Field Columbian Museum Publication 75 Anthropological Series Vol. IV THE ARAPAHO SUN DANCE; THE CEREMONY OF THE OFFERINGS LODGE BY George A. Dorsey Curator, Department of Anthropology THf LIBRARY OF THE APR 2 5 1949 l'.;iv£r:.iy c. i— :..-. Chicago, U. S. A. June, 1903 THE ARAPAHO SUN DANCE BY George A. Dorsey / CONTENTS. Pase Introductory note ---.... I. Bibliography --...... II. The vow -----... Story of a woman's vow ---... Story of Thihduchhjlwkan's vow - - . . . g Thihduchhdwkan's prayer ----- 9 Minor vows of dancing and fasting - - • - g III. Interval between the vow and the ceremony - - - 10 IV. The sacred Wheel - - - - - . . 12 Description of the Wheel ...... 12 Symbolism of the Wheel ------ 13 The Four-Old-Men - - - - - - - 13 Wrapping the Wheel - - - - - - 15 Miraculous movements of the Wheel - - - - 20 V. Time of the ceremony ...... 22 VI. Assemblage and formation of the camp-circle - - - - 22 VII. Participants in the ceremony ..... 24 Participants in the ceremony, 1902 - - - - - 28 Alphabetical list of participants . - - . - 30 Warrior societies ....... 32 The priesthood --..... 33 VIII. Characterization of the eight ceremonial days - - - - 33 IX. The Sun Dance ceremony ...... 35 First day, 1901 and 1902. 35 Hocheni's prayer before Star society *- - - • • 36 The announcement - - -. - - - 36 The Rabbit-tipi ------- 37 ^ Rabbit-tipi taboos ...... 37 Wood for the ceremonial fire - - - - - 38 The Wheel taken to the Rabbit-tipi . - - - 38 The knife, rawhide, and badger taken to the Rabbit-tipi - 38 Hdwkan's prayer in the Rabbit-tipi ... 39 The fireplace ....... 39 The sage floor ....... 39 The fire, and the war story - - - - - 39 The Badger-pack ...... ^o The buffalo skull -.-.... 40 Entrance into the lodge of the Lodge-Maker and wife - 41 The feast and the offering of food - - - - 41 The offering of smoke ...... 41 The offering of incense ...... 42 The drum and rattle ...... 42 vi Contents. Pace The use of the pipe-stem - - - . - - 43 The use of spittle ...... ^^ Rabbit-tipi songs and the rehearsal - - - - 43 Second day, igoi; second and third days, 1902 ... ^^ The Sweat-lodge ....... ^^ Omitted in igoi ...... ^^ The Sweat-lodge, 1902 ----.. 44 The ground marked out ..... 45 The erection of the Sweat-lodge - - - - - 46 The Wheel carried into the Sweat-lodge ... 47 " Incense burned - - - . - - - 47 Ceremonial smoking ...... 48 The ceremonial bath --.-.- 48 Symbolism of the Sweat-lodge ..... 4^ The Lodge-Maker solicits aid ..... 50 The cedar tree, 1902 ...... 51 Rites within the Rabbit-tipi ...... 52 The lariat for the center-pole - . • . - 52 Filling the straight-pipe ------ 53 The ceremonial digging-stick - - - - - 54 The ceremonial digging-stick, 1902 - - - - 55 Thiyeh's prayer to Hocheni .... 55 HAwkan's prayer to digging-stick - - - - 56 The ceremonial scalp ---... 58 The ceremonial knife --..-- 59 The buffalo skull decorated ..... 5^ The buffalo skull decorated, 1902 - - -^ - - 60 The Lodge-Maker's robe ..... 62 Symbolism of the Lodge-Maker's robe - - - - 65 The sacred Wheel placed on its support - - - 68 Capture of a buffalo - - • - . - - 68 Capture of a buffalo, 1902 ..... 69 Painting of the buffalo hide - - - - - 70 Eagle feathers given to Young-Bull - . - - 72 Watdngaa's prayer to Young-Bull - -" - - 72 The belt and headdress repainted .... 73 Hilwkan's prayer - - - - - - 74 Symbolism of the belt and headdress ... 75 The rawhide drum and night rehearsal - - - - 76 Rites outside the Rabbit-tipi ..... 77 Timbers for the lodge ...... 77 Locating the center-pole ..... 77 The Offerings-lodge located - - - - - 78 Hdwkan's prayer ...... 79 Third day, 1901 ........ 80 The center-pole captured --.... 80 The center-pole captured, 1902 - - - - - 81 Nishchdnakati's prayer ..... 82 The center-pole taken to the camp-circle - - - 84 Contents. vii Page Building the Offerings-lodge ..... 85 Final rites in the Rabbit-tipi .-..-- 85 The "packed " bird ...... 86 The digging-stick prepared - - - - - 86 Healing ceremony with the Wheel, igo2 - - - 87 The privilege of painting the center-pole - - - 87 The Lodge-Maker painted, igoi .... 89 The Lodge-Maker and associates painted, 1902 - - - 8g Hdwkan's prayer - - - .^ - - - 90 Hdwkan's prayer ...... qi The Rabbit-tipi abandoned . . . . . g2 The Rabbit-tipi abandoned, 1902 - - - - - 93 The lodge-poles painted ...... 93 The lodge-poles painted, 1902 - - - - - 94 The Offerings-lodge completed - ... - 96 The Offerings-lodge completed, 1902 - - - - 97 The Offerings-lodge dedicated ..... 97 The Offerings-lodge dedicated, 1902 - - - - 98 The beginning of the dance ..... q8 Hdwkan's prayer ...... qq The beginning of the dance, 1902 .... 100 The rawhide incensed ...... 100 The offering of the Lodge-Maker's wife - - - lOl Dancing to the Four-Old-Men ..... 102 The rawhide incensed ...--- 103 Fourth day, 1901; fifth day, 1902 - ..... 103 The Sunrise dance ...... 103 Assembling material for the altar ..... 104 Preparing the sods ...--. 104 The sods brought to the Offerings-lodge, 1902 - - - 105 Hdwkan's prayer .--..- 106 Timbers for the altar ...---- 108 The erection of the altar -.-.-- 109 The " ditch " made - - - - - - - 109 The "ditch" painted -.-.-- 109 The skull repainted - - • - - - no The sods painted - - - - • - no The seven trees - - - - - • - no The seven upright sticks - - • - ni The Wheel and pipe placed in position - - - ni The seven curved sticks - - - - - ni The altar, 1902 - - - - • - - - n2 The symbolism of the Offerings-lodge - - - - n2 Man-Above - - - - - - - - n2 The Four-Old-Men - - - - - n3 Nih'a"9a'' and the elk skull ..... 113 The Thunderbird nest ... - - 114 Young-Bull - - - - - - - - U4 Story of result in neglecting Young-Bull - - - US viii Contents. Page The abiding-place of Man-Above - - -^ - ii8 The sky and earth - - - - - - ng The tipi --.-.... 120 The seven trees - ...... |2i The Wheel -----..- 122 The Badger-Woman ------ 122 Opened-Brains' knife - - - - - - 123 The color symbolism of the original Offerings-lodge - 124 The distribution of presents ..... 125 HAwkan's prayer ...... 125 The distribution of presents, 1902 .... 125 Expense of making the Ofiferings-lodge - - 127 The feast and the sacrifice of food - ♦ - - - 127 Ceremonial smoking ...... 128 Ceremonial smoking, 1902 -.---. 129 The dancers painted - - - - - - 130 The dancers painted, 1902 ..... 1^2 The dance - - - ' - - - - 133 The dance, 1902 - - - - - - - 134 Fifth day, 1 901; sixth day, 1902 ..... ly^ The Sunrise dance ....... 1^5 Preparation of the sage wreaths and bandoleers - - 135 Hanikenakuwu's prayer ..... 136 Intrusive ceremonies ...... ijg Inauguration of new chiefs ... . . . 137 Name-changing ceremony, 1902 - - - - 137 The Lodge-Maker's prayer - . . . . 137 Medicine night - - - - - - - 137 Sixth day, 1901; seventh day, 1902 ..... i^S The morning dance ...... ijg The morning dance, 1902 ...... ijg The feast and sacrifice of food - . . - . 13Q The dancers painted -....-- 140 The dancers painted, 1902 ..... 1^1 Ceremony with the Wheel ...... 142 Preparation of the sweet-water - . . - . 143 Preparation of the sweet-water, 1902 .... 146 HAwkan's prayer ...... 147 Htlwkan's prayer ...... 148 The Sunset dance - - - - - - - 150 Bathing and purification of the dancers - - - ' , '5^ Breaking of the fast - - - - - - 153 Seventh day, 1901; eighth day, 1902 ..... 153 Early rites in the lodge ...... 153 The Sunrise dance ....... 154 Smoking the straight-pipe ..... 155 The morning rites, 1902 ...... 156 The sacrifice of children's clothing .... 156 Prayer before the sacrifice - - - - • ^57 Contents. ix Page End of the ceremony, 1902 - - - - - 157 Ultimate fate of the Offerings-lodge - - - - '57 Rites in the Dog-soldiers' lodge - - - - - 158 X. The painting of the dancers - - - - - -158 The Mother-Earth paint ---.-. 15^ The Lodge-Maker's paint ...... 160 The Pink-Calf paint ...... 162 The Pink paint - - - - - - - • 163 The Yellow-Earth paint -----. 164 The Yellow paint (first) ...... igj The Yellow paint (second) ..... igj Paints worn in the Offerings-lodge, 1902 .... igg The Lodge-Maker's paint ...... 167 The Yellow-Earth paint ...... 167 The Yellow paint (second) ..... 157 The Yellowhammer paint ...... i6q The Circular or Thunder paint - - - - . 170 Origin of the Circular or Thunder paint - - - - 171 General observations on the paints .... 172 XL The relation of the Transferrer to the Lodge-Maker's wife - - 172 XIL Offerings-lodge songs -----.. 178 XIIL Torture ......... lyg Piercing the ears ..--..- 179 ' Piercing the ears, Arapaho story of - - - - - 180 Sacrifice of human flesh - - - - - - 182 The sacrifice of a woman's finger, story of - - - - 184 XIV. Children's games during the Sun Dance ceremony - - 187 Game of buffalo meat ------- 188 Game of choosing grandfathers ..... 189 Games while bathing - - - - - - - 191 XV. Sun Dance myths ....... 191 Origin myth ........ 191 Little Star ..-..--- 212 ILLUSTRATIONS. Plate. I. The Sacred Wheel II. Cheyenne tipis ...... III. Ghost-dance tipis ----.. IV. WatAngaa's tipi ...... V. Rabbit-tipi ...... VI. Laying out the Sweat-lodge - . - - . VII. Erecting the Sweat-lodge .... VIII. Completing the Sweat-lodge - - - . . IX. Relation of the Sweat-lodge to the Rabbit-tipi - X. Lodge-Makers starting to solicit assistance XI. Lodge-Makers returning from soliciting assistance XII. Cedar tree for the Rabbit-tipi .... XIII. Thiyeh preparing the rawhide lariat XIV. Staking out the buffalo ..... XV. Ceremonial capture of the buffalo XVI. Bringing lodge-poles into the camp-circle - XVII. Ghost-dance costumes ..... XVIII. The march to the capture of the center-pole XIX. Praying before cutting the center-pole - XX. Touching the center-pole with the pipe-stem before it is cut XXI. Cutting down the center-pole - . . . XXII. The center-pole trimmed to its proper length XXIII. Transferring the center-pole across the river - XXIV. Warrior societies, ready for the sham battle XXV. After the sham battle - ... - XXVI. The Thunderbird society after the sham battle XXVII. Unloading the center-pole . . . . XXVIII. Erecting the Offerings-lodge . . .' . XXIX. Erecting the Offerings-lodge .... XXX. The wife of the Lodge-Maker .... XXXI. Warrior societies awaiting the Rabbit-tipi priests XXXII. Rabbit-tipi priests leaving the Rabbit-tipi - XXXIII. Rite before painting the reach-poles - XXXIV. Painting the reach-pole - - - - - XXXV. Painting the center-pole . . - . - XXXVI. The fork of the center-pole ..... XXXVII. The upper half of the center-pole ... XXXVIII. Completion of the Offerings-lodge .... XXXIX. Temporary altar ...... XL. Preliminary rites before cutting the sods - - - XLI. Cutting the sods - - - - - - XLII. Taking the sods from the ground . - - - Page 12 23 23 24 37 45 46 46 46 51 51 52 52 69 69 77 81 81 84 84 84 84 84 84 84 84 85 85 85 85 93 93 94 95 95 96 97 97 104 105 107 107 Illustrations. XI Plate XLIII. Transfer of the sods to the Offerings-lodge XLIV. Transfer of the sods to the Offerings-lodge XLV. Transfer of the sods to the Offerings-lodge XLVI. Removing the sods from the blanket XLVII. Rite before trimming the sods - - - - XLVIII. Trimming the sods ...... XLIX. The refuse earth removed from the Offerings-lodge - L. Preparing the billets for the ceremonial bed LI. Dividing the rabbit bushes - . . . LI I. Rite before insertion of rabbit bushes LIII. Inserting the rabbit bushes in the sods - LIV. Erecting the trees for the altar ... LV. Erecting the trees for the altar - - - - LVI. Erecting the trees for the altar . . . . LVII. Placing the upright sticks in position - LVIII. Placing the upright sticks in position LIX. Placing the upright sticks in position LX. The camp-circle and the Offerings-lodge - LXI. The altar LXII. Details of the altar .--... LXIII. Feast for the grandfathers . . . . ,LXIV. Sacrifice of food ...... LXV. Painting the dancers - - - - LXVI. Painting the dancers ------ LXVII. The dancers bathing . - - . . LXVIII. Dancers receiving the poultice . - . . LXIX. Incensing the rawhide - - - . . LXX. Incensing the rawhide . . - . . LXXI. Incensing the rawhide - - . . - LXXII. Sage bands for the dancers ----- LXXIII. Sage bands for the dancers . . . . LXXIV. Intrusive ceremonies ------ LXXV. Initiation of new chiefs ----- LXXVI. Inauguration of new chiefs ----- LXXVII. Name-changing ceremony - - - . LXXVIII. Scene outside Offerings-lodge . - . - LXXIX. The feast - - - - LXXX. The making of sage wreaths at the beginning of the dance LXXXI. The dancers resting LXXXII. Arapaho children -..--. LXXXIII. A Dog-soldier LXXXIV. Priests, after painting the dancers - - - - LXXXV. Priests, after painting the dancers LXXXVI. The line of dancers ------ LXXXVII. The line of dancers - - - - - LXXXVIII. The line of dancers LXXXIX. The line of dancers XC. Dancing with the Wheel - - - - - XCI. Dancers bathing ------ Page 107 107 107 107 108 108 108 108 108 no no I I I I i: I I I I _ 127 127 131 I3« 132 132 134 '34 134 13s ns 136 137 137 137 139 140 140 140 141 141 141 141 141 141 141 141 141 141 XII Illustrations. Plate XCII. Dancers resting, after being painted XCIII. Incidents of the dance .... XCIV. Incidents of the dance - . . . XCV. Incidents of the dance ... XCVI. Incidents of the dance . . . . XCVII. Ceremony with the Wheel XCV 1 1 1. Dancing with the Wheel . - . . XCIX. Priests on their way to preparing the sweet-water C. Sunset dance ---.-. CI. Badger-pack unwrapped - - . - CII. Smoking the straight-pipe . . . . cm. The ceremonial Wheel returned CIV. Sacrifice of clothing - - • - CV. The altar after the sacrifice - CVI. The center-pole after the sacrifices - CVII. The altar after the sacrifice CVIII. The Offerings-lodge, after the ceremony - CIX. Dog-soldier rites ----- ex. Lodge-Maker's paint - - . - . CXI. Lodge-Maker's paint, 1901 CXII. Dancers, igoi ----- CXI 1 1. Henienit, wearing Pink-Calf paint CXIV. Dancers, 1901 ..---- CXV. The Pink-Calf paint and the Pink paint CXVI. Dancers, 1901 ----- CXVII. Yellow-Earth paint and Yellow paint (first) CXVIII. Yellow paint (second) . - . CXIX. Lodge-Makers, 1902 .... CXX. Lodge-Maker's paint, 1902 ... CXXI. Dancers, 1902 - . . . . CXXII. Dancers, 1902 . - - - - CXXIII. Dancers, 1902 . . . - . CXXIV. Dancers, 1902 - ... - CXXV. Dancer, 1902 . . . . . CXXVI. Dancers CXXV 1 1. Dancers CXXV 1 1 1. Dancer, 1902 CXXIX. Mixed paints, 1902 - . . . CXXX. Yellowhammer paint - - - - CXXXI. Second Yellowhammer paint ... CXXXII. Yellowhammer paint - - - - CXXXIII. Yellowhammer paint . . . - CXXX IV. Dancer, 1902 CXXXV. Dancer, 1902 - - - - - CXXXVI. Dancer, 1902 - - - - - CXXXVII. Circular or Thunder paint ... Page INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Of all the ceremonies of the Plains Indians that of the so-called "Sun Dance" is probably the most famous, but the least understood. On account of the large number of tribes which performed the Sun Dance, the wide distribution of these tribes, and the popularity of the Sun Dance itself, it has probably been witnessed by more people than has any other ceremony of the Indians of the United States. The amount of misconception which prevails concerning the ceremony, however, is very great, and there ex'isted for many years, especially on the part of the United States Indian Office and its agents, a feeling of hostility toward the Sun Dance. The character of this hostility, as well as the ignorance of the true meaning of the ceremony, may be seen from the following citations, taken almost at random from the Agents' letters printed in the Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs: "The traditional 'sun dance,' with its attendant tortures, in which the cruel ordeal through which the candidate who aspires to be a 'brave' must pass, is still practiced among the Indians." Jacob Kauffman, Agent Fort Berthold, Annual Report, 1880, p. 33. "No 'sun dance' (the most barbarous of all Indian dances) was held or attempted this year." W. Parkhurst, Agent Lower Brule, Annual Report, 1882, p. 32. "Dancing is diminishing, and the heathenish annual ceremony, termed 'the sun dance,' will, I trust, from the way it is losing ground, be soon a thing of the past." V. T. McGillicuddy, Agent Pine Ridge, Annual Report, 1882, p. 39. "The barbarous festival known as the 'sun dance' has lost ground." James G. Wright, Agent Rosebud, Annual Report, 1883, P- 43- "They have also made great progress in abandoning many of their old customs, noticeably that of the sun dance, which for the first time in the history of the Ogalala Sioux and Northern Cheyennes was not held. The abandonment of such a barbarous, demoralizing ceremony, antagonistic to civilization and progress " V. T. McGilli- cuddy, Agent Pine Ridge, Annual Report, 1884, p. 37. "The aboriginal and barbarous festival of the sun dance " James G. Wright, Agent Rosebud, Annual Report, 1886, p. 32. Notwithstanding the importance as well as the popular nature of 3 Introductory Note. the Sun Dance as a spectacle, it has received but scant attention at the hands of ethnologists, and apart from Catlin's interesting account of the ceremony among the Mandans, Bushotter's brief statement of the Sioux Sun Dance, quoted by Dorsey, and Miss Fletcher's brief notice of the ceremony of the Oglala Sioux, there is very little infor- mation in print on the subject. As to the number of tribes which performed this ceremony in former times, I have not been able to learn. It is known, however, that the ceremony was held by nearly all the Plains tribes of the Siouan stock, excepting the Winnebago and the Osage. Among tribes of the Algonquian stock it seems to have been confined to the Blackfeet, Cheyenne, and Arapaho. It has also long been one of the most impor- tant ceremonies of the Kiowa, and was formerly given by the Pawnee. It is also performed by the Shoshoni of the Wind River Reservation of Wyoming, and the Utes of Utah. So far as I am able to learn, the ceremony has never been given by any of the tribes of the Caddoan stock, except the Pawnee. From this general statement as to the tribes which performed the dance, it will be readily seen that it is essentially a ceremony of the Plains Indians. This accounts for the fact that the ceremony is not performed by the Osage or by the Winnebago, who, properly speaking, are not Plains Indians. The majority of the tribes ceased the per- formance of the Sun Dance ceremony between 1885 and 1890, although a few of the more conservative tribes still retain the ceremony when its performance is not prohibited by force. For reasons which may be seen in later pages of this paper, the Sun Dance is given up only with the greatest reluctance by a tribe. Of course several tribes have progressed to such an extent that they no longer believe in the religion of their ancestors, and with such, the Sun Dance died a natural death. With the more conservative tribes, however, such as the Blackfeet, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Ponca, it seems that the Sun Dance, unless prohibited by force, will survive for several years. That the time is soon coming, however, when the cere- mony will be no longer given by any tribe, there is no doubt. It is owing largely to the liberal spirit of Major Stouch, United States Indian Agent at Darlington, that the Cheyenne and Arapaho were permitted to perform the ceremony in 1901. I had been informed by letter that the Cheyenne ceremony was to be performed in June, and visited Oklahoma for the purpose of witnessing it. Upon my arrival at the agency, however, I found it had been postponed. I again visited the reservation in August, when the ceremony was per- formed. I learned at that time that an Arapaho by the name of Introductory Note. 3 Thihduchhawkan (Straight-Crazy) had "pledged" the ceremony for his tribe, and asked that I be notified of the date as soon as the time of the ceremony should be determined. This information was sent to me at the request of an Arapaho Sun Dance priest, and I again visited the reservation in December, arriving on the fifth, and remaining until the conclusion of the ceremony. Immediately after the ceremony I returned to Chicago, taking with me, Ilawkan (Crazy), director of the ceremony, and Cleaver Warden, interpreter. With Hawkan I spent two weeks, going over the details of the ceremony, inquiring especially into the symbolism. From him I learned also the sequence of events which transpired on the two days previous to my arrival at the camp. Learning that the ceremony was to be performed also in 1902, I went to Oklahoma, arriving at the camping ground on the morning following the announcement, and remained at the scene of the dance until the evening of the last day. I was thus enabled to observe the performances on two days not witnessed by me in 1901. During these two days, and in fact, throughout the entire ceremony of 1902, I made extended notes, and obtained much information, supplementary to my observations of the preceding year. The narrative of the ceremony contained in the following pages is based on the performance of 1901. Many observations, and additional information gathered during the subsequent year, however, have been added. The performance of the ceremony for the two years was, as might be expected from the fact that the more important personages of the ceremony were the same, in every essential respect, similar. The performance of 1902, however, was much more spirited than that of the previous year. This was probably due to three reasons: In the first place, two or three days of extreme cold weather during the per- formance of 1901, owing to the lateness of the season, had a tendency to cause the priests to hurry in their operations, especially as the hours of daylight were few. In the second place, there was considerable uneasiness in 1901 on the part of the Indians, lest the performance 'be interfered with by the agent. This fear, of course, was entirely groundless, but it had its effect in hastening the ceremony. In the third place, the number of participants in the performance of 1902 was considerable larger than that of the preceding year, and this of course added much to the enthusiasm of the occasion. In fact, the Arapaho themselves declared that they did not remember having had a Sun Dance which was entered into with so much enthusiasm and happiness by the whole tribe as the one held in 1902. Indeed the spirit shown 4 Introductory Note. on the part of all during this occasion was of the very best, and it is impossible to conceive of a tribe of Indians offering an eight-day cere- mony with less friction and with a greater amount of religious fervor and happiness than was manifested throughout the ceremony of this year. During the visit at the camp, on both years, every consideration was shown me by those conducting the ceremony, and I was permitted to witness the secret as well as the public rites, without interference. It is with much pleasure that I make acknowledgement of my sincere thanks to Hawkan, H6cheni (Old-Crow), Watangaa (Black- Coyote), and other priests, as well as to the active participants in the dance and to the entire Arapaho nation, for their unfailing courtesy in connection with the ceremonies, and for the spirit of friendliness and hospitality which was shown me during my two visits at the camp. It is a pleasure also to record my indebtedness to Cleaver Warden, who performed the office of interpreter in a most conscientious and satisfactory manner. I am glad to have this opportunity to make public acknowledgement also of indebtedness to the Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railroad, for courtesies extended me on this and other visits to the tribes of western Oklahoma. George A. Dorsey. June, 1903. I.— Bibliography. Fletcher, Alice C. The Sun Dance of the Ogellalla Sioux. Proc. A. A. A. S., Vol. 31, 1882, pp. 580-4. Character; time of; consecrating tent; vows; interval; center-pole; piercing of ears; altar, dance; scarification. Pond, Gideon H. Dakota Sun Dance. Minn. Hist. Coll., Vol. II., pp. 234-8. Vow; lodge; torture; time; songs; torture (quoting from a letter of Major • General Curtis). Lynd, James W. Minn. Hist. Coll., Vol. II., pp. 166-7. Dancing; self-sacrifice. Dorsey, J. Owen. A Study of the Siouan Cults. Report Bureau of Eth- nology, Vol. II. The Sun Dance, pp. 450-467. Object; rules of households; tribes invited; discipline; camping circle; mystery tree; tent of preparation; raising sun pole; lodge; uncita decoration and offerings of candidates; dance proper; end of dance; intrusive dances. BouRKE, John G. Quoted by Dorsey in above, pp. 464-6. Catlin, George. Okeepa: A Religious Ceremony; and Other Customs OF THE Mandans. Philadelphia, 1867. An interesting and early account of the Mandan Sun Dance, illustrated with several colored plates. II.— The Vow. The ceremony of the Sun Dance is performed in compliance with a vow, generally made during winter, but which may be made, how- ever, at other seasons of the year. The vow is in the nature of a pledge, that the speaker will make provision for the erection of the lodge and for the proper performance of the ceremony if the Man- Above will grant him his wish in regard to some particular matter. The occasion for such vows evidently differed among the tribes giving the Sun Dance. Among the reasons given by Hdwkan, a priest in the Arapaho ceremony, were the following: sickness in case of self or of any member of the family, lunacy, dreams, etc. These causes for the taking of the pledge have been the predominating ones in com- paratively recent times, but often in former times an individual would pledge the Sun Dance for safety when sorely pressed on the war-path. Again an individual might behold in a vision or series of visions, the Offerings-lodge, and these visions would continue till he or she felt compelled to vow to make the lodge. STORY OF A WOMAN'S VOW. To illustrate the way in which a vow may be made, the following story was related by Hdwkan : An Arapaho and his wife went out to 5 6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. get berries, when they were attacked by a band of Utes. The woman was captured; the man made his escape. This woman was very hand- some and had a brother who had always been very fond of her, and even after her marriage he constantly thought of her. The party of Utes soon returned to their home taking with them their captive. The Ute who actually made the capture had a wife at home, but in spite of this fact took the captive Arapaho woman as a second wife. Time passed on and she learned the language and customs of the Utes and finally became very much attached to the mother of the Ute's first wife. The first wife naturally was jealous of the Arapaho woman, and abused her constantly, and would even order her out of the tipi, at times. On account of the great beauty of the Arapaho woman, how- ever, and the love which she bore the mother of the Ute's first wife, she was retained in the tipi with her husband and, as a rule, when both wives were present there was constant quarreling, which gener- ally ended by the husband asking the Arapaho woman to go to the tipi of the mother of the first wife. This happened many times. The old Ute woman took pity on the Arapaho woman, and said to her: "Now, my girl, since you often go out with your husband to help him with the horses you know the gentle horses and those which can run fast, and you know the country. You are a woman of strong will, and 1 am going to tell you how to get away from here. " The Arapaho woman thought over these words many times, and began to think very often of her old home. One day the old Ute woman said to her: "I shall help you to gather food, saddle, bridle, robe, etc., and have them in a place where nobody will find them. You go over to your husband's lodge and make yourself agreeable." The Arapaho woman did as she was told, while the old Ute mother made the necessary preparations for the journey. Finally the time came and the old woman got up a feast. She cooked the food for the journey and told her daughter to tell her husband to invite his men friends for a feast, so that they might smoke the pipe and tell stories. The Arapaho woman helped in the preparations. The husband, through a crier, at the appointed time, invited the warriors of the neighboring lodges to come to his tipi. After they had arrived and were seated, the husband told his second wife, the Arapaho woman, to go to the lodge of the mother of his first wife, where the food had been prepared. Now the Arapaho woman had that day been with her husband to water the ponies, and she knew, therefore, where they were to be found. She went to the lodge of the old woman, and at her command May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 7 quickly ate as much as she could, while the old woman was carrying the food into the lodge of the husband. Then the old woman said: "Now, my girl, while my daughter and I are serving the food to the guests, you take this food, this bridle, blanket, robe, etc., go straight to the herd, catch the fastest pony and set out for your home." The Arapaho woman regretfully left the old Ute woman, who had been very kind to her, went to the herd, selected the fastest horse, bridled it, and making ready, started off in the direction she believed was her home. She traveled all that night and the next day and night. Of course her disappearance was soon noted, and the first wife informed her husband of the disappearance of the Arapaho woman. Search was made for her that night, but only in the lodges of the camp, for it was not suspected that she had escaped on horseback. In the morning it was known that this had been her method of e'scape, and they began to search for her. That day they found her trail, but were not able to overtake her. In the mean time the Arapaho woman had hastened onward, but in her excitement she ran into a white pioneer with a team and wagon. The man was alone. He neither knew her trouble nor the cause of her flight, but took pity on her and took care of her. Then they turned loose the Ute horse so that if the Utes overtook them they could not be recognized by the horse. The Arapaho woman then took a place inside the wagon. In the mean time the Utes kept up the search, but the pioneer and his companion plodded along toward the country where it was believed the Arapaho were encamped. While still in the midst of great peril of being overtaken, so great was her desire to regain her relations and friends, the Arapaho woman made a vow, saying that since she was in great danger, her brother, who was at home and dearly loved her, would erect the Offerings- lodge, if she reached home in safety. The two continued on in the wagon and finally reached the Arapaho camp. There she soon after married the white man, the union being suggested by her brother, who thought that she should thus show her great gratitude to the poor white man for having saved her. This white man was Henry North, who died in 1879, ^^^ ^ho left a son and two daughters. The performance of the ceremony was undertaken by the woman's brother, who was glad to respect her vow. That the Offerings-lodge vow is ever made during a storm on account of imminent danger from lightning, according to my inform- ant, never occurs among the Arapaho, although such a vow is not uncommon among other tribes. The vow is generally made to Man- Above, Sun, Moon, and Thunderbird. When an individual has made 8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. a vow it is said that "hathahiithassehawu" (he selects of the Offer- ings-lodge), the ceremony itself being known as "hassehawu" (of the Offerings-lodge). STORY OF THIHAUCHHAWKAN'S VOW. The occasion for the actual Sun Dance under consideration in the following pages was a vow made by a man named Thihauchhawkan, a man of about forty years of age, and, as related to me by one of his friends, was as follows: In the autumn of 1900, for reasons which I was not able to learn, the mind of Thihduchhawkan became unsettled, and he attempted to commit suicide. On being asked why he wished to commit suicide he gave no reason; nor has it ever been known by the tribe why he desired to take this step, inasmuch as his married life and his relations with the tribe were believed to be pleasant. After his mind had returned to a more normal condition, he informed his friends that some evil spirit, the exact nature of which he did not know, whether man or animal, was troubling him, from time to time, when he would wander away from home. When Thihiuch- hdwkan finally became conscious of his lamentable condition, he made a vow that he would "select the Offerings-lodge." The time of this vow was during a reunion of a small band of Arapaho at Red Hills, in October. First, he only spoke of his desire to make the vow, but did not wish to assume such an important step without due consider- ation. It should also be noted that some time previous to this meet- ing at Red Hills, Thihduchhawkan had made a secret prayer, and Man-Above had told him that if he made the lodge he would be well. At this time he also saw, in a vision, the lodge itself. He also at that time prayed openly: "All chiefs, head men, people of the Arapaho nation — I pray you have mercy on me, that hereafter I shall prosper, that my tipi will last, that my wife, children, and friends will live long, that I will have plenty of food, clothes, and friends." The news of this open appeal to the Arapaho people naturally had the etfect of placing them in sympathy with him, and many offered secret prayers that he might recover. The consequence was that at the Red Hills reunion they were prepared for his statement that he had finally made up his mind as to his duty, and that he had made a pledge to perform the ceremony. It appears that at times, the mind of Thihduchhdwkan was much affected, while at other times he had no mental suffering, but so often were these recurring periods of mental depression that he had finally realized that he could not get out of his trouble without pledging the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 9 Sun Dance; and this idea naturally was strengthened by the words which he had received in answer to his prayer, and by the fact that in a vision he had seen the lodge. The vow itself was made to Chebbenlathan (Man-Above). To him Thihduchhdwkan addressed himself: thihAuchhAwkan's prayer. "For the general good of my tribe, that the people may increase, that there may be no more sickness, I vow to have performed for me the ceremony of the Offerings-lodge. I hope that you, Man-Above, will meet my desires and wishes for my race and for my own benefit, for my tipi, my wife and children. I pray that whatever I may under- take to do hereafter I may accomplish it to my best interest!" On the conclusion of this vow or prayer by Thihauchhdwkan, before the people in the lodge, all said, "Thanks!" and soon after, it was known throughout the tribe that this man had pledged the cere- mony, each individual, as he received the news, also saying, "Thanks!" Shortly after this, Thihauchhdwkan again became temporarily insane, and even denied, when asked, that he had made the vow. He was in the habit of wandering off from home, and traveling about from place to place, without blanket and in a naked, unkempt condition, neglecting his family. This condition of affairs continued until July, when his mind became clearer and he again did something for his family. He now again acknowledged that he had pledged the ceremony. MINOR VOWS OF DANCING AND FASTING. It is obvious that after it has become known in the tribe that the ceremony has been pledged by some individual, a similar vow will not be taken by any other member of the tribe. The feeling for the neces- sity of making a vow, however, may still prevail, and may result in the pledge to participate in the forthcoming performance by fasting and dancing. Thus, the individual making the secondary vow may be sick, or his wife may be sick, or one of his children, or he may have seen himself, in a vision, dancing in the lodge. Having made the vow, he usually informs some old friend, or if there be a doctor present, he may inform him that he will fast. These minor pledges are made, naturally, usually after some one has pledged to erect the Offerings-lodge; otherwise he will pledge himself to "wrap the wheel," to give a feast to some old family in destitute circumstances, or in some other way to do penance. This phase of the ceremony gives lo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. opportunity for many who are not able to provide for the performance of the ceremony, or who do not have a reason sufficiently weighty to cause them to pledge the ceremony itself, of fulfilling a vow by taking a minor part in the ceremony. The occasions when vows of this nature are made do not differ materially from those already enumerated for the taking of the vow to give the ceremony itself. In the ceremony under consideration, ten men fasted and danced in accordance with the prescribed forms, and so far as I have been able to learn, all sub- mitted to the ordeal in fulfillment of a vow made during sickness, either of the individual or of some member of his family. It may be noted, finally, in connection with the ceremony itself, that it may not be considered a healing ceremony; nor is sickness believed to be cured by the performance of the ceremony as is the case with the more extended Navaho ceremonies. The healing of the sick, therefore, does not enter into the consideration of the mind of the individual making the vow, and so far as I am able to learn, even though the vow has been made in the direct form of a promise to per- form the ceremony if the afflicted regains health, the performance of the ceremony is carried on just the same, even though the individual should not recccer. I have been informed, however, that on two or three occasions the individual had died after the pledge; no other person making a pledge for the year, the ceremony was not performed. I II.— Interval Between the Vow and the Ceremony. Hdwkan was emphatic in his statement that there were no special rules of conduct governing the movements of the one making the vow, who for convenience may hereafter be called the Lodge-Maker, of the Sun Dance ceremony, during the interval between the vow itself and the actual performance. It is possible, of course, that formerly rules were observed at this time similar to those among the Sioux, as described by Bushotter. Hdwkan maintained, however, that after the vow has been taken, it is usual for the Lodge-Maker to continue his life as before, living with his wife and attending to his routine duties; nor does he hesitate to engage in any kind of work or to enjoy him- self with his people. Should he desire, he invites the head men of his own society, at which time he asks the co-operation ot the members to feel in accordance with him, and during the meeting approaches them one by one, placing his hand on the head, weeps, and endeavors to obtain their sympathy and support. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. ii As the time draws near, the head men of the different societies invite their organizations to meet at some locality, where a feast has been prepared, and the men are asked to prepare their clothing and get their ponies in good condition. The head men also tell the young men to behave themselves during the interval, warning them particu- larly not to violate any of the Agency regulations. Shortly after Thihduchhdwkan's return to reason, in July, as has already been noted, he began asking the people to aid him in his efforts toward preparation for the coming ceremony, and especially he went to his friends for advice as to how the permission of the Agent should be secured, and for advice concerning the direction of the cere- mony itself. He was finally advised by some of his friends that it would be better for him to leave the Arapaho country for a short time, that the change would do him good, and that in the mean time prepa- rations for the ceremony would be undertaken by them. Thihduch- hdwkan consequently left Oklahoma and made a visit to the Ute, returning in October. As a result of his stay among the Ute, he brought home with him a pony and a few things presented to him by friends in that tribe. His mental condition had greatly improved. He now made a feast and formally invited the Arapaho and the Cheyenne (for the two tribes are intimately affiliated), at which time he stated that he was anxious to set the time for the erection of the lodge. There was nothing now to interfere with the ceremony taking place at this time; treaty pay- ment, however, was soon to be made, at which time the entire Arapaho tribe would visit the Agency, and as the reservation covers a large area, it was decided to postpone the ceremony until immediately after the treaty payment, which would thus obviate the necessity of two journeys. The head men of the Star and Thunderbird societies now went to Hdwkan, who as will be shown later on, has officiated in many Sun Dances, and asked him to pity the Lodge-Maker and to see to it that there was no unnecessary delay. They then went to Bech^aye (Hairy-Face, wife of Old-Sun, owner of the straight pipe); to Yahiise (Hiding-Woman), or Charlie Campbell, who was in charge of the Wheel; to H6cheni (Old-Crow), one of two sole surviving members of the Chinachine society; and to Chedthea (Broken-Down-Woman), the Peace-Keeper and of all these they asked assistance. Thihduchhawkan now searched the plains for the skull of a buffalo, while one of his friends undertook to secure a buffalo hide. The Lodge-Maker also visited a number of the camps of the Arapaho, taking with him a pipe, which he smoked with the chiefs of each camp, and asking their 12 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. co-operation. Couriers of the Star society also went from place to place announcing the ceremony, and asking the co-operation of all. The Lodge-Maker on several occasions went to the lodges of Hdwkan, Hdcheni, and other leading priests, and smoked with them. On about the fifteenth of November, a meeting was -held in the lodge of Red-Wolf, one of the head men of the Star society, at which time the Lodge-Maker was present, together with Hawkan, Bech^aye, Watangaa (Black-Coyote), and other chiefs. A feast had been pro- vided by Red-Wolf for Thihduchhdwkan and the assembled guests. Concerning the carrying on of the ceremony, the chiefs conferred together, and addressed the head men of the Star society, telling them their duties in the matter, and that they should do everything to assist their brother, the Lodge-Maker. The reason for this, of course, was the fact that Thihduchhawakan was a member of the Star society. Hdwkan then related stories of former ceremonies; told them that he felt sympathy for the Star society and its bereaved brother, that he would do everything in his power to assist. Then, turning to one of the head men of the Star society, he told him to visit the Keeper of the Wheel, see that it was in good condition, and see if the Keeper of the Wheel still had in his possession the belt. He told other mem- bers of the Star society, assembled by him, to look after other pieces of paraphernalia which would be required in the ceremony. This concluded the work of the evening, and the gathering broke up, with all in a happy frame of mind. IV.— The Sacred Wheel. This object, next to the great tribal medicine, the flat pipe, in the keeping of the Northern Arapaho, is the most sacred possession in the tribe. Inasmuch as it plays an important part in the Sun Dance cere- mony and as it is used in other ceremonies as well, a detailed descrip- tion of it may not be out of place at this point: DESCRIPTION OF THE WHEEL. The object (hehotti) is about eighteen inches in diameter (see Plate I.). It is made of a rectangular piece of wood, one end of which tapers like the tail of a serpent, the other being rudely fashioned to represent a serpent's head. Near the head of the serpent are several wrappings of blue beads, which have replaced small red berries which formerly occupied this place. At four opposite sides of the Wheel are incised designs, two of them being in the form of crosses, the other Pl. I, The Wheel. The view represents the Wheel in its usual position in the Rabbit-tipi, rest- ing upon a bunch of sage in a forked upright stick. Just behind the Wheel is Wcitanah; to the left, Hdwkan. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 13 two resembling the conventionalized Thunderbird. These designs are similar to those found on gaming wheels, used by the Arapaho and other Plains tribes. Attached by means of short buckskin thongs are also four complete sets of the tail feathers of an eagle. The spacing of these feathers is not now uniform, but according to Hdwkan, they should have been grouped in equal numbers near the four incised mark- ings on the Wheel. As an eagle tail has twelve feathers, there would thus be, in all, forty-eight feathers on the Wheel. At times, however, the Wheel does not possess such a large number of eagle tail feathers, but a single tail is divided into four, and there are thus three feathers for each marking. It may be noticed in Plate XCVII., where the Wheel is being used by the Lodge-Maker of the ceremony, that the feathers seem to be confined to the lower side of the Wheel. This is due to the fact that they have settled down, owing to the shaking of the Wheel in the hands of the Lodge-Maker. The feathers on the Wheel at the present time number twenty-four, there being, thus, two eagle tails represented with six feathers to each marking. The inside of the Wheel is painted red, while the outer periphery is stained black. SYMBOLISM OF THE WHEEL. Concerning the symbolism of the Wheel a considerable amount of information was obtained, which, however, may not be regarded as complete, or as entirely satisfactory. According to Hawkan and one or two other authorities, the disc itself represents the sun, while the actual band of wood represents a tiny water-snake, called "henigS," and which is said to be found in rivers, in lakes, near ponds, and in buffalo-wallows. Later in the ceremony, this lake or pool of sweet water is represented, while near by on a forked stick, is the owner of the pool, a little bird. Then it is that Young-Bull drinks of the water. This serpent is said to be the most harmless of all snakes. The Wheel thus, representing this snake, has a derived meaning, and represents the water which surrounds the earth. The additional idea was also put forth that while the Wheel represents a harmless snake, all snakes are powerful to charm, and hence the Wheel is a sign of gentleness and meekness. The blue beads around the neck of the snake represent the sky or the heavens, which are clean and without blemish ; the color blue among the Arapaho is also typical of friendship. THE FOUR-OLD-MEN. The four inside markings (hltanni) on the Wheel represent the Four-Old-Men who are frequently addressed during the ceremony, and 14 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, who stand watching and guarding the inhabitants of this world. The Four-Old-Men may also be called the gods of the four world quarters, and to them the Sun Dance priest often makes supplication that they may live to a great age. The Four-Old-Men are also spoken of as the Thunderbird, having power to watch the inhabitants, and in their keeping is the direction of the winds of the earth. They therefore represent the living element of all people. If the wind blows from the north, it is said to come from the Old-Man-of-the-North, who controls the wind of that end or quarter of the world. Another priest states more definitely that the Four-Old-Men are Summer, Winter, Day, and Night, who though they travel in single file, yet are considered as occupying the four cardinal points. Thus, according to direction and the Arapaho color scheme. Day and Summer are the Southeast and Southwest, respectively, and are black in color, while Winter and Night are the Northwest and Northeast, respectively, and are red in "color. Inasmuch as Sun is regarded as the grandfather of the Four-Old-Men, it is more than likely that the Wheel may be regarded as the emblem of the Sun. The Four-Old-Men, are considered as ever-present, ever- watching sentinels, always alert to guard the people from harm and injury. The same word, hitanni, is also applied to certain markings used in the Old-Woman's lodge, the meaning of which is given vari- ously as the four elements of life, the four courses, the four divides. Thus it is said that when one traveling the trail of life' gets over the fourth divide he has reached the winter of old age. The Morning Star is the messenger of the Four-Old-Men, as are also the young men during ceremonies. The four clusters of feathers also represent the Four-Old-Men. The feathers collectively represent the Thunderbird, which gives rain, ana they therefore represent a prayer for rain, consequently for vegetation. Concerning the symbolism of the red and black painting of the Wheel it will suffice here to say that the red is typical of the Arapaho, while the black symbolizes the earth. As these two colors enter prominently into the symbolism of the altar and of the lodge itself, they will be considered at greater length in other places. The Wheel, as a whole, then, may be said to be symbolic of the Creation of the world, for it represents the sun, earth, the sky, the water, and the wind. In the great Sun Dance dramatization the Wheel itself is represented in the person of the grandfather of the Lodge- Maker, or the "Transferrer" as he is called. Ordinarily, the Wheel, enveloped in many wrappings of calico, buckskin, etc., is suspended upon a pole or tripod at the back of the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 15 lodge of the owner or Keeper, who at the present time is Yahiise. It is his duty to preserve the Wheel inviolably sacred, protecting it from all harm and violence. The Wheel under certain circumstances may be unwrapped from time to time by the Keeper. This is usually done at the instance of some individual who has made a vow, that if the Man-Above will grant him his desire in some particular respect, he will "wrap the Wheel." These vows made to this Wheel differ in no essential respect from those made for fasting in the Sun Dance cere- mony. Many prefer to make the vow, however, to the Wheel, as the Wheel may be wrapped at any time of the year, and as it involves no personal suffering on the part of the one making the vow. At the time of the ceremony of wrapping the Wheel the large bundle is brought inside the tipi, where after appropriate performances and songs, the bundle is opened, exposing the Wheel, when prayers and supplications are addressed to it. Before the Wheel is wrapped, a new envelope must be provided, which is placed next to the Wheel. This new wrapper must be furnished by the one making the vow, hence the term, "wrap the Wheel." In keeping of the Keeper of the sacred bundle containing the Wheel, but having no intrinsic relation with the Wheel itself, is a belt, already mentioned, and which was to be required during the Sun Dance ceremony. This belt, though held in high veneration, is not as sacred as the Wheel, and hence may be mislaid or destroyed. Hence the suggestion made by Hdwkan to one of the men of the Star society, as related in the, previous section, to inquire into this matter and see if the belt was in proper condition. Opportunity was afforded for this inquiry on the night following the night just described, when the Wheel was unwrapped by an Arapaho named Pawnee, whose wife had been sick, at which time he had pledged himself to wrap the Wheel. This ceremony was performed on this night in the lodge of Pawnee, whq had furnished the cloth for the wrapping of the Wheel and the food for the feast accompanying the ceremony. It was then found that the belt was gone, and one of the head men of the Star society was detailed to provide another. WRAPPING THE WHEEL. During the 1902 performance, opportunity, not heretofore offered, was given for observing the method of "wrapping the Wheel," a description of which may not be out of place at this point. This ceremony was performed no less than four times after the erection of the Rabbit-tipi. On the evening previous, the Wheel, along with other sacred para- i6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. phernalia, had been carried into the Rabbit-tipi where the Wheel had been unwrapped, and suspended upon a forked stick which stood just back of the buffalo skull, on the west side of the tipi. The occasions for wrapping the Wheel this day, differed in each instance, two per- forming the ceremony in accordance with a vow made in connection with a sick child; another as a supplication that he might wear the Lodge-Maker's paint during the ceremony; while the fourth occasion was on account of a family trouble. As a description of a single wrapping'will suffice, we will take this fourth instance, when the ceremony was performed in behalf of Watdngaa and his wife. The daughter of this famous Messiah leader of the Arapaho had been married for over a year to a son of the equally famous Hocheni, of the Arapaho. Trouble had grown up between the two families on account of the separation of the young couple, and Watdngaa and his wife wished to have removed from them whatever discredit might attach to them for their share in the dispute between the two families. Having given notice to Hawkan, therefore, that he wished to perform the ceremony, he was seen, at about ten o'clock in the morning, to proceed to the Rabbit-tipi from his own tipi, being followed across the camp-circle by a number of women, friends of his wife, bearing vessels of food. Watdngaa and his wife entered the lodge, having first removed their moccasins, and took a seat next to the door on the north side. Food was then passed in by the women outside, the first vessel being placed on the ground at the southwest of the fireplace, the second in a northwest position, the third in the northeast, the fourth in the southeast, and the fifth in the east position. Additional vessels of food were grouped indiscriminately about these five. There were already assembled in the lodge, Hdwkan, Hocheni, and other Sun Dance priests, together with the Lodge-Maker and others who were to play an important part during the ceremony. On entering, Watdngaa had a pipe and a piece of calico, about a yard in length, loosely tied at one corner to a small stick, which was placed by Debithe (Cut-Nose), just south of the skull, and by the side of the other wrappings of the Wheel. Immediately on entering, Watdngaa handed the pipe, which he had previously filled in his own tipi, to Debithe, who placed it in a vacant space just in front of the buffalo skull and to the west of the fireplace. The pipe was so placed that the bowl projected upwards, while the stem pointed to the sout^i. The wife of Watdngaa now handed a bowl of meat from the southeast corner of the fireplace to Chanitoe (Striking-Back), who took up the bowl of meat and placed it in front of Debithe. Debithe touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground, May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsev. 17 and then to the tip of his tongue. He then bit off a small portion of root, upon which he chewed for a few moments. Then, holding the palms of his two hands together in front of him, he spat five times, first at the base of the thumb of his right hand, then at the base of the thumb uf his left hand, then in the upper and outer corner of his right and of his left hand, and at the junction of the base of the two little fingers. This action of ejecting spittle into the hands, which is to be mentioned many times during the following pages of this paper, is said to be in imitation of the movements of a skiink while charging a bear. He then rubbed the palms of his hands together, drew them down each side of his head and body and over his body. He then spat toward the food bowl four times. He then took up a piece of meat, first motioning toward the bowl five times, which he cut into five pieces. Watdngaa now arose from his position and received the pieces from the hands of Debithe, and standing in the southeast corner of the lodge, he lifted one piece aloof with his right hand and then deposited it on the ground at his feet. This was repeated at the bouthwest, northwest, and northeast corners of the lodge, and then, passing on arOund the fireplace, in a sunwise circuit, he stepped in front of the buffalo skull and Wheel and. rubbed the remaining pieCe between the palms of his hands, which he now passed up over the skull, toward the Wheel, four times, and then deposited the offering under the jaw of the skull. He then resumed his position by the door. Bech^aye divided the food into as many portions as there were persons present, and passed it to them. In doing this, she was care- ful to follow the sun circle, beginning with the individual next the door on the south and terminating with the individual seated just back of the Wheel. As it was not allowable to pass food in front of the skull, and as it would have been inconvenient to have passed food behind the skull to those sitting on the north side of the tipi, she passed food for the remainder, across the door, first, however, giving the vessel a circular motion from right to left, thus imitating the sun circle. The remainder of the feast, together with the empty vessels, was now passed to the attendants awaiting on the outside of the lodge. Debithe now took up the pipe, which had been brought in by Watangaa, and gave it to Nishchanakati (White-Eye-Antelope). The latter, holding the pipe in his left hand, touched the tip of the first finger of his right hand to the ground and then to his mouth ; then, with the thumb and first finger of this hand, he sacrificed a pinch of the tobacco upon the ground in front of him. He now held the pipe in both hands, so that the bowl was uppermost, and pointed the stem i8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of the pipe toward the southeast, the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast; then, reversing the pipe so that the stem was upper- most, he pointed the stem above, and then to the ground. Watingaa now arose, went over and knelt in front of Nishchdna- kati. With his right hand he made four passes toward the right hand of Nishchanakati, who held the pipe in front, the tip of the stem rest- ing on the ground. With the fifth motion, Watdngaa placed his hand over Nishchdnakati's hand. His left hand he placed on Nishchdna- kati's head. In this position, the latter slowly motioned the pipe toward Watdngaa four times, whereupon, Watdngaa slowly withdrew the pipe from Nishchdnakati's hand. Watdngaa lighted the pipe with a coal by the side of the fireplace, and returned the pipe to Nishchdna- kati, who gave one puff to each of the southeast, southwest, north- west, and northeast points, to the above and to the below, and then passed the pipe to the man on his right, who in turn passed it without smoking, to the man next to the door, on the south side. This man now puffed on the pipe several times, whereupon it traveled entirely around the circuit, until it reached Watdngaa, who was sitting on the north side of the door, whereupon it was passed back unsmoked, to the man on the south side of the door, when it again made the circuit to the north entrance, being smoked by each individual. This per- formance was repeated in all four times, whereupon the pipe was passed* back, unsmoked, to Nishchdnakati, who holding it in his left hand, made four passes with the tamper toward the bowl, then tamped inside the southeast corner of the bowl, then, without further empty- ing, he tamped on the southwest, then northwest, and then northeast corners, and then in the middle. The loosened ashes were then removed, whereupon he again tamped the pipe, but without making the passes as before. The pipe was tamped and emptied twice again — four times in all. Then he held the pipe in his left hand, with the point of the stem resting upon the ashes, and with his right hand he rubbed down the pipe from the bowl to the ashes. This operation was repeated three additional times, the pipe being transferred from one hand to the other each time. The pipe was now held horizontally in front of him, with bowl <)ut in front, and was rubbed as before four times, twice with each hand. Then he stood the pipe in front of him with the stem upon the ashes, whereupon it was received by Watdngaa, who finished cleaning the pipe. Watdngaa now arose from his position as before, and sat down just to the south of the skull and the wheel, facing the east. Debithe left his position in the circle, and stepping behind Watdngaa, lifted the Wheel, together with the bunch of sage upon which the Wheel rested, May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 19 and which protected it from the fork of its support, and holding it in his right hand, he slowly passed it up the right side of Watdngaa's body, beginning with his right foot, and ending with his head, when he held it out in front of him at arms' length and gave it an outward, jerking motion, as though he were endeavoring to cast off something from the feathers of the Wheel. He then passed the Wheel behind him to his left hand and went through the same performance, drawing the feather appendages of the Wheel up the left side of Watdngaa's body, and again cleansing the feathers. The same operation was again repeated for the right side, and again for the left, passing the Wheel behind his body as before, in transferring it from his right to his left hand. The Wheel was then transferred from the left to the right hand, passing it behind him, and was placed under the arm of Watdngaa, who gathered the feathers up under his arm and pressed them to his body. Debithe then passed the Wheel behind him to his left hand and placed it under Watdngaa's left arm. This operation was also repeated again under the right arm, and then under the left. Debithe then passed the Wheel back to his right hand, and holding it aloft, made a circular sunwise motion over Watdngaa's head four times, and then placed the Wheel down over the latter's head, the feathers hanging down over his breast. Watdngaa then clasped the Wheel with both arms and prayed for several minutes. Debithe then removed the Wheel from his head, held it to Watdngaa's mouth, who placed his lips upon the beaded part four times. Watdngaa now returned to his original position at the north of the door, passing, as he did so, behind all those on the north side of the circle. Watdngaa's wife then took up a position similar to that occupied recently by her husband at the south of the Wheel, when Debithe performed the same movements over her. It is to be noted, however, that in making the two passes over each side of her body, the move- ment began at the head and terminated at the feet, instead of begin- ning at the feet and terminating at the head, as in the case of Watdngaa himself. Pipes were smoked on the north and south of the lodge, the pipe on the south side starting at the east, and the pipe on the north side of the lodge starting at the west, each pipe, while being smoked, traveling in a sunwise circuit. The pipes made the circuit four times. This ended the purification ceremony of Watdngaa and his wife. A man by the name of Nishnat^yana (Two-Babies), grandfather of the Lodge-Maker of the present year, now entered the lodge with his wife, Thiyeh (Shave-Head), bearing in his arms a sick child and carrying in his hand a filled pipe and a piece of calico, similar to the 20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. one brought in by Watdngaa, attached to a slender stick; women friends also brought food. Stepping in front of Hdwkan and facing west, he lifted his right hand upward and prayed, whereupon he passed the pipe and calico to Hawkan. The pipe was placed in front of the skull in the same position occupied by the pipe of Watdngaa, while the calico was placed just at the south of the bundle of wrappings of the Wheel. After the usual offering of food, the partaking of the feast, and the smoking of the pipe, the lighting of which at this time was done by H6cheni, Nishnat^yana, holding his child in his arms, sat south of the skull and the movements of the Wheel were made over him, now, however, by Hawkan. His place was then taken by his wife, and similar movements were made over her. Hawkan then untied the two pieces of calico from the two sticks and held them together at arms' length in his two hands. The Wheel had in the mean time been placed in position upon its support. Watangaa and his wife and Nishnat^yana, with his wife and child, now formed in line behind the Wheel and the calicoes were passed in front of them by Hdwkan, each grasping with his or her right hand the upper edge of the calicoes. They then in unison held the calicoes over the Wheel, and each uttered a prayer in a low voice. They now placed the calicoes upon and around the Wheel — hence the expression, ''wrapping the Wheel, " MIRACULOUS MOVEMENTS OF THE WH^EL. In connection with the veneration of the Arapaho for this Wheel the following two short tales, obtained from Watanah (Black-Horse), will prove interesting: "At one time a man had by right (of inheritance) this Sun Dance Wheel. He was taken sick and died. The people were still on the hunt when this man died. When the camp broke up to change its location, the people tied this big Wheel to a tipi pole and staked it in the ground over the grave. "A party of young men happened to pass by the grave; they saw the pole still standing, but the Wheel was gone. They went to the pole, and below it, on the ground, were bunches of blue beads and four bunches of eagle feathers, all lying in the shape of the Wheel. The stick representing the snake was gone. This stick had crawled out of its attachments of feathers and beads and left them on the ground in their proper positions, the same as you would see the scales left on the ground by a snake. This stick does not represent a poisonous reptile. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 21 but it stands for those little snakes which are found by the edge of the water in ponds. The circumference stick stands for the sun ; the eagle feathers are those of the Thunderbird ; the blue beads stand for the sky or heaven; and the marks on four places typify the Four-Old- Men, being wind; they are the sentinels over the people and animals. "At another time, a man who had the Wheel by right, died. When he was buried, the Wheel was hung over his grave one day. After the people had gone away from it and were moving their camp, this Wheel was seen flying by the people, and it lighted in front of them. Il changed to an eagle. This occurrence made them think more of the Wheel than ever, and they reverenced it." The following brief statement concerning the Wheel among the northern Arapaho is also not without interest. It is said that the Wheel escaped from the people by flight. After it was gone for some time an Offerings-lodge was pledged for, but it could not be carried out, so the people, old and young, congregated to see if it could be made like the original. There was nobody that could tell how it was made, until finally a young boy moved before the crowd and directed the making of it. About seven years ago, one of Weasel-Bear's daughters went out of the tipi during a wind storm to brace a pole bearing the Wheel against the back of the tipi. As she was lifting the pole the wind came and took the pole and Wheel down to the ground, breaking it slightly across the center. So Weasel-Bear, before another Sun Dance was pledged for, invited all the old men and <51d women to gather together to renew it. The Wheel being an important factor, the people gathered, provided the necessary food and brought various kinds of young standing bushes. For a day or two, the men could not bend the stick of wood into a perfect circle. Most of the sticks would break, but men kept on trying to shape the bow for the Wheel, Finally, a young man brought in a long stick of a kind of wood which had a dark red, slippery back, and grows very tall, standing near the river banks. The Indians cut the bushes and made breastpins, and stake-pins for the tipi, and bent it into a perfect circle. The men who were present expressed their gratitude to the young man for his luck and therefore asked more food to be brought in for him. While this man was making or carving the symbolic features of the Four-Old-Men, a little spider, descending, lighted on one of the markings (monuments of the old men), but the man kept himself busy at the work, at the same time offering a prayer of thanksgiving to the Father. 23 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. v.— Time of the Ceremony. So far as I have been able to learn, there is no set time for the Sun Dance ceremony among the Arapaho. Hdwlcan, my, chief inform- ant, was emphatic in his statement that the actual time was determined largely by convenience, and not by the condition of the moon, or by the condition of vegetation. The usual time is in the spring, but not until after the grass and sage have reached their full growth. The ceremony may, however, be performed in the fall, or as late even as jearly December, as was the case in the ceremony here described. Apart from the considerations of convenience, the actual time of the formation of the camp-circle is determined, usually, by the head men of the company, or warrior society to which the Lodge-Maker belongs. This general statement in the time agrees in the main with the state- ment of Dorsey and Miss Fletcher. During the ceremony of 1902, certain interesting events were noted which seemed to be more or less directly concerned with the moon. Further inquiry was then made as to the proper time of the beginning of the ceremony and the information was volunteered by one of the priests that "the proper time of the beginning of the cere- mony was from seven to ten days after new moon and hence an equal number of days after the menstrual period. The Rabbit-tipi priests set this time, for the menses are unclean and a source of bodily injury to the people, and the Sun Dance-lodge and the Rabbit-tipi must be kept clean from all impurities." VI. — Assemblage and Formation of the Camp-Circle. As the time agreed upon for the formation of the circle draws nigh, couriers are sent, as has been noted, to the various bands, and the tribe begins to arrive at a certain spot which has already been agreed upon by the* head men of the Star society, i. e., the society of the Lodge-Maker. These head men have not only selected the loca- tion of the camping circle, but have roughly staked out the circle, so that the bands, as they enter the plain, proceed to the erection of their lodges without delay. As each band arrives at the site of the circle they are met by those already on the spot, with singing and rejoicing, and the new arrivals before settling down, go around the circle, on the inside first, and then on the outside, each time in a dextral or sunwise PL. II. Cheyenne Tipis. These tipis show typical Cheyenne ornamentation. The tip! on the left is of additional interest on account of the door, embroidered in parallel colored bands with porcupine quills. PL. III. Ghost Dance Tipis. Fig. I. Tipi of Mixed-Hair ; the symbolism comprises the turtle, horse, buffalo, morning star, lightning, and cedar trees. Fig. 2. Tipi of His^haseh, son-in-law of Watdngaa. .3! >lT May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 23 circuit. The reason of this is to announce their presence to their friends, who may have already arrived, and receive their greeting. The site chosen by the Arapaho for the ceremony of 1901 was a comparatively level, low-lying plain just north of the North Fork of the Canadian River, about six miles northeast of the town of Geary. Between the site of the camping circle and the river was a beautiful grove of Cottonwood and willow, while the neighboring hills furnished an abundant pasturage for the horses. After the great circle, three-quarters of a mile in diameter, has been partially occupied it made a very pleasing sight, to which incom- ing bands make their passage inside and outside the circle, being greeted by shouts of joy and welcome by their friends all along the line. The first band to put in an appearance was that from Red Hills, near by, who reached the plain on November twenty-ninth. By noon of December third the circle was complete. Just outside the circle were the tipis of a large number of Cheyenne, and other tipis, less in number of course, of the other tribes which had been invited to the ceremony. Formerly, these visitors were an important feature in the Sun Dance; for it was the custom of the different tribes to visit each other in large numbers at this time, when they were always made welcome, and when many exchanges of friendship were made. Owing to the long intimacy of the Cheyenne and Arapaho, it is always the custom for those of one tribe to attend the ceremony of the other. Furthermore, each tribe invites the other tribe as a whole, and vice versa (see Plate II.). Members of other tribes, however, are usually present only on the special invitation of individuals of the tribe. Other tribes represented at the time of the present ceremony were the Sioux and Ponca. A certain amount of color was noticeable, owing to the presence of several decorated ghost-dance tipis (see Plate III.). The statement has been made that as the bands come together on the plain they pitch their tipis in the form of a circle. This is the traditional camping circle, a venerable institution of nearly all the tribes of the Plains. On the east side of the circle is an opening about one hundred yards in width, where no tipi is ever permitted to stand. The arrangement of these circles among a number of the Plains tribes is usually in accordance with gens. Mr. Moon6y has represented such circles for the Kiowa and for the Cheyenne.* That of the Cheyenne, for instance, consists of nine distinct gens, while that of the Kiowa numbers four gens. I was not able to learn, however, of any similar divisions among the Arapaho, although we should naturally expect such tribal divisions. The basis of the grouping in the circle appar- *Fourth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892-1893, p. 26. 24 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. ently was that by bands, the name of each one being usually an issue station or sub-agency, or some other similar term ; but that there was any connection between these bands from the different localities of the reservation and a genetic system, could not be learned. On the night of the completion of this circle, Watangaa placed at the disposition of the Star society his tipi, one of the largest of the camp-circle, and invited the Dog-soldiers to meet there at a feast (see Plate IV.). The reason for this invitation of the Dog-soldiers, as will be seen later on, was largely due to the fact that to this society falls much of the detailed work in the erection of the lodge. The approach- ing performance was discussed that evening, and the head men of the Star society, after considering the matter themselves, finally decided to ask Hocheni and the other head men to begin the actual ceremony. The evening was made a time of good fellowship and rejoicing and the utmost good feeling prevailed between the members of the two societies. VII.— Participants in the Ceremony. Before beginning the discussion of the erection of the lodge and of the attendant rites, it is necessary to consider in some detail the more prominent characters who are to play such an important part on the following days. At the first it may be stated, as has already been intimated, that the ceremony, although it is the direct outgrowth of the vow of a single individual, is an affair which concerns the entire tribe; consequently we may say that participating in the ceremony was the Arapaho nation. It falls to the lot, however, of certain indi- viduals to conduct the actual performance itself. These active partici- pants were as follows: Group i. H6cheni (Old-Crow); chief priest; personates Sun. Cheathea (Broken-Down- Woman) ; Peace-Keeper; personates Moon. Bech^aye (Hairy-Face, wife of Old-Sun); formerly Peace-Keeper. Hisethe (Good-Woman, wife of Hohdkaki). Group 2. Hdwkan (Crazy); director; personates Arapaho tribe. Waakat'ani (Spotted-Bear) ; assistant director. Chaiii (Lump-Forehead) ; woman director. Watdngaa (Black-Coyote) ; pupil. roer v: Pu IV. Watanqaa's Tipi, Loaned to the Star Society on the Night of the Completion of the Camp-circle. First Day, 1901. Fig, I. Watdngaa, a renowned Ghost dancer, standing in front of his tipi. Fig. 2. Watdngaa's wife, wearing an elaborately decorated Ghost dance dress of buckskin. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 25 Hisenibe (Singing- Woman, wife of Watangaa) ; pupil. Chanitoe (Striking- Back): pupil. S6soni (Shoshoni-Woman, wife of Lizard); pupil. Waanibe (Grass-Singing, wife of Hdwkan); pupil. Group 3. Thihauchhdwkan (Straight-Crazy) ; J.odge-Maker of the Sun Dance. Biba (Curly-Hair, wife of Thihduchhdwkan) ; personates the Maid. Debithe (Cut-Nose) ; grandfather of Thihduchhdwkan ; personates the Sacred-Wheel. NIsah (Twins); grandmother of Biba; personates Mother-Earth. Group 4. Bihata (Black-Hat), or George. Henienit (Famous), or Arnold Walworth. Waatannak (Black-Bear). Waatu (Warrior), or Daniel Dyer. Chaiii (Lump-Forehead), or Daniel Webster. Hisehaseh (Sun-Ray), or George Hocheni. Hitantuh (Strikes-First), or Hardley Ridge-Bear. Hebethenen (Big-Nose), or Walter Finley. Niehhinitu (Howling-Bird), or Charley Old-Horse. We may now consider some of the more important of this list of participants, with the idea of inquiring into the cause of their presence and the personages they are to represent in the coming drama. Hocheni is the most important participant to be mentioned, and holds a position, in activity, second only to that of Hdwkan. He may be regarded as the chief priest, or perhaps, rather as referee; for to him are submitted all matters of doubt, and to him falls the duty of overseeing the general trend of the ceremony. It is his duty to offer prayer at times, to light the sacred pipe, and in general, to see that the ceremony is conducted with reverence and with proper decorum. Hdcheni takes his place owing to the fact that he has reached the seventh and highest of the Arapaho societies, Chinachinena, Water- Pouring-Old-Men, or the Sweat-lodge society, as it is often called. Heichebiaw (Tall-Bear), the only other surviving member of the society, should, according to precedent, have taken a place with Hocheni as general overseer or high priest in the ceremony; but he, on account of his great age, refused to take an active part. In the drama of the Sun Dance, Hocheni plays the part of the Sun. a6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. A position similar to that of H6cheni was that held by Chedthea. Her title in this position is Hathabesi (Upright-One). She has held this office, during many previous ceremonies, and was chosen by the old men of the Sweat-lodge society many years ago. It is her duty, when called, to offer prayer, and especially to indicate that all is ready for the next step. Thus, she says from time to time: "You shall do well. Your Father will look upon you. Go ahead!" She is also spoken of as Peace-Keeper. Her word is said to be good at all times, and she never says anything unpleasant. She is also called Old- Woman-Night, and she is supposed to see everything that moves in the night, and is said to have, consequently, the ways of the Moon. As H6cheni sees everything in the daytime and represents the Sun, so, Chedthea, in the great drama, represents the Moon. In connection with Chedthea should be mentioned Bech^aye, the wife of an Arapaho now dead, who when living, was a member, like Hdcheni, of the Sweat-lodge society. Her husband was keeper of the* straight-pipe, and on his death, gave it to her, asking her to preserve it. Bech^aye formerly occupied the office of Chedthea. Her active participation in the ceremony now is of course exceedingly slight, being confined to the offering of prayer, from time to time. Also to be mentioned in this group is Hisdthe (Good-Woman), widow of a member of the Sweat-lodge society, and consequently present through- out the ceremony. Second only to Hdcheni in importance among the participants is Hdwkan. He may be regarded as the actual director of the ceremony. He participated in two other ceremonies, as director, once with Wdtanah, and the second time with Waakatani (Spotted-Bear); had he been sick or absent on the occasion of the ceremony, Wdtanah or Waakatani would have acted in his place. During the ceremony, Hdwkan, in all his prayers and in his general attitude toward the cere- mony, represents the entire Arapaho tribe, and is called Haseh^beiye (Praying- or Offering-Old-Man). As his assistant during the cere- mony, he had Waakatani, who performed numerous offices, generally representing Hdwkan, but at no time taking the initiative. To be mentioned also with Hdwkan and Waakatani are five individuals who performed during the ceremony in virtue of the fact that they were engaged in learning the actual routine of the performance, in order that they might fit themselves for the position of director in future ceremonies. These pupils were Watdngaa and his wife, Chanltoe, Sdsoni, and Wadnibe (Grass-Singing). As Hdwkan is the general director of the ceremony, guiding the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey! 27 movements both of his assistants and of the pupils and of the dancers themselves, so the ceremony requires the presence of a woman to direct a certain few rites where a man may not properly perform. This was done by a woman named Chaiii (Lump-Forehead). In previ- ous ceremonies, in which she fulfilled this office, she cut the so-called "ditch," an important element of the altar. In the ceremony under consideration, she directed Sosoni, His^nibe (Singing-Woman), and Wadnibe in this rite. The reason why this so-called "ditch" is cut by women, is because the woman who ascended to the Heavens and became the wife of Sun-Boy, dug a similar hole at the time that she rediscovered this earth. In the next group of participants is the Lodge-Maker, his wife, and the sponsors of these two. The reason for the presence of the Lodge-Maker in the ceremony is of course obvious. During the secret rites previous to the beginning of the dance in the great lodge, as well as during the days of feasting, he is accompanied by his wife Biba (Curly-Hair). Inasmuch as these two individuals require constant instruction as to particular duties which they are to perform, they, as well as the remaining men who are to fast during the ceremony, have recourse to the services of men known as "grandfathers" ("he touches me"). The grandfather of the Lodge-Maker of each Sun Dance is, in the regular course of events, the Lodge-Maker of the preceding Sun Dance. Inasmuch as the Lodge-Maker of the last Sun Dance, how- ever, was no longer alive, Thihauchhdwkan, the Lodge-Maker of the present Sun Dance went to Sosoni, who had taken an active part in several previous Sun Dances, to obtain her consent to act as grand- mother to his wife. Sosoni *s present husband. Lizard, had never taken part in the Sun Dance, consequently, Thihauchhawkan asked Nisah (Twins) to be grandmother. Old-Camp, now dead, as stated above, was Lodge-Maker in the preceding Sun Dance; but on account of paralysis at the time, a man by the name of Debithe had represented him in the ceremony; consequently, Debithe became grandfather of Thihduchhdwkan, while Nisah acted as grandmother of Blba. That in the ceremony itself, or in the great dramatization, as we must regard the ceremony, Debithe, as grandmother, takes the part of an important personage, there can be no doubt; as the representative of the preceding ceremony he is spoken of as "Hetuhenait" (Transferrer). Nisah, during the ceremony, not only assisted and acted as adviser to Blba, hut during one of the final performances, placed the Wheel on the head of Biba, and throughout the drama, played the part of Mother- Earth. 28 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Comprised also within this fourth group are all those who, in addi- tion to the Lodge-Maker, fast and dance during the ceremony. The names of these, with their grandfathers, have already been given in the list of participants, and do not require further comment. PARTICIPANTS IN THE CEREMONY, 1902. With a few slight changes, the priestly participants on this year were the same as those on the preceding year: the dancers naturally were not the same. H6cheni and Hdwkan played the same important parts as on the previous year. The Lodge-Maker this year was Niwaat (Good-Warrior). Owing to the fact, however, that he was both unmarried and deaf, it was necessary to secure a substitute Lodge- Maker. Wadtanakashi (Black-Lodge), volunteered for this part, and with his wife, Nden (Round), played an important part in the cere- mony. The grandfather to the two Lodge-Makers was Nishnat^yana, while his wife, Thiyeh, acted as adviser to the wife of the substitute Lodge-Maker, and in other ways assisted in the ceremony. The names of the dancers, with their grandfathers, are given in the following list: DANCERS. 1. Niwaat (Good-Warrior). 2. Waatanakashi (Black-Lodge), . . 3. Yahiise (Hiding- Woman), or Char- lie Campbell. 4. D^tenin (Short-Man). 5. Ndka (White-Tail), or James Mon- roe. 6. Hathaniseh (Lone-Star), or Cecil Gray. 7. Hin^nwatani (Black-Man), or Noble Prentis.. 8. Niehhfnitu (Howling-Bird), or Charley Old-Horse. 9. Wahiisa (Young-Bear). 10. .Hin^nbai (Red-Man). 11. BesseS (Wood). GRANDFATHERS. Nishnat^yana (Two-Babies). Nishnat^yana (Two-Babies). Nishnat^yana (Two-Babies). Kakatdyahiwani (Spotted- Bean). Kakatdyahiwani (Spotted- Bean). Kakatdyahiwani (Spotted- Bean). Kakatdyahiwani (Spotted- Bean). Waawiitha (Hail). Waawutha (Hail). Waawiitha (Hail). Waawiitha (Hail). May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 29 12. Chaatani (Swapping-Back). Waatannihinin (Black-Man). 13. Hochoawa (Running-Crow), or Dan Wheeler. Waatannihinin (Black-Man). 14. Wahdbahu (Bear-Track). Hanakenakuwu(White-Buffalo). 15. NehShSih. Hanakenakuwu(White-Buffalo). 16. WatawateSh (Come-up-Hill). Hanakenaku\vu(White-Buffalo). 17. Watangaa (Black-Coyote), or Ben Franklin. Hanakenakuwu(White-Buffalo). 18. Kakiiyanake (Scabby-Bull). Nishchanakati (White-Eye-An- telope). 19. Heniait (Long-Hair). Hawkan (Crazy). 20. His^haseh (Sun-Ray), or George Hocheni. Hawkan (Crazy). 21. Tgpeish (Cut-Hair). Hdwkan (Crazy). 22. Hit^huu (Little-Crane), or Dan Brooks, Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). 23. Hindnibe (Singing-Man). Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). 24. Hindnnitu (Howling-Man), or Jay Gould. Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). 25. Bikadnichu (Smoking-at-Night), or Francis Lee. Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). In the following list are the names of the personal advisers of the dancers, who painted them under the direction of the grandfather. The numbers given in this list correspond to those of the dancers in the preceding list. LIST OF MEN WHO PAINTED THE DANCERS. 1. Watanah (Black-Horse). 11. Nakadsh ( Sage), or Sage. 2. Nishnat^yana (Two-Babies). 12. Debbithathat (Cut-Finger). 3. Nakaash (Sage), or Henry 13. Hishitari (Fire). HSnakenakuwu(WhiteBuffalo). WddksSnna (Bear's-Lariat). Wdshieh (Ugly). Sage-Bark. Nishchdnakati (White-Eye- An- telope). Chanitoe (Striking-Back). Sage. 14- 4- Nakichawaah (Rabbit-Run). 15- 5- Watanati (Ute). 16. 6. Nakubathay (White-Owl.) 17- 7- Hohdkaki (Little-Raven, Jr.) 18. 8. Kahiiye (Lizard). 9- Waawutha (Hail). 19. 10. Kakiiyi (Gun). 30 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. 20. Batandwhosati (Medicine-Dis- 23. Not ascertained. mounting). 24. Not ascertained. 21. Hdnibit (Long-Nose). 25. Not ascertained. 22. Not ascertained. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PARTICIPANTS. For convenience there is here given a full list of the names of all those mentioned in the pages of this paper, who participated in the ceremonies of either 1901 or 1902. Ahwaka (Slaughter), or Omaha. Baihoh (Old-Bear), or Blindy; Dog-soldier. Batai)awhosati (Medicine-Dismounting); assistant to Hdwkan, 1902. Bech^aye (Hairy-Face, wife of Old-Sun); Peace-Keeper. Bessee (Wood); dancer, 1902. Biba (Curly-Hair, wife of Thihauchhawkan) ; wife of Lodge-Maker, 1901. Bihata (Black-Hat), or George; dancer, 1901. Bikadnichu (Smoking-at-Night), or Francis Lee; dancer, 1902. Chadtani (Swapping-Back) ; dancer, 1902. Chanitoe (Striking-Back); pupil and assistant to Hawkan, 1902. Chaiii (Lump-Forehead), or Daniel Webster; dancer, 1902. Chaiii (Lump-Forehead); assistant to Hdwkan, 1901. Chedthea (Broken-Down-Woman); Peace-Keeper. Debbithathat (Cut-Finger). Debithe (Cut-Nose); grandfather of Thihduchhdwkan, 1901. D^tenin (Short-Man); dancer, 1902. Hddnl (Mountain). Hdgo (Rat). Hanatchawdtan! (Black-Bull) ; Dog-soldier. Hdnakebaah (Bull-Thunder). Hdndkenakuwu (White-Buffalo). Handkewak (Bull-Bear). Hdnebit (Long-Nose). Hanfit (Long-Hair). Hathdniseh (Lone-Star), or Cecil Gray; dancer, 1902. Hdwkan (Crazy); priest; director of the Sun Dance ceremony. HSbdthSn&n (Big-Nose), or Walter Dinley; dancer, 1901. Henidit (Long-Hair) ; dancer, 1902. Henignit (Famous), or Arnold Walworth; dancer, 1902. Heich^biwa (Tall-Bear); priest, Water- Pouring-Old-Man. Hin^nbai (Red-Man); dancer, 1902. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 31 Hinenibe (Singing-Man); dancer, 1902. Hin^nnitu (Howling-Man), or Jay Gould; dancer, 1902. Hinenwatani (Black-Man), or Noble Prentis; dancer, 1902. Hin^nwatani (Black-Man); grandfather, 1902. Hisehaseh (Sun-Ray), or George Hocheni; dancer, 1901 and 1902. His^nibe (Singing-Woman, wife of Watangaa) ; pupil. His^the (Good-Woman); wife of Hokakaki, a Water-Pouring- Old-Man. Hishitari (Fire); grandfather, 1902. Hiss^hnihani (Yellow-Woman); wife of HanSkawaahtannl. Hitantuh (Strikes-First), or Hardley Ridge-Bear; dancer, 1901. Hitehuu (Little-Crane), or Dan Brooks; dancer, 1902. Hocheni (Old-Crow) ; priest; Water-Pouring-Old-Man. Hochoawa (Running-Crow), or Dan Wheeler; dancer, 1902. Hohakaki (Little-Raven, Jr.); assistant to Kakatayahiwani, 1902. Kahiiye (Lizard); assistant to Waawiitha, 1902. Kakatayahiwani (Spotted-Bean); grandfather, 1902. Kakiiyanake (Scabby-Bull) ; dancer, 1902. Kakilyi (Gun); assistant to Waawiitha, 1902. KSna'thekahade (Coming-on-Horseback). Nadseh (Walking-Around), or Grant Left Hand, Nden (Round); wife of the associate Lodge-Maker. Naka (White-Tail), or James Monroe; dancer, 1902. Nakadsh (Sage), or Henry Sage; assistant to Nishnateyana, 1902. Nakaash (Sage), or Sage; assistant to Waawdtha, 1902. Nakichawaah (Rabbit-Run) ; assistant to Kakatayahiwani, 1902, Nakiibathay (White-Owl); assistant to Kakatdyahiwani, 1902. Nakwathay (Killing-with Stick). Ndwaht(Left-Hand); chief. Nehe'heih (Little-Bird). Niehhinitu (Howling-Bird), or Charley Old-Horse; dancer, 1901 and 1902. Niekdhochithinaahnie (Running-in-Circle). Nihdnisabad (Yellow-Horse). Nisah (Twins, wife of Wadii, former Lodge-Maker) ; grandmother of Biba, 1901. Nishchdnakati (White-Eye-Antelope) ; priest; Water- Pouring-Old- Man. Nishikanawke (White-Antelope). Nishnateyana (Two-Babies) ; grandfather of Niwaat, 1902. Niwaat (Good-Warrior); Lodge-Maker, 1902. Sdsoni (Shoshone-Woman, wife of Lizard); pupil. 32 Field Columbian Museum— Anthropology, Vol. IV. TS'peish (Cut-Hair); dancer, 1902. Thihduchhawkan (Straight-Crazy) ; Lodge-Maker, 1901. Thiyeh (Shave-Head, wife ot Nishnat^yana); wife of grandfather, 1902. Wadnibe (Grass-Singing, wife of Hawkan); pupil. WadsanShi (Charcoal). Waakat'ani (Spotted-Bear); assistant to Hawkan. WddksSnna (Bear's-Lariat) ; assistant to HanS,kenakuwu. Wadtanakashi (Black-Lodge); associate Lodge-Maker, 1902. Wadtannak (Black-Bear), Wadtannihindn (Black-Man). Waatu (Warrior), or Daniel Dyer; dancer, 1901. Waawiitha (Hail). Wadii (Old-Camp). Wahiibahu (Bear-Track) ; dancer, 1902. Wahiisa (Young-Bear) ; dancer, 1902. Wandkdyl (Row-of-Lodges). Wasas (Osage); relative of Niwaat. Wdshieh (Ugly, wife of Kakatayahiwani) ; cut center-pole. Wdtanah (Black-Horse); grandfather, 1902. 1 Watdnati (Ute) ; assistant to Kakatdyahiwani, 1902. Watdngaa (Black-Coyote), or Ben Franklin; dancer, 1902. WatdwateSh (Come-up-Hill) ; dancer, 1902. Yahiise (Hiding- Woman), or Charley Campbell; dancer, 1901. WARRIOR SOCIETIES. Before dismissing the subject of the participants in the ceremony, it may not be out of place at this point to give a brief statement of the various warrior societies, inasmuch as these have already been and will be referred to from time to time. These societies are graded in rank and power, and are, according 1;o Mooney, seven in number: (i) the Nuhinena, or the Kit-Fox society — this order is composed of young men in the tribe and has no special duties to perform; (2) the Hauthahiiha, or Star society, comprising the young warriors of the tribe; (3) the Hichaaquthi, or Club-Board society, so called because the four head men of this society carried in battle, wooden clubs — this society is made up entirely of men in the prime of life and was form- erly a powerful warrior organization; (4) the Bittahinena, or Spear society — the chief duties of this order were the proper policing of the camp, they also saw that the orders of head men of the camp were executed; (5) the Ahakanena, or Lime-Crazy society, made up of men May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey, ;^;^ who had passed through the lower orders — the members of this society occasionally performed a ceremony of four days' duration, known as the "crazy dance"; (6) the HethShinena, or Dog-soldier society, per- haps the most important warrior order among the Arapaho, occupying an especially prominent position in times of warfare; and (7) the Chinachinfina, or Sweat-lodge society. The members of this society were limited to seven in number, one or more of whom acted in the capacity of high priest in the performance of important ceremonies. They also gave instruction to the members of other orders. The rites of this order have never been described. THE PRIESTHOOD. To obtain a position such as that held by Hoheni or Nishchdnakati does not so much imply a knowledge of the rites of the ceremony, as it requires membership in the highest of the Arapaho societies, the "Water-Pouring" or "Sweat-lodge," which presupposes membership in all the minor societies. To be able to assume the responsible position of director or chief priest, such as that held by Hdwkan, one need not necessarily have been a Sun Dance Lodge-Maker several times. He may obtain the office by participating in the ceremony, especially by painting the poles and the center fork several times. Hdwkan began by obtaining the privilege of painting the poles and the center fork, then entered the Rabbit-tipi, where he offered his services in the making and painting of the altar paraphernalia, etc., making payment each year, the amount being regulated by the nature of the service he was permitted to perform. VIII.