai, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes. v, 489, 1855. Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859, (Work’s census, 1836-'41, of northwest coast tribes, classified by language). =-Haida, Gibbs in Cont. N. A. Eth., I, 135, 1877. Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vo- cabs., 15, 1884 (vocabs. of Kaigani Sept, Masset, Skidegate, Kumshiwa dialects; alsomap showing distribution). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass'n, 375, 1885 (mere men- tion of family). Queen Charlotte's Island, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 15, 3065 1836 (no tribe indicated). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Skittagete language). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 249, 1860. xNorthern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., x1, 219, 1841 (includes Queen Charlotte’s Island and tribes on islands and coast up to 60° N. L.; Haidas, Mas- settes, Skittegas, Cumshawas). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 483, 1847 (follows Scouler). =Kygani, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass’n, 269, 1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids. or Haidahs). x Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 564, 1882 (contains Quane, probably of present family; Quactoe, Saukaulutuck). The vocabulary referred by Gallatin' to “Queen Charlotte’s Isl- ands” unquestionably belongs to the present family. In addition to being a compound word and being objectionable as a family name on account of its unwieldiness, the term is a purely geographic one and is based upon no stated tribe; hence it is not eligible for use in systematic nomenclature. As it appears in the Archeeologia Ameri- cana it represents nothing but the locality whence the vocabulary of an unknown tribe was received. The family name to be considered as next in order of date is the Northern (or Haidah) of Scouler, which appears in volume x1, Royal Geographical Society, page 218, et seq. The term as employed by Scouler is involved in much confusion, and it is somewhat difficult to determine just what tribes the author intended to cover by the designation, Reduced to its simplest form, the case stands as fol- lows: Scouler’s primary division of the Indians of the Northwest was into two groups, the insular and the inland. The insular (and coast tribes) were then subdivided into two families, viz, Northern or Haidah family (for the terms are interchangeably used, as on page 224) and the Southern or Nootka-Columbian family. Under the Northern or Haidah family the author classes all the Indian tribes 'Archeeologia Americana, 1836, 11, pp. 15, 306, . 120 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. in the Russian territory, the Kolchians (Athapascas of Gallatin, 1836), the Koloshes, Ugalentzes, and Tun Ghaase (the Koluscans of Gallatin, 1836); the Atnas (Salish of Gallatin, 1836); the Kenaians (Athapascas, Gallatin, 1836); the Haidah tribes proper of Queen Charlotte Island, and the Chimesyans. It will appear at a glance that such a heterogeneous assemblage of tribes, representing as they do several distinct stocks, can not have been classed together on purely linguistic evidence. In point of fact, Scouler’s remarkable classification seems to rest only in a very slight degree upon a linguistic basis, if indeed it can be said to have a linguistic basis at all. Consideration of *‘ physical character, man- ners, and customs ” were clearly accorded such weight by this author as to practically remove his Northern or Haidah family from the list of linguistic stocks. The next family name which was applied in this connection is the Skittagets of Gallatin as above cited. This name is given to desig- nate a family on page c, volume 1, of Transactions of the Ethnological Society, 1848. In his subsequent list of vocabularies, page 77, he changes his designation to Queen Charlotte Island, placing under this family name the Skittagete tribe. His presentation of the former name of Skittagets in his complete list of families is, however, sufficiently formal to render it valid as a family designation, and it is, therefore, retained for the tribes of the Queen Charlotte Arch- ipelago which have usually been called Haida, From acomparison of the vocabularies of the Haida language with others of the neighboring Koluschan family, Dr. Franz Boas is in- clined to consider that the two are genetically related. The two languages possess a considerable number of words in common, but a more thorough investigation is requisite for the settlement of the question than has yet been given. Pending this the two families are here treated separately. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The tribes of this family occupy Queen Charlotte Islands, For- rester Island to the north of the latter, and the southeastern part of Prince of Wales Island, the latter part having been ascertained by the agents of the Tenth Census.’ PRINCIPAL TRIBES, The following is a list of the principal villages: Haida: Aseguang. Kunyit. Skiteiget, Cumshawa. Massett. Tanu. Kayung. New Gold Harbor. Tartanee. Kung. Skedan. Uttewas. ‘See Petroff map of Alaska, 1880-81. POWELL. | TAKILMAN-—TANOAN FAMILIES. 191 Kaigani: Chatcheeni. Howakan. Shakan. Clickass. (Juiahanless. Population.—The population of the Haida is 2,500, none of whom are at present under an agent. TAKILMAN FAMILY. =Takilma, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 1882 (Lower Rogue River). This name was proposed by Mr. Gatschet for a distinct language spoken on the coast of Oregon about the lower Rogue River. Mr. Dorsey obtained a vocabulary in 1884 which he has compared with Athapascan, Kusan, Yakonan, and other languages spoken in the region without finding any marked resemblances. The family is hence admitted provisionally. The language appears to be spoken by but a single tribe, although there is a manuscript vocabulary in the Bureau of Ethnology exhibiting certain differences which may be dialectic. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The Takilma formerly dwelt in villages along upper Rogue River, Oregon, all the latter, with one exception, being on the south side, from Illinois River on the southwest, to Deep Rock, which was nearer the head of the stream. They are now included among the ‘*“Rogue River Indians,” and they reside to thenumber of twenty- seven on the Siletz Reser vation, Tillamook County, Oregon, where Dorsey found them in 1884. TANOAN FAMILY. >Tay-waugh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes. v. 689, 1855 (Pueblos of San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe. San Il de Conso, and one Moqui pueblo). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878. >Tano, Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian, Noy., 1878 (includes Sandia, Téwa, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojoaque, Nambé, Tesuque, Sinect,, Jemez, Taos, Picuri). >Tegua, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (includes 8S. Juan, Sta. Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, Tesugue, 8. Ildefonso, Haro). —Téwan, Powell in Am. Nat., 605, Aug., 1880 (makes five divisions: 1. Taf (Isleta, Isleta near El Paso, Sandia); 2. Taos (Taos, Picuni); 3. Jemes (Jemes); 4. Tewa or Tehua (San Ildefonso, San Juan, FPojeaque; Nambe, Tesuque, Santa Clara, and one Moki pueblo); 5. Piro). >E-nagh-magh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 689, 1855 (includes Taos, Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, Ystete, and two pueblos near El Paso, Texas). Keane, App. Stanford’s Conip. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (follews Lane, but identi- fies Texan pueblos with Lentis ? and Socorro ?). >Picori, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (or Enagh- magh). . —Stock of Rio Grande Pueblos, Gatschet in U. 8S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vu, 415, 1879. =Rio Grande Pueblo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 258, 1882. 122 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Derivation: Probably from ‘‘tainin,” plural of ta-ide, ‘* Indian,” in the dialect of Isleta and Sandia (Gatschet). In a letter’ from Wm. Carr Lane to H. R. Schooleraft, appear some remarks on the affinities of the Pueblo languages, based in large part on hearsay evidence. No vocabularies are given, nor does any real classification appear to be attempted, though referring to such of his remarks as apply in the present connection, Lane states that the Indians of ‘‘ Taos. Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, and Ystete, and of two pueblos of Texas, near El] Paso, are said to speak the same language. which I have heard called E-nagh-magh,” and that the Indians of ‘San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, San Il de Conso, and one Moqui pueblo, all speak the same language, as it is said: this I have heard called Tay-waugh.” The ambiguous nature of his reference to these pueblos is apparent from the above quotation. The names given by Lane as those he had ‘‘ heard” applied to certain groups of pueblos which ‘‘it is said” speak the same lan- guage, rest on too slender a basis for serious consideration in a classi- ficatory sense. Keane in the appendix to Stanford’s Compendium (Central and South America), 1878, p. 479, presents the lst given by Lane, cor- recting his spelling in some cases and adding the name of the Tusayan pueblo as Haro (Hano). He gives the group no formal family name, though they are classed together as speaking ‘‘ Tegua or Tay- waugh.” The Tato of Powell (1878), as quoted, appears to be the first name formally given the family, and is therefore accepted. Recent investigations of the dialect spoken at Taos and some of the other pueblos of this group show a considerable body of words having Shoshonean affinities, and it is by no means improbable that fur- ther research will result in proving the radical relationship of these languages to the Shoshonean family. The analysis of the language has not yet, however, proceeded far enough to warrant a decided opinion. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The tribes of this family in the United States resided exclusively upon the Rio Grande and its tributary valleys from about 33° to about 36°. A small body of these people joined the Tusayan in northern Arizona, as tradition avers to assist the latter against attacks by the Apache—though it seems more probable that they fled from the Rio Grande during the pueblo revolt of 1680—and re- mained to found the permanent pueblo of Hano, the seventh pueblo of the group. A smaller section of the family lived upon the Ric Grande in Mexico and Texas, just over the New Mexico border. ' Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, 1855, vol. 5, p. 689. ~~ POWELL. TIMUQUANAN FAMILY. 1238 Population.—The following pueblos are included in the family, with a total population of about 3,237: Hano (of the Tusayan group)..... LBZ MSandiaiyes cen-ceiclsietehje einen Gnce ars 140 Isleta (New Mexico).............. 1059) |e SanelldefonsOmeercaiia- ae) el 148 Tsletai(lOxas) saeco a1 <.cc Be ae Bh cal (ere se hala [LU CCN ax heya aisicns Ge OO cx RAE REESE OO 406 OMEZ test es er se eek ees A287 Santa Glaramerrcmccisee ce) ce a IN Grea Tse Se ee AN, 79 Senecti (below El Paso) ...... ith, Blew: ICUS metamiens ne cea Ostseca nee LOOM | LAOS see se octal sistaneye atsrer tas acer Cayus?, Latham, ibid. —Cayuse, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 166, 1877 (Cayuse and Moléle). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877. Derivation: Wayiletpu, plural form of Wa-ilet, ‘‘ one Cayuse man” (Gatschet). Hale established this family and placed under it the Cailloux or Cayuse or Willetpoos, and the Molele. Their headquarters as indi- cated by Hale are the upper part of the Walla Walla River and the country about Mounts Hood and Vancouver. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, The Cayuse lived chiefly near the mouth of the Walla Walla River, extending a short distance above and below on the Columbia, be- tween the Umatilla and Snake Rivers. The Molzle were a mountain tribe and occupied a belt of mountain country south of the Columbia River, chiefly about Mounts Hood and Jefferson. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Cayuse. Molale. 'Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 21-22, 1884, ? Discovery, etc., of Kentucky, 1793, 11, 84-7. ’Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, p. 20. 128 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Population.—There are 31 Mol&le now on the Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon,’ and a few others live in the mountains west of Klamath Lake. The Indian Affairs Report for 1888 credits 401 and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890, 415 Cayuse Indians to the Umatilla Reservation, buf Mr. Henshaw was able to find only six old menand women upon the reservation in August, 1888, who spoke their own language. The others, though presumably of Cayuse blood, speak the Umatilla tongue. WAKASHAN FAMILY. >Wakash, Gallatin mm Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soe., 0, 15,306, 1836 (of Nootka Sound; gives Jewitt’s vocab.). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Newittee). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,1852. Galla- tin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853 (includes Newittee and Nootka Sound). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (of Quadra and Van- couver’s Island). Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 403, 1862 (Tlaoquatsh and Wakash proper; Nutka and congeners also referred here). x Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301, 1850 (includes Naspatle, proper Nutkans, Tlaoquatsh, Nittenat, Klasset, Klallems; the last named is Salishan), x Nootka-Columbian, Scoulerin Jour, Roy. Geog. Soc., XT, 221, 1841 (includes Quadra and Vancouver Island, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola, Tlaoquatch, Kawitchen, Noosda- lum, Squallyamish, Cheenooks). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 435, 1847 (follows Seouler). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 162, 1848 (remarks upon Scouler’s group of this name). Latham, Opuscula, 257, 1860 (the same). Nutka, Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 329, 1858. >Nootka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (mentions only Makah, and Classet tribes of Cape Flattery). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 446, 1877. x Nootkahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, 1878 (includes Muchlahts, Nitinahts, Ohyahts, Manosahts, and Quoquoulths of present family, together with a number of Salishan tribes). x Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 564, 607, 1882 (a heterogeneous group, largely Salishan, with Wakashan, Skittagetan, and other families represented). >Straits of Fuca, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1, 134, 306, 1836 (vocabulary of, referred here with doubt; considered distinct by Gallatin). xSouthern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 224, 1841 (same as his Noctka- Columbian above). x Insular, Scouler ibid. (same as his Nootka-Columbian above). x Haeltzuk, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 155, 1848 (cities Tolmie’s vocab. Spoken from 50° 30’ to 53° 30’ N. L.). Latham, Opuscula, 251, 1860 (the same). >Haeeltsuk and Hailtsa, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 800, 1850 (includes Hyshalla, Hyhysh, Esleytuk, Weekenoch, Nalatsenoch, Quagheuil, Tlatla-Shequilla, Lequeeltoch). > Hailtsa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond. ,72,1856. Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 822, 1858. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (includes coast dialects between Hawkesbury Island, Broughton’s Archipelago, and northern part of Vancouver Island). >Ha-eelb-zuk, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 487, 1855. Kane, Wand. of an Artist, app., 1859 (or Ballabola; a census of N. W. tribes classified by language). 1U.S. Ind. Aff., 1889. —— POWELL.] WAKASHAN FAMILY. 129 >Ha-ilt’-zikh, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 144, 1877 (vocabularies of Bel-bella of Milbank Sound and of Kwakiutl’). Aht, Sproat, Savage Life, app.,312, 1868 (name suggested for family instead of Nootka-Columbian). >Aht, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 1884 (vocab. of Kaiook waht), xKwakiool, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 27-48, 1884 (vocabs. of Haishilla, Hailtzuk, Kwiha, Likwiltoh, Septs ; also map showing family domain). >Kwa kittl. Boasin Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 130, 1887 (general account of family with list of tribes). Derivation: Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word ‘ good” “oood.” When heard by Cook at Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, it was supposed to be the name of the tribe. Until recently the languages spoken by the Aht of the west coast of Vancouver Island and the Makah of Cape Flattery, congeneric tribes, and the Haeltzuk and Kwakiutl peoples of the east coast of Vancouver Island and the opposite mainland of British Columbia, have been regarded as representing two distinct families. Recently Dr. Boas has made an extended study of these languages, has col- lected excellent vocabularies of the supposed families, and as a result of his study it is now possible to unite them on the basis of radical affinity. The main body of the vocabularies of the two languages is remarkably distinct, though a considerable number of important words are shown to be common to the two. Dr. Boas, however, points out that in both languages suffixes only are used in forming words, and a long list of these shows remarka- ble similarity. The above family name was based upon a vocabulary of the Wa- kash Indians, who, according to Gallatin, ‘inhabit the island on which Nootka Sound is situated.” The short vocabulary given was collected by Jewitt. Gallatin states' that this language is the one “in that quarter, which, by various vocabularies, is best known to us.” In 1848* Gallatin repeats his Wakash family, and again gives the vocabulary of Jewitt. There would thus seem to be no doubt of his intention to give it formal rank as a family. The term ‘‘ Wakash” for this group of languages has since been generally ignored, and in its place Nootka or Nootka-Columbian has been adopted. ‘‘ Nootka-Columbian” was employed by Scouler in 1841 for a group of languages, extending from the mouth of Salmon 1 Archeologia Americana, 1, p.15. Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. 1,p. 77. Y ETH 9 130 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. River to the south of the Columbia River, now known to belong to several distinct families. ‘t Nootka family” was also employed by Hale’ in 1846, who proposed the name for the tribes of Vancouver Island and those along the south side of the Straits of Fuca. The term ‘*‘ Nootka-Columbian” is strongly condemned by Sproat.? For the group of related tribes on the west side of Vancouver Island this author suggests Aht, ‘‘ house, tribe, people,” as a much more appropriate family appellation. Though by no means as appropriate a designation as could be found, it seems clear that for the so-called Wakash, Newittee, and other allied languages usually assembled under the Nootka family, the term Wakash of 1836 has priority and must be retained. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, The tribes of the Aht division of this family are confined chiefly to the west coast of Vancouver Island. They range to the north as far as Cape Cook, the northern side of that cape being occupied by Haeltzuk tribes, as was ascertained by Dr. Boas in 1886. On the south they reached to a little above Sooke Inlet, that inlet being in possession of the Soke, a Salishan tribe. The neighborhood of Cape Flattery, Washington, is occupied by the Makah, one of the Wakashan tribes, who probably wrested this outpost of the family from the Salish (Clallam) who next adjoin them on Puget Sound. The boundaries of the Haeltzuk division of this family are laid down nearly as they appear on Tolmie and Dawson’s linguistic map of 1884. The west side of King Island and Cascade Inlet are said by Dr. Boas to be inhabited by Haeltzuk tribes, and are col- ored accordingly. PRINCIPAL AHT TRIBES. Ahowsaht. Kyoquaht. Ohiaht. Ayhuttisaht. Macaw. Opechisaht. Chicklesaht. Manosaht. Pachenaht. Clahoquaht. Mowachat. Seshaht. Hishquayquaht. Muclaht. Toquaht. Howchuklisaht. Nitinaht. Yuclulaht. Kitsmaht. Nuchalaht. Population.—There are 457 Makah at the Neah Bay Agency, Wash- ington.* The total population of the tribes of this family under the West Coast Agency, British Columbia, is 3,160.*°. The grand total for this division of the family is thus 3,617. 1U. S. Expl. Expd., vol. 6, p. 220. °U. 8. Census Bulletin for 1890. * Savage Life, 312. 4Canada Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1888, POWELL. ] W ASHOAN—WEITSPEKAN FAMILIES. 131 PRINCIPAL HAELTZUK TRIBES, Aquamish. Keimanoeitoh. Nakwahtoh. Belbellah. Kwakiutl. Nawiti. Clowetsus. Kwashilla. Nimkish. Hailtzuk. Likwiltoh. Quatsino. Haishilla. Mamaileilakitish. Tsawadinoh. Kakamatsis. Matelpa. Population.—There are 1,898 of the Haeltzuk division of the family under the Kwawkewlth Agency, British Columbia. Of the Bellacoola (Salishan family) and Haeltzuk, of the present family, there are 2,500 who are not under agents. No separate census of the latter exists at present. WASHOAN FAMILY. = Washo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882. < Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477, 1878 (contains Washoes). <( Snake, Keane, ibid. (Same as Shoshone, above.) This family is represented by a single well known tribe, whose range extended from Reno, on the line of the Central Pacific Rail- road, to the lower end of the Carson Valley. On the basis of vocabularies obtained by Stephen Powers and other investigators, Mr. Gatschet was the first to formally separate the language. The neighborhood of Carson is now the chief seat of the tribe, and here and in the neighboring valleys there are about 200 living a parasitic hfe about the ranches and towns. WEITSPEKAN FAMILY. = Weits-pek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 422, 1853 (a band and language on Klamath at junction of Trinity). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 410, 1862 (junc- tion of Klamatl and Trinity Rivers). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (affirmed to be distinct from any neighboring tongue). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877. < Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (junction of Klamatl and Trinity Rivers; Weyot and Wishosk dialects). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860. = Eurocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, v1, 530, June, 1872 (of the Lower Klamath and coastwise; Weitspek, a village of). = Eurok, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 437, 1877. = Yu -rok, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., 10, 45, 1877 (from junction of Trinity to mouth and coastwise). Powell, ibid., 460 (vocabs. of Al-i-kwa, Klamath, Yu'-rok.) x Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (Eurocs belong here). Derivation: Weitspek is the name of a tribe or village of the family situated on Klamath River. The etymology is unknown. Gibbs was the first to employ this name, which he did in 1853, as 132 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. above cited. He states that it is ‘‘the name of the principal band on the Klamath, at the junction of the Trinity,” adding that ‘‘ this language prevails from a few miles above that point to the coast, but does not extend far from the river on either side.” It would thus seem clear that in this case, as in several others, he selected the name of a band to apply to the language spoken by it. The language thus defined has been accepted as distinct by later authorities except La- tham, who included as dialects under the Weitspek language, the locality of which he gives as the junction of the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, the Weyot and Wishosk, both of which are now classed under the Wishoskan family. By the Karok these tribes are called Yurok, ‘‘down” or ‘‘ below,” by which name the family has recently been known. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. For our knowledge of the range of the tribes of this family we are chiefly indebted to Stephen Powers.’ The tribes occupy the lower Klamath River, Oregon, from the mouth of the Trinity down. Upon the coast, Weitspekan territory extends from Gold Bluff to about 6 miles above the mouth of the Klamath. The Chilltla are an offshoot of the Weitspek, living to the south of them, along Redwood Creek to a point about 20 miles inland, and from Gold Bluff to a point about midway between Little and Mad Rivers. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Chillila, Redwood Creek. Mita, Klamath River. Pekwan, Klamath River. Rikwa, Regua, fishing village at outlet of Klamath River. Sugon, Shragoin, Klamath River. Weitspek, Klamath River (above Big Bend). WISHOSKAN FAMILY. > Wish-osk, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 422, 1853 (given as the name of a dialect on Mad River and Humboldt Bay). —Wish-osk, Powell in Cont. N. A. Eth., 1, 478, 1877 (vocabularies of Wish-osk, Wi-yot, and Ko-wilth). Gatschet in Mag. Ain. Hist., 162, 1877 (indicates area occupied by family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise., 487, 1877. > Wee-yot, Gibbs in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 422, 1853 (given as the name of a dialect on Eel River and Humboldt Bay). x Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (includes Weyot and Wishosk). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860. < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (cited as including Patawats, Weeyots, Wishosks). Derivation: Wish-osk is the name given to the Bay and Mad River Indians by those of Kel River. ‘Cont. N. A., Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 44. U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, POWELL. ] WISHOSKAN-YAKONAN FAMILIES. 133 This is a small and obscure linguistic family and little is known concerning the dialects composing it or of the tribes which speak it. Gibbs’ mentions Wee-yot and Wish-osk as dialects of a general language extending ‘‘from Cape Mendocino to Mad River and as far back into the interior as the foot of the first range of mountains,” but does not distinguish the language by a family name. Latham considered Weyot and Wishosk to be mere dialects of the same language, 1. e., the Weitspek, from which, however, they ap- peared to him to differ much more than they do from each other. Both Powell and Gatschet have treated the language represented by these dialects as quite distinct from any other, and both have em- ployed the same name. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The area occupied by the tribes speaking dialects of this language was the coast from a little below the mouth of Eel River to a little north of Mad River, including particularly the country about Humboldt Bay. They also extended up the above-named rivers into the mountain passes. TRIBES. Patawat, Lower Mad River and Humboldt Bay as far south as Arcata. Weeyot, mouth of Kel River. Wishosk, near mouth of Mad River and north part of Humboldt Bay. YAKONAN FAMILY. > Yakones, Hale in U. 8. Expl. Exp., v1, 198, 218, 1846 (or Iakon, coast of Oregon). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859. > Iakon, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218, 569, 1846 (or Lower Killamuks). Busch- mann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859. > Jacon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc.,0, pt. 1,c, 77, 1848. >Jakon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., U, pt. 1, 17, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 402, 1853 (language of Lower Killamuks). Latham in Trans, Philolog. Soc. Lond., 75,1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. > Yakon, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850. Gatschet,in Mag. Am. Hist., 166, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc.,441,1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, 01, 565, 640, 1882. > Yakona, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 256, 1882. > Southern Killamuks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., v1, 218,569, 1846 (or Yakones). Gal- latin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., 11, 17, 1848 (after Hale). > Siid Killamuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. > Sainstskla, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (‘‘south of the Yakon, between the Umkwa and the sea”). >Saytskla, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1882 (on Lower Umpqua, Sayuskla, and Smith Rivers). > Killiwashat, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 825, 1850 (‘‘ mouth of the Umkwa”). x Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 (cited as in- cluding Yacons). 1 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1853, vol. 3, p. 422. 134 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. Derivation: From yakwina, signifying ‘‘spirit ” (Everette). The Yakwina was the leading tribe of this family. It must have been of importance in early days, as it occupied fifty-six villages along Yaquina River, from the site of Elk City down to the ocean. Only a few survive, and they are with the Alsea on the Siletz Reser- vation, Tillamook County, Oregon. They were classed by mistake with the Tillamook or ‘“‘Killamucks” by Lewis and Clarke. They are called by Lewis and Clarke’ Youikcones and Youkone.* The Alsea formerly dwelt in villages along both sides of Alsea River, Oregon, and on the adjacent coast. They are now on the Siletz Reservation, Oregon. Perhaps a few are on the Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon. The Siuslaw used to inhabit villages on the Siuslaw River, Oregon. There may be a few pure Siuslaw on the Siletz Reservation, but Mr. Dorsey did not see any of them. They are mentioned by Drew,’ who includes them among the ‘‘ Kat-la-wot-sett”” bands. At that time, they were still on the Siuslaw River. The Ku-ite or Lower Umpqua villages were on both sides of the lower part of Umpqua River, Oregon, from its mouth upward for about 30 miles. Above them werethe Upper Umpqua villages, of the Athapascan stock. A few members of the Ku-ite still reside on the Siletz Reservation, Oregon. This is a family based by Hale upon a single tribe, numbering six orseven hundred, who live on the coast, north of the Nsietshawus, from whom they differ merely in language. Hale calls the tribe Takon or Yakones or Southern Killamuks. The Saytisklan language has usually been assumed to be distinct from all others, and the comments of Latham and others all tend in this direction. Mr. Gatschet, as above quoted, finally classed it as a distinct stock, at the same time finding certain strong coincidences with the Yakonan family. Recently Mr. Dorsey has collected exten- sive vocabularies of the Yakonan, Saytiskla, and Lower Umpqua languages and finds unquestioned evidence of relationship. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION, The family consists of four primary divisions or tribes: Yakwina, Alsea, Siuslaw, and Ku-ite or Lower Umpqua. Each one of these comprised many villages, which were stretched along the western part of Oregon on the rivers flowing into the Pacific, from the Yaquina on the north down to and including the Umpqua River. TRIBES. Alsea (on Alseya River). Yakwi'na. Kuite. Siuslaw. ' Allen, ed, 1814, vol. 2, p. 473. 3U.S. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 359. 2 Tbid., p. 118. POWELL. ] YANAN—-YUKIAN FAMILIES. 135 Population.—The U. 8. Census Bulletin for 1890 mentions thirty- one tribes as resident on the Siletz Reservation with a combined population of 571. How many Yakwina are among this number is not known. The breaking down of tribal distinctions by reason of the extensive intermarriage of the several tribes is given as the reason for the failure to give a census by tribes. YANAN FAMILY. =No6-zi, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 275, 1877 (or No-si; mention of tribe; gives numerals and states they are different from any he has found in California), =Noces, Gatschetin Mag. Am. Hist., 160, March, 1877 (or Nozes: merely mentioned under Meidoo family). Derivation: Yana means ‘‘ people” in the Yanan language. In 1880 Powell collected a short vocabulary fromy this tribe, which is chiefly known to the settlers by the name Noje or Nozi. Judged by this vocabulary the language seemed to be distinct from any other. More recently, in 1884, Mr. Curtin visited the remnants of the tribe, consisting of thirty-five individuals, and obtained an extensive collection of words, the study of which seems to confirm the impression of the isolated position of the language as regards other American tongues. The Nozi seem to have been a small tribe ever. since known to Europeans. They have a tradition to the effect that they came to California from the far Kast. Powers states that they differ markedly in physical traits from all California tribes met by him. At present the Nozi are reduced to two little groups, one at Redding, the other in their original country at Round Mountain, California. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The eastern boundary of the Yanan territory is formed by a range of mountains a little west of Lassen Butte and terminating near Pit River; the northern boundary by a line running from northeast to southwest, passing near the northern side of Round Mountain, 3 miles from Pit River. The western boundary from Redding southward is on an average 10 miles to the east of the Sac- ramento. North of Redding it averages double that distance or about 20 miles. YUKIAN FAMILY. =Yuki, Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth., m1, 125-138, 1877 (general description of tribe). =Yu-ki, Powell in ibid., 483 (vocabs. of Yu'-ki, Huchnom, and a fourth unnamed vocabulary). =Yuka, Powers in Overland Monthly, 1x, 305, Oct., 1872 (same as above). Gatschet in Mag. Ann. Hist., 161, 1877 (defines habitat of family; gives Yuka, Ashochemies or Wappos, Shumeias, Tahtoos). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Mise., 435, 1877. Ban- croft, Nat. Races, 11,566, 1882( includes Yuka, Tahtoo, Wapo or Ashochemie). 136 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. =Uka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161,1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 485, 1877 (same as his Yuka). x Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp, (Cent.and So, Am.), 475, 1878 (Yukas of his Klamath belong here). Derivation: From the Wintun word yuki, meaning ‘“stranger;” secondarily, ‘“‘ bad” or ‘‘ thieving.” A vocabulary of the Yuki tribe is given by Gibbs in vol. 1 of Schooleraft’s Indian Tribes, 1853, but no indication is afforded that the language is of a distinct stock. Powell, as above cited, appears to have been the first to separate the language. - GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. Round Valley, California, subsequently made a reservation to re- ceive the Yuki and other tribes, was formerly the chief seat of the tribes of the family, but they also extended across the mountains to the coast. PRINCIPAL TRIBES, Ashochini (near Healdsburgh). Chumaya (Middle Kel River). Napa (upper Napa Valley). Tatu (Potter Valley). Yuki (Round Valley, California). YUMAN FAMILY. >Yuma, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., U1, pt. 3, 55, 94, 101, 1856 (includes Cuchan, Coco- Maricopa, Mojave, Diegefio). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 86, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860 (as above). Latham in addenda to Opuscula, 392, 1860 (adds Cuchan to the group). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 420, 1862 (includes Cuchan, Cocomaricopa, Mojave, Dieguno). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 (mentions only U.S. members of family). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp, (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 479, 1878 (includes Yumas, Maricopas, Cuchans, Mojaves, Yampais, Yavipais, Hualpais). Bancroft, Nat. Races, 11, 569, 1882. =Yuma, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429, 1877 (habitat and dialects of family). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., vil, 418, 414, 1879. >Dieguno, Latham (1853)in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., v1, 75, 1854 (includes mission of San Diego, Dieguno, Cocomaricopas, Cuchan, Yumas, Amaquaquas. ) >Cochimi, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc, Lond., 87, 1856 (northern part peninsula California). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 471, 1859 (center of California peninsula). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862. Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (head of Gulf to near Loreto). >Layamon, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (a dialect of Waikur ?), Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862. >Waikur, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 90, 1856 (several dialects of). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862. >Guaycura, Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864. >Guaicuri, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am. ), 476, 1878 (between 26th and 238d parallels). POWELL. ] YUMAN FAMILY. ILS if >Ushiti, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (perhaps a dialect of Wai- kur). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. >Utshiti, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862 (same as Ushiti). >Pericu, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864. >Pericui, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent.and So. Am. ), 476, 1878 (from 23° N. L. to Cape S. Lucas and islands). >Seri, Gatschet in Zeitschr. fiir Ethnologie, Xv, 129, 1883,and xv, 115, 1886. Derivation: A Cuchan word signifying ‘“‘sons of the river” (Whipple). In 1856 Turner adopted Yuma as a family name, and placed under it Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave and Diegeno. Three years previously (1853) Latham’ speaks of the Dieguno lan- guage, and discusses with it several others, viz, San Diego, Cocomari- copa, Cuchat, Yuma, Amaquaqua (Mohave), etc. Though heseems to consider these languages as allied, he gives no indication that he believes them to collectively represent a family, and he made no formal family division. The context is not, however, sufficiently clear to render his position with respect to their exact status as pre- cise as is to be desired, but it is tolerably certain that he did not mean to make Dieguefio a family name, for in the volume of the same society for 1856 he includes both the Dieguefio and the other above mentioned tribes in the Yuma family, which is here fully set forth. As he makes no allusion to having previously established a family name for the same group of languages, it seems pretty cer- tain that he did not do so, and that the term Diegueno asa family name may be eliminated from consideration. It thus appears that the family name Yuma was proposed by both the above authors dur- ing the same year. For, though part 3 of vol. 111 of Pacific Railroad Reports, in which Turner’s article is published, is dated 1855, it ap- pears from a foot-note (p. 84) that his paper was not handed to Mr. Whipple till January, 1856, the date of title page of volume, and that his proof was going through the press during the month of May, which is the month (May 9) that Latham’s paper was read be- fore the Philological Society. The fact that Latham’s article was not read until May 9 enables us to establish priority of publication in favor of Turner with a reasonable degree of certainty, as doubtless a considerable period elapsed between the presentation of Latham’s paper to the society and its final publication, upon which latter must rest its claim. The Yuma of Turner is therefore adopted as of precise date and of undoubted application. Pimentel makes Yuma a part of Piman stock, GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The center of distribution of the tribes of this family is generally considered to be the lower Colorado and Gila Valleys. At least this ’ Proc. London Philol. Suc., vol. 6, 75, 1854. 1388 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. is the region where they attained their highest physical and mental development. With the exception of certain small areas possessed by Shoshonean tribes, Indians of Yuman stock occupied the Colo- rado River from its mouth as far up as Cataract Creek where dwell the Havasupai. Upon the Gila and its tributaries they extended as far east as the Tonto Basin. From this center they extended west to the Pacific and on the south throughout the peninsula of Lower California. The mission of San Luis Rey in California was, when established, in Yuman territory, and marks the northern limit of the family. More recently and at the present time this locality is in possession of Shoshonean tribes. The island of Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon Island were occu- pied by tribes of the Yuman family, as also was a small section of Mexico lying on the gulf to the north of Guaymas. PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Cochimi. Maricopa. Cocopa. Mohave. Cuchan or Yuma proper. Seri. Diegueno. Waicuru. Havasupai. Walapai. Population.—The present population of these tribes, as given in Indian Affairs Report for 1889, and the U. $8. Census Bulletin for 1890, is as follows: Of the Yuma proper there are 997 in California attached to the Mission Agency and 291 at the San Carlos Agency in Arizona. Mohave, 640 at the Colorado River Agency in Arizona ; 791 under the San Carlos Agency ; 400 in Arizona not under an agency. Havasupai, 214 in Cosnino Cation, Arizona. Walapai, 728 in Arizona, chiefly along the Colorado, Dieguenio, 555 under the Mission Agency, California. Maricopa, 315 at the Pima Agency, Arizona. The population of the Yuman tribes in Mexico and Lower Cali- fornia is unknown. ZUNIAN FAMILY. =Zunhi, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1, pt. 3, 55, 91-93, 1856 (finds no radical affinity between Zuni and Keres). Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 254, 266, 276-278, 280-296, 302, 1858 (vocabs. and general references). Keane, App. Stanford’s Com. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, 1878 (‘‘astock language”). Powellin Rocky Mountain Pres- byterian, Noy., 1878 (includes Zuni, Las Nutrias, Ojode Pescado). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 260, 1882. — Zunian. Powell in Am. Nat., 604, August, 1880. Derivation: From the Cochitf term Suinyi, said to mean ‘‘the people of the long nails,” referring to the surgeons of Zuni who always wear some of their nails very long (Cushing). Turner was able to compare the Zuni language with the Keran, and his conclusion that they were entirely distinct has been fully i i ts POWELL.] CONCLUDING REMARKS. ; 139 substantiated. Turner had vocabularies collected by Lieut. Simpson and by Capt. Eaton, and also one collected by Lieut. Whipple. The small amount of linguistic material accessible to the earlier writers accounts for the little done in the way of classifying the Pueblo languages. Latham possessed vocabularies of the Moqui, Zuni, A’coma or Laguna, Jemez, Tesuque, and Taos or Picuri. The affinity of the Tusayan (Moqui) tongue with the Comanche and other Shoshonean languages early attracted attention, and Latham pointed it out with some particularity. With the other Pueblo languages he does little, and attempts no classification into stocks. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. The Zufi occupy but a smgle permanent pueblo, on the Zuni River, western New Mexico. Recently, however, the summer vil- lages of Taiakwin, Heshotatsina, and K’iapkwainakwin have been occupied by a few families during the entire year. Population.—The present population is 1,613. CONCLUDING REMARKS. The task involved in the foregoing classification has been accom- plished by intermittent labors extending through more than twenty years of time. Many thousand printed vocabularies, embracing numerous larger lexic and grammatic works, have been studied and compared. In addition to the printed material, a very large body of manuscript matter has been used, which is now in the archives of the Bureau of Ethnology, and which, it is hoped, will ultimately be published. The author does not desire that his work shall be con- sidered final, but rather as initiatory and tentative. The task of studying many hundreds of languages and deriving therefrom ulti- mate conclusions as contributions to the science of philology is one of great magnitude, and in its accomplishment an army of scholars must be employed. The. wealth of this promised harvest appeals strongly to the scholars of America for systematic and patient labor. The languages are many and greatly diverse in their characteristics, in grammatic as well as in lexic elements. The author believes it is safe to affirm that the philosophy of language is some time to be greatly enriched from this source. From the materials which have been and may be gathered in this field the evolution of language can be studied from an early form, wherein words are usually not parts of speech, to a form where the parts of speech are somewhat differ- entiated; and where the growth of gender, number, and case systems, together with the’ development of tense and mode systems can be observed. The evolution of mind in the endeavor to ex press thought, by coining, combining, and contracting words and by organizing logical sentences through the development of parts of speech and 140 ~ INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. their syntactic arrangement, is abundantly illustrated. The lan- guages are very unequally developed in their several parts. Low gender systems appear with high tense systems, highly evolved case systems with slightly developed mode systems; and there is scarcely any one of these languages, so far as they have been studied, which does not exhibit archaic devices in its grammar. The author has delayed the present publication somewhat, expect- ing to supplement it with another paper on the characteristics of those languages which have been most fully recorded, but such sup- plementary paper has already grown too large for this place and_is yet unfinished, while the necessity for speedy publication of the present results seems to be imperative. The needs of the Bureau of Ethnology, in directing the work of the linguists employed in it, and especially in securing and organizing the labor of a large body of collaborators throughout the country, call for this publication at the present time. In arranging the scheme of linguistic families the author has pro- ceeded very conservatively. Again and again languages have been thrown together as constituting one family and afterwards have been separated, while other languages at first deemed unrelated have ultimately been combined in one stock. Notwithstanding all this care, there remain a number of doubtful cases. For example, Busch- mann has thrown the Shoshonean and Nahuatlan families into one. Now the Shoshonean languages are those best known to the author, and with some of them he has a tolerable speaking acquaintance. The evidence brought forward by Buschmann and others seems to be doubtful. A part is derived from jargon words, another part from adventitious similarities, while some facts seem to give war- rant to the conclusion that they should be considered as one stock, but the author prefers, under the present state of knowledge, to hold them apart and await further evidence, being inclined to the opinion that the peoples speaking these languages have borrowed some part of their vocabularies from one another. After considering the subject with such materials as are on hand, this general conclusion has been reached: That borrowed materials exist in all thelanguages; and that some of these borrowed materials can be traced to original sources, while the larger part of such acquisi- tions can not be thus relegated to known families. In fact, it is be- lieved that the existing languages, great in number though they are, give evidence of a more primitive condition, when a far greater num- ber were spoken. When there are two or more languages of the same stock, it appears that this differentiation into diverse tongues is due mainly to the absorption of other material, and that thus the multipli- cation of dialects and languages of the same group furnishes evidence that at some prior time there existed other languages which are now lost except as they are partially preserved in the divergent elements of the group. The conclusion which has been reached, therefore, does POWELL. ] CONCLUDING REMARKS. 141 not accord with the hypothesis upon which the investigation began, namely, that common elements would be discovered in all these languages, for the longer the study has proceeded the more clear it has been made to appear that the grand process of linguistic devel- opment among the tribes of North America has been toward unifi- cation rather than toward multiplication, that is, that the multiplied languages of the same stock owe their origin very largely to absorbed languages that are lost. The data upon which this conclusion has been reached can not here be set forth, but the hope is entertained that the facts already collected may ultimately be marshaled in such a manner that philologists will be able to weigh the evidence and estimate it for what it may be worth. The opinion that the differentiation of languages within a single stock is mainly due to the absorption of materials from other stocks, often to the extinguishment of the latter, has grown from year to year as the investigation has proceeded. Wherever the material has been sufficient to warrant a conclusion on this subject, no language has been found to be simple in its origin, but every language has been found to be composed of diverse elements. The processes of borrowing known in historic times are those which have been at work in prehistoric times, and it is not probable that any simple language derived from some single pristine group of roots can be discovered. There is an opinion current that the lower languages change with great rapidity, and that, by reason of this, dialects and languages of the same stock are speedily differentiated. This widely spread opinion does not find warrant in the facts discovered in the course of this research. The author has everywhere been impressed with the fact that savage tongues are singularly persistent, and that a language which is dependent, for its existence upon oral tradition is not easily modified. The same words in the same form are repeated from generation to generation, so that lexic and grammatic elements have a life that changes very slowly. This is especially true where the habitat of the tribe is unchanged. Migration introduces a potent agency of mutation, but a new environment impresses its character- istics upon a language more by a change in the sematic content or meaning of words than by change in their forms. There is another agency of change of profound influence, namely, association with other tongues. When peoples are absorbed by peaceful or militant agencies new materials are brought into their language, and the affiliation of such matter seems to be the chief factor in the differ- entiation of languages within the same stock. In the presence of opinions that have slowly grown in this direction, the author is inclined to think that some of the groups herein recognized as fam- ilies will ultimately be divided, as the common materials of such languages, when they are more thoroughly studied, will be seen to have been borrowed. 142 INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. In the studies which have been made as preliminary to this paper, T have had great assistance from Mr. James C. Pilling and Mr. Henry W. Henshaw. Mr. Pilling began by preparing a list of papers used by me, but his work has developed until it assumes the proportions of a great bibliographic research, and already he has published five bibliographies, amounting in all to about 1,200 pages. He is pub- lishing this bibliographic material by linguistic families, as classified by myself in this paper. Scholars in this field of research will find their labors greatly abridged by the work of Mr. Pillmg. Mr. Hen- shaw began the preparation of the list of tribes, but his work also has developed into an elaborate system of research into the synonymy of the North American tribes, and when his work is published it will constitute a great and valuable contribution to the subject. The present paper is but a preface to the works of Mr. Pilling and Mr. Henshaw, and would have been published in form as such had not their publications assumed such proportions as to preclude it. And finally, it is needful to say that I could not have found the time to make this classification, imperfect as it is, except with the aid of the great labors of the gentlemen mentioned, for they have gathered the literature and brought it ready to my hand. For the classifica- tion itself, however, I am wholly responsible. I am also indebted to Mr. Albert 8S. Gatschet and Mr. J. Owen Dorsey for the preparation of many comparative lists necessary to my work. The task of preparing the map accompanying this paper was greatly facilitated by the previously published map of Gallatin. I am especially indebted to Col. Garrick Mallery for work done in the early part of its preparation in this form. I have also received assistance from Messrs. Gatschet, Dorsey, Mooney and Curtin. The final form which it has taken is largely due to the labors of Mr. Henshaw, who has gathered many important facts relating to the habitat of North American tribes while preparing a synonymy of tribal names. THE MIDE’WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY” OF et Hh. OS LS Ww. BY W. J. HOFFMAN. 143 See — eta ley Soveyucieeselaete soars a Gel aterm 278 mi biawWOn)DYeSUOStIUbOM ae pee essays sire oes Serhan naa oe se ioee aera See 281 SuphlementaLyimOlessan aw cinerea eiscie: Rite cere tie steels wee oe pte 286 IPIGtOS TaN yer ter cps sere ee eee cee LA arene Soe eee eerie 286 WHE (hes chested ie Sa point cin kitn Gosia Heo cibes ita ea eeOc ae meen eee Gee 289 MressandOrnamens-taa accra tae ti city Serclaie waepe mini oats) ner emia nashtetnne 298 Future of the society....... ...... ATO ts, C iA KOOP CES OMERS So HOE 299 7 ETH 10 145 LE EU See RAT ONS Page. PuaTE II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa .................... 150 Ill. 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RESISTANCE TO CHRISTIANITY. 151 From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Al- gonkian linguistic division it is found that the traditions and prac- tices pertaining to the Midé’wiwin, Society of the Midé’ or Shamans, popularly designated as the ‘‘Grand Medicine Society,” prevailed generally, and the rites are still practiced at irregular intervals, though in slightly different forms in various localities. In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special men- tion is made of the Midé’, the Jes’sakkid’, or the Wabéno’, but the term sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that class of persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who prac- ticed incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Con- stant reference is made to the opposition of these personages to the introduction of Christianity. In the light of recent investigation the cause of this antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the tradi- tions of Indian genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the Society of the Midé’ constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful and impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized man. This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number of the Algonkian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of whom have been more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the Church. The purposes of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the traditions just men- tioned, and second, to give a certain class of ambitious men and women sufficient influence through their acknowledged power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various supernat- ural beings—manidos—and in order that certain desires may be re- alized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose of the pres- ent paper is to give an account of this society and of the ceremony of initiation as studied and observed at White EKarth, Minnesota, in 1889. Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of interest’ to consider a few statements made by early travelers respecting the “sorcerers or jugglers” and the methods of medication. In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the North- west, La Hontan’ says: When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat sparingly; and if they have the good luck to fall asleep, they think themselves cur’d: They have told me fre- quently, that sleeping aad sweating would cure the most stubborn Diseases in the World. When they are so weak that they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations come and dance and make merry before ’em, in order to divert ’°em. To con- clude, when they are ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks, (Jongleurs); of whom ’t will now be proper to subjoin two or three Words by the bye. A Jongleur is a sort of Physician, or rather a Quack, who being once cur’d of some dangerous Distemper, has the Presumption and Folly to fancy that he is immortal, and possessed of the Power of curing all Diseases, by speaking to the Good and Evil Spirits. Now though every Body rallies upon these Fellows when New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2, pp. 47, 48. 152 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. they are absent, and looks upon ‘em as Fools that have lost their Senses by some violent Distemper, yet they allow ‘em to visit the Sick; whether it be to divert ’°em with their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity of seeing them rave, skip about, cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry Faces, as if they were possess’d. When all the Bustle is over, they demand a Feast of a Stag and some large Trouts for the Company, who are thus regal’d at once with Diversion and Good Cheer. When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, heexamines him very carefully; Jf the Evil Spirit be here, says he, we shall quickly dislodge him. This said, he with- draws by himself to a little Tent made on purpose, where he dances, and sings houling like an Owl; (which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, That the Devil con- verses with ‘em.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes and rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little Bones out of his Mouth, acquaints the Patient, That these very Bones came out of his Body; that he ought to pluck wp a good heart, in regard that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in jine, that in order to accelerate the Cure,’t will be convenient to send his own and his Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all eat of that sort of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely depend. Commonly these Quacks bring ‘em some Juices of Plants,which are a sort of Purges, and are called Maskikik. Hennepin, in ‘‘A Continuation of the New Discovery,” etc. ,’ speaks of the religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and those living about the Great Lakes as follows: We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Salvages in general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; others will have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among ’em look upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an Otkon or Manitou, either Good or Evil. These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they make various applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which they carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell, or some such thing; There is no Nation among ‘em which has not a sort of Juglers or Conjuerers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion there is no Great reason to believe ’em such, or to think that their Practice favours any thing of a Commu- nication with the Devil. These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look’d upon to have an unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a Word tomake Hunters Fortunate or Unfortu- nate. They also pretend to Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part as have little Virtue at all in’em, especially to Cure that Dis- temper which they pretend to. It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are disposing themselves to Con- jure, or raise their Enchantments. Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo In- dians in 1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also the ceremony of the ‘‘ calumet dance,” as follows: They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they take, is proportional to the Presents they make unto those who have prescrib’d them. 1 London, 1689, p. 59, et. seq. HOFFMAN. ] SMOKE CEREMONIALS. 153 In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a cer- tain class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were compelled to wear women’s clothes, and who were debarred many privileges, but were permitted to ‘‘assist at all the Superstitions of their Juglers, and their solemn Dances in honor of the Calumet, in which they may sing, but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call’d to their Councils, and nothing is determin’d without their Advice; for, because of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look’d upon as Manitous, or at least for great and incomparable Genius’s.” That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same writer declares that it is ‘the most mysterious thing in the World. The Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Say- ages have such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it The God of Peace and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death. Their Calumet of Peace is different from the Calumet of War; They make use of the former to seal their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.” This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which it is used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a religious devoutness approaching that recently observed among various Algonkian tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the Midé’wiwin. When the calumet dance was held, the Illinois appear to have resorted to the houses in the winter and to the groves inthe summer. The above-named authority continues in this con- nection: They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the Company, who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call Manitoa. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Ser- pent, or anything else that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this Mani- toa will prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To the Right of their Manitoa they place the Calumet, their Great Deity, making round about it a Kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz. their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and Arrows. ~ * * Every Body sits down afterwards, round about, as they come, having first of all saluted the Manitoa, which they do in blowing the Smoak of their Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense. * * * This Preludium being over, he who is to begin the Dance appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the Calumet. presents it to the Sun, as if he wou’d invite him to smoke. Then he moves it into an infinite Number of Postures some- times laying it near the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as tf he wou'd make it fly, and then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous Ball. The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe appear as significant as the ‘‘smoke ceremonies” mentioned in con- nection with the preparatory instruction of the candidate previous to his initiation into the Midé’wiwin. 154 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of the sorcerers, Hennepin says: As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of a Name of a cer- tain Genius, whom they call Micaboche, who has cover’d the whole Earth with water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with the Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians, curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that these Savages are very Su- perstitious, and consult their Oracles with a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass for Sorcerers among them, one day caus’d a Hut to be erected with ten thick Stakes, which he fix’d very deep in the Ground, and then made a horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of Snow woud fall ere long, that they might have good game in the Hunting of Elks and Beavers: Afterward he bawl’d out aloud from the bottom of the Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet at a very great distance, but that they drew near within seven or eight Leagues of their Huts, which caus’d a great deal of joy among those poor deluded Wretches. That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the name of Micaboche, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit, who acted as an intercessor between Ki'tshi Man‘id6 (Great Spirit) and the Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Mi’nabd’zho; but to this full reference will be made further on in connection with the Myth of the origin of the Midé’wiwin. The tradition of Nokomis (the earth) and the birth of Manabush (the Mi’nabd’zho of the Meno- moni) and his brother, the Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation of the world, and fragments of other myths, are thrown together and in amangled form presented by Hennepin in the following words: Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St. Lawrence, do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion with the former [the Troquois], that a Woman came down from Heaven, and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground whereupon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compassion for her, immediately held a Consultation to delib- erate which of them should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little that vast Tract of Land, which we now call America. They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having: seiz’d upon her Spirits, she fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in that Condition approach’d and knew her unper- ceptibly. From which Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree to- gether. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they quarreled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one could not bear with the other, One especially being of a very wild Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution, who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, HOFWMAN. | THE MIDE’WIWIN CROSS. 155 he resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven, whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several times his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate Brother. Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated these numerous Peo- ple, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts of the Universe. It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the tradi- tions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of Nokomis (the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to one of the wind gods. Mi'nabd’zho became angered with the Ki'tshi Man ido, and the latter, to appease his discontent. gave to Mi‘nabd’zho the riteof the Midé'wiwin, The brother of Minabd’zho was destroyed by the malevolent underground spirits and now rules the abode of shadows,—the ‘‘ Land of the Midnight Sun.” Upon his arrival at the ‘‘ Bay of Puans” (Green Bay, Wisconsin), Marquette found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: ‘*‘ Miamis, Maskoutens, and Kikabeux.” He says: When I arriv’d there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in the middle of the Village, adorn’d with several White Skins, Red Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer’d to the Great Manitou, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous Hunting. Manitou, is the Name they give in general to all Spirits whom they think to be above the Nature of Man. Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross is the sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Midé’- wiwin, as will be fully explained in connection with that grade of the society. The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as an evidence of the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a com- pliment to the visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest, but this same symbol of the Midé’ Society had probably been erected and bedecked with barbaric emblems and weapons months before anything was known of him. The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted during the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accom- panying paper. The information was obtained from a number of the chief Midé’ priests living at Red Lake and White Earth reserva- tions, as well as from members of the society from other reserva- tions, who visited the last named locality during the three years. Special mention of the peculiarity of the music recorded will be made at the proper place; and it may here besaid that in no instance was the use of colors detected, in any birch-bark or other records or mnemonic songs, simply to heighten the artistic effect; though the reader would be led by an examination of the works of Schoolcraft to believe this to be a common practice. Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological Society of 156 THE MIDE WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding this subject: The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such as to as- sure modern critics of hisaccuracy, and the wonderful minuteness, as well as com- prehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa hieroglyphs has been generally re- garded of late with suspicion. It was considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain how much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that purpose its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J. Hoffman as assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern region of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be discovered. * * * The general results of the comparison of Schooleraft’s statements with what is now found shows that, in substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and coloring. The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because, in his copious illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa. SHAMANS. There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mys- tery men, termed respectively and in order of importance the Midé’, the Jés'sakkid’, and the WAbén6’, but before proceeding to elaborate in detail the Society of the Midé’, known as the Midé’wiwin, a brief description of the last two is necessary. The term Wabén0’ has been explained by various intelligent Indi- _ ans as signifying ‘‘ Men of the dawn,” “‘ Eastern men,” etc. Their profession is not thoroughly understood, and their number is so ex- tremely limited that but little information respecting them can be obtained. Schooleraft,'in referring to the several classes of Sha- mans, says ‘‘there is a third form or rather modification of the me- dawin, * * * the Wabéno’; aterm denoting a kind of midnight orgies, which is regarded as a corruption of the Meda.” This writer furthermore remarks’ that ‘‘it is stated by judicious persons among themselves to be of modern origin. They regard it as a degraded form of the mysteries of the Meda.” From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wabéno’ does not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a society, but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wabén6’ is primarily prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his youth, for which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite num- ber of days. Itis positively affirmed that evil man’idds favor his de- 1 Information respecting the history, condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia, 1851, vol. 1, p. 319. *Thid., p. 362. HOFFMAN. ] WABENO’ AND JES'SAKKID’. 157 sires, and apart from his general routine of furnishing ‘‘ hunting medicine,” ‘‘love powders,” etc., he pretends also to practice medical magic. When a hunter has been successful through the supposed assistance of the Wabéno’, he supplies the latter with part of the game, when, in giving a feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wabénd/ will invite a number of friends, but all who desire to come are wel- come. This feast is given at night ; singing and dancing are boister- ously indulged in, and the Wabén0’, to sustain his reputation, enter- tains his visitors with a further exhibition of his skill. By the use of plants he is alleged to be enabled to take up and handle with im- punity red-hot stones and burning brands, and without evincing the slightest discomfort it is said that he will bathe his hands in boiling water, or even boiling maple sirup. Onaccountof such performances the general impression prevails among the Indians that the Wabén6’ is a “dealer in fire,” or ‘‘fire-handler.” Such exhibitions always ter- minate at the approach of day. The number of these pretenders who are not members of the Midé'wiwin, is very limited ; for instance, there are at present but two or three at White Earth Reservation and none at Leech Lake. As a general rule, however, the Wabénd’ will seek entrance into the Midé’wiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the prac- tice of medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent man’‘idds, especially such as cause disease. The Jés’sakkid’ is a seer and prophet; though commonly desig- nated a ‘‘ juggler,” the Indians define him as a ‘‘ revealer of hidden truths.” There is no association whatever between the members of this profession, and each practices his art singly and alone when- ever a demand is made and the fee presented. As there is no asso- ciation, so there is no initiation by means of which one may become aJés'sakkid’. The gift is believed to be given by the thunder god, or Animiki’, and then only at long intervals and to a chosen few. The gift is received during youth, when the fast is undertaken and when visions appear to the individual. His renown depends upon his own audacity and the opinion of the tribe. He is said to possess the power to look into futurity; to become acquainted with the affairs and intentions of men; to prognosticate the success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well as other affairs of various individuals, and to call from any living human being the soul, or, more strictly speaking, the shadow, thus depriving the victim of reason, and even of life. His power consists in invoking and causing evil, while that of the Midé’ is to avert it; he attempts at times to injure the Midé’, but the latter, by the aid of his superior man'idés, becomes aware of, and averts such premeditated injury. It sometimes happens that the demon possessing a patient is discovered, but the Midé’ alone has the power to expel him. The exorcism of demons is one of the chiet pretensions of this personage, and evil spirits are sometimes removed . 158 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. by sucking them through tubes, and startling tales are told how the Jés'sakkid’ can, in the twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of the most complicated tying of cordsand ropes, etc. The lodge used by this class of men consists of four poles planted in the ground, forming a square of three or four feet and upward in diameter, around which are wrapped birch bark, robes, or canvas in such a way as to form an upright cylinder. Communion is held with the turtle, who is the most powerful man’id6 of the Jés’sakkid’, and through him, with numerous other malevolent man’idés, especially the Animiki’, or thunder-bird. When the prophet has seated himself within his lodge the structure begins to sway violently from side to side, loud thumping noises are heard within, denoting the arrival of man’‘idés, and numerous voices and laughter are distinctly audible to those without. Questions may then be put to the prophet and, if every- thing be favorable, the response is not long in coming. In his notice of the Jés’sakkid’, Schooleraft affirms’ that ‘‘ while he thus exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a member of the highest class of the fraternity of the Midawin—a society of men who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and incan- tations. The fact is that there is not the slightest connection be- tween the practice of the Jés’sakkid’ and that of the Midé’wiwin, andit is seldom, if at all, that a Midé’ becomes a Jés’sakkid’, although the latter sometimes gains admission into the Midé’wiwin, chiefly with the intention of strengthening his power with his tribe. The number of individuals of this class who are not members of the Midé’wiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wabén0’. An idea of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may be formed by taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this respect upon the same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers about fifteen hundred, the Midé’ Society consisting, in round num- bers, of one hundred members, and among the entire population there are but two Wabén0’ and five Jés’sakkid’. It is evident that neither the Wabén0’ nor the Jés’sakkid’ confine themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such bark records as have been observed or recorded, even after most careful research and examination extending over the field seasons of three years, prove to have been the property of Wabén0’ and Jés’- sakkid’, who were also Midé’. It is probable that those who prac- tice either of the first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else are familiar with and may employ for their own information certain mnemonic records; but they are limited to the characteristic form- ulze of exorcism, as their practice varies and is subject to changes according to circumstances and the requirements and wants of the applicant when words are chanted to accord therewith. 1Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423. ——e HOFFMAN. ] OJIBWA IHERBALIST. : 159 Some examples of songs used by Jés’sakkid’, after they have be- come Midé’, will be given in the description of the several degrees of the Midé’wiwin. There is still another class of persons termed Mashki’kiké’winini, or herbalists, who are generally denominated ‘‘ medicine men,” as the Ojibwa word implies. Their calling is a simple one, and con- sists in knowing the mysterious properties of a variety of plants, herbs, roots, and berries, which are revealed upon application and for a fee. When there is an administration of a remedy for a given complaint, based upon true scientific principles, it is only in conse- quence of such practice having been acquired from the whites, as it has usually been the custom of the Catholic Fathers to utilize all ordinary and available remedies for the treatment of the common Fic. 1.—Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient. disorders of life. Although these herbalists are aware that certain plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon the human sys- tem, they attribute the benefit to the fact that such remedies are dis- tasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in the system and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these herbalists are found among women, also; and these, too, are generally members of the Midé’wiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown an herbalist preparing a mix- ture. 160 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. The origin of the Midé’wiwin or Midé’ Society, commonly, though erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity. In the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made to sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influemce, and prac- tices are dependent upon the assistance of ‘‘ Manitous,” or mysteri- ous spirits; though, as there is no discrimination made between these different professors of magic, it is difficult positively to deter- mine which of the several classes were met with at that early day. It is probable that the Jés’sakkid’, or juggler, and the Midé’, or Sha- man, were referred to. The Midé’, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he has by various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest, seer, prophet, ete. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary; but among the Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some one is selected to fill the vacancy one year after the death of a Sha- man. Whether a similar practice prevailed among other tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock can be ascertained only by similar research among the tribes constituting that stock. Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to fill the place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree of the Midé’wiwin, or Society of the Midé’, but who is removed by death before the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs when a young man dies, in which case his father or mother may be accepted as a substitute. This will be explained in more detail un- der the caption of Dzhibai’ Midé’wigan or ‘‘ Ghost Lodge,” a collat- eral branch of -the Midé’wiwin. As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr. W. W. Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate. Mr. Warren was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a member of the legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled ‘‘ His- tory of the Ojibwa Nation,” was published in Vol. v of the Collec- tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited by Dr. KE. D. Neill. Mr. Warren’s work is the result of the labor of a lifetime among his own people, and, had he lived, he would undoubtedly have added much to the historical material of which the printed volume chiefly consists. His manuscript was completed about the year 1852, and he died the following year. In speaking of the Society of the Midé’,’ he says: The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to term it, ‘‘ Grand Medi- cine,” and the beliefs incorporated therein, are not yet fully understood by the whites. This important custom is still shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes, though I have taken much pains to inquire and made use of every advantage pos- sessed by speaking their language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their friendship and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly acknowledge that I stand as yet, as it were, on the‘threshold of the Me-da-we lodge. I believe, however, that [ have obtained full as much and more general and true information 1 Op. cit., pp. 65, 66. HOFFMAN.] THE MIDE’ WIWIN RITE. 161 on this matter than any other person who has written on the subject, not excepting a great and standard author, who, to the surprise of many who know the Ojib- ways well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he has been regularly ini- tiated into the mysteries of this rite, and isa member of the Me-da-we Society. This is certainly an assertion hard to believe in the Indian country ; and when the old initiators or Indian priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity that a white man should ever have been allowed in truth to become a member of their Me-da-we lodge. An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are being enacte 1, has sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this does not initiate a person into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it make him a member of the Society. These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of ‘‘a great and stand- ard authority” have reference to Mr. Schooleraft, who among nu- merous other assertions makes the following, in the first volume of his Information Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States, Philadelphia, 1851, p. 361, viz: Thad observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the exactness and studious ceremony with which its rites were performed in 1820 in the region of Lake Su- perior; and determined to avail myself of the advantages of my official position, in 1822, when I returned as a Government agent for the tribes, to make further inquiries into its principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had its ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors, with every means of both correct interpretation and of recording the result. Prior to this transaction I had observed in the hands of an Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of those symbolic tablets of pictorial notation which have been sometimes called “ music boards,” from the fact of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the Meda Society. This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in accord- ance with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society and three other initiates, was thus ceremoniously made. This statement is followed by another,’ in which Mr. Schooleraft, in a foot-note, affirms: Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda by the Chippewas, and taken the initiatory step of a SaGma and JESUKAID in each of the other fra- ternities, and studied their pictographic system with great care and good helps, I may speak with the more decision on the subject. Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the cere- monies were conducted with more completeness and elaborate drama- tization nearly three-quarters of a century ago than at the present day, I shall not burden this paper with useless repetition, but pre- sent the subject as conducted within the last three years. Mr. Warren truly says: In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst them—songs and traditions that have descended not orally, but in hieroglyphs, for at least a long time of generations. In this rite is also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language, which differs somewhat from that of the common every- day use. 1Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71, ? ETH—-11 162 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. As the ritual of the Midé’wiwin is based to a considerable extent upon traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the thoughtful consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is looked upon by them as ‘‘ their religion,” as they themselves desig- nate it. In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the Western tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of abo- riginal ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks‘ in reference to the Ojibwa: Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused by a close contact with the white race, that ten years hence it will be too late to save the traditions of their forefathers from total oblivion. And even now it is with great difficulty that genuine information can be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling into their graves, and they carry with them the records of the past history of their peo- ple; they are the initiators of the grand rite of religious belief which they believe the Great Spirit has granted to his red children to secure them long life on earth and life hereafter; and in the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original secrets of this their most ancient belief. * * * They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion, that the world has once been covered by a deluge, and that we are now living on what they term the ‘* new earth.” This idea is fully accounted for by their vague traditions; and in their Me-da-we-win or religion, hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth. Furthermore, They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the Great Spirit which caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new earth it was only through the medium and intercession of a powerful being, whom they denominate Man- ab-o-sho, that they were allowed to exist, and means were given them whereby to subsist and support life; and a code of religion was more lately bestowed on them, whereby they could commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the ap- proach and ravages of death. It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description given by Rey. Peter Jones of the Midé’ priests and priestesses. Mr. Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member of the Missasauga—i. e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of Indians living in Canada. In his work’ he states : Each tribe has its medicine men and women—an order of priesthood consulted and employed in all times of sickness, These powwows are persons who are be- lieved to have performed extraordinary cures, either. by the application of roots and herbs or by incantations. When an Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of a powwow, in the first place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken into the woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various useful plants; next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and how to pray, which prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master of Life, or to some munedoo whom the afflicted imagine they have offended. The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded brethren; not so much for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical power which they are supposed to possess. It is for their interest to lead these credulous people to believe that they can at pleasure hold intercourse with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them whatever information they require. 'Op.cit.,p.25. ° History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1848(?)], pp. 148, 144, U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. HOFFMAN. ] FASTING AND DREAMS. 163 The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or man’idés, which inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These man/‘idés, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a chari- table and benevolent character or those which are malignant and aggressive. The chief or superior man 'id6 is termed Ki'tshi Man’id6 —Great Spirit—approaching to a great extent the idea of the God of the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is Dzhe Man’- id6, a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit of the Midé’wiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred rites of the Midé’wiwin were granted to man. The Ani’miki or Thunder God is, if not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of the malignant man’idés, and it is from him that the Jés’sakkid’ are believed to obtain their powers of evil doing. There is »ne other, to whom special reference will be made, who abides in and rules the ‘place of shadows,” the hereafter; he is known as Dzhibai’ Man'id6— Shadow Spirit, or more commonly Ghost Spirit. The name of Ki't- shi Man’id6 is never mentioned but with reverence, and thus only in connection with the rite of Midé’wiwin, or a sacred feast, and always after making an offering of tobacco. The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallu- cinations. The spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these dreams are those of mammals and birds, though any object, whether animate or inanimate, is considered a good omen. The object which first appears is adopted as the personal mystery, guardian spirit, or tutelary daimon of the entranced, and is never mentioned by him without first making a sacrifice. A small effigy of this man‘ido is. made, or its outline drawn upon a small piece of birch bark, which is carried suspended by a string around the neck, or if the wearer be a Midé@’ he carries it in his ‘“‘medicine bag” or pinji’gosan. The future course of life of the faster is governed by his dream; and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary impor- tance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some powerful man’id6 or other object held in great reverence by the members of the Midé’ Society, the faster first becomes impressed with the idea of becoming a Midé’. Thereupon he makes applica- tion to a prominent Midé’ priest, and seeks his advice as to the nec- essary course to be pursued to attain his desire. If the Midé’ priest considers with favor the application, he consults with his confréres and action is taken, and the questions of the requisite preliminary instructions, fees, and presents, etc., are formally discussed. If the Midé’ priests are in accord with the desires of the applicant an in- structor or preceptor is designated, to whom he must present him- 164 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. self and make an agreement as to the amount of preparatory infor- mation to be acquired and the fees and other presents to be given in return. These fees have nothing whatever to do with the presents which must be presented to the Midé’ priests previous to his initia- tion as a member of the society, the latter being collected during the time that is devoted to preliminary instruction, which period usually extends over several years. Thus ample time is found for hunting, as skins and peltries, of which those not required as pres- ents may be exchanged for blankets, tobacco, kettles, guns, etc., obtainable from the trader. Sometimes a number of years are spent in preparation for the first degree of the Midé’wiwin, and there are many who have impoverished themselves in the payment of fees and the preparation for the feast to which afl visiting priests are also invited. Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the society he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to purchase a mi’gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and consists of a small white shell, to which reference will be made further on. His application follows the same course as in the pre- ceding instance, and the same course is pursued also when a Jés'sak- kid’ or a Wabénd’ wishes to become a Midé’. MIDE/WIWIN. The Midé’ wiwin—Society of the Midé’ or Shamans—consists of an indefinite number of Midé’ of both sexes. The society is graded into four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having submitted to ‘‘ being shot at with the medicine sacks” in the hands of the officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the Midé’ the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power of the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which reiteration and prolongation in time of de- livery aids very much in forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the importance and sacredness of the ceremony. It has always been customary for the Midé’ priests to preserve birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent pictori- ally the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ RECORDS. 165 an accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco. During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which, according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midé’ priests, had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 14 inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of birch bark neatly and securely stitched to- gether by means of thin, flat strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. 1m A, is a reproduction of the design referred to. It had been in the keeping of Skwék6’mik, to whom it was in- trusted at the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it in 1825 from Bada’san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibé’goshish Ojibwa. It is affirmed that Bada’san had received the original from the Grand Midé@’ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Midé’wiwin was at that time held annually and the ceremonies con- ducted in strict accordance with ancient and traditional usage. The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value inthis respect is very great, as it presents tothe Indiana pictorial résumé of the traditional history of the origin of the Midé’wiwin, the positions occupied by the various guardian man‘idos in the several degrees, and the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually oc- curred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has already been given. A detailed description of the above mentioned record will be pre- sented further on in connection with two interesting variants which were subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. Onaccount of the widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa, and the establishment of independent Midé’ societies, portions of the ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the origin of the Indians has been ob- tained, but such information as it was possible to procure will be submitted. 166 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe these people are termed A-nish’-in-a’-bég—original people—a term surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni, indicating that the tradition of their westward migration was extant prior to the final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have occurred at Sault Ste. Marie. Minabdo’zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most of the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man’id6, the Good Spirit, and acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and the good things necessary to his health and subsistence. The tradition of Minabo’zho and the origin of the Midé’wiwin, as given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake (Pl. 1m A), is as follows: When Minabo'zho, the servant of Dzhe Man’id6, looked down upon the earth he beheld human beings, the Ani'shina’bég, the ancestors of the Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth—the north- east, the southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless they were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the diseases with which they were constantly afflicted, and to pro- vide them with animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts, Mi’nabd’zho remained thoughtfully hovering over the cen- ter of the earth, endeavoring to devise some means of communicat- ing with them, when he heard something laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the surface of the water to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize its form, and while watching it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared. Mi'nabo'zho hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the water, which it did in the east (No. 4). Then Mi’nabd’'zho wished that it might ap- proach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the south (No. 1), Minabd'zho asked it to come to the center of the earth that he might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after reappearing in the west Mi’nabo’zho observed it slowly approaching the center of the earth (i. e., the centre of the circle), when he de- scended and saw it was the Otter, now one of the sacred man’id6s of the Midé’wiwin. Then Mi’nabd’zho instructed the Otter in the mysteries of the Midé’wiwin, and gave him at the same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of the sick; the sacred Midé’ drum to be used during the ceremonial of initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in invocations and in making peace. The place where Mi’nabd'zho descended was an island in the mid- dle of a large body of water, and the Midé’ who is feared by all the others is called Mini'sino'shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then ne 2 mT c = o> 74 3a Bap oe ror vy _ 7 7 7 , 7 ’ ae a 7 - ‘i - a . , iu fy at “ za 7 wT > 7 7» 7 ~ , ¢, + - a | im i i 4 oe _ a om: ve I : ‘ EE a = a 7 a - Pyi : v a eS. J , : i n 7 oa) a , Ln 0% 2 — ive : i. > 2 n, ‘ie ‘a 7 : 7 7 ; - - , ‘ : aa 1 i. + , i) : cr isn - , a 7 - f 7 - 7 tac ’ 7 i 1 a Ce > i] . — 7 ay in) u i 4 rn 7 > oo ry : i] 7 e : i. ia, a, 7 : : : é : - - 7 : , 7 a : oe) ’ j , ae Ga ne Y As «ye > 7 5 ty [ : 7 i - . cm | va 7 A - - a. 7 si) 7 i 1 | ' >’ ; _ 7 _ oo : rT ows 2 _ + at t = Yr J o a i “> a . Ae BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY oe a tga ee ESSN STIS J FA_WESSSS irra pete OW 76,7574 aoe RED LA SLANE AAS EA CERAAATERA REET RE URE RRRARERNRReR ® @ @ ® Key TOA Jet 5 3.72.71. 7069. “55 KE AND LEECH LAKE RECORDS, Se 8® 8 @®6 ®@ NAR ASL SREB UAE CSE CEC TECLY BEELER SEER SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Iii | a a ae PLL LDIF PPLE Oe _— Hf i i Y 4 4 4 H \ | fe Frm po yay ya ro i } LH BM BH TH I aa 4 (fh 4 i & Serpe al af —_ ieee Pe ___ ed Www So 22 2s 24 ot. 2p: 27 - 2 Key to C 16 15 14 3 1716. 15 14. 19.1210 HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF THE RED LAKE CHART. 167 Mi'nabo’zho built a Midé’wigan (sacred Midé’ lodge), and taking his drum he beat upon it and sang a Midé’ song, telling the Otter that Dzhe Man’ido had decided to help the Anishina’bég, that they might always have life and an abundance of food and other things neces- sary for their comfort. Minabd'zho then took the Otter into the Midé’wigan and conferred upon him the secrets of the Midé’wiwin, and with his Midé’ bag shot the sacred mi’gis into his body that he might have immortality and be able to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the Anishina’bég. The mi’gis is considered the sacred symboi of the Midé’ wigan, and may consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midé’- wiwin at this day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi’nabo’zho and the Otter. It is admitted by all the Midé’ priests whom I have consulted that much of the information has been lost through the death of their aged predecessors, and they feel con- vinced that ultimately all of the sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Midé’ priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are in consequence termed ““nagans.” My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other information in explanation of the various characters represented thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi’nabd’zho, while the Otter appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the earth, which are inhabited by the Ani’shina’bég, Nos. 5, 6,7, and 8. Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man’idés, who endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of the Midé’wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13, 14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midé’ priests whose services are always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of this species being planted near the outer angles of a Midé’ lodge. No. 20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents the Makwa’ Man ‘ido, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Midé’ man’idés, to which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the Midé’wigan, which is shown in No, 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred drum which 168 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two offerings must be made, as indicated by the number two. After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is pre- pared to advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers to the Makwa’ Man’ido, ors Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the entrance (No. 29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chantsare indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and 27. Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man’idés who oppose a Midé’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers directed to the Makwa’ Man’idd have by him been deemed suffi- cient the four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in the middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his way to the second degree. Nos. 35, 36,46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos. 37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preced- ing; but while the seven Midé’ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45 simply indicate that the number of Midé’ assisting at this second initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure. When the Midé’ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man/id6 supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extend- ing upward from the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he can hear what is transpiring at a great dis- tance; from the hands, that he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance, however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his ability to traverse all space in the accom- plishment of his desires or duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a Midé’ of this degree has several times had the mi’gis—life—‘‘ shot into his body,” the increased size of the spot signifying amount or quantity of influence obtained thereby. No. 50 represents a Mi'tsha Midé’ or Bad Midé’, one who employs his powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim, immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass the destruction of enemies or rivals, at how- ever remote a locality the intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig. 24, page 238. Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No. — HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF RED LAKE CHART. 169 50, represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the char- acters at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him, impressions of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges occupied by his intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of No. 50 signify a forest, the location usually sought by bad Midé’ and witches. If a second degree Midé’ succeeds in his desire to become a member of the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating Midé’, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man’id6 for favor and success. No. 53 denotes that the candidate now personates the bear—not one of the malignant man‘idés, but one of the sacred man’idés who are believed to be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the Serpent Man’id6 (No. 54)—who has until this opposed his advancement—now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and advances toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56) of the Midé’wiwin, where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the four Panther Spirits, the guardians of this degree. Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midé’ spirits who inhabit the structure of this degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this initiation he becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midé’. The powers which he possessed in the second degree may become aug- mented. He is represented in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and assistance from the sacred man‘id6ds and his knowledge of them becomes more widely extended. Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special guardians of the third degree lodge. To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who con- tinues to personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more -prayers to Dzhe Man ‘idé for his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree structure (No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of Dzhe Man‘id6, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit. Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance to the candidate’s entrance, 170 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. The chiefs of this group of malevolent beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and 96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No. 97), and many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions being indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but the last resembling char- acters ordinarily employed to designate serpents. The power with which it is possible to become endowed after pass- ing through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure (No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is covered with the mi’gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the Midé’wiwin. These spots designate the places where the Midé’ priests, during the initiation, shot into his body the mi’gis and the lines connecting them in order that all the functions of the several corresponding parts or organs of the body may be exercised. The ideal fourth degree Midé’ is presumed to be in a position to accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others, as is pictorially indicated by the mi’gis spot upon the top of the head, but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroach- ing upon the prerogatives of the Jés'sakkid’, and is then recognized as one, as he usually performs within the Jés’sakkaén or Jés'sakkid’ lodge, commonly designated ‘‘the Jugglery.” The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may have been some personal marks of the original owner; their im- port was not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the history or ceremonies or the Midé’wiwin. Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree in- closure is an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be followed by the Midé’ after he has attained this high distinc- tion. On account of his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by the right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points at which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is termed Wai-ék’-ma-yok’—End of the road—and is alluded to in the ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i. e., the end of the individual’s existence. The number of vertical strokes (No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have been a fourth degree Midé’ for a period of 14 years. The outline of the Midé’wigan (No. 103) not only denotes that the same individual was a member of the Midé’wiwin, but the thirteen vertical strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief Midé’ priest of the society for that number of years. The outline of a Midé'wigan as shown at No. 106, with the place upon the interior designating the location of the sacred post (No. ede A BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. iv 22 2i 20 2 g re) G © We s 4 34 35 } of 74 36 & "" 3 22 24 25 26 : 930 32 27 \ 109 s|/ as ae in 60 79 aise ty ") e G 6 7 . 143 @ M2, /4t-— 40 “139 7) ~ 150 49 14847 M6 Se ee 8 5 © @ oO \ ) ok SS i Gath 6 ae 1a | 3} 6 +e 22 ’ ° A 172 Wes BD 139 120 a” 186 + f a S - ae eo Tea ttitet iS ° = a 4 (8) 125 1 | 7 "7 ° 124 Ze af aS | ae, tl Moga g ledllena & "723 Tea j | wen © 74 ee - O—-h—e of cA vor 170 169 /68 167 a 2 g * 76 D 188 9 Re f2/ ay 487 173 2 482 oe ae i) Z e e 2 e 15 ise 0 (159s I55 136157 158 oo! ae Lage c 99 iC 183 SIKAS’SIGE’S RECORD, 14 HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF LEECH LAKE RECORD. legal 107) and the stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed dur- ing the time of treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling of the exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he re- sided, is indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure. Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth de- gree lodge is shown the outline of a Midé’wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No. 114), leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is another similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right angles to the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is at the north. This is the Dzhibai’ Midé’wigan or Ghost Lodge. Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided over by the Dzhibai’ Midé’, literally Shadow Midé’. No. 113 represents the K6-k6-k6-6' (Owl) passing from the Midé/- wigan to the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man'id6 is personated by a candidate for the first degree of the Midé’wiwin when giving a feast to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been dedicated to the Midé/wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the giver of the feast. Upon the back of the Midé’ record, above described, is the per- sonal record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. m1 B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, ‘“ through which he has gone.” This ‘‘ passing through” is further illustrated by the bear tracks, he having personated the Makwa’ Man‘ido or Bear Spirit, considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits of the fourth degree wigwam. The illustration presented in Pl. 11 C represents the outlines of a birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a lately deceased Midé’ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the Midé’, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech Lake Society, through whom I have ob- tained some interesting data concerning them. The chart represents the owner to have been a Midé! of the second degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and 4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midé’ priests holding their Midé’ bags as in the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. 172 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him during his initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was one of the four officiating priests of the Midé’wigan at his place of residence. Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred bags as during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been pursuing since he became a Midé’, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging lines signify that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as referred to in the description of the Red Lake chart, Vell; Tit Ja\e F The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midé’ re- ferred to will be described and figured hereafter. The diagram represented on Pl. tv is a reduced copy of a record made by Sikas'sigé, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midé’ of the second degree, now resident at White Harth. The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midé’ at Mille Laes in 1830, at which time Sikas’sigé, at the age of 10 years, received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas’- sigé received continued instruction from his father Baié'dzhék, and although he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation he was permitted to be present. Since his residence at White Earth Sikas’sigé has become one of the officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following tra- dition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which Pl. v isa reduced copy: In the beginning, Dzhe Man'id6 (No. 1), made the Midé’ Man’idos. He first created two men (Nos.2 and 3), and two women (Nos. 4 and 5); but they had no power of thought orreason. Then Dzhe Man‘ido (No. 1) made them rational beings. He took them in his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians. Whenthere were people he placed them upon the earth, but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon become extinct. Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man‘id6 and the earth were four lesser spirits (Nos. 6,7,8,and 9) with whom Dzhe Man‘ido decided to commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6,.and told him all he had to say, who in turn communi- cated the same information to No. 7, and he in turn to No, 8, who also communed with No. 9. They all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods at Nos. 10,11,12,and 18. After consulting as to what would be best for the com- fort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask Dzhe Man‘ido to com- municate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the people. Dzhe Man‘id6 then went tothe Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived witha woman (No. 15) who had a little boy of her own. This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this woman’s BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. él 20) 12 ORIGIN OF ANI’SHINA’BEG. ~~ i HOFFMAN. OJIBWA GENESIS. 173 son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to return to the village and bury the body there: so they made preparations to return, and as they traveled along, they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging upon the poles, the adopted child—who was the Sun Spirit—would play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be accomplished. The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, ‘‘ Get the women to make a wig'iwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig'iwam. On the next morning after this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated themselves around the corpse. When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came towards the wig’ i- wam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead body and said hu, hu, hu, hu, when he passed around it towards the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear contin- ued until he had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the distant right-hand corner of the wig'iwam, and addressed to him the following words: Nos ka-wi’-na ni-shi-na’-bi wis-si’ a’-ya-wi-an man/-i-d6 nin-gi’-sis. Be-mai’-a- My father is not an Indian not you are a spirit son. Inso- mi -nik ni’-dzhi man’-i-d6 mi -a-zhi’-gwa tshi-gi-a’-we-dn’. Nos a-zhi'-gwa a-sé’-ma much my fellow — spirit now as you are. My father now tobacco tshi’-a-t6'-yék. A'-mi-ktin'-dem mi-é’-ta 4’-wi-dink’ dzhi-gésh'-kwi-tot’ wen/-dzhi- you shall put. He speaks of only once to be able to do it why he bi-ma’-di-zid’-o-ma’ a-ga’-wa bi-ma-di-zid’/-mi-o-ma’; ni-dzhi man/-i-d6 mi-a-zhi’-gwa shall live here now that he scarcely lives; my fellow spirit now I shall go tshi-gi-wé’-An. home. The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had finished, he told his adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would feel his influence. This is called Kwi-wi-séns’ wé-di'-shi-tshi gé-wi-nip—‘ Little- boy-his-work.” ne From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of initiation into the Midé’wiwin, three others must be taken before a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts of goods, which must be remitted to the Midé’ priests before the ceremony can take place. Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the tra- dition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate the Makwa’ Man'id6—Bear Spirit—when entering the Midé’wiwin (No. 19). No. 20 is the Midé’ Man'id6 as Ki'tshi Man‘ido is termed 174 THE MIDE'WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. by the Midé’ priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a common symbol of superior power found in connection with the figures of human and divine forms in many Midé’ songs and other mnemonic records. No. 21 represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated at No. 22. Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of Mi/nabd'zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be explained by Sikas’sigé, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of events; but from information derived from other Midé’ it is evident that there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative relating to the chart on Pl. m1 A. This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baié’- dzhék, was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La Pointe about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by Sikas’sigé is similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is an interesting variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of detail in the delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition. By referring to Pl. tv it will be noted that the circle, No. 1, resem- bles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on PI. ut, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe in- habited by the Ani shina’bég are not desig- nated between the cardinal points at which ff SP the Otter appeared, and also that the cen- tral island, only alluded to there (Pl. m1 A)? is here inserted. The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. m1 A and Iv, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface (Pl. v, No. 21) upon the island indicated in Pl. 1v, No. 6, so that the former stands ver- tically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between Fic. 2.—Sikas'sigé’s combined charts, showing descent of Min’abd/zho. Ki'tshi Man‘id6 and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas’sigé the two charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illus- tration, Fig. 2. —- an HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF MILLE LACS CHART. (8) Sikas'sigé’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. Iv) is sub- stantially as follows : When Minabdo'zho descended to the earth to give to the Ani'shind’bég the Midé’wiwin, he left with them this chart, Midé’'wigwas’. Ki'tshi Man'idd saw that his people on earth were without the means of protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent Mi’nabo'zho to give to them the sacred gift. Minabo'zho appeared over the waters and while re- flecting in what manner he should be able to com- municate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an otter sometimes cries out. He saw some- thing black appear upon the waters in the west (No. 2) which immediately disappeared beneath the surface again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No, 3), which pleased Minabo’zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki'tshi Man'id6. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the north to reappear in the east (No. 4), Mi’nabd’zho desired it would come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make its reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of sight to reappear in the west (No. 2), when Mi/nabo’zho asked it to approach the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it did. This did Ni'gik, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of the first degree of the Midé wiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit always abides during initiation and when healing the sick. Then Ni gik asked Mi‘nabd'zho, ‘‘ Why do youcome to this place?” When the latter said, ‘‘I have pity on the Ani’shina’bég and wish to give them life; Ki'tshi Man'id6 gave me the power to confer upon them the means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and through you I will give them the Midé’wiwin, and teach them the sacred rites.” Then Minabozho built a Midé wigén in which he instructed the Otter in all the mysteries of the Midé'wiwin. The Otter sat before the door of the Midé'wigan four days (Nos. 7, 8. 9, and 10), sunning himself, after which time he approached the en- trance (No. 14), where his progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and 13) guard- ing it. Through the powers possessed by Mi’nabd’zho he was enabled to pass these; when he entered the sacred lodge (No. 15), the first object he beheld being the sacred stone (No. 16) against which those who were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing the ceremonial of restoring them to health. He next saw a post (No. 17) painted red with a green band around thetop. A sick man would also have to pray Fic. 3.—Origin of Ginseng. 176 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. to the stone and to the post, when he is within the Midé’wigan, because within them would be the Midé’ spirits whose help he invoked. The Otter was then taken to the middle of the Midé wigAn where he picked upthe mi'gis (No. 18) from among a heap of sacred objects which form part of the gifts given by Ki'tshi Man id6. The eight man‘idds around the midé wigan (Nose 19, 20, 21, 22,23, 24, 25, and 26) were also sent by Kitshi Man'ido to guard the lodge against the entrance of bad spirits. A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the beliefs taught by the Midé’. When one arrives at middle age (No. 32) his course for the remaining period of life is usually with- out any special events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extend- ing from middle age (No. 32) to the end of one’s existence (No. 33). The short lines at Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of propriety, terminate in rounded spots and signify, liter- ally, “lecture places,” because when a Midé’ feels himself failing in duty or vacillating in faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and lecturing to his confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil doing—such as making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was not given him by Ki'tshi Man‘id6 through Mi‘nabo/zho, ete. His heart must be cleansed and his tongue guarded. To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Si- kas’sigé said: The Otter then went round the interior of the Midé' wigan (No. 34), and finally seated himself in the west, where Mi’nabo'zho shot into his body the sacred mi'gis, which was in his Midé’ bag. Then Mi’nabo'zho said, ‘‘ This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos. 35 and 36), and eight Midé’ Man'idos (Nos. 19-26) shal guard it during the night.” The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man idds (Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away by Minabo’zho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one nearest to him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top, similar to the first degree post. Nos.44 and 45 are the places where sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Midé’wiwin is guarded at night by twelve Midé’ Man ids (Nos. 46 to 57) placed there by Ki tshi Man'id6, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird as shown in Nos. 58, 59. The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line (No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midé’. The points (Nos. 64, 65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to the feasts and lectures to be given in case of need. HOFFMAN. } EXPLANATION OF MILLE LACS CHART. 177 To continue the informant’s tradition: When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Midé’ wigan four times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when Minabd zho again shot into his body the migis, which gave him renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a ‘‘ sweat bath” once each day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next degree. (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69,70, and 71.) The third degree of the Midé wiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the day by two Midé’ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance, and by the Makwa’ Man id6 within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76), and at night by eighteen Midé’ Man’‘idds (Nos. 77 to 94), placed there by Ki'tshi Man'idd. When the Otter approached the entrance (No. 95) he was again arrested in his progress by two evil man ‘idds (Nos. 96 and 97), who opposed his admission, but Mi nibd'zho overcame them and the Otter entered. Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter sav a post (Nos. 98 and 99), and at the western door or exit two corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101), These sym- bolized the four legs of the Makwa’ Man’‘ido, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by day and the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104) which Mi’nabd’zho had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105, 106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was a plain cedar post with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the second (No. 106), a red post with a green band round the top and one about the middle, as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red, each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to have no relation to anything connected with the tradition.] After the Otter had observed the interior of the Midé’wigan he again made four circuits, after which he took his station in the west, where he seated himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi’nabd’- zho, for the third time, shot into his body the mi gis, thus adding to the powers which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the fourth degree of the Midé wiwin. Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently ex- plained as follows: The four trees (Nos, 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted at each of the four corners of the Midé’wigan, are usually cedar, though pine may be taken asa substitute when the former can not be had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119. and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees. After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four successive days (Nos. 121, 122,123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded toward the Midé'wigan he came to a wig iwam made of brush (No. 179), which was the nest of Makwa’ Man‘ido, the Bear Spirit, who guarded the four doors of the sacred structure. The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the Midé'wigan of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the larger circle, just beneath the ‘‘ Bear’s nest” could not be explained by Sikas'sig®, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denom- inated steps, or stages of progress, equal to as many days—one spot denoting one day—which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the entrance. When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a short post 7 ETH 12 P 178 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. (No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was painted green on the side from which he approached and red upon the side toward the Midé wigan {see Fig. 4.] But before he was permitted to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki'tshi Man ido, that the evil man'id6s might be expelled from his path. Then. when the Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior of the inclosure was filled with Midé’ Man‘idos, ready to receive him and to attend during his initiation. The two Midé’ Man‘idos at the outside of the eastern en- trance (Nos, 120 and 121) compelled the evil man’‘idds (Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at the door (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and the five heaps of sacred objects which Mina- bo'zho had deposited (Nos. 126, 127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree posts (Nos, 131, 132,188, and 134). Accord- ing to their importance. the first was painted red, with a green band about the top; the second was painted red. with two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle; the third consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the arms and the top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a square post, the side toward the east being painted white, that toward the south green, that toward the west red. and that toward the north black. The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 1386) near the eastern and western doors rep- resent the legs of Makwa’ Man‘id6, the Bear Spirit. When the Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of the Midé'wigan four times, after which he seated himself in the west, facing the degree posts, when Mi'nab0d' zho approached him and for the fourth time shot into his body the sacred mi'gis, which gave him life that will endure always. Then Mi’nabo’zho said to the Otter, ‘‘ This degree belongs to Kitshi Man‘ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 187 and 188), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any of your people.” At night the Midé’ Man‘idds (Nos. 139 to 162) will guard the Midé’ wigan, as they are sent by Ki'tshi Man'ido to doso. The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the north- ern and southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midé’wigan are the places where Makwa’ Man’‘id6 takes his station when guarding the doors. Then the Otter made a wig'iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167, 168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midé’wiwin, which Ki'tshi Man‘id6 had given him. Fie. 4.—Peep-hole post. The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas’- sigt, viz: The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos. 171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners (Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there by the Midé’ at the time of preparing the Midé'wigan for the reception of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting line, are a reproduction of simi- lar ones shown in the three preceding degrees, and signify the course of a Midé’s life—that it should be without fault and in strict accord- ance with the teachings of the Midé’wiwin. The short lines, termi- nating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184, and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midé's path, and he shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or, in other words, ‘‘ professions of faith.” The three lines Nos, 186, 187, and 188, consisting of four WaSNid WNOLLWN “s fl JJIBWA FACIAL DECORATION HOFEMAN.] MIGRATION OF ANISHINA'BEG. 179 spots each, which radiate from the larger circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at No. 116, symbo- lize the four bear nests and their re- spective approaches, which are sup- posed to be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth degree; and it is obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these four doors on hands and knees when appearing for his initia- tion and before he finally waits to re- ceive the concluding portion of the ceremony. The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made by Sikas’sigé to represent the migra- tion of the Otter toward the west after he had received the rite of the Midé’- wiwin. No.1 refers to the circle upon the large chart on Pl. 111 A, No. 1, and signifies the earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line separating the history of the Midé’ wiwin from that of the migration as follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned, which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani’shina'bég followed him,and located at Ottawa Island (No.4). Here they erected the Midé'wigan and lived for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at A’wiat’ang (No. 5), when the Midé’wigén was again erected and the sacred rites con- ducted in accordance with the teach- ings of Minabd’zho. Thus was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the Midé’wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locateat was Mi'shenama kinagung — Mackinaw Fig. 5.—Migration of Anishina’beg. 180 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. (No. 6); then Ne’mikung (No. 7); Kiwe'winang’ (No. 8); Bawating— Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi'towi’ (No. 10); Nega’wadzhé'i— Sand Mountain (No. 11).northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi’- nisa’wik [ Mi/nisa’bikking|]—Island of rocks (No. 12); Kawa’sitshi- twongk—Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mush’kisi’wi [Mash’kisi’bi]— Bad River (No. 14); Shagawamikongk—Long-sand-bar-beneath the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe'da"wongga"—Sandy Bay (No. 16); Nea’shiwikongk—Cliff Point (No. 17); Neta*’waya”’sink—Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); A™nibi"s—Little elm tree (No. 19); Wi- kup'bi'mi"sh—literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20); Makubi"’- mi'sh—Bear Island (No. 21); Sha’geski’ke’dawan’ga (No. 22); Ni’wig- was'sikongk—The place where bark is peeled (No. 23); Ta’pakwe ikak [Sa’apakwe'shkwaokongk |—The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Ne’uwesak’kudeze'bi [Ne’wisaku’desi’bi" |—Point-dead- wood-timber river (No. 25); A™nibikanzi'’bi [modern name, Ash’- kiba’gisi’bi], given respectively as Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26). This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midé’wi- gan was finally located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to have dispersed in bands over various por- tions of the territory, as well as into Wisconsin, which final separa- tion into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midé’wiwin. According to Sikas'sigS, the above account of the initiation of the Otter, by Mi/nabo‘zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the Midé’ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial dec- oration was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (PI. v1), each adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled, viz: : First degree.—A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes. Second degree.—A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again one of green. Third degree.—Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in apply- ing the colors. Fourth degree.—Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green ex- tending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left tem- poral region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of le il i el en ll il i a Jt HOFFMAN. ] EXPLANATION OF SANDY LAKE CHART. 181 green across the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by one whose son has been intended for the priest- hood of the Midé’wiwin, but special reference to this will be given in connection with the ceremony of the Dzhibai’ Midé’ wigan, or Ghost Society. On Pl. vit is presented a reduced copy of the Midé’ chart made by Ojibwa, a Midé’ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in imitation of that owned by his father, Me’toshi- ko"sh; and this last had been received from Lake Superior, presum- ably La Pointe, many years before. The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile, and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake; and Mille Lacs. The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows: When Ki'tshi Man'id6 had decided to give to the Ani’shina’bég the rites of the Midé'wiwin, he took his Midé’ drum and sang, calling upon the other Man‘idds to to join him and to hear what he was going to do. No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki'tshi Man‘ido, No. 2, indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots surrounding the drum denoting the mi’gis with which everything about him is covered. The Midé’ Man‘id6s came to him in his Midé wigén (No. 4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while the ten—all but himself— upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of conferring upon the Ani’shinabé’g the sacred rite. In the Midé'- wigan (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched K6-ko’- k6-0'—the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred stone—this according to modern practices. When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he prepares a wig''i- wam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge, representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the ofticiat- ing priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20) may be observed upon the left of the wig'iwam in the act of making an offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of the candidate within the structure. The wig'iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24, and 25) designate the village habitations. In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No. 26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents,some of which are sus- pended from the branches of the Midé’ tree (No. 28) near the entrance of the first degree structure. Theinstructor’s wig'iwam is shown at No. 29, the two dark cir- cular spots upon the floor showing two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27 has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to Kitshi Man‘ido, while in his right hand he holds his Midé’ drum. Upon the fol- 182 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA, lowing morning the Midé’ priests, with the candidate in advance (No. 30), approach and enter the Midé' wigan and the initiation begins. No.31is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indi- cates the officiating priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by K6-ko'-k6-0', the Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mi’gis shell. The line (No. 35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc., which constitute the fee paid to the society for ad- mission. This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man ‘ido. When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants (No. 35) to Ki'tshi Man‘id6 for success. Ki'tshi Man‘id6 himself is the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No, 36, No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two sacred posts (Nos. 88 and 39), the first of which is the same as that of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang the tobacco pouch on, No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants ; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees ; while Nos. 42, 43. 44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from it. When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47) he person- ates Makwa’ Man ‘ido, who is the guardian of this degree, and whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed K6- ko'-k6-6'—the Owl: the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midé’ in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacred- ness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts. The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka’no—the Turtle—as he appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No, 54). Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No. 55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower; thesecond (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which is placed K6-ko'-k6-6'—the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots—tc designate the sacred mi gis—the lower half of the trunk cut square, the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white, and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No. 60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum. Upon the horizontal pole (No, 61) are shown the blankets constituting gifts to the society. The several specific methods of facial decoration eraployed (PI. Vil), according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows: First degree.—One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the ears across the tip of the nose. Second degree.—One stripe as above, and another across the eye- lids, temples, and the root of the nose. Z - - 7 : o 7 _ 7 i 7 _ twa - a . = - - a : 7 a oe = a e - P = ~ Se ae , 7 7 ’ / iy i) } _ - _ >» ay 1 —_ 7 4 “i i 1) i > 7 7 ~~ ; 7 a : : : i : ’ j - ea Va . , : f ' , Y | Pa on ay 7 Vee a a os 7 ¢ a : 7 > ‘i 7) : ; = a fe be : = " : - ; eS. = 7 ‘ : - ba 7 ” F ay > a ; os ~ - ca = a - i - : 7 : in “— . 5 ; 7 bl a _ es 7 7 >’ i : bes i ‘ “ jl | ait a i : - a4 = ' [ 7 _ 4 _ s We 1 a) ad = 7 a ; j @ eT a 7 wa ’ ‘ iat - -_ % . ; © i =< ¥ Uy 2 = a _ 7 + Par . e% r}* 7 ] in 5! ad ' _ - ; i] - SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, Vili BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY | =a WO) OJIBWA’S RECORD. HOFFMAN, ] MIDE’ FACIAL DECORATION, 1838 Third degree.—The upper half of the faceis painted green and the lower half red. Fourth degree.—The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and downthe back. This form of decoration is not absolutely neces- sary, as the expense of the ** war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of persons. Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide’ rec- ords it may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of the Ani’shina’bég, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the officiating priests deliver ‘‘a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the following words’ caught his attention: Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light,and wisdom. Its rays reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he rep- resented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking. A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory, * * * I equested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we harangue. After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows: ** My grandson,” said he, ‘‘ the megis Ispoke of means the Me-da-we religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great water and proceeded westward. “The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till our fore- fathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river where Mo-ne-aung (Mon- treal) now stands. “In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our forefathers, still ‘Op. cit., p. 78 et seq. 184 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the Me-da-we were practiced. ‘‘Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted to man- kind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were mingled with each rising generation, This, my grandson, is the meaning of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by our fathers for many generations.” In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr. Warren,’ as follows: There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in character to the one I have related that its introduction here would only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in the other, first appear- ing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke through. It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These have since been known of as the ‘‘ Bois Forts” (hard- wood people or timber people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc. Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe westward and south- westward, locating at favorable places throughout the timbered coun- try. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the Midé’wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost entirely supporters of the belief in the great mi’gis. On account of the independent operations of the Midé’ priests in the various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight intercourse between those of tle northern and southern divi- sions of the nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic 1Op. cit., p. 81. HOFFMAN.) EXPLANATION OF WHITE EARTH RECORD. 185 representation of the same general ideas, variants which are fre- quently not recognized by Midé’ priests who are not members of the Midé’wiwin in which these mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the pictographic delineation of originally simi- lar ideas, there are also corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them. The tradition relating to Mi’nabd’zho and the sacred objects re- ceived from Ki'tshi Man’ido for the Ani’shina’bég is illustrated in Fig. 6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. neg 1 2 5 6 va 5 Fia. 6.—Birech-bark record. from White Earth. The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi’nabd’zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the-Midé’wiwin: ‘‘ They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.” Mi’nabd’zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midé’ sack, or pin-ji’-gu-san’. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of the drum all the Midé@’ rise and become inspired, be- cause Ki'tshi Man’id6 is then present in the wig’iwam. No. 4 de- notes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the Midé’wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Midé’ sack, made of a snakeskin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man‘id6, but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Midé’- wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midé’ sack or pin-ji-gu-san’, which con- tains life, and can be used by the Midé’ to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the Midé’ Man‘idés to Mi'nabdo'zho as a companion. Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only from other Midé’ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but also in the light of later information and research in the exemplification of the ritual of the Midé’wiwin. Mi/nabo'zho did not receive the rite from any Midé’ priests (Nos. 2 and 5), but from Ki'tshi Man'idd. Women are not mentioned in any of the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog given to Mi’nabd’zho, but Mi’nabd’zho gave it to the Ani’shin- a'bég. F The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from 186 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. a chart in the possession of a stranger Midé’, and failed to learn its true signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred objects and to gain additional respect from his confréres and ad- mirers. Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in the possession of a Midé’ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midé’ Esh’gi- bd’ga takes the place of Mi’nabd'zho as having originally received the Midé’wiwin from Ki'tshi Man‘id6, but it is believed that the word 1S asynonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them inex- plicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief explana- tion of them given in the American Anthropologist.! At that time I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi’nabo’zho, or rather Eshgibd’ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the Midé’'wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is re- on (AHN |ER Sarg 10 11 R Fic. 7.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake. #el(rmalga( h 2: b 0 122 18 Fic. 8.—Bireh-bark record, from Red Lake. produced from the work just cited. A few annotations and correc- tions are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations: y equally No. 1, represents Esh’gib0’ga, the great uncle of the Ani’shina’bég, and receiver of the Midé wiwin. No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh’gibd'ga. No. 5, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is resumed. No. 4, the pin-ji’-gu-san’ or sacred Midé’ sack. It consists of an otter skin, and is the mi gis or sacred symbol of the Midé’ wigan. No. 5, a Midé’ priest, the one who holds tho mi'gis while chanting the Midé’ song in the Midé'wigan. He is inspired, as indicated by the line ex- tending from the heart to the mouth. 'Vol. 1, No, 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3. HOFFMAN. | THE MIDB/ WIGAN. 187 No. 6, denotes that No. 5 isa member of the Midé’ wiwin. Thischaracter, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern Ojibwa to denote the wig'i- wam of a Jéss'akkid’, or jugglery. No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the Midé - wiwin. No. 8, a pause or rest. No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji’-gu-san’ possessing the power of giving life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, and the back of the skin. No. 10, represents a woman. No. 11, is another illustration of the mi‘gis. or otter. No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic plants. No. 15, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midé’ priest, no explanation was given. Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the + bow and arrows, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition. Eshgibs'ga. MIDE WIGAN. Initiation into the Midé’wiwin or Midé’ Society is, at this time, performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing what may transpire within. Furthermore. the ritual is unintelligible to the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is given to the candidate in a precep- tor’s wig’iwam. To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initia- tion as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge with which the candidate has also to do. The Midé’wigan, i. e., Midé’wig’iwam, or, as it is generally desig- nated ‘“‘Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing ; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls con- sist of poles and saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide, 188 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. used as entrances to the inclosure. From each side of the opening ; the wall-like structure extends at sscsnstesitasrnend tase Tight angles to the end wall, ap- : : pearing like a short hallway lead- ss E ia] m a ing to the inclosure, and resembles om, 3 5 1 4... double doors opened outward. : : Fig. 10 represents a ground plan Beet Cr cs ee of the Midé’wigan, ale Fig. u Fic. 10.—Diagram of Mids’wigan of the first shows an interior view. Saplings ORNS: thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of blankets, etc.,-may be sus- pended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the sacred Midé’ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway Fig. 11 —Interior of Midé’ wigan. between the stone and the Midé’ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height. HOFFMAN. ] PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION. 189 About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a wig’iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor. This wig’iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diame- ter and 6 feet high inthe middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops be- ing bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark—frequently the bark of the pine is used—leaving a narrow opening on the side facing the Midé’wigan, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets. The space,between the Midé’wigadn and the sweat lodge must be kept clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies. FIRST DEGREE. PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION. When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midé’- wiwin has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three assisting Mid@’, inviting them to visit him at his own wig’iwam at a specified time. When the conference takes place, to- bacco, which has been previously furnished by the candidate, is dis- tributed and a smoke offering made to Ki'tshi Man’idé, to propitiate his favor in the deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the candidate’s previous life ; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned, as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those intended to be given asa fee to the officiating priests, is also discussed ; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the appli- cant, the selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being usually appointed from among these four priests. When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig'iwam of the person designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midé’ council. The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and ac- 190 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. quire information. The question of remuneration being settled, to- bacco is furnished at each sitting, as the Midé’ never begins his lecture until after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the south ; another whiff, directing the stem to the west ; then a whiff and asimilar gesture with the stem to the north ; another whiff is taken slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed forward and upward as an offering to Ki'tshi Man’id6; and finally, after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward the earth as an offering to Nok6’mis, the grand- mother of the universe, and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information, because the longer the instruction is continued during the season before the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous phraseology. The Midé’ drum (Fig. 12 a) differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12 6) in the fact that it is cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow Fig. 12.—Ojibwa drums, trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, produc- ing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great distance. Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to intensify the sound very considerably. The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the applicant ; that it was at first the gift of Ki'tshi Man’id6, who gave it through the intercession of Mi’nabd’zho; that it is used to in- voke the presence of the Midé’ Man’idds, or sacred spirits, when seek- HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ RATTLES AND SONGS. 191 ing direction as to information desired, success, etc. ; that it is to be employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism of evil man'idds who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that if is to be used in the Midé’wigan during the initiation of new mem- bers or the advancement of a Midé’ from a degree to a higher one. The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an accom- paniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely through the rattle case. In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Minabd’zho are instanced and their properties extolled. The mi‘gis, a small white shell (Cyprzea moneta L.) is | next extracted from the Midé’ sack, or pinji'gusan’. This _ re. 13. is explained as being the sacred emblem of the Midé'wiwin, ™*° ™ the reason therefor being given in the account of the several tra- ditions presented in connection with Pls. m1, tv, and vit. This information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the history connected with either of the records is extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mi'gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 192. As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midé’ songs, 1. e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and which are alleged to be of serv- ice on special occasions, as when searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a compre- hension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which information is by him subsequently put to practical use inthe composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original. ee. It is for this reason that a Midé’ is selaom, if ever, able to recite correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the character of the record and the particular class of service in which it may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at Red Lake and imperfectly explained by ** Little Frenchman” and ‘‘ Leading Feather,” are reproduced in PI. xxi, A B, page 292. 192 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual. The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and frequently but single words, to which are added mean- ingless sounds or syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspi- ration in which the singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch bark, but they consist of Fie 15.—Shooting the mi’gis. fragments or selections of songs which have been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. rx, A, B, C. The initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the original text are repeated below in regular order with transla- tions in English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key ; furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by comparing some of the Midé’ songs presented in con- nection with the ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the songs given herewith (Pl. rx, A) pertains to a request to Ki'tshi Man’ido that clear weather may be had for the BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Rhbe ic xvente FOE oD Be AR Biel a a A ABR MNEMONIC SONGS i as HOFFMAN, } MIDE’ SONGS. 193 day of ceremonial, and also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a faithful rendering of his creed. Kach of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of rever- ence and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest or pause. One song may occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour. Ki-ne -na-wi-‘in mani -i-do -ye-win. ITrock you, you that are a spirit. [A midé’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech—i.e., singing of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line in- dicate. ] Ki-zhik-ki-win -da-miin’. The sky I tell you. [The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure Wee something therefrom. | O-we-nen’, hwin’. Who is it, who? [The mi'gis shell, the sacred emblem of the Midé’ wiwin. Nu-wa" -ni-ma na nin-guis’ ? Have I told the truth to my son? [The bear going to the Midé’ wigan, and takes with him life to the Ani'shina '‘bég. } Wi-dzhi-i-nan’. The man helping me. [A man walking, the Mide’ Man‘ido or Sacred Spirit. ] Rest. Ni-nin-de’, é', 6’, ya’. ; a My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart). [My heart; knows all Midé’ secrets, sensible one. | 194 Wy OG ; “ THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. A’-ni-na'-nésh-mi -i-an ni’-na’-wi-t0'. I follow with my arms. {Arms extended to take up ‘‘ medicine” or Midé’ secrets. ] Man -i-d6'-wi-an’ ni-me'-shine'-mi -an,. Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of ‘‘ medicine’ in the earth. [A Midé’ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the se- crets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth denote direction. ] We'-gi-kwo’ Ke-mi'-ni-nan’. ? From whence comes the rain? [The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather. ] Mi-shok’ kwot', dzhe-man -i-d6'-yan. The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit. [Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man'ido handing it to the Mide’. Wi -ka-ka-ntin -é-nan. Very seldom I make this request of you. [The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowl- edge of secrets of the earth. | In the following song (Pl. rx, B), the singer relates to the candi- date the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his having himself become a member of the Midé’- wiwin, and hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which he has thus far pursued. ¥ S Na-witsh -tshi na-ktim’-i-en a-na’-pi-a®’ ? When I am out of hearing, where am I? [The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed toward the right and left, being the gesture of nega- tion, usually made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the body. ] We'-nen-ne’ en -da-yan. In my house, I see. [Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns denote superiority of the singer. ] U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 195 ° Mo-ki -yan-na -a-Witsh -i-gum -mi. (e] When I rise it gives me life, and I take it. ° 5 . : 3 / [The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are y} handed down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same idea. } Wen -dzhi-ba -pi-a"’. The reason why I am happy. [Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is filled with the heart enlarged, i. e., fullness of heart, the lines from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances—singing. | Rest. Zha'-zha-bui -ki-bi-nan’ wig'-é-wam’. The Spirit says there is plenty of ‘‘ medicine” in the Midé’ wig’/iwam. [Two superior spirits, Ki'tshi Man'idd and Dzhe Man ‘ido, i % whose bodies are surrounded by ‘‘ lines of sacredness,” tell the Midé’ where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines are the lines indicating these communi- cations; the horizontal line, at the bottom, is the earth’s sur- face. | Ya-ho -hon-ni -yo. The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it. [The arm of Kitshi Man'idd put into the ground sacred /\ plants, etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the sacra earth. The short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness See of the objects. ] J Ws / Ni-wo -we-ni -nan._ ki’-bi-do-na™’. Tam holding this that I bring to you. [The singer sits in the Midé' wiwin, and offers the privilege of entrance, by initiation, to the hearer. ] Midé’ ni-ka’-nak kish’-o-wé'-ni-mi-ko’. T have found favor in the eyes of my mide’ friends. [The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body, i. e., the heart, the seat of life. | In the following song (Pl. 1x, C), the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Midé’ Man'id6 announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with prom- ises of the fulfillment of his highest desires. 196 a THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Ba'-dzhi-ke’-o gi-mand ma-bis -in-da -a. I hear the spirit speaking to us. : {The Midé’ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indi- cate hearing. | Kwa-yak -in di-sha in-da’-ya", lam going into the medicine lodge. [The Midé' wigan is shown with a line through it to signify that he is going through it, as in the initiation. ] Kwe -tshi-ko-wa -ya ti-na-man. Iam taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. [The dises indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker. | O'-wi-yo-in en’-do-ma mak’-kwin-én -do-ma’. I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. {The Midé’, as the personator of Makwa’ Man‘ido, is empow- {_# ered to offer this privilege to the candidate. | O-wé'-nén bé-mi -sét. Iam flying into my lodge. A) [Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of spirits or Man‘idos. | > Na-ni-ne kwe-weé -an. The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it. [The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects occur in scattered places. ! Hé'-wog, @', é'. I have the medicine in my heart. [The singer’s body—i. e., heart—is filled with knowledge re- lating to sacred medicines from the earth. ] HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ THERAPEUTICS. 197 MIDE’ THERAPEUTICS. During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midé’ plants is a'so discussed. The information pertaining to the identi- fication and preparation of the various vegetable substances is not im- parted in regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the ground from which it was taken. This is an of- fering to Noko’mis—the earth, the grandmother of mankind—for the benefits which are derived from her body where they were placed by Ki'tshi Man’‘ido. In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the bo- tanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of season. It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and decoctions which are, froma medical and scientific standpoint, spe- cific remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that the cure is not attributed to a regulation or resto- ration of functional derangement, but to the removal or even expul- sion of malevolent beings—commonly designated as bad Man‘idjs— supposed to have taken possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of the plants employed will be made at the proper time. Although the word Mashki kiwa'bu"—medicine broth—signifies liquid medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a gen- eral sense to pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged medscinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils, and weapons, because of some supposed super- natural origin or property, an explanation of which they have for- gotten. 198 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Pinus strobus, L. White Pine. Zhingwak’. 1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which is inhaled to cure backache. The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are inhaled to cure headache. 2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence. The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels. Pinus resinosa, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed Norway Pine. Pokgwe nage mok. Used as the preceding. Abies balsamea, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini‘nandok. 1, The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is used to induce diaphoresis. 2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken internally as a remedy for gonor- rhoea and for soreness of the chest resulting from colds. 3. Applied externally to sores and cuts. Abies alba, Michx. White Spruce. Sé'sségan’dok. The split roots—wad6b'—are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers of canoes. Abies nigra, Poir. Black Spruce. A’mikwan'dok. 1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines. 2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles. Abies Canadensis, Michx. Hemlock. Saga’i*wu"sh—‘' Raven Tree.” Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of diarrhea, Usually mixed with other plants not named. Larix Americana, Michx. Tamarack. Mosh’ kikiwa’‘dik. 1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus. 2. Gum used in mending boats. 3. Bark used for covering wig'iwams. Cupressus thyoides, L. White Cedar. Gi'zhik—*‘ Day.” 1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus, The greater the variety of leaves of coniferze the better. The spines of the leaves exert their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons possessing the patient’s body. 2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing habitations. Juniperus Virginiana, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa'wa’ak,. Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache. Quercus alba, L. White Oak. Mitig’Omish’. 1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea. 2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults. Quercus rubra, L, Red Oak. Wisug’emitig’omish' —‘‘ Bitter Acorn Tree.” Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba. Acer saccharinum, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innind tik. 1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea. 2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar. 3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts. . HOFFMAN. ] PLANTS USED IN MEDICINE. 199 Acer nigrum, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Ishig’omeaush’—‘‘ Sap-flows-fast.” Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer projicitur. Sometimes used as the preceding. Betula excelsa, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi'umis'sik. The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic. Betula papyracea, Ait. White Birch. Migwas’. Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes, syrup-pans, mokoks — or sugar boxes—etc. The record of the Mide wiwin, given by Minabo’zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark. Populus monilifera, Ait. Cottonwood. Ma‘nasia'ti. The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent. Populus balsamifera, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa‘di. 1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and eaten. 2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and particularly for the Midé wigan. Juglans nigra, L. Black Walnut. Pagan6k—‘t Nut wood.” Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is sometimes em- ployed in staining or dyeing. Smilacina racemosa, Desf. False Spikenard. Kiné@ wigwoshk—‘‘ Snake weed cr Snake Vine.” 1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women. 2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve headache. 8. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding. Helianthus occidentalis, Riddell. Sunflower. Piakite’ wikboku's’. The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions. Polygala senega, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis'siké"s’. 1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough. 2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed. Rubus occidentalis, L. Black Raspberry. Makadé wiskwi mindk—‘ Black Blood Berry.” A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in the stomach. Rubus strigosus, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi minok’—‘‘Blood Berry.” The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding. Gaylussacia resinosa, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mintn. Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of the Dead,” referred to in connection with the ‘‘ Ghost Society.” Prunus Virginiana, L. Choke Cherry. Sisa® wewinaka"sh’. 1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also during ges- tation. 2. The fruit is eaten. Prunus serotina, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwé’ wish—‘‘ Scabby Bark.” 1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first boiling, bruising, or chewing it. 2, An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains and soreness of the chest. Prunus Pennsylvanica, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa’ kumi nok. 1, A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other stomach disorders, 2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized. 3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the ‘* Ghost Society.” 200 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Prunus Americana, Marsh. Wild Plum. Boge'sanok. The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the time during which the investiga- gations were made, and therefore were not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows, viz: Miné"'sok, two species, one with red berries, the other with yellow ones; Wabo’samini’sok—‘‘Rabbit berries’; Shi gwanau isok, having small red berries: and Cratzegus coccinea, L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn, O'ginik. Typha latifolia, L. Common Cat-tail. Napogtshk—‘ Flat grass.” The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a poultice to sores, Sporobolus heterolepis Gr. Napo'gishka"s'—*‘ Little Flat Grass.” 1. Used sometimas as a substitute for the preceding 2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, ** to remove bile.” Fragaria vesca, L. Wild Strawberry, Ode imin'né—Heart Berry. Referred to in the ceremony of the *‘ Ghost Society.” The fruit is highly valued as a luxury. Acer Pennsylvanicum, L. Striped Maple. Mo6"'zomish’—‘* Moose Wood.” The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as an emetic. Fravinus sambucifolia, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A’gimak’. 1. The inner bark issoaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to sore eyes. 2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.” Veronica Virginica, L. Culver’s Root. Wi'sdogedzhi wik—‘: Bitter Root.” A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative. Salix candida, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi'gewe'mish. The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the decoction taken for cough. Symphoricarpus vulgaris, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus'sigwaka mish. The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold, applied to sore eyes. Geum strictum, Ait. Aven. Ne’bone'ankwe’ak—* Hair on one side.” The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for soreness in the chest, and cough. Rumex crispus, L. Curled Dock. O'zabetshi wik. The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores, etc. Amorpha canescens, Nutt. Lead Plant. Weabdnag’kak—‘‘ That which turns white.” A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach. Rosa blanda, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O'ginik. A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is applied to in- flamed eyes. Anemone (sp. 2?) Anemone. Wisdg'ibok’; also called Hartshorn plant by the mixed- bloods of Minnesota. ; The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of headache. (Gen. et sp. 2) Termed Kine'bik wa"sh'ko"s and ‘* Snake weed.” This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of extraordinary muscular strength. HOFFMAN. ] PLANTS USED IN MEDICINE. 201 Rhus (aromatica, Ait. ?) ‘‘ White Sumac.” Bokkwan‘ibok. Roots are boiled, with thoseof the following named plant, and the decoction taken to cure diarrhea. “ (Gen. et sp. ?) Kitshiod@iminibdk—* Big Heart Leaf.” Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea. Monarda fistulosa, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkos'wa"owi"s' —** Little Elk’s Tail.” The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several swallows, at inter- vals, for pain in the stomach and intestines. Hydrophyllum Virginieum, L. Waterleaf. Hutkite’wagits'. The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest, back, etc. Anemone Pennsylvanicum, L. Pennsylvania Anemone. Pesi’ kwadzhi bwiko kok. A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region. Viola (Canadensis, L. ?). Canada Violet. Maskwi widzhi wiko'kok. The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of the bladder. Phryma leptostachya, L. Lopseed. Waia’bishkéno'kok. The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in the legs. Viola pubescens, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet, Ogité’ wagu"s. A decoction is made of the roots, of which smal! doses are taken at intervals for sore throat. Rosa (lucida, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Ogini’minaga®’ mos. The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid applied to sore eyes. (Gen. et sp. 2?) Mo'zana'tik. This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition. Acteea rubra, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzi’ biké"s'—‘‘ Little Root.” A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used also in conjunction with Ginseng. This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and boys,while the same plant at other seasons, because of size, color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner as above. The latter is called Wash’ kubidzhi bikakok’. Botrychium Virginicum, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga’tigiim. The root is bruised and applied to cuts. Aralia trifolia, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Neso’wakok—‘‘ Three Leafed.” The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest hemorrhage. Echinospermum lappula, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga'tigomeé"s—*‘ Burr Bush.” The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to cause the fuines to rise, when the patient puts down his face and has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same purpose. It is affirmed by various members of the Midé’ Society that in former times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midé’ of the first degree to endeavor to attain higher distinction and fur- ther advancement in the mysteries of the order. As much knowl- 202 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. edge is believed to have been lost through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done their utmost to sup- press the ceremonies, because they were a direct opposition and hin- drance to progress in Christianizing influences. When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former sings a song (Pl. x, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sigé, and are a copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his possession, and which was made in imi- tation of one in the possession of his father, Baié’dzik, one of the leading Midé’ at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. 3 Wi -ka-no -shi-a"-o. aN My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of medicine. ye {The short sigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously Sy designated ‘‘ medicine.” We-wi-ka-ni-an. Almost erying because the medicine is lost. ° e 4 [The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping; the circle beneath the figure is the place where the ‘‘ medicine”’ is ny supposed to exist. The idea of ‘‘ lost” signifies that some informa- tion has been forgotton through death of those who possessed it. | G o 4 Me-shi’-Ak-kink mi-sui’-a-kink. 10S Yes, I see there is plenty of it. y [The Midé’ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but | Rest. Yes, there is much medicine you may ery for. [Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.] Pe-i’-e-mi-ko-ya’-na-kink’. NY reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of. | SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY a .. ‘te 1g (= ran CASE ra a3 HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 203 We -a-kwé -nink pe-i-e’-mi-wit'-o-wan’. When I come out the sky becomes clear, [When the otter-skin Midé’ sack is produced the sky becomes clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed. | We -kweé-nink’ ke-t6-nink’ e’-to-wa’. The spirit has given me power to see. [The Midé’ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good Spirit. ] ee Mi -sha-kwat -ni-yo’. I brought the medicine to bring life. [The Midé’ Man‘ido, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the 7 ‘\ plants—by causing the rains to fall—returns to the sky. The short line represents part of the circular line usually employed to desig- nate the imaginary vault of the sky. | Me’-ka-yé'-nink te'-a-yé-am '-ban. I, too, see how much there is. AY ; [His power elevates the Midé’ to the rank of a man’id6, from which point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth. ] In-de'-be-mi’-ko, Iam going to the medicine lodge. {The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the Midé wigan. } In-de'-bi-bi’-to". I take life from the sky. [The Midé’ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from Kitshi Man‘ido the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top denotes the sacred mi'gis, or shell. ] Wy No-a'-wi -mi-k0’. Let us talk to one another, [The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midé’) and the hearer (Ki'tshi Man‘ido), the short lines signifying magic influ- ences, the Midé’ occupying the left hand and smaller seat. ] Man’ -i-d6-ye-na '-ni ni-kan’, The spirit is in my body, my friend. [The mi'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man’‘id6, is in contact with the Midé’s body, and he is possessed of life and power. | ae es From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief Midé’ priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of sticks one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier is charged with giving to the person invited explicit infor- mation as to the day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to 204 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA, be held. Sometimesthese sticks have bands of color painted around one end, usually green, sometimes red, though both colors may be employed, the two ends being thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring with him his invitation stick, and upon entering the Midé’wigan he lays it upon the ground nearthe sacred stone, on the side toward the degree post. In case a Midé’ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a statement of the reason of his ina- bility to come. The number of sticks upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the initiation be- gins. About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the lo- sality of the Midé’'wigan. Onthe evening of the fifth day he repairs to the sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is sup- plied with water which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however, is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the serious- ness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the new life he is about to assume. When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the other officiating Midé’ priests, when the conversation is con- fined chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of them presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki'tshi Man‘ido, with the pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midé’ sacks and explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the man- ner of preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredu- lous ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the Midé'wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion. Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power of the Midé’ the greater will appear the mystery con- nected with the exhibition. This may be performed whenever cir- cumstances demand such proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Midé’ themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki'tshi Ma’nido is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of the candidate, HOFFMAN. | MIDE’ CEREMONIES. 205 The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wigiwam a string of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diame- ter. See Fig. 16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if animated. The string is then quickly re- stored to its place in the Midé’ sack, Another Midé’ produces a small wooden effigy of a man (Fig. 17), measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running through it from between the shoulders to the but- tocks, the head and neck forming aseparate piece which may be at- tached to the body like a glass stopper to a bottle. Fic. 16. A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of Fic. 17. Fic. 18. the effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in a 206 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. it, when the heaa 1s put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will per- ceptibly move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 repre- sents another figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists, each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads. One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced only by Mide’ of the highest power, consists in causing a Midé' sack to move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is confidently alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that the deception is more easily produced than in the above-men- tioned instances, as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal could readily be made to account for the movements. In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to prevent the deception being observed and exposed ; and when pub- lic demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the performer, from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected. The preceptor then consults with the Midé’ priests respecting the presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the follow- ing words, viz : Mis-shai -€-gwa tshi-dé-bog-in-de-mung’. gi’-she-g6-dung’ ka-mi -ne- Now is the time that we shall fix the price of everything pertaining to the sky, that has been nongk gi -she-got-dtng’ di’-bi-ga-d6nk’ gai-yé’. A-pé'-gé-da’ wink given to us from the day [and] the night also. When it shall come to pass i-wa-pl ge-bin’-de-ga-yongk’, — a-au’-wa-mi-de’-wid. and at the time that we shallenter, he who wishes to become a Midé’. When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or the hard, sharp taps of the midé’ drum, caused by a priest propitiating and invoking the presence and favor of Ki'tshi Ma’nid6 in the service now so near at hand. When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the can- didate, with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig'iwam, while the assistant Midé’ priests and intimate friends or members of his family collect the numerous presents and sus- pend them from the transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Midé’wigan. Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night. At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again re- turns to the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best cloth- HOFFMAN. ] IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER, 207 ing and such articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and Midé’ priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one or two beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded cloth crossing the opposite shoulder. The mem- bers of the Midé’wiwin who are not directly concerned in the pre- liminaries resort to the Midé’wigan and take seats around the inte- rior, near the wall, where they may continue to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to the left of the eastern entrance, i. e., the southeast corner. IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER. Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midé’ priests accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. x B) to dispel the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of times, and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others as an accompaniment. It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when chanted or sung. B Hi-na-né’, hé’, ki’-ne-na-wé’ man/-i-do. I swing the spirit like a child. [The Midé’ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The Midé’ claims to be able to receive special favor. ] [Get ee SS pa aaa =: o Ki/nana/wein, Ki’nana/wein, Ki/nana/wein,Man/ido’weég; Ki’nana/wein, D C. ad lib. Pattee ves Seer: SE e he =e Bese @= Wess=e Ee aa Ki/nana/wein, Man/ido/weég’ ; ee, wein, Man/’ido’weég.” SS Gi-zhik'-é' ka-hweé’ da-mi’-né. The sky is what I am telling you about. [The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain. ] —_—_—_—_—__ gers See ereavet SM bend Ki/zhiga/wida’ eee , Ki/zhiga/wida/ Tse ; Ki/zhiga/ widé’ D.C. ad lib. eA eal Reeth Ki’zhi-ga/ wi-da’, Kiahigawidl wi-da mu/ned@’, Ki/zhiga’wid& mu/nedé’, 208 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. 2 Wac-ne -o-ho ne -ge-shi -go-ni 4 Ko-sa'-we, he’, wa-ni-sha’-na’. ° © We have lost the sky [it becomes dark]. [Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Mide’ is reaching up into it for its favor of clear weather. ] Saar ages > oe ——— ae a 2: = s =o = = a= =a Bese oc= aS Shi = SS = ‘4 = Co o_o ‘gee z= <2 3 Waneo-ho hé ne’-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-he ne’-ge-shi-go-ni, D.C. ad lib. f= —=——— —_—_—— Ko’sawe he hé wa/nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho - he ne/-ge-shi-go- ni. Wi-tshi -hi-na’-ne-he, né’, ko’, ho. ne’ -ni-wi-tshi-nan’. : Iam helping you. [The Otter-skin Midé’ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit to aid them. } SaaS a oe rz ape us a2 acre at ——-= ie ie fee et tt a Wi‘tshihinanehe ne’ ko ho’, ne/niwi/tshinan, wi’tshihinanehe NINE D.C. al FINE. Los oll as is Bias ara (a cs ro 0./ e ne’ ko’ ho — een a-ni-mawe wu-a-ni-ma we henigwish. U-a'-ni-ma’, we’, he’-ni-gwish. i = I have made an error [in sending]. / [The Otter-skin Midé’ sack has failed to produce the desired effect. ] Rest. The Midé’ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to dance as the song is renewed. ¥, Na-nin-de’, hé’, he-yo-ya, ne’. ©; Jam using my heart. : [Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midé’ ceremony. ] ‘ao HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 209 Yo'-na-hish -i-me’-a'-ne’, hé’. ya-na-hish-a-me'-a-ne', hé‘, What are you saying to me, and Iam “in my senses" ? Man’-i-d6, hé’ né’, me-de-wé’, @. The spirit wolf. [One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the cere- mony is assisting the evil man‘id6s in causing the sky to be overcast. | Wen’'-tshi-o-ne-se hé’, né’, wen’-tshi-o-ne-se hé’. I do not know where I am going. [The Midé’ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the perform- ance of initiation. | IBIQAE Mi-shok-kwo -ti-ne be-wa'-ne, ni-bin’-zhi man’-i-d6 i-ya’-né. ae g \ J depend on the clear sky. [To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help. | Ke-me'-ni-na-ne’ a-nd'-é a’-sho-we’ me-n0'-de ki-man’-i-d6. I give you the other village, spirit that you are. [That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and Midé'wigan. | ; Tshing-gwé -o-dé i ge. The thunder is heavy. [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain. ] ap We-ka-ka-no’, ho’ shi-a-dé’. We are talking to one another. [The Midé’ communes with Ki'tshi Man'id6; he is shown near the sky; his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from the mouth signify speech. | Incase the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or to rain, then the song termed the ‘‘ Rain Song” is resorted to and sung within the inclosure of the Midé’wigan, to which they all march in solemn procession. Those Midé’ priests who have with them their Midé’ drums use them as an accompaniment to the sing- ing and to propitiate the good will of Ki’tshi Man'id6. Each line of the entire song appears as an independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the feelings of the officiating priest. The words of the song are known to most of the Midé’ priests ; but, as there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under 7 ETH——14 210 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. ordinary circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some extent when chanted or sung. If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the priests return to their respective wig'iwams and the crowd of visitors disperses to return upon the first clear day. INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the following song (Pl. x, C), the musical nota- tion of which varies according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing songs: Kan-do'-e-a-ne’, to'-e-a-né’ kan-do'-e-a-né’, in-nin’-ni man '-e-do'-e', The spirit man is crying out. [The head of the Midé’, a synonym of Ki'tshi Man'id6. The voice lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that Ki tshi Man ido is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings. ] Ya-ni-né’, na’, tshi-mo-té’, he’, Talking around in various sections. [The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate 4 ‘*talks” in various directions addressed to the Midé’.] Man’-e-d6, we’, hé’, pe-me’-so-wa’. » The spirit is flying. [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some re- mote place. ] VEN Mi-de'-we-té-we’ me'-wa-gwi -shak-wa’, vI mi-de'-we-ta’. Y i The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine. [The Midé’’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other than upon the Midé' wigan, as shown by rain lines from the end of the curved lines denoting the sky. ] Us Me-shak’-kwot dung’-ke-he’ a ne-mé -gis-sim’. y I am the sign that the day will be clear. [The Midé’’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions. | HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 211 Sun’-gis-ni de’-wit-ka-né’, he’, wi-no'-wo-he'-she-wat’ man -i-d0-wi-tshik. I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me. [The speaker compares himself to Makwa’ Man‘ido, the Bear Spirit. ] Hwo-ba-mi-de, hwo'-ba-mi-de, man-é-do na -wa-gi -zhik. The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me. R [The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘ido, the ‘‘ line of vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot below. ] Ni-wi-we -wai-a-de’ hi’-me nai-o-na’. Itake my sack and touch him. {The Midé’ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the can- didate. | ® ® ( Man -i-d6 wi-kan-é’, mi-de-yo. My medicine is the sacred spirit. [The Mide’ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki'tshi Man ‘ido; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to re- ceive them. ] Ha-ni-ne’ ku-mé’ ni-kan-ne'? How do you answer me, my Mide’ friends ? [This is addressed to the Midé’ priests (Nika’ni) present. and isan inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midé wigan isshown, the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate (or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge, symbolizing tue circle of the earth upon the Midé’ chart (Pl. m1), those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of advance- ment in the future. | Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to the four points of the compass, to Ki'tshi Man‘id6’, and toward the earth. The preceptor then says: Mis-sa'i -a-shi-gwa, mis-sa’-a-shi -gwa- non -do-nung; ka-kin-na Now is the time, now is the time he hears us; all of us ka-kin -né-gi-non -do-da’g-u-nan’ ga-o'-shi-dot mi-dé -wi -win. he hears us all the one who made the midé’wiwin. After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the midé’ gagi’kwewin’, or Midé’ sermon, in the following language, viz : An-be’-bi-sin -di-wi-shin, wa -i-ni -nan; késh -pin-pe -sin-da -nin-win now listen to me what I am about to say If you take heed of that to you; which I say to you 212 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. da-ma’-dzhi shka’ ke -bi-ma’-di-si-win. U®",nun-gim, ke-za’-ki-gi-zi-to® mon shall continue always your life: Now, to-day I make known to you ki-tshi man’-i-d6 6'-dik-kid’-do-win’; 0-wi-désh kid'-di-nin’ ki-i’-kid-d6'ki'-tshi the great spirit That which he says ; and now this I say to you. This is what says man -i-d6 gi'-sa-gi-ig’. to-wa -bish-ga’ gi-shtig’-wa a-pi -we- the great spirit that he loves you. It shall be white the sacred object at the time sa'-gi-sit-to-wad 0-sa’-in-di-kid’-do-win é-kid-dodt ki-tshi man-i-dO 0-gi- When they shall let and this is what I say That which he says the great now it be known spirit this din'-nin mis-sé’-wa ke'-a-ked'-de-w6 wa -ba-ma-tshin ni-budt I impart even if they say That they saw him to you dead mi -a-ma’ tshi -6- nish-gad’, mi-a-ma a-pe-ni-nut’ nin-dé’ kid -do-win in this he shall Raised again, in this place he puts his In my heart in this be place. trust. “saying * min-nik’ kid-da - ki-o-wink'’, Ka-wi -ka-da-an -na-we -was-si-nan, the time of the duration Of the world. It shall never fail. me-é -kid-dodt’' man -i-d6. Nin -ne-dzha -nis ke-un’-dzhi be-ma -dis si-an. That is what he says, the spirit. My child, this shall give you life. The Midé’ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the outside, while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small presents, such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the wig’iwam to join the Midé’ priests. The order of marching to the main entrance of the Midé’wigan is then taken up in the following order: First the candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and relatives as desire. At the door of the Midé’wigan all but one of the priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure, the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Midé’ priest upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Midé’wigan. When he is prompted to say: *Man- un’-ga-bin'-di-gé o-bog -ga-di-nan , o-dai -ye-din’.” Let me come in and theseI putdown my things | gifts]. The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside, taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west. Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to Ki'tshi Man’id6 whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the Midé’wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is presented to receive life (the mi’gis) for which he is suffering, and invoking the divine favor. Hai ya ha man’-i-do, ho’, _ ti-bish'-ko-gish'-i-ging, hé’, we-za-ba-mid -mi There is a spirit ho, just as the one above, he, now sits with me ni"-dzha-nis, esh-i-gan’-do-we, hé’, hwé’, mé-a-tshi-bin’-de-gan -ni-nan, nos, my child and now I proclaim, he, hwe, that I enter you here my father HOFFMAN, | INITIATION SONGS. 213 dzhi-man’-i-d6, ho’, hw0’, sha-weé-ni-mi-shin’, hé’, hwé’, a-shig’-wa-bin'-de-gan-ndk good spirit, ho, hwo, have pity on me, he, hwe now that I enter him here, gé-gwa-da-gi-sid wi-Li-ma -di-sid, dé-bwe-dat-wi-shin dzhi-bi-ma -di-sid , nos, he that is suffering for life, believe me that he shall live, my father. we -o-sim -in-nan’, hé’, he’. whose child I am, he, he. The following is the musical notation: Chant in recitative manner. Va ———— ~ => = aera nia “mem pe RE gy Spat 2S =3 See res a= Se E Dye oe a + o—e—e—1— A ———— — c : ee a SS —_—,. ee S—— eee ee ee gg cere aw wer is en res Basie = = = ae = zo a a ee = 7 wos ee, SSS ES, Se ee a = SSeS al =i |] iat Sept Se ‘seestss =: teer os ce —— he-he-he-he yo. The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the mem- bers of the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line of procession, each member contin- uing to drop in, at the rear, until the entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous drumming upon the Midé’ drums and the chief officiating priest sings : Ni-sha-bon’-da shkan wig'-i-wam ke-non’-dég, I go through {the} ‘house’ the long, i. e., through the Midé’wigan. At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his pre- ceptor to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four offi- ciating priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclo- sure and station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western extremity of the inclosure where he 914 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. stands upon the blankets spread upon the ground and faces the four Midé’ priests. The preceptor takes his position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and nearer the officiat- ing priests, and says: Mi-i -shi-gwa’ bo'-gi-ta-mo" -nan, mi’-na-nan'-ké-an-dzhi bi-ma -di-si -an. The time has arrived that I yield itto you, [the midé’migis] that will give you life. The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to one side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical midé’ drum. The words are: Kit’-ta-no™’-do-wé man’-i-do’-wid—you shall hear me, spirié that you are—, and the music is rendered as follows: Allegretto. pp-— ——— = = =! — — — mail en =a Ta sre ee inlr fi o-0--0—6 d oe Peete o—e-« ae —————_ —_—_—=__- (=== _——— SS Kit/ta-no’do-we man/i- d0’wid-ho ir ‘ N ee NIT Sol pe zr au ne fe a y wD Fad h pe oe = a = = ——— SSS SS SSN SY Se oS - 2 es do, we, he, Kit/ta-no’do-we man/i-d0-wid-hd, he, hwé, hé === =, SS FIPSSSSS SSOP SS SSSI IIS) o—@ @ 0 @@ 6 @ @+@ @—@ (eee 6 ie 06 66 aya oe Sees — > SS SSeS [ee eee eee goa Kit’ - ta - no’-do-we man’- i - d0d/ - wid, kit/ta-no’do-wé, kit’ta- re XN XN XN N NA NaN aN Dewi Koa s i) Ae eee ced DIDS An —— —=———— -no/do- wid, man‘’i- do’ - wid, man/i-do’wid-ho, we, hwé, he, Poa EESTI! Se IIII SUIT GaN = : (assess 5 Se SE Se ee Kit/ta-no’dowé/ man/id0/ ae nate he, Kit/to-no’dowé he, hwé,he, HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION SONGS. 215 After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the mem- bers sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests says to the candidate. who is now placed upon his knees: Mis-sa’-a-shi’-gwa ki-bo’-gis-sé-na-min tshi'-ma-mad_ bi-mé/-di-si-win, mi-né@’-sid. Now is the time that I hope of you that you shall take life the bead [mi’gis shell.] This priest then grasps his Midé’ sack as if holding a gun, and, clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward to- ward that target uttering the syllables “ ya, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’,” rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position and repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more animated, the last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneel- ing man’s breast as if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While this is going on, the preceptor and his assistants place their hands upon the candidate’s shoulders and cause his body to tremble. Then the next Midé’, the third of the quartette, goes through a similar series of forward movements and thrusts with his Midé’ sack, uttering similar sounds and shooting the sacred mi gis—life— into the right breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more strongly than before. When the third Midé’, the second in order of precedence, goes through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the mi'gis into the candidate’s heart, the preceptors assist him to be vio- lently agitated. ; The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and says to the Midé’; ‘ Mi’-dzhi-de’-a-mi-shik’”—‘‘ put your helping heart with me”—, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, “ya, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’,” at the fourth time aiming the Midé’ sack at the candidate’s head, and as the mi'gis is supposed to be shot into it, he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless. Then the four Midé’ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay their Midé’sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mi gis shell drops from his mouth—where he had been instructed to retain it. The chief Midé’ picks up the mi'gis and, holding it between the thumb and index finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the candidate’s mouth says “ wa! wa! hé hé hé hé,” the last syllable being uttered in a high key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then the same words are uttered while the mi'gis is held toward the east, and in regular succession to the south, to the west, to the north, then toward the sky. During this time the candidate has begun to partially revive and endeavor to get upon his knees, but when the Midé’ finally places the mi’gis into his mouth again, he instantly falls upon the ground, as before. The Midé’ then take up the sacks, each grasping his own as before, and as they pass around the inanimate body they touch it at various points, which causes the 216 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. ” candidate to ‘“‘return to life.” The chief priest then says to him, ‘“ O'mishga‘n”—‘‘ get up”—which he does; then indicating to the holder of the Midé’ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and presently sings the following song: peace ——— Drum. PAA SASS DSRS DD YD gh Se re _ Bis dee IE a Mi’-si-ni-en’ - di-an Mi’si-ni-en’ - di-an STN - =— SS eee IR Nae tps Sis tp IN Sine eI ips sds - 9-0-6 o o oo oe ee oe Le o—o—e ee ——_ —_—_— ee af _— = = AS ; = =o Fe ee ee ae ee ee ae ee =e a - = e Mi’-si-ni-en’ - dian, Mi/’-si-ni-en’ - di-an,Mi’-si - ni-en’ - di-an Te TRAE RENN Ge PTS ERNST Noten eS — Ce a ee ee te peer ge Drs D.C. ad lib, Sung last time. D.C. ad lib. ar = + e+ -o- a —_—— | > Mi’-si-ni- en’ - di-an, Ni-kan. Hin, Hiu. The words of the text signify, ‘“‘This is what I am, my fellow Mid@’; I fear all my fellow Midé’.” The last syllables, hit’, are meaningless. At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candi- date to ask the chief Midé’: Nikan’ k‘ké'-nd'-mo', ma®-dzhi'-an na'-ka-m0’-in. Colleague instruct me, give me a song. In response to which the Midé’ teaches him the following, which is uttered as a monotonous chant, viz: We'-go-nén’ ge-gwed'-dzhi-me-an’, mi-dé-wi-win ke-kwed'-dzhi-me-an? Ki-ka- What, are you asking, grand medicine are you asking’? I will mi-nin en-da-wén’-da ma-wi-nén mi-dé’-wi-win tshi-da-si-né’-ga -na-win’-da-mon; give you you want me to give you “orand medicine * always take care of; ki-in -tshun-di -né-ma -so-win, tsho’-a-wa '-nin di-sé-wan. you have received it yourself, never forget. To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, 6", yes, 1. e., assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Midé’, and adds: Mi-gwétsh’ a-shi-wa-ka-kish’-da-win be-ma’-di-si’-an. Thanks for giving to me life. Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to seat themselves, saying : HOFFMAN. | INITIATION SONGS. 217 Mi-a-shi-gwa ki’-tshi-an’-wa-bin-da-man_tshi-d'-we-na -bi-an . Now is the time I look around where we shall be [sit] and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them. The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other gifts and divides them among the four officiating priests, re- serving some of less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco is carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the Midé’'wigén—where Ki'tshi Man‘ido pre- sides—and to the earth. Then each person blows smoke upon his or her Midé’ sack as an offering to the sacred mi'gis within. The chief Midé’ advances to the new member and presents him with a new Midé’ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the mink or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member rises, approaches the chief Midé’, who inclines his head to the front, and, while passing both flat hands down over either side, says: Mi-gwétsh’, ni-ka’-ni, ni-ka -ni, ni-ka’-ni, na-ka’. Thanks, my colleagues, my colleagues, my colleagues. Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the Midé- wigan. At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members of the society for their presence, the newly elected Midé’ returns to his place and, after placing within his Midé’ sack his mi gis, starts out anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated nearest the eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack ina manner similar to that of the officiating priests, makes threatening motions toward the Midé’ as if to shoot him, saying, “‘ya, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’.” gradually raising his voice to a higher key. At the fourth movement he makes a quick thrust toward his victim, whereupon the latter falls forward upon the ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is menaced in a similar manner and who likewise becomes apparently unconscious from the powerful effects of the mi'gis. This is continued until all persons present have been subjected to the influence of the mi’gis in the possession of the new member. At the third or fourth experiment the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering in regular order a short time after having been ‘‘shot at,” as this procedure is termed. When all of the Midé’ have recovered a very curious ceremony takes place. Each one places his mi’gis shell upon the right palm and, grasping the Midé’ sack with the left hand, moves around the inclosure and exhibits his mi'gis to everyone present, constantly uttering the word ‘‘ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’,” in a quick, low tone. During this period there is a mingling of all the persons present, each en- deavoring to attract the attention of the others. Each Midé’ then 218 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. pretends to swallow his mi'gis, when suddenly there are sounds of violent coughing, as if the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter they gag and spit out upon the ground the mi'gis, upon which each one falls apparently dead. Ina few moments, however, they recover, take up the little shells again and pretend to swallow them. As the Midé' return to their respective places the mi’gis is restored to its receptacle in the Midé’ sack. Food is then brought into the Midé’wigan and all partake of it at the expense of the new member. After the feast, the older Midé’ of high order, and possibly the officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani’shina’bég and the origin of the Midé/wiwin, together with speeches relating to the bene- fits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Midé’. Having acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs and learned them, and now for the first time the oppor- tunity presents itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies— for enemies are numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the society of the Midé’, or who have failed to attain the desired distinction. The new member, in the absence of a Midé’ drum of his own, bor- rows one from a fellow Midé’ and begins to beat it gently, increasing the strokes in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then sings a song (Pl. x, D), of which the following are the words, each line being repeated ad libitum, viz: or We -nen-wi -wik ka'-ni-an. The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live. (The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wig- wam, the latter being represented by the lines upon either side, and crossing his body. ] En’-da-yan’ pi-ma’-ti-su’-i-tin en’-da-yan’. The spirit gave the ‘‘ medicine * which we receive. ——~ \ [The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being \ _f shown by the horizontal line at the bottom. ] Rest. U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. bo —_ ive) HOFFMAN. | INITIATION SONGS. Nin’-nik-ka'-ni man’-i-d6. I too have taken the medicine he gave us. [The speaker’s arm, covered with mi’gis, or magic influence, reaches toward the sky to receive from Ki'tshi Man‘ido the divine favor of a Midé’s power. } Ke-kék’-0-i-yan’. I brought life to the people. f) [The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and conse- quently life to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life. ] Be-mo'-se ma-k6 -yan. I have come to the medicine lodge also. [The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Midé wiwin, was also present, and did not oppose the singer’s entrance. | Ka’-ka-mi -ni-ni -ta. We spirits are talking together. [The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i. e., those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them as an equal. ] O-ni’-ni-shink-ni’-yo. The mi’gis is on my body. [The magic power has been put into his body by the Midé priests. } Ni man’-i-d6 ni’-yan. The spirit has put away all my sickness. [He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the dis- turbing influences of evil man idos. ] As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Midé’ priests emerge from the western door of the Midé’wigan and go to their respective wig’iwams, where they partake of their regular evening repast, after which the remainder of the evening is spent in paying calls upon other members of the society, smoking, etc. The preceptor and his assistant return to the Midé’wigan at night- fall, remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the wig’iwam —that part directly opposite the entrance—occupied by the new member. Two stones are placed at the base of the post, to repre- sent the two forefeet of the bear Man'id6 through whom life was also given to the Ani'shina’bég. If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree the entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Midé’ wigan for initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the 220 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to their respective homes upon the following morning. If, however, arrangements have been made to advance a member toa higher degree, the necessary changes and appropriate arrangement of the interior of the Midé@ wigan are begun immediately after the society has adjourned. : DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. The mi gis referred to in this description of the initiation con- sists of a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one be- lieved to resemble the form of tne mythical mi'gis is similar tothe cowrie, Cyprzea moneta, L., and is figured at No. 1 on Pl. x1. Nearly all of the shells employed for this purpose are foreign species, and have no doubt been obtained from the traders. Theshells found in the country of the Ojibwa are of rather delicate structure, and it is probable that the salt water shells are employed asa substitute chiefly because of their less frangible character. The mi gis of the other degrees are presented on the same plate, but special reference to them will be made. No. 2 represents the mi’gis in the possession of the chief Midé’ priest of the society at Leech Lake, Minnesota, and consists of a pearl-white Helix (sp?). The Midé’ sack represented in No. 7 (Pl. xt.) is made of the skin of a mink—Putorius vison, Gapp. White, downy 3 feathers are secured to the Fig. 19—Hawk-leg fetish. nose, as an additional orna- ment. In this sack are carried the sacred objects belonging to its owner, such as colors for facial ornamentation, and the magic red powder employed in the preparation of hunters’ songs; effigies and other contrivances to prove to the incredulous the genuineness of the Midé’ pretensions, sacred songs, amulets, and other small man‘idos—abnormal productions to which they attach supernatural properties—invitation sticks, ete. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XI ian —=—= 7 7 SACRED OBJECTS. HOFFMAN. | NOTES ON INITIATION CEREMONY. 221 In Fig. 19 is reproduced a curious abnormal growth which was in the possession of a Midé’ near Red Lake, Minnesota. It consists of the leg of a Goshawk—Astur atricapillus, Wilson—from the outer inferior condyle of the right tibia of which had projected a super- numerary leg that terminated in two toes, the whole abnormality being about one-half the size and length of the natural leg and toes. This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was be- lieved to be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer, or Thunder God, might be invoked and his anger appeased. This deity is represented in pictography by the eagle, or frequently by one of the Falconide; hence it is but natural that the superstitious should look with awe and reverence upon such an abnormality on one of the terrestrial representatives of this deity. A Midé’ of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance further in the mysteries of the Midé’wiwin, owing to his inability to procure the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is re- quired to pay to new preceptors and to the officiating priests—the latter demanding goods of double the value of those given as an entrance to the first degree—may, however, accomplish the acqui- sition of additional knowledge by purchasing it from individual Midé’. It is customary with Midé’ priests to exact payment for every individual remedy-or secret that may be imparted to another who may desire such information. This practice is not entirely based upon mercenary motives, but it is firmly believed that when a secret or remedy has been paid for it can not be imparted for nothing, as then its virtue would be impaired, if not entirely destroyed, by the man‘id6 or guardian spirit under whose special protection it may be supposed to be held or controlled. Under such circumstances certain first degree Midé’ may become possessed of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the accomplishments of the Midé’ of the higher degrees; but, for the mutual protection of the members of the society, they generally hesitate to impart anything that may be considered of bigh value. The usual kind of knowledge sought consists of the magic properties and use of plants, to the chief varieties of which reference will be made in connection with the next degree. There is one subject, however, which first-degree Midé’ seek en- lightment upon, and that is the preparation of the ‘* hunter’s medi- cine” and the pictographic drawings employed in connection there- with. The compound is made of several plants, the leaves and roots of which are ground into powder. A little of this is put into the gun barrel, with the bullet, and sometimes a small pinch is dropped upon the track of the animal to compel it to halt at whatever place it may be when the powder is so sprinkled upon the ground. The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is as follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he first visits the Midé’, giving him a present of tobacco before announc- 222 THE MIDE WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA, ing the object of his visit and afterwards promising to give him such and such portions of the animal which he may procure. The Midé’, if satisfied with the gift, produces his pipe and after making an offering to Ki'tshi Man‘id6 for aid in the preparation of his ““medicine,” and to appease the anger of the man‘id6 who controls the class of animals desired, sings a song, one of his own composi- tion, after which he will draw with a sharp-pointed bone or nail, upon a small piece of birch bark, the outline of the animal desired by the applicant. The place of the heart of the animal is indicated by a puncture upon which a small quantity of vermilion is carefully rubbed, this color being very efficacious toward effecting the cap- ture of the animal and the punctured heart insuring its death. Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure, from which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated the life line, i. e., that magic power may reach its heart and influ- ence the life of the subject designated. Fig. 20 is a reproduction of the character drawn upon a small oval piece of birch bark, which had been made by a Midé’ to LBEEhs PBA PIS are ftorn. insure the death of two bears. Another example is presented in Fig. 21, a variety of animals being figured and a small quantity of vermilion being rubbed upon the heart of each. In some instances the representation of animal formsis drawn see ee (cy Fig. 21—Hunter’s medicine. by the Midé’ not upon birch bark, but directly upon sandy earth or a bed of ashes, either of which affords a smooth surface. For this purpose he uses a sharply pointed piece of wood, thrusts it into the region of the heart, and afterwards sprinkles upon this a small quan- tity of powder consisting of magic plants and vermilion. These per- formances are not conducted in public, but after the regular mystic ceremony has been conducted by the Midé’ the information is deliv- ered with certain injunctions as to the course of procedure, direction, i HOFFMAN.] NOTES ON INITIATION CEREMONIES. 223 etc. In the latter method of drawing the outline upon the sand or upon ashes, the result is made known with such directions as may be deemed necessary to insure success. For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposi- tion of his alleged medicines, the Midé’ familiarizes himself with the topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus be- comes possessed of a large amount of valuable information respect- ing the natural history of the surrounding country, by which means he can, with a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the best localities for such varieties of game as may be particularly de- sired by him. In his incantations a Wabénd’ uses a drum resembling a tambour- ine. A hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide, tightly stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a mythic figure, usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example of this kind is from Red Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig. 22. The human figure is painted red, while the outline of the head is black, as are also the waving lines extending from the head. These lines denote superior power. When drumming upon this figure, the Wabéno’ chants and is thus more easily enabled to in- voke the assistance of his man‘ido. Women, as before remarked, may take the degrees of the Midé’wiwin, but, so far as could be ascertained, their professions pertain chiefly to the treatment of women and children and to tattooing for the cure of head- ache and chronic neuralgia. Tattooing is accomplished by the use of finely powdered charcoal, soot or gunpowder, the pricking instrument being made by tying together a small number of needles; though formerly, it is said, fish spines or sharp splinters of bone were used for the purpose. The marks consist of round spots of one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter immediately over the afflicted part, the intention being to drive out the demon. Such spots are usually found upon the temples, though an occasional one may be found on the forehead or over the nasal eminence. When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks are smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such marks may be found upon some individuals to run outward over either or both cheeks from the alee of the nose to a point near the Fic, 22, Wabénod’ drum. 224 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. lobe of the ear, clearly indicating that the tattooing was done for toothache or neuralgia. The female Midé' is usually present at the initiation of new mem- bers, but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make herself generally useful in connection with the preparation of the medicine feast. SECOND DEGREE. The inclosure within which the second degree of the Midé’wiwin is conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the only important difference being that there are two degree posts instead of one. A ; 7 - - - > i j ¥ . 7 : - Pe! 7 ui _ 7 ‘ ’ vs j f i - . he ’ : 7 i T 7 J ‘ 7 i ; y i ) < + ~ -! j ‘ . ' - HOFFMAN. | INITIATION CEREMONIES. 227 from experiments made by several well known physiologists, and particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the contents of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of rheu- matism. I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at White Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred soon after the Midé’ administered this compound. In nearly all of them the distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to three months, though one is known to have continued for several years with no signs of recovery. The Catholic missionary at White Earth, with whom conversation was held upon this subject, feels impressed that some of the so-called ‘‘ bad Midé’” have a knowledge of some substance, possibly procured from the whites, which they attempt to employ in the destruction of enemies, rivals, or others. It may be possible that the instances above referred to were cases in which the dose was not sufficient to kill the victim, but was enough to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only substance attain- able by them that could produce such symptoms, and then only when given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by almost every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess poisons, and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal of personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the Midé’ for such service. When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief Midé’ priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invita- tion to attend (Pl. x11), while the candidate removes his wig'iwam to the vicinity of the place where the Midé’wigan has been erected. On the fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge, where he takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another; on the following day he takes the third bath, after which his pre- ceptor visits him. After making an offering to Ki'tshi Man ido the priest sings & song, of which the characters are reproduced in PI. xu, A. The Ojibwa words employed in singing are given in the first lines, and are said to be the ancient phraseology as taught for many generations. They are archaic, to a great extent, and have additional meaningless syllables inserted, and used as suffixes which are intoned to prolong notes. The second line of the Ojibwa text consists of the words as they are spoken at the present time, to each of which is added the interpretation. The radical similarity between the two is readily perceived. Hi -na-wi’-a-ni-ka®. (As sung.) We-me-a’ ni-kan mi-sha man’-i-d6 ° Iam crying my colleague great spirit. ni-wa -ma-bi-go’ ma’'-wi-yan’. He sees me erying. [The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion with Ki'tshi Man‘ido, the circle denoting union; the short zigzag lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i. e., “eye rain,” directed toward the sky. | 228 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Ki-ntn -no, hé’, ki-mun’-i-d6'-we, hé’. esh’-i-ha'-ni. (As sung.) Gi-ntin-d6n ni-kan’ é-zhi-an. I hear you, colleague, what you say to me. [The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging from the Midé wigan of which he is the chief guardian. ] Té -ti-wa -tshi-wi-m0' a-ni’-me-ga-si. (As sung.) Té -ti-wa -tsh6-tag’ ni-mi -gi-sim. He will tell you fof] my migis ( — inform you). té -ti-wa'-tshi-mo-ta’ ag. He it is who will tell you. [The reference is Soasuperior spirit as indicated by the presence of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The wordssignify that Ki'tshi Man'ido will make known to the candidate the pres- ence within his body of the mi’gis, when the proper time arrives. ] Rest, or pause, in the song. During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the Midé’ priest is joined by the candidate. eee YY Hiu -a-me'-da-ma’ ki’-a-wén’'-da-mag man -i-d6-wit hiu'-a-wen’-da-mag. (As sung.) Ki-win -da-mag’-0-nan man -i-d6’-wid. He tells us he is [one] of the man/idés. [This ma nido is the same as that referred to in the above-named phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four sacred mi gis points upon his body, the short radiating lines re- ferring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled. ] Wa'-sa-wa'-di, hé’, wen’-da-na-ma’, mi-té-wi®. (As sung.) Wa-sa-wa -diin -da-na-ma’ I get it from afar mi-dé -wi-win . The ‘grand medicine.’** [The character represents aleg, with a magic line drawn across the middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only through the medium of supernatural powers. The place ‘* from afar” refers to the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘ido. | Ki-go -na-bi-hi" @'-ni-na mi-te’. (As sung.) Ki®-do'-na-bi-in’ mi-dé’-wi-win-ni-ni’ I place you there ‘‘in the grand medicine’ (among the ‘‘ Midé’ people’’) a-bit’-da-win’. Half way (in the Midé’wigan). (The Midé’ priest informs the candidate that the second initia- tion will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of the Midé wigan. The candidate is then placed so that his body will have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag lines radiating from it toward the sky. ] ORE TA OOS eg ee ee UN CTR NNO ATE REEOR Tae EMT MNEMONIC SONGS HOFFMAN. J INITIATION SONGS. 229 Hi -sha-we-ne -me-go’, hé’, né’. SS) S Ni-go’-tshi-mi, hé’. (As sung.) Ni-sha-we'-ni-mi-go’ é’-ne-ma -bi-dzhik. They have pity on me those who are sitting here. [This request is made to the invisible man idds who congregate in the Midé' wigan during the ceremonies, and the statement im- plies that they approve of the candidate’s advancement. ] Another smoke offering is made upon the completion of this song, after which both individuals retire to their respective habitations. Upon the following day, that being the one immediately preceding the day of ceremony, the candidate again repairs to the sudatory to take a last vapor bath, after the completion of which he awaits the coming of his preceptor for final conversation and communion with man’idds respecting the step he is prepared to take upon the morrow. The preceptor’s visit is merely for the purpose of singing to the candidate, and impressing him with the importance of the rites of the Midé’wigan. After making the usual offering of tobacco smoke the preceptor becomes inspired and sings a song, the following being a reproduction of the one employed by him at this stage of the pre- paratory instruction. (See Pl. xu B.) Man '-i-do’, hé’, né, man’-i-d6', hé’, né’. Spirit, Spirit, Ni-man-i-d6’ win’-da-bi-an’. Tam a spirit (is) the reason why I am here. [The zigzag lines extending downward and outward from the mouth indicate singing. He has reached the power of a man‘id6, and is there- fore empowered to sit within the sacred inclosure of the Midé’wigan, to which he alludes. | Da'-bi-wa-ni’, ha’, hé’, A*-nin, e-k6’-wé-an'. Drifting snow, why do I sing. : [The first line is sung, but no interpretation of the words could be obtained, and it was alleged that the second line contained the idea to Gu be expressed. The horizontal curve denotes the sky, the vertical zig- § zag lines indicating falling snow—though being exactly like the lines employed to denote rain. The drifting snow is likened to a shower of delicate mi gis shells or spots, and inquiry is made of it to account for the feeling of inspiration experienced by the singer, as this shower of mi gis descends from the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘ido and is therefore, in this instance, looked upon as sacred. } Rest, or pause. 230 vy : THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Gi-man -i-d6-wé, ni-me-ne'-ki-nan’ wan-da. Gi-a-wingk, gi-man’-i-d6'-a-ni-min’, Your body, I believe it is a spirit. Gi-a-wingk. your body. {The first line is sung, but the last word could not be satisfactorily explained. The first word, as now pronounced, is Ki'tshi Man‘id6, and the song is addressed to him. The curved line, from which the arm protudes, is the Midé' wigan and the arm itself is that of the speaker in the attitude of adoration: reaching upward in worship and supplica- tion. ] : Pi-né’-si ne’-pi-mi-a ni®'-ge-gé'-kwe-a® The bird as I promise the falcon mi-we -tshi-man -i-do'-wid. the reason he is a spirit. [The second word is of archaic form and no agreement concerning its correct signification could be reached hy the Midé’. The meaning of the phrase appears to be that Ki'tshi Man'id6 promised to create the Thunder-bird, one of the man'idés. The falcon is here taken as a rep- resentative of that deity, the entire group of Thunderers being termed a-ni -mi-ki’.] Zhin'-gwe mi-shi-ma-kwa’ Makes a great noise the bear. we" -dzhi-wa-ba-mok-kwed’ kin-nét’. the reason I am of flame. [The character of the bear represents the great bear spirit of the malevolent type, a band about his body indicating his spirit form. By means of his power and influence the singer has become endowed with the ability of changing his form into that of the bear, and in this guise accomplishing good or evil. The reference to flame (fire) denotes the class of conjurers or Shamans to which this power is granted, i.e., the Wabénd’, and in the second degree this power is reached as will be re- ferred to further on. ] Ni’-a-wen -din-da-sa’, ha’, sa’, man’-i-d6’-wid. Gi'-a-wingk in-do-sa man-i-d6'-wid. In your body I put it the spirit. [The first line is sung, and is not of the modern style of spoken lan- guage. The second line signifies that the arm of Ki’tshi Man‘ido, through the intermediary of the Midé’ priest, will put the spirit, i. e., the mi’gis, into the body of the candidate. ] The singer accompanies his song either by using a short baton of wood, termed ‘‘ singing stick” or the Midé’ drum. After the song is completed another present of tobacco is given to the preceptor, and after making an offering of smoke both persons return to their re- spective wig’iwams. Later in the evening the preceptor calls upon the candidate, when both, with the assistance of friends, carry the presents to the Midé’wigan, where they are suspended from the raft- HOFEMAN,] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 231 ers, to be ready for distribution after the initiation on the following day. Several friends of the candidate, who are Midé’, are stationed at the doors of the Midé'wigan to guard against the intrusion of the uninitiated, or the possible abstraction of the gifts by strangers. INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. The candidate proceeds early on the morning of the day of initia- tion to take possession of the sweat-lodge, where he awaits the com. ing of his preceptor and the eight officiating priests. He has an abundance of tobacco with which to supply all the active partici- pants, so that they may appease any feeling of opposition of the man idds toward the admission of a new candidate, and to make offerings of tobacco to the guardian spirit of the second degree of the Midé’wiwin. After the usual ceremony of smoking individual songs are indulged in by the Midé’ priests until such time as they may deem it necessary to proceed to the Midé’wigan, where the mem. bers of the society have long since gathered and around which is scattered the usual crowd of spectators. The candidate leads the procession from the sweat-lodge to the eastern entrance of the Midé’- wigan, carrying anample supply of tobacco and followed by the priests who chant. When the head of the procession arrives at the door of the sacred inclosure a halt is made, the priests going forward and entering. The drummer, stationed within, begins to drum and sing, while the preceptor and chief officiating priest continue their line of march around the inclosure, going by way of the south or left hand. Hight circuits are made, the last terminating at the main or eastern entrance. The drumming then ceases and the candidate is taken to the inner side of the door, when all the members rise and stand in their places. The officiating priests approach and stand near the middle of the inclosure, facing the candidate, when one of them says to the Midé’ priest beside the latter: O-da'-pin a-sé/-ma— ** Take it, the tobacco,” whereupon the Midé’ spoken to relieves the candidate of the tobacco and carries it to the middle of the inclosure, where it is laid upon a blanket spread upon the ground. The pre- ceptor then takes from the cross-poles some of the blankets or robes and gives them to the candidate to hold. One of the malevolent spirits which oppose the entrance of a stranger is still supposed to remain with the Midé’wigan, its body being that of a serpent, like flames of fire, reaching from the earth to the sky. He is called I’-shi-ga-né’-bi-g6g—‘‘ Big-Snake.” To appease his anger the candi- date must make a present; so the preceptor says for the candidate: Ka-wi"-ni-na-ga’ wa’-ba-ma -si-ba’-shi-gi -ne-gét’ ? Do you not see how he carries the goods ? This being assented to by the Midé’ priests the preceptor takes the blankets and deposits them near the tobacco upon the ground. Slight taps upon the Midé’ drum are heard and the candidate is led ~ S 932 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. toward the left on his march round the interior of the Midé'wigan, the officiating priests following and being followed in succession by ail others present. The march continues until the eighth passage round, when the members begin to step back into their respective places, while the officiating Midé’ finally station themselves with their backs toward the westernmost degree post, and face the door at the end of the structure. The candidate continues round to the western end, faces the Midé’ priests, and all sit down. The following song is then sung, which may be the individual production of the can- didate (Pl. xin, C). A song is part of the ritual, though it is not necessary that the candidate should sing it, as the preceptor may do so for him. In the instance under my observation the song was an old one (which had been taught the candidate), as the archaic form of pronunciation indicates, Each of the lines is repeated as often as the singer may desire, the prolongation of the song being governed by his inspired condition. The same peculiarity governs the inser- tion, between words and at the end of lines, of apparently meaning-. less vowel sounds, to reproduce and prolong the last notes sounded. This may be done ad libitum, rythmical aecentuation being main- tained by gently tapping upon the Midé’ drum. Hia’-ni-de hén'-da man’-i-d6, hd’, ni -sha-bon’-de man -i-d6 -en-dat. Where is the spirit lodge? I go through it. WS [The oblong structure represents the Midé wigan, the arm upon the left indicating the course of the path leading through it, the latter being shown by a zigzag line. ] Nin-g6'-sa mi-dé’-kwe ni-ka’ na’-ska-wa’. J am afraid of the ‘‘ grand medicine * woman; I go to her. [A leg is shown to signify locomotion. The singer fears the op- position of a Midé’ priestess and will conciliate her. } Ka-ni-sa’ hi-a-tshi’-min-dé’ man -ski-ki’, dé’, hé’, hé’. Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky. [A person of superior power, as designated by the horns at- tached to the head. The lines from the mouth signify voice or speech, while the horizontal lines denote the stratus clouds, the Sere” height above the earth of which illustrates the direction of the abode of the spirit whose conversation, referring to the singer, is observed Grossing them as short vertical zigzag lines; i. e., voice lines. ] Ke -na-nan’-do-mé ko-no'-ne-nak ka-ne-hé’ nin-ko’-tshi nan’-no-me’. The cloud looks to me for medicine. [The speaker has become so endowed with the power of magic influence that he has preference with the superior Manidds. The magic influence is shown descending to the hand which reaches beyond the cloud indicated by the oblong square upon the fore- arm. | ; =< gene HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS 233 Rest, after which dancing begins, Wa-tshu -a-né ke’-ba-bing -e-on’, wa-dzhu . Going into the mountains. [The singer's thoughts go to the summit to commune with Kitshi Mando. He is shown upon the summit. } Hi -mé-de-wa hen -dé-a he -na. \ The grand medicine affects me. {In his condition he appeals to Kitshi Man‘ido for aid. The arms represent the act of supplication. | Hai’-an-go ho’-ya o'-gé-ma, ha’. The chief goes out. [The arms grasp a bear—the Bear Man'idd—and the singer in- Cm timates that he desires the aid of that powerful spirit, who is one XK of the guardians of the Midé wigan. | 4 Nish’-o-wé’ ni-mé'-hi-g6', hé’, ni-g6'-tshi-mi-go-we, he’. Have pity on me wherever I have medicine. AY [The speaker is filled with magic influence, upon the strength of which he asks the Bear to pity and to aid him. ] Hén -ta-no-wik'-ko-we’ de-wén -da én-da-a'-dan. I wish to know what is the matter with me. [The singer feels peculiarly impressed by his surroundings in the Midé wigan, because the sacred man idds have filled his body with magic powers. These are shown by the zigzag or waving lines descending to the earth. ] Wi-so-mi-ko-wé hé-a-za-we -ne-ne-go’, ho’. I am the beaver; have pity on me. [Thisis said to indicate that the original maker of the mnemonic song was of the Beaver totem or gens. | As each of the preceding lines or verses is sung in such a pro- tracted manner as to appear like a distinct song, the dancers, during the intervals of rest, always retire to their places and sit down. 234 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. The dancing is not so energetic as many of those commonly indulged in for amusement only. The steps consist of two treading move- ments made by each foot in succession. Keeping time with the drum-beats, at the same time there is a shuffling movement made by the dancer forward, around and among his companions. but get- ting back toward his place before the verse is ended, The attitude during these movements consists in bending the body forward, while the knees are bent, giving one the appearance of searching for a lost object. Those who do not sing give utterance to short, deep grunts, in accordance with the alternate heavier strokes upon the drum. As the dancing ceases, and all are in their proper seats, the pre- ceptor, acting for the candidate, approaches the pile of tobacco and distributes a small quantity to each one present, when smoking is indulged in, preceded by the usual offering to the east, the south, the west, the north, the sky and the earth. After the completion of this ceremonial an attendant carries the Midé’ drum to the southeast angle of the inclosure, where it is de- livered to the drummer; then the officiating priests rise and approach within two or three paces of the candidate as he gets upon his knees. The preceptor and the assistant who is called upon by him take their places immediately behind and to either side of the candidate, and the Midé’ priest lowest in order of precedence begins to utter quick, deep tones, resembling the sound ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, at the same time grasping his midé’ sack with both hands, as if it were a gun, and moying it in a serpentine and interrupted manner toward one of the large joints of the candidate’s arms or legs. At the last utter- ance of this sound he produces a quick puff with the breath and thrusts the bag forward as if shooting, which he pretends to do, the missile being supposed to be the invisible sacred mi'gis. The other priests follow in order from the lowest to the highest, each selecting a different joint, during which ordeal the candidate trembles more and more violently until at last he is overcome with the magic influ- ence and falls forward upon the ground unconscious. The Midé’ priests then lay their sacks upon his back, when the candidate begins to recover and spit out the migis shell which he had previously hidden within his mouth. Then the chief Midé’ takes it up between the tips of the forefinger and thumb and goes through the ceremony described in connection with the initiation into the first degree, of holding it toward the east, south, west, north, and the sky, and finally to the mouth of the candidate, when the latter, who has partly re- covered from his apparently insensible condition, again relapses into that state. The eight priests then place their sacks to the respective joints at which they previously directed them, which fully infuses the body with the magic influence as desired. Upon this the candi- date recovers, takes up the mi‘gis shell and, placing it upon his left palm, holds it forward and swings it from side to side, saying he! HOFFMAN.] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 235 he! he! he! he! and pretends to swallow it, this time only reeling from its effects. He is now restored to a new life for the second time; and as the priests go to seek seats he is left on the southern side and seats himself. After all those who have been oceupied with the initiation have hung up their midé’ sacks on available projections against the wall or branches, the new member goes forward to the pile of tobacco, blankets, and other gifts and divides them among those present, giving the larger portions to the officiating priests. He then passes around once More, stopping before each one to pass his hands over the sides of the priests’ heads, and says: Mi-gwétsh’ ga-shi-to’-win bi-ma -di-si-win,’ Thanks for giving to me life, after which he retreats a step, and clasping his hands and bowing toward the priest, says: Ni-ka-ni ni-ka‘ni ni-ka’-ni ka-nia’, fellow midé’ fellow mide’ fellow midé’, to which each responds hau’, 6". The word haw’ is a term of appro- bation, 6" signifying yes, or affirmation, the two thus used together serving to intensify the expression. Those of the Midé’ present who are of the second, or even some higher degree, then indulge in the ceremony of passing around to the eastern part of the inclosure, where they feign coughing and gagging, so as to produce from the mouth the mi‘gis shell, as already narrated in connection with the first degree, p. 192. This manner of thanking the officiating Midé’ for their services in initiating the candidate into a higher degree is extended also to those members of the Midé’wiwin who are of the first degree only, in acknowledgment of the favor of their presence at the ceremony, they being eligible to attend ceremonial rites of any degree higher than the class to which they belong, because such men are neither benefited nor influenced in any way by merely witnessing such ini- tiation, but they must themselves take the principal part in it to receive the favor of a renewed life and to become possessed of higher power and increased magic influence. Various members of the society indulge in short harangues, re- counting personal exploits in the performance of magic and exor- cism, to which the auditors respond in terms of gratification and exclamations of approval. During these recitals the ushers, ap- pointed for the purpose, leave the inclosure by the western door to return in a short time with kettles of food prepared-for the midé’ feast. The ushers make four circuits of the interior, giving to each person present a quantity of the contents of the several vessels, so that all receive sufficient to gratify their desires. When the last of the food has been consumed, or removed, the midé’ drum is heard, and soon a song is started, in which all who desire join. After the first two or three verses of the song are recited, a short interval of 236 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. rest is taken, but when it is resumed dancing begins and is contin- ued to the end. In this manner they indulge in singing and dane- ing, interspersed with short speeches, until the approach of sunset, when the members retire to their own wig'iwams, leaving the Midé’- wigan by the western egress. The ushers, assisted by the chief Midé’, then remove the sacred post from the inclosure and arrange the interior for new initiations, either of a lower or higher class, if candidates have prepared and presented themselves. In case there is no further need of meeting again at once, the members of the society and visitors return upon the following day to their respective homes. DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. The mi‘gis shell employed in the second degree initiation is of the same species as those before mentioned. At White Karth, however, some of the priests claim an additional shell as characteristic of this advanced degree, and insist that this should be as nearly round as possible, having a perforation through it by which it may be secured with a strand or sinew. In the absence of a rounded white shell a — bead may be used asa substitute. On Pl. x1, No. 4,is presented an illustration of the bead (the second-degree mi’gis) presented to me on the occasion of my initiation. With reference to the style of facial decoration resorted to in this degree nearly all of the members now paint the face according to their own individual tastes, though a few old men still adhere to the traditional method previously described (pp. 180, 181). The candidate usually adopts the style practiced by his preceptor, to which he is officially entitled; but if the preceptor employed in the prepara- tory instruction for the second degree be not the same individual whose services were retained for the first time, then the candidate has the privilege of painting his face according to the style of the preceding degree. If he follow his last preceptor it is regarded as an exceptional token of respect, and the student is not expected to follow the method in his further advancement. A Midé’ of the second degree is also governed by his tutelary dai- mon; e. g., if during the first fast and vision he saw a bear, he now prepares a necklace of bear-claws, which is worn about the neck and crosses the middle of the breast. He now has the power of changing his form into that of a bear; and during that term of his disguise he wreaks vengeance upon his detractors and upon victims for whose destruction he has been liberally rewarded. Immediately upon the accomplishment of such an act he resumes his human form and thus escapes identification and detection. Such persons are termed by many ‘‘ bad medicine men,” and the practice of thus debasing the sacred teachings of the Midé@’wiwin is discountenanced by members of the society generally. Such pretensions are firmly believed in HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 237 and acknowledged by the credulous and are practiced by that class of Shamans here designated as the Wabénd’. In his history ' Rev. Mr. Jones says: As the powwows always unite witchcraft with the application of their medicines T shall here give a short account of this curious art. ; Witches and wizards are persons supposed to possess the agency of familiar spir- its from whom they receive power to inflict diseases on their enemies, prevent good luck of the hunter and the success of the warrior. They are believed to fly invisibly at pleasure from place to place; to turn themselves into bears, wolves, foxes, owls, bats, and snakes. Such metamorph )ses they pretend to accomplish by putting on theskins of these animals, at the same time crying and howling in imitation of the creature they wish to represent. Several of our people have informed me that they have seen and heard witches in the shape of these animals, especially the bear and the fox. They say that when a witch in the shape of a bear is being chased all at once she will run round a tree or a hill, so as to be lost sight of for a time by her pursuers, and then, instead of seeing a bear they behold an old woman walking quietly along or digging up roots, and looking as innocent as a lamb. The fox witches are known by the flame of fire which proceeds out of their mouths every time they bark. Many receive the name of witches without making any pretensions to the art, merely because they are deformed or ill-looking. Persons esteemed witches or wiz- ardsare generally eccentric characters, remarkably wicked, of aragged appearance and forbidding countenance. The way in which they are made is either by direct communication with the familiar spirit during the days of their fasting, or by being instructed by those skilled in the art. A Midé’ of the second degree has the reputation of superior pow- ers on account of having had the mi’gis placed upon all of his joints, and especially because his heart is filled with magic power, as is shown in Pl. m1, No. 48. In this drawing the disk upon the breast denotes where the mi’gis has been ‘‘shot” into the figure, the en- larged size of the circle signifying ‘‘ greater abundance,” in contra- distinction to the common designation of a mi’gis shown only by a simple spot or small point. One of this class is enabled to hear and see what is transpiring at a remote distance, the lines from the hands indicating that he is enabled to grasp objects which are beyond the reach of a common person, and the lines extending from the feet signifying that he can traverse space and transport himself to the most distant points. Therefore he is sought after by hunters for aid in the discovery and capture of game. for success in war, and for the destruction of enemies, however remote may be their residence. When an enemy or a rival is to be dealt with a course is pursued similar to that followed when preparing hunting charts, though more powerful magic medicines are used. In the following descrip- tion of a pictograph recording such an occurrence the Midé’, or rather the Wabéno’, was of the fourth degree of the Midé'wiwin. The indication of the grade of the operator is not a necessary part of the record, but in this instance appears to have been prompted '! History of the Ojebway Indians, etc., London (1848?), pp. 145, 146. 238 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. from motives of vanity. The original sketch, of which Fig. 24 is a reproduction, was drawn upon birch-bark by a Midé’, in 1884, and the ceremony detailed actually occurred at White Earth, Minnesota. By a strange coincidence the person against whom vengeance was aimed died of pneumonia the following spring, the disease having resulted from cold contracted during the preceding winter. The victim resided at a camp more than a hundred miles east of the locality above named, and his death was attributed to the Midé’’s power, a reputation naturally procuring for him many new adher- ents and disciples. The following is the explanatiom as furnished by a Midé’ familiar with the circumstances: we a Vee Abe We <<)! a8 9 Fic. 24—Midé’ destroying an enemy. No. 1 is the author of the chart, a Midé who was called upon to take the life of a man living at a distant camp. The line extending from the midé’ to the figure at No. 9, signifies that his influence will reach to that distance. No. 2, the applicant for assistance. Nos. 3, 4, 5. and 6, represent the four degrees of the Mid@ wiwin (of which the operator, in this instance, was a member). The degrees are furthermore specifically designated by short vertical strokes. No. 7 is the midé’ drum used during the ceremony of preparing the charm. No. 8 represents the body of the intended victim. The heart is indicated, and upon this spot was rubbed a small quantity of vermilion. No. 9 is the outline of a lake, where the subject operated upon resided. War parties are not formed at this time, but mnemonic charts of songs used by priests to encourage war parties, are still extant, and a reproduction of one is given on Pl. xm, D. This song was used by the Midé’ priest to insure success to the parties. The members who intended participating in the exhibition would meet on the evening preceding their departure, and while listening to the words, some would join in the singing while others would dance. The lines may be repeated ad libitum so as to lengthen the entire series of phrases according to the prevalent enthusiasm and the time at the disposal of the performers. The war drum was used, and there were always five or six drummers so as to produce sufficient noise to accord with the loud and animated singing of a large body of ex- cited men. This drum is, in size, like that employed for dancing. It is made by covering with rawhide an old kettle, or wooden ves- sel, from 2 to 3 feet in diameter. The drum is then attached to four sticks, or short posts, so as to prevent its touching the ground, thus affording every advantage for producing full and resonant sounds, when struck. The drumsticks are strong withes, at the end of each of which is fastened a ball of buckskin thongs. The follow- ing lines are repeated ad libitum: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV yh oF +a HOA CF UT RAG Ce ea “SHA Ge Ley , MNEMONIC SONGS. U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. HOFFMAN. | MIDE’ SONGS. 239 Hu’-na-wa'-na ha’-wa, ¢ > un-do'-dzhe-na’ ha-we'-né. I am looking [feeling] for my paint. y [The Midé’s hands are at his medicine sack searching for his war paint. } Hia’-dzhi-min-de’ non’-da-k6', ho’, They hear me speak of legs. [Refers to speed in the expedition. To the left of the leg is the arm of a spirit, which is supposed to infuse magic influence so as to give speed and strength. | Hu’-wa-ke’, na’. ha’, He said, [The Turtle Man‘ido will lend his aid in speed. The turtle was one of the swiftest man‘idés, until through some misconduct, Min’abo'zho deprived him of his speed. ] Wa’-tshe, ha’, hwé, wa’-ka-te’, hé’, wa’-tshe, ha’, hwé’. Powder, he said. [The modern form of Wa’-ka-te’, he’, hwa’, is ma’-ka-dé’-hwa; other archaic words occur also in other portions of this song. The phrase signifies that the Midé’ Man’id6 favors good results from the use of powder. His form projects from the top of the Midé’ structure, ] Rest. A smoke is indulged in after which the song is resumed, ac- companied with dancing. : Sin-go'-na wa-ki’ na-ha/-ka “7 I made him ery. [The figure is that of a turkey buzzard which the speaker shot. ] x Te-wa'-tshi-me-kwe'-na, ha’, na-ke'-nan. i They tell of my powers. ZA [The people speak highly of the singer's magic powers; a charmed ar- row is shown which terminates above with feather-web ornament, en- larged to signify its greater power. | Vv He'-wé-ne-nis'’-sa ma-he’-ka-nén’-na, What have I killed, it is a wolf. [By aid of his magic influence the speaker has destroyed a bad man’- ido which had assumed the form of a wolf. ] Sun’-gu-we'-wa, ha’, nin-dén’, tshi’/-man-da'-kwa ha’na-nin-dén’, I am as strong as the bear. [The Midé’ likens his powers to those of the Bear Man‘id6, one of the c most powerful spirits; his figure protrudes from the topof the Midé’ wi- gan while his spirit form is indicated by the short lines upon the back. | 240 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Wa -ka-na/-ni, hé’, wa’-ka-na’/-ni. I wish to smoke. . {The pipe used is that furnished by the promoter or originator of the war party, termed a ‘‘ partisan.” The Midé’ is in full accord with the work undertaken and desires to join, signifying his wish by desiring to smoke with the braves. ] He'-wa-ho -a hai’-a-ne’ - I even use a wooden image. ~ [ Effigies made to represent one who is to be destroyed. The heart is punctured, vermilion or other magic powder is applied, and the death of the victim is encompassed. ] Pa-kwa’ ma-ko-né’ a’, 60, he’, A Osh-ke -na-ko-né -a. The bear goes round angry. [The Bear Man‘ido is angry because the braves are dilatory in going 1 ns to war. The sooner they decide upon this course, the better it will be for the Midé’ as to his fee, and the chances of success are greater while the braves are infused with enthusiasm, than if they should become sluggish and their ardor become subdued. } THIRD DEGREE. The structure in which the third degree of the Midé’ wiwin is con- ferred resembles that of the two preceding, and an outline is pre- sented in Fig. 25. In this degree three posts are erected, the first one resembling that of the first de- Stee can ents gree, being painted red with a 3 3 band of green around the top. coed ee (Pl. xv, No. 1.) This is planted eS oes i) f re a short distance to the east of the : 4 middle of the floor. The second yesecenanececsscccsccovesrcesocccccecossoveosedty x post is also painted red, but has Fie. 25.—Diagram of Midetwiehn of the third Scattered over its entire surface spots of white clay, each of about the size of a silver quarter of a dollar, symbolical of the mi’gis shell. Upon the top of this post is placed the stuffed body of an owl—K6-k6- k6-6'. (Pl. xv, No. 2.) This post is planted a short distance west of the first one and about midway between it and the third, which last is erected within about 6 or 8 feet from the western door, and is painted black. (Pl. xv, No. 3.) The sacred stone against. which patients are placed, and which has the alleged virtue of removing or expelling the demons that cause disease, is placed upon the ground at the usual spot near the eastern entrance (Fig. 25, No. 1). The Makwa Man'id6—bear spirit—is the tutelary guardian of this degree. Cedar trees are planted at each of the outer angles of the structure (Fig. 25, Nos. 6,7, 8, 9). Thesudatory is erected about 100 yards due east of the main entrance of the Midé’wigan, and is of the same size and for the same purpose as that for the second degree. g3yaVvS S$1S0o0d ‘NYDIMZGIW JO 6 Ol HOFFMAN. ] PREPARATION OF GANDIDATE. 241 PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE. It is customary for the period of one year to elapse before a sevond- degree Midé’ can be promoted, even if he be provided with enough presents for such advancement. As the exacted fee consists of goods and tobacco thrice the value of the fee for the first degree, few pre- sent themselves. This degree is not held in as high estimation, rela- tively, as the preceding one; but it is alleged that a Midé’s powers are intensified by again subjecting himself to the ceremony of being “shot with the sacred mi’gis,” and he is also elevated to that rank by means of which he may be enabled the better to invoke the assist- ance of the tutelary guardian of this degree. A Midé’ who has in all respects complied with the preliminaries of announcing to the chief Midé’ his purpose, gaining satisfactory evi- dence of his resources and ability to present the necessary presents, and of his proficiency in the practice of medical magic, etc., selects a preceptor of at least the third degree and one whois held in high repute and influenceinthe Midé'wiwin. After procuring the services of such a person and making a satisfactory agreement with him, he may be enabled to purchase from him some special formule for which he is distinguished. The instruction embraces a résumé of the traditions previously given, the various uses and properties of magic plants and compounds with which the preceptor is familiar, and conversa- tions relative to exploits performed in medication, incantation, and exorcism. Sometimes the candidate is enabled to acquire new ‘‘ medi- cines” to add to his list, and the following is atranslation of the tra- dition relating to the origin of ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia, Gr.), the so-called ‘‘man root,” held in high estimation as of divine origin. In Fig. 3 is presented a pictorial representation of the story, made by Ojibwa, a Midé’ priest of White Earth, Minnesota. The tradi- tion purports to be an account of a visit of the spirit of a boy to the abode of Dzhibai’ Man'ido, ‘‘the chief spirit of the place of souls,” called Ne’-ba-gi’-zis, ‘‘the land of the sleeping sun.” There appears to be some similarity between this tradition and that given in connection with Pl. v, in which the Sun Spirit restored to life a boy, by which act he exemplified a portion of the ritual of the Midé’wiwin. It is probable therefore that the following tradition is a corruption of the former and made to account for the origin of “man root,” as ginseng is designated, this root, or certain portions of it, being so extensively employed in various painful complaints. Once an old Midé’, with his wife and son, started out on a hunting trip, and, as the autumn was changing into winter, the three erected a substantial wig'iwam. The snow began to fall and the cold increased, so they decided to remain and eat of their stores, game having been abundant and a good supply having been pro- cured. @ ETH——16 2425 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. The son died; whereupon his mother immediately set out for the village to obtain help to restore him to life, as she believed her father, the chief priest of the Midé’- wiwin, able to accomplish this. When the woman informed her father of the death of her son, her brother, who was present, immediately set out in advance to render assistance. The chief priest then summoned three assistant Midé’, and they accompanied his daughter to thé place where the body of his dead grandson lay upon the floor of the wig’iwam, cov- ered with robes. The chief Midé’ placed himself at the left shoulder of the dead boy, the next in rank at the right, while the two other assistants stationed themselves at the feet. Then the youngest Midé’—he at the right foot of the deceased—began to chant a midé’ song, which he repeated a second, a third, and a fourth time. When he had finished, the Mide’ at the left foot sang a midé’ song four times; then the Midé’ at the right shoulder of the body did the same, after which the chief Midé’ priest sang hissong four times, whereupon there was a perceptible movement under the blanket, and as the limbs began to move the blanket was taken off, when the boy sat up. Being unable to speak, he made signs that he desired water, which was given to him. The four Midé’ priests then chanted medicine songs, each preparing charmed remedies which were given to the boy to complete his recovery. The youngest Midé’, standing at the foot of the patient, gave him four pinches of powder, which he was made to swallow; the Midé’ at the left foot did the same; then the Mide’ at the right shoulder did likewise, and he, in turn, was followed by the chief priest standing at the left shoulder of the boy; whereupon the convalescent immediately recovered his speech and said that during the time that his body had been in a trance his spirit had been in the “spirit land,” and had learned of the *‘ grand medicine.” The boy then narrated what his spirit had experienced during the trance, as fol- lows: ‘“ Gi'-gi-min’-6-go'-min mi-dé’-wi-win mi-dé’ man’-i-dd’ ‘n-gi-gin’-o-a-mak ban-dzhi’-ge'-o-we'-n ta’-zi-ne'-zho-wak' ni-zha’-né-zak, ki-wi'-de-gét’ mi’-o-pi’-ke’- ne-biii’-yan ka-ki’-né ka-we'-dé-ge’ mi’-o-w6k-pi’ i-kan’-o-a-mag'-i-na mi-dé’ man’- i-d6 wi-we'-ni-tshi mi-dé’-wi-win, ki’-mi-maé’-di-si-win’-in-an’ ki-mi’-ni-go-nan’ ge- on'-dé-na-mongk ki’-mi-ma’-di-si’-wa-in-an’;_ki’-ki-no’-a-mag’-wi-nan’ mash'-ki-ki o-gi/-mi-ni’-go-wan’ o-dzhi-bi’-gan gi-me'-ni-na-gik’ mash’-ki-ki-wa'-bo" shtik-wan '- a-ko-se'-an o-ma’-mash’-ki-ki ma’-gi-ga’-to ki’-ka-ya-ton.” The following is a translation: , He, the chief spirit of the Midé’ Society, gave us the ‘‘ grand medicine,” and he has taught us how to useit. I have come back from the spirit land. There will be twelve, all of whom will take wives; when the last of these is no longer without a wife, then will I die. That isthe time. The Midé’ spirit taught us to do right. He gave us life and told us how to prolong it. These things he taught us,and gave us roots for medicine. I give to you medicine; if your head is sick, this medicine put upon it, vou will put it on.” The revelation received by the boy was in the above manner im- parted to the Indians. The reference to twelve—three times the sacred number four—signifies that twelve chief priests shall succeed each other before death will come to the narrator. It is observed, also, that a number of the words ate archaic, which fact appears to be an indication of some antiquity, at least, of the tradition. The following are the principal forms in which a Midé’ will utilize Aralia quinquefolia, Gr., ginseng—Shté’-na-bi-o’-dzhi-bik: HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. 243 1. Small quantities of powdered root are swallowed to relieve stomachic pains. 2. A person complaining with acute pains in any specific part of the body is given that part of the root corresponding to the part affected; e. g., for pleu- risy, the side of the root is cut out, and an infusion given to relieve such pains; if one has pains in the lower extremities, the bifurcations of the root are employed; should the pains be in the thorax, the upper part of the root— corresponding to the chest—is used in a similar manner. INITIATION OF CANDIDATE, As the candidate for promotion has acquired from his Midé’ friends such new information as they choose to impart, and from his instructor all that was practicable, he has only to await the day of ceremony to be publicly acknowledged as a third-degree Midé’. As this time approaches the invitation sticks are sent to the various members and to such non-resident Midé’ as the officiating priests may wish to honor. On or before the fifth day previous to the meeting the candidate moves to the vicinity of the Midé’ wigan. On that day the first sweat bath is taken, and one also upon each suc- ceeding day until four baths, as a ceremony of purification, have been indulged in. On the evening of the day before the meeting his preceptor visits him at his own wig’iwam when, with the assist- ance of friends, the presents are collected and carried to the Midé’- wigan and suspended from the transverse poles near the roof. The officiating priests may subsequently join him, when smoking and singing form the chief entertainment of the evening. By this time numerous visitors have gathered together and are encamped throughout the adjacent timber, and the sound of the drum, where dancing is going on, may be heard far into the night. Karly on the morning of the day of the ceremonies the candidate goes to the sudatory where he first awaits the coming of his preceptor and later the arrival of the Midé’ priests by whom he is escorted to the Midé’wigan. With the assistance of the preceptor he arranges his gift of tobacco which he takes with him to the sacred inclosure, after which a smoke offering is made, and later Midé’ songs are chanted. These may be of his own composition as he has been a professor of magic a sufficient lapse of time to have composed them, but to give evidence of superior powers the chief, or some other of the officiating priests, will perhaps be sufficiently inspired to sing. The following was prepared and chanted by one of the Midé’ priests at the third-degree meeting at White Earth, Minnesota, and the illustration in Pl. xvu, A, is a reproduction of the original. The words, with translation, are as follows: Ni-ka’-ni-na man ’-do-na-m0 -a. @ My friend I am shooting into you in trying to hit the mark. © [The two arms are grasping the mi'gis, which he the Midé ‘is go- ing to shoot into the body of the candidate. The last word means, literally, trying to hit the mark at random. } 244 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. — Me-kwa -me-sha-kwak' , mi-te'-wi-da’. While it is clear let us have it, the ‘“‘grand medicine.” = (The Mide’ arm, signified by the magic zigzag lines at the lower end of the picture, reaches up into the sky to keep it clear; the 3 rain is descending elsewhere as indicated by the lines descending from the sky at the right and left. ] Rest. During this interval a smoke offermg is made. Mi-sha'-kwi-to-ni mi'-gis-sim’. As clear as the sky [is] my mi’gis. BS [The figure represents the sacred mi gis, as indicated by the short lines radiating from the periphery. The migis is white and the clear sky is compared to it. ] Son’-gi-mi-dé’ wi-ka’-ne, he’, Wi-nd-a man/’-i-d6’-wi-dzhi -id-e'-zhi-wat. Take the ‘‘ grand medicine” strong, as they, together with the ‘‘ Great Spirit,” tell me. [The candidate is enjoined to persevere in his purpose. The asso- ciate Midé’ are alluded to, as also Ki'tshi Man'id6, who urge his continuance and advancement in the sacred society. The arm reaches down to search for the sacred mi'gis of the fourth degree— designated by four vertical lines—which is, as yet, hidden from the person addressed. ] Hwa -ba-mi-dé’, hwa’'-ba-mi-dé', Na'-wa-kin-té’. He who sees me, he who sees me, stands on the middle of the earth. [The human figure symbolizes Ki'tshi Man‘id6; the magic lines cross his body, while his legs rest upon the outline of the Midé'wi- gan. His realm, the sky, reaches from the zenith to the earth, and he beholds the Midé’ while chanting and conducting the Midé’ wiwin. ] Man’-i-do’ wi-ka-ni’ ni-mi-dé’. To the spirit be a friend, my Midé’. [The speaker enjoins the candidate to be faithful to his charge, and thus a friend to Ki'tshi Man‘id6, who in return will always as- sist him. The figure holds a mi'gis in its right hand, and the Midé’ drum in its left. } The greater number of words in the preceding text are of an archaic form, and are presented as they were chanted. The several lines may be repeated ad libitum to accord with the feeling of in- spiration which the singer experiences, or the amount of interest manifested by his hearers. All the members of the society not officially inducting the candi- date have ere this entered the Midé’wigan and deposited their invita- tion sticks near the sacred stone, or, in the event of their inability SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI re & A © FSR — ge cy \ Onn | S ca | i HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES 245 to attend, have sent them with an explanation. The candidate, at the suggestion of the Midé’ priest, then prepares to leave the sudatory, gathers up the tobacco, and as he slowly advances toward the Midé' inclosure his attendants fall into the procession according to their office. The priests sing as they go forward, until they reach the entrance of the Midé’wigan, where the candidate and his preceptor halt, while the remainder enter and take their-stations just within the door, facing the west. The drummers, who are seated in the southwestern angle of the inclosure, begin to drum and sing, while the candidate is led slowly around the exterior, going by the south, thus following the course of the sun. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit he is halted directly opposite the main entrance, to which his attention is then directed. The drumming and singing cease ; the candidate beholds two Midé’ near the outer entrance and either side of it. These Midé’ represent two malevolent man'id6 and guard the door against the entrance of those not duly prepared. The one upon the northern side of the entrance then addresses his companion in the following words: I’-ku-tan ka/-wi-nad’-gi wa’-na-m4’-s! é'-zhi-gi’-ni-géd—*‘ Do you not see how he is formed ?” To which the other responds: O-da'-pi-nd’ ke’-no-win-diing shkwan’-dim—“ Take care of it, the door ;” [i. e., guard the entrance.| The former then again speaks to his companion, and says: Ka-win’-ni-na-ga’ wa’-ba-ma’-si-ba’-shi- gi-ne-gét’/—‘*‘ Do you not see how he carries the goods?” The Midé’ spoken to assents to this, when the preceptor takes several pieces of tobacco which he presents to the two guards, whereupon they per: mit the candidate to advance to the inner entrance, where he is again stopped by two other guardian man‘id6, who turn upon him as if to inquire the reason of his intrusion. The candidate then holds out two parcels of tobacco and says to them: O-da’-pin a-sé’- ma—‘‘ Take it, the tobacco,” whereupon they receive the gift and stand aside, saying: Kun’-da-dan—‘‘ Go down ;” [i. e., enter and follow the path.] As the candidate is taken a few steps forward and toward the sacred stone, four of the eight officiating priests re- ceive him, one replacing the preceptor who goes to the extreme western end there to stand and face the east, where another joins him, while the remaining two place themselves side by side so as to face the west. It is believed that there are five powerful man'idés who abide within the third-degree Midé’ wigan, one of whom is the Midé’ man’id6 —Ki'tshi Man‘id6—one being present at the sacred stone, the second at that part of the ground between the sacred stone and the first part where the gifts are deposited, the remaining thrée at the three degree posts. As the candidate starts and continues upon his walk around the interior of the inclosure the musicians begin to sing and drum, while .all those remaining are led toward the left, and when opposite the 246 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. sacred stone he faces it and is turned round so that his back is not toward it in passing; the same is done at the second place where one of the spirits is supposed to abide; again at first, second, and third posts. By this time the candidate is at the western extremity of the structure, and as the second Midé’ receives him in charge, the other taking his station beside the preceptor, he continues his course toward the north and east to the point of departure, going through similar evolutions as before, as he passes the three posts, the place of gifts and the sacred stone. This is done as an act of reverence to the man'idéds and to acknowledge his gratitude for their presence and encouragement. When he again arrives at the eastern extremity of the inclosure he is placed between the two officiating Midé’, who have been awaiting his return, while his companion goes farther back, even to the door, from which point he addresses the other officiating Midé’ as follows : Mis-sa’-a-shi’-gwa wi-kan’-da’-we-an', mis-sa’-a-shi-gwa wi-di-wa’-m6k wi-un’- Now is the time [I am] telling [—advis- now is the time to be observed [I am] o-bé-6g. ready to make him sit down. Then one of the Midé’ priests standing beside the candidate leads him to the spot between the sacred stone and the first-degree post where the blankets and other goods have been deposited, and here he is seated. This priest then walks slowly around him singing in a tremulous manner wa’, hé’, hé’, he’, hé’, hé’, hé’, he’, returning to a position so as to face him, when he addresses him as follows: Mis- sa'-a-shi’-gwa p6/-gtt-sé-ni/mi-nan’ au’-u-sa’ za-a’-da-win’ man’-i-d6 mi’-gis. Na’-pish-gatsh di-mé -gi-si 6-né’-ni-mi-an pi -sha-ga-an-da-i’ na’-pish-gatsh tshi-skwa’-di-na-wad’ dzhi-ma’-dzhi-a-ka’-ma-da-man bi-ma’-dis-si’-an. The following is a free translation : The time has arrived for you to ask of the Great Spirit this ‘‘ reverence” i. e., the sanctity of this degree. I am interceding in your behalf, but you think my pow- ers are feeble; Iam asking him to confer upon you the sacred powers. He may cause many to die, but I shall henceforth watch your course of success in life, and learn if he will heed your prayers and recognize your magic power. At the conclusion of these remarks three others of the officiating Midé’ advance and seat themselves, with their chief, before the can- didate. The Midé’ drum is handed to the chief priest, and after a short prelude of drumming he becomes more and more inspired, and sings the following Midé’ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. Xvit, B. Man -i-d6’ we-da’, man’-i-d0' gi-d6’ we-do-ning. or, Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth. [The head is said to signify that of a Mideé’, who is about to sing. ] HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. ~ 247 Nin ’-de-wen'-don zha'-bon-désh'-ka"-man’. I own this lodge, through which I pass. = [The speaker claims that he has been received into the degree of the Mideé’wiwin to which he refers. The objects on the outer side of the cblong square character represent spirits, those of the bear. ] A An’-dzhe-ho 1'-a-ni’ o-gén’, hwe'-6-ke’, hwe'-6-ke’. Mother is having it over again. [The reference is to the earth, as having the ceremony of the “srand medicine ” again. } Ni-ka-nan ni’-go-san, ni’-go-san’ ni-ka'-ni-san’, man -i-d6’ wi-dzhig’ (3) T nin-go-san’ an-i-wa -bi-dzhig ni-ka’. ( Friends I am afraid, I am afraid, friends, of the spirits sitting around me. [The speaker reaches his hand toward the sky, i.e., places his faith ; in Ki'tshi Man'idd who abides above. ] Ya’-ki-no’-sha-me-wa, ya’-ki-no’-sha-me’-wa. yi ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, hé’, ki’-no-sha’-we-wa’. Iam going, with medicine bag, to the lodge. \/ [The object represents an otter skin Midé’ sack, the property of the speaker. | 9 Ya’ -be-kai -a-bi, ya’-be-kai’-a-bi, hé’-a’, hé’-4’, ya -be-kai’-a-bi, ya’-be-kai’-a-bi, hé’-a', hé'a’, wa -na-he'-ni'-o-ni’, ya’-be-kai’-o-bik’. We are still sitting in a circle. [A Midé' sitting within the Midé'wigan; the circle is shown. ] A-ya'-a-bi-ta’ pa’-ke-zhik’, 0’, hi’, a’, AN Half the sky 2 [The hand is shown reaching toward the sky, imploring the assist- ance of Ki'tshi Man‘ido that the candidate may receive advancement in power. He has only two degrees, one-half of the number desired. ] fe} Ba '-be-ke’ o'-gi-man nish’-a-we, he’, + ne’-me-ke-hé’, nish’-a-we -ni-mik o'-gi-man. The spirit has pity on me now, [The ‘‘ Great Spirit” isdescending upon the Midé'wigan, to be pres- 3 ent during the ceremony. | , Nin-dai’-a, nin-dai’-a, ha’, we'-ki-ma’, ha’, wa-no-kwe’. In my heart, in my heart, I have the spirit. [The hand is holding the mi'gis, to which reference is made. ] 1-ke’-u-ha’-ma man-ta-na -ki-na_ ni-ka’-ni I take the earth, my Midé’ friends. [The earth furnishes the resources necessary to the maintenance of life, both food and medicines. } 248 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Wi-a-ya’-din shin-da’, han’, man-da -ha-ni’, 0-h6' ni-bi’. Let us get him to take this water. [The figure sees medicine in the earth, as the lines from the eyes to the horizontal strokes indicate. } 0 Hitie’-shi-shi-kwa -ni-an nin-ga’-ga-mtn’, | I take this rattle. [The rattle is used when administering medicine. } Wi-wa -ba-mi na hé'-na ko'-ni-a'-ni, ka’, ko’-ni-a -ho-na’, ni’, ka’. See how I shine in making medicine. [The speaker likens himself to the Makwa’ Man’ido, one of the most powerful Midé’ spirits. His body shines as if it were ablaze with light—due to magic power. ] This song is sung ad libitum according to the inspired condition of the person singing it. Many of the words are archaic, and differ from the modern forms. Then the officiating priests arise and the one lowest in rank grasps his Midé’ sack and goes through the gestures, described in connec- tion with the previous degrees, of shooting into the joints and fore- head of the candidate the sacred mi’gis. At the attempt made by the chief priest the candidate falls forward apparently unconscious. The priests then touch his joints and forehead with the upper end of their Midé’ sacks whereupon he recovers and rises to a standing posture. The chief then addresses him and enjoins him to conduct himself with propriety and in accordance with the dignity of his pro- fession. The following is the text, viz: Gi-gan/-bis-sin dau’-g6-in’-ni- nan’ kish-bin’-bish-in dau’-o-A€n-nin da/-ki-ka-wa’-bi-kwe ga/-ki-ne ke-ke’-wi-bi’-na-m6n ki-ma/-dzhi-zhi we'-bi-zi-win’. The translation is as follows: ‘‘ You heed to what I say to you; if you are listening and will do what is right you will live to have white hair. That is all; you will do away with all bad actions.” The Midé priest second in rank then says to the candidate: Ke'-go- wi-ka-za’-gi-to-wa'-kin ki-da/-ng-ka'tshi-gan kai-6'-gi-git’ a-sé’-ma, kai'-e-mi’-dzim, which signifies: *‘Never begrudge your goods, neither your tobacco, nor your provisions.” To this the candidate responds 6"/—yes, by this signifying that he will never regret what he has given the Midé’ for their services. The candidate remains standing while the members of the society take seats, after which he goes to the pile of blankets, skins, and other presents, and upon selecting appropriate ones for the officiating priests he carries them to those persons, after which he makes presents of less value to all other Midé’ present. Tobacco is then distributed, and while all are preparing to make an offering to Ki'tshi Man'ido of tobacco, the HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 249 newly accepted member goes around to each member present, passes his hands downward over the sides of the Midé’’s head and says: Mi-gwétsh’ ga’shi-to’-win bi-ma’-di-si-win’, Thanks for giving to me life, then, stepping back, he clasps his hands and bows toward the Midé’, adding: Ni-ka’-ni, ni-ka/-ni, ni-ka’-ni, ka-na’,—‘‘My Midé’ friend, my Midé’ friend, my Mide’ friend, friend.” To this the Midé’ responds in affirmation, hau’, 6"’—yes. The new member then finds a seat on the southern side of the in- closure, whereupon the ushers—Midé’ appointed to attend to outside duties—retire and bring in the vessels of food which are carried around to various persons present, four distinct times. The feast continues for a considerable length of time, after which the kettles and dishes are again carried outside the Midé’wi-gan, when all who desire indulge in smoking. Midé’ songs are chanted by one of the priests, the accompanying, reproduced pictorially in Pl. x1v C, being an example. The lines, as usual, are repeated ad libitum, the music being limited to but few notes, and in a minor key. The following are the words with translation: He'-ne-wi-a ni’-na mi-si-man’-i-dé-ge’ he-wa’-we-a'-ne- Their bodies shine over the world unto me as unto you, my Midé’ kan’. ‘ friend. [ This refers to the sun, and moon, whose bodies are united in the drawing. | a> | Ma’-na-wi-na’ hai’-e-ne-ha’ be-wa’-bik-kun kan-din’'-a-we. ( Your eyes see them both eyes made of iron, _ piercing eyes. [The figure is that of the crane, whose loud, far-reaching voice is indicated by the short lines radiating from the mouth, The eyes of the crane Man ido are equally penetrating. | ' Ta-be'-né-wa’ he-shi-wa’, ha’ ma’-si-ni'-ni-he’-shi-wa’, ha’. S Calm it leads you guides you to your food. to [Knowledge of superior powers gained through familiarity with the rites of the Midé’wiwin is here referred to. The figure points to the abode of Ki'tshi Man‘id6; three short lines indicating three degrees in the Midé’ wiwin, which the candidate has taken. | Ha-nin’-di he-bik’-kin-he’ man’-i-d6 ni-kan’ wa-ba-nink’, Whence does he rise spirit Mide' from the east, friend mi-dé'-man -i-d6 wa-ba-ntink’. G midé’ man/id6 from the east. [The hand reaches up as in making the gesture for rising sun or day, the ‘‘sky lines” leaning to the left, or east; one making signs is always presumed to face the south, and signs referring to periods of day, sun, sunrise, etc., are made from the left side of the body. | 250 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. | Rest. Wa-dzhi-wan’, wa-dzhi-wan’-na, © Wa-dahi-wan’ ni-ka’-na-hé’. There is a mountain, there is a mountain, There is a mountain, my friends. [The upright outline represents a mountain upon which a powerful Midé’ is seated, symbolical of the distinction attain- able by a Midé’. ] Wa -bé-ku @-be-a’, wa’-bé-ku'-é-be-a’, i) 3) Shot it was, shot it was ra) na/-bé-ku'-é-be-a’ man’-i-dd'-'a nin-dé’. and it hit body, your man/idd your heart. man -i-do’-a nin-dé’. N man/idd your heart. 7 [The Mi gis is represented in the illustration by the small rings; the arrow indicating that it was ‘* shot ” with velocity. } Hwe'-kwo-nin -na-ta, ki-wi’-kash’-ka-man; En-do'-ge-ma’ wesh’'-in-é'’. What am I going around ? Iam going around the Midé’ wigan. [The oblong structure represents the Midé’ wigén. , The otter-skin Midé’ sack is taken around it, as is shown by the outline of that animal and the line or course indicated. The Makwa’ Man‘ido (bear spirit) is shown at the left, resting upon the horizontal line, the earth, below which are magic lines showing his power, as also the lines upon the back of the bear. The speaker compares himself to the bear spirit. ] What am I looking at. [The figure denotes a leg, signifying powers of transporting one’s self to remote places; the magic power is indicated by the three transverse lines and the small spots, the mi'gis, upon it. | Ba bin-ke'-en non'-do-wa-we’, hi’, i Nen '-do-ne’-ha-man-ni’ ni-0, ae 1 soon heard him, the one who did not listen to them. [The Midé’, as a superior personage, is shown by having the horns attached to the head. The line of hearing has small rings, at intervals, indicating that something is heard. | Hin’-ta-na’-wi ni-ka’-na-gi’, @’, he’, pi-na-ni', hin’-ta-na'-wi ni-ka'-na-ga’ na'-ge-ka-na’ é', hé’. The Nika/ni are finding fault with me, inside of my lodge. [The arm at the side of the Midé’wigan points to the inte- rior, the place spoken of. | HOFFMAN, } NOTES ON INITIATION CEREMONIES. 251 O"sh'-ko"sh-na-na’ pi-na’-wa ni"-bosh -i-na’-na. With the bear's claws I almost hit him. [The Midé’ used the bear’s claw to work a charm, or exorcism, and would seem to indicate that he claimed the powers of a Wabéno’. The one spoken of isan evil man'id6, referred to in the preceding line,in which he speaks of hav- ing heard him. ] At the,conclusion of this protracted ceremony a few speeches may be made by a Midé’, recounting the benefits to be enjoyed and the powers wielded by the knowledge thus acquired, after which the chief priest intimates to his colleagues the advisability of adjourning. They then leave the Midé’wigan by the western door, and before night all movable accessories are taken away from the structure. The remainder of the evening is spent in visiting friends, dancing, etc., and upon the following day they all return to their respective homes. DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. Although the mi'gis shell of the several degrees is generally of the same species, some ‘of the older Midé’ priests claim that there were formerly specific shells, each being characteristic and pertaining specially to each individual grade. The objects claimed by Sika’s- sigé as referring to the third degree are, in addition to the Cypreea monata, L., a piece of purple wampum, and one shell of elongated form, both shown on Pl. x1, Nos. 3 and 5, respectively. The fact of a Midé’ having been subjected to -“‘mi'gis shooting” for the third time is an all-sufficient reason to the Indian why his powers are in a corresponding manner augmented. His powers of exorcism and incantation are greater; his knowledge and use of magic medicines more extended and certain of effect; and hisability to do harm, as in the capacity of a Wabéno’, is more and more lauded and feared. He becomes possessed of a greater power in prophecy and prevision, and in this state enters the class of personages known as the Jés’sakkid’, or jugglers. His power over darkness and ob- scurity is indicated on Pl. mm, A, No. 77, upon which the head, chest, and arms are represented as being covered with lines to desig- nate obscurity, the extended arms with outstretched hands denoting ability to grasp and control that which is hidden to the eye. The Jés'sakkid’ and his manner of performing have already been mentioned. This class of sorcerers were met with by the Jesuit Fathers early in the seventeenth century, and referred to under various designations, such as jongleur, magicien, consulteur du manitou, etc. Their influence in the tribe was recognized, and formed one of the greatest obstacles encountered in the Christianiza- tion of the Indians. Although the Jés’sakkid’ may be a seer and prophet as well as a practitioner of exorcism without becoming « 952 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. member of the Midé’wiwin, it is only when a Midé'’ attains the rank of the third degree that he begins to give evidence of, or pretends to ex- hibit with any degree of confidence, the powersaccredited to theformer. The structure erected and occupied by the Jés’sakkid’ for the performance of his powers as prophet or oracle has before been described as cylindrical, being made by plant- ing four or more poles and wrapping about them sheets of 0) birch bark, blankets, or similar material that will serve Fic. 26. Jés’sak. AaSa covering. This form of structure is generally rep- aurstodse’ resented in pictographie records, as shown in Fig. 26. The accompanying illustrations, Figs. 27, 28, and 29, reproduced from birch-bark etchings, were the property of *Jés'sakkid’, who were Fia. 27. Jés’sakkan’, or Fic. 28. Jés’/sakkan’, or Fic. 29. Jés/sakkan’, or juggler’s lodge. juggler’s lodge. juggler’s lodge. also Midé’ of the third and fourth degrees. It will be noticed that the structure used by them is in the form of the ordinary wig'iwam, as their profession of medical magic is apparently held in higher esteem than the art of prophecy; their status and claims as Jés’sak- kid’ being indicated by the great number of ma‘nidds which they have the power of invoking. These man‘idos, or spirits, are indi- cated by the outline of their material forms, the heart being indi- cated and connected with the interior of the structure to show the power of the Jés’sakkid’ over the life of the respect- as spirits. The Thunder-bird usually occupies the 2) highest position in his estimation, and for this reason is drawn directly over the wig’iwam. The ; Turtle is claimed to be the man'id6 whoacts as intermediary between the Jés'sakkid’ and the other xg man‘idds, and is therefore not found among the i characters on the outside of the wig'iwam, but his presence is indicated within, either at the spot mark- ing the convergence of the ‘life lines,” or imme- .30, Jés’sakkan’, 7+ ; . : criuelersiodee, diately below it. Fig. 30 is a reproducton of an HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 253 etching made by a Jés'sakkid’ at White Earth, Minnesota. The two curved lines above the Jés’sakkan’ represent the sky, from which magic power is derived, as shown by the waving line extending downward. The small spots within thestructure are “ magic spots,” i. e., the presence of man'idds, The juggler is shown upon the left side near the base. When a prophet is so fortunate as to be able to claim one of these man’idés as his own tutelary daimon, his advan- tage in invoking the others is comparatively greater. Before pro- ceeding to the Jés’sakkan’—or the ‘‘ Jugglery,” as the Jés'sakkid’ wig'iwam is commonly designated, a prophet will prepare himself by smoking and makingan offering to his man'ido, and by singing a chant, of which an example is presented on Pl. xiv, D. It is a repro- duction of one made by a Jés'sakkid’ who was also a Midé’ of the third degree. Hach line is chanted as often as may be desired, or according to the effect which it may be desirable to produce or the inspired state of the singer. Me-we'-yan, ha’, ha’, ha’, I go into the Jés’sakkan’ to see the medicine. [The circle represents the Jés'sakkid’ as viewed from above; the short lines denote the magic character of the structure, and the central ring, or spot, the magic stone used by the prophet who appears entering from the side. | Tschi-nun'-d6n’, he’, he’, he’, he’, I was the one who dug up life. [The Otter Man'id6 emerging from the Midé' wigan; he received it from Ki'tshi Mani'do. } ° Nika-ni’ we-do-ko"’-a, ha’, ha’, fe) The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow. O° [The sacred or magic lines descending to the earth denote supernatural origin of the migis, which is shown by the 2 four small rings. The short lines at the bottom represent f I) the ascending sprouts of magic plants. ] Te-ti-ba’-tshi mut’-d-wit', té’, hé’, hé’, Iam the one that dug up the medicine. [The otter shown emerging from the jugglery. The speaker represents himself “like unto the Otter Man ido.” Ki’ wa"-win -da ma'-kwa-nan’, na’, ha’, = I answer my brother spirit. [The Otter Man'id6 responds to the invocation of the speaker. The diagonal line across the body signifies the “spirit character” of the animal. ] 254 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA, Rest or pause. ae Wa-a-so’-at wén'-ti’-na-man, ha,’ ha, ‘) The spirit has put life into my body. [The speaker is represented as being in the Midé'-wigan, where Ki'tshi Man ido placed magic power into his body; S\ the arms denote this act of putting into his sides the mi gis. The line crossing the body denotes the person to be possessed \ of supernatural power. | Ki-to -na-bi’-in, né’, hé’, hé’, This is what the medicine has given us. [The Midé' wigan, showing on the upper line the guardian 2 man id6s. } Ni-sha-we -ni-bi-ku’, ha’, hi’, hé’, /} I took with two hands what was thrown down to us. {The speaker grasped life, i. e., the migis’, to secure the mysterious power which he professes. ] In addition tothe practice of medical magic, the Jés'sakkid’ some- times resorts to a curious process to extract from the patient’s body the malevolent beings or man‘idés which cause disease. The method of procedure is as follows: The Jés'sakkid’ is provided with four or more tubular bones, consisting of the leg bones of large birds, each of the thickness of a finger and 4 or 5 inches in length. After the priest has fasted and chanted prayers for success, he gets down upon all fours close to the patient and with his mouth near the affected part. After using the rattle and singing most vociferously to cause the evil man‘id6 to take shelter at some particular spot, so that it may be detected and located by him, he suddenly touches that place with the end of one of the bones and immediately thereafter putting the other end into his mouth, as if it were a cigar, strikes it with the flat hand and sends it apparently down his throat. Then the second bone is treated in the same manner, as also the third and fourth, the last one being permitted to protrude from the mouth, when the end is put against the affected part and sucking is indulged in amid the most violent writhings and contortions in his endeavors to extract the man'id6. As this object is supposed to have been reached and swallowed by the Jés'sakkid’ he crawls away to ashort distance from the patient and relieves himself of the demon with violent HOFFMAN. ] FOURTH DEGREE. 255 retchings and apparent suffering. He recovers inashort time, spits out the bones, and, after directing his patient what further medi- cine to swallow, receives his fee and departs. Further description of this practice will be referred to below and illustrated on Pl. xviii. The above manner of disposing of the hollow bones is a clever trick and not readily detected, and it is only by such acts of jug- glery and other delusions that he maintains his influence and importance among the credulous. tograph was drawn upon a piece of birch bark which was carried in the owner’s Midé’ sack, and was intended Fig. 31 represents a Jés'sakkid’ curing a sick woman _by sucking the demon through a bone tube. The pic- “e 1 2 to record an event of importance. Fig. 31. Jes’ No. 1 represents the actor, holding a rattle in hand. Around his Higeunang head is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more than an ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line pro jecting to the right indicating the tube used. No. 2 is the woman operated upon. Fig. 32 represents an exhibition by a Jés'sakkid’, a resident of White Earth, Minnesota. The priest is shown in No. 1 holding his rattle, the line extending from his eye to the patient’s abdomen signifying that he has located the de- (€ mon and is about to begin his exor- cism. No. 2 is the patient lying before the operator. Fie. 32. Jés‘sakkid’ curing man. FOURTH DEGREE. The Midé'wigan, in which this degree is conferred, differs from the preceding structures by having open doorways in both the northern and southern walls, about midway between the eastern and western extremities and opposite to one another. Fig. 33 represents a ground plan, in which may also be observed the location of each of the four Midé’ posts. Fig. 34 shows gen- eral view of same structure. A 7 te short distance from the eastern entrance is deposited the sacred stone, beyond which is an area y xo ia : Teereeoteseeessceses® oy reserved for the presents to be “": z gts deposited by an applicant for Siac See oe ae initiation. The remaining two- 10 ee ; , % S thirds of the space toward the Fic. 33. Diagram of Midée’wigan of the fourth western door is occupied at regu- degree. lar intervals by four posts, the first being painted red with a band of green around the top. (Pl. xv, No. 1.) The second post is red, and has scattered over its surface spots of white clay to symbolize 256 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. the sacred mi'gis shell. Upon it is perched the stuffed skin of an owl—k6-k6-k6-6’. (Pl. xv, No. 2.) The third post is black; but in- stead of being round is cut square. (Pl. xv, No.3.) The fourth post, that nearest the western extremity, is in the shape of a cross, painted Fic. 34. General view of Midé wigan. white, with red spots, excepting the lower half of the trunk, which is squared, the colors upon the four sides being white on the east, green on the south, red on the west, and black on the north. (Pl. xv, No. 4.) About 10 paces east of the main entrance, in a direct line between it and the sweat lodge, is planted a piece of thin board 5 feet high and 6 inches broad, the top of which is cut so as to present a three- lobed apex, as shown in Fig. 3. The eastern side of this board is painted green; that facing the Midé’wigan red. Near the top is a small opening, through which the Midé’ are enabled to peep into the interior of the sacred structure to observe the angry man‘idés occu- pying the structure and opposing the intrusion of anyone not of the fourth degree. A cedar tree is planted at each of the outer corners of the Midé’- wigan, and about 6 paces away from the northern, western, and south- ern entrances a small brush structure is erected, sufficiently large to admit the body. These structures are termed bears’ nests, supposed to be points where the Bear Man'ido rested during the struggle he passed through while fighting with the malevolent man‘id6s within to gain entrance and receive the fourth-degree initiation. Immedi- ately within and to either side of the east and west entrances is planted a short post, 5 feet high and 8 inches thick, painted red upon the side facing the interior and black upon the reverse, at the base of each being laid a stone about as large as a human head. These four posts represent the four limbs and feet of the Bear Man‘ido, who made the four entrances and forcibly entered and expelled the evil beings who had opposed him. The fourth-degree Midé’ post— HOFFMAN. ] PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE, 257 the cross—fnrthermore symbolizes the four days’ struggle at the four openings or doors in the north, south, east, and west walls of the structure. PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE. Under ordinary circumstances it requires at least one year before a Midé’ of the third grade is considered eligible for promotion, and it is seldom that a candidate can procure the necessary presents within that period, so that frequently a number of years elapse be- fore any intimation by a candidate is made to the chief priest that the necessary requirements can be complied with. The chief rea- son of this delay is attributed to the fact that the fee to the officiat- ing priests alone must equal in value and quantity four times the amount paid at the first initiation, and as the success in gathering the robes, skins, blankets, etc., depends upon the candidate’s own exertions it will readily appear why so few ever attain the distinc- tion sought. Should one be so fortunate, however, as to possess the required articles, he has only to make known the fact to the chief and assistant Midé’ priests, when a meeting is held at the wig’iwam of one of the members and the merits of the candidate discussed. For this purpose tobacco is furnished by the candidate. The more valua- ble and more numerous the presents the more rapidly will his appli- cation be disposed of, and the more certainly will favorable consid- eration on it be had. It becomes necessary, as in former instances of preparation, for the candidate to procure the service of a renowned Midé’, in order to acquire new or specially celebrated remedies or charms. The candidate may also give evidence of his own pro- ficiency in magic without revealing the secrets of his success or the course pursued to attain it. The greater the mystery the higher he is held in esteem even by his jealous confreres. There is not much to be gained by preparatory instruction for the fourth degree, the chief claims being a renewal of the ceremony of “shooting the mi'gis” into the body of the candidate, and enacting or dramatizing the traditional efforts of the Bear Man‘id6 in his en- deavor to receive from the Otter the secrets of this grade. One who succeeds becomes correspondingly powerful in his profession and therefore more feared by the credulous. His sources of income are accordingly increased by the greater number of Indians who require his assistance. Hunters, warriors, and lovers have occasion to call upon him, and sometimes antidoting charms are sought, when the evil effects of an enemy’s work are to be counteracted. The instructor receives the visit of the candidate, and upon com- ing to asatisfactory agreement concerning the fee to be paid for the service he prepares his pupil by prompting him as to the part he is to enact during the initiation and the reasons therefor. The preparation and the merits of magic compounds are discussed, and 7 ETH——17 258 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. the pupil receives instruction in making effective charms, com- pounding love powder, etc. This love powder is held in high esteem, and its composition is held a profound secret, to be transmitted only when a great fee is paid. It consists of the following ingre- dients: Vermilion; powdered snakeroot (Polygala senega, L.); ex- iguam particulam sanguinis a puella effusi, qaum in primis men- struis esset; and a piece of ginseng cut from the bifurcation of the root, and powdered. These are mixed and put into a small buckskin bag. The preparation is undertaken only after an offering to Ki'tshi Man‘id6 of tobacco and a Midé’ song with rattle accompani- ment. The manner of using this powder will be described under the caption of ‘descriptive notes.” It differs entirely from the powder employed in painting the face by one who wishes to attract or fascinate the object of his or her devotion. The latter is referred to by the Rey. Peter Jones’ as follows: There is a particular kind of charm which they use when they wish to obtain the object of their affections. It is made of roots and red ocher. With this they paint their faces, believing it to possess a power so irresistible as to cause the object of their desire to love them. But the moment this medicine is taken away and the charm withdrawn the person who before was almost frantic with love hates with a perfect hatred. It is necessary that the candidate take asweat-bath once each day, for four successive days, at some time during the autumn months of the year preceding the year in which the initiation is to occur. This form of preparation is deemed agreeable to Ki'tshi Man'id6, whose favor is constantly invoked that the candidate may be favored with the powers supposed to be conferred in the last degree. As spring approaches the candidate makes occasional presents of tobacco to the chief priest and his assistants, and when the period of theannual ceremony approaches, they send out runners to members to solicit their presence, and, if of the fourth degree, their assistance. INITIATION OF CANDIDATE, The candidate removes to the vicinity of the Midé’wigan so as to be able to go through the ceremony of purgation four times before the day of initiation. The sudatory having been constructed on the usual site, east of the large structure, he enters it on the morning of the fifth day preceding the initiation and after taking a sweat-bath he is joined by the preeeptor, when both proceed to the four entrances of the Midé’wigan and deposit at each a small offering of tobacco. This procedure is followed on the second and third days, also, but upon the fourth the presents are also carried along and deposited at the entrances, where they are received by assistants and suspended from the rafters of the interior. On the evening of the last day, the chief and officiating priests visit the candidate and his preceptor, ‘Hist. of the Ojebway Indians. London [18437], p. 155. HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION SONGS. 259 in the sweat-lodge, when ceremonial smoking is indulged in followed by the recitation of Midé’ chants. The following (Pl. xvi, A) isare- production of the chant taught to and recited by the candidate. The original was obtained from an old mnemonic chart in use at Mille Lacs, Minnesota, in the year 1825, whichin turn had been copied from arecord in the possession of a Midé’ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin. Many of the words are of an older form than those in use at, the present day. Hach line may be repeated ad libitum. Ni-ka-ni-na’, ni-ka-ni-na, ni-ka'-ni-na’, Iam the Nika/ni, Iam the Nika’ni, I am the Nika‘ni, FA man -i-do wig’ -i-wam win -di-ge’-un. S I am going into the sacred lodge. (Xs [The speaker compares himself to the Bear Man ‘ido, and as such is represented at the entrance of the Midé wigan. } Ni-ka-ni-na, ni-ka-ni-na’, ni-ka-ni-na’, Iam the Nika/ni, Iam the Nika/ni, I am the Nika/ni, y ni-kan -gi-nun’-da we-mi-dik’. I ‘suppose * you hear me. [The lines from the ear denotes hearing; the words are ad- dressed to his auditors. | Wa’, he-wa'-ke-wa ke-wa’, he-wa’-ke-wa’, wa’. He said, he said. (Signifies that Kitshi Man‘ido, who is seen with the voice lines issuing from the mouth, and who promised the Ani’shina beg “life,” that they might always live. ] Rest. A ceremonial smoke is now indulged in. We -shki-nun -do-ni-ne , ke-nosh -ki-nun -do-ni-ne’. This is the first time you hear it. ; [The lines of hearing are again shown; the words refer to the ; first time this is chanted as it is an intimation that the singer is to be advanced to the higher grade of the Midé' wiwin. | ! Hwe -na-ni-ka he-na’, he-n0’ mi-té'-wi?-wi® gi-ga-wa -pi-no-don’. / You laugh, you laugh at the “ grand medicine.” {The arms are directed towards Ki'tshi Man ‘ido, the creator of the sacred rite; the words refer to those who are ignorant of the Midé wiwin and its teachings. ] Nun-te’-ma-ne’, hé’, wi -na-nun -te-ma-ne’ Fal ki'-pi-nan’. { hear, but they hear it not. [The speaker intimates that he realizes the importance of the Midé’ rite, but the uninitiated do not.] 260 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Pe -ne-stti -a ke -ke-kwi -yan. I am sitting like a sparrow-hawk. {The singer is sitting upright, and is watchful, like a hawk watching for its prey. He is ready to observe, and to acquire, everything that may transpire in the Midé’ structure. ] Upon the conclusion of the chant, the assembled Midé’ smoke and review the manner of procedure for the morrow’s ceremony, and when these details have been settled they disperse, to return to their wig’l- wams, or to visit Midé’ who may have come from distant settlements. Early on the day of his initiation the candidate returns to the suda- tory to await the coming of his preceptor. The gifts of tobacco are divided into parcels which may thus be easily distributed at the proper time, and as soon as the officiating priests have arrived, and seated themselves, the candidate produces some tobacco of which all present take a pipeful, when a ceremonial smoke-offering is made to Kitshi Man'id6. The candidate then takes his midé’ drum and sings asong of his own composition, or one which he may have pur- chased from his preceptor, or some Midé’ priest. The following is reproduction of an old mnemonic song which the owner, Sikas’sigé, had received from his father who in turn had obtained it at La Pointe, Wisconsin, about the year 1800. The words are archaic to a great extent, and they furthermore differ from the modern lan- guage on account of the manner in which they are pronounced in chanting, which peculiarity has been faithfully followed below. The pictographic characters are reproduced in Pl. xvi, B. As usual, the several lines are sung ad libitum, repetition depending entirely upon the feelings of the singer. Hin -to-na-ga-ne’ 0-sa-ga-tshi-wed o-do'-zhi-ton’. The sun is coming up, that makes my dish. e {The dish signifies the feast to be made by the singer. The zigzag lines across the dish denote the sacred character of the feast. The upper lines are the arm holding the vessel. ] Man -i-d6 i-ya-né’, ish’-ko-te'-wi-wa -we-van . My spirit is on fire. [The horizontal lines across the leg signify magic power of traversing space. The short lines below the foot denote flames, tf i. e., magic influence obtained by swiftness of communication with the man idos. | t Ko'tshi-ha-ya-né , né, ish -ki-to’-ya-ni’, nin-do'-we-he’, wi-a-we-yan’. I want to try you, I am of fire. [The zigzag lines diverging from the mouth signify voice, sing- ing; the apex upon the head superior knowledge, by means of which the singer wishes to try his Midé’ sack upon his hearer, to give evidence of the power of his influence. ] U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM HOFFMAN. | INITIATION CEREMONIES. 261 A pause. Ceremonial smoking is indulged in, after which the chant is continued. Ni-mi-ga-sim’-ma man’-i-d6, sa-ko'-tghi-na’. My mi‘gis spirit, that is why Iam stronger than you. } [The three spots denote the three times the singer has re- ceived the mi'gis by being shot; it is because this spirit is within him that he is more powerful than those upon the outside of the wigiwam who hear him. ] Mi-ga-ye'-nin en'-dy-an, ya’, ho’, ya, man’-i-do'-ya. That is the way I feel, spirit. [The speaker is filled with joy at his power, the mi’gis within him, shown by the spot upon the body, making him confident. ] Ya-g0'-sha-hi’, na’, ha’, ha’, Ya-g0'-sha-hi’, man’-i-d6-wi'-yin. I am stronger than you, spirit that you are. G [He feels more powerful, from having received three times the migis, than the evil spirit who antagonizes his progress in ad- vancement. | Upon the completion of this preliminary by the candidate, the priests emerge from the wig'iwam and fall in line according to their official status, when the candidate and preceptor gather up the par- cels of tobacco and place themselves at the head of the column and start toward the eastern entrance of the Midé’wigan. As they ap- proach the lone post, or board, the candidate halts, when the priests continue to chant and drum upon the Midé’ drum. Thechief Midé’ then advances to the board and peeps through the orifice near the top to view malevolent man‘idés occupying the interior, who are an- tagonistic to the entrance of a stranger. This spot is assumed to represent the resting place or “‘ nest,” from which the Bear Man’ido viewed the evil spirits during the time of his initiation by the Otter. The evil spirits within are crouching upon the floor, one behind the other and facing the east, the first being Mi-shi’-bi-shi—the panther ; the second, Me-shi’-ké—the turtle ; the third, kwin’-go-a’-gi—the big wolverine ; the fourth, wa’-gitish—the fox ; the fifth, ma-in’-gtin— the wolf ; and the sixth, ma-kwa’—the bear. They are the ones who endeavor to counteract or destroy the good wrought by the rites of the Midé’wiwin, and only by the aid of the good man‘idds can they be driven from the Midé'wigan so as to permit a candidate to enter and receive the benefits of the degree. The second Midé’ then views the group of malevolent beings, after which the third, and lastly the fourth priest looks through the orifice. They then advise 262 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. the presentation by the candidate of tobacco at that point to invoke the best efforts of the Midé’ Man ‘idds in his behalf. It is asserted that all of the malevolent man‘id6s who occupied and surrounded the preceding degree structures have now assembled about this fourth degree of the Midé’wigan to make a final effort against the admission and advancement of the candidate ; therefore he impersonates the good Bear Man‘id6, and is obliged to follow e similar course in approaching from his present position the entrance of the structure. Upon hands and knees he slowly crawls toward the main entrance, when a wailing voice is heard in the east which sounds like the word ha®’, prolonged in a monotone. This is ge’-gi- si’-bi-ga’-ne-dat man'id6. His bones are heard rattling as he ap- proaches ; he wields his bow and arrow ; his long hair streaming in the air, and his body, covered with mi’gis shells from the salt sea, from which he has emerged to aid in the expulsion of the opposing spirits. This being the information given to the candidate he assumes and personates the character of the man‘id6 referred to, and being given a bow and four arrows, and under the guidance of his preceptor, he proceeds toward the main entrance of the structure while the officiating priests enter and station themselves within the door facing the west. The preceptor carries the remaining parcels of tobacco, and when the candidate arrives near the door he makes four movements with his bow and arrow toward the interior, as if shooting, the last time sending an arrow within, upon which the grinning spirits are forced to retreat toward the other end of the inclosure. The candidate then rushes in at the main entrance, and upon emerging at the south suddenly turns and again employs his bow and arrow four times toward the crowd of evil man‘idés, who have rushed toward him during the interval that he was within. At the last gesture of shooting into the inclosute, he sends forward an arrow, deposits a parcel of tobacco and crouches to rest at the so- called ‘‘bear’s nest.” During this period of repose the Midé’ priests continue to drum and sing. Then the candidate approaches the southern door again, on all fours, and the moment he arrives there he rises and is hurried through the inclosure to emerge at the west, where he turns suddenly, and imitating the manner of shooting arrows into the group of angry man‘idds within, he at the fourth movement lets fly an arrow and gets down into the western ‘* bear’s nest.” After a short interval he again approaches the door, crawl- ing forward on his hands and knees until he reaches the entrance, where he leaves a present of tobacco and is hastened through the inclosure to emerge at the northern door, where he again turns sud- denly upon the angry spirits, and after making threatening move- ments toward them, at the fourth menace he sends an arrow among them. The spirits are now greatly annoyed by the magic power possessed by the candidate and the assistance rendered by the Midé’ HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 268 Man’id6és, so that they are compelled to seek safety in flight. The candidate is resting in the northern ‘*bear’s nest,” and as he again crawls toward the Midé’wigan, on hands and knees, he deposits another gift of a parcel of tobacco, then rises and is hurried through the interior to emerge at the entrance door, where he turns around, and seeing but a few angry man‘idéds remaining, he takes his last arrow and aiming it at them makes four threatening gestures to- ward them, at the last sending the arrow into the structure, which puts to flight all opposition on the part of this host of man‘idds. The path is now clear, and after he deposits another gift of tobacco at the door he is led within, and the preceptor receives the bow and deposits it with the remaining tobacco upon the pile of blankets and robes that have by this time been removed from the rafters and laid upon the ground midway between the sacred Midé’ stone and the first Midé’ post. The chief Midé’ priest then takes charge of the candidate, saying: Mi-a-shi-gwa wi-ka’-we-a’-kwa-mis-sin nuk, Mi’-a-shi-gwa wi-kan -do-we-an’ Now is the time [to take] the path that Now is the I shall inform you [of] has no end. time mi -ga-i -zhid wen -dzhi-bi-ma -dis. that which I wastold the reason I live. To this the second Midé’ priest remarks to the candidate, Wa/-shi- gan’-do-we-an’ mi-gai-i-nok’ wa'-ka-no -shi-dzin—which freely trans- lated signifies: “‘The reason I now advise you is that you may heed him when he speaks to you.” The candidate is then led around the interior of the inclosure, the assistant Midé’ fallin line of march and are followed by all the others present, excepting the musicians. Dur- ing the circuit, which is performed slowly, the chief Midé’ drums upon the Midé’ drum and chants. The following, reproduced from the original, on Pl. xvir, B, consists of a number of archaic words, some of which are furthermore different from the spoken language on account of their being chanted, and meaningless syllables introduced to prolong certain accentuated notes. Hach line and stanza may be repeated ad libitum. _Man’-i-d6, hé’, né'-yé’, man’-i-d6d, hé’, né’, ye, én’-da-na -bi-yén wen -d0-bi-yén ,) A spirit, a spirit, you who sit there, who sit there. [The singer makes a spirit of the candidate by thus giving him new life, by again shooting into his body the sacred mi'gis. The lisk is the dish for feast of spirits in the dzhibai’ midé wigan— ‘Ghost Lodge,” the arms reaching towards it denoting the spirits « who take food therefrom. The signification is that the candidate will be enabled to invoke and commune with the spirits of departed Midé’, and to learn of hidden powers. | THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. He'-ha-wa'-ni, ye’, he -ha-wa’-ni, ye’, na -bi-nesh -ga-na’-bi, hi’, he’. [These words were chanted, while the following are those as spoken, apart from the music. | A-wan'-6-de -no-win ni-bi-désh'-ka-win un'-de-no'-win. The fog wind goes from place to place whence the wind blows. [The reason of the representation of a human form was not sat- isfactorily explained. The preceptor felt confident, however, that it signified a man id6 who controls the fog, one different from one of the a-na’-mi-ki’, or Thunderers, who would be shown by the fig- ure of an eagle, or a hawk, when it would also denote the thunder, and perhaps lightning, neither of which occurs in connection with the fog. ] Rest. Man -i-d6'-we ni-mi-nan’ ku-ni-ne man-to'-ke ni’-mi-ne’. I who acknowledge you to be a spirit, and am dying. [The figure is an outline of the Midé wigan with the sacred Midé’ stone indicated within, as also another spot to signify the place occupied by a sick person. The waving lines above and beneath the oblong square are magic lines, and indicate magic or super- natural power. The singer compares the candidate to a sick man who is seeking life by having shot into his body the mi gis. ] Ga-kwe -in-nan’'-tshi-ha’-gé-na’ ma-kwa’ ni-go-tshi-ni’. I am trying you who are the bear. [The Midé’ who is chanting is shown in the figure; his eyes are looking into the candidate’s heart. The lines from the mouth are also shown as denoting speech, directed to his hearer. The horns are a representation of the manner of indicating superior powers. ] Pi-né-si ka’-ka-gi-wai-yan’ wen -dzhi man -i-do wid. The bird, the crow bird’s skin is the reason why I am a spirit. [Although the crow is mentioned, the Thunder-bird (eagle) is delineated. The signification of the phrase is, that the speaker is equal in power to a man ido, at the time of using the Midé’ sack— which is of such a skin. ] Tshin-gwe'-wi-he'-na né’, ka", tshi-wa’-ba-ku-net’. The sound of the Thunder is the white bear of fire. ’ [The head is, in this instance, symbolical of the white bear man id6; the short lines below it denoting flame radiating from the body, the eyes also looking with penetrating gaze, as indicated by the double waving lines from each eye. The white bear man - ido is one of the most powerful man idos, and is so recognized. | By the time this chant is completed the head of the procession reaches the point of departure, just within the eastern door, and all of the members return to their seats, only the four officiating Midé’ remaining with the candidate and his preceptor. To search further _ HOFFMAN. ] INITIATION CEREMONIES. 265 that no malevolent man'idés may remain lurking within the Midé’- wigan, the chief priests lead the candidate in a zigzag manner to the western door, and back again to the east. In this way the path leads past the side of the Midé’ stone, then right oblique to the north of the heap of presents, thence left oblique to the south of the first-degree post, then passing the second on the north, and so on until the last post is reached, around which the course continues, and back in a similar serpentine manner to the eastern door. The candidate is then led to the blankets, upon which he seats himself, the four officiating priests placing themselves before him, the pre- ceptor standing back near the first of the four degree posts. The Midé’ priest of the fourth rank or place in order of precedence approaches the kneeling candidate and in a manner similar to that which has already been described shoots into his breast the mi'gis; the third, second and first Midé’ follow in like manner, the last named alone shooting his mi gis into the candidate’s forehead, upon which he falls forward, spits out a mi’gis shell which he had pre- viously secreted in his mouth, and upon the priests rubbing upon his back and limbs their Midé’ sacks he recovers and resumes his sitting posture. The officiating priests retire to either side of the inclosure to find seats, when the newly received member arises and with the assist- ance of the preceptor distributes the remaining parcels of tobacco, and lastly the blankets, robes, and other gifts. He then begins at the southeastern angle of the inclosure to return thanks for admis- sion, places both hands upon the first person, and as he moves them downward over his hair says: Mi-gwétsh’ ga-o'-shi-td’-in bi-ma’-di- sI-win—‘‘ Thanks, for giving to me life.” The Midé’ addressed bows his head and responds, hau’, é"’,—yes when the newly admitted member steps back one pace, clasps his hands and inclines his head to the front. This movement is continued until all present have been thanked, after which he takes a seat in the southeastern corner of the inclosure. A curious ceremony then takes place in which all the Midé’ on one side of the inclosure arise and approach those upon the other, each grasping his Midé’ sack and selecting a victim pretends to shoot into his body the mi'gis, whereupon the Midé’ so shot falls over, and after a brief attack of gagging and retching pretends to gain relief by spitting out of his mouth a mi‘gis shell. This is held upon the left palm, and as the opposing party retreat to their seats, the side which has just been subjected to the attack moves rapidly around among one another as if dancing, but simply giving rapid utterance to the word ho’, hd’, ho’, ho’, ho’, ho’, and showing the mi'gis to everybody present, after which they place the flat hands quickly to the mouth and pretend again to swallow their respective shells. The members of this party then similarly attack their opponents, who 266 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. submit to similar treatment and go through like movements in ex- hibiting the mi’gis, which they again swallow. When quiet has been restored, and after a ceremonial smoke has been indulged in, the candidate sings, or chants, the production being either his own composition or that of some other person from whom it has been purchased. The chant presented herewith was obtained from Sikas’- sigé, who had received it in turn from his father when the latter was chief priest of the Midé’wiwin at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The pictographic characters are reproduced on Pl. xvi, A, and the mu- sical notation, which is also presented, was obtained during the period of my preliminary instruction. The phraseology of the chant, of which each line and verse is repeated ad libitum as the singer may be inspired, is as follows: Do-na'-ga-ni’, Na'-wa-kwe’ in-do’-shi-t6n’, do-nA-pe-ni My dish, At noon I make it, my dish. [The singer refers to the feast which he gives to the Mide’ for admitting him into the Midé wiwin. | ———————__ —_—_—_—_—_—_—__ (A eee SS = SS 7 a —— — - =5 — 4 er ee Do-na- ga ni . Do-na-ga - ni, . . Do-na-ga - ze x P > = > SS eS ~ 2 - Es 4 —} - 4 PS SS —— SS SS ee Z i oe oe ee lee 7 — en - ni, Do-na-ga - ni, . . Do-na-ga - ni, Do-na-ga - utes f \— SS = SS a = ee So _— [ a = waa a me cease eee eee a = ee a SSS ee Se a eee - ni; Na-/kwa-we’,. . In-do-shi-ton Donagani,Donaga - ni, . . Do-tia-ga- D. Ge lib. b — = > if, > fee. =, SS See - ni,. .. Do-na-ga- ni,. . . Do-na-ga- ni,. . . Do-na-ga - ni. “SONOS OINOWSNW ———| & iy fod HOFFMAN, ] MIDE’ SONGS. 267 S Man’-i-d6’ i-yan-ni, Esh-ko'-te nin’-do-we'-yo-win’. pS Iam such a spirit, My body is made of fire. [His power reaches to the sky, i. e., he has power to invoke the aid of Ki'tshi Manid6. The four degrees which he has received are indicated by the four short lines at the tip of the hand. ] TRS E pe ee oe er teere age —o{4 Sarees scoot Ma/ni-do-i-ya-ni, Ma/ni- doy -i-ya- ni, Ma/ni- -doi- -i-ya-ni, Ma/ ni-do-i-y i-ya- oe Sa a : > ——————_— > QV pr Esh’kote/wani’yo, Ko’tshihaioni, Ko’tshihai‘oni,Kotshihaioni, hé/6, —_hé/0. Pause. An offering of smoke is made to Ki'tshi Man ido, THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Ni-mi -gi-sim’ man -i-d6'-we, hwé’', he’, Sha -go-dzhi -hi-na’. My mi’gis spirit, I overpower death with. [His body is covered with mi gis as shown by the short lines radiating from the sides, and by this power he is enabled to overcome death. | a Ok os pee Ait erro Fee PPG | SSS Sees a = SSS Se — eS Nimegasimani do— we, hwe, hé, Nimegasimani do— r—- tr~ tr r— r~— fen fen “~ fe lon % 4 ae p> SS —— > eed Si Ro |RSS Pa Aree fo fae fe iG tg lig leg a eer Sees te a we, hwe, he, Shagodzhihina ni - mega-si, Manido - we, hwe, D.C. ad lib. ir I ee eee ee 4 ia SS Se S > sis ey Iss = |= : s pe =] ee reer mere a a a ee ee ees Cee he Ni-me-ga-si- ma-ni - do— we, hwe he. Ni-ka-ni’ nin-man’'-e-d0'-we-ya’. Ya'-ho-ya’ man’-i-d0’-wa nin-da’-ho-ha’. That is the way with me, spirit that I am. [The hand shows how he casts the mi'gis forward into the person requiring life. He has fourfold power, i. e., he has received the mi'gis four times himself and isthus enabled to infuse into the person requiring it. ] f = LEN oN een eas eee Pg eee are eee ee ee =a le —— cae & IS —— *. Ni/-ga-ne’ nin ma/ni-d0’we ya Ni’-ga-ne’ nin ma/ni-d0’we ya, D.C. ad lib. Ya‘ho-ya’ SNe see ree Coes Sees Ea = ma/nido-we, Nin’dohdhani’gane, ma/ni - do - we, HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 269 E-kotsh -i-na’-ha, E-kotsh’-ha man -i-dd’ hwe-do'-wi. I hang it, I hang up the Spirit sack. [After using his Midé’ sack he hangs it against the wall | | of the Midé’wigan, as is usually done during the ceremo- nial of initiation. } e_ N : —T\>—3 3 Ee 2 = Lethe p=es = a a 7 at ae Ne EX ass ee a oe re E -ko’tshi-na-ha, E - ko’tshi-na-ha, E - ko’tshi-na-ha, E - ——— SS sas st Sorte nae | s E Ss FS. 4 tS oe o-* t@°-—@ —— - ko/-tshi - na - ha, E - ko/-tshi-na - ha, E - ki’-tshi-ma/-ni - d0/ D.C. ad lib. f > SS — > fou i pia 3== So:sS= =e 7 =; — ——s 3 — aos = ~~ <= hwe-do-wi, E - ko’tshi-na-ha, E-ko/’tshi-na-ha, EF - Fisica leat hé/a. He’-a-wi-non’-dam-a -ni, Man’-i-do’ mi-de’-wi-he’ ne -ma-da -wi-dzig . HS Let them hear, Midé@’ spirit, those who are sitting around. {He invokes Ki'tshi Man'id6 to make his auditors un- derstand his power. ] Noles —— r—~ Besos: = 2 ees" 2 te a i= a | BSS] SSS = Sine a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hé, He -a - wi-nonda-ma- ni he ; ae = = =——— = a5 — ¢—0—0 66 oe —— ft = a rd Si aoa He’-a - wi-non-da-ma- ni he, ees wi-non-da-ma-ni he’; D.C. gs lib. ir br tr pecs nae — pinay ae: eee —+—+— +-_+—_ —6-6-6-6—-6-g— | = —+- : Soe eae Manidomidéwi he, Nemadawi dzhig, Heawinondamani Pie he, he 270 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. He’-a-we-na ni-we-do', Man -i-d0’ we-a-ni’ Ni-ka-na’ ni-na-na’. He who is sleeping, The Spirit, I bring him, a kinsman, {In the employment of his powers he resorts to the help of Ki'tshi Man'idd—his kinsman or Midé’ colleague. } Z tr~~ re ire. fr Bee e ee NA N= =e Bere ee | a ee es foe == o- == Bie =e = =Qeei =f a a ee eee = ettas = ee He -a- we-na-ne-we - do, ho, a a- we-na-ne-we - do, ho, lie ip Lies r— pit ee oe [oe ae ee be =] = ee SS SSS cao He-a-we-na-ne-we - do, ho, Hes a - We-na-ne-we “as, “hae D.C. ad lib — ee oe tr ee eee = i (ae e SES Sa aa == i: =e aes OR jae hea meme Ma/- ni - dO - we - a- ni ni - ka - na ni - iekcae na, ae, a Man -i-do’ we-a-ni’ Esh-ke’-ta we’-a-ni’ man -i-d6’ we'-a-ni’. I am a spirit, Fire is my spirit body. | [The hand reaches to the earth to grasp fire, showing ' his ability to do so without injury and illustrating in this (eg manner his supernatural power. | a ho SS ijNDa iF ——__—— E i ea0 = 0-0 fas 5 ee ae or eT —_ 2 =e es = Se eS ee eee Ma/ni-d0/wi-a-ni he, Ma/ni-d0/wi-a-ni he, Ma/-ni-d6/-wi-a - ni iy O—— OS 6) jf Vee $ ia ———— = \S a NSS So |Le=e ca ae ae os =e ——— 33-3 - :| eS ee o —e— SEs he, Ma/-ni-d0/-wi- a- ni he, Ma/-ni - d0/wi - a-ni he ; pean Re = D.C. ad lib. phe Nh (Pn (—=—— F meee a See _— ee see ene SSS22 a t o-0-0-\|*4---|"e 6 aes Esh’kato’weani he, Ma/nido/wiani he, “Mafwids’ wia-ni she. x! il HOFFMAN.) MIDE’ SONGS. 271 Ai-ya -swa-kit-te’, he’ ,he’, He -a se-wi -kit-te’, bé’, hé’ Na-se -ma-got’ nin-dé’. = It is leaning, My heart breathes. S [The phrase refers to the mi’gis within his heart. The short radiating lines indicate the magic power of the shell. | 3 a a - ————e a He’-a - si- wi-kit-te hé, He’-a -si-wi-kit-te he, He/a-si-wikit-te he ee nN agers \~ ~~ UN Se oe a seen a 0-0-0 0 9 0 * 5 }« 23 AS * 9-6-3 6-6-— a = Se aa = 9 e—_e—6£ 6 ee —— Pe ae . ‘ F : 4 neers 4 As He’a-si-wi-kit-te he, -Na/simagotnin/de he, He’-a- si- wi-kit-te hé, D.C. ad lib. cea ee IS SSS SS a — n= 2 oe see fe 2 eee ar i 4 == aee ace === H =f] LeU He/-a - si- wi-kit-te he, He’-a - si - wi-kit-te hé’, He’a-si-wi-kitte he. Rest, or pause, after which dancing accompanies the remainder of the song. Z a Ni-ka -nin-ko'-tshi’-ha ni-ka-na \\ Ni-ka -na-nin-ko -tshi-ha. Midé’ friends, [am trying, Midé’ friends, Mide’ friends, I am trying. [His hand and arm crossed by lines to denote magic power, in reaching to grasp more than four degrees have given him; he has in view a fifth, or its equivalent. ] a ———————— f SS _——S CS as er ose | Za ie oe 5S = a aS ee Ni’-ka- ni ko’tshiha Ni’ka-ni ha, Ni’-ka-ni ko’tshini Ni’-ka-ni D.C. ad lib. fee ——————— ee ee Fou 2 SS SSS SS Ss SS Se SS = oe oe o Hs — —3 3 3 S : ha, Ni/-ka- ni ko’-tshi- ha WNi’- ka - ni ha. 272 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. Hi -ne-na-wa’ ni-be'-i-d6n’ ni-di’-na. I hold that which I brought, and told him. [The singer is holding the mi'gis and refers to his hay- ing its power, which he desires Kitshi Man‘id6 to aug- ment. | —— > — > Ser aera —\— Fhe Se Ne [ Po ? @__@_._@ @ I< —* [=#= e @ a | =! |- --> | = eS t a fF =| {=e Se et re aoe He - ne- na- wa -ni - bei - don, He -ne - na- wa- ni-bei - don, a ee Ve a Be el D. C. ad lib. = = \ = I an SS Seay He - ne- na - wa-ni - bei - don, He - ne- na- wa-ni- bei - don. Ye'-we-ni-mi-dé’, hwa’, da’, Ke-wa'-shi-mi-dé’, hi-a , hwe’, Ye-we-ni -mi-dé ? Who isthis grand Midé’» Youwhaye not much grand medicine. Who is the Midé’ [The first line, when used with the music, is a’-we-nin- o'-au-midé’. The whole phrase refers to boasters, who have not received the proper initiations which they pro- fess. The figure is covered with mi'gis shells, as shown by the short lines attached to the body. | > f = = 62 tr —— : 5 = =e I AS 4 AS + 45 , ae Saees SS Err a | Ye - we-ni- mi-deé wa, da Ke-wa-shi-mi-de hia, hwe, == ak = ———— Re 2 aioe ——— c a = — = =6 6s =| eS = sie S =S = Ye- we-ni-mi- dé ee, da, Ke-wa-shi-mi-deé hia, hwe. D.C. ad lib —— = ee RS ae z S\Sjeae ee il Ye - we - ni - mi - dé, Anta eiine mi- dé hwa, da. HOFFMAN. ] MIDE’ SONGS. 273 Nai-a-na-wi na-ma’, ha’, Wa-na’-he-ne-ni-wa’, ha’, O'-ta-be-we-ni’, mé’, hé’. I can not reach it, Only when I go round the Midé’wigan; Ican not reach it from where I sit. [The mi'gis attached to the arrow signifies its swift and certain power and effect. The first line of the phrase, when spoken, is nin-na’-na-wi-nan’. | age ——= hE i ea _fo~ E = foe —2— 2» 9 —_ 9 —_0 o=|ee = —— = Se ee ole — Sa et eer as Ber Nai - a - na- wi- pa-ma ie Nai- @ - na- wi-na-ma ha, = — LS oN a Sue ea Oo = == =—s para a Nai-a - na- wi-na-ma ha, Nai - @ - na-wi-na-ma ha, D.C. ad lib. at — aoe ee ee ING Ss i aoe = 4 J TE See N == = = eee te sj = = — = Wa - na -he - ne- ni- wa ha, O - ta - be - we - ni - me Ai-ya’ ha ’-na-wi’-na-ma’. I can not strike him. [The speaker is weeping because he can not see imme- diate prospects for further advancement in the acquisi- tion of power. The broken ring upon his breast is the place upon which he was shot with the mi'gis.] Sa at QV Sa ee ee SS = =] - ya- ha-na-wi- na - ma, Ai - ya -ha - Speunlann -na - ma, D.C. ad lib. 6 SS fe i fp pe —————— + f — es Sa. Ai-ya- ha-na-wi-na- ma, Ai-ya- aha wan na - ma, héo, hed, héo. The following musical notation presents accurately the range of notes employed by the preceptor. The peculiarity of Midé’ songs lies in the fact that each person has his own individual series of notes which correspond to the number of syllables in the phrase and add thereto meaningless words to prolong the effect. When a song is taught, the words are the chief and most important part, the mu- sical rendering of a second person may be so different from that of the person from whom he learns it as to be unrecognizable without 7 ETH——18 274 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. the words. Another fact which often presents itself is the absence of time and measure, which prevents any reduction to notation by full bars; e. g., one or two bars may appear to consist of four quarter notes or a sufficient number of quarters and eighths to complete such bars, but the succeeding one may consist of an additional quarter, or perhaps two, thus destroying all semblance of rythmic continuity. This peculiarity is not so common in dancing music, in which the instruments of percussion are employed to assist regularity and to accord with the steps made by the dancers, or vice versa. In some of the songs presented in this paper the bars have been omitted for the reasons presented above. The peculiarity of the songs as rendered by the preceptor is thus more plainly indicated. When the chant is ended the ushers, who are appointed by the chief Midé’, leave the inclosure to bring in the vessels of food. This is furnished by the newly elected member and is prepared by his femalerelatives and friends. The kettles and dishes of food are borne around four times, so that each one present may have the opportunity of eating sufficiently. Smoking and conversation relating to tlie Midé’wiwin may then be continued until toward sunset, when, upon an intimation from the chief Midé’, the members quietly retire, leav- ing the structure by the western door. All personal property is re- moved, and upon the following day everybody departs. DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. The amount of influence wielded by Midé’ generally, and partic- ularly such as have received four degrees, is beyond belief. The rite of the Midé’wiwin is deemed equivalent to a religion—as that term is commonly understood by intelligent people—and is believed to elevate such a Midé’ to the nearest possible approach to the re- puted character of Mi’nabd’zho, and to place within his reach the supernatural power of invoking and communing with Ki'tshi Man'id6 himself. By reference to Pl. 11, A, No. 98, it will be observed that the hu- man figure is specially marked with very pronounced indications of mi'gis spots upon the head, the extremities, and more particularly the breast. These are placed where the migis was ‘‘shot” into the Midé’, and the functions of the several parts are therefore believed to be greatly augmented. All the spots are united by a line to de- note unity and harmony of action in the exercise of power. The mi'gis, typical of the fourth degree, consists of small pieces of deer horn, covered with red paint on one end and green upon the other. Sometimes but one color is employed for the entire object. The form is shown on Pl. x1, No. 6. No. 2, upon the same plate, represents a shell, used as a mi’gis, observed at White Earth. Figs. 5-11, on Pl. xv, present several forms of painting midé’ HOFFMAN. | DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. 275 posts, as practiced by the several societies in Minnesota. Each society claims to preserve the ancient method. The cross, shown in No. 7, bears the typical colors—red and green—upon the upper half, while the lower post is square and colored white on the east, green on the south, red on the west, and black on the north. The Midé’ explain the signification of the colors as follows: White represents the east, the source of light and the direction from which the sacred mi gis came; green, sha’man6 the southern one, refers to the source of the rains, the direction from which the Thunderers come in the spring, they who revivify the earth; red refers to the land of the set- ting sun, the abode of the shadows or the dead; and north being black, because that is the direction from which come cold, hunger, and disease. The words of the Midé’ priest alluding to ‘‘the path that has no end” refer to the future course and conduct of the candidate for the last degree, as well as to the possibility of attaining unlimited powers in magic, and is pictorially designated upon the chart on Pl. mr, A, at No. 99. The path is devious and beset with temptations, but by strict adherence to the principles of the Midé’wiwin the Midé’ may reach the goal and become the superior of his confréres. designated Mi-ni’-si-n6’-shkwe, ‘‘he who lives on the island.” A Midé’-Wabénd’ of this degree is dreaded on account of his ex- traordinary power of inflicting injury, causing misfortune, etc., and most remarkable tales are extant concerning his astounding per- formances with fire. The following performance is said to have occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, in the presence of a large gathering of Indians and mixed bloods. Two small wig’iwams were erected, about 40 paces from each other, and after the Wabéno’ had crawled into one of them his disparagers built around each of them a continuous heap of brush and firewood, which were then kindled. When the blaze was at its height all became hushed for a moment, and pres- ently the Wabénd’ called to the crowd that he had transferred him- self to the other wig’iwam and immediately, to their profound aston- ishment, crawled forth unharmed. This is but an example of the numerous and marvelous abilities with which the Wabénd’ of the higher grade is accredited. The special pretensions claimed by the Midé-Wabénd’ have already been mentioned, but an account of the properties and manner of using the ‘‘love powder” may here be appropriate. This powder— the composition of which has been given—is generally used by the owner to accomplish results desired by the applicant. It is carried in a small bag made of buckskin or cloth, which the Wabéno’ care- fully deposits within his Midé’ sack, but which is transferred to an- other sack of like size and loaned to the applicant, for a valuable consideration. 276 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA, During a recent visit to one of the reservations in Minnesota, I had oceasion to confer with a Catholic missionary regarding some of the peculiar medical practices of the Indians, and the implements and other accessories employed in connection with their profession. He related the following incident as having but a short time pre- viously come under his own personal observation: One of the members of his church, a Norwegian, sixty-two years of age, and a widower, had for the last preceding year been consid- ered by most of the residents as demented. The missionary himself had observed his erratic and frequently irrational conduct, and was impressed with the probable truth of the prevailing rumor. One morning, however, as the missionary was seated in his study, he was surprised to receive a very early call, and upon invitation his visitor took a seat and explained the object of his visit. He said that for the last year he had been so disturbed in his peace of mind that he now came to seek advice. He was fully aware of the common re- port respecting his conduct, but was utterly unable to control him- self, and attributed the cause of his unfortunate condition to an occurrence of the year before. Upon waking one morning his thoughts were unwillingly concentrated upon an Indian woman with whom he had no personal acquaintance whatever, and, notwith- standing the absurdity of the impression, be was unable to cast it aside. After breakfast he was, by some inexplicable influence, com- pelled to call upon her, and to introduce himself, and although he ex- pected to be able to avoid repeating the visit, he never had sufficient control over himself to resist lurking in the-vicinity of her habita- tion. Upon his return home after the first visit he discovered lying upon the floor under his bed, a Midé’ sack which contained some small parcels with which he was unfamiliar, but was afterward told that one of them consisted of ‘‘love powder.” He stated that he had grown children, and the idea of marrying again was out of the ques- tion, not only on their account but because he was now too old. The missionary reasoned with him and suggested a course of procedure, the result of which had not been learned when the incident was re- lated. Jugglery of another kind, to which allusion has before been made, is also attributed to the highest class of Jés’sakkid’. Several years ago the following account was related to Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army, and myself, and as Col. Mallery subsequently read a paper before the Anthropological Society of Washington, District of Co- lumbia, in which the account was mentioned, I quote his words: Paul Beaulieu, an Ojibwa of mixed blood, present interpreter at White Earth Agency, Minnesota, gave me his experience with a Jés'sakkid’, at Leech Lake, Min- nesota, about the year 1858. The reports of his wonderful performances had reached the agency, and as Beaulieu had no faith in jugglers, he offered to wager HOFFMAN.) INDIAN JUGGLERY. 277 $100, a large sum, then and there, against goods of equal value, that the juggler could not perform satisfactorily one of the tricks of his repertoire to be selected by him (Beaulieu) in the presence of himself and a committee of his friends. The Jés'sakkan’—or Jés'sakkid’ lodge—was then erected. The framework of vertical poles, inclined to the center, was filled in with interlaced twigs covered with blank- ets and birch-bark from the ground to the top, leaving an upper orifice of about a foot in diameter for the ingress and egress of spirits and the objects to be men- tioned, but not large enough for the passage of a man’s body. At one side of the lower wrapping a flap was left for the entrance of the Jés'sakkid’. A committee of twelve was selected to see that no communication was possible between the Jés'sakkid’ and confederates. These were reliable people, one of them the Episcopal clergyman of the reservation. The spectators were several hundred in number, but they stood off, not being allowed to approach. The Jés'sakkid’ then removed his clothing, until nothinz remained but the breech-cloth. Beaulieu took a rope (selected by himself for the purpose) and first tied and knotted one end about the juggler’s ankles; his knees were then securely tied together, next the wrists, after which the arms were passed over the knees and a billet of wood passed through under the knees, thus securing and keeping the arms down motionless. The rope was then passed around the neck, again and again, each time tied and knotted, so as to bring the face down upon the knees. ass O -ko-mi-dé-wog hé, Nish-a- wi-ni-hu gu, O - ko- nese -wog he. As the patient continues to improve the song of the Midé’ becomes more expressive of his confidence in his own abilities and impor- tance. The following is an example in illustration, viz: Ni-ne'-ta-we-hé’ wa-wa'-ba-ma’ man’-i-d6, wa-wa'-ba-ma’. {I am the only one who sees the spirit, who sees the spirit.] Nin -da-ni -wi-a, nin’-da-ni -wi-a. I surpass him, I surpass him. [The speaker overcomes the malevolent man'idd and causes him to take flight. ] Na’-sa-ni-nén’-di-ya" a-we'-si-y6k’ no-gwe'-no’-w6k. See how I act, beasts I shoot on the wing. [The signification of this is, that he “‘ shoots at them as they fly,” referring to the man‘idos as they escape from the body. ] The following is the musical notation of the above, viz: —— SS on i. # G=# o—+— 8-0 io i —— o-o— 2 Bees eerEes ‘S ne - ta-we-hé wa- wi’bi-ma man-i-dd wa- wa/- bi-ma er D. C. ad lib. SSS aed Ni-ne-ta-we-hé wa - wi/ - bi-ma mani- do, wa-waA/-bi- ma aa 286 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. —— ————— a At i lon a = en ———s E eae eS Hen - ta- ne-we-a, Hen- ta - ne-we-a, Hen- ta - ne-we-a, Hen- ta - ne-we-a, —————— : SS ee ee > ele + se oe Heti- ta - ne-we-a, Hen - ta - ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen - ta- ne-we-a, D.C. ad Ub. ! fi as ieee = lon — o~ f ee eS a Sree a : sad vg + =a = 3 + +6 ~ te oe Hen - ta - ne-we-a, Hen - ta - newe-a, Hen - ia - ne-we-a, D. C. ad lib. F i eae a ee Bee = Si fe O-3- = = = = = tess || E (ae Bosse eS ee sri das seireniee Fegee* > = ~—= Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya,Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Awasiyok, Nogwenowok. If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure he is led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is initiated. If not, the mi’gis is ‘‘shot into his body” as he reclines against the sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from among the Midé’ present, who takes his place and goes through the remainder of the initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either course, however, the chief attendant Midé’ announces his readiness in the following manner: Mi’-o-shi’-gwa, wi-kwod’-gi-o-wdg' ga-ma’- dzhi-a-ka'-diing bi-ma-di-si-win'—*‘ Now we are ready to escape from this and to begin to watch life.” This signifies his desire to escape from his present procedure and to advance to another course of ac- tion, to the exercise of the power of giving life by transferring the’ sacred mi’gis. The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner described as pertains to the first degree of the Midé/wiwin. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. PICTOGRAPHY. Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic songs are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means of a sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the bark is generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark for such purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months. On the right hand upper corner of Pl. x1x is reproduced a portion Bureau of Ethnology Seventh Annual Rep SACRED BIRCH BARK RECORDS. HOFFMAN.] PICTOGRAPHY. 287 of a mnemonic song showing characters as thus drawn. The speci- men was obtained at White Earth, and the entire song is presented on Pl. xvi, C. A piece of bark obtained at Red Lake, and known to have been incised more than seventy years ago, is shown on the right lower corner of Pl. xtx. The drawings are upon the outer surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The left hand speci- men is from the last named locality, and of the same period, and presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface. In a majority of songs the characters are drawn’ so as to be read from left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is found to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens have been obtained upon which the characters were drawn around and near the margin of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in the form of an irregular circle. The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does not appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one person is fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized as pertaining to the Midé’ ceremonies, as a song used when hunting plants, etc.; but it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar with the record to state positively whether the initial character was at the left or the right hand. The figures are more than simply mnemonic; they are ideographic, and frequently possess additional interest from the fact that several ideas are expressed in combina- tion. Col. Garrick Mallery, U. 8. Army, in a paper entitled ‘ Re- cently Discovered Algonkian Pictographs,” read before the Ameri- can Association for the Advancement of Science, at Cleveland, 1888, expressed this fact in the following words: It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midé’ and other bark records of the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to be mentioned in this paper. The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of the pictorial alphabet to teach children ‘‘A was an archer,” etc., is not strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only mnemonic, but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not merely invented toexpress or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the charts or rolls would be what is called the tressel board of the Masonic order, which is printed and published and publicly exposed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, yet is not only significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance to their memory as to degrees and details of ceremony. A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a suggestion that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should be likened to the popular illustrated poems and songs lately published in Harper’s Magazine for instance, “Sally in our Alley,” where every stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now, suppose that the text was obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the stanzas and also the general subject-matter of each particular stanza and the latter would be a re- minder of the words. This is what the rolls of birch bark do to the initiated Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft pretended in some cases to show, but what for actual 288 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. understanding requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only profound lin- guistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries. In other instances the litera- tion in the aboriginal language of the nonesoteric songs and stories and their translation is necessary to comprehend the devices by which they are memorized rather than symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of ideography and symbolism. On Pl. xx are presented illustrations of several articles found in a Midé@’ sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at Red Lake over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Chris- tianity and forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profes- sion. The information given below was obtained from Midé’ priests at the above locality. They are possessed of like articles, being members of the same society to which the late owners of the relics belonged. The first is a birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit into short strips, so as to curl in toward the middle to prevent the escaping of the contents. The upper figure is that of the Thunder god, with waving lines extending forward from the eyes, denoting the power of peering into futurity. This character has suggested to several Midé’ priests that the owner might have been a Midé’- Jés'sakkid’. This belief is supported by the actual practice pur- sued by this class of priests when marking their personal effects. The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent from the presence of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon one side of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists. The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded, consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper both in consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline of the Thunder bird. The next two objects represent small boxes made of pine wood, painted or stained red and black. They were empty when received, but were no doubt used to hold sacred objects. The lowest figure of the four consists of a bundle of three small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip of blue cloth. The bags contain, respectively, love powder, hunter’s medicine—in this in- stance red ocher and powdered arbor vitee leaves—and another pow- der of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity of ground medicinal plants. The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the skin of a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth- eaten condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown to those who were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if not generally, impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches and other sacred objects contained in Midé’ sacks of unknown own- ership, as each priest adopts his own line of practice, based upon a variety of reasons, chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams. Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks that are of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied after i Se ae winapi = c ves <. % ae tp ' aii a cad geek ios aah be eX J a aaa ‘ ae ie 1 Ad ET a { tint } x a coe! i | Rs = H ‘a ont 1 : I bats \ . pieerelee ® «Mb Mek - "s = 8 ' i nee = a io 1 7 v e ‘ a * , ad i i a : if 4 » yy Ys ' . J + = iy 1 te ide : Sire i , . "We ;, i HOFFMAN. ] INDIAN SONGS. 289 something of European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illus- trated on Pl. xxi, Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and re- verse. The specimen is made of ash wood and measures about ten inches in length. On the obverse side, besides the figures of man’- idés, such as the Thunder bird, the serpent, and the tortoise, there is the outline of the sun, spots copied from playing cards, etc.; upon the reverse appear two spread hands, a bird, and a building, from the top of which floats the American flag. This specimen was found among the effects of a Midé’ who died at Leech Lake, Minnesota, a few years ago, together with effigies and other relics already men- tioned in another part of this paper. MUSIC. In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given, especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all the members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always the same. Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic characters, as there are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited, but simply a continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. ° The notes are thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by beats upon the drum and the steps of the dancers. An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is pre- sented in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Midé’ priest upon his entrance into the Midé’wigan of the first degree. In this instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with the individual, each Midé’ chanting notes of his own, according to his choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such songs, even if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung according to the taste or ability of the singer. The musical render- ing of the words and phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic characters depends upon the ability and inspired condition of the singer; and as each Midé’ priest usually invents and prepares his own songs, whether for ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting, exorcism, or any other use, he may frequently be unable to sing them twice in exactly the same manner. Love songs and war songs, being of general use, are always sung in the same style of notation. The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the several classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor key. Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter frequently becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the participants become more and more excited. Midé’ and other like songs are always more or less monotonous, though they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if delivered ? ETH—19 290 THE MIDE’/WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. by one sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some of the Midé’ priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five, for all songs, while others frequently cover the octave, terminating with a final note lower still. The statement has been made that one Midé’ is unable either to recite or sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic charac- ters of a song belonging to another Midé’ unless specially instructed. The representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may signify the Bear man‘idd as one of the guardians of the society; it may pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that man‘ido; exorcism of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it may relate to the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to insure success for the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the exact phraseology, which is always sung or chanted, of mnemonic songs recited to him by a Midé’ preceptor. An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps even totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that although an Indian candidate for admission into the Midé’wiwin may already have prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was instructed, he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the phrases relating thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of con- fidence. Under such circumstances the interpretation of a'record is far from satisfactory, each character being explained simply ob- jectively, the true import being intentionally or unavoidably omitted. An Ojibwa named “ Little Frenchman,” living at Red Lake, had received almost continuous instruction for three or four years, and although he was a willing and valuable assistant in other matters pertaining to the subject under consideration, he was not sufficiently familiar with some of his preceptor’s songs to fully explain them. A few examples of such mnemonic songs are presented in illus- tration, and for comparison with such as have already been recorded. In each instance the Indian’s interpretation of the character is given first, the notes in brackets being supplied in further explanation, Pl. xxu, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song; the incised lines are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is of a superior character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right to left. = From whence I sit. [The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the surface beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line extending from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies, in this instance, singing. | BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI ! = = a ——— — = — == = 4 MIDE’ RELICS FROM LEECH LAKE HOFFMAN. | HN Ss \\ INDIAN SONGS. 291 The big tree in the center of the earth. [It is not known whether or not this relates to the first destruction of the earth, when Mi nabd'zho escaped by climbing a tree which con- tinued to grow and to protrude above the surface of the flood. One Mide’ thought it related to a particular medicinal tree which was held in estimation beyond all others, and thus represented as the chief of the earth. | I will float down the fast running stream, [Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by foot- prints instead of using the outline of acanoe. The etymology of the Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as in the Delaware language one word for river signifies ‘‘ water road,” when in accordance therewith ‘‘ footprints” would be in perfect harmony with the general idea. ] The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I inhabit. [The circular line above the Midé’ denotes obscurity, i. e., he is hid- den from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to his enemies as the water monster. ] You who speak to me. I have long horns. [The Midé’ likens himself to the water monster, one of the malevo- lent serpent man‘id6s who antagonize all good, as beliefs and pract:ces of the Midé'wiwin. | A rest or pause. I, seeing, follow your example. You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in grasping the stone. [The Bear man ‘ido is represented as the type now assumed by the Midé’. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies are extracted. | 292 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA, Q You, to whom I am speaking. [A powerful Man ‘ido’, the panther, is in an inclosureand to him the Midé’ addresses his request. | = Tam swimming—floating—down smoothly. [The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while the character between them is the Otter, here personated by the Midé’.] Bars denoting a pause. I have finished my drum. [The Midé’ is shown holding a Midé’ drum which he is making for use in a ceremony. ] My body is like unto you. [The mrgis shell, the symbol of purity and the Midé wiwin. ] [The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating per- sons who are talking to him from their respective places. The lines denoting speech—or hearing—pass through the speaker’s head to ex- claim as above. | iS ive Hear me, you who are talking to me! See what I am taking. [The Midé’ has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his possess- ing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an advertise ment. | See me, whose head is out of water. A\ On Pl. xxu, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a piece of birch bark owned by the preceptor of ** Little Frenchman,” of the import of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the signification of the characters is based upon general information which he has received, and not upon any pertaining directly to the record, From general appearances the song seems to be a private LETOMHD MNEMONIC SONGS, SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII tf U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. HOFFMAN] INDIAN SONGS. 293 record pertaining to the Ghost Society, the means through which the recorder attained his first degree of the Midé’wiwin, as well as to his abilities, which appear to be boastfully referred to: Tam sitting with my pipe. {Midé@’ sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to visit a sol patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke preparatory to \ his commencing the ceremony of exorcism. | I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl. [This evidently indicates the Owl Man‘id6, which has been referred to in connection with the Red Lake Midé’ chart, Pl. m1, No. 113. The LR Owl man ’id6 is there represented as passing from the Midé’ wigan to the Dzhibai’ Midé wigan, and the drawings in that record and in this are sufticiently alike to convey the idea that the maker of this song had obtained his suggestion from the old Midé’ chart. | Tt stands, that which I am going after. \ [The Midé’, impersonating the Bear Man ‘ido, is seeking a medicinal V —-) tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which he employs 33 in his profession. The two footprints indicate the direction the animal is taking. | I, who fly. [This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his talons some medical plants. } 27 ~ Ki-bi-nan’ pi-zan’. Ki'binan’ is what I use, it flies like an arrow. [The Midé’s arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the velocity of action of the remedy. | IT am coming to the earth. [A Man ‘ido is represented upon a circle, and in the act of descending toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal line, upon which is an Indian habitation. The character to denote the sky is usually drawn as a curved line with the convexity above, but in this instance the ends of the lines are continued below, so as to unite and to com- 7X plete the ring; the intention being, as suggested by several Midé’ priests, to denote great altitude above the earth, i. e., higher than the visible azure sky, which is designated by curved lines only. ] I am feeling for it. (The Midé’ is reaching into holes in the earth in search of hidden medicines. ] T am talking to it. AS [The Midé’ is communing with the medicine Manido’ with the Mide’ ZS sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend from his mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of an Owl, as before noted in connection with the second character in this song. | 994 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF ‘THE OJIBWA. They are sitting round the interior in a row. : [This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn T at right angles to that usually made to represent the Midé’ wigan, and + also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart already i alluded to and figured in Pl. m1, No, 112. The spirits or shadows, as — the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in like manner. } O You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now . full. sy, [The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having refer- ey ence to certain periods at which some important ceremonies or events are to occur. ] y Iam going for my dish. (The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish being .\y, Shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are directed Q toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens himself to the V6) Bear man ‘ido, one of the guardians of the Midéwiwin. } 0 9 I go through the medicine lodge. 09 {The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed e 0 through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is 0 9 indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and south, 0 4 itis stated that Midéwiwin is intended. This appears to be an instance iG ) of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic delineation. ] Let us commune with one another. [The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite man’idds, with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by the anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice lines extend. | On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Midé’ priest, at Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same collection has been made in connection with effigies and beads employed by Midé’ in the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their religion and profession. These menmonic songs were exhibited to many Midé’ priests from various portions of the Ojibwa country, in the hope of obtaining some satisfactory explanation regarding the import of the several characters; but, although they were pro- nounced to be ‘‘ Grand Medicine,” no suggestions were offered beyond the merest repetition of the name of the object or what it probably was meant to represent. The direction of their order was men- tioned, because in most instances the initial character furnishes the guide. Apart from this, the illustrations are of interest as exhibit- ing the superior character and cleverness of their execution. HOFFMAN. ] INDIAN SONGS. 295 The initial character on Fig. 36 appears to be at the right hand upper corner, and represents the Bear Man'id6. The third figure is {eh om 25 WN i Fic. 36.—Leech Lake Midé’ song. that of the Midé@’wiwin, with four man‘idés within it, probably the guardians of the four degrees. Theowner of the song was a Midé’ of the second degree, as was stated in connection with his Midé’wi- gwas or ‘medicine chart,” illustrated on Plate 1m, C. Fig. 37 represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine song, as is suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is im- possible to state absolutely at which side the initial character is placed, though it would appear that the human figure at the upper left hand corner would be more in accordance with the common cus- tom. Fig. 38 seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recog- nized as a hunter’s chart. According to the belief of several Midé’, it is read from right to left, the human figure indicating the direc- tion according to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc., are-turned. The lower left hand figure of a man has five marks upon the breast, which probably indicate mi'gis spots, to denote the power of magic influence possessed by the recorder. 296 THE MIDE’ WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. The characters on Fig. 39 are found to be arranged so as to read from the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line con- tinuing to the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with a Fic. 37.—Leech Lake Midé’ song. ee FE BNa the figure of a Midé’ with the mi gis upon his breast. This is inter- esting on account of the boustrophic system of delineating the fig- ures, and also because such instances are rarely found to occur. HOFFMAN. ] INDIAN SONGS. 297 oo see h Lake Mide’ song. Fic. 39,—Leech Lake Midé’ song. 298 THE MIDE’/WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS. While it 1s customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another in the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attain- able. The Ojibwa Midé’ priests, take particular pride in their ap- pearance when attending ceremonies of the Midé’ Society, and sel- dom fail to impress this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan tribes, who have adopted similar medicine ceremonies after the cus- tom of their Algonkian neighbors, are frequently without any clothing other than the breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets and other attractive ornaments. This disregard of dress appears, to the Ojibwa, as a sacrilegious digression from the ancient usa and it frequently excites severe comment. Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the actor’s fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject may be a member, the Midé’ priests wear shirts, trousers, and moc- vasins, the first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be either plain or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always of buckskin, or, what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or worked with colored porcupine quills. Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojib- wa’s dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in different specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20 inches in length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn, 2 feet long, are attached so as to admit of being passed around the lez and tied in a bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the women in such patterns as they may be able to design or elaborate. On Pl. xxi are reproductions of parts of two patterns which are of more than ordinary interest, because of the symbolic significa- tion of the colors and the primitive art design in one, and the sub- stitution of colors and the introduction of modern designs in the other. The upper one consists of green, red, and white beads, the first two colors being in accord with those of one of the degree posts, while the white issymbolical of the mi’gis shell. In the lower illus- tration is found a substitution of color for the preceding, accounted for by the Midé’ informants, who explained that neither of the varieties of beads of the particular color desired could be obtained when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted for white, the blue for green, and the orange and pink for red. The design retains the lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and the introduc- tion of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed among their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the Ojibwa term the groundwork or type of their original style of orna- mentation, i. e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work con- ees, fo eS ree i Oba, gh: eeebees aD a a al babe S nl tt A MSS | era * be iit t ane ‘Rea memes QE. © PROOF Hees HOFFMAN.) FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY. 299 sists chiefly of curved lines, and this has gradually become modified through instruction from the Catholic sisters at various early mis- sion establishments until now, when there has been brought about acommon system of working upon cloth or velvet, in patterns, con- sisting of vines, leaves, and flowers, often exceedingly attractive though not aboriginal in the true sense of the word. Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes attached to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer’s stripes, and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition to necklaces of claws, shells, or other objects. Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork, though brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred. Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered with beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad band or baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is decorated with disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or moose hair and with eagle feathers to designate the particular exploits performed by the wearer. Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many of the representatives of the present generation have never been actively engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among the older members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle feathers bearing indications of significant markings or cuttings. A feather which has been split from the tip toward the middle denotes that the wearer was wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a silver dime painted upon a feather shows the wearer to have been wounded bya bullet. The privilege of wearing a feather tipped with red flannel or horse hair dyed red is recognized only when the wearer has killed an enemy, and when a great number have been killed in war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may consist of a number of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed, the idea to be expressed being ‘‘a great number,” rather than a specific enumera- tion. Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many other specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits, they now have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and consequently the practice has fallen into desuetude. FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY. According to a treaty now being made between the United States Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take lands in severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will be ceded to the Government, and the members of the various bands will become citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal ties 300 THE MIDE’WIWIN OF THE OJIBWA. will be broken and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned. The chief Midé’ priests, being aware of the momentous conse- quences of such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the imprac- ticability of much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called “pagan rites,” became willing to impart them to me, in order that a complete description might be made and preserved for the future information of their descendants. There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be secretly held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of the national authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed with any degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively short time before the Midé’wiwin will be only a tradition. BW sh aa SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONE Y. 301 CONTENTS Page Prato CEA OMN A aysvete acs eeetclers chats oie atelsYoress!olelefats eieieteis siaieictale a isieveso(e 6 lester ai ve(é wie averere eit 307 How the: formilas were Obtained s-.-\cs -rierersccne sciatersie © «e) (e(e/aetoreia | (estazorensiote «ict 310 herAGy arin (Swimmen) manuscript. 2. seers cece oee cece cece eles e 310 The Gatiewanasti (Belt) manuscripts «cq occ OAL ? 22 PP Oa | SIAL COZ AAFC SA: | MOLE P PO CeIn 8 BE Les ee G21 ile Cz EPO oe GL real? FRET LSE Fe GAR Log F et erglO 2 EEA: | Lie ee PELE EA le 2 eo a ) | 8 ey aS ee ee eat! Lio AGE or ee Af AE ea ge ie We 4 eye EO nee eRe senbti FACSIMILE OF SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT. Formula for Dalani U*nagei. (Page 364.) fw MOONEY. ] THE GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT. old fall into the hands of Swimmer, who, he was determined, should never see his father’s papers. Thus the negotiations came to an end for the time. On returning to the reservation in July, 1888, another effort was made to get possession of the Gatigwanasti manuscripts and any others of the same kind which could be procured. By this time the Indians had had several months to talk over the matter, and the idea had gradually dawned upon them that instead of taking their knowledge away from them and locking it up in a box, the inten- tion was to preserve it to the world and pay them for it at the same time. In addition the writer took every opportunity to impress upon them the fact that he was acquainted with the secret knowl- edge of other tribes and perhaps could give them as much as they gave. It was now much easier to approach them, and on again vis- iting Wilnoti, in company with the interpreter, who explained the matter fully to him, he finally consented to lend the papers for a time, with the same condition that neither Swimmer nor anyone else but the chief and interpreter should see them, but he still re- fused to sell them. However, this allowed the use of the papers, and after repeated efforts during a period of several weeks, the matter ended in the purchase of the papers outright, with unreserved per- mission to show them for copying or explanation to anybody who might be selected. Wilnoti was not of a mercenary disposition, and after the first negotiations the chief difficulty was to overcome his objection to parting with his father’s handwriting, but it was an essential point to get the originals, and he was allowed to copy some of the more important formulas, as he found it utterly out of the question to copy the whole. These papers of Gatigwanasti are the most valuable of the whole, and amount to fully one-half the entire collection, about fifty pages consisting of love charms. The formulas are beautifully written in bold Cherokee characters, and the directions and headings are gen- erally explicit, bearing out the universal testimony that he was a man of unusual intelligence and ability, characteristics inherited by his son, who, although a young man and speaking no English, is one of the most progressive and thoroughly reliable men of the band. THE GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT. The next book procured was obtained from a woman named Ayasta, ‘The Spoiler,” and had been written by her husband, Ga- huni, who died about 30 years ago. The matter was not difficult to arrange, as she had already been employed on several occasions, so that she understood the purpose of the work, besides which her son had been regularly engaged to copy and classify the manuscripts already procured. The book was claimed as common property by 314 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES. Ayasta and her three sons, and negotiations had to be carried on with each one, although in this instance the cash amount involved was only half a dollar, in addition to another book into which to copy some family records and personal memoranda, The book con- tains only eight formulas, but these are of a character altogether unique, the directions especially throwing a curious light on Indian beliefs. There had been several other formulas of the class called Y a" wehi, to cause hatred between man and wife, but these had been torn out and destroyed by Ayasta on the advice of an old shaman, in order that her sons might never learn them. In referring to the matter she spoke in a whisper, and it was evident enough that she had full faith in the deadly power of these spells. In addition to the formulas the book contains about twenty pages of Scripture extracts in the same handwriting, for Gahuni, like sev- eral others of their shamans, combined the professions of Indian con- jurer and Methodist preacher. After his death the book fell into the hands of the younger members of the family, who filled it with miscellaneous writings and scribblings. Among other things there are about seventy pages of what was intended to be a Cherokee- English pronouncing dictionary, probably written by the youngest son, already mentioned, who has attended school, and who served for some time as copyist on the formulas. This curious Indian pro- duction, of which only a few columns are filled out, consists of a list of simple English words and phrases, written in ordinary English script, followed by Cherokee characters intended to give the approxi- mate pronunciation, together with the corresponding word in the Cherokee language and characters. ‘ i [ne _ 7 oo a - a ast » a, - 7 7 a . eS 7 ” ) 7 she - _ > aL 3 ¥ Sar » of Py i =) a ry fa nme J , & - i a io a -_ 7 : ; ' aan - . > Vu h>. ey . : : . a « 7 7 Don ‘ 7 > a] q 7 a 7 tS 7 ; : = Ss ‘yi Fe F iZ , » var = ; : , ae ; i 7 - } 7 ia wi : - 7 7 = a f + is a oe q.. 7 ' : + i =) i > ; ’ fi : ns . 7 oe , a ’ 7 ; 7 ' & 7 mu 7 >. =o a : > ac | 7 [7 GO 2029 LY 14 ILI | PPP AIK (7 Lt YODD £2 BS MIL! LAWMDLaA £4 gery ree LWLALISV ALT {VO UMTS. 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LYAD BLA AVL Dae a 202d CLF E PLL LP STIOMNGE IE WUD +h £ NLM YLY BIUWK VO SIAVWYL VF AS LEP gay Zl WILE I LUGO ALLEY POE 497 L Wi fpon yt fYMIM TE LAT f-YL OTE FP PLZ fy MfImInyn CFA FLW AMY aT pV LO WME OE AIL AVON LFA 17 9% oe UPAR ARM pyr yay he AAT BF ad GLI AY YP ne Ot ec eS FD AYP POT Ae | PLALYEVOSYUPLL (YY 770 Bf ATL OLAE LULA ZSANTAR Ua FAL LYM DIP LSI WM Glo Lf WE ALOLYEAL SY IVA 7 OTT VI UK ALUP COA LLY WLOTIEL EVP LSTPVALY LIS JL 10 74 OU AT PBL AK GIRO ESFLVM AY VW LW plCLY YAO | AFL SOOUM OLADY FYHM GVI £46 VMFALIS Wal St PYSUH LY GI LIF FP pNKALS GFd GA p ea BYE: Aas NAXX “Id 1L¥Od3¥ IWANNY HLNSASS ADOIONHIZ 30 NvaYNS =p ae eee’ U. ©, NATIONAL MUSEUM. MOONEY.] THE INALI MANUSCRIPT. 315 position of honor among his people, including those of councilor, keeper of the townhouse records, Sunday-school leader, conjurer, officer in the Confederate service, and Methodist preacher, at last dying, as he was born, in the ancient faith of his forefathers. On inquiring of his daughter she stated that her father had left a great many papers, most of which were still in her possession, and on receiving from the interpreter an explanation of our purpose she readily gave permission to examine and make selections from them on condition that the matter should be kept secret from outsiders. A day was appointed for visiting her, and on arriving we found her living in a comfortable log house, built by Inali himself, with her children and an ancient female relative, a decrepit old woman with snow-white hairand vacant countenance. This was the oldest woman of the tribe, and though now so feeble and childish, she had been a veritable savage in her young days, having carried a scalp in the scalp dance in the Creek war 75 years before. Having placed chairs for us in the shade Inali’s daughter brought out a small box filled with papers of various kinds, both Cherokee and English. The work of examining these was a tedious business, as each paper had to be opened out and enough of it read to get the general drift of the contents, after which the several classes were arranged in separate piles. While in the midst of this work she brought out another box nearly as large as a small trunk, and on setting it down there was revealed to the astonished gaze such a mass of material as it had not seemed possible could exist in the entire tribe. In addition to papers of the sort already mentioned there were a number of letters in English from various officials and religious organizations, and addressed to ‘‘ Enola,” to ‘‘ Rey. Black Fox,” and to ‘‘ Black Fox, Esq,” with a large number of war letters written to him by Cherokees who had enlisted in the Confederate service. These latter are all written in the Cherokee characters, in the usual gossipy style common among friends, and several of them contain important historic material in regard to the movements of the two armies in Kast Tennessee. Among other things was found his cer- tificate as a Methodist preacher, dated in 1848. ** Know all men by these presents that Black Fox (Cherokee) is hereby authorized to exercise his Gifts and Graces as a local preacher in M. E. Church South.” There was found a manuscript book in Inali’s handwriting con- taining the records of the old council of Wolftown, of which he had been secretary for several years down to the beginning of the war. This also contains some valuable materials. There were also a number of miscellaneous books, papers, and pic- tures, together with various trinkets and a number of conjuring stones. 316 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, In fact the box was a regular curiosity shop, and it was with a feeling akin to despair that we viewed the piles of manuscript which had to be waded through and classified. There was a day’s hard work ahead, and it was already past noon; but the woman was not done yet, and after rummaging about inside the house for a while longer she appeared with another armful of papers, which she emp- tied on top of the others. This was the last straw; and finding it impossible to examine in detail such a mass of material we contented ourselves with picking out the sacred formulas and the two manu- script books containing the town-house records and scriptural quota- tions and departed. The daughter of Black Fox agreed to fetch down the other papers in afew days for further examination at our leisure; and she kept her promise, bringing with her at the same time a number of additional formulas which she had not been able to obtain before. Ss Translation. THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN. Little boy, little boy, hurry, hurry, come out, come out! Little boy, hurry; a bow, a bow; let’s see who'll get it, let’s see who'll get it! Little girl, little girl, hurry, hurry, come out, come out. Little girl, hurry; a sifter, a sifter; let’s see who'll get it, let’s see who'll get it! Huplanation. This formula was obtained from Takwati'hi, as given to him by a specialist in this line. Takwatihi himself knew nothing of the treat- ment involved, but a decoction is probably blown upon the patient as described in the preceding formula. In many cases the medicine used is simply cold water, the idea being to cause asudden muscular action by the chilling contact. In this formula the possible boy or girl is coaxed out by the promise of a bow or a meal-sifter to the one who can get it first. Among the Cherokees it is common, in asking about the sex of a new arrival, to inquire, ‘“‘Is it a bow or a sifter?” or ‘‘Is it ball sticks or bread ?” DALA/NI U*NAGE’T ADANU“WATI. Yuha‘ahi’, (yuha‘ahi’, yuha‘ahi’, yuha‘ahi’,) Yuha ahi’. (yuha‘ahi’, yuha‘ahi’), Ya! Sge! Utal-e'gwaht’ didulta’histi ulsge'ta. Ustnu'li datitulene’t. Usinu li dunu'y’tani'ler’. Sge! Ha-na’gwa stati gani’ga, ni"da’y! distil ‘ta’histi, Stisga’ya Dist‘sdi’ga, stida’'wehi-gagi. Uttal-e’gwa datitulene/(i) ulsge'ta. Usinu'li detisttl‘tani'ga ulsge'ta. Ditu'talentitsa na"na’hi Vide'tu- MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR BILIOUSNESS. 365 tant ™tasi’, nu"tadu'ktaht'*sti nige’st"na. Nut'‘gi iyayt’latagi’ aya- we'sali'"ta de’dudineli'sesti’, Gu™tsatatagi’yi tistadi’gflahi’sesti. Tidudale‘nt' (i) G"tale’gwa “ti'stil‘tatint"tani'ga. Na’‘nd wittl‘ta’- histani’ga, tadu’ktahtsti nige’st™na. Ha-na'‘na W'd’ultahiste’stt. (Yt !) (Degasisisgi’!)—Hia’ anine’tsi ga'‘tiski adanti/"wati. U"tla atsi’la titi yl'gi. Translation. TO TREAT THE BLACK YELLOWNESS. Yuha’ahi, yuha’ahi’,, yuha’ahi’, yuha ‘ahi, Yuha’ahi’, yuha’ahi’, yuha‘ahi’ Ya! Listen! In the great lake the intruder reposes. Quickly he has risen up there. Swiftly he has come and stealthily put himself (under the sick man). Listen! Ha! Now you two have drawn near to hearken, there in the Sun Land you repose, O Little Men, O great anida’wehi! The intruder has risen up there in the great lake. Quickly you two have lifted up the intruder. His paths have laid themselves down toward the direction whence he came. Let him never look back (toward us). When he stops to rest at the four gaps you will drive him roughly along. Now hehas plunged into the great lake from which he came. There he is compelled to remain, never to look back. Ha! there let him rest. (YQ!) (Ltirections.)—This is to treat them when their breast swells. Fire (coals) is not put down. Explanation. This formula, from A‘y@ini’s manuscript, is used in treating a disease known as Dalani, literally, *‘ yellow.” From the vague description of symptoms given by the doctors, it appears to be an aggravated form of biliousness, probably induced by late suppers and bad food. According to the Indian theory it is caused by revenge- ful animals, especially by the terrapin and its cousin, the turtle. The doctors recognize several forms of the disease, this variety being distinguished as the “black dalani (Dalani U"nage't) and con- sidered the most dangerous. In this form of dalani, according to their account, the navel and abdomen of the patient swell, the ends of his fingers become black, dark circles appear about his eyes, and the throat contracts spasmodically and causes him to fall down sud- denly insensible. A‘yi"ini’s method of treatment is to rub the breast and abdomen of the patient with the hands, which have been previously rubbed together in the warm infusion of wild cherry (ta'ya) bark. The song is sung while rubbing the hands together in the liquid, and the prayer is repeated while rubbing the swollen abdo- men of the patient. The operation may be repeated several times on successive days. The song at the beginning has no meaning and is sung in a low plaintive lullaby tone, ending witha sharp Yw/ The prayer pos- sesses a special interest, as it brings out several new points in the Cherokee mythologic theory of medicine. The “intruder,” which 366 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES. is held to be some amphibious animal—as a terrapin, turtle, or snake —is declared to have risen up from his dwelling place in the great lake, situated toward the sunset, and to have come by stealth under the sick man. The verb implies that the disease spirit creeps wnder as a snake might crawl under the coverlet of a bed. The two Little Men in the Sun Land are now invoked to drive out the disease. Who these Little Men are is not clear, although they are regarded as most powerful spirits and are frequently invoked in the formulas. They are probably the two Thunder Boys, sons of Kanati. The Little Men come instantly when summoned by the shaman, pull out the intruder from the body of the patient, turn his face to- ward the sunset, and begin to drive him on by threats and blows (expressed in the word giitsatatagi’yi) to the great lake from which he came. On the road there are four gaps in the mountains, at each of which the disease spirit halts to rest, but is continually forced onward by his two pursuers, who finally drive him into the lake, where he iscompelled to remain, without being permitted even to look back again. The four gaps are mentioned also in other formulas for medicine and the ball play and sometimes correspond with the four stages of the treatment. The direction ‘‘ No fire (coals) is put down” indicates that no live coals are put into the decoction, the doctor probably using water warmed in the ordinary manner. Takwati hi uses for this disease a decoction of four herbs applied in the same manner. He agrees with A‘yfi"ini in regard to the general theory and says also that the disease may be contracted by neglecting to wash the hands after handling terrapin shells, as, for instance, the shell rattles used by women in the dance. The turtle or water tortoise (seligu’gi) is considered as an inferior being, with but little capacity for mischief, and is feared chiefly on account of its relationship to the dreaded terrapin or land tortoise (taiksi’). In Takwatihi’s formula he prays to the Ancient White (the fire), of which these cold-blooded animals are supposed to be afraid, to put the fish into the water, the turtle into the mud, and to send the ter- rapin and snake to the hillside. TSUNDAYE’LIGAKTANU’/HI ADANOWATI. Sgt! Hana’gwa hatiganiga, galfilati hetsada’hist!, Ka’lant Unage, gahu'st! tsanu’lahi'"sei nige’si"na. Ha-na’gwa (hetsatsa’- @tani'ga. Hanigi’watinigwalae'stigwi tsalasai’"I. Asgin-u’dant higes’el. Sanigala’gi gest"! hastigi'‘lani’ga, duwalu'wa'ta’ti nige’- st"na, nitineli’ga. Ha-Usthi'yi witita’histani’ga. Dadu’sataht'"stt nige’sti"na nitf/neli’ga. Utsina&’wa nu'tatant’"ta. Sgé! Ha-na’gwa hatai™gani’ga, Kalani Gigage'l, hidawéhi'yu. Ha-gahu'sti tsanu’lahi'"sgi nige’si"na, etsanetselahi. Ha-gald™la- ti'tsa hetsata’histi. Na’gwa hetsatsa’i"tani’ga. Nigtwatt'"nigwa- MOONEY.] FORMULA FOR “ORDEAL” DISEASES. 367 lae’sti-gwt tsalasi’"i. Asgin-udant’hi-gwt higese'l. Ha-Sanigalagi gest" hastigi'‘lani’ga ulsge'ta, ha-utsinai’wa-gwt’ nigtitisge’stt. Usthi'yi winttine’da. Usthi'yi witita/histani’ga. Utsina’wa adt"- ni'ga. Sgé! Ha-na'gwa hati™gani'ga, Ka’lant Sa'ka’ni; galt lati hetsada- histi, hida’wéhi. Gahu’'sti tsanu’lahiisgi nige’sti'"na, etsanetse thi. Ha-na’gwa hetsatsa’G"tani'ga. Nigti™watai™nigwalae’sti-zwi tsa- last’"l. Sanigala’gi gest’ hastigi'‘lani’ga ulsge’ta. Duwalu'watt'ti nige’sti"na, niti'neli’ga. Usthi'yi witita’histani’ga, dadu’sataht™sti nige’st''na nitt’neli’ga. Utsina’wa ada"ni’ga. Sge! Ha-na’gwa hatti™gani'ga, Wa/hili gali"lti'tsa hetsada’histt, Kalant Tstine’ga, hida’wéhi. Gahu'sti tsanu'l‘ti nige’si a. Ha- na'gwa hetsatsa’t"tani'ga. Nigi™watt’/nigwalae'sti-ewi tsala- si". Ha-na’gwa detal‘tani’ga. Sanigala’gi gesti'™ hastig’t‘lani’ga ulsge'ta, duwalu’watt‘ti nige’si"na niti’neli’ga. Usthi'yi witita’- histani'ga. Dadu'satahisti nige’sa"na nitt/neli’ga. Utsina’wa adti"ni’ga. (Dega'sisisgt’"1)—Hia’ agi‘li’ya unitli"gi"Y adant’wati. Askwan- u'tsasti’. Tsa'l(a) Agayt' "li unitsi 1a"°nt’hi et tati, ana’"sga‘la’-gwt; Kanasa'la-‘na unali’gaht, adela’-‘nt nt‘gi-gwi ani’gage1 daha’, Tsaliyu'sti-‘nti Usdi'ga. Gahn’'sti-‘‘nu yuta’suya™na sawatu hi-gwti ati’ dawa’hila-gwt iyt'"ta. Translation. TO TREAT FOR ORDEAL DISEASES. Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken and are resting directly over- head. O Black Raven, younever failinanything. Ha! Now you are brought down. Ha! There shall be left no more than a trace upon the ground where vou have been. It is an evolute ghost. You have now put it into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it may never return. Let relief come. Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Red Raven, most powerful ada'wehi. Ha! You never fail in anything, for so it was ordained of you. Ha! You are resting directly overhead. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall remain but a trace upon the ground where you have been. It is an evolute ghost. Ha! You have put the Intruder into a crevice of Sanigalagi and now the relief shall come. It (the Intruder) is sent to the Darkening Land. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land. Let the relief come. Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Raven; you are rest- ing directly overhead, ada’wehi. You never fail in anything, for so it was ordained of you. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. You have put the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it may never return. Let the relief come. Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken; you repose on high on Wa’ hili, O White Raven, ada’wehi. You neverfail in anything. Ha! Now youare brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. Ha! Now you have taken it up. You have put the Intruder intoa crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, never to return. Let the relief come. 368 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES. (Directions)—This is to treat them for a painful sickness. One must suck. Use Tsa lagayt -li (‘‘ Old Tobacco ”—Nicotiana rustica), blossoms, and just have them in the mouth, and Kanasaé la (Wild Parsnip), goes with it, and four red beads also must lie there, and Tsdliyu'sti Usdi’ga (‘‘ Little (plant) Like Tobacco ””—Indian Tobacco— Lobelia inflata.) And if there should be anything mixed with it (i. e., after suck- ing the place), just put it about a hand’s-length into the mud. Explanation. The Cherokee name for this disease gives no idea whatever of its serious nature. The technical term, Tsundaye lga’ktant’hi, really refers to the enthusiastic outburst of sociability that ensues when two old friends meet. In this instance it ‘might be rendered ‘‘ an ordeal.” The application of such a name to what is considered a serious illness is in accordance with the regular formulistic practice of making light of a dangerous malady in order to convey to the disease spirit the impression that the shaman is not afraid of him, A‘ya"ini, from whom the formula was obtained, states also that the disease is sometimes sent to a man by afriend or even by his parents, in order to test his endurance and knowledge of counter spells. As with most diseases, the name simply indicates the shaman’s theory of the occult cause of the trouble, and is no clue to the symptoms, which may be those usually attendant upon fevers, indi- gestion, or almost any other ailment. In some cases the disease is caused by the conjurations of an enemy, through which the patient becomes subject to an inordinate appetite, causing him to eat until his abdomen is unnaturally dis- tended. By the same magic spells tobacco may be conveyed into the man’s body, causing him to be affected by faintness and languor. The enemy, if bitterly revengeful, may even put into the body of his victim a worm or insect (tsgaya), or a sharpened stick of black locust or ‘‘ fat” pine, which will result in death if not removed by a good doctor. Sometimes a weed stalk is in some occult manner conveyed into the patient’s stomach, where it is transformed into a worm. As this disease is very common, owing to constant quarrels and rival jealousies, there are a number of specialists who devote their attention to it. The prayer is addressed to the Black, Red, Blue, and White Ravens, their location at the four cardinal points not being specified, excepting in the case of the white raven of Wa’hili, which, as already stated, is said to be a mountain in the south, and hence is used figuratively to mean the south. The ravens are each in turn declared to have put the disease into a crevice in Sanigala’gi—the Cherokee name of Whiteside Mountain, at the head of Tuckasegee River, in North Carolina, and used figuratively for any high pre- cipitous mountain—and to have left no more than a trace upon the ground where it has been. The adjective translated ‘‘ evolute” (udantihi) is of frequent occurrence in the formulas, but has no MOoNEY. | FORMULA FOR HUNTING. 369 exact equivalent in English. It signifies springing into being or life from an embryonic condition. In this instance it would imply that whatever object the enemy has put into the body of the sick man has there developed into a ghost to trouble him. The directions are expressed in a rather vague manner, as is the case with most of A‘yfiini’s attempts at original composition. The disease is here called by another name, agi‘li’ya unitla"gt'"l, signify- ing ‘“‘when they are painfully sick.” The treatment consists in suck- ing the part most affected, the doctor having in his mouth during the operation the blossoms of Tsa'l-agaya’"li (Nicotiana rustica), Kanasala (wild parsnip,) and Tsaliyusti Usdiga (Lobelia inflata. ) The first and last of these names signify ‘‘tobacco” and ‘‘ tobacco- like,” while the other seems to contain the same word, tsa'la, and the original idea may have been to counteract the witchcraft by the use of the various species of ‘‘ tobacco,” the herb commonly used to drive away a witch or wizard. During the sucking process four red beads lie near upon a piece of (white) cloth, which afterward becomes the perquisite of the doctor. Though not explicitly stated, it is proba- ble that the doctor holds in his mouth a decoction of the blossoms named, rather than the blossoms themselves. On withdrawing his mouth from the spot and ejecting the liquid into a bowl, it is expected that there will be found ‘‘ mixed” with it a small stick, a pebble, an insect, or something of the kind, and this the shaman then holds up to view as the cause of thedisease. Itis afterward buried a ‘“‘hand’s length” (awa’hilfi)' deep in the mud. No directions were given as to diet or tabu. , HUNTING. GUNA/HILU"TA UGU®WA‘LI. Unalleli’ eskiska'l‘tast’. Iskwa’leli eskiska'l‘tasi’. Yt! Ela-Ka- na'ti tsilda‘histti, tsiwatsila asta" detsatasi’ga. Ts’skwa'li uda’ nisi ‘testi, ugwala’ga udu'yahetidege’stl. Suntisi’ya-gwa udanisi’*- testi, ts’su'lti-gwt nige’sa"na. Hikaya"li Gi'gage-gagi’, tsine'tsI gest" aw’stitege’sti. Tsdstw utatiy?, na’'gwa tsds‘ti gasi‘hisa‘ti atisge'sti. Ha-na'gwa nt"na tsusdi’ tutana’wa-tegt’ digana’watt'ta atisge'sti. Utali’ udant’hi ugwala'ga gi"watuyahititege’sti, hilahiyi'"ta-gwt “ustt ‘sti nige - st'na. D’stiskwali deudi'nisa‘te’sti. Ya! Translation. CONCERNING HUNTING. Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Ya! O Great Terrestrial Hunter, I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a single bend, and may you never be satisfied. \'This word, like the expression ‘‘seven days,” frequently has a figurative mean- ing. Thus the sun is said to be seven awa’hilfi above the earth. 7 ETH 24 370 SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES. And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep. Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my experiences be propitious. Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various directions(?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and may it never cease to be so. You two (the Water and the Fire) shall bury it in your stomachs. Yd! Explanation. This is a hunting formula, addressed to the two great gods of the hunter, Fire and Water. The evening before starting the hunter “goes to water,” as already explained, and recites the appropriate ° formula. In the morning he sets out, while still fasting, and travels without eating or drinking until nightfall. At sunset he again goes to water, reciting this formula during the ceremony, after which he builds his camp fire, eats his supper and lies down for the night, first rubbing his breast with ashes from the fire. In the morning he starts out to look for game. “Give me the wind,” isa prayer that the wind may be in his favor, so that the game may not scent him. The word rendered here ‘Great Terrestrial Hunter,” is in the original ‘‘ Kla-Kana'ti.” In this ela is the earth and kana'ti is a term applied to a successful hunter. The great Kanati, who, according to the myth, formerly kept all the game shut up in his underground caverns, now dwells above the sky, and is freqently invoked by hunters. The raven also is often ad- dressed as Kanati in these hunting formulas. Ela-Kana'ti, the Great Terrestrial Hunter—as distinguished from the other two—signifies the river, the name referring to the way in which the tiny streams and rivulets search out and bring down to the great river the leaves and débris of the mountain forests. In formulas for medicine, love, the ball play, etc., the river is always addressed as the Long Person (Ya"wi Gtnahi'ta). The ‘‘spittle” referred to is the foam at the edge of the water. ‘‘Let your stomach be covered with leaves” means, let the blood-stained leaves where the stricken game shall fall be so numerous as to cover the surface of the water. The hunter prays also that sufficient game may be found in a single bend of the river to accomplish this result without the necessity of searching through the whole forest, and to that end he further prays that the river may never be satisfied, but continually longing for more. The same idea is repeated in the second paragraph. The hunter is supposed to feed the river with blood washed from the game. In like manner he feeds the fire, addressed in the second paragraph as the “ Ancient Red,” with a piece of meat cut from the tongue of the deer. The prayer that the fire may hover above his breast while he sleeps and brings him favorable dreams, refers to his rubbing his breast with ashes from his camp fire before lying down to sleep, in order that the fire may bring him dream omens of success for the morrow. The Fire is addressed either as the Ancient White or the MOONEY. ] FORMULA FOR HUNTING. ot Ancient Red, the allusion in the first case being to the light or the ashes of the fire; in the other case, tothe color of the burning coals. “You two shall bury it in your stomachs” refers to the blood- stained leaves and the piece of meat which are cast respectively into the river and the fire. The formula was obtained from A‘ya"ini, who explained it in detail. HIA’ TSVSKWA GANAHILIDASTY-YI. Tsigé’! Hikayt'"l-Une’ga, tstlta’histi™ gilita’histani’ga. Na’gwa ’ tsida/nta talehi’sani'ga. Sa’gwa igtnsi’ya ts’skwali’ udt’nisate’sti, ts’su'lti nige’si™na. Wane'(1) tigi’gage(1) tali/kanéli’ga. °tali uda- nthi tsigista’ ‘ti. Hikayt"l-Une'ga, anwya wwdtatd'gi agi'sti tdtsiskd'ltanelihi. Vatali u'dant’ te'tilskew’si'ga. Hikayt’"l-Une'ga, nti"na/(hi) kana'ti skwateta'stani’ga. Unigwa- lagi te’gati"tsi’ga. Na na’(hi) kana’'ti tati’ kiya™gwita watise’sti. Unigwalt'"ei tigi “watt'tsant’hi. Hikayt'"l-Une’ga, Kana'ti, sk’salata'titege'sti, sa‘ka’ni ginu’t’ti nige’si"na. Sgé! Translation. THIS IS FOR HUNTING BIRDS. Listen! O Ancient White, where you dwell in peace I have come to rest. Now let your spirit arise. Let it (the game brought down) be buried in your stomach, and may your appetite never be satisfied. The red hickories have tied themselves together. The clotted blood is your recompense. O Ancient White, * * * Accept the clotted blood (?) O Ancient White, put me in the successful hunting trail. Hang the mangled things upon me. Let me come along the successful trail with them doubled up (under my belt). It (the road) is clothed with the mangled things. O Ancient White, O Kanati, support me continually, that I may never become blue. Listen ! Explanation. This formula, from A‘yf"ini’s manuscript, is recited by the bird- hunter in the morning while standing over the fire at his hunting camp before starting out for the day’s hunt. A‘ytini stated that seven blowgun arrows are first prepared, including a small one only a ‘“‘hand-length” (awa‘hili) long. On rising in the morning the hunter, standing over the fire, addresses it as the ‘‘ Ancient White.” rubbing his hands together while repeating the prayer. He then sets out for the hunting ground, where he expects to spend the day, and on reaching it he shoots away the short arrow at random, with- out attempting to trace its flight. There is of course some signifi- cance attached to this action and perhaps an accompanying prayer, but no further information upon this point was obtainable. Hav- ing shot away the magic arrow, the hunter utters a peculiar hissing or SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, sound, intended to call up the birds, and then goes to work with his remaining arrows. On all hunting expeditions it is the regular prac- tice, reigiously enforced, to abstain from food until sunset. A favorite method with the bird-hunter during the summer sea- son is to climb a gum tree, which is much frequented by the smaller birds on account of its berries, where, taking up a convenient posi- tion amid the branches with his noiseless blowgun and arrows, he deliberately shoots down one bird after another until his shafts are exhausted, when he climbs down, draws out the arrows from the bodies of the birds killed, and climbs up again to repeat the opera- - tion. ) Pid a bt sinh pit rath ican ; \ ‘cir sake, yy Wee 4s Cob ig iar eal oT] ‘ ee 7 oe ae mag, . pm ry) c Vd ids tt! ee Rar ir ay a ee a re ‘ SHRED me ce tare Addr ake len Ae pA Ml cd Hi conti ue 02 ae ants : " . hy Lame ts Prints i) OM ke - ft ht 2 Len ae (re ¢ TT a Rey pak . i 7 ae a , a ae ’ ; ; ; 4 ‘ ' : - ' Su a 2 i oe oo decsgtre al $9 at Wich We Sa GT Rg ek ies iy! i oh ath ; ‘an LST ». ou aus she shah me he Fae SLUM Oe nhs HY iat Me) isi ms eV : ae ah foes ef “| - enc la | Aa | vy ie eat Re tn | een eae . v AV A ny eM Lig re Vp ( Dy, a pot “ed * } . PNaD EX A. Page Abnaki, population.................:0.-6+ 48 Achastlians, Lamanon’s vocabulary of RED spcteocepsaebnadeca © apascanc %5 Acoma, a Keresan dialect . - Sia Alterstale ele 83 POPU GION ooo. oo falo scien nie selene nin eee 83 Adair, James, quoted on Choctaw villages 40 AGEN Zoints] Agee Bee ppbion ape aasoeseoore 45-46 Adaizan and Caddoan languages com- (eet I Seno pbs ioc Sacro cAacedoor 46 Adam, Lucien, on the Taensa language. . 96 Agriculture, effect of, on Indian popula- LEtnt) i Sos come saropeppoEc ODO csoebee 38 region to which limited 41 extent of practice of, by Indian fee 2 Abt division of Wakashan family........ 129, 130 Ahtena tribe of Copper River ....... ...- 53 population .. .......0--..seee eee eeeee 55 Ai-yan, population...... .........---- , 55 Akansa, or Quapaw tribe....... .....---+ 113 Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai........--.. 85 Aleutian Islanders belong to Eskimauan family .... v6 population 75 Algonquian family 47-51 RigtrOPMtriDGSie sacs aise cc asieiteia eestor 48 population....... 2.2... -.seeee eee ees 48 habitat of certain eae tribes of . 113 Alibamu, habitat and population......... 95 Alsea, habitat ...... 2.02.6. ..0seeeee =: 134 ALta-tin, population <2... cen cers seeieee 55 Angel de la Guardia Island, occupied by Wane holes be Goan Mage OmedecorH 138 Apache, habitat .......-.....-.:ssseesesee 54 population...... 252222 ceeceeeeeeec eee 56 Apalaches, supposed by Gallatin to be the WOM one asane oo Apalachi tribe Arapaho, habitat. population..............- Arikara, habitat . population. ... Arizona, workin.........--. --- Assinaboin, habitat.... ..... .-.--.----- 115 population. .... 2... ... 2c cere e eee eee 117 Atfalati, population ................------ 2 Athapascan family ..... .........--..+-+ 51-56 Atnah tribe, considered distinct from Sa- lish by Gallatin 105 Attacapanfamily.........-.-..-- 0 -----++ 56-57 Attakapa language reputed to be spoken by the Karankawa.............--- 82 Auk, population ....... ..-..-...055 «.00s &7 A‘wanita, or Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by.........-.- Ayasta, Cherokee manuscript obtained A‘ya"’ini, or Swimmer, Cherokee manu- scripts obtained from....... B. Baffin Land, Eskimo population Bancroft, George, linguistic literature .. . cited on Cherokee habitat ............ Bancroft, Hubert H., linguistic literature Bandelier, A. F., on the Keres ...........- Bannock, former habitat .............--- ject) MILNE LE Gonao oqeaponedess Bartlett, John R., cited on Lipan end Apache habitat. . the Pima described i. Barton, B. S., comparison of Troquois and Gherokaieeny cess oa ernets catetel oI Bathing in medical practice of Cherokees, Batts on Tutelo habitat in 1671 Bellacoola, population.......... . Bellomont, Earl of, cited on the Tutelo re Reich btn ~aARe Gooeebebons nodeun or Berghaus, Heinrich, linguistic literature . Bessels, Emil, acknowledgments.......... Biloxi, a Siouan tribe.... . early habitat ............- present habitat population............. Birch-bark records and songs of the Mide’- wiwin ; Bleeding, practice of among the Chero- LXer tens 5 eg.qbo00s docueacotaanen aye on Cherokee and Chickasaw LRA) deapbeo es coceeo aso Boas, Franz, cited on Chimakum habitat on population of Chimmesyan tribes on the middle group of Eskimo on population of Baffin Land Eskimo Salishan researches Haida researches...... - 22... Wakashan researches ...........- on the habitat of the Haeltzuk Boundaries of Indian tribal lands, diffi- culty of fixing. . Soe Bourgemont on the habitat of the Co- Blount, Brinton, D. G., cited on Haumonté’s Taensa grammar 309 ad “i 333-334 335-336 114 105, 131 114 57-58 16 73 112 114 116 118 286-289 334-335 400 INDEX. Page. Page. Brinton, D. G., cited on relations of the Cherokee Sacred Formulas, for bilious- Pimiailanpuaper.eccces wee cece ee oe 99 FLOSS A sioloin ates iadetare lsat aloe daeeeietetere ate 365-366 cited on linguistic value of Indian rec- for ordeal diseases............. . 367-369 OLOS remeron Mase enetnee 318 | for hunting and fishing 369-375 Buschmann, Johann C. E., linguistic liter- | LOLVOVE eee eecha cece son eLenceeeene 375-384 ature hsae css aoe homeo cee 18,19 | tovidainwiteb te. es -bacccnseeeeas sine 384-386 on the Kiowa language 84 tolfind) something. 5 ics.5 pce cues ee 386-387 on the Pima language ...... ....... 99 to‘prevent.a storm ...... ........... 357-388 on Shoshonean families .............. 109 for going to war...... oy ... 388-391 regards Shoshonean and Nahuatlan for destroying an enemy ..... - . 891-395 families asone..... 140 for;balli play ie s3<2 ee ace eee 395-397 C Cheyenne tribe, habitat . . 48, 109 ise population. ... 49 Cabeca de Vaca, mention of Atayos by .. 46 treaty cited .... 114 Caddoan and Adaizan languages com- Chicasa, population ... 95 pared. . 46 | Homn;they Nai htchin -se-wen re eeee ree eee 96 Caddoan family ne 58-62) (Chilcat) population\=.srcos-+ see eek osde eer 87 Caddoan. See Southern Gaddoants Chillilajtribetin. pies je oe eee cee eee 182 Calapooya, population................... 82) | Chimakwanifamily-i.. eves ccd eceeeeae 62, 63 California, aboriginal game lawsin ...... 42. | Chimakum, habitat and population ..... 62 Calispelipopulation sec jrccci cscs seein 105 | ‘Chimarikan family ~~... 26.000... sce ecee ce 63 Calumet, ceremonial use of, among Al- Chimnresyanvhamily ve. «eee ee ecco 63-65 gonkian tribes . 5 153 | Chinookan family ........ 65-66 “Carankouas,”’ a part of etapapant ace Chippewyan, population 55 BD Vo yeroncyatesete seat apes oie sso Nee one eve 57 | Chitimachan family, possibly allied tothe Carib, affinities of Timuquana with ... . 123 | SALLACA DAD op ce ens lsct' cnt 57 Carmel language of Mofras.............. 102 | Chitimachan family 66-67 Cartier, Jacques, aborigines met by...... 58,77-78 | Choctaw Muskhogee family of Gallatin... 94 Catawba habitaticc2. cs. saseeece 112,114,116 | Choctaw, population...................... 95 DOPUWIATLON! eats tees alcieisenioeis seer 118 | Choctaw towns described by Adair... .... 40 Catawba Killer, Cherokee formulas fur- Chocuyem, a Moquelumnan dialect. |... 92 mished bye. scene scot senceces Cholovone division of the Mariposan. ... 90 Cathlascon tribes, Scouler on ............ Chopunnish, population ............ 107 Caughnawaga, population Chowanoe, perhaps a Tuscarora tribe.. 79 Cayuga, population. occ. 2.2. 2uaeceeves Chukchilof Asia (7. 0s. isncce decent ve Cayuse, habitat and population a G@humashan\familly.s 5... ves ee erent 67, 68 Central Eskimo, population .............. 75 | Chumashan languages, Salinan languages Champlain, §. de, cited ........ . srt 7 held to be dialects of...... eNee 101 Charlevoix on the derivation of “Tro- Clackama, population 66 QUOIS Beer eemrrti dt stride oadaed 77 | Clallam language distinct from Chima- Chehalis, population................. 2... 105 J abhi Urner Gh oneiboddene Moma hea. o 62 Chemehuevi, habitat and population ..... 110 | Clallam, population ........... .......... 105 Cherokees, habitat and population . - 78-80 | Classification of linguistic families, rules paper on Sacred Formulas of, by POD sessile iewieiacommaceeeneettatenieis 8,12 JAMES) MOONCY. - acc. cceseec es 301-897 | Classification of Indian languages, litera- bathing, rubbing, and bleeding in med- ture relating tos. <0 -aneeaniecer 12-25 ical practice of. 333-336 | Clavering, Captain, Greenland Eskimo, re- manuscripts of, containing sacred, searches of ..... aa Chew. ¢ Danvers 72 medical, and otherformulas, char- Cliff dwellings examined .. XVIII-XXIV acteriandage Of... s.0.-- ==. O07-015))| "Coabuiltecan- family”... ck cesw cas simemaese 68, 69 medical practice of, list of plants used | Cochitemi, a Keresan dialect 83 Ti baSeeeene Pie eure .... 824-827 | Cochiti, population of .. ... 83 medicine dance of. Rema acaC EAL AA 337 iGoconoonhtribetiis.«.uceoseecasn eet 90 eolor symbolism of. . -oc.sees.... 842-843 | Coeur d'Alene tribe, population of... 105 gods of, and their abiding places 340-342 Cofitachiqui, a supposed Yuchi town .... 126 religion of ...... naa 56.8000 319 | Cognation of languages . on 11,12 Cherokee Sacred Moroiulast erence of Color symbolism of the Cherokees. . 342, 343 Maperon’....).7... AA ...-.«XXXIX-xyL |) Colorado; worlk in\s. 55. s.c-2-- 0 - = XXI-XXIV | lan fuape OL%e. soe seers sonore. 5 . 843-344 | Columbia River, improvidence of tribes SPECIMENS OLN wyiieiejaelavee sierete rials sisle 344-397 | () NUABM SU onUppCuano rac ceboste acenn 37, 38 FOr rheumatism cicetetalaieleiieiice steele 345-351 Colville tr ibe: population ovamschudas Sti 105 for snake bite,....... .. 851-353 | Comanche, association of the Kiowa with 84 for worms. .. ... 353-356 | habitat. ........... 109 for neuralgia. a ... 856-859 population 110 for'feverjand ague .....).4......... .. 359-363 | Comecrudo, vocabulary of, collected by forichilg Dirck hers cite eerste es 363-364 | Gatschebrirs Svc. isisicdd tenner kate 68 U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM INDEX. 401 Page. | Page Communism among North American In- | Digger Indian tongue compared by Pow- GENES pode enmaptoes Seam Gentore 34,35 | ers with the Pit River dialects. ... 98 Conestoga, former habitat of the... ... 78 | Disease, Indian belief concerning ........ 39 Cook, Capt. James, names Waukash tribe 129 Cherokee theory of.... ....... . 322-324 Cookkoo-oose tribe of Lewis and Clarke. . 89 | Disease and medicine, Cherokee tradition Cootenai tribe ... .........-.+-+ «+> aac 85 | Of origin Of ssc 2<.a-c . 319-322 Copehan family . arc 69-70 | Dobbs, Arthur, cited on Eskimo habitat. . 73 Corbusier, Wm. HL. on Geom eecenants | Dog Rib, population of ............. a 55 of Black Hills............- 114 | Dorsey, J. O., work of .........-..-- XXXIV, XXXV Corn, large quantities of, raised by « cer- cited on Pacific coast tribes .......... 54 Lotiri) hules sf enAen saasooot dn yoeco= 41 cited on Omaha-Arikara alliance. ... 60 Cortez, Jos6, cited... ...- ces ce eee seers 54 Catawba studies.................. a 112 Costano dialects, Latham’s opinion con- | on Crow habitat ...... ....+-.-ssseees 114 (Geyaiistan a eaagae -codeUtuasonscs 92 | Takilman researches ..........-. 5 121 Costanoan family. .....--..2..6s.-5e2 0+ 70,71 | Yakonan researches..... ...-..+.++++ 134 Cotoname vocabulary, collected by acknowledgments to ............ ; 142 (CebioiGln Assounateoe nose ec tae 68 Dress and ornaments used in Ojibwa Coulter, Dr., Pima vocabulary of......--- 98 GENCE ened ecabee erecta. ene 298, 299 Coyotero Apache, population ........---. 56. Drew, E. P., on Siuslaw habitat .......... 134 Cree, population ...............-+++- fie 49 | Duflot de Mofras, E. de, cited....... .... 92 Creeks, habitat and population .. 95 Soledad, language of .-.......... 102 Cross, use of, in Indian ceremonials. ... 155 Dunbar, John B., quoted on Pawnee Hab Crows, habitat... Seapasoaauan eisaene 114, 116 I) eee ROP SRePEEECOMOCEC ca 60 population.... . Anan Aeros 118 Duncan, William, settlement ee Chimme- Cuchan population ..............-+605555: 138 syan tribes by ........-..--. -:++. 65 Curtin, Jeremiah, work of.......-...... - xxx | Duponceau collection, Salishan vocabu- Chimarikan researches of ..........-- 63) lary ob the... eee =s-==2% 103 Costanoan researches of...........++- 70 | Du Pratz, Le Page, cited on Caddoan nape Moquelumnan researches of .. 93 | TU orn pee TOROTOeARo eRe Ide 61 Yanan researches of.. .......--- 135 | on certain southern tribes.... .....-- 66 acknowledgments to ....... 142 on the Na*htchi language..........-.. 96 Cushing, Frank H., work of.... ... -.... XX&I | Dzhe Manido, the guardian spirit of the on the derivation of ‘‘ Zufi’’........- 138 Nibtels) aie Ueemeede AcaoRaOoOe OOOO 163, 166 (Chany hylo=) peaDeoepEaaEnecoate 7ppoEg= 99 | Dzhibai midewigan or ‘Ghost Lodge”’... 278-281 D. E. Dahcota. See Dakota. } . . ; Dahcotas, habitat of the divisions of..... 111 Eaton, Captain, Zan VERE a: ie ts ie { : Ecclemachs. See Esselenian family. Dakota, tribal and family sense of name. - 112 | linenictioliteranar 24 divisions of the .... See ereE cee : 114 | ines wT Se Me eee : Ae e on the Chimakuan language and hab- population and divisions of the....... 116 itat 62.63 Dall Wa Eiealinpuistic literatunos stone sce 2220260 | a Ne Gee toes 2 : 3 ~ | Emmert, John W., Wonk Gli panei pone 323! cited on Eskimo habitat............- 53 E-nagh-magh language of Lane. . ze 122 Eskimo researches of. .. ......----- 7 Ka Emory, W. H., visit of, tothe Pima ...... 98 on Asiatic Eskimo.......... aoe 74 <_ | Environment as affecting language ..... 141 on population of Alaskan seine Sos cay i famil 145 Dana on the divisions of the Sacramento | IST eter a ye Eee oC dein WERE 2. epee Fea aaa sau SN Tati 99 | Eslen nation of Gealianore etree elton : t Dawson, George cited on Tndian land | Pean'gatdmn, habitat of. TTD tenure. ee ated 40 | Gukshikni or Klamath............-....+- 90 oa a Tagisch i the Roluschan oF Everette on the derivation of ‘‘ Yakona”’. 134 Sick LO ; ; ; : ; 5 : “ahi aed ‘ 1 Fr Explorations in stone villages. ....... XVIII-XXVIIL De Bry, ‘imuquanan names on nap Om 124 FE. Delaware, population. . Baer ocreeno: 49 | Habivatie assent cases. mene 79 | “Family,” linguistic, defined....... ae 11 De L'Isle cited. a Rraeeieinse Heise oes aie ees 60 | Field work ........------------+++ De Soto, Ferdinand, on early habitat of | Filson, John, on Yuchi habitat .. the Kaskaskias .........---+--- -- 113 | Financial statement ..-.-.-.-...- -.--++-+ supposed to have visited the Yuchi... 126 | Flatbow. See Kitunahan family. Timuquanan towns encountered by .. 124 | Flathead Cootenai.... ..---.-.-.-... ar 85 D'Iberville, names of Taensa towns given | Flathead family, Salish or......-. --..--- 102 DIP seine edie cost we Bae eee 96 | Foutanedo, Timuquanan, localnames of - 124 Dieguefio, population. .....-- 138 | Food distribution among North American Differentiation of languages within single Indians ..... Saetion Aarne 34 stock, to what due.........-- aie 141 | Friendly Village, dialect of 104 Y ETH 26 402 INDEX. Page. Page. G. Gibbs, George, linguistic literature. ...... 17,22 Gahuni DoanuScnle of Cherokee tormu- on the Chimakum language .......... 62 las. 313,314 on the Kulanapan family............. 87 Galiano, D. Ne on the Eslen fend igmien 75, 76 the Eh-nek family of ................. 100 Gallatin, Albert, founder of systematic on the Weitspekan language. ..... 131 American philology .... ......... 9,10 | Wishoskan researches................ 133 linguistic literature 2,15, 16, 17 Yuki vocabulary cited................ 136° Attacapan researches |... 57 | Ginseng, Mide tradition relating to origin on the Caddo and Pawnee 59 Of. eee eter eee eee cee es - R41, 242 Chimmesyan researches. . 64 | Gioloco language. Bricce dbeuattetr cl 102 on the Chitimachan family... 66 | Gods of the Cherokees and fers abiding on the Muskhogean family ..... 94 Places... eee eeeee eee sees 340-342 on Eskimauan boundaries......... : 72 | Gosiute, population............... : 110 comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki. 77 | Grammatic elements of language........ 141 on the Kiowa language . . g4 | Grammatic structure in classification of on the Koluschan family ........... 86 Indian languages .............. 11 GHENT Ceili nti tate : 9 | Grand Medicine Society. See Made wavin Salishan researches......... iF 102,103 | Gravier, Father, on the Na*htchi and Ta- reference to “Sahaptin” family. ... 107 EMSA... eee eee eee reece eee eee 7 on the Shoshonean family....... jog | Greely, A. W., on Eskimo of Grinnell on the Siouan family... 111 Land........ .....eeee se 73 Skittagetan researches . _ 119,120 Greenland, Eskimo of ..................-. 72,75 on Tonika language . Pts V3 jg5 | Grinnell Land, Eskimo of . 73 on the habitat of the Yuchi.......... 126 | Gros Ventres, habitat .................... 116 linpwistic map). ee eeesssie ses: 142 | Guiloco language .......--....... 0s scenes 9 Game laws of California tribes. 42 HW Garcia, Bartolomé, cited... . — 68 : Gatigwanasti manuscript of Cherokee Haeltzuk, habitat......... Aetese) CO NOU) fFOLMMIAS eh cents e eaters 312, 313 principal tribes............. 131 Gatschet, A. S., work of... .7. XXXIV population... .:...-..0-...+- Marchand on the Tshinkitani ..... : Margry on early habitat of the Biloxi . Maricopa population. akhe Mariposantfamilya asta ncorce heater Marquette, Jaques, cited on practices of Algonkian medicine men.... cited on use of the cross in Indian cer- emonials*.cy.y7s-tuseneaetien noe on Marriage among Indians Marys River tribe, population Maskegon, population | Matthews, Washington, work of ...... Mdewakantonwan, population..... As Medical practice of Cherokees, plants (Hive heetdarrnociger so odadaancs ; Medical prescriptions of the Midewiwin Medicine Creek treaty...................+.. Medicine dance of Cherokees......... Medicine men, practices of, among Algon- ian tribestinny--isesee ere 151, 152, Medicine practice of the Indians, evils of. Meherrin, joined by the Tutelo . . Mendewahkantoan, habitat Menominee, population. ...... Mescalero Apache, population....... Mexican language, Kinai bears analogies Miami, population. . Miemac, population - Brey Rcrete western Newfoundland c plonized aa. . 205-206 . XXXIV, XXXV . 287-288 33-34 116 118 26,45 86 114 138 90-91 ~ 152-153 155 322-331 197-201, 226. 21-242 84 154, 159 39 114 111 49 INDEX. 405 Page. Page. Middleton, James D., work of .......... Xvu, xvill_| Mooney, James, acknowledgments to..... 142 Midé class of Shamans, relative impor- paper on sacred formulas of the Chero- EAN COOL FrcteWhes oy casts cl cosnrers abe (e foisieeiciels 156 KOS, | DY. i.c cfs ciascan nse alas aeteeieee 301-397 Ow lected oa ete ste sane ee. ee 160, 163-164 | Moquelumnan family : 92-93 charts of, described 165, 174-183, 185-187 | Mound explorations.......... .......... XVI-XVIII therapeutics ‘of. ..... .....2.-.5...- . 197-202 | Muckleshoot, population............ C 105 Midé Society. See Midewiwin. | Mummy cave ruins, exploration of.. XXVII Midewigan, or Grand Medicine Lodge, Murdoch, John, Eskimo researches of... . 73 described ... 187-189, 224, 240, 255 Musie of Midewiwin described, ... .. .. 289-290 Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of | Muskhogean family . .............. 94-95 the Ojibwa, notice of paper on.XXXIX-XL | paper by W. J. Hoffman on.......... 143-390 N. DULPOSES GES fnietew- (see aieile'- 151 | Nahanie, population...................... 56 lOKIP NOL. ss ielacsiaisisie as < 160 | Na’htchi, Taensa and Chitimacha, sup- degrees in S40 164 posed by Du Pratz to be kindred TECOLAS Of ntsc claw eee ens fee sts . 164-165 tribes . 65-66 ceremonies of first degree ........... 189-224 | Na’htchi, habitat and Reoouiationt 96-97 Songs of . 193-196, 202-208, 207-214, 216, 218-219. | Nahuatl, Pima a branch of the ........ A 99 227-230, 232-233, 239-240, 243-244, Shoshonean regarded by Buschmann 246-251, 253-254, 259-261, 263-264, as a branch of ............ 109 266-273, 282-286, 289-297 | Na-isha Apache, population ... . 56 ceremony of initiation into... .187-196, 202-286 | Nambé, population ....................... 123 magical practices of..... ........ 204-206 | Names, importance attached to. in Chero- ceremonies of second degres......... 224-240 kee sacred formulas ............. 343 payments made to priests of .... ..-. 225 populations < 112 Swinomish, population.................-- 105 | Tribal land classified ..................... 40 Synonymy of Indian tribes, work in-xxx1v-xxxv1 | Trumbull, J. H., on the derivation of (ofr Ae Ss Bapuduntiscccomsdagesande 59 T. on the derivation of “Sioux”........ 111 Tsamak tribe . eeeists Bridocets 99 Tabu among Cherokees, illustrations of .. 331-332 | Tshinkitani or Rcolneenal finer aietolerelers : 86 Taensa, regarded by Du Pratz as kindred MokuarikasDaDitatien ce eee tere 109 to the Na‘htchi....... aiecestees 66 POPULATION weenie tee eee ns 110 tribe and language - 96 | Turner, William W., linguistic literature. 18 habitat . . % discovery of branches of Athapascan Taiakwin, a Zuni v Mrs, 139 family in Oregon by............. 52 Takilman family . an : 121 Eskimo researches of...............- v Takilma, habitat and monulation! Peas 121 on the Keresan language ............. 83 Taku, population. . ae 87 on the Kiowan family .............. 84 Takwatihi, or Gane ips Killer. Gherokea on the Piman family ..... .......... 98 formulas furnished by. . ‘ 316 Wuman'researches'...-....°..:.. 137 Tanoan stock, one Tusayan agate he Zunian researches. . hs ae 138 NONZINGVO se oses cess keene. 110 | Tusayan, Arizona, work in.............XXIV,XXV Tatioaniiamily sec. coee cecnascie seme cette 121-123 | Tusayan, habitat and population......... 110 Taos language shows Shoshonean affini- Tewan pueblo of ............ 122 Une} Banu edoacdonca no asndns pasos ade 122 a Shoshonean tongue........... : 139 population........ Deiter 123 | Tuscarora, an Iroquoian tribe ......... 79 Taylor, Alexander §., on 1 the Esselen vo- population. . 81 CADULANY en. oaseee in netceerece 75,76 | Tuski of Asia. ......... 74 Taywaugh language of Lane -. ; 122 | Tutelo, a Siouan tribe .. : 112 Teaching among Indians......... SWE 35 habitat in 1671...... Way todas 114 Tegua or Taywaugh language. . . 122 present habitat........5. ....008. ; 116 Tenaino, population ............ oat 107 yaa) HENNE Coan Shunnuncbpopdes yoacbtr 118 Tendn Kutchin, population...... ........ 56 || Tyigh, population .S.cec.. seme) eleceeiaele 107 TEnnOSSeOy WOLK ON seiaiete aia slate elsioip viajes slam XVII Tesuque, population ..................... 123 U. Gay MAN COI HaonBrcehosnosomnecocesoar ATA || Wchean fam iyjcaaciec op ofseletwnisitalerdteteinete . 126-127 oye sannanonoaeaneres, caopauedad 117 | Umatilla, population ...... .......... 107 Tiburon Island occupied by Yuman tribes 138 | Umpqua, population........ F orb 56 Millamtogks apices swam tee eee 104 Scoulerionithee.nceece eae 81 population. .... 105 | Unungun, mapulation j 75 Timuquanan tribes, probable early habitat Upper Creek join the Na htchi.. 96 of 95 | Upper Spokane, population .............. 105 family 123-125 | Upper Umpqua villages, location of...... 134 Therapeutics of the Midéwiwin 197-201, 226, 241-242 | Uta, population ......... ... 110 Thomas, Cyrus, work of..... XVI-XVIII, X¥X-xxx1 | Utah, work in car seraYa (niet sieinestt XXIX-XXX Thomas, Mrs. L. V., work of ........... xxxr || Ute, habitatiof theo occ ccisecmes emcees 109 INDEX. 409 Page. Page. Vv. Winnebago, population 118 Valle de los Tulares language... .-..+-++ gz | Wisconsin, work in........-. ---- Se eee Villages of Indians ........---+-++++-++++- 4o | Wishoskan family .......--. 132-133 Witcheraft beliefs among Indians fvsefeisiels 39 Ww. Woccon, an extinct Siouan tribe........-- 112, 116 Wocecon, former habitat 114 Wabeno class of Shamans, relative im- Wyandot, former habitat .. 7 portance Of...-....--+-.60seeeees 156 pOnOlabONeseiat cer see secre Heenan 81 practices Of.......-+++..eeeee eeeeees 156-157 Waco, population. .......++0++2eee seer eee 62 Y. Wahkpakotoan, habitat... .+-+..-.--+--- 111_| yaketahnoklatakmakanay tribe .......-- 85 Waiilatpuan family ......----+0.+-+5055+ Brij SE || aaeayaenr ENTIAL aban oe sonduneee meaner ASE 133 Wailakki, habitat. ....-- 54 | vatcutat population ... . ........0665 0 87 relationship of to Kulanapan ‘tribes . 88 | yakut or Mariposan family. . .......-.-- 90 Wakashan family .......----++-++++++-++* | 198-131 SFE ALN DURE cen Pine BER arse 134 Wakash, habitat ...-.--------- : 129 | yamasi, believed to be extinct. ... . 95 Walapai, population. ....---- - 138 Atibitatieen tee eaetes sco eee 95 Walla Walla, population 10 || Seat perilsGilgechomhe ee seasecner: 82 Wars, effect of, in reducing Indian popu- Yamkalle, Scouler on . Es. 81 lation ..... eensecseeets seseseescee SBN evannmitarilyd fe. ossecencss = ~ 135 Warren, W. W., cited on Society of the Yanktoanans, habitat wey 11 Mide. -----+ ++: pes eee eas 160-161, 162 | yanktou, habitat ..........--+seeeeeee sees 111 cited on Indian traditions .........--- 183-184 MepUlaOne eaten) canara 116 Wasco. population oe ctoieieie tere stac inva cc 66 | yanktonnais, population..........-..- 117 Washaki, habitat. .....----+++-+++--++-+-- 109 | yarrow, H, C., work of........XXVII-XXX, XXXII Washoan family... weteeeeteeeerenerses 131 | yonkalla, population......... ---.-.-+- : 82 Wateree, habitat and probable linguistic Youikeones or Youkone of Lewis and conmection........--++-e+eseee eres 114 Glackoce eens ee 134 Watlala, population .......--.....+---+.+ 66 | Youkiousme, a Moquelumnan dialect .. 92 Wayne, Maumee valley settlements de- Young, William, aid by ......-...--------- xxx seribed by -...---------++ s-+-- . 41] young Deer, Cherokee formulas fur- Weather imploration of Midewiwin, .... 207-209 nished by ....----- yess fy Ap Be 316 Weitspekan family Senefeagnsc> snc ersa.eee> 131 | Ysleta, Texas, population ... {23 Western Innuit population .......-...-- 7 | yuchi, habitat and population.........--+ 126, 127 Whipple, A. W., Kiowan researches. ....- 84 | yuchi. See Uchean family. Pima vocabulary of ....-...-- -+---+- 98 | yuit Eskimo of Asia oa 74 on the derivation of *‘ Yuma”.......- 187 | Yukian family.......- _.. 135-136 Zuni vocabulary.....-----.+.-+-++++5+ 139 | Yuman family..... ....--++.+++ 136-138 White Mountain Apache population... aes 56 | yurok, Karok name for the Weitspekan Wichita, population. . - 2 Sui Base need coatnsosuasobecnou st 132 Will West, collection ofl Cherokee formulas and songs prepared by......------ 317 Z. Winnebago, former habitat ... 111,112 | Zufiian family......-----+---+-+28 20st 138-139 Winnebago, present habitat.........--++- 116 | Zuni ruins explored.. .-XXVI-XXVIII Y ETH 27 O Liles ssa ay peal Soon ak Pi fae earn views —- Arey bee ee bt hyo Leet ew tt aatve nye mt eee eR CR en Se VeT NEL LUE RDY & ue elev teres oyun reed aD MON NEL UUM lately _ 1 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION LIBRARIES ue yi Tete he AAS 4 ena aert p nD vee ee wns y YO ORL WON TAA ata ew Way met fl iets a Altos | PIU POEL EH A TPE WHY ’ Ps iN) » | + ot ove NNT | WAN i]| HHi| NIH) RECT Et D yeales | | (yyer OE) 1 ' ‘ i ] || | Y, Ny ie y VAR Lewd HII AAT I WH ARR ; LSID ER ATR POUITO AER RATA AY EARNS ute 5 eee CEU rte tht | , \ iy vues e tee eeet l (re eM Pt, ch aL 145 evi es AIA OCI HE DA yeh AP RR Cou eene eee wee oes UY ¥ eal dyin ets ey ee we yetery Wy ei eek eel ANS Waites tt anak Let NY ti ‘ utp ee sy tet es ROOST Ra acini ie Pe Celtenind cine hy avenues ae upet eh ees Oot OF * ee wl ‘ ’ , Weeetsier WA ES % ee) ey Maen alien Minsae ee ee ’ 5 ee eewle & eae’ DUP Par Mite sa : t tent Sets ee 7 yc? view hten¢ ‘ nea tint Ret Ait 4b edt visy |: bei Aisi atonal trianicuEe nn te ade Cent Matte ‘ read pit ety t OSI etieoe ULL Ce state fig act att , . 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