— Characterization of the Eight Ceremonial Days. In order that the sequence of the rites in the ceremony may be better followed, the main events of the performance on each day of the ceremony are herewith summarily given. It should be stated first, however, that while the ceremony of 1901 was hurried, and conse- quently lasted only seven days, that of 1902 was given in full, and consequently lasted eight days. In comparing the events of the cere- mony of the two years, it may be stated that the first day of the 1901 ceremony corresponds to the first day of the 1902 ceremony; while the events of the second day of the 1901 performance were divided between the second and third days of the 1902 performance. The third, fourth. 34 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. fifth, sixth, and seventh days of 1901 correspond respectively to the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth days of the 1902 performance. Owing to the fact that few or many days may be consumed in the formation. of the camp-circle, the ceremony proper may be said to begin on the morning of the announcement, although it is to be under- stood that the camp-circle has already been formed. First Day: — Formal announcement, in the forenoon, of the begin- ning of the ceremony, by the Crier; erection of the Rabbit- tipi in the afternoon. Second Day: — Secret ceremonies in the Rabbit-.tipi : — The prep- aration of the Lodge-Maker's robe; the filling of the sacred pipe; the cutting of the rawhide for the center-pole; the formation of the temporary altar; the rehearsal of Sun Dance songs. Events out- side of the Rabbit-tipi: — The killing of the buffalo; the searching for the ordinary timbers for the great lodge by the different warrior soci- eties; and, near midnight, the ceremony of the grandfather and the wife of the Lodge-Maker. Third Day: — Secret ceremonies within the Rabbit-tipi: — The painting of the robe for the center-pole; the painting of the buffalo skull; preparation of the digging-stick; the painting of the belt; the painting of the Lodge-Maker. Events outside the Rabbit-tipi: — The solicitation about the camp-circle by the Lodge-Maker for presents; the bringing to the Rabbit-tipi of the cedar-tree; the laying out of the Offerings-lodge; the digging of the holes for the lodge by the Lime- Crazy society; the erection of and ceremonial performance within the Sweat-lodge; rehearsal in the Rabbit-tipi during the night. Fourth Day: — Secret ceremonies within the Rabbit-tipi: — Such preparations as have not already been made are completed ; in the after- noon the Lodge-Maker and his associates are painted; preparation is made for the abandonment of the Rabbit-tipi, which takes place on the completion of the Offerings-lodge. Outside the Rabbit-tipi : — The cap- ture and bringing in of the center-pole ; the painting of the four poles and the center-pole ; the completion of the Offerings-lodge ; the war and scalp dance inside the Offerings-lodge; after the evening meal the Lodge-Maker and those who are to fast during the ceremony enter the lodge; bearing the first paint; singing sacred songs in the Offerings- lodge; outside, near midnight, the ceremony between the grand- father and the wife of the Lodge-Maker; the formal beginning of the Sun Dance. Fifth Day: — At daybreak occurs the dance to the Sun; the dancers then remain inactive until the completion of the altar; the priests go outside to cut the sods which are brought within the Offerings-lodge, May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 35 while the buffalo skull and other paraphernalia have been brought in before; the building of the altar; the distribution of the goods by the grandfather on behalf of the Lodge-Maker; the ceremonial washing of the bodies of the dancers, followed by the second painting. (The dance is continued at intervals throughout the night.) Sixth Day: — Dance to the rising Sun; the dance is continued at intervals throughout the day ; removal of the paint of the second day, followed by the third paint; medicine or courting night. Seventh Day: — Removal of the paint of the preceding day, fol- lowed by the fourth paint; preparation of the medicine water outside the Offerings-lodge; the final dance to the setting Sun; the emetic; drinking the holy water, followed by the termination of the fast with an elaborate feast. Eighth Day: — Dance out to the Sun, with purification rites; smok- ing the straight-pipe by the priests and dancers; the sacrifice of cast- off clothing at the altar and center-pole of the Offerings-lodge. IX.— The Sun Dance Ceremony. While the various scenes and incidents which have already been noted form a necessary and more or less intrinsic part of the great Sun Dance ceremony, yet they must be considered as preliminary to the ceremony itself. On the completion of the camp-circle, and with the meeting on the night of the day of its completion, when it is decided that the "announcement" is to be made on the following morning, the time of the preliminary period is at an end; for with the announce- ment on the next day, the ceremony proper of the Sun Dance may be said to begin. FIRST DAY, 1901 AND 1902. Early in the afternoon of this day, some of the leading men of the Star society repaired to the lodge of Debithe, the grandfather, and a head man of the Star society, taking with them food for the feast. They then sent for Hdcheni, Hdwkan, Bech^aye, Cheathea, and some old men of the Dog-soldier society. After an informal discussion regarding the routine work about to be performed in connection with the ceremony, and after partaking of food, H6cheni prayed: 36 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, HdcHENi's Prayer before Star Society. "My Grandfather, Light of the World; Old-Woman-Night, my Grandmother, — I stand here before this people, old and young. May whatever they undertake to do in this ceremony, and may their desires and wishes and anxieties in their every-day life, meet with your approval; may the growing corn not fail them and may everything that they put in the ground mature, in order that they may have food and nourishment for their children and friends. May whatever light comes from above, and also the rain, be strengthening to them, that they may live on the earth under your protection. May they make friends with the neighboring tribes, and especially with the white people. May the tribe be free from all wrong, from all crimes, and may they be good people." THE ANNOUNCEMENT. Hocheni was now seen to leave the lodge and pass directly to the northeast side of the great camping circle. He carried in one hand a beautifully carved black pipe, and in the other hand the tail of a buffalo. He wore leggings and moccasins of buckskin and a cotton shirt, over which he had placed a white sheet, which he wore as a blanket. He was painted red, even including his blanket and the other portions of his costume. He walked slowly, and it was noticed that no one passed him as he proceeded. Having reached the line of the lodges, he cried out in a loud voice: "All you people, old and young, listen to me! Man-Above, my Grandfather, Old-Woman-Night, my Grandmother, Dog-soldiers, Lime-Crazy-Men, Club-Board-Men, — may all the people increase day and night, be free from all sickness and distress! May peace and happiness exist! Thihduchhdwkan is ready. So says Thihduchhdwkan to you all." At the end of the announcement, Hocheni uttered a long hklloo, and all within the sound of his voice are supposed to say, "Thanks," while the parents in each tipi pray: "My child, may you grow up a man." Hdcheni then passed to that side of the camp-circle toward the southwest, then to the southeast, and then toward the northeast, halting at each of these three points, where he uttered the same announcement, whereupon he returned to the lodge of Debithe. Hdcheni and Hdwkan now instructed some of the Star society, while they were still in Debithe's tent, to search the camp-circle for a com- plete buffalo hide, and take it out on one of the hills near the camp- circle and make a frame for it and erect it in the form of a buffalo. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. V. PL. V. The Rabbit-tipi. The secret tipi of preparation, which stood at the west of the center of the camp-circle. Photograph made on third day, after cedar tree had been placed behind tipi. The decoration of the tipi has nothing to do with the Sun Dance ceremony, it being one of the Ghost dance tipis. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 37 In former times, of course, this episode in the ceremony consisted in the location of a living buffalo. Those who have been mentioned as having gathered there for the announcement now took up what food there was left over from the feast and departed with it for their homes. Hdcheni remaining for a few moments to smoke. THE RABBIT-TIPl. The members of the Star society, shortly afterwards began to congregate in the center of the camp-circle, having been called by the head man of the Star society, through Hocheni. Having assembled, they were told by their leader to go over and get the tipi of Wahuayni- howni (Yellow-Magpie), which was one of the largest in the camp- circle. They went after the tipi, and were about to lift it up, when the wife of Yellow-Magpie made strenuous objections, saying that they had a big family and needed shelter. They then selected another tipi, and it also was refused. The third tipi selected belonged to a member of the Star society, and permission was given to take it. First they pulled out the pegs which fastened the tipi to the ground, then took ofif the door and loosened the ropes for the smoke flaps. The mem- bers then surrounded the lodge, and each man took hold of a lodge pole. At a signal, they lifted the poles simultaneously, and thus moved the tipi bodily to a spot a short distance west of the center of the camp-circle. Here they were met by their wives, who firmly adjusted the tipi and replaced the pegs. The opening of the tipi, of course, faced the east (see Plate V). This tipi is called by the Chey- enne, "The First lodge," while among the Arapaho it is known as the "Nakshawu," or White-Rabbit-tipi. The origin of the name is due to the myth in which male and female rabbits conducted the secret ceremonies of the Offerings-lodge. The men who still perform such rites are known as Rabbit-men. RABBIT-TIPl TABOOS. No one ever enters the Rabbit-tipi with moccasins or any kind of covering on the feet. Moccasins were removed outside and were deposited at one side or the other of the door. In explanation of this the following was obtained: "In the evening, when the bats are flying around near a tipi, a person throws up pairs of moccasins in the air, until the bat flies into the moccasin. In this way the bat is caught and killed ; otherwise, the bat, representing the evil spirit, may work sickness upon an innocent person. Because the home of the bat (the evil spirit) is in the moccasin, the Rabbit-tipi people, before entering the Rabbit-tipi, take off their moccasins, thus showing reverence." 38 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. It is required also that all enter and leave the Rabbit-tipi by way of the south, west, and north, in other words, in a sunwise circuit. In this manner they travel along with the sun and are therefore protected. Hence also no one may pass in front of the altar with the sacred Wheel and buffalo skull ; a clear path must be preserved between these and the door, so that the blessing of the Sun-ray may take effect. There is no restriction as to the nature of the food used in the Rabbit-tipi, the quantity and amount depending upon the means of the family who is making the feast. WOOD FOR THE CEREMONIAL FIRE. The boys of the Star society now began gathering wood, first near Watangaa's lodge on the north side of the circle, and then con- tinuing the circuit, taking one or two sticks from each lodge, until they could carry no more, when they would take their load to the left and the front of the Rabbit-tipi. They then returned to that part of the circle where they had left off, and continued gathering wood until they had completed the circuit of the camp; consequently, each wood-pile had yielded its contribution. THE WHEEL TAKEN TO THE RABBIT-TIPL Debithe, accompanied by two members of the Star society, now went to the home of Yahiise, taking with him calico, to obtain the Wheel. Having arrived at his tipi, they entered, gave him the calico, and explained their mission. They all went outside to the rear of the tipi, where the bundle containing the Wheel was suspended on a tripod. A prayer was now uttered by one of the men, whereupon Yahiise took the bundle from the tripod and gave it to Debfthe, who returned with it to the Rabbit-tipi. KNIFE, RAWHIDE AND BADGER TAKEN TO THE RABBIT-TIPI. Another member of the Star society, just before that time, entered the Rabbit-tipi with a double-edged knife. Hocheni had also directed one of the members of the Star society to bring into the lodge a piece of buffalo hide, which had been obtained from Big-Belly, and a piece of rawhide, while Debithe brought in a badger skin. As these were brought in they were passed to Hdwkan, who, in a low voice, uttered a prayer: May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 39 Hawkan's Prayer in Rabbit-Tipi. "My Father, Man-Above, the Creator, the Giver-of-Food, listen! Be near to us poor beings who need spiritual and bodily blessings! May the people gathered in this tipi, also the people of the entire camp-circle, be blest hereafter! My Grandmother, Old-Woman- Night, make a good night for us! My Grandfather, Sun, may your day bring good for us all ! Hear us as we pray and give thanks during this ceremony, which we have learned of our fathers and of the Four- Old-Men! Thy help and presence we expect." By this time it was quite dark. THE FIREPLACE. Wadnibe (Grass Singing, the wife of Hawkan), and Nisah (Twins, wife of Wadil), now prepared to make a fire in the center of the lodge. First, Nisah made with a pipe-stem (for it contains a protective anti- dote), a pass at the earth four times in four different places, near the center of the lodge, forming an imaginary square. She then made four passes in the center of this space. Wadnibe then went through the same motions with a hoe. The latter then cleared away the grass from a space about two feet square and both joined to make a slight excavation in the center for the fire. The dirt, grass, and roots were then placed upon a black blanket, carried outside, and deposited in the form of a small mound about thirty feet away, in front of the tipi. THE SAGE FLOOR. Debithe then left the Rabbit-tipi and returned with a bundle of sage. He went at once to the southeast corner of the tipi, where he selected a few stems from the bundle and waved them toward the southeast four times, and laid the small bunch on the ground. He then went to the southwest corner, the northwest corner, and the northeast corner, repeated this performance at each place, and deposited a small bunch of sage. He then gave the remainder of the sage to the two women, who spread it around the lodge in the form of a circle. Quilts and blankets were now spread over the sage, and all present sat down. THE FIRE, AND THE WAR STORY. Little-Chief, the head man of the Star society, now entered with a few sticks of wood in his arm. Standing at the southeast corner, he told his war story and then made a fire in the center of the tipi. The story of a warrior must be good and known as to its particu- 4© Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. lars by two or more witnesses. If the teller of the story exaggerates, the fire does not burn well. The sticks of wood thrown into the fire as fuel personify the victims struck or killed. Since they use their victims as fuel to give light in the Rabbit-tipi and the Offerings-lodge, the whole tribe is protected from all injury. This kindly protection comes from Sun and Moon, or rather from the hearts of these two deities. The fire is the Sun, for, after finishing the big lodge for the snake, he gave his heart for light. Unless the fire is made in the Rabbit-tipi, as well as, later on, in the Offerings-lodge, the ceremony cannot be carried on. The war story itself is symbolic of victory for the tribe over famine and all kinds of plagues. THE BADGER-PACK. Owing to purely accidental circumstances, the preparation of the Badger-pack was not observed during either of the ceremonies of 1901 or 1902. It is known, however, that it was prepared on the afternoon of the first day of the erection of the Rabbit-tipi. I assume from the fact that the badger-skin, when the pack was unwrapped at the termi- nation of the ceremony, was taken care of by Watangaa, that the skin belongs to him, and was furnished by him on each occasion. The same reasoning leads me to believe that the wrapper of the pack was furnished by Hocheni. It was known that the badger-skin was painted, the anterior half being in red and the posterior half in black. After the painting, it was wrapped in an old piece of buffalo hide about three feet square, which was then made into a compact bundle by means of a long buffalo- hide rope. The wrapping was painted as had been the badger-skin, the front half being red, the second half black, but whether the paint- ing was done before the badger-skin was enveloped, or afterwards, is not known ; nor is it known what rites, if any, were performed during the preparation of the pack. In its finished condition, the badger- skin had been so placed that the head, up to and including the ears, projected beyond the end of the pack. When not in use, for purposes to be described in proper places, the Badger-pack, both in the Rabbit- tipi and in the Offerings-lodge, occupied a place to the south of the skull, the badger looking toward the east. THE BUFFALO SKULL. Debithe again left the tipi and soon returned, bringing in a buffalo skull which had been lying in Thihduchhdwkan's tipi, and which had been brought to the camp-circle by VVatdngaa, who owned the skull. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey, 41 ENTRANCE INTO THE LODGE OF THE LODGE-MAKER AND HIS WIFE. Thihduchhdwkan, the Lodge-Maker, and his wife now entered the lodge. Thihauchhawkan was painted from head to foot with white earth. Around his neck was suspended a bone whistle, and his dress consisted of a buckskin kilt, while over his shoulders was a buffalo robe. In one hand he carried a pipe filled with tobacco, which he offered to Debithe, his grandfather. Hdcheni now took from a small buckskin bag a piece of root, which he placed in his mouth, then spat upon his hands and rubbed" himself. Pieces of root were passed to the others, who did the same. THE FEAST AND THE OFFERING OF FOOD. Food was now brought in by the friends of Thihauchhawkan, and then Cheathea, Becheaye, Sosoni (Shoshoni-Woman, wife of Lizard), Waatannak (Black-Bear), and the head men of the Star society entered. Thihduchhawkan now took up the bowl of rice soup and placed it in front of Hocheni, who took a piece of sage and made a single pass toward each corner of the bowl, and then dipped it in the center and handed it to Thihduchhawkan, who went to the southeast corner of the lodge and made an offering or sacrifice of food to the tipi-pole at that point; then to the southwest tipi-pole. He then touched the earth with the sage near the fireplace on the north side, and then sacri- ficed food to the northwest lodge-pole, and then to the northeast. He now returned in a dextral or sunwise circuit to the west side of the fireplace, where the buffalo skull had been deposited, and placed the sage in front of the skull. All said, "Thanks," which was the signal to begin eating. THE OFFERING OF SMOKE. During the days of the Rabbit-tipi, and later, within the Offerings- lodge, the priests and others indulged in much smoking. With this smoking are many rites, which will be described in their proper places. But in connection with practically all of the smoking, offerings of smoke are made to certain deities. First the stem is pointed toward the southeast, then the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast, thus recognizing the Four-Old-Men; then to the zenith, in honor of the Father or Man-Above ; then to the earth, in honor of the Super- natural-Beings. These Supernatural-Beings, or lesser gods of the earth, are fishes, trees, rocks, winds, etc. They are also spoken of as false people, whose evil influence is to be guarded against. To all 42 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. these beings, and to all gods is thus transmitted a general prayer that they may extend their tender mercy and sympathy upon the entire tribe. THE OFFERING OF INCENSE. This is an important Rabbit-tipi rite and is also performed on a few occasions in the Offerings-lodge. For this purpose either spruce or cedar leaves are used. Spruce leaves are more highly thought of, for they produce a greater volume of smoke and a more intense odor. Sometimes the Southern Arapaho use cedar when the rite calls for spruce, as spruce is not easily obtained in Oklahoma. In bathing any object in incense, the smoke is supposed first to be received by the Four-Old-Men, who in turn extend such sympathy as they can give; then the smoke is received by the Sun, "who walks in the center of the earth." The object passed over the incense is purified. THE DRUM AND RATTLE. During the singing in the Rabbit-tipi and in the Offerings-lodge a rattle or drum is used. The rattle is that of a medicine-man, is scrotum-shaped, and had its origin from the Pleaides (the seven brothers and their daughter, Splinter-Foot Girl), who are supposed to be within the rattle, and who contain all of the ceremonial songs. It is said that when the Man-Above was awaiting a selection by the people, Prairie-Chicken offered his body for a rattle. The body is reversed, the head being the handle. His body contains also the Four-Old-Men, Sun, and Moon. These birds dance early in the morning, sing songs, and scatter them, as if to dust themselves. The large drum used in the rehearsal, and during the singing in the Offerings-lodge is spoken of as water and is said to come from the rain clouds. By another informant it is said the drum is the earth, which is the badger, and the drum-stick is the pipe-stem. The earth represents the female element and the pipe-stem the male element; in other words, the connection of the people, outside of the Rabbit-tipi. The parfleche or rawhide, the use of which will be explained later, represents ill luck or famine and follows everything in the ceremony. It is purified over incense and then thrown among the Dog-soldiers, who beat it with sticks, thus killing it, and so occasioning joy and good feeling among all, and a victory for the Lodge-Maker. As it also personifies a distressed person, it is raw, plain, not adorned. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 43 THE USE OF THE PIPE-STEM. The pipe-stem is used, both in Rabbit-tipi and Offerings-lodge, to discharm with — its poison or antidote (wahttu, root) comes from the flat pipe. By touching objects about to be altered with the pipe-stem, the workers are rendered immune from the power to do evil which is inherent in every animate object (called in prayer as supernatural being), and which ordinarily would resent being altered. Were the pipe-stem not used, the worker would suffer injury, misfortune, or even loss of life. The belief in the protective" power of the flat or tribal medicine pipe is so great that the stem is spoken of as the head or mind of the Father who leads the way and conquers the enemy. THE USE OF SPITTLE. This rite, so often made use of in both Rabbit-tipi and Offerings- lodge is a preparatory rite before certain actions. It is symbolic of the information given by the Man-Above to the Four-Old-Men. It also symbolizes the breath of a person, or in other words, life; it is also a cleansing rite. The ejecting of spittle after taking a piece of root into the mouth imitates the motion of scattering clay to the four directions, as it was done when this earth was formed. The fifth time, to the center, is for the Flat-Pipe, the Creator, who is located in the center of the earth, and preserves a balance or equilibrium. RABBIT-TIPI SONGS AND THE REHEARSAL. After the feast, the utensils and the remaining food were removed from the tipi, the priests sang certain songs which are only sung on this the first night of the Rabbit-tipi. There was as yet no drum in the tipi, and time was kept by beating with a pipe-stem upon the Badger-pack. After they had been singing tor some time, the Lodge-Maker passed his pipe to Debithe, who in turn handed it to Hdcheni, who blest it and rubbed it. He then lighted it with a coal from the fire and smoked a few puffs, and the pipe was then passed around the circle from right to left. On the return of the pipe to Hdcheni, he cleaned it in the usual ceremonial fashion. Debfthe took a live coal from the fire, and over it deposited some spruce-leaves. As the smoke from the spruce began to ascend, the Lodge-Maker took a large rawhide which he had brought into the lodge with him, folded in the shape of a parfleche, and passed it over the incense four times, and then carried it to the southeast corner of 44 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. the tipi, where two or three men of the Star society were gathered. Holding it out in front and at one side of him, he swung it gently backward and forward three times, and on the fourth time, threw it in front of the seated men, who beat upon it with sticks and shouted. This act marks the termination of the fourth of the sacred songs, which are only sung in the Rabbit-tipi. They now began the rehearsal of Sun Dance songs to be sung during the following days of the ceremony. The songs during the rehearsal were accompanied by the beating of sticks on the rawhide by the singers and by the motion of a rattle held in the hands of Hawkan. After singing for some time nearly all left the tipi except the Lodge-Maker and his wife, who from this time forth partook of no food until the night of the erection of the Offerings-lodge. It was now about two hours after midnight. SECOND DAY, 1901; SECOND AND THIRD DAYS, 1902. For reasons, already given, which hastened the performance, many events were crowded into this day, which, in the 1902 ceremony were properly extended over two days. This second day, then, may be said to correspond to the second and third days of the 1902 celebration. THE SWEAT-LODGE. It is to be expected that, in a ceremony so important as the Sun Dance, the sudatory, as a means of bodily purification, would play a prominent part, for rarely is any serious affair undertaken by the Arapaho without this bath, accompanied by its attendant rites. OMITTED IN 190L According to the ordinary method of procedure in the~ Sun Dance ceremony, a large Sweat-lodge should have been erected on this morn- ing to the north and near the Rabbit-tipi. On account of the fact, however, that they were pressed for time, it was decided by the lead- ing men to dispense with this part of the ceremony. Certain of the more active participants, however, had already gone through this purification ceremony, while others were to perform it in the Sweat- lodges, near their tipis, on this or the following day. THE SWEAT-LODGE, 1902. With the increased amount of time at the disposition of the priests during the 1902 ceremony, opportunity was offered for the erection of the Sweat-lodge. This, however, was not done on the morning of the FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. VI. PL. VI. Laying out the Sweat-lodge. Third Day, 1902. Fig. I. Hdwkan choosing the site of the lodge. <. Fig. 2. Rabbit-tipi priests beginning to place in position the willows for the ^ Sweat-lodge, under Hdwkan's direction. j May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey, 45 second day, but on the evening of the third day, i. e., after all the ceremonial objects to be used later in the Offerings-lodge proper had been prepared. Inasmuch, however, as according to my informant, the Sweat-lodge belongs properly to the second day, an account of the ceremony as witnessed this year, will not be out of place at this point. THE GROUND MARKED OUT It was about half-past five o'clock, when Hawkan, Watdngaa, and Debithe left the Rabbit-tipi and started toward the west, looking for a suitable place. This they found at a distance of about fifty feet west of the lodge. (See Fig. i, Plate VI.) This spot they circled around in single file in a sunwise fashion; then Hdwkan touched the first finger of his right hand to the ground, then to his mouth, took a bite of root, spat five times, pointing like- wise with the pipe-stem, and then marked off the four corners and center of a piece of ground about one foot square. The first of the tour motions with the pipe-stem, of course, began with the southeast, the fifth ending with the center. Watdngaa with an axe loosened the grass from the plot of ground indicated by Hdwkan with the pipe-stem, removed the grass and placed it upon a blanket. Having removed the grass, Watangaa then loosened the soil with his axe, until he had finally made a circular excavation abput eight inches in depth, with perpendicular sides. In the center of this excavation he made a small excavation three inches in diameter, and about two inches in depth. The earth from the excavation, together with the grass, were taken up in the blanket and deposited in the form of a little mound fifteen feet due east. Hdwkan sat down on the east side of the excavation with his legs at full length in front of him. In this fashion he gained an idea as to the required size of the lodge. This done, he took the axe and care- fully removed the grass over a surface about a foot in width and about four feet long, toward the east. The end of this space was to be at the entrance of the lodge, and along this bared way the hot stones were to be introduced later on. Hdwkan then with his pipe-stem pointed toward the south and eastern corner of this cleared space, thus indicating the position of the first of the Sweat-lodge poles. Taking one of the small willow poles near by, and which had been especially provided for the erection of the Sweat-lodge by the members of one of the warrior societies, he tnen measured the distance between this point and the eastern rim of .the excavation, passed around to the west of the excavation, and meas- ured off a similar space in that direction, thus locating the position for 46 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. the second lodge-pole. The positions of the other poles were now located, the third one being on the northeast from the excavation, the fourth on the northwest, the fifth on the southeast, while the remainder, up to the number of sixteen in all, were indicated by Hdwkan without further ceremony, in a sunwise circuit. THE ERECTION OF THE SWEAT-LODGE. In th6 mean time, Debithe, Watdngaa, VVatanah, and Chanitoe had begun inserting some slender willow poles in the ground, the north and south poles being first interlaced, then the east and west poles. After all the poles which had been inserted in the ground had been interlaced, so as to form a dome-shaped structure, a long, slender pole was thrust through by VVatangaa, from the west side. Neither the base nor the tip of this pole touched the earth. All these poles had been denuded of their boughs except at the very tips. (See Fig. 2, Plate VI., and Figs, i and 2, Plate VII.) While these priests were erecting the lodge, a large quantity of bark was brought by some of the boys and deposited to the southeast of the lodge. The four messengers had in the mean time also gone about the camp-circle collecting pieces of canvas, quilts, blankets, etc., with which to cover the lodge when completed. (See ¥\g. i, Plate VIII.) One of the priests gathered a bundle of sage, which he carried inside and spread entirely around the floor of the lodge, in a circular form, the stems of the sage pointing toward the fireplace, except for the space lying between the doorway of the lodge and the fireplace, which remained barren. One of the priests now brought out from the Rabbit-tipi the painted buffalo skull, and carrying it slowly and carefully in front of him, stooping over as he did so, he placed it upon the little mound of earth to the east of the lodge, so that the skull looked directly into the lodge. Watdnah then brought out the Wheel, wrapped it in its recently offered coverings, and placed it in a flat position on top of the skull, so that the feathers extended toward the west and fell down over the forward projection of the skull. Watdnah next brought from the Rabbit-tipi the rattle and a bag of spruce-leaves, which he deposited south of the skull. While these preparations were going on, the messengers had started a fire over a pile of stones, to which they now added the load of bark. (See Plate IX.) Pails of water were also brought and placed between the fire and. the door of the lodge, by other messengers. ^^j^^J^^ji^.)!;.!^ Pl. VII. Erecting the Sweat-lodge. Third Day, 1902. Fig. I. Rabbit-tipi priests and Dog-soldiers constructing the Sweat-lodge. Fig. 2. Watdngaa placing in position the final pole of the Sweat-lodge. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. VII. Pl. VIII. Completing the Sweat-lodge. Third Day, 1902. Fig. I. Rabbit-tipi priests covering framework of Sweat-lodge with blankets. Fig. 2. Framework of Sweat-lodge after the ceremony. In the center may be seen the pile of heated stones. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. VIII. i^' n 1 «C;. m^^Kf^ ^ ^LrV IKt^af^^^^^B '^^^1 FIG. 1. ^^^^^^ gfc-^,. ' ■-■*«*■ .^--/- i^OK^ n^' ^^^ ^^p^il B^. ' 1 *- "T '^, • 1 ^^1 '^^^H iff '> ■■ -r. ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^E. . - ._ <>*• 1 iB PL. IX. Sweat-lodge and Rabbit-tipl Third Day, 1902. General view, showing, beginning on the right, the pile of firewood of cotton- wood bark, the fireplace, the framework of the Sweat-lodge and the Rabbit-tipi. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 47 THE WHEEL CARRIED INTO THE SWEAT-LODGE. Watdnah now took up the Wheel from the skull, and carrying it upon calico coverings, entered the Sweat-lodge with it, and placed it to the west of the fireplace, the head of the snake facing the east. The rattle and bag of spruce-leaves he then carried in and placed south of the Wheel. Nishnat^yana now approached, carrying a filled pipe, which he deposited in front of the buffalo skull, the bowl point- ing upward and the stem pointing toward the south. Chanltoe now approached the lodge, knelt just at the door, lifted up both hands, and uttered a prayer. Entering, he sat down at the north of the Wheel, backward. INCENSE BURNED. One of the messengers now passed within the lodge a live coal, whereupon the door of the lodge was closed. Watdnah was heard pray- ing, and it is known that just after concluding his prayer, the coal was deposited in the little hole in the center of the base of the fireplace, and upon which the spruce-leaves were placed, the interpretation of this act being, that this act is a purification ceremony and that the prayer of Watdnah was answered as soon as the particular god to whom the prayer was offered became conscious of the odor of the incense. It will be noticed also that this offering of incense was performed before any considerable number had entered the lodge. The reason of this was because the rite of the offering of the incense in the fire- place is unknown to the minor priests of the lodge. After a few moments the door of the lodge was opened by one of the priests within, and other priests now approached and went inside. Each man, as he entered, halted at the door, lifted both hands, and uttered a prayer. Each also carried a small branch of cottonwood. As the Lodge-Maker, the substitute Lodge-Maker, and his wife came up, they drank from one of the pails and vomited before entering the lodge. On account of the darkness, the position of those within was now made out with some difficulty, but it is believed that they sat within the lodge in the following order, beginning on the south side, next to the door — Watdngaa, Debithe, with the Lodge-Maker behind the Wheel, Chanftoe, Baihoh (Old-Bear), or Blindy, Hin^nwatani (Black-Man), and Watdnah. Bech^aye also entered the lodge, but where she sat was not known. 48 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. CEREMONIAL SMOKING. Before the covering for the door of the lodge had been put in place, Watdngaa, reaching across the fireplace from his position at the south door, took up the pipe, which he lighted from a coal now brought him by one of the messengers. After puffing on the pipe for a few moments to get it thoroughly lighted, he pointed the stem toward the east, toward the Wheel, and toward the fireplace, and then smoked. The pipe was then passed around the circle to Watanah, north of the door, each taking a few whiffs. The pipe was then passed back to Watdngaa unsmoked, whereupon, it again made the circuit sunwise, being smoked by each individual as before. Thus the pipe made the circuit four times, when it was passed out of the lodge and placed on the north side of the buffalo skull. The stones were now thoroughly heated, and were passed into the lodge, one by one, by the messengers. The first five stones passed in were deposited, one by one at the door, when they were taken up by Watangaa with a fork-shaped stick, and placed on the fire- place, the first one being at the southeast corner of the fireplace, the second at the southwest corner, the third at the northwest, the fourth at the northeast, and the fifth in the center just over the smaller and deeper excavation in which, shortly before, the offering of spruce-leaves had been made. Other stones, then, to the number of about twenty-five, were passed in, and were piled up indiscriminately upon these, until the pile was over a foot in height. Blankets, which had been worn by those within as they entered the lodge, were now passed to the messengers outside. Two buckets of water and a dipper were now passed in, and one or two additional men entered. Although the door of the lodge still remained open, the heat within at this time, was excessive, and the bodies of the men were bathed with perspiration. It is probable that the heat registered not less than 145°. From the two buckets of water standing just inside and near the fireplace a cupful was taken up and passed to each member, who on receiving the cup, drank a little and poured the remainder on his head and body. The odor of the fresh sage at this time was very pungent. THE CEREMONIAL BATH. The two servants outside then thoroughly covered the opening of the lodge. Watdnah uttered a prayer, followed by Chanitoe this time, the prayer being accompanied by the shaking of the rattle in the hands of Watdngaa. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 49 At the conclusion of this performance, a song was begun, the tune being the same as that sung on the previous night in the Rabbit-tipi. This song was also accompanied by the shaking of the rattle. The singing now continued for about twenty minutes, during which time water was gradually poured upon the stones. From time to time, one or another of those inside was heard crying or praying, while the two messengers outside threw themselves down near the door and joined their lamentations with those within. As has been explained before, this is spoken of as "weeping for mercy," and may be regarded as a form of supplication. Above the singing and lamentation of the priests was also to be heard the noise made by the lashing of their naked bodies with the cottonwood boughs. At the conclusion of the singing, some one inside gave the word to the servant to remove the covering from the door. This was not only done, but the curtains were lifted on the west side of the lodge. In this manner the priests remained within the lodge for a period of about fifteen minutes, when the Wheel was passed out to Hdwkan. Watdnah then made four motions toward the skull, picked it up, and carried it back to the Rabbit-tipi, where it was placed in its usual position. Hdwkan followed, carrying the Wheel, which was also replaced as before. (See Plate V.) SYMBOLISM OF THE SWEAT-LODGE. The little cleared path between the fireplace and the door of the Sweat-lodge is the road. It is cleared because the tribe wish to prosper and live in happiness so long as the earth lasts. The circular excavation inside the Sweat-lodge, where the heated stones are placed, is called "Opened-Brains," reference being made to a certain myth. The little hole inside of this excavation, in which the incense is placed, is the navel of the mother; it is the place of our birth, the sipapu of the Hopi, the earth representing the mother. (See Fig. 2, Plate VIII.) The incense which is placed on the "navel" is offered to the Four-Old-Men, for the reason that they are constantly watching, in winter and summer, and during the day and night. They control the wind and cause it to blow according as they feel sympathy. They take a sweat in the lodge because they want to be cleansed from former sins, evil desires, and be protected from all kinds of plagues, etc. The singing inside of the Sweat-lodge, both in tone and in words, is similar to that in the Rabbit-tipi. The songs are sung with deep 50 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. thought and in accordance with the voices of nature. There are seven different songs, each with two verses; hence, if the songs are repeated twice, it makes twenty-eight in all. THE LODGE-MAKER SOLICITS AID. Concerning this interesting performance no observations were made during the performance of 1901, nor was any direct information gained from Hawkan. The ceremony took place, in 1902, in the morning of the third day. Early in the morning the voice of the Crier was heard outside the tipi, calling about the circle for the Rabbit- tipi people to hurry to the tipi. When the priests were assembled within the tipi, Hdwkan passed to NishnatSyana cups of the lime paint, which had been brought in by the sister of the Lodge-Maker, to which the latter added water and mixed. After thoroughly mixing the cups of paint he placed them in front of Hawkan. One of the messengers brought in live coals, which were placed upon the fireplace. Wadtanakashi then went to Hocheni, placed his hands upon his head and prayed. One of the cups of paint was now passed to Hdcheni. Wadtanakashi now sat down in front of Hocheni, with his legs in front of him and his knees drawn up towards his chin. Hdwkan took a live coal, placed it at one side of Hocheni, and upon it dropped a pinch of spruce-leaves. Hocheni then dipped his hands in the cup of paint and rubbed them together, smearing the palm of each hand thoroughly with the paint. He then with the forefinger of his right hand drew two parallel lines lengthwise across the palm of his left hand, and one line lengthwise across the palm of his right hand with the forefinger of his left. He then held both hands, palms downward, over the rising incense, and passed his hands from the toes, up the legs and sides of the body, to the head of the man in front of him. This he did four times, drawing, however, two lines in the palm of his right hand and one in the palm of his left hand before making the second movement over the body, and reversing this operation at the third and again at the fourth time. Wadtanakashi then turned his back to Hocheni, who smeared it with paint, but without regularity or ceremony. Wadtana- kashi then arose, took the cup of paint, and going near the door of the tipi, proceeded to paint himself from head to foot, including his hair and face, giving his entire body a thorough coat of the white paint. The Lodge-Maker now took his place in front of Hdcheni, and was painted in the manner just described, whereupon he also took the cup of paint, went over to the door, and smeared his body with the white paint from head to foot. Both stood near the door after paint- ing, until they were thoroughly dry. Pl. X. NiwAAT, HIS Associate and Grandfather. Third Day, 1902. Before making tour of the camp-circle to solicit assistance: On the right, Nishnateyana; in the center, Niwaat, the Lodge-Maker; and on the left, Watdngaa. The two Lodge-Makers have just received a coat of lime paint. In front, and on the ground, are their buffalo robes. Pl. XI. The Lodge-Makers on their Return from the Solicitation of Assist- ance. Third Day, 1902. Occupying the space between the Rabbit-tipi and the two men are the bales and trunks of blankets which have been presented to them. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 51 Food was now passed in and placed in the usual ceremonial position about the fireplace, whereupon a bowl containing rice was placed in front of Hocheni, who dipped a piece of sage in it and passed it to the Lodge-Maker, who now stood in front of him. The Lodge-Maker then nade the offering. Beginning in the southeast corner, lifting the sage on high, he touched it gently to the ground, then passed to the southwest, northwest, and northeast corner, and then contiuning on around the lodge in a sunwise circuit, he halted in front of the skull, made four passes over it, and deposited the sage under its jaw. Both now put on their buffalo robes, went outside the lodge, and put on their moccasins. Nishnat^yana now left the lodge and told them where to begin, and how they should proceed. (See Plate X.) They then started off toward the northwest corner of the camp-circle, followed by the four servants. Having arrived at a tipi at this point of the circle, they pleaded for assistance with which to compensate the priests for their work in the ceremony. From this lodge, they went to the next lodge, and so on, around the circle in sunwise man- ner. As fast as the large bales of blankets, calico, etc., were collected, they were carried by one of the servants and deposited just at the southeast side of the Rabbit-tipi. (See Plate XL) The time consumed by the Lodge-Maker and his associate in making the round of the camp-circle was about two hours. The total contributions amounted to four large bales and two trunks of blankets, pieces of calico, shawls, and other similar gifts, which were left outside the lodge until evening. Within the Rabbit-tipi, during their absence, the priests had partaken of their usual morning feast. THE CEDAR TREE, 1902. Owing to the lack of time in the 1901 performance, and owing more especially to the lack, of necessity, on account of the lateness of the season, the cedar tree, which ultimately forms a part of the altar, was not secured until required for actual use on the altar. In X902, however, owing to the great heat,, and owing to the fact that there was ample time for the carrying out of the details of the ceremony, it was brought into the camp-circle at the proper time. Shortly after the Lodge-Maker and his substitute began making the journey around the camp-circle for the collection of presents, Two-Crows, a chief of the Arapaho and formerly a servant of the Sun Dance priests, entered the tipi, stood facing the west, lifted his hands over the altar, and prayed. He then sat down on the north side of the lodge, whereupon Hawkan told him how he should secure the tree, how high it should be, etc. He then started off after the tree. 52 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Returning late in the afternoon, he, with the assistance of two or three of the Dog-soldiers, placed the tree, about twenty feet in height, just west of the Rabbit-tipi, thus affording much desired protection from the afternoon rays of the sun. (See Plates XII. and V.) Later on, as will be seen, it formed an essential feature of the altar in the Offerings-lodge. RITES WITHIN THE RABBIT-TIPI. The consideration of further events of this day, which also includes the supplemental observations made on the second and third days of the 1902 performance, may be referred to those which took place within the Rabbit-tipi and those which took place without. Although certain events had their origin inside this secret lodge and were com- pleted outside, yet it is believed that this method contributes to a more intelligent understanding of the ceremony. THE LARIAT FOR THE CENTER-POLE. Early in the morning, Hawkan returned to the Rabbit-tipi and was soon followed by other leaders of the ceremony. After the men had indulged in smoking and had partaken of the feast which had been brought in by the families of the dancers, Sosoni cut a long strip from the rawhide, which as has been mentioned, was brought in the night before. This strip was about ten feet long and about three- quarters of an inch wide. She handed it to Chanltoe, who passed it from end to end over live coals upon which had been placed bits of spruce. With the assistance of Waakdtani, Chanitoe now measured the strip, and having located its center, they proceeded to paint it, coloring one half of it black, the other half red. The preparation of the lariat for the tying of the bundle to the center-pole, in 1902, was conducted in the following manner: The wife of the "grandfather" of the Lodge-Maker, Thiyeh, immediately after the buffalo robe to be worn by the Lodge-Maker had been pre- pared, brought into the Rabbit-tipi a large rawhide, which he deposited in front of Nishchdnakati. She then knelt in front of him, placing her hands on his head, and then with the pipe-stem made the five cere- monial passes toward the rawhide, spitting each time toward it, as he pointed with the stem. Thiyeh then took the robe outside of the lodge to cut it, it being more easily handled outside than in, on account of the lack of room. (See Plate XIII.) Having cut the rawhide into one long continuous strip, she entered the lodge with it, bearing also the knife which she had used in cutting it, and the scraps or refuse which remained after preparing the strip. The knife and scraps she Pl. XII. Chief Two-Crows, Unloading the Cedar Tree by the Rabbit-tipi. i Third Day, 1902. j Standing by the side of the Rabbit-tipi is Hdwkan; sitting in front of him ^ are His^haseh and Nishchandkati. } PL. XIII. THfYEH. Second Day, 1902. Wife of Nishnat^yana, in front of the Rabbit-tipi preparing the rawhide lariat to be used in fastening the bundle of willows to the center-pole. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 53 put by the side of the paint bags, which were lying to the south side of the skull, and handed the rawhide strip to Debithe, who doubled it in the middle. Debithe took a bag of red paint from the side of the skull, while Chanltoe took a bag of black paint, both of which were opened. Debithe received from Hawkan a bag of spruce-leaves, a pinch of which he placed on a live coal in front of him. Debithe then took a bit of red paint which he softened with tallow and rubbed thoroughly between the palms of his hands, then held the palms of his hands in front of him in a horizontal position over the rising incense. He then, maintaining his hands in the same position, held them over the incense so that the left hand was uppermost. They were again reversed so that the right hand was uppermost, then the left. The hands were thus held in this position four times, and at the fifth time, they were held so that the palms were in a perpendicular position. Chanitoe went through a similar movement with the black paint. They then proceeded to paint the strip of rawhide between them, Debithe painting one half red, while Chanitoe painted the other half black. Having completed painting both sides of the strip, it was placed by Hawkan near the wall of the tipi, at the south and west of the Lodge-Maker. FILLING THE STRAIGHT-PIPE. The secret of the symbolic manner of filling the sacred pipe was, until this year, known only to Hawkan, and was not witnessed by the author in 1901. Hawkan, however, fearing longer to be the sole owner of this right, the privilege, together with the manner of filling the pipe, were consequently transmitted by him to Watanah. The ceremony was performed in the Rabbit-tipi, of course, at about five o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the erection of that lodge. In 1901, the pipe was filled earlier in the day, and should have been filled in 1902 just after the preparation and decoration of the rawhide lariat. Seating himself just south of the skull, he picked up a small bundle, which, up to this time, had been lying by the side of the paints and other paraphernalia south of the skull, which he unwrapped, dis- closing a black stone pipe enveloped in a very ancient looking oriole's nest, frorn which the pipe was removed and placed upon the nest. Hawkan then spread a piece of cloth in front of the pipe, upon which he deposited five pinches of tobacco, placing the first one in the south- east corner, the second one in the southwest, the third in the north- west, the fourth one in the northeast, and the fifth one in the center. 54 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. To each pile of tobacco, following the same sunwise circuit, he then added a small pinch of black paint. Next was added a pinch of red paint to each of the piles. He then, with the first finger of his right hand, shoved each of the four outlying piles to the central pile, beginning with that of the southeast. To the single pile thus formed, he added additional tobacco, and thoroughly mixed the tobacco with the paint. Touching his forefinger to the ground, and then touching his tongue, and taking a bite of root, he spat four times toward the pipe, picked it up, added an old straight stem, circular in shape, in ^cross section, which iie fastened to the bowl, tying it by means of a cord, which, up to this time, had been loosely wrapped around the bowl, and then uttered a prayer. He then rested the point of the stem upon the ground and held the pipe with both hands, with the bowl up. Chanitoe took up a pinch of tobacco, spat toward the bowl, and placed the tobacco inside of the bowl. He did this a second, third, fourth, and fifth time, being careful as he added each pinch to follow the cere- monial circuit, the fifth pinch of tobacco being added to the pipe in the center of the bowl. Hdwkan tamped the tobacco down four times, performing first, however, with the tamper, the five ceremonial mo- tions. He then handed the tamper to Chanitoe, who went through the same performance. The latter gave a piece of tallow to Hdwkan, who rolled it in the black paint. He then spat upon it five times and rolled it into a little ball, with which he touched the rim of the bowl of the pipe five times, beginning on the southeast corner and ending in the center; the mouth of the bowl was thus covered with the blackened tallow. Hdwkan now gave the pipe to Chanitoe, who held it perpendicular to his body, with the bowl up, and pressed it, first on his right breast, and then on the left, then right, then left, and then along the middle line of his body. He then deposited it just south of the buffalo skull, the bowl extending toward the fireplace and the end of the stem rest- ing on the right horn of the buffalo skull. THE CEREMONIAL DIGGING-STICK. In the mean time, Wadnibe, the wife of Hdwkan, left the lodge and returned shortly with a cottonwood billet, about one and one-half inches in diameter and about three and a half feet long. This she fashioned into a digging-stick by decorticating and sharpening it at one end. She then handed it to Waakdtani, who daubed it all over with red paint. Nadseh (Walking-Around), or Grant Left-Hand, a member of the Star society, now brought in a bunch of long, tough grass about two feet in length, which he passed to Hdwkan, who laid it on the ground in front of him. He next took two long pieces of sinew, tied May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 55 them together at one end, and painted one of the strings red and the other black. He then took three small strings of sinew, which he also painted red and black. These he placed with the bunch of grass, and with the long string of sinew he fastened the bundle of grass to the digging-stick. While these long blades of grass were being fastened to the digging-stick, Watdnah and Wdaksenna (Bear's-Lariat) each told a war story, at the conclusion of which they trimmed with the double- edged knife the upper ends of the blades of grass, even with the blunt end of the digging-stick. The digging-stick was now thrust through a large piece of buffalo tallow from the tenderloin, which had first been painted half red and half black. The digging-stick, with its grass and sinew appendage, was now also laid by the side of the buffalo skull. THE CEREMONIAL DIGGING-STICK, 1902. In view of the importance of this object, which occupies such a prominent position among the objects connected with the center-pole, a full description of its preparation during the 1902 ceremony will be of interest. After the completion of the decoration of the buffalo skull, Nishnat^yana brought into the Rabbit-tipi one of the forked sticks used on the previous day in staking out the buffalo. Hdwkan received it and marked upon it the place where it should be cut, in order that it might be of the proper length. He then passed the stick to his wife, who placed it in front of Hdcheni, and knelt, placing her hands upon his head. She then addressed to him a supplication: th/yeh's prayer to h6cheni. "Now, please, old man, be merciful to me! I am about to cut the digging-stick in proper length. I have laid everything aside, because I took pity on the Lodge-Maker, my grandchild. Although I do not know the method of cutting this digging-stick, may I do the act in harmony and sympathy with our Man-Above, in order that the great undertaking may be easy and light for all. Since you are here, old man, you are here as a true representative of the great lodge; may this digging-stick bind us all, that we may succeed in life, and that this lodge may be carried out in good faith, so thdt it may bring for us a gentle blessing from our Father!" Hocheni then touched the ground with the tip of the forefinger of his right hand, touched it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and touched with his finger the five ceremonial points in the palms of her outstretched hands, each motion being accompanied by the usual slight ejection of spittle. He then repeated the latter performance 56 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. on each side of her head, and once in the palms of his own hands, which he rubbed over his head, and once again on the palms of his own hands, which he rubbed down her body. She then took up an axe, and as he spat toward the mark indicated by Hdwkan, where the pole was to be cut, she made the four usual passes, and then touched the pole with the edge of the axe. She then went outside of the tipi and cut the pole at this point. In the mean time, Nishnat^yana had left the lodge and now returned with a bundle of sinew, which he gave to Hawkan. Presently the wife of Nishnat^yana entered, with the digging-stick, which she passed to Hdwkan, who, in turn, gave it to Watdnah, who smoothed its edges with a knife. After the stick had been prepared, the priests on the south side sat in the following order, beginning next the skull: Nishnat^yana, Watanah, Hawkan, Hocheni, Watangaa, Chanitoe, and Debithe. H6cheni passed Hawkan a piece of root. The latter touched the ground with his forefinger, touched it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat in his hands five times, placed the stick and sinew in front of him, and prayed : hAwkan's prayer to digging-stick. "My Father, Man- Above! My Grandmother! I pray you to look down on us! You Four-Old-Men, be merciful to us all! May this great occasion be sincere, and meet with the approval ot the spirits, the messengers of Man-Above! This stick belongs to you; it has been used upon many occasions, and now we again come to you to ask the privilege that the stick, which is the living part of every house- hold, may be made just and holy in your sight. Our old men and women have left us on this earth with poor knowledge of your secrets; so help us to do these things in harmony with you! Let this stick be the upholding power for us, to keep our people in good health here- after! May the making of this digging-stick be an aid to us; may it bind our people together! May love prevail in the tribe! May this great task be light for the Lodge-Maker and for all!" Hdcheni then, after the usual rite, spat upon the stick four times, at the same time making the customary passes toward it with the pipe- stem. At the fifth instance, he touched the stick with the stem and rubbed it back and forth, over both stem and sinew. Hdwkan now took up the sinew and began shredding it, while Watdnah opened the bags of red and black paint. After Hdwkan had torn the sinew into shreds, he gave one to Watdngaa, two to Chanitoe, two to Debithe, and two to Nishnatdyana, while he himself retained two. The priests May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 57 then moistened the sinew in their mouths and smoothed them out and twisted them, Hawkan tying his two together at one end, thus forming a string of double length. A live coal was now passed into the lodge by one of the messen- gers, which was placed in the open space southeast of the skull. Cedar leaves were placed upon ifby Hdwkan. Watanah rubbed some tallow in the red paint, which he smeared thoroughly between the palms of his hands and made the five motions over the rising incense, holding the palms of his hands, first so that the left hand was uppermost and reversing the position of the two hands, the second, third, and fourth time, and at the fifth holding them so that the palms were perpendicu- lar. He picked up the stick, and beginning at the sharpened end, gave it a thorough coat of red paint. Hawkan gave the black paint to Watdngaa and to Chanitoe, who painted four of the sinew strings black. Hawkan and Watdnah painted the other three red, while the double string was painted half red and half black. When the painting of the sinew strings was completed, Hdwkan laid them out in front of him, parallel, the four black ones being at the right side and the three red ones on the left, while the double string was placed between them, with its black end lying diagonally across the black string and the red end diagonally across the red. Hdwkan took up a large bunch of sword grass which had been brought in by one of the priests, and explained to Watdnah, who now stood up and held the pole in front of him, point down, about the method of attaching the grass to the pole. Still standing, Watdnah completely enveloped the pole with the grass, the stems of which projected beyond the pole to the extent of about six inches. The four black sinews were then added to the grass bundle on the south side, while the three red sinews were added on the north. Debithe and Watdnah took the double string and passed it around the pole, wit.h its accompanying grass envelope and the sinews, and tied them in position. Hdwka*n now selected from the remaining bundle of grass three small bunches, which he braided together and tied to the digging-stick, the small end of the braid pointing in the direction of the sharpened end of the stick. The pole was deposited in front of the priests with the point toward the east. Nishchdnakati now related a war story, in which the taking of a scalp played a prominent part. The digging-stick was passed to him, and with a double-edged knife, or dagger, he trimmed off the grass which projected beyond the stick, and passed it to Watdnah, who put it back against the west wall ot the lodge, with the point toward the north, where it was to remain until required on the following day. 58 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE CEREMONIAL SCALP. In connection with the further preparation of the digging-stick occurred an amusing incident in the 1902 performance, at noon on the following day, when as the priests were about to leave the Rabbit-tipi Hdwkan reminded them that all preparations were not yet complete. It has been pointed out before,that this conscientious priest was desir- ous that others should share with him the knowledge and ability to perform the routine rites of the Rabbit-tipi, and on this year, he warned some of his pupils, especially Watdnah and Watdngaa, that he should expect them to be on the alert. They had completely forgot- ten the fact, which they must have observed on previous years, that before the digging-stick could be regarded as complete, it must be thrust through a piece of tallow decorated in a certain manner. Hdwkan had said nothing on this subject on the previous day and had awaited, thus testing his pupils as to their ability properly to conduct the lodge. A messenger, therefore, was sent to one of the tipis in the circle, and soon returned with a large piece of beef tallow, from the tenderloin. Hawkan now instructed Nishnat^yana in cutting out a piece from the tallow, about six inches square. Hdwkan then assumed a position previously occupied by Nishnat^yana, next to the buffalo skull. Hdcheni then moved up nearer the skull, placed the forefinger of his right hand upon the ground, then to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat five times upon the tallow, which had been placed in front of him. A live coal was now placed in front of Hdwkan, Taking the black paint, Hdwkan drew a straight line diagonally across the tallow from east to west. Nishnat^yana drew a similar line parallel to this, with red paint, and painted the half toward the north red. In the mean time, Hdwkan had painted the remaining half black. This side of the tallow was then turned down and Hdwkan painted the other side entirely black. H6cheni again moved forward and took up the knife. He now told a war story, and then cut out a piece of tallow, circular in shape, in the center, thus "scalping" it, in accordance with the war story which he had just related. Hdwkan took the digging-stick and thrust the sharp end of it through this circular incision in the tallow, the latter being so held that the back side was uppermost, while the side painted half red and half black consequently was in the direction of the sharpened end of the stick. It was then replaced in the position it had occupied over night, at the west wall of the tipi. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 59 THE CEREMONIAL KNIFE. A knife of the proper character was not used during the ceremony of 1901, owing to the fact that it was not possible to secure one in the camp. The knife this year was obtained from Burnt-All-Over, a Cheyenne, who gave it to VVaatanakashi and Niwaat. It was brought into the tipi on the morning of the third day and placed with the other ceremonial paraphernalia, south of the skull. Its preparation took place just after the completion of the rites attendant upon the manu- facture of the digging-stick. Hdwkan gave shreds of sinew to Chanitoe, Watdngaa, Watdnah, and Debithe to prepare. Of these, three were painted red and four were painted black, the rite being the same as that used in preparing and painting the sinews for the digging-stick. Waakdtani then brought in a bunch of sage, which he passed to Hdwkan. The latter divided it into seven piles, which he laid in front of him. Two unpainted pieces of sinew were then fastened together at one end and one half was painted black, the other red. The paint bags were then placed south of the skull, by the side of the badger. Watangaa now painted four sage stems black, while Watdnah painted three red. The four black pieces of sage were then placed by the side of the black sinews, and the three red sage stems by the side of the red sinews. Hdwkan 1|hen took up the dagger and held it in front of him, pointing it toward the east. Watdngaa then made four passes with his hands and painted the south side black, beginning with the point of the blade and painting toward the handle. Watdnah painted the north side of the blade red, beginning with the handle and painting toward the blade. Hdwkan took up the black sage and the four black sinews and laid them against the side of the knife painted black, while the red sage and red sinew were placed against the side of the knife painted red. The sage and sinew were then bound in position by means of the double thong. The knife was now deposited on the south side of the buffalo skull, the point being toward the west, with the black side consequently next the skull. The dagger to be used for this purpose should be new, so that all may have new spirits and greater energy, for an old knife has lost its life. THE BUFFALO SKULL DECORATED. Next, Hdwkan took three pieces of sinew and painted them red, and four similar-sized pieces which he painted black, making seven in all, symbolic of the seven periods of the world's history, according to Arapaho mythology. From a large bundle of grass, which had also 6o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, been brought in by Chanitoe, Hdwkan made a large object in a globu- lar form at one end, by bending the blades of grass double, the ends of which were cut off even at one end. This he now painted half black and half red, and placed it in the nasal skeleton of the buffalo skull. In the mean time, Chanitoe had made two similar objects, one of which he painted black and the other red. The black one he placed in the socket of the right eye of the skull, and the red one in the left. Hdwkan, Chanitoe, Waakatani, and Debithe now proceeded to paint the skull. A small black dot was painted on the right side of the skull just in front of the eye-socket. In a corresponding position on the left was painted in red a crescent-shaped design. Along the median line of the skull they next proceeded to paint two lines, one black on the right side, and a red parallel line on the left. The remaining por- tion of the skull was then painted in rows of dots, those on the right being black, while those on the left were red. The painting of the skull was completed by their daubing black paint on the right horn, and red paint on the left. The skull was now replaced in its position west of the fireplace. THE BUFFALO SKULL DECORATED, 1902. This ceremony, as witnessed in 1902, followed the painting of the buffalo robe in the forenoon of the third day. Watanah lifted the Wheel from its support, which was then pulled up and thrust in the ground north of the skull, when the Wheel was replaced. Debithe took up the skull and sat down in the southwest corner of the lodge, placing the skull in front of him. Hocheni then went through the usual motions of touching the ground with his finger, then his tongue, taking a bite of root, spitting five times, and making the usual cere- monial passes with the pipe-stem. Hdwkan provided the usual spruce leaves, which he placed over a live coal near the skull. Watdngaa and Chanitoe then mixed black paint with tallow, given them by Watdnah, while Debithe and Watdnah mixed tallow with red paint. The four made the five ceremonial passes over the incense, having first thoroughly rubbed the palms of their hands in the paint. The two men having the black paint then proceeded to paint a slender line from the anterior part to the back of the skull. Thus the line was said to have been given. The other two, meantime, painted a parallel line in red, but began at the base of the skull and painted toward the anterior end. By this movement the paint was received. These two lines, traversing the entire length of the skull, were on either side of the median suture, the red line being on the left or north side of the suture. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 61 The four next painted a row of parallel dots on either side of these two lines, Debithe and Watdnah painting a row of red dots to the left of the red line, while Watangaa and Chanitoe painted a row of black dots on the right side of the black line. The remaining sur- face of the skull was then filled in with similar dots, those on the right being black, while those on the left were red. Then, at the base of the skull, on the right, was painted a small circle in black, represent- ing both the full moon and the sun, while in a correspondingly opposite position, on the left side of the skull was painted in red a crescent, representing the first quarter of the moon, and also known as the "bowl." Sage then took the Wheel and held it, while Watanah, extending his hands in the direction of the skull four times, picked it up and placed it in its proper position. Then, with four similar motions with his hands, th^ head of the robe was placed over the skull, while the Wheel was again replaced in position, just north of the center of the skull. Further preparation of the skull was deferred until after the dig- ging-stick and the double-edged knife had been ceremoniously deco- rated, when work on the skull was resumed. From a large bunch of "grass" which had already been drawn upon to furnish material for the scalp for the digging-stick, Hdwkan took three bunches, one of which he gave to Watdngaa, another to Watanah, retaining one himself. The bunches were about similar in size, and the method employed in their preparation by the three men was the same, " Watdngaa and Watdnah imitating the movements of Hdwkan. Grasping in his right hand the bundle, which was three inches in diameter, at a point about six inches from the base of the stems, he divided the free ends of the bundle, turning or doubling them back from the center, over that portion of the grass which he held in his hand. He then took a small bundle of stems, which he wrapped around the bundle at this point. Next, the bundle was thoroughly tied with sinew at a point about four inches from the place where the stems were doubled, the free ends then being trimmed off squarely and evenly with a knife, just beyond the point where the stems were tied. Two of the bundles were now inserted in the orbits of the skull without ceremony. It should be noted that owing to the remarkable state of preservation of the buffalo skull (which had been brought from Wyoming by the Lodge-Maker) there still remained over the right eye-socket a piece of skin, which was removed with difficulty. Before attempting to remove it, however, Hdcheni went through the usual 6a Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. performance of touching his finger to the ground, to his mouth, and taking a bite of root and making the four customary passes with the pipe-stem, ejecting spittle at the same time, upon the piece of skin about to be removed. Watdnah now painted the grass bundle in the south eye-socket black, while Watanah painted the one in the north eye-socket red. The nose piece was now inserted. First, however, Hocheni pointed with the pipe-stem and ejected spittle four times, while Nishnat^yana motioned with the grass object four times, before inserting it in place. It was then painted by those two men, Watangaa painting the half on the south side black, while Watdnah painted the half on the north side red. This painting was done without accompanying rites. The buffalo robe, which had been lying back of the skull during this time, was now replaced. THE LODGE-MAKER'S ROBE. It has been stated above that the Lodge-Maker, on the preceding night, when he entered the Rabbit-tipi, wore a buffalo robe. This was now spread out on the floor of the lodge, the hair side upwards, and with the head toward the east. Hdwkan now daubed the upper surface with moist white clay, painting first one half and then the other. On the neck and between the hind legs, he made a crescent- shaped device with thick white earth. These designs represented respectively the sun and moon. He now drew a white line extending outward on each side from both the sun and moon symbols. These lines were symbolic of the Four-Old-Men, who play such an important part in Arapaho mythology. The white paint itself, with which the robe had been treated, in former time was made of the ashes of a buffalo, and is supposed to represent the color of the sun. The robe as now painted is hereafter to be worn throughout the ceremony by the Lodge-Maker. In the mean time, according to instructions, some boys had secured a rabbit, which they had hunted down and captured alive, for it must not be struck with a stone or shot. After the rabbit is taken alive, its breath is pressed from its body, thereby transferring the life- element of the rabbit to its hide. It had been skinned, and the hide was now brought into the lodge. It was cut up into small pieces about two inches square. Hdwkan, Debithe, Chanitoe, Watdnah, and others tied the bits here and there over the robe, with pieces of sinew. The robe bears ceremonial resemblance to the Rabbit-tipi itself. The above account was gathered from Hdwkan, for the decoration of the Lodge-Maker's robe was not observed in 1901. The entire May, T903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 63 performance was witnessed, however, during the ceremony of 1902, and is here given. It is evident from what follows, that the bunches of rabbit fur were preserved from the 1901 celebration. An old buffalo robe, devoid of ornamentation or decoration, was brought into the Rabbit-tipi by Nishnat^yana, grandfather of the Lodge-Maker, oh the morning of the second day, immediately after the cleansing of a certain individual by the Wheel, as has already been described in connection with the account of the Wheel. The robe was passed back to the Lodge-Maker, who used it for a pillow, while the concluding ceremonies of the Wheel were being performed. After the Wheel had been restored to its usual place, Nishnat^yana knelt in front of Hawkan, and placing both hands upon his head, he uttered a prayer. At the same time, the wife of Nishnat^yana knelt in front of Debithe and touched the ground with the tips of the fingers of the two hands, which she then placed on Debithe's head. The latter then placed the tips of the fingers of the right hand on the ground and uttered a prayer, touched the tips of the fingers of his two hands to the ground, then bit off a small piece of root, spat in her hands, which she then rubbed over her body. Thiyeh then held out the extended palms of her two hands close together, while Debithe touched them in the usual ceremonial fashion five times, the last time being in the center of the two hands, spitting into her hands each time, as he touched it. She then sat down just back of the Wheel. Hdwkan now went out and returned with a bunch of fresh wild sage and sat down to the south of Thiyeh, while Nishnat^yana sat down to the south of Hdwkan. The remaining personages on this, the south side, of the lodge, were in order, Nishchdnakati, Chanitoe, Hocheni, and Debithe. Hdwkan now divided the sage into five bundles, which he placed in front of himself. On this bed of sage he placed a leathern sack and some object wrapped in an old piece of calico, both of which he took from their position just south of the skull. Hdwkan now prayed. At the conclusion of the prayer, Nishchdnakati took a bite of root in his mouth and pointed toward the leathern bundle with the pipe- stem, beginning with the southeast corner, then at the southwest, northwest, northeast, and center, spitting toward the bundle each time as he pointed. Thiyeh then opened the leathern bag, which was found to contain the belt, already mentioned in connection with the Wheel, and a small bundle containing pieces of rabbit skin. The belt was replaced in the leathern sack. • Of the pieces of rabbit skin there were many in number, from which Hdwkan proceeded to select seven, which were of especial 64 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. importance, and which he arranged in front of him. The first piece deposited was the tail of the rabbit, and had attached to it a small bunch of red horsehair, and a root known as the "crazy root." The first piece was to form the center or heart of the animal, the tail itself being black, and the red horsehair representing the "fire," as it is called, or the life or blood. The second piece was deposited about three inches in front of this, and represented the nose of the rabbit. Attached to this piece of rabbit skin was a root known as the "comb-weed." The third piece was placed in line with these two, but to the west of number one, and represented the tail of the rabbit. Attached to it was a root known as the "burning root." On each side of this line of the three pieces of rabbit skin were then placed two additional pieces of rabbit skin, forming respectively the fore and hind legs of the rabbit. Attached to the piece representing the right or south fore leg was a bit of root known as "dog root." The root attached to the right or south hind leg was of the plant known as the "old-woman's-travois. " The root attached to the piece representing the fore leg on the left or north side, was of the cockle-burr, while attached to the piece of rabbit skin representing the hind leg was a piece of sage. The buffalo robe was now removed from behind the Lodge-Maker and spread out with the fur side up, in front of the priests sitting on the south side. Nishchanakati now took a bite of root and spat in his hands five times; then taking the pipe-stem, he pointed with it to the center of the robe, spitting at the same time, then at the southeast corner, southwest, northwest, and northeast corners of the robe. He then pointed the end of the pipe-stem promiscuously over the robe. Hdwkan and Chanitoe took a bite of root, and each spat in the palms of his hands five times, according to the usual ceremonial circuit; then they rubbed their hands up and down their bodies and arms and on their heads. Chanitoe then took a bowl containing the so-called "lime-paint" or white clay, and began painting the robe at the southeast corner. Assisted by Hdwkan, he painted a narrow strip, about three inches in width, entirely around the outer edge of the robe. Then they smeared paint over a considerable extent of the center. It is the intention to decorate the robe with the lime-paint accord- ing to the decoration of the old Arapaho ceremonial robe, but of course the decoration bears only a general resemblance to the symbolism formerly employed. Then the two priests attached the seven bunches of rabbit fur to the robe, in the proper position, placing first the heart piece in the center of the robe, the nose piece at the front end of the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 65 robe, and the other pieces in their correspondingly proper positions. Other pieces of rabbit fur were now attached to the robe here and there promiscuously. The limbs of the buffalo are now wrapped, the pieces of fur being likened to the buffalo chips which are used to wrap a baby. Debithe now brought into the lodge live coals, one of which was placed just in front of the forward end of the robe, upon which he deposited a pinch of spruce leaves. After the robe had thus been incensed, it was returned to the Lodge-Maker, who placed it behind him. SYMBOLISM OF THE LODGE-MAKER'S ROBE. Inquiry, after the conclusion of the Sun Dance, brought to light certain interesting information at variance in one or two details from that obtained in the Rabbit-tipi; according to this information the fur of the rabbit is used for the reason that the animals are harmless and clean. The rabbit fur, comprising seven pieces in all, is arranged to represent the picture or symbol of a buffalo bull. In the center of the robe is drawn in white clay, a streak representing a road or path ; a white circular spot in the center of the path represents the sun, the idea being thus expressed that the Offerings-lodge is in progress. Attached to the seven pieces of fur were the seven roots of certain plants, each root being considered the foundation of a certain special lodge, although in each lodge there are generally two or more roots used, one for spittle, to be used upon persons, the other to be used upon objects. In each lodge there is also used the leaves of one or more plants or trees for incense. The arrangement of the roots upon the robe should be, according to my second informant, as in the diagram here given. o ^— ^ Dog root ^—^ Cockle bom ^—^ Main root ^-^ Craiyroot y^^ Strong root y' — \ Lump-bick Too*, Sage 66 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. The following is the symbolic significance of each root: the .dog root, called also Bear's medicine, at the anterior end of the robe, represents purity, protection, and expectation; the crazy root is characterized as a mixture, it takes precedence over all law and order, everything is reversed; sage represents the food of the rabbit, and consequently the fur of the rabbit; main root, when well cooked, induces peace, comfort, quietude; cockle-burr represents the desire to marry, the quest of a wife or of a husband; lump-back root signifies old age; strong root is holy, sacred, good medicine. To illustrate the significance of the symbolism of the cockle-burr, reference was had to a well-known Arapaho myth, to be cited later on in a different connection, of which the following abstract was given: After Nih'a"9a" had been taken out of the river by the women, when he was floating down with the current with an elk skull on his head, and after the skull had been broken in pieces by the women, Nih*a°9a° told the sisters, as he called them, to louse him; so they did. It was a sultry day. Nih'a^^a" laid his head on the women's laps and went to sleep. Seeing that he was fast asleep, the women got up, went away from him, and gathered many cockle-burrs, which they placed in his hair, and left him. As he rolled about, the cockle- burrs adhered tightly, drawing his face out of shape. He soon woke up. His head and face paining him, he placed his hand on his head and found that the cockle-burrs had collected so thickly and were imbedded so tightly in his hair, that he set to work and cut his hair off very close. • Those cockle-burrs were the women swimming in the river; some were swimming when he was at some distance from them; but they were really cockle-burrs. In this sense they wanted him for a husband. Fragmentary information was also obtained as to the special use of certain of the above-mentioned roots in some of the warrior soci- eties, and as the robe, in its widest significance, embraces the lodges of these societies, this information is here given: Offerings-lodge — Spruce and cedar only are used for incense. Strong root and lump-back root are used for spittle. Dog root, main root, sage, cockle-burrs, and crazy root are used on the robe. Water-Pouring or Old-Men's Lodge — The use of the strong root is confined to this and the Offerings-lodge, but the informant had no knowledge of the manner of its use. Sweat-lodge — The dog root is used for ejecting spittle both upon persons and upon objects. Main root only is used for the incense in the "navel." Red and black paints are used for the body; the men carrv rattles and buffalo tails. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 67 • Dog-soldiers'-Lodge — The following brief outline of a myth was given for the origin of the dog root: "The camp-circle moved to another place. A man who happened to be out for game, came to the old camp-ground and found a little dog that was very poor in flesh and about to die. Sympathizing with the poor dog, he led it to the river, but it was so helpless, on account of loss of strength, that he left it and went in search of food for the dog; but failing to find food, he brought over a good-tasting root and gave it to the poor dog. The dog relished the root, and regained his strength. "The dog appreciated the good will of the man, and in return had compassion on him, and sat down and painted the Dog-soldiers' lodge. The dog also gave him directions for erecting the lodge, and the routine of the ceremony; and thus the lodge came into existence." In this lodge the dog root is used for spittle on both persons and objects. Main root, tied to the lariat, is used for incense. Black and red paint are used because the Offerings-lodge contains these colors, and the Dog-soldiers lift the center-pole — carry the burden of the tribe. Club-Board Lodge — Dog root is used for spittle upon persons before they are painted and also upon objects before they are altered. Sage and sweet-grass are used for incense during the painting of the lodge, various colors being used; cockle-burrs are represented at different portions of the body. The buffalo wallow painted like the tallow, already described, half black, half red, made in the center of the lodge, is the emblem of this society. Thunderbird Lodge — Same as the Club-Board; the painting of the body, however, is different. Lime-Crazy Lodge — Dog root is used for spittle before painting and before making weapons. Sage and sweet-grass are used for incense. Crazy root is used to punish misdemeanors, to preserve order, and to heal in certain ways. The root is also tied to Lime- Crazy's robe, to his private robe, to his cap, and bow and arrows. Sweet-grass is used for incense. When the bodies are painted in colors, the image of an owl is made on the front of the body, beginning at the forehead and extend- ing to the lower extremities. The owl is imitated by the men of this society. Since the owl is troublesome to the people, the men behave the same way; but in the color symbolism of the lodge, red is used on the west side, black on the east. Buffalo-Women's Lodge — Dog root is used for spittle, both for bodies and for objects. Sweet-grass is used for incense. Cockle-burrs 68 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. . are represented on the bodies and limbs, for the reason that buffalo bear them on their bodies. Red and black paints are used. In paint- ing the faces of the women, a heart is represented on the forehead, while at the corners of the mouth, horns are represented. A dark line is drawn across the chin, and a dot upon the nose, representing the buffalo calf. Old-Women's Lodge — Dog root is used as in the Buffalo-Women's Lodge. Main root is used for incense. THE SACRED WHEEL PLACED ON ITS SUPPORT. A small willow stick, about three feet in length, was now brought in and handed to Hawkan, who sharpened it at one end and split the other end to a short distance, forming a crotch. Debithe now went after the owner of the Wheel, who upon entering unwrapped the Wheel and placed it in the fork of the willow stick, which was now thrust in the ground in an upright position just behind the buffalo skull. In 1902 the Wheel was brought into the Rabbit-tipi on the first day of its erection, CAPTURE OF A BUFFALO. The time had now arrived when it was necessary to bring in a buffalo hide. It has been above stated, in the account of the preceding day, that a buffalo robe had been staked out on a hill behind the camp. This had been done by Naaseh (Little-Chief) and Hebethengn (Big- Nose). It should have fallen to the lot of old Chief Ndwaht (Left- Hand) to have killed the buffalo and bring its hide back to the camp; but on account of his great age and partial blindness, Heichdbiwa was selected. He started out, consequently, on horseback, with two men of the Star society to show him the way. They arrived where the skin had been erected on the previous night. Heich^biwa made a speech, and then shot at it. The robe was passed to him by the men of the Star society and he returned to the Rabbit-tipi with it. Here he was received by Hdcheni, who took the bridle reins from his hands and offered a prayer. Ndwaht also offered a prayer, told his war story, and received the robe from Heich^biwa. With the assistance of the others, Ndwaht now stretched the skin on the ground. Debithe then brought out from the lodge a live coal on the end of a forked stick and placed it in front of the robe and upon the coal sprinkled spruce twigs. The men then lifted the robe up, and in unison swung it gently towards the rising incense four times, and then passed the robe over the coal until the smoke had thoroughly covered it. They now entered the lodge. PL. XIV. NiSHNATEYANA PLACING BUFFALO ROBE UPON A SCAFFOLD. Second Day, 1902. To the right, and in the background are two of the warrior societies return- ing from the timber with Offerings-lodge poles. 4 Sh^-^''-^'^ Pl. XV. The Capture of the Buffalo. Second Day, 1902. Heich^biwa, mounted upon a horse, offering prayer before the ceremonial capture of the buffalo. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 69 It was now about sundown, and within a short time there were gathered within the lodge, Hdwkan, Hocheni, WanakSyl (Row-of- Lodges), Wdaksenna, Kanathekahade, and many other important participants of the ceremony, both male and female. Fresh fuel was now added to the fire by some of the older warriors, each in turn tell- ing his war story before placing the wood upon the fire. Wanakayl, Kanathekahade, and Waatannak now made some alterations in the buffalo robe, making it ready for use later in the ceremony. CAPTURE OF A BUFFALO, 1902. In the performance of 1902, the ceremonial capture of the buffalo took place just before sundown, also on this the evening of the second day of the Rabbit-tipi. On account ot the scarcity of buffalo robes in the camp, and on account of the feeling on the part of the priests that there should be no substitute for the buffalo robe, for reasons already given, considerable difficulty was experienced in securing a robe which would answer the purpose. As a matter of fact, the priests were finally obliged to resort to two halves of robes, which up to this time, had been used as leanback coverings. These were fastened together along the median edge by means of buckskin thongs. As the time approached for the capture, Nishnat^yana took the robe, together with two forked poles about six feet in height, and a straight pole about eight feet in length, and proceeded to a spot about half-way between the eastern opening of the camp-circle and the Rabbit-tipi. There he placed the uprights in position and in their forks the cross-bar, over which he threw the robe, the head facing the south. (See Plate XIV.) The aged warrior, Heich^biwa, was then placed upon a pony, and a gun was given him. He started in the direction of the buffalo, imitating the movements of spying out an enemy. Having approached it, he charged upon it, then stopped (see Plate XV.), shot it, and went through the movement of scalping it. Nishnat^yana then rode back to the Rabbit-tipi, where he was met by Chief Ndwaht. Taking the pony by the bridle, Chief Ndwaht related a war story, lifted the robe from the horse, and put it upon the ground, the head facing west. A live coal was brought in from the lodge by Nishnateyana, together with a bag of spruce leaves. The coal was placed in front of the robe, and upon it a pinch of leaves. Watangaa and Nishnate- yana, with both hands, picked up the robe by the middle of the back and carried it in a sinuous motion over the rising incense. The head of the robe was allowed to rest for a moment upon the pile of earth 7© Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. lying just to the east of the Rabbit-tipi, made after the preparation of the fireplace on the previous day. Hdwkan now came outside with a rattle and began singing a song, accompanied by Chanitoe and Debithe. The robe was then carried on inside the lodge by Watdngaa and Nishnat^yana. Inside the lodge it was also passed over incense and was deposited on the ground south of the fireplace. Chanitoe then lifted the Wheel from its position and Watdngaa and Nishnat^yana again picked up the robe as before and carried it on, back of the skull, where it was deposited with the head of the robe covering the skull. The Wheel was then replaced upon its support, which was thrust into the ground just to the north of the skull. The newer calico wrappings were thrown over the Wheel and all inside the Rabbit-tipi now left and gathered just outside, where Chief Nawaht told a number of war stories. Later in the evening, when the priests had returned within the Rabbit-tipi, Nishchanakati removed the robe from the position which it had occupied over and back of the skull, and spread it out in the space to the south of the fireplace. Sitting down by the side of it, he then related a war story and began trimming the edge of the robe, saying as he did so, that in that fashion had he forced the enemy to the ground and taken his scalp. In accordance with custom there was now heard, as at many times throughout the Sun Dance and other Indian ceremonies, a number of sharp, piercing cries, uttered by Debithe, and imitative of those formerly uttered by women on the return of the victorious war party. After the robe had been trimmed properly, it was put back in its former position, to the west and over the skull, the tail of the robe reaching the western wall of the tipi. Nishchanakati, in accordance with his privilege, retained those portions of the buffalo hide which had been cut away. These he placed behind him as he took his accustomed seat in the circle. Food was then brought in, the sacrifice made, and the usual feast followed. PAINTING THE BUFFALO HIDE. The decoration of the hide, during the 1902 performance, was deferred until early in the forenoon of the following or third morning, and was done while the Lodge-Maker with his substitute were making the round of the camp-circle collecting presents. Inasmuch, however, as under ordinary circumstances, the decoration of the robe would, presumably, have followed its being trimmed and fashioned in proper shape by one of the priests, the account is given at this place: Wdtanah, who as it will be remembered, was present as a pupil of Hdwkan, and next to him in knowledge of the ceremony, now sat down to the south of the skull, with Hocheni at his right. Holding May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 71 the palms of his two hands in front of H6cheni, the latter touched the tips of the fingers of his right hand to the ground, then to his mouth, bit off a small portion of the root, and spat five times in the hands of Watanah, the ceremonial circuit being followed. Watdngaa then knelt in front of Hoclieni, who went through the same performance with his hands. Watdngaa and Wdtanah then took the hide from behind and over the buffalo skull, where it had been lying during t"he night and placed it in the open space south of the fireplace, the forward end of the hide being directed toward the east. The bags of red paint were next placed in front of Hocheni by Wdtanah, who went through the usual motions, and who touched them and spat upon them and touched them with the pipe-stem five times. Then he rubbed the end of the pipe- stem here and there, at random, over the hide. Debithe, who had also been sitting on the south side, now took up the bag of red paint and untied it, while Chanitoe untied the bag of black paint. Witanah gave to each a piece of tallow, which they thoroughly mixed with the paint. Hawkan then put a live coal in front of the head of the hide and placed upon it spruce leaves. Moving up by the side of the rising incense, Watdngaa now took the black paint and smeared it between the palms of his hands, while Wdtanah did the same with the red paint. With the palms of their hands together, they then held them over the rising incense four times, the left hand being upward first, then the right, then the left, then the right, the hands being held each time in a horizontal position. Then the hands were turned in a perpendicular position, with the thumbs up, and were held over the incense. Watdngaa then painted the anterior half of the robe black, while Wdtanah painted the remainder red. Wdtanah next doubled the robe in two along the median line, folded it, and placed it upon the buffalo skull, the front end of the robe touching the base of the skull. The buffalo skull and robe now constituted a living animal — Young-Bull. With the ceremonial killing of the buffalo, the life-ele- ment is transferred to the hide; this life-element is renewed or revivi- fied as the hide is passed over the incense. With the placing of the robe over the skull, beneath the sage bed of which should be seven buffalo chips, the process of forming an animate being is regarded as complete. The placing of the buffalo chips was omitted in 1902 for the reason that they could not be secured. Occasionally five are used instead of seven. The chips are symbolic of food and are spokenof as the gift of the buffalo to the Arapaho. At the end of the ceremony they are supposed to be transferred by the "grandfather" to the Lodge-Maker, i. e., from an elder to a younger generation. 72 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. EAGLE FEATHERS GIVEN TO YOUNG-BULL. Debbithathat (Cut-Finger) was now heard outside praying to the Four-Old-Men. At the conclusion of the prayer he entered, bringing with him four eagle feathers in his right hand and a filled pipe in his left. On entering the lodge, he gave the pipe to Nishnateyana, who placed it in front of the skull, the bowl being up and toward the north, as usual. The feathers he also gave to Nishnateyana, who put them down, without ceremony, on the head of the robe. Nishnateyana now sat down to the southeast of the skull, while next to him, toward the door, on the south, were Watanah, Debithe, Watdngaa, Chanitoe, Nishchdnakati, and Hawkan. Food was then passed in (the feast having been provided by the wife of Debbithathat) to Thiyeh, who placed it in the usual ceremonial position about the fireplace, the first vessel being placed southeast, the second southwest, the third northwest, the fourth northeast, and the fifth on the east. Watdngaa then turned toward the direction of the buffalo skull and robe and spoke as follows: watAngaa's prayer to young-bull. "Now, Young-Bull, please listen to me. This day, friend (Debbithathat) comes to you with his family and brings to you a bundle of eagle feathers for your headdress; he has furnished the very best, to show his respect and reverence to you. His recent days have been, to a certain extent, in misery and sorrow, and his relatives have had some contentions and troubles. Therefore, I pray you with an earnest heart, that through his gift of feathers you will extend to him and his family'your sympathy. This kind of a gift youconsider as the best; so look up, listen, and answer his prayer! I further pray you that by his earnest gift the whole tribe may multiply, that peace and prosperity may exist in the tribe and among the surrounding Indians, that this day you may be in accordance with our Man-Above, to give us food, water, and particularly to give life for our children, and may you also give us cattle. I ask you that in our every-day walk we may be firm and live with good will toward our white brothers. So now please accept this gift, with the hope that he will be pleased, and that you will tell our Father that we have given you the best. .Come, all you Supernatural-Beings! Look upon this poor and humble servant; be with him and his family, that his daily footsteps may be as light as the Sun, our Grandfather, that he may be protected by Old-Woman-Night, our Grandmother!" Debbithathat now left the lodge and returned at once with his May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 73 wife and child, and. sat down near the door on the north side of the lodge. Nishnateyana now placed a vessel of food in front of Hocheni, who after the usual ceremonial motions, prepared five pieces, which Debbithathat received from him, drawing his right hand from Hocheni's right shoulder to his head, and made the usual offerings to the four directions, placing the last piece in front of the skull. The vessels of food were now passed by the wife of Debbithathat to the wife of Nishnatdyana, who distributed them. At the conclusion of the feast the food vessels, together with the remainder of the food, were removed from the lodge. Then Debbitha- that and his wife and child were cleansed by the Wheel, according to the manner already described at length, the Wheel during the cere- mony being held by Nishnateyana. At the conclusion of this ceremony, and after the Wheel had been "wrapped" and Debbithathat had made a prayer for life and for other material benefits, the bundle of eagle feathers was given him, while he still sat by the side of the skull, which he tied to the forelock of the robe. These feathers may be regarded as a headdress for Young-Bull, and are a token of respect and love — the giver of the feathers is thereby cleansed and blessed. THE BELT AND HEADDRESS REPAINTED. This rite took place, in the performance of 1902, during the after- noon of the third day, on the return of the priests from the location of the Offerings-lodge. Seated on the north side of the tipi, in order, beginning at the west, were Wdtanah, Hawkan, Thiyeh, Chanitoe, Nishchdnakati, and Debithe. Watanah now entered with a new piece of calico, which was spread down in front of Hawkan on top of a blanket. Hdwkan and Watanah both touched the forefinger to the ground, then to the mouth, took a bite of root, and spat five times in the usual ceremonial circuit upon the calico. The leather case con- taining the belt was then laid upon the calico. The wife of Nishnateyana then knelt in front of Nishchdnakati, while the latter prepared her hands by the usual motions and ejection of spittle, that she might remove the belt from its case. Waakdtani, who with the others had been sitting on the north side of the lodge, placed a coal in front of Wdtanah, upon which Hawkan deposited five pinches of incense, beginning on the southeast and continuing in a sun- wise circuit, the fifth pinch being added from the center. Nishehdna- kati then made five ceremonial passes with the pipe-stem over the pack, ejecting spittle at the same time, after having first touched his 74 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, forefinger to the ground, then to his tongue and talcing a bite of root. Hdwkan passed the bag over the rising incense, and gave it to Thiyeh, who opened it, disclosing the sacred belt. This was in the form of an apron of buckskin, about ten inches in width and fourteen inches in length, fastened to a buckskin thong by its upper and narrow edge, by being passed over the thong once and held in position by means of buckskin strings. This thong was really the belt proper and terminated at each end in five strands or fringes, each of which was wrapped with uncolored porcupine quills. The larger piece of buckskin, or apron, also terminated at its base with many strands or fringes, perhaps twenty in number, wrapped also with porcupine quills. At the upper corners of the apron, on each side, were two small loops, about three-quarters of an inch in length; these, also, wrapped with porcupine quills. Hdwkan now offered the follow- ing prayer: hawkan's prayer. "My Father, have pity upon us! Remember that we are your children since the time you created the heavens and the earth, with a man and a woman! Our Grandfather, the Central-Moving-Body, who gives light, watch us in the painting of the belt which our Father directed, as it is before us! Now speak to your servant who is to wear the belt! Look at her with good gifts, and may she do this for the benefit of the new people (children), so that this tribe shall have strength and power in the future! I am poor in spirit, and therefore ask you, Spiritual-Beings, to help us, that this belt may be clean and be an element of mercy for the people. We cannot cease praying to you, my Father, Man-Above, for we desire to live on this earth which we are now about to paint on this occasion. We have given this belt to the sweet smoke for our purity hereafter. May our thoughts reach to the sky, where there is holiness! Give us good water and an abun- bance of food." Wdtanah opened the bag of red paint, from which Hdwkan applied five pinches to the apron, beginning first in the upper and right-hand corner, followed by the lower right-hand corner, then the lower left- hand corner, then the upper left-hand corner, and then in the center, the apron being so placed that the first application of the red paint was in the direction of the southeast. Wdtanah and Thiyeh then applied pinches of red paint in exactly the same manner. Then Thiyeh poured with her thumb and forefinger thin lines of paint here and there over the apron and rubbed them in with her hands. There had also been removed from the leathern case at the time May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 75 the belt was taken out a small bundle, which, when unwrapped, dis- closed two small bunches of eagle breath-feathers, each of which were wrapped at the quill end to the extent of about two inches, with beads, those of one bunch being red, those of the other white. Hdwkan now repainted the red feathers with the red paint, while the white feathers were treated to a coat of the white lime-paint. After these were painted, they were returned to the case. The belt was then folded up and replaced, along with the two headdresses, in the leathern sack, which was placed south of the skull. Hiwkan then divided the gifts of calico and goods between Wdtanah and Watdngaa. SYMBOLISM OF THE BELT AND HEADDRESS. As the belt still lay in its unfolded position, Hdwkan volunteered the information that it represented a woman, the strings of the belt representing the arms, the apron part the body, and the two loops being the eyes. He further explained that it had existed from the beginning, and that it was the foundation of the lodge. Further inquiry elicited additional information concerning the interesting objects. The five little piles of paint first put on the belt not only represented the Four-Old-Men or the four elements of life with the "Central-Moving-Body," but they form also a cross, symbolic of the morning star, the Mother, which comes up in advance of the sun, as the wife of the Lodge-Maker precedes the Transferrer on their return to the Rabbit-tipi, after a rite described in another place. The red paint which is smeared over the belt is symbolic at once of the naked form of a woman and of the red skin of the whole race. While the belt as a whole is symbolic of a woman, it is also typical of the vulva and even of a generalized concept of life-generating power of the race. The wife of the Lodge-Maker wears it to conceal her "cavity." Of the two headdresses, the one with the red bead wrappings represents a female and is to be worn by the wife of the Lodge-Maker. The red is symbolic of the Arapaho race, of purity, old age, and meek- ness, and more especially of the earth with the glow of sunset. The headdress with the blue bead wrappings represents a male and is to be worn by the Lodge-Maker. The blue color has reference to the brightness of the day, of vegetation, a spotless path for all, and espe- cially does it symbolize the sky or Above, as contrasted with the earth symbolism of the other headdress. The two headdresses together were also spoken of as representing male and female birds, also the air and the "soft-breath." 76 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE RAWHIDE DRUM AND NIGHT REHEARSAL. Shortly after midnight, immediately on the return to the Rabbit- tipi of the grandfather and the Lodge-Maker's wife, after an interest- ing rite described later on in the pages of this paper, a Crier was heard outside calling for musicians and a drum. Soon after, some of the Dog-soldiers and several members of the Star society arrived, just outside of the lodge, bringing with them a large drum. Hdwkan took a live coal from the fire with a forked stick, which he placed in front of him. The Lodge-Maker arose from his position and assumed a squatting posture just behind the coal. The folded rawhide was then passed by a messenger inside the lodge to Hawkan, who placed it by the side of the l^odge-Maker. Hawkan then gave a pinch of cedar- leaves to the Lodge-Maker, who held them between his thumb and two fingers of his right hand, holding the leaves in front of his face and resting his elbow upon his right knee. Hawkan then began singing, accompanying the song with the rattle, while Chanitoe beat the Badger-pack as the movement of the song slowly proceeded, the Lodge-Maker keeping time, moving his right hand back and forth in a position parallel to his body. This was continued through the second song. At the beginning of the third song he still kept his elbow upon his knee, but moved his hand in front of the left side of his body, where he again kept time by moving his hand back and forth, out in front of himself, to the movement of the song. In a similar manner the fourth song was sung. At the beginning of the fifth song, the Lodge-Maker moved his hand so that it was held exactly in front of his face, where he again kept time to the song. At the conclusion of the song he deposited the incense upon the live coal. This little episode formed one of the most inter- esting and most beautiful of the entire Sun Dance ceremony, and was exceedingly impressive. The Lodge-Maker now took up the rawhide, motioned it toward the incense four times, then passed it slowly over the coal and walked in a sunwise circuit in front of those sitting on the south side of the lodge. He made four movements with the rawhide toward the musi- cians, who had now entered and taken up a position just south of the door, when at the fifth, he passed the rawhide in among them, where- upon they beat upon it. Other musicians now entered the lodge, crowding around a large drum at the southeast corner. The rattle was passed to the leading Dog-soldier, and they began beating upon the large drum and soon began singing. Niwaat, the actual Lodge- Maker, had in the mean time put on his buffalo robe, with the fur side PL. XVI. Thunderbird Society. Third Day, 1902, The return from the timber with Cottonwood poles to be used in the Offer- ings-lodge. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 77 out, and now arose and stood behind the buffalo skull, where he blew upon an eagle-bone whistle, to the accompaniment of the song. After this performance had continued ior some time, the Dog- soldier singers gave way to the members of other younger warrior societies, who began an informal rehearsal of new and old songs, which was kept up during the greater part of the night. The Lodge-Maker and substitute Lodge-Maker and wife, remained, of course, within the Rabbit-tipi during the night, continuing their fast. RITES OUTSIDE THE RABBIT-TIPL TIMBERS FOR THE LODGE. In addition to the ceremonies which took place either in or in connection with the Rabbit-tipi, were several other events of impor- tance on this day, which must be noted. Several of the younger mem- bers of the Star society and Kit-P'ox society repaired early in the forenoon to the cottonwood grove near the encampment and cut cer- tain of the timbers to be used in the erection of the great Offerings- lodge. Of these they cut several forked sticks to be used as uprights, a number of poles to be used as cross-bars and also a few poles which were to be used as rafters of the lodge. In connection with the cut- ting and bringing in of the poles was a certain amount of hilarity, mingled with formal ceremony. This feature of the ceremony received much greater attention in the 1902 performance than on the previous year. Apparently, nothing could have exceeded the spirit of happiness which prevailed through- out the camp-circle on both the second and third days, as the various warrior societies, dressed in their best, and mounted on their painted ponies, and accompanied by their wives or sweethearts, made repeated trips to the timber, returning with poles for the lodge. Ordinarily, on entering the camp-circle, they would pass entirely around it, in a sunwise course, singing and crying with joy at the top of their voices. When they had gained the point of the circle at which they had entered, they would pass to the center of the circle, where they would leave their pole and return again to the timber. (See Plate XVI.) LOCATING THE CENTER-POLE. A still more important event of this day was the location of a suitable tree to be used as the center-pole in the Offerings-lodge. This, naturally, is the most important pole ot the great lodge, and in connection with its location and transfer to the scene of the lodge there were several interesting rites. The duty of the selection 78 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, of the pole falls by custom not only to the most famous warriors of the tribe, but to those few who have served as scouts and have been suc- cessful in raids against the Pawnee. Four such men are usually chosen to locate the pole, but it was found that there was only one Arapaho who filled the requirements, viz., Heich^biwa. Two Cheyenne, who were encamped near by and who were known to possess the requisite qualifications, were asked to assist Heich^biwa. One of these was Wolf-Face; the name of the other was not ascertained. Horses were furnished these three men, which were painted by them as their own horses had formerly been painted when about to go on the war-path. Each of the old men was also furnished with a lance and a gun. Thus equipped, they started out toward the Cottonwood grove, where, for convenience, certain members of the Star society had already selected the most suitable tree for the purpose that they could fitid. One of these young men, Nadseh, who knew the location of the pole, accom- panied the three old warriors. As they approached the tree they pre- pared to charge upon it as upon the enemy, and after certain movements, shot at it. The members of the Star society who had been dancing in front of the Rabbit-tipi now knew that the center-pole was located. In the mean time, members of the Star society had set up a tripod in front of the lodge and had covered it with grass. The three old warriors now returned to camp, but just before entering the camping- circle, they set up a cry like that of wolves (Pawnee, who are called wolves or coyotes), whereupon the members of the Star society charged upon them and went through the performance of counting coup and taking scalps. The warriors then proceeded to the Rabbit-tipi, where they were received by Hdcheni, who received the reins from Heich^biwa's hands and offered a prayer for the victory. Heich^biwa then related his war story, telling how in his earlier days he had actu- ally successfully spied out the Pawnee. Then the two Cheyenne followed with their war stories. They now entered the Rabbit-tipi, where they remained for a short time; then all dispersed except those who had duties to perform in the Rabbit-tipi, the head men of the different companies, as has been related above, having first asked the members of their societies to meet in certain tipis for the purpose of arranging and talking over plans for the following day. THE OFFERINGS-LODGE LOCATED. This ceremony was not witnessed in the 1901 performance. Immediately after the completion of certain rites in the Rabbit-tipi, on the third day of the 1902 performance, Hdwkan, Watdngaa, May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsev. 79 Debithe, Wdtanah, Waakatani, and Kinathekahade left the Rabbit-tipi and proceeded to a place about one hundred feet east of the Rabbit- tipi, where the various poles to form the Offerings-lodge, had been thrown promiscuously. From one of the cottonwood trees Hdwkan cut five small boughs about three feet in length, sharpening one end of each. They all now seated themselves in a semicircle, facing the east. Hdwkan touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground and then touched his tongue, took a bit of sage into his mouth, spat into his hands five times, and prayed : hawkan's prayer. "My Father, Man- Above, we are sitting here on the ground in humble spirit and of poor heart, and ask your tender mercy upon us, one and all. Through the merits of your children who taught us this law of the Sacred-Offerings-lodge which we are about to locate, may we do it in such a manner as to obtain your favor and increased good spirit, to the end of the lodge! Give to us all your spirit and abun- dant mercy, and let us unite in one spirit toward you, who made us and ordered these things! My Grandfather, the Light-of-the-Earth, please look down this day upon your poor and needy people, that whatsoever they may do in their behalf may be pleasing to you! Now, my Mother-Earth, take pity on me, poor creature, and guide me straight! Let me do these things right, in the way your servants used to do!" Arising, he thrust one of the five cottonwood sticks into the ground, which marked the spot where later was to be erected the center-pole of the lodge. Placing his heel against this stick, he walked with slow, lengthened step in the direction of the sunrise, halting at the seventh step. This marked the eastern door, the entrance to the lodge. He then retraced his steps to the central stick, and walked seven steps to the west, which marked the western upright. Then he retraced his steps again, and proceeded seven steps to the north, then seven steps to the south, thrusting at each cardinal point one of the cottonwood sticks. The author's attention was then called by Hdwkan to the fact that the sticks thus placed, formed a cross, symbol of the morning star. Th,e priest then returned to the Rabbit-tipi, while the Lime-Crazy soldiers and others began digging the holes and otherwise preparing for the great lodge. 8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THIRD DAY, 1901; FOURTH DAY, 1902. This day corresponds to the fourth day of the 1902 performance. The ceremonial paraphernalia has now all been prepared within the Rabbit-tipi, the poles and supports of the great lodge have been secured, and the center-pole has been located. There now remains to be described the capture of the center-pole, the erection of the Offer- ings-lodge proper, and the transfer of the sacred paraphernalia to the new lodge from the old, with the final desertion of the latter. THE CENTER-POLE CAPTURED. While certain of the priests were performing a few minor rites in the Rabbit-tipi, others started for the cottonwood grove to bring in the center-pole, the cutting and transfer of which were attended with interesting ceremonies. The Dog-soldiers went out with their leader, Nishikdnawke (White-Antelope), at their head, carrying a pipe. With them was the high priest, Hocheni, Waanibe, and Chaiii. Having arrived at the particular tree, which had already been selected, and which had been ceremonially captured, Hocheni lighted his pipe, smoked, and then passed the pipe to the other leaders present. Hocheni then uttered a prayer, and the two women with assistance from some of the men, chopped the tree down. Usually, during this performance, the Dog-soldiers sing to the time of the beating of a drum and the telling of war stories. While the tree was being felled, the Kit-Fox and Thunderbird societies joined them, and as soon as the tree had fallen and had been trimmed, the men of the Dog-soldier society fastened ropes to the forks and dragged it up toward the camp-circle, where ensued a sham battle between the Dog-soldiers on the one hand, and the men of the Star, Thunderbird, and Kit-Fox societies on the other. The Lime-Crazy society should also have joined in this battle, but they had not been warned in time, and conse- quently were not present. The pole was then dragged to the center of the camping-circle by the Dog-soldiers, who as they walked, blew on a long eagle-bone whistle. It was now about three o'clock. While the center-pole was being brought in, other members of the Dog- soldiers had made an excavation for it, and trimmed the other poles for the lodge, which had been brought in on the previous morn- ing by certain women's societies. PL. XVII. Ghost Dance Costumes. Fourth Day, 1902. Members of one of the warrior societies arrayed in Ghost dance costume of painted buckskin, about to start to the scene of the rites connected with the cap- ture of the center-pole. • 1 FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVIII. PL XVIII. D0Q-80LD1ERS EN ROUTE TO THE SCENE OF THE CAPTURE OF THE Center-pole. Fourth Day, 1902. Fig. I. In front are four leaders of the Dog-soldier society, dressed in the costume of the society. Fig. 2. Musicians of the Dog-soldier society. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 81 THE CENTER-POLE CAPTURED, 1902. As the time approached, during the ceremony of 1902, for the formation of the procession to go after the center-pole, the priests within the Rabbit-tipi decorated their faces and hair with red paint. Hawkan, the Lodge-Maker's substitute, and Nishnat^yanahad informal talks inside the lodge. The substitute Lodge-Maker left his position, and beginning at the priest next to the door, on the south side, placed his hands upon his head and wept, and then passed on around, repeating this performance over each priest, finally weeping over the skull and Wheel. He was followed by the Lodge-Maker, who went through exactly the same' performance. Then the pipe made the ceremonial circuit four times. Food was brought into the lodge, the sacrifice made, and the priests indulged in the usual feast. In the mean time, various warrior societies had been making prepa- ration. They could now be heard passing to and fro about the circle, all gayly costumed, and mounted on their painted ponies, each com- pany singing appropriate songs. (See Plate XVII.) The Dog-soldiers had gathered just outside the Rabbit-tipi, where under a canvas shelter they were singing songs and awaiting the appearance of the priests. Finally, the feast was concluded within the Rabbit-tipi, the food vessels were passed out, and the priests made their appearance. The procession was then formed, and started off in the southeast direction toward the place where the center-pole had been located and ceremonially captured two days before. Walking at the head of the procession was Nishchdnakati, bearing an eagle-wing fan; behind him were seven Dog-soldiers abreast, each wearing appropriate Dog-soldier costume, including the eagle-bone whistle. (See Fig. i, Plate XVIII.) Four of them had the peculiar Dog-soldier rattles. Next came the musicians, surrounding and carrying a large drum. (See Fig. 2, Plate XVIII.) Next in line were several priests, walking abreast. Imme- diately behind these were eight women, including the Peace-Keeper, the \yife of the Lodge-Maker, the wife of the grandfather, pupils in the Sun Dance, and those who were to cut the center-pole; then followed the Kit-Fox and Thunderbird societies, mounted on horses, many of them carrying small drums. At the side of the line rode Nakadsh (Sage), with a black rattle. His presence may be explained by the fact that he knew the location of the center-pole, and went along in the capacity of guide or scout. In this fashion they filed across the plain, beyond the camp-circle, crossed the river, and entered the Cottonwood grove and halted just south of a tall, straight, forked Cottonwood tree, which had been selected for the center-pole. The 82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. warrior societies now hurried forward on their horses, made a charge against the tree, shooting at it, counting coup, and ceremonially "killing it." Nishchdnakati went up to the tree, embraced it four times, calling upon Man-Above for a blessing to the people, while the warrior societies and Dog-soldiers formed in groups and sat down to the south of the tree. Handtchawdtant (Black-Bull) now carried a filled pipe to Nishchdnakati, asking him to offer a prayer for the people. The priest then got up, and holding the pipe in front of him, prayed : NISHCHANAKATl's PRAYER. "In former years, your faithful servants gave away to the Medi- cine powers, robes, clothing, eagle feathers, and many shells. For your continued mercy and daily protection on the people, for the benefit of the tribe, we are obliged to recall those holy events, for we are young and are lacking in the knowledge of ceremonies. Whatever you old priests and old women did at these times, and what you said upon these occasions, may we do and say exactly the same to-day. We are constantly crying for help, that we may be relieved from hard- ship and kept free from evil. You Old-Men conducted these cere- monies according to laws of your Father, and so we ask you to repeat our prayer to him, to give us what things we need in life. It is the desire of all that prosperity shall prevail hereafter, for our having lived up to our belief. Although the game is gone, which makes it hard for us to carry out our lodges, may whatever we place for substi- tutes be pleasing to our Gods, and may we receive temporal blessings. "Our Father, Man-Above, your children have selected me recently for their servant for this occasion, hence I have called upon you for guidance and direction. This I have done, and now they give me a pipe to go with them and to get this tree, to get a great good; and we request earnestly that by the cutting down of it every one will have a good future and be free from sickness and trouble. Here is the pipe, which you have given us as a token of great love. Make us to love each other better and let there be good deeds and actions among these poor starving soliders! Look upon these Dog-soldiers! Please give them long life, and may their work to-day be a true example to others! Give them good music, and let them carry this tree to the center in safety! Have mercy upon us all and cause us to arise in safety! Keep our footsteps straight, and may this day be a profitable one for us all! And above all, let the nation increase, so that your holy cere- monies may be kept up! May we fight and conquer the evil! Thus we ask, and request you to answer." May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Porsey. 83 He then touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground and placed it to the tip of his tongue, took a bite of root, and ejected spittle five times in the palms of his two hands. He then held the pipe in front of him, the bowl pointing upward. He then held the pipe out with the bowl pointing toward himself, holding it on his two sides perpendicularly, first on his right side, then on his left, then right, then left, and then along the median line of his body. He then placed the pipe in front of him, pointing the stem toward the ground. Handtchawdtan! now came up, and drawing his right hand down Nishchdnakati's arm four times, rubbed his right hand over the latter's right, the latter motioning the pipe toward him four times, and giving it up to HanatchawatanI, who lighted it. The Sun Dance priests had now formed in a crescent-shaped line with Nishchanakati at the end on the west, Hanatchawatan!, who had just received the pipe, being next to him, on his right. After the pipe had been lighted, it was passed unsmoked to the last man of the line at the right or east end, who smoked for a few moments, and then the pipe was passed down the line toward the west, each man, after passing the pipe, rubbing his hands together, then over his body, head, and face. The pipe was then passed unsmoked back to the east end of the line, and then again traveled toward the west end, being smoked by each one in turn. Hissdhnihani (Yellow-Woman), during this second smoking of the pipe, stood, lifted up her hands, and uttered a prayer, Nischdnakati touched his finger to the ground, then to his tongue, and took a bite of root, touched her hands five times, ejecting spittle at the same time. Then he spat on each side of her head and in his hands, which he rubbed on her head, and again in his hands, which he rubbed on her breast. After the pipe had reached Nishchdnakati, he emptied it and cleansed it in the usual ceremonial fashion, when HandtchawdtanI received it and sat down in his place. Hissehnihani then stepped in front of Nishchdnakati and placed her hands on his head. It had been her intention to cut the center-pole, but owing to indisposition, she was unable, and was compelled to secure a substi- ute. This woman, Wadhsandhi's (Charcoal's) wife, now came up, together with another woman, Hdgo's (Rat's) wife, who was to assist her, both standing in front of and asking a blessing from Nishchdna- kati, who repeated his former performance with Hissehnihani in connection with both of them. Nishchdnakati arose and proceeded to the tree, carrying a pipe- stem and accompanied by three old women, each of the women carry- 84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. ing an axe. Nishchdnakati uttered another prayer (see Plate XIX.), and Baihoh was led up by Wdtanah to the side of Nishchdnakati. Here he uttered a prayer and was then led back to his position among the Dog-soldiers. The three women then stepped back a few feet, while Nishchdnakati again prayed, all making a peculiar noise at the end of the prayer. He then stepped up to the tree, ejected spittle, and moved the pipe-stem toward it slowly, four times, the three women making similar passes with the axe, all touching the tree at the fifth movement. (See Plate XX.) Hiss^hnihani struck the tree once or twice and retired in favor of the wife of WaaksSnna, and Wdshieh (Ugly), who in an incredibly short space of time, felled the tree. (See Plate XXI.) During the labors of the two women, there was singing, accompanied by the beating of a drum, on the part of the Dog-soldiers, and loud yelling and shouting and the war-whoop on the part of the other warrior societies. As the tree fell with a crash toward the north, all gave a wild shout, rushed up toward the tree, touching the stump (thus counting coup), rubbing their arms and breasts, and then proceeding on toward the branches of the tree, where each broke off a small branch. Then the warrior societies rode up and counted coup in a similar manner. Hitantuh (Strikes-First) then stepped off five long paces from the fork of the tree, down toward the base. At this point the two women again cut the tree. (See Plate XXII.) Then they cut off the forks at the proper place, and the tree was ready to be transported to the center of the lodge. THE CENTER-POLE TAKEN TO THE CAMP-CIRCLE. According to the laws of the ceremony, the tree should have been dragged with ropes in the hands of the Dog-soldiers, but on account of the density of the cottonwood grove and the steep banks of the river which it was necessary to cross, this was not possible. It should further be stated that the tree was of unusual size, although straight, and well adapted for the purpose to which it was to be placed. It was therefore loaded on a wagon by the Dog-soldiers, there being much shouting during this time, especially as they began lifting upon the tree, the shouting being acccompanied by the blowing of eagle-bone whistles. The men began to start back toward the camp. Just as they crossed the river (see Plate XXIII.) and gained the bank on the side of the camp-circle, they were met by the Star and Lime-Crazy societies (see Plate XXIV.) who opposed them, and there now ensued between themselves, on the one hand, and the Kit-Fox, Thunderbird, and Dog-soldier societies, on the other, a very interesting sham battle. (See Plates XXV. and XXVI.) PL. XIX. Preliminary Rite before Cutting the Center-pole. Fourth Day, 1902. Beginning with the left, Nishchandkati, uttering a prayer, Yellow-Woman, i Wdshieh, and wife of Wddks6nna. . Pl. XX. NiSHCHANAKATI TOUCHING THE TREE WITH THE PiPE-STEM. Fourth Day, 1902. The women follow similar movements with the axe preparatory to cutting the tree. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XX. try~^KJr^: Pl. XXI. Wife of WaaksEnna and Washieh, Chopping down the Tree for the Center-pole. Fourth Day, 1902. Pl. XXII. Wife of Waaksenna Cutting the Tree into Proper Length for the Center-pole. Fourth Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN^MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXII. Pl. XXIII. Dog-soldiers Transferring the Center-pole across the River. Fourth Day, 1902. Pl. XXIV. Before the Sham Battle. Fourth Day, 1902. The Star and Lime-Crazy societies on the near side of the river bank, await- ing the arrival of the Dog-soldiers and other societies for the sham battle. PL. XXV. The Warrior Societies, after the Sham Battle, Fourth Day, 1902. i %Gf:J dr^n PL. XXVI. After the Sham Battle. Fourth Day, 1902. Thunderbird society, with other warrior societies in the background, each warrior being armed with a ceremonial lance. PL. XXVII. Erecting the Offerings-lodge. Fourth Day, 1902. Members of the Dog-soldier society, unloading the center-pole at the site of the Ofiferings-lodge. PL. XXVIil. Erecting the Offerings-lodge. Fourth Day, 1902. Placing in position the outer forked poles: Dog-soldiers directing the work. PL. XXIX, Erecting the Offerings-lodge. Fourth Day, 1902. The cross-beams being lifted into place. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXX. Pl. XXX. The Paint of the Lodge-Maker'S Wife. Wife of Niwaat, as painted in the Rabbit-tipi, preparatory to the rite of decoration of the lodge-poles; her costume consists of a bufifalo robe, unpainted, and belt. .XXX .jq -'•)gboI 9f!! ' May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 85 At the conclusion of the battle, the procession, including the priests and Dog-soldiers, surrounding the tree, slowly passed up toward the center of the circle, the entire line halting four times on the way, each pause being accompanied by dancing and singing, where the tree was unloaded. (See Plate XXVII.) BUILDING THE OFFERINGS-LODGE. In connection with the bringing in of the poles which were to be used as uprights and for other purposes in the lodge, it may be stated that, ordinarily, as they are brought in by the different companies, before being taken to the center of the circle, they are dragged entirely around the circle, sometimes outside and sometimes inside, the com- pany singing all the while, and being greeted by their friends along the way. In the 1902 ceremony the performances attendant upon bringing in miscellaneous timbers, uprights, etc., for the lodge, were more impressive and interesting than those of the_ preceding year. On up to noon of the fourth day, poles and boughs for the sides of the lodge were still being brought in and deposited in the neighborhood of the place selected for the lodge. All the forenoon, other members of various warrior societies were trimming the poles and digging the holes. Immediately after the noon meal they began to place in position the uprights, cross-pieces, and rafters, so that by four o'clock the lodge was complete except for the center-pole and the four rafter-beams, which were to be painted. (See Plates XXVIII., XXIX., and XXX.) During the work, the Dog-soldiers gathered under a shelter arbor near by, and sang to the accompaniment of the beating of the big drum, thus, as they said, encouraging and making lighter the labors of those working in building the lodge. When the work was completed, all gathered in groups, awaiting the appearance of the priests, Lodge-Maker, and others from the Rabbit-tipi. FINAL RITES IN THE RABBIT-TIPI. While these active preparations are going on for the erection of the great lodge, and while still other bands of women were bringing in Cottonwood boughs, willow brush, etc., to be used in the erection of the lodge, certain preparations have been taking place in the Rabbit- tipi. It was first necessary to complete the preparation of the buffalo head which had been brought in from the field on horseback by Heich^biwa. Yahiise brought in several black-tipped eagle feathers and two shell discs or gorgets. These, it was said, represented an 86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. offering or sacrifice on his part and were akin to a prayer for blessing. Inasmuch as Yahiise was blind, Chanitoe took these objects from Yahiise and fastened the two discs to the buffalo robe on the head, while the eagle feathers were fastened just in front of the discs. In the forepart of the head of the robe were then made two large slits. THE "PACKED" BIRD. In connection with the preparation of the medicine water at the termination of the dance, the absence of a Certain bird will be noted in the account to be given later on. Special effort was made during the ceremony of 1902 to secure this bird, and although many had been warned to look after and bring it into camp, and although careful search was made among the tipis of the camp-circle, as well as among the tipis of the visiting Cheyenne, the priests were not able to secure it. In order that it might be ceremon-ially represented, at least, in the 1902 performance, Hawkan, early in the morning of the fourth day, brought into the lodge a small cottonwood stick about three feet in length, split at one end and sharpened at the other, having gone through the usual rite before splitting it. On entering the lodge, he proceeded to the buffalo skull and inserted the sharpened end into the ground just south of the forward end of the skull. It was so placed that the fork extended in an east and west direction. In the fork he then placed a small bunch of sage, representing the bird. The author's attention was called to the fact by Hawkan, that if the bird had been in its proper position, it would have faced the north, thus overlook- ing the skull and Wheel. THE DIGGING-STICK PREPARED. The preparation of this stick was not witnessed in the 1901 per- formance. In 1902, immediately on the return of the priests to the Rabbit-tipi, after the bringing in of the center-pole, Thiyeh entered the lodge, bearing the second of the two forked sticks, used on a previous occasion in connection with the rites attendant upon the capture of the buffalo. Placing the stick in front of Hocheni, with her hands upon his head, she uttered a short prayer, whereupon he touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground, then touched his tongue, took a bite of root, spat toward the digging-stick four times, pointing at the same time with the pipe-stem, the fifth time indicating directly upon the stick the place where it was to be cut. She now took the stick outside to cut it at this point, and soon returned with it, passing it to her husband. There then followed the usual ceremonial smoking of the pipe, it making the circuit four times. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 87 HEALING CEREMONY WITH THE WHEEL, 1902. Although this rite has been fully described in connection with the account of the Wheel, it may add to the completeness of the detailed account of the ceremony to note that at about noon of the fourth or last day of the Rabbit-tipi, a man by the name of HaanI (Mountain), together with his wife and two sick children, entered the lodge, Ha^nl bearing in one hand a filled pipe, and in the other a piece of calico. There was the usual preliminary performance, the ceremonial smoking of the pipe, the introduction of the feast, the sacrifice of food, and the partaking of food. Then Haanl, with one of his children in his lap, followed by his wife with the other child in her lap, was cleansed by the Wheel. It was noticed that on this occasion, as the Wheel was placed to the mouth, the head of the snake was directed south, the Wheel being placed to the mouth four times. Then came the usual offering of the calico with the accompanying prayer, and the final wrapping of the Wheel. The rite was performed just before the painting of the Lodge- Maker and his companions for their final departure from the Rabbit- tipi. The healing rite, requiring, as it does, nearly an hour for its performance, delayed the afternoon rites of the painting, and conse- quently the final preparations at the Offerings-lodge. That this might not occur, Hawkan protested against allowing HaanK to "wrap the Wheel," but the latter was so earnest in his desire, and pleaded so strongly, that he. was given the privilege. THE PRIVILEGE OF PAINTING THE CENTER-POLE. This, together with certain other privileges, belongs naturally to the Lodge-Maker of the ceremony. For reasons already explained, there were, in reality, two Lodge-Makers in 1902. On account of certain physical infirmities which he believed he could remedy, Yahiise, already alluded to a number of times in the early pages of this paper, desired also the privilege of assisting in the painting of the center- pole, as well as, later on, of "wearing the Lodge-Maker's paint." He therefore entered the lodge in the forenoon of this day, bearing a filled pipe. Proceeding to Nishnateyana, he handed him the pipe and placed his hands upon his head and wept — a supplication that he might be allowed the privilege of the paint. The substitute Lodge-Maker at this time also went through a similar performance. Yahiise's pipe was now passed to Hocheni, who, holding it by the stem with both hands, the bowl of the pipe being upwards, motioned it toward the southeast, 88 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. southwest, northwest, northeast; then reversing it, pointed the stem to the above and to the below, then toward the fireplace, then toward the Wheel. Yahiise now should have received the pipe and lighted it, but being blind, this rite was done by Wadtanakashi. The latter approached Hdcheni, and drawing his right hand down Hocheni's arm, received the pipe from him, took it to the fireplace, lighted it, and returned it to Hocheni, who again made the ceremonial move- ments with the pipe, this time pointing with the stem instead of the bowl. The pipe was then passed around the circle, according to the usual manner of procedure, each priest, as he received the pipe, taking four puffs. The pipe made the circuit four times. The substitute Lodge-Maker's pipe was then also passed to Hocheni to be smoked. The method of lighting the pipe, etc., was practically the same as just described. One or two points of differ- ence were noted, however, which may have been carelessness on Hocheni's part, owing to his great age. First, he touched the fore- finger of his right hand to the ground, then to his tongue, took a bite of root, and pointed with the bowl toward the four directions. He then reversed the pipe, and pointed with the stem upwards, toward the east, toward the fireplace, toward the Wheel, and then toward the earth. He then took a pinch of tobacco from the pipe and deposited it upon the ground in front of him, puffed upon the unlighted pipe four times, whereupon it was received by the owner and smoked, as had been the preceding pipe. Each pipe, after having made the circuit of the lodge four times, was returned to Hocheni for cleansing. After having removed the ashes from the pipe, in a manner already described several times in the previous pages of this paper, he held the pipe in his left hand with the point of the stem downward, touched his right hand upon the ground, then, beginning with the bowl, he rubbed down along the pipe with his right hand, transferred it to his right hand, made a similar motion with the left, again placed the pipe in the left, and made a similar motion with the right, thus cleansing it. As the pipe was received from him, the owner, in each case placed his left hand upon the pipe and drew his right hand down Hdcheni's arm four times. Then, placing his right hand upon Hdcheni's right hand, the latter motioned the pipe toward him four times, slowly releasing the pipe. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 89 THE LODGE-MAKER PAINTED, 1901. It was how announced from the outside that preparations were complete for the beginning of the erection of the lodge, and those inside the Rabbit-tipi prepared to leave. Debithe now painted Thihauchhawkan white from head to foot, his body being naked except for a loin-cloth. Hawkan painted Waatu (Warrior), and Chanitoe painted Bihata (Black-Hat), in a similar manner, while Sosoni and Waanibe painted Biba, the wife of the Lodge-Maker, red. The Lodge-Maker and the two dancers carried the regular Sun Dance whistles of the wing bone of the eagle, wore an eagle breath-feather in their hair, and now put around the loins a buckskin kilt. Biba wore only a- buckskin shirt. The white paint of the Lodge-Maker repre- sented the wish, employed by all acts during the ceremony, for long life, while the red paint of the woman was symbolic of the earth, which she here represented. The presence of Waatu and Bihata on this occasion was entirely voluntary on their part, although it should be stated here that they were two of the number of the dancers after the completion of the lodge. THE LODGE-MAKER AND ASSOCIATES PAINTED, 1902. The details of the rite were carefully noted during the 1902 per- formance, and are here introduced as supplementary to the account given the author by Hawkan of the rite as it took place in the cere- mony of the previous year. All preliminary rites and preparations had been completed in the Rabbit-tipi, while the great lodge outside was erected and only awaited the arrival of the priests for its completion, for it now lacked only the center-pole and four of the rafters. The substitute Lodge-Maker was the first to leave his position in the circle, and took a position in front of Hocheni, Chanitoe supplied the coal and accompanying incense for Hocheni, who proceeded to apply the preliminary paint, or "poul- tice," as it is called. This rite was exactly similar to that employed by Hdcheni on painting the same individual on the previous day, before the Lodge-Maker set out to collect the offerings from his friends in the camp-circle, and consequently need not be again described. He then, taking the cup of lime paint, passed it over near the door, where he proceeded to apply a thick coat over his body, from head to foot. Next came Yahiise, and then the Lodge-Maker himself, both at the conclusion of the application of the "poultice" applying an even coat of the lime paint over their bodies. The three now sat down facing, respectively, Hawkan, Nishnateyana, and Chanitoe. 90 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. At this time, Wahiibahu (Bear-Track), came in bearing an eagle- bone whistle. This individual was to fast and dance during the coming ceremony in the great lodge, and though he was not to wear the Lodge-Maker's paint throughout the ceremony, he, for some reason not learned by the author, was on this day to bear the Lodge-Maker's paint. Without further ceremony he placed himself in front of Watangaa, who painted him in the manner about to be described for the other three. Hdwkan offered the following prayer: hAwkan's prayer. "It is this time of day, my Father, Man- Above, that we call upon you for your assistance. We are helpers in every way; so, my guard- ians, Four-Old-Men, listen, watch, and guide me aright! Your first painting of our former children I am going to imitate, for the cleans ing and purifying of sins and sickness. Will you please give us good days during this ceremony! Let this paint which we are about to use upon these young children be the light of this tribe! Let your roads of good prospects shine upon us! Give more light during the day for vegetation, for our stock, for ourselves! My dear ancient Grand- fathers, Grandmothers, Rabbit-tipi People, Sun Dance Lodge-Makers, Sun Dance Old-Men, Sun Dance Old-Women, Sun Dance Children — let your spirits come closer to us! Guide us straight, that we may do works in harmony with you! I know that I am young, but this was the way which you showed me, and it is the desire that this lodge, about to be made, shall be the painting (cleansing) for all people and that it will bring prosperity and happiness." Hdwkan, Nishnatdyana, and Chanitoe now proceeded to apply the decoration to the three dancers, over the coat of white paint. First, was made on each one, a black line about the left wrist and about the left ankle. Similar circular bands were then made about the right wrist and ankle. Next, a black band was drawn about the face, passing across the middle of the chin, through the middle of the forehead, and over the most prominent part of the cheeks. Then a solid circular design, about three inches in diameter, was drawn upon the breast, and a crescent-shaped line on the back of the left shoulder. The lines on the arms and ankles were now connected to the symbol on the breast by straight lines, which passed from the wrists, up to the arms, over the shoulders, down to the breast symbol, then on down the sides of the body, and so on down to the ankles. On the top of the circle on the breast, and also upon the center of the fore- head just above the black line encircling the face, was drawn a small design representing a human being. Under the eyes were drawn tear May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsev. 91 symbols, and on the nose was the usual black dot, the symbol of the buffalo calf. The circle on the breast was said to represent the Grandfather, the Sun, with its radiating paths leading to the four corners of the earth, viz., the circles about the wrists and ankles, which also were said to represent suns, and also the Four-Old-Men. This paint is known as the "rain paint." At the conclusion of the decoration of the bodies of these four individuals they returned to their position on the northwest side of the circle and began to put on their costumes. First, each put on a buck- skin kiltj then the eagle breath-feather in the hair, while about their neck they placed a buckskin thong bearing the eagle-bone whistle. The head ornamentation of the substitute Lodge-Maker consisted of several eagle breath-feathers bound together at their base by wrap- pings, decorated with rows of blue beads, the feathers being stained yellow. In size and construction this headdress bore a striking resemblance to the two feather ornaments seen on the preceding day at the time of the painting of the sacred belt. Each one now stood up and drew around him his buffalo robe, the hair side being out. Each one received from Hawkan a pinch of cedar leaves, which he placed upon a live coal drawn from the fire. Each one now stood over the coal, then stooped down, drawing his blanket tightly around himself and bathing his body in the rising incense. All being in readiness, Hawkan uttered this prayer: hawkan's prayer. "We are now come again, united in thought, for this holy occa- sion, that this race may continue, and that all people may continue. This tallow which you gave us is our skin. May it be a good seed. We call you through the merits of your grandchildren, who have shown us the way and provided good directions for us. If we are wrong, lead us in the right path again ! "Now, my Grandfather (the Wheel), your foundation was once blown down, and it was by the conscientiousness of .your child (Yahdse), a young orphan among us, who went and got the Wheel from the grave. By the resurrection of this holy Wheel we have been saved to this day as a nation. Of course you know that we are young in the ways of our forefathers, and old things have to a certain extent gone out of existence, and we are under obligations to call unto you for your sympathy. Through some carelessness of your servant (Yahiise), he forgot to take the Wheel with him, and some one of the children of yours, who did not know our holy lodge, went and took down the big 92 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Wheel and took from it its feathers; but through the efforts .of his children, it was redeemed ; so this day we are here with the big Wheel, to make our offering to you and to all mysterious beings. Remember, our Father, that we put our faith and confidence in you for life. When you are taken out before the people to-day, please extend our prayers to your Father and to our Father, too, that in years to come this holy lodge may be prolonged, and that people of different tribes may unite in brotherly love. "My Grandmother, Old-Woman-Night, be still; bend your ears and hear our prayer, that we who come together out of respect to your ^ sacred orders may be supplied with good rest at night, and that we may be permitted to rise on the next day. May your ways and methods be a light to us, and may our path be firm into old age!" All now left the lodge except Hdwkan and Naen, the wife of Waatanakashi, the substitute Lodge-Maker, and the Peace-Keeper. All returned a few moments later, when it was found that NaSn had been painted during the interval. (See Plate XXX.) About her face was a black line, and on the center of her breast was a circular symbol painted in black, about two inches in diameter. On her nose was a small black dot, while just above, beginning near the center of her forehead, was an elongated Y-shaped design. On each cheek and on her chin were symbols of pipes, the bowls of the two pipes on her cheeks being turned toward her mouth, while the bowl of the pipe on her chin was turned toward her right side. On opposite sides of her breast and just above the black circular symbol were also two symbols of pipes, their bowls facing toward the median line of her body, while in the center of her breast and above these two pipes was an additional pipe, the bowl of this being turned toward the left side of her body. Around her arms and ankles were painted narrow bands in black. Fastened around her waist and covering the lower portion of her body, was a buffalo robe, while over this was the sacred belt, the ends of the belt being tied behind, and the apron extending down in front. All the priests now entered the lodge; each took up some piece of the ceremonial paraphernalia and all preparations were completed for abandoning the lodge. THE RABBIT-TIPI ABANDONED. Debithe now took up the buffalo skull, and carrying it carefully and proceeding slowly, deposited it upon the little mound of earth which had been made about half-way between the Rabbit-tipi and the place of the Offerings-lodge. Then several objects in the Rabbit-tipi were removed and placed by the side of the skull. All now left the FIELD COLUMBIAN '.MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXI. PL. XXXI. Warrior Societies about the Offerings-lodge Awaiting the Appear- ance OF THE RABBIT-TIPI PRIESTS. FOURTH DAY, 1902. Fig. I. Members of the Thunderbird society bringing to the scene tipi- poles, which are fastened together near their smaller extremity with rawhide thongs, to be used in lifting into position the reach-poles. Fig. 2. In foreground are members of the Uog-soldier society. bOlXOIgSK*! fll .1 FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXII. Pl. XXXII. Rabbit-tipi Priests Leaving the Rabbit-tipi. Fourth Day, 1902. Fig. I. In front and at one side, is Hocheni; at the head of the line and in front of H6cheni, Nishnat^yana with the buffalo skull; behind him in order, are Thi'yeh with the wheel, Chanitoe with the buffalo robe, Watdngaa with the Badger-pack, Debithe with the straight-pipe, Nfwaat with the bag of red paint, Watdngaa with a bag of black paint, Wahubahu with the ceremonial knife, and Yahiise with the ceremonial digging-stick. Fig. 2. The same priests, in the order as just given: Nishnat^yana deposit- ing the buffalo skull: In the rear of the line is Hdwkan. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 93 Rabbit-tipi, taking with them the remaining objects, and proceeded in the direction of the Offerings-lodge. In this procession Debithe carried the straight-pipe, the Lodge-Maker the knife representing a lance, and Biba the Wheel with its willow support, while Bihata had a sack of red paint and Waatu a sack of black paint. THE RABBIT-TIPI ABANDONED, 1902. J As has already been stated, all preparations were now completed on the part of the priests within the lodge, and they were now to start out for the ceremony of painting the poles and for the completion of the Offerings-lodge proper. The scenes outside during the painting of the dancers and the final preparations of the priests had been unusually interesting. The inhabitants of the entire camp-circle, together with large numbers of spectators from visiting tribes, were gathered in groups here and there in the great enclosure. Near the Rabbit-tipi were the Dog-soldiers, appropriately costumed, while in other groups were the Kit-Fox, Star, Lime-Crazy, and Thunderbird organizations, all gayly attired, singing appropriate songs. (See Plate XXXL) At a signal from Hdwkan, Nishnat^yana took up the buffalo skull, Thiyeh the Wheel and the digging-stick for the sod, Chanitoe the buffalo robe, Watangaa the Badger-pack, Debithe the straight-pipe, the Lodge-Maker the bag of red paint, Waatanakashi, the bag of black paint, Wahiibahu the ceremonial knife or dagger, Yahiise the digging-stick, while Hawkan took up the support for the Wheel, as well as the support for the sage representing the bird and the leathern case for the belt. In this order they filed out of the tipi and halted in the open space just east of the Rabbit-tipi. (See Plate XXXII.) On halting, Nishnateyana deposited the skull, and by its side were deposited the robe, the two digging-sticks, the Badger-pack, and the leathern sack or receptacle for the belt. This marks the termination of the rites of the Rabbit-tipi. A few moments later, while the priests were engaged in rites at the Offerings- lodge, Thiyeh and Waanibe came up, and without formality took the Rabbit-tipi down and restored it to its owner in its proper position in the camp-circle. THE LODGE-POLES PAINTED. With Chanitoe at the head of the line, they turned, after emerging from the tipi, and facing toward the setting sun, each placed one foot near the bottom of the pole They now began singing, and each raised whatever he held in his hand toward the sun. Debithe now 94 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. indicated on the center-pole with the stem of his straight ceremonial pipe where the two rings, one of red and one of black, were to be painted. Then the Lodge-Maker and his wife went through the same performance. Then Wadtu painted a black ring about ten feet from the end of the pole, and about five inches in width. Then Bihatu painted a red band just above it. Debithe, followed by these same individuals, now went to one of the poles on the south side and indi- cated where it should be painted, and Waatu painted a black band about the pole. This performance was repeated to another pole on the south, whereupon all proceeded to the north side of the space, and went through the same performance, Bihata, after the poles had been selected, painting each one with a red band. Several men and women now came forward from the throng of spectators and tied calico to these poles. Certain members of the Dog-soldier society now took a large number of willow boughs, divided them into two piles, and reunited them, placing the ends of each pile in opposite directions. These were then securely tied into a bundle by means of a long rawhide rope, which, as has been noticed, was prepared in the Rabbit-tipi. This bundle was then fastened in the fork of the center-pole. The buffalo robe was now placed in the fork of the tree so that the head of the robe hung over a short distance on one side. During the painting of the poles, members of the Star and Kit- Fox societies had secured small forked poles and tipi poles which they fastened together in pairs, like scissors, by means of buckskin thongs near the upper ends, to help in the raising of the center-pole. Then Naaseh stood by the side of the fork and uttered a prayer and told his war story, relating how he stabbed the enemy with a lance, and as he did so, he thrust the digging-stick, which had been handed him, in the bundle of willows. THE LODGE-POLES PAINTED, 1902. We left the line of priests by the side of the buffalo skull, where certain other objects of ceremonial nature had been deposited. They now continued in single file on toward the east, where they encircled the lodge in sunwise circuit. Having arrived at the northwest corner of the lodge they drew up in line, having in front of them one of the four rafter-poles, which purposely had been left on the ground. Hdwkan then prayed. (See Fig. i, Plate XXXIIL) Then the follow- ing stepped on the base of the tree and returned to their positions in the line — Hdwkan, Debithe, Nd§n, Wadtanakashi, the Lodge-Maker, Wahiibahu, and Yahiise. Nishnat^yana now made four motions .S Nr<; PL. XXXIII. Preliminary Rite before Painting the Reach-poles. Fourth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Hdwkan praying at the first lodge-pole; Nishnat^yana holding aloft the pipe-stem; Thiyeh the Wheel; and Wahiibahu the ceremonial knife. Fig. 2. Thfyeh touching the pole, preparatory to its being painted, with the feathers of the Wheel. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIII. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIV. PL. XXXIV. Painting the Reach-pole. Fourth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Thiyeh touching the pole with the feathers of the Wheel. Fig. 2. Ndwaht placing the band of red paint to the reach-pole between the points previously indicated by the pipe-stem, the Wheel, and the ceremonial knife. Pl. XXXV. Painting the Center-pole. Fourth Day, 1902. Nishnat^yana with the pipe-stem, and Thfyeh with the Wheel, indicating upon the pole the location of the bands of paint. IP Vj --»*."..• ;.■»!*{' 0" 3-.- -:.•-■;'»»■!»■. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 95 toward the middle of the pole with the pipe-stem, then touched it, passing the pipe-stem around the pole, and then repeated this per- formance a few inches higher up on the pole. Thiyeh went through the same performance, but with the Wheel (see Fig. 2, Plate XXXIII.), touching the pole with the feathers of the Wheel in the two places just indicated by Nishnat^yana, while Wahiibahu touched the pole in the same way with the knife. The Lodge-Maker then opened the bag of red paint, and between the two marks thus indicated by the pipe-stem and the Wheel he painted a red band, which encircled the pole. (See Figs. I and 2, Plate XXXIV.) The first pole having been painted, the line then continued on around the lodge until they came to the northeast pole. Here rites were performed exactly similar to those performed at the first pole, this also being painted with a band of red. Again the line of priests made the circuit of the lodg^, halting at the southeast corner, where similar rites were performed. This pole, however, was painted black, the work being done by Waatanakashi. Again the line moved around the circle, halting at the southwest corner, where the fourth and last pole was painted with similar rites. This also was done by Waatanakashi. Many parents, accompanied by their children, now came forward from the crowd of surrounding spectators, and touched one or another of these poles, some of them tying to the poles pieces of red and black calico. The priests now continued on around the lodge in sunwise circuit. Arriving at the eastern entrance of the lodge, they entered and passed in single file to the center-pole^ which it will be remembered, had been placed inside of the lodge with its base near the hole which had been dug for receiving it, while the fork extended toward the west, lying in a perpendicular position. Again a song was sung, as at the four rafter-poles, and Hawkan indicated to Nishnat^yana where the bands should be painted, whereupon the latter indicated with his pipe-stem, with the usual ceremonial passes, while his wife went through the same performance with the feathers of the Wheel, thus marking off a space about eight inches in width on the tree. Around this, Waatanakashi now painted a solid band of black. Just above this, Niwaat painted a band of equal width in red, Waatanakashi then guiding the hands of Yahiise (the latter being blind) over the paint — for it will be remem- bered that Yahtise had obtained this privilege by a rite in the Rabbit- tipi. (See Plate XXXV.) The priests then stepped over to the west a few paces, where they encountered two bundles of long slender willow branches which had 96 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. been stripped of their leaves, except at the tips. Niwaat then daubed red paint here and there over the bundle on the west side, which had been so placed that the butts of the limbs were directed south. Waatanakashi went to the other bundle, which had its butts turned north, and daubed it with black paint. The two bundles were then assembled and placed in the fork of the center-pole so that they retained their relative position, the black-painted sticks on the east side with their butts directed north, while the red-painted bundle was on the west side, with its butt directed south. The digging-stick was now brought from its position by the side of the skull and held by Hawkan while he prayed. Chief Nawaht now told a war story, whereupon the digging-stick was thrust through the willow bundles and through the buffalo robe. THE OFFERINGS-LODGE COMPLETED. Debithe and his companions were still standing in line, and now began to sing. At the close of the song the Lodge-Maker yelled in a loud voice, the Dog-soldiers blew upon their whistles, and they all lifted upon the pole. They did this twice again, and on the fourth time, the pole was raised into an upright position, and one end was lowered into the hole which had been prepared. (See Plate XXXVL) The dirt was then tramped around the center-pole to make it stable, and the younger men of the societies now completed the construction of the lodge by erecting sixteen smaller forked poles in the form of a circle and distant from the center-pole about thirty feet. In arranging these poles, care was taken that two poles which had been painted black should occupy positions in the southeast and southwest, while two which had been painted red should occupy the northeast and northwest corners of the circle. The outer upright poles were then joined by means of cross-bars resting in the forks and passing from one pole to another. They then lifted into place long slender poles passing from the fork of the center-pole to the tops of the poles around the circle. Then cottonwood boughs were stood upright upon the ground, leaning on the cross-bars, except for the space between two of the poles on the eastern side of the lodge, which was left open throughout the ceremony. While the lodge was in its final stages of preparation, Debithe took the Lodge-Maker and his wife to his lodge, where they ate and drank. While they were feasting, H6cheni made a circuit of the camp-circle and made the formal announcement that the lodge was ready, and that the time was at hand for the beginning of the dancing. PL. XXXVl. The Fork of the Center-pole. Third Day, 1901. Fig. I. Extending through the bundle of willows and buffalo robe may be seen the ceremonial diggin^j-stick. Fig. 2. Depending from the buffalo robe may be seen the "moon" shells and eagle-tail feathers. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY. PL. XXXVI. ^ -»-J ^^^^^-—-^^^^K^^^^^^^^^^^QhflM ^^^^^m\^^W^K^^F !j|rJ|^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^Ri^^i, FIG. 2. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVII. PL. XXXVII. Upper Half of Center-pole, Showing Bands of Paint, Bundle of Willows, Digging-Stick, etc. Fourth Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVIII. FIG. 1. ^^^^^^K^mJ^ ,^-^^ti^^^H -. .-^jdC fii- Ar . ^.^^^KA^^^mmlt mtifimm^m' ^t ^ x T^ kfc ^iJpr* i Pl. XXXVIII. Completion of the Offerings-lodge. Fourth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Line of Rabbit priests watching the raising of the center-pole. Fig. 2. Members of the Star society raising into place the last reach-pole. ;» : . • . .> . m. ,■>-. ,,^,-_ /v., Pl. LVIII. Watanah Placing the Upright Sticks on the North Side of the Ditch. Fifth Day, 1902. PL. LIX. HocHENi Touching the Upright Sticks with the Pipe-stem, Preparatory TO Their Being Enveloped in Colored Eagle Down. Fifth Day, 1902. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. ixi Watangaa took the black billet and placed it parallel with and to the south of the excavation and distant from it about three inches. (See Plates LIV., LV., and LVI.) THE SEVEN UPRIGHT STICKS. Other priests had carried on the work of decorticating the dog- wood limbs, of which there were now fourteen, seven having been painted black and seven red. The sticks were about eighteen inches in length, sharpened at one point and entirely decorticated, except for the space of about an inch at the upper end. Watangaa now took the seven black sticks and coated them with eagle down which had been rubbed in black tallow. These he then inserted in the ground, at equal spaces apart, between the black billet and the excavation. The wife of Watangaa handed him the red billet, which he now placed on the north side of the excavation, and in a corresponding position to the black billet. The seven red sticks were then coated with red eagle down, and were placed in a row between the red billet and the excavation and opposite the black sticks. (See Plates LVIL, LVIII.,and LIX.) THE WHEEL AND PIPE PLACED IN POSITION. Watangaa then took up the Wheel, which had been leaning against the center-pole upon its support, and passing around the lodge in a dextral circuit, he placed its willow support near and at the back of the skull and placed the Wheel in a fork, first having inserted a piece of sage so that the Wheel would not come in contact with its support. He then carried a leather bag and the straight black pipe with round stem, and a bundle of sage, and deposited them to the south of the Wheel and just back of the cedar tree. THE SEVEN CURVED STICKS. In the mean time the priests had made seven little cottonwood sticks ranging in length from six to ten inches. These were all decorticated except for a short space in the middle, and were sharp- ened at both ends. These were now taken up by Watingaa, who painted one half of them black and the other red. These were now bent in the form of a semicircle and thrust into the excavation at a distance of one inch apart, beginning at the end near the skull, the center of the semicircle being just above the median red-and-black line. Hawkan now sprinkled dry black paint on the south sod, while Watdngaa sprinkled red paint on the north sod. 112 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE ALTAR, 1902. The rites followed in erecting the altar of 1902 were quite similar to those of the previous year. A brief r^sum^ of the order of the procedure of the second year is here added for the purpose of com- parison with the order on the previous year. Hawkan, Watanah, Watdngaa, and Chanitoe, after the ceremonial smoking which followed the bringing of the sods to the lodge, removed the skull and other paraphernalia back toward the western portion of the lodge, and placed them in the same relative position that they had occupied in the Rabbit-tipi. Sage was put upon the ground behind the skull for the Lodge-Maker's bed. With the usual movements with the pipe-stem by Hawkan, Watangaa's wife, Hisenibe, prepared the cedar tree, the hole for which Nakaash had dug after Hocheni had made the usual passes with the pipe-stem. The latter also made the movements with the pipe-stem for the ditch which was dug by Waakat'ani and Nishnat^yana. In placing the cottonwoods and the willow and cedar trees, and in the paint of the ditch and of the sides, etc., there is nothing to be added to the account already given for the performance of the pre- ceding year. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE OFFERINGS-LODGE. The Offerings-lodge itself, with its various accessories as they existed at this time, may now be described. MAN-ABOVE. The lodge proper stands in the center of the camping-circle. (See Plate LX.) The center-pole (nawahtaheh, reach-pole) of the lodge is about twenty feet in height. The pole itself was of cotton- wood: for in the dramatization it represents a mythical cottonwood upon which the woman climbed in her chase after the porcupine to the upper regions, and so, consequently, it bears also the prayers of the people to heaven, and is the symbol of the Man-Above. The center fork also typifies the Arapaho and all life-elements. At equal distances apart, and at a radius of about twenty-two feet from the center-pole, were sixteen uprights of cottonwood, terminat- ing in a fork. These poles are called nenSsunueh (split-poles). These outer uprights were connected by cross-pieces (tchebbetiithana, cross-hanging). Resting on top of these cross-pieces and in the fork PL. LX. The Offerings-lodge. Third Day, 1902. Fig. I. South section of camp-circle. Fig. 2. The completed Offerings-lodge. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LX. FIG. 2. i May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. ' 113 of the outer upright poles were long, slender cottonwood poles, reach- ing up to the fork of the center-pole. These are called "hakabuna." Extending entirely around the lodge, except for a single space toward the east, were placed small cottonwood limbs, with their foliage out- side, on the ground, their tops leaning against the cross-piece. THE FOUR-OLD-MEN. Counting from the first rafter-pole at the south of the east open- ing, the fourth and the seventh were painted black (watannenithe), while the third and sixth poles, occupying corresponding positions on the north side, were painted red (be^nithe). These are the only two colors used in the Offerings-lodge, although in the lodges of the vari- ous other ceremonies paints of other colors are used. The poles painted black are symbolic of the earth and of the victory which comes from the triumph over the enemy when one wears the black paint, as well as happiness which comes from conquering the hardships of life. The two red-painted poles are symbolic of the Indian' race offering prayers to the above; the red also typifies cleanliness and the wish to be old and happy. Collectively, the four painted poles represent the Four-Old-Men or Gods of the Four World Quarters. They cause the wind to blow, and human life is dependent on them for their breath. In fact, all life is dependent on the "breath of the air," which comes from the Four-Old-Men. They are thus prayed to during the ceremony. A similar color symbolism is attached to the red and black bands around the center-pole. They are also said to be the reflection of the sun upon the earth. The reasons ascribed for the number of the upright poles forming the outer circle of the lodge, viz., sixteen, was that this was the num- ber in the first Offerings-lodge revealed to man. It may be noted here that the number of poles used in an ordinary tipi varies from twelve to eighteen, according to the size of the tipi, while in the Sweat-lodge there are seven primary poles. NIH'A-'GA'' AND THE ELK SKULL. The loosely placed upright boughs of cottonwood surrounding the lodge, except at the east door, have already been mentioned. The boughs were especially thick at the west side of the lodge, behind the altar. The reason given for this referred to a certain myth: "When Nih'a"9a" came to the Offerings-lodge, he went behind it and peeped through ; in doing this he stuck his head forward to see the 114 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. dancers, when the ceremony closed, fastening his head. The people who were having the great ceremonial dance were mice. The mice dispersed, and Nih'a"9a" went toward the river with the elk skull on his head; hence we think the mice gave this ceremony to the Indians, not the rabbits." THE THUNDERBIRD NEST. Placed in the center-pole, as has been noted, were two large bundles of willow and cottonwood boughs, placed end to end. These represent the nest of the eagle, or of the Thunderbird. According to a myth the Thunderbird built its nest on the cottonwood tree. When the female had given birth to young ones she went off and captured a young steer and carried it to her nest for food. There she reared her young. Just as birds fly about overlooking the earth, so does the Father. He is in the form of a bird. The presence of the digging-stick, which was placed first in the fork of the center-pole, represented the digging-stick used by the mythological woman as she dug up the bush, and thereby obtained a glimpse of the world below which she had left, while the sinew attached to the digging-stick represented her means of escape from the upper world. Attached to the digging-stick was a bunch of partly braided grass, along with a piece of tallow; these together represent a person, the grass being the hair and the tallow the skin. The tallow is con- sidered potent, for it refers to the body, with the breath of life. It is circular in form, for it represents the head and therefore the mind or thought of the people. The tallow has also a further significance. In a preceding page has been explained the symbolism of the fire of the Rabbit-tipi. In order successfully to kindle a fire, kindling is required. Hence, while the bodies of slain victims are regarded as firewood, the scalp represents the kindling for starting the fire. The tallow also typifies human skin, and also a buffalo-wallow, and in a derived sense, the human wallow, reference being made to the wallow formed during the rite performed by the Transferrer, or Grandfather, and the wife of the Lodge-Maker. YOUNG-BULL. It will be remembered also that a buffalo robe was placed in the center-pole. The presence of the robe here is explained by the fact that the paint worn by the dancers during the ceremony was obtained from a buffalo bull seen standing on a hill. Hence it is placed high in the fork, where it may be in plain sight of the dancers. Another May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 115 informant stated that according to the story of Blue-Feather's marriage with the cow, Lone-Bull, or Young-Bull, was our father-in- law, because presents for the completion of his body were given by the husband and delivered by the grandchild. Young-Bull is the grandchild of the Sun. When the grandfather puts on the robe to have connection with the wife of the Lodge-Maker, he is purely a buffalo. In the story of Splinter-Foot, she became the wife of Lone-Bull by captivity,' or through elopement. When the husband of the buffalo cow selected the presents for the father-in-law, he procured a moon- shell (baye, dirt, or sand). For speed he was presented with four moon-shells, to be placed between the joints of the legs, for the reason that there are the representations of the sun's revolution, at the wrists and ankles, and one at the sternum. Young-Bull was the animal who gave seven lodges to the Arapaho, as is related in the story of the origin of the Sun Dance, when various animals chose their position in life. The "moon" discs which were fastened to the robe represented the throat, and thus the noise made by the buffalo, while the eagle feathers which were attached to the robe were symbolic of the feather of the Thunderbird, and represented a prayer for rain, and thus for vegetation. Also by these eagle feathers respect was shown to Young- Bull, and they may also be considered as a gift to the Man-Above. The incisions in the front end of the buffalo robe have already been noticed. Naturally, nowadays, it is not easy to obtain a buffalo robe for this purpose, and in the present instance, the robe was of three pieces sewn together. STORY OF RESULT IN NEGLECTING YOUNG-BULL. The- idea of the importance of continuing the use of the buffalo robe was illustrated in the following story, obtained from Watanah, which, although of considerable length, is here reproduced, just as it was obtained, as it contains several interesting references to the ceremony. In 1879, these tribes, Cheyenne and Arapaho, were to a certain extent troublesome to the authorities, being excited on account of intruders on their borders. Not only that, but these Indians (those especially from the north) were dissatisfied with the country and the climate. Som'e time after the above year, the Northern Cheyenne made a break to return to their northern home, but they were com- pelled to remain here (in Oklahoma). Quite a band of them managed to get away, and reached their original home, but some were over- taken close to the agency, and had skirmishes with the military, which caused some bloodshed on both sides. ii6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. After these troubles had taken place, an Arapaho Indian, Joined- Together, had vowed to erect an Offerings-lodge for his personal benefit, but the sacred pledge was made and given out in the fall of the year;* consequently the Indians looked for the ceremony to take place some time in the spring (May). Naturally, with the Indians, the forthcoming Sun Dance cere- mony draws a number of young men to participate voluntarily. Of course some vowed on account of sickness in their families, others on account of dreams. Usually the young men keep their vows or pledges secret for some time, until a short time before the cere- mony. In the fall of 1879 a small party of young Arapaho men escaped from the Agency and started for Wyoming. At that time the Sur- rounding Indians were still unfriendly to fhe Cheyenne and Arapaho. The young men who w*re in the party had the spirit of war (and some of them are still living). Before they started off, one of them, know- ing that the Sun Dance was to take place among the Indians, pledged that he would take part in the dance, but kept it secret. On their arrival at the Northern Arapaho camp-circle, there was a war party from here (Oklahoma), which was composed of the best warriors, and the party agreed to go along. In the night they sung war songs, and one day the party went away for black paint (the black paint means a victory). The young man who pledged to fast in the Sun Dance ceremony of Joined-Together, wished, at the time he left his own home, for his safe return. The war party came to a band of Paiute Indians in the west Big Horn Mountains, and a hard fight took place. In this fight two of the Southern Arapaho and one Paiute were killed. The young man who was to fast in the Sun Dance took a prominent part, and again at the General Custer fight, where he struck many soldiers. Every- body that saw him as he charged would be eye-witnesses. After the last fight, he came back to the Northern Arapaho, and told the old people of his luck. So the old men gave him the new name, which was, "Famous," his old name being, "Weed-Boy." After staying some time with the Northern Arapaho, this young man worried much in regard to his vow. A big camping circle was near the river (probably a river near Ft. Harrison). One night this young man, Famous, went to an old man ("priest," meaning "strip of buffalo back)," weeping as he went. This young man said to the old priest, "Now, Old Man, I have come over to tell you that I was to fast in the Sun Dance ceremony in the south, but am here, and I don't know what to do. May a young man go to the top of a hill and stake himself to the ground and fast? Will you please tell me what is the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 117 proper thing for me to do, for I want to get rid of my vow." "Well, young man, the Cheyenne stake themselves to the ground on the hill and fast, but it is not so with us. I am an old man and never heard of such a thing. But, young man, you can clear yourself by erecting an Offerings-lodge, and I shall do my utmost duty to hasten it along, and the people will do what I say," said the old priest. So that same night the word was given out that Famous, the Southern Arapaho, would erect the Sun Dance lodge as soon as possible ; that the young men should go out early in the morning and catch a jack-rabbit. The people were glad to hear the news, and prepared themselves with good clothes, etc., for the coming occasion. In the morning there were several parties on horseback, collected on the hills, and they began to look for a jack-rabbit along the ravines all day long, but came home unsuccessful. In the camp-circle there was a tipi by itself in front, used for a general council, etc., and in that tipi the chiefs and head man had a conference over the Sun Dance. The whole camp-circle was broken up to move to a new site for the ceremony, and the people were informed that the young man was to have a black steei (domestic) for his buffalo bull hide in the fork of the center-pole. So the chiefs and head men went to the Agent in Charge, who told the Indians to select whatever they desired from the herd. When the people were moving to the new site, a jack-rabbit jumped up on the way, and the people of course seized this opportunity, and soon caught the animal. A party of young men was sent out to look for the black steer (substitute), to kill it, and to bring in the hide and beef. Thus the hide was furnished as directed by the old priest. The ceremony began without much delay. When the two sods of earth were to be searched for, this old priest told the Lodge-Maker and dancers to get ready and put their moccasins on, for the distance was far. This old priest's wife got a pony with a travois and a black blanket and axe, while he supplied himself with a knife. "All those who wish to go along, come, and let us journey for the sods. Some- times it is necessary for some to put on moccasins for the long journey," said the old priest. (In Wyoming, the sod for this purpose is hard to find, and for this reason they had to go very far.) So the party, consisting of the priest and his wife, who was riding the pony, the Lodge-Maker and dancers, started after the two sods. They finally came to a place where there was a spring, and the ground was slightly wet and had some grass. After a short ceremony they placed these sods on the travois, and away they went to the Offerings-lodge. When the party (geese) got to the outskirts of the camp-circle, they. ii8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, took the sods off the travois and all took hold, then circled about, imi- tating the voices of geese, and thus reached the inside of the lodge. This old priest hastened the ceremony without unnecessary expense to the Lodge-Maker. The Lodge-Maker had left his wife here at home (Oklahoma), and therefore had to have a substitute. After a few hours' consultation, the woman Thiyeh, now of Colony, was chosen as the grandchild of the ceremony. It happened that her brothers were to fast, which made her consent. The ceremony went on. The black steer hung over the fork, and the fasting Lodge-Maker looked at it, as did also the others. Before the end of the ceremony most of the men went out of the lodge on account of severe heat. Very few stood the fasting. It is said that because the old priest did not carry out the strict routine of the cere- mony, it made it hard for the dancers, etc. This old priest conducted the ceremony just like Hdwkan, only he went too far, as to the use of the different thing's. After this ceremony, this old priest became sick and died. The young Lodge-Maker returned to his home in "Okla- homa, and went back to his wife with a new name, as a good warrior. Shortly after his return, a Club-Board lodge was pledged for, and he was in the society. When the head men of this society were looking among the young men as to whom the club-boards should be given, this Famous was given one which had notches on the edge, black feathers for pendants; and the rest were given to those who were in the fight with the Paiute Indians. This young man. Famous, became sick and died suddenly. Therefore, the Indians believe that because the Sun Dance ceremony was wrongfully conducted, it was bad luck to the priest as well as to the Lodge-Maker. It is right to do the thing in the right way. That is the reason why the older people are very careful in regard to the mode of speech and doings in the cere- monies. They say that everything in nature looks to them, watching them during the day as well as during the night. This was in 1879, and since that time the Arapaho say that they have always been care- ful to use only the robe of a buffalo. The long, narrow piece of rawhide which is used for tying the bundle is, as has been noted, painted half red and half black; it, like the Badger-pack, must be carried or packed, like a live baby. THE ABIDING-PLACE OF MAN-ABOVE. The buffalo skull, which occupies such an important position in all Sun Dance altars, is probably looked upon as the dwelling-place, during the ceremony, of Man-Above (Hakhueah). (See Plate LXI.) 0{ the painting of the buffalo skull, the color symbolism is in general PL. LXI. The Altar. (For Explanation, See Text.) Fifth Day, 1902. Pl. LXII. Details of the Altar. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The sod for the left side of the altar. Fig. 2. After the sage floor has been placed in the ditch. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 119 the same as that used on the poles and the center-pole of the lodge. The various black and red dots indicate prayers, while the grass knobs placed in the eye-sockets and in the nasal cavities were said to indi- cate the times when the Indians used grass garments, before the appearance of the buffalo. The grass balls in the eyes and nose of the skull are also said to represent the Last-Child. This Last-Child is often referred to by the old men in their prayers. He is the owner of the rivers and creeks. He is the water monster that abides in deep places. His name means, ''to urinate" last. He is at the outlet of the river or creek, the water runs off first, and Last-Child follows. When Garter-Snake was being instructed of the various things to apply to the big lodge, the skull was complete, with its natural eyes and nostrils. That was the very first one, but since then, the body of the Last-Child was substituted, which was the water grass, or flat grass. The buffalo then is complete, i.e., the life is restored, when these balls are being annexed, for the animal lives on the grass. ,The location of these balls of grass corresponds to that of the Four-Old-Men. THE SKY AND EARTH. The two circular pieces of sod (bita, earth) symbolized the gift of the powers above to the human race, the smaller sod representing the present earth, the larger the future earth. (See Fig. i, Plate LXn.) They are also said to stand for Father and Mother, the sky and the earth, the smaller sod being the Mother, the larger one the Father. They are called the "scalps," the hands of the father and mother for the Arapaho race. In the sod, and represented as growing out of it, were placed, as has been described, large numbers of small rabbit bushes (nakhiiwushshi), so-called because the rabbits eat the red berries. These bushes are typical in general of all berries and fruits, plums, cherries, etc., and express the idea that there should be an abundance of fruit, that the people might increase and have plenty. From another informant this statement was obtained: "When the Creator made the earth for earthly men, he also made another one for Nih'a"9a!!. These two sods typify the old woman and the grand- child, or river with stream. Biitaahwu, earth, signifies bare, plain, exposed, without fruit. This was the appearance in the beginning, i. e., there were yet no beings. Sods were made later on, after the big lodge was fully matured for Garter-Snake. It can be better under- stood in this way: A woman kills a creature and sheds blood and brings the scalp, hide, or skin. For that reason, the tallow, being the skin, bears the blood (red paint) and prosperity (black paint). It is lao Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. said that the man then adhered to the woman for the first time ; there- fore comes the seed, the people." The bushes on the sods represent the hair of persons. Those bushes are called garter-snake or rabbit weeds, which means the blood, for the reason that they bear red berries, etc. The sods are obtained from swampy places, because the ground or earth sticks together. Generally they are taken out from near springs. THE TIP!. In front of the skull was the rectangular excavation known as the "ditch" (hahaawuhe) ; from earth similar to that removed from this ditch were made man and woman. For this reason the Lodge-Maker stands here during the ceremony, as all men spring from the earth. By another informant, this ditch was spoken of as the "lake." The semicircular twigs which extend from the red into the black field of the ditch, were seven in number, and represented the seven poles of the Sweat-lodge, and were also typical of seven periods in the Arapaho creation myth. The sage which was placed in the ditch, and upon which the Lodge-Maker stood while dancing, on account of its white color is typical of cleanliness, and so, consequently, indicates a feeling of reverence toward the Father. It is also symbolic of the idea of the wish that the tribe may increase. (See Fig. 2, Plate LXII.) Lying just on opposite sides of the ditch were two cottonwood billets, the one painted black on the left, with one painted red on the right. These billets bear the name "nahutech," which name is also applied to similar but longer billets which are used for defining in the lodges the position of the sleeping mats. Between the billets and the edge of the ditch were, on each side, seven upright sticks, those on the left being black, and those on the right being red. The color symbolism of these uprights and of the billets is the same as has been given. These sticks bear the name of "thikd&na, " which name is likewise borne by the pins used for fastening the tipi. The pins were of dogwood, for it is straight and hard, and was formerly employed in the manufacture of arrows. The number of the pins on each side was typical of the seven periods of crea- tion. The downy feathers which were applied to the pins represented the breath of Man-Above. The "ditch" with its "beds" and tipi pins is referred to collectively as a symbolic tipi. Another informant gives the following account of this ceremonial tipi: The whole ditch is the fireplace. The four inverted U-shaped sticks at the west end represent the Sweat-lodge, which produces the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 121 heat that cleanses the body and gives subsistence to mankind. In other words, it is the rising of the sun, with its course during the day, the cleared place extending from the inverted U-shaped sticks being the path. Then the seven sticks on both sides and the two lying along the side of the sticks represent a tipi, for the reason that the Lodge-Maker stands inside. The standing sticks are symbols of breastpins, and the two sticks, protectors from the fire, the boundary- line between the people and the fireplace. The river of life is represented by locating the lake of holy water, to extend to the Wheel, then to the skull, on to the hiiman being, the Lodge-Maker. After the earth, then the rivers and creeks were made ; thus the Last-Child. The Garter-Snake represents the course of the river of life, and it is for this reason that the Wheel is next to the skull. The skull bears the picture of the creation of the earth, together with the symbol of human breath. Garter-Snake is the Last-Child. All the food that is offered goes to him and he eats it. The altar represents a tipi, the word for which means growing, I command, I say, I have camped, I have told it to you. The altar represents a river, with timber, tipi, and a human being, represented by the woman who sits behind the altar, a little to the left of the Wheel. The seed comes from the woman, that gives life to children, just as water comes out from a spring. When the Lodge-Maker enters the ditch the tipi is made complete. The man takes the lead and the wife follows. In other words, the action of the Lodge-Maker to the ditch points to the intercourse; therefore come the children, the woman sitting behind the Wheel. The ditch is the path. This tipi (altar) was inhabited by an old woman close to a river, and Garter-Snake was her grandchild, i. e., in other words, the big river with a stream. (This old woman made ditches inside of the tipi, extending to all directions, to catch her food — animals.) The placing of food in the ditch at the ceremonial lodge is giving it to the Garter-Snake. This old woman puts away the food, and her grandchild goes and searches for it during her absence. He finds it in a wooden bowl, for the reason that the wooden bowl is used behind the Wheel in making the holy water, hethathonecha, he reaches the water, I reached the water. THE SEVEN TREES. On the left of the buffalo skull, extending beyond the sod, was a small cedar tree. It is always green, keeps its color, is durable, looks good to the eye, and is a gift from the Great Spirit. Its twigs are 122 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. used as sacred incense. It stands on the south side of the altar that it may be closer to the sun. Next to the cedar was a small willow tree, which is typical of long life and of cleanliness. It is therefore used by the Arapaho in the Sweat-lodge, as well as in their mattresses and head pillows. Beyond the willows were two, while on the north side of the skull were three cottonwood limbs, five in all; as the Father had created human beings with five fingers and five toes. The cottonwood is said to grow very fast, looks clean, cool, and shady. THE WHEEL. Behind the skull, resting in the fork of the small willow stick, was the Wheel. A bunch of wild sage intervened between the Wheel and the willow. This sage corresponds to the eagle's nest in the center- pole, and it also served to keep the Wheel clean, to prevent it from coming in contact with anything. The Wheel itself has already been described. THE BADGER-WOMAN. Just to the southeast of the skull was a bundle hitherto called the "Badger-pack." The symbolism of its paint is the same as already given for the Offerings-lodge in general. It is supposed that the badger skin within its wrappings is like a baby in a cradle, and is thus carried. This skin is used in the ceremony from the fact that the ani- mal is skillful in digging and otherwise has wonderful powers. It is one of the animals which controls the underground. Wherever there is a hole or a crack that is dangerous to the race this animal covers it up. If there were many holes and cracks in the earth there would be many deaths, but because this animal was instructed by the Father to help the Indian race from dropping down, it is reverenced. The animal itself is a part of the earth. Beating the Badger-pack or using it as a drum is like filling holes or packing the earth solid. The Offerings- lodge therefore reaches from the bottom of the earth to the upper- most part of the sky. This explanation of the presence of the badger is due probably to the myth of the origin of the Buffalo-Women's lodge, in which a badger (some say gopher) rendered material assist- ance in restoring a woman who had married Young-Bull to her true husband. According to another myth, the Badger- Woman played a very mischievous part in a certain episode. With this myth in mind, the following synopsis of the story was given by one informant, for the presence of the badger skin : *'The badger was killed by the wolves and coyotes, because she May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 123 buried her brother-in-law alive, after tempting him to have intercourse with her. Badger-Woman failed to get her brother-in-law's affection, and dug a hole underneath the bed, so that when this young man came home in the evening and took his seat, he fell into the hole, and Badger- Woman covered him up and made the bed again. Any of the Rabbi t- tipi people can pack the badger. The beating on the badger during the ceremony punishes the Badger- Woman for her crimes." Another and more plausible explanation of the Badger-pack is to the effect that it is symbolic of the earth, the beating of which, during the five songs, represents the primal division of the earth and espe- cially the dissemination of vegetation or seeds. These seeds are usu- ally represented by five or seven buffalo chips, symbolic of the gifts of this animal, in this ceremony represented by beads and calico, which at the time of the unwrapping of the pack are given away — scattered among the Rabbit-tipi servants. The symbol of the buffalo chip as food is explained by the myth where Found-in-Grass gathered buffalo chips over the divide, left them in a heap, looked back, gave a command, and they became a great herd of buffalo. OPENED-BRAINS' KNIFE. The knife with double-edge blade, and which occupied a position near the skull, corresponds in its color symbolism to that which has been stated for the lodge in general. The knife typifies a weapon of defense for the tribe, and, as has been noted, is used to mark the center-pole and the four rafter-beams before they are painted. In accordance with a myth this was the "stone knife that Opened-Brains used on the woman's stomach. He, was not satisfied with dishes until this preg- nant woman lay down in front of him, when he ate his meal, and acci- dentally (but for a* purpose) struck her stomach with his knife." Opened Brains, or Tangle-Hair, was a supernatural being who was , conquered by Found-in-Grass. A somewhat different account of the knife, obtained from another informant, is as follows: "There were two young men traveling across the ocean on the water monster (Garter-Snake), and before landing on the other side, one of them, who was very foolish, played on the monster. The other one succeeded in getting across, but the foolish young man was pulled down in the water. For some time this young man who was by himself wept over his partner. "One day, while he was walking along the shore with closed eyes, Thunderbird came up to him and asked him, 'What are you crying about?' 'Well, my partner was captured by the water monster,' 124 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. said the young man. 'You may get a good hold of your partner, Grandchild, and pull him out. I shall look after you,' said Thunder- bird. So this young man, after getting a good hold, pulled his partner out from the monster. The Thunderbird with his knife, like the one used in the big lodge, jumped upon the monster and stabbed him, killing him instantly. When the Thunderbird lighted on him, it sounded like the shot of a cannon, sharp. This monster was dragged out of the ocean by Thunderbird. " The two young men then married the daughters of the Thunderbird. That is the reason that the Thunder is jealous of man. The man and wife are seated at a dis- tance, during the visit of a thunderstorm (rain). "The knife is the gift of Thunder, and the power for mankind makes things out of the knife." THE COLOR SYMBOLISM OF THE ORIGINAL OFFERINGS-LODGE. Finally, it is to be noted that it is believed that the present arrangement of the color scheme employed in the lodge, where red is confined to the north and black to the south, is modern, having been introduced by a mythical priest named Fire-Wood. The story obtained from the informant is as follows: "Years ago, the painting on the tallow, the center fork, and the four poles, as well as the circular spots for other lodges, was different. Straight-Old-Man or Straight-Pipe, was the priest who conducted or presided over former lodges, when the painting was red on the south side and the black on the north. The painters began on the right with the black paint, and then continued on the left with the red paint. By this symbolism, the people were in sympathy with the sun, and therefore lived in peace and prosperity. The black paint meant victory over all kinds of enemies — people, famine, plague — and typifies the methods and ways of the tribe. "The fundamental principle of the red on the south and the black on the north was in accordance with the course of the sun and moon — the sun travels, as is seen every day, followed by the moon. Red paint typifies purity, holiness, virtue, meekness, and prosperity; because the sun bears that paint; while the moon's light, being dim, leads to all kinds of mischievous actions and deeds being committed. In the night, the various doings of the. people are not known. The black paint relates to temporal blessings. "This old man or priest got his name from the fact that he was a straight man in ways and actions ("Straight-Pipe"). Following him came a priest named Fire-Wood, who was the oldest of the Sun Dance priests. He had a quiet consultation with his fellow-men regarding May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 125 the painting of the Offerings-lodge. Straight-Old-Man, or Straight- Pipe, had died, and had left some good legends and traditions for the tribe; but the original painting was criticised by Fire-Wood. Finally, after long dispute over the painting, Fire-Wood won, giving the reason that the right hand was the protective element of man, that a man strikes with his right hand, shoots with his right fingers, etc. ; therefore, whenever the tribe overpowers its foe in war, there is a victory in which the black paint is used. When a man gets to be quite old, he wears the black paint together with the red, to show that he has passed many hardships and has become victorious in that sense; that the left hand, being the gentle part of man, and receiving things when given, was the right and proper side for red paint. Red paint meant good will and a weapon against plagues; therefore the painting was changed to be like this: that red was worn on the north or left side and black on the south or right side, and painters began to paint at the southeast corner and continued to the northeast corner, or in other words, in a sunwise circuit. Since that time, when Fire-Wood altered the painting, it has been kept as he arranged it." THE DISTRIBUTION OF PRESENTS. The priests and those who were to fast and dance in the cere- mony now formed in line inside the lodge, while Hawkan uttered the following prayer: hawkan's prayer. "The Father, Man- Above, has promised his blessings and pros- perity. We now feel thankful for this lodge, and pray that the Man- Above will keep these dancers in the straight path, will increase our population, cause us to live in peace." All those who had assisted prominently at any time during the ceremony, formed in a large semicircle on the southeast side of the lodge, whereupon, Debithe, acting as grandfather of the Lodge- Maker, distributed presents in return for the assistance of the workers in aiding him to erect the lodge. THE DISTRIBUTION OF PRESENTS, 1902. After the completion of the altar came the time of the payment of the priests for the work which had been done in the Rabbit-tipi and in connection with the erection of the Offerings-lodge and of the altar. It has already been related how the Lodge-Maker, Niwaat, and his associate made the round of the camp-circle collecting goods with which to compensate the priests for their labors in preparing the lodge 126 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. for them. It has been noted also that the bales and trunks of cloth- ing, as a result of their efforts on that morning, had been kept near the Rabbit-tipi during the daytime, and within at night, and had on the abandonment of the Rabbit-tipi, been removed to the Offerings- lodge, where they remained in the southwest and near the center-pole. The dancers were at this time all present, occupying their usual positions around the western half of the lodge. The priests formed in one long fine in front of the dancers and in the southwest portion of the lodge. H6cheni, at the head of the line, sat just to the south of the buffalo skull. Then came, in order, Nishchdnakati, Watanah, Watangaa, Wasas (Osage), Nakadsh, Waakat'ani, Debithe, Chanitoe, Hdwkan, Cheathea, Wadnibe, Watdngaa's wife, and Nishnat^yana's wife. Nishnat^yana took the bales and placed them in line in front of the priests. Stepping up to Hdwkan, he prayed over him, that he might be guided aright in the disposition he was to make on behalf of Niwaat, the Lodge-Maker, of this great collection of calicoes and blankets. He then untied the four bales and opened the blankets. Again he spoke, addressing the priests, and said that his grandson, Niwaat, greatly appreciated the kindness of the whole tribe toward him, and that he was satisfied with what they had given him, and that he hoped the priests would feel that they had received some compen- sation for their labors. Nishnat^yana now sorted out the goods into piles, which he began to distribute along the line, beginning with his wife at the eastern end. Occasionally he would add a blanket or a piece of clothing to the pile which he began near the center-pole, and which was for himself; while near by he made two additional piles that were to be given to the two messengers or servants, who had assisted so faithfully at the Rabbit- tipi. At the conclusion of the division of the goods, he again turned to the priests and said, "I give you these things for helping my grand- children and myself." The goods were carried out by the women, who took them to their homes. It may be added at this place, that shortly before the distribution of the presents, a trunk containing blankets was brought into the lodge. This was part of the payment on the part of Watangaa and his wife, to Hdwkan, for instruction and for privileges which he at that time, and during the entire ceremony, was giving them; for it has already been pointed out that Watdngaa was desirous of obtaining the power to conduct the rites of the Sun Dance. It may also be noted that all knives, axes, etc., used during the ceremony, became, by custom, the property of Hdwkan, PL. LXIII. The Feast for the Grandfathers. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Wives of the dancers bringing food into the Offerings-lodge. Fig, 2. Niwaat, making the offering of food to Young-Bull. imi^liSliSw^' PL. LXIV. The Sacrifice of Food. Sixth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Niwaat offering food to the first of the Four-Old-Men. Fig. 2. Niwaat offering food to the first of the Four-Old-Men, ■^ May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 127 EXPENSE OF MAKING THE OFFERINGS-LODGE. To form a correct estimate of the total expenses incurred by the Lodge-Maker of the Sun Dance is not easy. It seems probable, how- ever, that it costs him from three hundred to five hundred dollars, in money and goods, before the ceremony is concluded. Of course he is aided by his relatives and especially by the tribe. Payment is made, as we have just seen, to the grandfather, and to the Rabbit- tipi people, i. e., to those who assisted in making and painting various objects and in performing certain rites in the Rabbit-tipi. THE FEAST AND SACRIFICE OF FOOD. It was now about half-past three in the afternoon, and all prelimi- nary arrangements had been completed for the beginning of the cercr mony proper. The people began to gather in great numbers about the lodge, the female relatives of those who were to fast bringing in large quantities of food, which was placed west and south of the center-pole, the dancers having seated themselves in front of their grandfathers, who were in a row at the south and west side of the lodge. (See Fig. I, Plate LXIII.) Thihauchhawkan, who sat on the end of the line of the dancers nearest the altar, after all the food for the feast had been brought in, took a pinch of food, arose, and looked up toward those beams which bore the black and red paint, beginning first with the one on the southeast, and asked a blessing of each one of the Four-Old-Men, dropping as he did so, a piece of food. Then he leaned over the excavation and passed his hands over it four times, and deposited a ■piece of food in front of the skull for the Man-Above. He then went to H6cheni and gave him a bunch of sage, whereupon he walked to a spot under the southeast black-painted beam, then in a dextral circuit to the other three beams, where he invoked the aid of each of the Four-Old-Men, and he proceeded to the altar, where he passed the sage up toward the skull four times, and then spread it out in the bot- tom of the excavation, thus covering the red and black paint. He returned to his position in the line. One of the dancers arose, and taking a pinch of dog meat, passed beneath each of the four painted beams ; under each one he stretched his hand upward and dropped a pinch of food on the ground. (See Plate LXIV.) He then went to the excavation and passed his hand up toward the skull four times, rubbed his hands together, and deposited what remained of the food in under the seven semicircular sticks which stood in the excavation. (See Fig. 2, Plate LXIII.) 128 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Hitantuh, another of the dancers, then went through the same per- formance. During this time considerable fervor was shown on the part of the women and among the crowd of spectators, and among those who had brought in the food, by their shouting. The priests, ' grandfathers,' and singers now ate their dinner, which had been so liberally provided, during which time the best of feeling was shown. At the conclusion of the meal, H6cheni cried out, asking the women to come forward and remove what remained of the feast. CEREMONIAL SMOKING. Thihauchhawkan now arose, received from H6cheni a pipe, which he carried to the fireplace and lighted, carrying it back to Hocheni. As the latter received the pipe, he blew puffs of smoke to the four directions, and then passed it on in the line. Then the second of the dancers lighted his pipe and passed it to Hocheni, who smoked it and passed it along. The other dancers now in turn lighted their pipes for the grandfathers, for it is the privilege of the grandfathers to call for a pipe at any time during the ceremony, and it is the duty of the dancer to have a pipe ready for this purpose. Inasmuch as this preparation of the pipe is performed many times throughout the ceremony, and generally in a uniform manner, a single detailed description will suffice. The dancer takes up his pipe, which he has by his side, and fills it from a buckskin bag with native tobacco. He then passes the pipe to Hocheni, who holds it out in front of him in his right hand, with the stem pointing downward. The dancer then puts his left hand under Hdcheni's right hand, and with his right hand makes a downward motion on Hocheni's right arm, from the shoulder to the tips of his fingers. This he does four times. The same performance is repeated whenever any one of the dan- cers receives a pipe from Hocheni for the purpose of taking it over to the fire to light it. Whenever the lighted pipe is handed to H6cheni he points the end of the stem toward the earth, then takes a few puffs and blows the smoke upward. Then he points the stem to the earth again, then toward the center-pole, then toward the north, then toward the south, then to the sun, and finally toward the earth. After the pipe has gone down and back the line of the grand- fathers, or at other times, it was passed to Hocheni for cleansing, he removed the contents of the bowl with a hard wooden tamper and placed the ashes upon the ground, by which act he cleansed the faults of the owner of the pipe, and at the same time expressed the wish, by putting his hands over the ashes and by putting them on the ground. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 129 that the young man and his people should live as long as the world should last. He then takes the pipe in his left hand, holding it by the bowl, and rubs his right hand four times from one end of the pipe to the other, beginning with the bowl and ending at the mouth of the stem. He then passes the pipe to his right hand, and with his left hand makes a similar motion four times. Then, holding the pipe straight in front of him, he begins to rub the pipe with each hand from the bowl to the end of the stem, the stem pointing toward him, four times. The pipe is now ready to be returned to the owner. The owner kneels in front of Hocheni, or stands by his side, while Hocheni holds the pipe with both hands, shifting it from his right to his left side twice. The various participants in the ceremony now place themselves in proper position, ready to make preparations for the ceremony proper. At the southeast corner and near the wall of the lodge were the grand- fathers. Just in front and a little to their left, was the line of the dancers with Thihduchhdwkan, the Lodge-Maker, on their right or north end, and nearest the altar. In front of the altar and to the west of the center-pole were the five more prominent priests in a semi- circular line, H6cheni occupying the south end of the line, the other four being Watdngaa, Waakatdni, Debithe, and Chanitoe. CEREMONIAL SMOKING, 1902. Although this rite has just been described at some length for the performance of the preceding year, there were yet one or two points noted in the second ceremony, which should be mentioned: Whereas, in the 1901 performance, only Hocheni could perform certain rites incidental to the ceremonial smoking, this privilege this year was pos- sessed also, for reasons already given, by Nishchanakati and Hanake- baah (Bull-Thunder.) Whereas all the dancers in the performance of 1901 carried pipes, and each had his own grandfather, in the second performance, owing to the large number of dancers, only certain ones or leaders, had pipes. As each grandfather called for his pipe, the leading dancer of that group would take his pipe to one of the three above-named priests, who re- ceived it from the dancer and pointed with the bowl upright toward the tree and toward the earth, having first removed from the pipe a small pinch of tobacco, which he placed on the ground in front. He then held the pipe with both hands with the stem on the ground, and held it in this position until the dancer removed it. This the latter did by placing his left hand over those of the priest upon the stem, rubbing his right hand once down the right arm of the priest, grasping the right hand I30 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of the priest as it held the pipe, while the latter motioned it to the dancer four times, whereupon he took it to the fire and lighted it and turned to the priest, who made similar motions with the pipe, which was then passed along the line of priests unsmoked, to the eastern end, where it was smoked four times and was then passed back toward the west end of the line, each man taking four puffs. The pipe was then returned unsmoked to the priest to whom it was originally pre- sented, who tamped it four times after making a ceremonial pass for each of the four directions on the bowl, then in the center; he emptied the ashes and tamped three additional times without, however, making the five passes toward the bowl. The pipe was now reversed with the point of the stem resting upon the ashes. Holding it in his left hand, he rubbed down, from the bowl toward the ground, with his right hand, finally placing the palm of this hand directly upon the ground. The pipe was then transferred to the other hand, and so, back and forth, until each hand had rubbed the pipe twice. The pipe was then held so that the point of the stem was directed toward himself, and he rubbed it with his two hands alternately back toward his body. The pipe was again stood on end with the stem downward, the bowl point- ing backward, whereupon the owner received it from the priest, as he did when about to light it; now, however, holding it first on his right side, then on his left, repeating this movement twice, and then direct- ing it at the center of his breast. The owner now carried his pipe with him and sat down in his proper place in the line of the dancers. THE DANCERS PAINTED. The time has now come for the grandfathers to paint the dancers. On the removal of the food from the lodge by the wives of the dancers, they returned, bringing with them several buckets of water and many bunches of sage. The sage was placed to soak by the dancers in the buckets of water, in the following manner: Great care was taken to place the first bunch at the southeast corner of the bucket, the second at the northeast corner, the third at the northwest corner, the fourth at the southwest corner, and the fifth they thrust down in the center of the bucket; there were thus five bunches placed in each bucket. The Crier now called for wood, and a fire was soon kindled above the ashes of the fire of the preceding night. Whereupon Wandkayl made his war speech as he added one stick after another. The dancers now completely disrobed except for the loin-cloth and blanket, and one after another resumed his position in front of his grandfather, sitting on sage. With the bucket of water in front of him, the grandfather FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXV. V.Vl^J^ I^HflbL^.'i ^ 1 in ^ ^ IMR&i .■ V •1— CM' /M^l • •' ^ y flr^^^ l^y l'^ iwjf < '",' .A>i|i:^ ^ ^^ '/^^ ^ jr 1 r- ^ i ' / If ^ m ■A^'V? l-*^ V w . ^11 ^*,'-"| ^'ki J K?5 '^"rT k^^a^rr ^ . igpr.-- - i^H c I^jgippi ' '' m ■HJHUliP!^^^ ' ,.tli ]^^^^^-' If : • ^^■HB).^"^ Pl. LXV. Painting the Dancers. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The dancers receiving the preliminary paint. Fig. 2. Dancers drying and warming themselves about the fire, after having been painted. Pl. LXVI. Before the Beginning of the Dance. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Dancer being painted by grandfather. Fig. 2, Members of the Star society acting as musicians. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 131 removed the sage from the water, passed it up the side of each leg of the dancer, and on up the sides of his body to the head, and then down to the center of the breast, where he gave the sage a rotary motion. Then the dancers turned their backs to the grandfathers and the tip of the sage was passed up their backs, over their shoulders, to the tops of their heads. The dancers rose, leaving their blankets behind them, and stepped out in front nearer the center-pole and thoroughly scrubbed their entire bodies, including their faces, with the sage. Several of the dancers, beginning with Thihauchhawkan, now knelt down in front of Hawkan and Watdngaa, with their knees drawn up to their chins. Hawkan then passed the tips of his fingers, beginning at the feet, up the outside of the legs and arms, on up to the head of each dancer, first rubbing his hands together five times. The dancer then turned, and Hawkan made a similar movement up the back of each one. Watan- gaa, who had been mixing the paint, gave it to Hawkan, who passed it to the dancer, who stepped back and thoroughly rubbed his body all over with the white paint. This operation was now repeated with the second dancer, and with the third and fourth, and so on, the third one receiving yellow instead of white paint. After each man had given his body the preliminary coat of paint he returned to Hawkan, whereupon the latter rubbed his hands together, and drew a line with the second finger of his right hand in the palm of his left, from the middle of the second and third fingers to the wrist. Then he passed the tips of the fingers of his two hands outside of the body, beginning with the feet, up along the legs and the body, to the top of the head. This he did four times, the second time drawing a line in his right hand with the second finger of his left. The dancer now took the cup of paint and went over by the fire, where he rubbed his body thoroughly, including his face and hair. When this performance had been gone through with for each dancer, and when the body paint had become thoroughly dry, each returned to his individual grandfather, where he received his own appropriate paint. (See Plate LXV.) In general, the manner of procedure was similar to that employed by Hawkan, the dancer squatting or kneeling down in front of the grandfather, who generally began applying the paint on his legs, then on his hands, breast, face, and finally upon his back. (See Fig. i, Plate LXVI.) As the method of painting was practically the same for each dancer on this and on the following days, there need be no further description of this element of the ceremony. Inas- much, however, as the character of the symbolism painted on each 132 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IV. man, as well as the color of the groundwork of his paint, had points of individual differences, a consideration of the general subject of the designs may be deferred until later on in this paper, where the subject will be treated in a special section. THE DANCERS PAINTED, 1902. After the ceremonial smoke just described, the grandfathers and the dancers went over to the east side of the lodge, where each found a bucket of water and bundles of sage. The sage was placed in the water, as has already been described for the preceding year, and the dancers washed themselves. (See Plate LXVII.) Bundles of goods were then brought by the female relatives of the dancers and were given by the latter to their grandfathers. All who had pipes made the sacrifice of food. After the feast, the dancers returned to their proper positions, and the grandfathers took their places in front of them, and the painting was begun. Each priest rubbed his hands with the paint, made two lines in the palm of his right hand and one in that of his left hand, held the palms over the incense, and drew the tips of his forefingers over the dancer's body, beginning with the feet. Again he would rub the palms of his hands together, dip them in the paint, rub his palms together, and draw two lines in the palm of his left hand and one in the palm of his right hand, and pass the tips of his fingers up over the body of the dancer. This operation was repeated twice; the third time, the two lines being made in the right hand and one in the left, and at the fourth, two lines in the left hand and one in the right. This rite is termed, "applying the poultice." Each dancer then painted himself, including his hair, with the particular color of the paint which he was to wear on that day. He then sat down in front of his grandfather, who decorated him with proper symbols. (See Plate LXVIII.) After this rite, each dancer brought a live coal, which he placed in front of one of the three priests, Hdcheni, Nishchdnakati, or Hanak^- baah, whereupon, the one chosen placed cedar-leaves upon the coal, held both, of his hands over its rising incense, and passed them over the dancer's head and shoulders, placing his hands finally upon the dancer's feet and pressing them firmly upon the ground. The grandfather then placed the five sage bunches in the belt of his grand- child, first making four passes with the sage before it was placed in position. Pl. LXVII. Dancers Bathing, Preparatory to Being Painted. Fifth Day, 1902. PL LXVIII. Dancers in Front of the Grandfathers Receiving "Poultice. Fifth Day, 1902. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 133 THE DANCE. After each man had received his appropriate paint, he fastened a buckskin kilt around his loins. The folded parfleche which had been brought into the lodge from the Rabbit-tipi, and which had been lying on the ground on the east side, was now placed in front of Hawkan, while the rattle, which had also been lying by the side of the parfleche, was handed to him. The Lodge-Maker now left his place in the line, went over to the fire, and returned with a live coal, which he placed in front of him, upon which he sprinkled spruce-leaves. Then he knelt down in front of Watangaa. While he was doing this, the singers and drummers had gathered around a large drum which stood east and south of the center- pole and in front of the south end of the line of grandfathers. They began drumming and started the first song. (See Fig. 2, Plate XLVI.) The Lodge-Maker took up the parfleche and passed it toward the live coal where the incense was rising, passed it toward the coal four times, and then over the coal, still holding it out in front of him, but to his left side. He carried it around the lodge, continuing to the south, west, north, and east of the center-pole, where he brought it up to the men who were sitting about the drum. Here he made a motion as if he would throw it among them, four times, actu- ally passing it among them on the fourth time. As it fell among them, they beat upon it violently and shouted and began the drumming and singing of a new song. The five old priests now left their position in front of the altar, and took a place near the fire, where they sat down facing south. The dancers arose, faced toward the north, placed the eagle-bone whistle in their mouths and began dancing and whistling to the time of the drumming and singing. As has been above noted, the dancing motion consists merely of a slight swaying or swinging of the body, with a slight bend at the knees and at the back. Barely did the heel leave the ground. The dancers stood in a single line, the Lodge-Maker occupying the west end of the line as usual, and now standing, as he will hereafter during the cere- mony, with his feet upon the sage in the excavation. Thus they danced, with slight intermission, on this night until two o'clock in the morning, although the night grew colder. At about ten o'clock in the evening there came a terrible storm of rain and sleet and snow. About midnight the ground was covered with snow and sleet, but the dancers kept bravely at their task, although they were barefooted and entirely naked, except for a loin-cloth, and completely exposed to the mercy of the weather. 134 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE DANCE, 1902. All being in readiness, the priests again formed in a semicircle on the west side of the lodge and in front of the dancers. Wadtana- kashi, the substitute Lodge-Maker, left his position in the line, went to the fireplace, where he obtained a live coal, and returned to the west side of the lodge, where he sat down, south of the skull, placing the coal in front of him. Cedar-leaves were given him by Hawkan, which Waatanakashi held in the fingers of his right hand, the elbow of which rested upon his right knee. (See Plate LXIX.) Five songs were now sung, during which time Waatanakashi waved his hand back and forth in front of his face, on his right side during the first two songs, on his left during the third and fourth song, ahd in front of his face during the fifth song. He dropped the leaves on the coal (see Plate LXX.), took up the rawhide and placed it over the incense, carried it in the usual fashion (see Plate LXXI.), and threw it among the drummers, having first motioned toward them four times. During this rite the rattle was not used, nor did any one beat with the pipe-stem upon the Badger-pack. The musicians now began the Sun Dance songs; each of the dan- cers arose, having adjusted his kilt, headdress, and whistle, and having a piece of sage in his right hand. The dancing was continued, at intervals, throughout the remainder of the day and far into the night. FIFTH DAY, 1901; SIXTH DAY, 1902. This day corresponds to. the sixth day of the 1902 performance. The number and succession of events on the two days were practically the same, except that in the second performance the intrusive dances given in the ceremony of 1901 were omitted. Such intrusive dances do not properly belong to the Sun Dance, and have no regular place in the list of rites. Under ordinary circumstances, this day is known as "Medicine Day," and was treated as such in the second performance. The dan- cers had now fasted for about forty hours, and it was supposed that by this time their mind was in proper condition to be susceptible to the influence of the sun. The singing and dancing of this day was of a more serious nature than that of the preceding day. The dancers were exhorted to be of a reverent frame of mind. It may be mentioned here, though the observation has no direct bearing on the rites of this day, that the preceding day in the perform- ance of 1902 had been excessively hot, as had the weather for many Pl. LXIX. Incensing the Rawhide. Fifth Day, 1902. Niwaat in position behind live coal and waving the incense in his right hand, back and forth, in front of his face, to the accompaniment of the singing by Hdwkan and other priests. ;i PL. LXX. Incensing the Rawhide. Fifth Day, 1902. Niwaat depositing the incense on a live coal, at the conclusion of the fifth song. Pl. LXXI. NiwAAT Carrying the Rawhide in Sunwise Circuit, after Being Incensed, to the Musicians. Fifth Day, 1902. Pl. LXXII. The Grandfathers Making the Wrist and Ankle Bands for the Dancers. Sixth Day, 1902. I n Pl. LXXIII. Grandfathers Passing the Wrist and Head Bands to the Dancers. Sixth Day, 1902. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 135 days previous, and it was feared by the priests that, should the excess- ive warm weather continue, the men would not be able to endure until the end. Two or three of the priests, therefore, were heard at differ- ent times on the preceding day, offering prayer, that cooler weather might prevail. This fact was known throughout the camp, and great, therefore, was the joy and satisfaction of all when the morning dawned cloudy and cool and so continued throughout the day, thus affording a much needed rest to all the members of the camp. THE SUNRISE DANCE. The ceremony continued on this day in a manner similar to that on the previous morning. Just before daybreak the dancers formed in line and accompanied by the singing of members of the Star society they faced east, and danced until after sunrise. Then the spectators' scattered to their various lodges for breakfast, while the dancers, wrapped in their blankets, huddled around the fire, for there was two inches of snow on the ground. The Crier called for water, which the women brought for the dancers to bathe themselves with, food was provided for the grandfathers and fresh sage and paint to be used in painting and costuming the dancers. After the painting, they danced at intervals, as on the preceding day. ^ PREPARATION OF THE SAGE WREATHS AND BANDOLEERS. On this day and the day following, in both the 1901 and 1902 presentations, the majority of the dancers wore certain wreaths of sage, usually around the head, waist, wrists, and ankles. All these accessories to the dancers' costumes were made, in both years, on this the second day of the dance proper. As a rule, the sage wreaths were made by the grandfathers of the dancers who were to wear them, and their construction was devoid of formality. (See Plates LXXII. and LXXIII.) Attached to the wreath was a small sprig broken from the cedar tree at the side of the altar, and an eagle breath-feather. The wreaths were bound together and held in place by means of strands of sinew. In the section of this paper which treats of the dancers, it will be noted that in the 1902 performance, certain men wore, in addition to the usual sage ornaments, bandoleers, which passed over the left shoulder and under the right arm. These bandoleers were made on this day, in one of the tipis, and not in the Offerings-lodge. The bandoleers were made by Hanatchawdtant (Black-Buffalo), assisted by WadtannihinSn (Black-Man) ; both priests fasted throughout this day. 136 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Having provided themselves with the necessary material, they placed sage on the ground in the tipi in front of them, upon which they placed calico. Upon the calico they laid the strips of otter hide and certain feathers and other materials about to be required. Each one now touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground, and then to his tongue, took a piece of sage root, from which he bit off a small portion, spat in his hands five times, and rubbed himself over the head, arms, breast, and body. Then they began the work of pre- paring the bandoleers. Having fashioned the otter skin in proper form, seven eagle feath- ers were attached on the one side, together with eagle breath-feathers stained green and red, and pieces of yellow woodchuck hide. At the lower side of the bandoleer, i. e., at the point which was to hang lowest on the body, was attached a white ring, about two and a half inches in diameter, such as is used on harness. Having completed the construction of the bandoleers, the two priests passed them over the incense produced by burning sweet grass on live coals. HanSkenakuwu (White-Buffalo) then made a prayer: HANAKENAKUWU'S PRAYER. "Man- Above, we come to you for this holy ceremony, as we wish to fix these objects as your servants used to do. We are poor and humble before you. Remember that we are young, so please help us to make these things to be used to-day for your comfort! May they look good to the eyes of the people. As it was when the originator of these wreaths, paints, and necklaces gave them to us, so now, let it be pleasing to you! May the sun be cool for the dancers. May we go back to our homes in good health ! Give us good water and food ! Show us some clouds for shade over the dancers!" INTRUSIVE CEREMONIES. On the afternoon of this day there was a diversion, in the nature of certain public performances which were held in a large temporary enclosure, made about one hundred yards to the east of the lodge. The dancing here was largely of a social nature, the various partici- pants dancing for the amusement of their societies, and especially for their visitors. (See Plate LXXIV.) Some of the members of the visiting tribes also danced from time to time. There were many exchanges of presents, such as ponies and calico. Pl. LXXIV. Intrusive Performances. Fifth Day, 1902. Fig. 1. Group of visiting Cheyenne, in temporary dance structure east of the Ofiferings-lodge. Fig. 2. Kit-Fox and Star societies dancing the Crow dance. f FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXIV. sfej^^* g^^ y ophHeii' "^" -r--^ 11. ^ 4k ^ Pl. LXXV. The Initiation of New Chiefs. Fifth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Nishchdnakati pronouncing Bull-Bear chief, giving him the new name, White-Owl. Fig. 2. Row-of-Lodges proclaiming Omaha chief. m-i- I FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXVI. FIG. 2. PL. LXXVI. The Inauguration of New Chiefs. Fifth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Chief Niwalit proclaiming Wdtanah chief, presenting him with pipe and tobacco, as he pronounces his new name. Fig. 2. Chief Yellow-Horse listening to the speech of Chief Row-of-Lodges 4f "^f t I 1 1 i ■]^M fc ''• !® *3riHI^Ni^BS^BK ^ \M tSw^^^^'^ Pl. LXXVII. Name-Changing Ceremony. Sixth Day, 1902. Fig, I. Hdcheni about to pronounce the new name. Fig. 2, The individual just renamed receiving the pipe from Nishchdnakati. v/-^- ''vr- V'^K^ May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 137 INAUGURATION OF NEW CHIEFS. At this time was also performed the ceremony of the making of chiefs. In this performance, an old chief, and sponsor of the chief- to-be, proceeded to the open space recently occupied by the dancers. The chief-to-be turned and faced the old chief, who addressed to him in aloud voice a speech of considerable extent, whereupon, at the conclu- sion of the address, he handed the newly elected chief a pipe and tobacco bag, and pronounced his new name, which concluded the ceremony. (See Plates LXXV. and LXXVI.) Some of the speeches made at this time were of unusual interest on account of the sentiment expressed. Such was a bit of a speech of one man, which was some- what as follows: "My friend, you are about to be made chief. You will no longer be a common man, and every one will look at you; you will stand on a high place, and your faults therefore will be clearly observed. Do not let this dismay you, and even if people should laugh at you, do not be discouraged, but walk straight ahead and do the best you can." NAME-CHANGING CEREMONY, 1902. This interesting rite was performed on the afternoon of this day in the Offerings-lodge for several individuals. The candidate took his pipe to either Hdcheni or Nishchanakati, who arose, lifted the pipe on high with his right hand and a piece of sage in his left, the candi- date standing in front of and with his back to the priest. (See Fig. i, Plate LXXVII.) The priest then recited the ritual, at the conclusion of which he dropped the sage as he pronounced the new name. The candidate then turned, stooped in front of the priest, who had assumed a sitting posture, and received from him the pipe after the usual man- ner. (See Fig. 2, Plate LXXVII.) THE lodge-maker's PRAYER. An interesting incident occurred on the afternoon of -this day. While the dancers were in line, the Lodge-Maker left his position, walked over to the center-pole, and placing his arms around it, he cried long and earnestly, praying that the Father-Above, and the Four-Old-Men would support him and his fellow dancers and be with them and encourage them in their attempt to purify themselves by their four-days' fast. The dancing continued at intervals almost throughout the entire night. MEDICINE NIGHT. It has been pointed out above that on this day, in the 1902 per- formance, the men were exhorted to direct their thoughts toward the powers above, in order that their vows might be more completely 138 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. fulfilled. In connection with this, a speech, made by Hdwkan to all those present in the Offerings-lodge (speaking particularly to the grandfathers and the dancers), just before sundown, is of considerable interest: "Listen, my young people! I am here to tell you that this is Medicine Night. From this time on, until the last moment of the dance, you must do your best to extend your gifted powers to comfort and relieve your grandchildren. Set your thoughts on the Gods in the Heavens. Be careful not to omit any detail of the painting. Tell your grandchildren the particular place that they must look. Help them, and give them things to attract the Supernatural Beings. Let every one come into the lodge and keep up the spirit, and sing the songs which our forefathers used to sing. You know what this Medicine Night means. Make a joyful noise for us. Give music to our Father-Above. "Give solemn thoughts to your Creator, you dancers, and don't think about water or food, but weep to him by holding the center- pole in your mind. The old folks tell us that this lodge is hard and tedious, but if you have faith you will gain some good. Now, friends, I am going over to drink some water." The meaning of Hawkan's last sentence may be better under- stood when it is stated that he also had kept the fast with the dancers from the night of the feast at the break-up of the Rabbit-tipi. There is a considerable amount of evidence to the fact that in former times unbridled license prevailed throughout the camp on this night, which was taken advantage of by all, as it was considered one of the rites of the ceremony. In more recent years, however, this has been entirely given up. The occasion is still seized, however, by the younger people as an opportunity for courting, and it is safe to assume that many future marriages have their beginnings on this night. SIXTH DAY, 1901; SEVENTH DAY, 1902. This corresponds to the seventh day of the 1902 performance, and with one exception the number and succession of rites during the day were practically the same for both years. The events of the day followed, practically the same as those just described for the pre- ceding day, except that at the conclusion of the day's performance there occurred the interesting rite of dancing toward the setting sun. Pl. LXXVIII. Women about the Entrance of the Offerings-lodge, Singing and Encouraging the Dancers. .Sixth Day, 1902. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 139 THE MORNING DANCE. At about six o'clock on this morning, the Crier was heard calling for wood for the fire, and especially for more women to come to the lodge to assist in the singing. Again the men faced the east, and danced and whistled until the sun was well up. As this performance continued, from time to time, they stretched out one or both hands toward the east, while the beginning song was sung. A second time the Crier called for the women to bring pails of water and sage, while the dancers gathered around the fire and smoked informally. When water and sage had been brought, and the sage had been placed in the buckets in the usual ceremonial fashion, and after the sage had been passed over the bodies of the dancers as on the previous morning, they washed and dried themselves before the fire, and returned, sitting down in front of the grandfathers, whereupon each dancer filled a pipe for his grandfather to smoke. THE MORNING DANCE, 1902. The performance in 1902 was practically the same as on the cor- responding morning of 1901. It was observed, however, that at this time the Lodge-Maker used the Wheel handed him by Nishnat^yana. As the dancing and whistling continued, the Lodge-Maker, from time to time, extended his arm, carrying the Wheel out in front of him, drawing the hand, finally, up even with the head, and thus making a semicircular motion. This continued until the sun actually appeared. The reason for the performance, so it was claimed, was to hasten the appearance of the sun. THE FEAST AND SACRIFICE OF FOOD. Food was brought in large quantities by the women, during the time that the pipes were being passed back and forth among the grandfathers and the priests. During all the time women in increasing numbers gathered about the entrance, and were singing and encouraging the men. (See Plate LXXVIII.) The Lodge-Maker then took a pinch of food and made the various offerings, as on the two preceding days. It was noticed on this morning, that as he stopped in front of the ditch, he first rubbed the palms of his hands together, crushing food between them, and then placing his hands together, he made four motions upward toward the buffalo skull, and then deposited the particle of food under the arch of the seven semicircular twigs. Then the grandfathers and the chief priests began to eat, while the I40 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. dancers gathered about the fire and smoked. By this time the sun had come out and the weather had grown perceptibly warmer, and all were correspondingly happy. The lodge at this time was almost crowded with people, sitting and eating, the whole forming a very busy and happy scene. (See Plate LXXIX.) THE DANCERS PAINTED. After the feast the women gathered up such food as remained and went outside of the lodge, where they formed in different groups and ate with their friends. In the mean time, the Criers were calling for this and that, and the scene was indeed a busy one. Then paint was provided by the women for the grandfathers, who warmed it and took up their positions, with the dancers in front of them. Then, as on the previous day, the Lodge-Maker took his position in front of Hocheni. The latter began to rub his second finger on the palm of his right hand, as before, and after warming his hands over a live coal, he passed the tips of his fingers from one extremity of the Lodge-Maker's body to the other. He then rubbed the second finger of his right hand down the palm of his left and again passed his hands over the outside of the Lodge-Maker's body, the same operation being repeated twice again. The Lodge-Maker then turned his back to Hocheni, who smeared the paint here and there over his back. The Lodge-Maker then went over to the fire, where he painted his body from head to foot with white clay. As fast as the dancers were painted they dried themselves before the fire. In the mean time, several priests began making wreaths and bands of sage to be worn by the dancers. (See Fig. i, Plate LXXX.) This completed, the dancers returned to the grandfathers for the final paint. At this time also, fresh sage was put in the ditch. After the dancers had been painted they resumed their position in the line, but all in squatting posture, the Lodge-Maker having his feet, as usual, on the sage in the ditch. (See Plate LXXXI.) The paints had now been passed to the women, who had removed them. The chief priests, including Hocheni, Hdwkan, Chanitoe, Waakat- dni, and Wadnibe, formed in a semicircular line in front of the dan- cers. The Lodge-Maker now went to the fireplace and brought over a live coal, which he placed in front of Hocheni, placing over it some spruce leaves which had been handed him by Hocheni, and then drew about him his buffalo robe, with which he wrapped himself when not being painted or not engaged in active ceremony. Hawkan then uttered a prayer. Hdcheni took up a rawhide rattle, which he held in his right hand, and began slowly to shake it. The crowd around the wt» PL. LXXIX. The Feast and Payment of the Grandfathers by the Relatives of THE Dancers. Seventh Day, 1902. Fig. I. Thiyeh directing the placing of the food and presents. Fig. 2. Thiyeh and the dancers beginning the distribution of the food. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXIX. PL. LXXX. Incidents in the Offerings-lodge. Sixth Day, 1902. Fig. I. The grandfathers making sage wreaths and head bands for the dancers. Fig. 2. The Lime-Crazy society acting as musicians. FIEtD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXX. Pl. LXXXI. The Dancers Resting after Having been Painted, NiwAAT Sitting in Front of the Altar with his Feet upon the Sage Floor of the Ditch. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXXII. Pl. LXXXII. Arapaho Children in Native Costume. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXXIII. Pl. LXXXIII. Baihoh, One of the Dog-soldiers. Pl. LXXXIV. Priests Resting after Painting the Dancers. Seventh Day, 1902. On the left, Nakadsh; in the center, Watdngaa; on the right, Wcltanah. Pl. LXXXV. NiwAAT AND Waatanakashi, after Having been Painted: Hocheni on THE Extreme Left. Seventh Day, 1902. . PL. LXXXVI. The Line of Dancers. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The dancers whistling toward the fork of the center-pole; in front of the line is Henifinit. Fig. 2. Dancers resting: His^haseh called to the front of the line to receive a present. PL. LXXXVll. The Line of Dancers. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I, Niehhinitu, dancing toward the center-pole. Fig. 2. Hisehaseh, dancing in front of the line. PL LXXXVIl). SOUTH OR LEFT HALF OF THE LINE OF DANCERS, WHISTLING TOWARD THE Center-pole. Seventh Day, 1902. PL. LXXXIX. North of Left Half of the Line of Dancers, Whistling toward THE Center-pole. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XC. PL. XC. Dancing with the Wheel. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The Wheel, which has just been passed to Thihduchhdwkan, the grandfather. Fig. 2. ThihduchhAwkan weeping for mercy, to the Wheel. PL. XCI. Dancers Bathing, Preparatory to Being Painted. Seventh Day, 1902. PL. XCII. Dancers Resting, after Being Painted. Seventh Day, 1902. At the extreme left is chief Wdtanah addressing the dancers, praising and encouraging them. iMay, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 141 drum had been perceptibly increased in size, and it was now noticed that many of the musicians and spectators wore buckskin shirts and leggings, while the majority of them had their faces painted in accord- ance with individual privileges. (See Plates LXXXII. and LXXXIII.) The drummers now struck up a low song, whereupon the Lodge- Maker took the rawhide, and holding it to the right of him and walk- ing in a stooping posture, he carried it in front of the altar to the west and north of the center-pole, and on, around to the drummers, where he made a motion as if to pass it among the drummers, four times, and then threw it among them, whereupon they shouted vociferously, beat upon the rawhide, and began one of the Sun Dance songs. Then the semicircular line of priests retired to various positions about the lodge. (See Plate LXXXIV. and LXXXV.) With the beginning of the singing, the dancers rose, placed the whistles in their mouths, and began dancing. (See Plates LXXXVL, LXXXVII., LXXXVIIL, and LXXXIX.) Waakatani now went to Hisehaseh, who was standing in front of the line, and who was holding in each hand a bunch of sage. After four passes with his right hand, Waakatani removed these from his hands. Debithe then went back behind the altar, took the Wheel from its position, brought it around in front, passing to the right, and handed it to the Lodge-Maker. (See Plate XC.) THE DANCERS PAINTED, 1902. An interesting variation was noted this day, not recorded in detail heretofore. Before the completion of the so-called "poultice," each grandfather went to Hocheni, before whom he knelt, and placed his hands upon his head. In this position he uttered a prayer, or more properly speaking, supplicated Hocheni to assist him. At the con- clusion of the performance, the grandfather drew his hands down the arms of Hocheni, and then held his hands in front of him, palms upward. Hocheni now touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground, touched his tongue, took a bite of root, and with his finger motioned five times in the palms of the grandfather's hands in the usual ceremonial manner. He then spat five times at these same points. He then spat to the right and left, to the head of the grand- father, and in his hands, which he rubbed upon the man's head. Again he spat in his hands and touched the grandfather's breast. Hocheni next took a root from his mouth and placed it in the mouth of the grandfather. The painting, with accompanying rites then followed, as already described. (See Plate XCL and XCH.) Before the begin- ning of the dancing occurred the rite of passing the rawhide over the incense, as has already been described on a previous occasion. 142 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. At this time on this day, in the performance of both years, evi- dence of the prevailing good feeling and generous nature of the tribe was abundantly shown. Thus, several chiefs made encouraging speeches to the dancers (see Fig. i, Plate XCII.), commending them for the fortitude shown up to the present, and encouraging them to continue during the few remaining hours of the dance. Many of the old married couples stood up by the side of the drum- mers, and in the presence of the assembled multitude, embraced and kissed, while H6cheni stood by, encouraging them and calling the attention of the young people to the blessings of married life. (See Fig. 2, Plate XCIII.) The musicians were also praised for their devoted attention throughout the ceremony, and were publicly thanked by Hdcheni (see Fig, i, Plate XCIV.), who also addressed the visiting Cheyenne and other tribes, thanking them for their presence. Many presents were also given at this time; the customary method of procedure being for the donor to lead into the Offerings- lodge a pony, and through Hocheni, make known that he wished to present a pony to some friend. (See Fig. 2, Plate XCIV. an i Plate XCV.) Presents were also made at this time to Naen, who left her seat behind the altar and stood in front of her husband. (See Plate XCVI.) CEREMONY WITH THE WHEEL. Now begins the most trying part of the ceremony; for in addition to the pangs of hunger and thirst and exhaustion which the dancers must feel by this time, the performance with the Wheel in the hands of the Lodge-Maker is an unusually solemn moment, heightened by an intense religious fervor, increased by the screaming and shouting of the women and the encouraging cries of the men. It is the wish of all that no one of the dancers may fall from exhaustion at this time. The singing was much more spirited than at any other time during the ceremony, and more force was put into the movement of the dancers, as well as in the volume of noise produced by the whistles. From time to time the Lodge-Maker would hold the Wheel up toward the center-pole, toward which all now looked. (See Fig I, Plate XCVIL) Many presents were brought in by the female relatives of the dancers, to be given away at this time. At times the Lodge-Maker seemed overcome with emotion. His breast heaved violently and his face was contorted into violent grimaces. After this had continued for perhaps twenty minutes, Debithe arose and went behind the Lodge-Maker, took the Wheel with both hands, and raised it up over the Lodge-Maker's head, toward which he made four passes, and then placed the Wheel down over his heard, whee it rested upon Pl. XCIII. Priests Encouraging the Dancers. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Running-in-Circle addressing the dancers; behind him are \Va- t^ngaa and Hocheni. Fig. 2. Hocheni praising Hanatchawdtani and wife, who are making love as a lesson to the young people. Pl. XCIV. Encouraging the Dancers. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. H6cheni praising the musicians. Fig. 2. Hocheni making announcements for Detenin, who is about to give away a pony. Pl. XCV. The Giving of Presents. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. H6cheni making announcements for Little-Raven, Jr., who is about to give away a pony to show love for his child. Fig. 2. The pony being led away. ^ Pl. XCVI. Naen, Wife of Wa/(tanakashi, in Front of Line of Dancers,' Receiving A Present. Seventh Day, 1902. Pl. XCVII. Ceremony with the Wheel. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Thihduchbdwkan, motioning with the Wheel toward the center-pole. Fig. 2. Thihduchhdwkan placing the Wheel over his head. PL. XCVIII. Dancing with the Wheel. Seventh Day, 1902. North half of the line of dancers, with Niwaat, third in line from the left, standing in the ditch, with the Wheel in his right hand. > somc- the L. ,t to Chan^Tot, w May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 143 his shoulders, with the feathers hanging down in front. (See Fig. 2, Plate XCVII.) All the dancers now had sage in their right hands, which they raised aloft toward the center-pole from time to time, stretching the hand out straight from the shoulder, and with the sage pointed straight toward the right. (See Plate XCVIII.) The Lodge-Maker now transferred to his right hand a buffalo tail, which up to this time he had been holding in his left hand. This he waved and shook, as did the others their sage. Still the singing and dancing continued, and with increased spirit. Debithe then stepped up to the Lodge-Maker, removed the Wheel from his head, and placed it on a limb of the cedar tree, which projected back behind the skull. By the waving with an outward lifting motion of the Wheel toward the center- pole, the Lodge-Maker calls the attention of the Father, asking him to look down, while the placing of the Wheel over the Lodge-Maker's head, is to say, "My Grandfather, I take on, I receive the good of your gift for myself and for all." Ponies, calico, and money, still were being given away by the friends of the dancers. As on previous occasions during the dancing, Biba, the wife of the Lodge-Maker, constantly sat behind and to the north of the altar, being wrapped in a buffalo robe. The grandmother now took some- thing from a little bag which she carried with her, put it in her mouth, spat it upon the palms of her two hands, and rubbed her head, breast, and arms. Behind the buffalo skull was now placed a pile of calico as an offering, on the part of some individual, to the Wheel. PREPARATION OF THE SWEET-WATER. One of the women now brought into the lodge a white wooden bowl about two feet in diameter, together with a knife and an axe, whereupon Hawkan, Watangaa, and the Lodge-Maker went around behind the buffalo skull, where Bech^aye joined them. She leaned over Hawkan and uttered a prayer, whereupon they arranged them- selves in the form of a circle. Two of the men now cleared away a circular bit of ground, about a foot in diameter, just back of the buf- falo skull. Debithe now joined the circle, bringing a bucket of hot water and a long-handled spoon of mountain sheep horn. Debithe passed the stem of the straight-pipe to Hdwkan, who arose and asked that the singing and dancing cease, whereupon the dancers sat down. Watangaa passed a bag of red paint to Chanitoe, who opened it and thor- oughly mixed a piece of tallow with it. Watangaa then passed to him a bag of black paint, whereupon this also was mixed with tallow. Hawkan 144 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, gave to Watdngaa a piece of root, which he placed in his mouth, and after chewing it a moment, spat upon his hands, which he rubbed over his head. Some small pieces of this root were passed to the other members of the circle. Hdwkan, with his pipe-stem, made four passes toward the eaith, and next indicated a semicircular space to Wadnibe, then the latter took an axe, and made four passes at each corner of the indicated space, and one in the center. The axe was then passed to Bech^aye, who did the same. They began digging with the axe, loosening the earth. Watangaa and Chanitoe continued the work with knives, making an excavation about a foot in diameter and four inches deep, the dirt being placed in a blanket, which was lying between Wadnibe and Hawkan. When they had finished the excavation, Wadnibe deposited the dirt at the foot of the center-pole. The bucket of hot water was then passed in near the excavation. A bag of pounded red berries and one of pounded herbs was opened. Hdwkan took the bag of pounded berries, and taking a pinch in his hand dropped a little in the southeast corner, then in the south- west corner, and so on around the edge of the pail, his assistants following his example, until the sack was entirely emptied. Hdwkan took up the sack of pounded roots, and as before, gave a pinch to each of the assistants, whereupon all repeated the preceding perform- ance until the pounded root was all placed in the pail. Watdngaa handed Hdwkan the large spoon, whereupon the latter told Watdngaa how to use it. The latter dipped up a tiny portion of the liquid, thrusting the spoon first on the east side, second on the south, third on the west, and finally on the north side. The spoon was now passed to Wadnibe, who did the same, then to the Lodge- Maker, then Chanitoe, and so on around the circle, the spoon being passed in a dextral circuit. As the spoon was dipped in the central portion by each one, after the four corners had been disturbed, it was noticed that considerable more of the liquid was taken up at this point than at the corners. When the spoon finally came to Wadnibe, she thrust the spoon to the bottom. All this time the dried berries and herbs were being thoroughly mixed with the water. Watdngaa passed Hdwkan the wooden bowl, who taking it in both hands made four passes, and then deposited it in the excavation which had been so made as to receive the bowl. Watdngaa gave to Hdwkan a sage stem, which he straightened and used as a rule to divide the bowl into halves, by placing it across the rim of the bowl. While he held the stem in this position, Watdngaa painted the north half of the rim of the bowl with the black- ened tallow, Chanftoe and Debithe, during this operation, holding the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 145 stick. Hawkan and Debithe held the stem and the other half of the rim of the bowl was painted by Watangaa with the red tallow. It was noticed that in holding the stem, care was taken so that it should be directly on a line with the center-pole. Watangaa now made a small circular dot on the outside of the bowl just under one end of the black line. On a corresponding position of the opposite side, outside of the bowl and just under the end of the red line, he made a semi- circular mark in red. These two symbols represented the sun and moon. Watangaa now handed to Hawkan the spoon, and he dipped up some of the charm liquid and poured it into the bowl, pouring first on the east, then on the south, the west, and the north sides, and then in the center of the bowl. This same operation was continued by Watangaa, his wife, the Lodge-Maker, Chanitoe, and Debithe. Care was exer- cised in transferring the charm liquid into the bowl to place therein only so much as would fill the bowl on the level with the symbols on the outside. Watangaa now renewed the paint on the south half of the bowl, while Chanitoe renewed the red paint on the north half of the bowl. All the priests now formed in line along the wall of the lodge on the east; Hawkan and Chanitoe, however, retaining their position. The former now approached the bowl, which he held at its two edges, whereupon Chanitoe took a spoon and stirred the liquid until it was thoroughly mixed. He then leaned over it, made with his mouth a noise resembling that made by a goose just before drinking, and then put his lips in the liquid, taking a little in his mouth. Hawkan took a goose feather and dipped it in the bowl at the four corners and at the center. The wife of Chanitoe, taking the feather from Hawkan, drew it twice through Chanitoe's lips, as he held his head over the bowl, first from right to left, then from left to right. Chanitoe then made the same noise with his lips, and drank from the bowl. Debithe, Watangaa, and others then followed, going through the same perform- ance and drinking from the bowl. During this time and right after the manufacture of the charm liquid, the singing and dancing had continued. Watangaa now sat down just between the medicine bowl and the skull, while opposite and facing him sat Chanitoe. As may be readily surmised, the color symbolism of the bowl is the same as shown in the skull and other objects of the altar. The bowl itself, with the liquid, was said to represent the great lake above, from which all rain comes. The pounded berries were typical of the food, especially the vegetable food of the earth, while the pounded herbs represented, in general, the earth's fragrance. It is also said, 146 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. that, as rain water is "sweet," so this water must be made sweet. The object of drawing the goose-quill through the lips was especially, to cleanse the mouth, thus imitating the habit of the goose. The poop- ing just before drinking, represented the noise made by the goose before drinking, because these birds drink good, clear water, in regions where there is ice and snow, where, therefore, the water is "sweet." The bodies of the geese are white, and hence the people imitating the acts of the birds make themselves clean from all badness and free from sickness. PREPARATION OF THE SWEET-WATER, 1902. According to the statement made by Hawkan, the charm liquid, or holy water, should not be prepared in the Offerings-lodge, as the rites accompanying the preparation of the water are supposed to be secret. On this year, therefore, when the time came for the prepara- tion of the water, i. e., at about six in the afternoon, Hawkan and several others left the Offerings-lodge and proceeded to the tipi of Chanitoe, which stood in the camp-circle just north of the eastern opening, (See Plate XCIX.) Proceeding within, they arranged themselves in the following order, beginning with the south side of the tipi entrance and continuing on around to 'the north side of the door: Chanitoe's wife, Hawkan, Chanitoe, Watangaa, Nishnat^yana, Watanah, Debithe, and Thiyeh. Within the tipi, certain preparations had already been made. A kettle of boiling water was found hanging upon a crane over a fire in the center of the tipi. After a few moments, Hdwkan left his position next to Chanitoe's wife and sat down between Nishnat^yana and Watanah. He took a pipe-stem in his hand and directed the priests in some detail, giving the reason why the medicine water should not be prepared in the Offerings-lodge, and asking the priests, especially those who were present as pupils, to be particularly attentive during the performance, in order that they might perform this rite accurately in the future. He then pointed out that the kettle should not be suspended upon the crane, and asked that a tripod be provided, saying that only the tripod used with the tipi leanback should be used for this purpose. No tripod being present within the lodge, Chanitoe's wife went outside, and soon returned with an ordinary tripod used over the fire. The proper kind of roots or herbs not being present, Chanitoe left the lodge and soon returned with them. The tripod and packages having been handed to Hdwkan, he uttered a prayer: Pl. XCIX. Line of Priests on Their Way to Prepare the Sweet-water. Seventh Day, 1902. In line from the left, are Thiyeh, wife of Chanitoe; Chanitoe, Nakadsh, Nishnateyana and Hdwkan. At the end of the line on the right is Cleaver Warden, interpreter. May; 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 147 HAWKAN S PRAYER. "According to your instructions, relative to making this holy water, I will now proceed with these servants. After creating the earth, you made this sweet-water (goose) for us all. You caused vege- tables and herbs to grow, in order that mankind might derive some benefit from them. Here are these servants, Chanitoe and wife, before you, my Father, Man-Above, and my Grandfather, Light-of- the-Day, the Center-Road. "My Grandmother, Old-Woman-Night, we cannot help but call to you, when we come together, for your protection, upon the mem- bers of the tribe. "You Sun Dance priests and Rabbit-people, Dancers-of-the-Past, Former Children of this Lodge, listen to us! Hear our plea! We are young in these rites, and under obligations to call upon you for assist- ance. May this kettle of water be made to taste sweet, so that all children may drink it and purify their streams of blood! Cause these servants present to witness these rites with solemn hearts! Let this sweet-water be a blessing upon us all to-night, that this tribe may increase in population, just as the geese increase." The kettle was now lifted from the crane by Chanitoe and placed in front of Hawkan. The former opened a sack containing dried and crushed dog root, or sweet root. Taking a pinch with the thumb and forefinger of his right hand, he motioned four times toward the water in the vessel, while Hawkan made four passes with the pipe-stem and spat toward the water four times. The pinch of root was then placed upon the water in the kettle, in the southwest corner. Again Chanitoe took a pinch of root, motioned his hand toward the surface of the water once, Hdwkan pointing with the stem and spitting toward the northwest corner. Then Chanitoe deposited the roots in this direc- tion. This performance was repeated for the northeast corner, and the southeast. A fifth pinch of root was added upon the surface of the water, in the center, Chanitoe motioning four times, and Hdwkan ejecting spittle and motioning with the pipe-stem. The second sack, containing dried red berries, was now opened by Chanitoe, who added five bunches of these to the water, with exactly the same number of passes as before, and accompanied likewise with similar actions on the part of Hawkan. This time, however, the first pinch was added to the west side of the kettle, the second on the north, the third on the east, and the fourth on the south, the fifth, of course, being added in the center. Chanitoe's wife next added a pinch 148 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of the clog root and of the red berries at the four cardinal points and emptied the contents of the sacks into the kettle. Chanitoe took up a large, long-handled ladle of sheep's horn, with which he made four motions toward the water, each motion being accompanied by a similar movement on the part of Hdwkan with the pipe-stem. He dipped the ladle into the southwest corner of the kettle and poured the liquid back into the center. This performance was repeated, but with one motion and with one ejection of spittle and one movement of the pipe-stem on the part of Hdwkan, in the northwest, northeast, and southeast corners. Four movements were then made toward the center by both Chanitoe and Hdwkan, whereupon the former thoroughly stirred the contents of the kettle. The kettle was placed over the fire, upon the tripod, where it remained for some time, until the water began to boil. During this time Hdwkan continued to discuss the rites of the ceremony and to explain to the priests present, that as the sacred water was taken from this tipi of preparation to the Offerings-lodge, it should be carried in the right hand only, and that it should be "hidden from him." The old priest, Hawkan's informant, did not explain what this meant, but Hawkan supposed that he referred to the sun. When the kettle began to boil, Chanitoe took a coal from the fire and placed it in front of Hawkan. He also lifted the kettle from the fire and placed it at Hawkan's right. The latter opened a bag of cedar-leaves, a pinch of which he placed upon the coal, making first four passes from each of the cardinal points, beginning with the east and continuing on the south, west, and north toward the coal, and finally motioning his hand from above. He arose, lifted the kettle, and passed it over the incense, with a circular motion, four times, beginning each motion on the north side, and passing the kettle in a sunwise circuit. He set the kettle down on the ground and prayed: hawkan's prayer. "Please, Father, Man- Above, do not get impatient at our constant prayers. You caused the cedar tree to grow and from it we get leaves for our incense for this pure water. "Come and live with us, you Spirits, Supernatural-Beings, and help us in our supplications! We have boiled this water; placed the root and eating-berries upon it, and it is now prepared. Poor and humble as we are in this wdrld, surrounded by white people, please do have mercy upon us! May this cloud of smoke (incense) reach your nostrils, my Father and my Grandmother! Let our circuits (the courses with the sun, during the day) be firm, and free from accidents! May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 149 "My Grandfather, Big-Painted-Red-Robe, listen to me! You are the one who directed and instructed me; and whatever I do, may it be pleasing to your sight! I have taken great pains to pursue the way which you gave me. May this woman (Chanitoe's wife) carry this kettle of sweet-water safely to your holy place ! As the geese drank that pure water without difficulty, so let it be with us! My Father, please come and be with us!" The priests now left the lodge, accompanied by Chanitoe's wife carrying the kettle, and proceeded to the Offerings-lodge, where they passed directly to the spot between the western wall of the lodge and the buffalo skull. Here a circular excavation was made for the wooden bowl, the sage being first removed, and Hawkan indicating the spot with the pipe-stem by the four motions, where the excavation was to be made. A bowl provided by Watdngaa was then placed upon the excavation. Chanitoe opened the two sacks, one containing red, and the other black paint. The paint he mixed with tallow. Nishnat^- yana, with the pipe-stem, after four passes with it toward the bowl, made a mark on the west side of the rim of the bowl, and then one on the east. Hawkan placed across the bowl at these two points a stem of sage, being assisted by Watangaa. Nishnateyana again made four motions with the pipe-stem, ejecting spittle, at the same time touch- ing the bowl, first on the southeast corner, and then on the southwest, northwest, northeast, and finally drawing the point of the stem entirely around the rim of the bowl. Chanitoe applied black paint to the south rim of the bowl, while Watangaa besmeared the rim on the north side with red. Naen also applied black paint to the south side, passing her finger from the east around to the west, and then applied red paint on the north rim, beginning at the west. Chanitoe touched with the point of his forefinger the bowl, on the inside near the edge, at two points equidistant and half-way between the east and west diameter of the bowl; and Watangaa went through a similar perform- ance on the north side. Nishnateyana made the four motions with the pipe-stem on the outside of the bowl, and on the east side, ejecting spittle also. At this point near the rim and edge and south of the east side of the bowl, Chanitoe painted a circular symbol. Nishnate- yana repeated this performance on the west side of the bowl just north of the line of the diameter, at which point Watdngaa painted a red crescent-shape symbol. Nishnateyana made the usual passes near the kettle, which had been standing near by, Chanitoe accompanying the movement of the pipe-stem with the ladle. He then dipped one ladle- ful from the bowl at the southeast corner, moving it as he passed it to the bowl, in a sunwise circuit. The second ladle of water was taken 150 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. from the southwest side, the third from the northwest, and the fourth from the northeast, Nishnat^yana making in the three last-named corners of the bowl, a single movement with the pipe-stem. The latter now moved the pipe-stem toward the center four times, being accompanied with a pass of the ladle by Chanitoe. The latter took up four ladlesful of water from the center of the kettle and added them to the bowl. Watangaa then, without the accompanying move- ments by Nishnat^yana, dipped from the four corners of the bowl and from the center, and then, without regard to position in the kettle, dipped from it until the bowl was filled as high as the level of the two symbols on the east and west sides outside the bowl. Chanitoe, with a white goose-feather, dipped into the bowl five times, beginning with the southeast and ending in the center. The feather was handed to Watangaa, who repeated the performance. Again Hawkan laid the straight sage stem across the center of the bowl, from east to west. Chanitoe poured from the thumb and forefinger of his right hand dry, black paint, along the south side of the bowl next the sage «tem, while Watangaa on the north side of the sage stem poured a line •of red paint Chanitoe covered the entire south side of the liquid in the bowl with black paint, while Watangaa covered the north half of the liquid red. Hawkan removed the stem, and without formality, thoroughly mixed the paint with the liquid. Hawkan arose, passed around in front of the cedar tree, and took up the small forked stick with the sage symbol of the bird, and thrust the stick in the ground on the west side of the bowl, the sage being so turned that, had it been a bird, it would have looked upon the water. Watdngaa now sat down just west of the bowl. Each of the priests, with Hdwkan in the lead, approached the bowl from the south side, knelt over it, while Watdngaa drew the feather across their mouths, as has already been described. Each placed his lips to the water^ first making a peculiar noise in imitation of geese and then took a sip of .the liquid from the center of the bowl. THE SUNSET DANCE. The wives and relatives of the dancers now removed all clothing, blankets, etc., from the lodge, whereupon the line of dancers and priests (see Fig. i, Plate C), turned toward the west, and there began the final period of dancing, to continue until the sun had disappeared in the west. As the dancers faced the west they, with the priests of the ceremony, formed in a semicircular line just back of and to the east of the center-pole and facing west. (See Fig. 2, Plate C.) In this line, beginning at the south, were Hdcheni, Debithe, Wanakdyl, §rM Pl. C. The Sunset Dance. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Dancers in line, resting, preparatory to the final dance. Fig. 2. Dancers in line, whistling toward the setting sun. fc^ "^ri JliliMiS^ ^^T^^^^^^^^^L^^^^^^^^^l .' May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 151 Heni&nit, Wdtanah, Waatu, Chaiii (Lump-Forehead), Thihauchhdwkan, Bihata, Hisehaseh, Hitantuh, Hebethngnen, Niehhinitu (Howling- Bird), Nisah (Twins), Biba, and Nawaht. The boughs and other obstructions had just before been removed from the western quarter of the lodge, so that all had an unobstructed view of the setting sun. The spectators were careful not to pass in front of the line of dancers and priests. The sage which the dancers held in their hands was now waved more often than on previous occa- sions, and was held in an upward position. The Lodge-Maker used the buffalo tail more frequently, holding his arm out in front of him and bending it at the elbow, striking his breast with the tail and wav- ing it from him. Others occasionally went through the same motion, beating their breasts with the sage. As it was near the close of the day, three dancers, who had worn yellow feathers in their hair, went to the grandfathers to have the feathers removed. As the sun sank lower and lower to the horizon the fervor of the dancers continued to increase, while the volume of noise from the drummers and accompanying female chorus was of the most enthusiastic nature. The effect thus produced was greatly heightened by the shouting, and yelling on the part of the friends of the dancers, encouraging them to hold out to the end. In this veri- table babel of noise could be heard now and then the shrill whoop of the war-cry, given on the part of certain members of the warrior soci- eties. The dancing continued with renewed vigor, although it had been prolonged without a moment's cessation for over twenty minutes. As an offset to the cheering words spoken by some of the older priests, such as chief Nawaht's constant calling out: "Dance harder!" "The sun is setting!" "Do not give up!" one or two others cried out, "You may as well give up!" "You can't possibly last any longer!" "There is no water or food left, anyway!" The long continued strain on the part of both the dancers and the spectators was being more and more felt, and instead of the wild shout- ing and calling of the men, the great throng became gradually quiet, until at the end, not much was heard except the low singing of the musicians, and the heaving and panting of the almost exhausted dancers. The dancing, after continuing uninterruptedly for nearly forty minutes, came to a sudden end. Thereupon a great shout was sent up by all ; for the ceremony had come to a happy termination without any one falling by the way and without a mishap, and all rejoiced cor- respondingly. This impressive exhibition of endurance and faith is termed "gambling against the Sun." It expresses, on the part of each 152 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. dancer his earnest prayer and an effort to conquer, to survive, to com- plete his three-days' fast, without falling, in spite of the opposition of the intense heat of the sun. To survive means to win benefit. At the conclusion of the dance all exclaimed, *'Thanks! We have attained our desire!" BATHING AND PURIFICATION OF THE DANCERS. Water was now brought in buckets and in each were placed bunches of sage, one for each corner and one for the center. Each dancer now stood in front of the bucket, and taking the sage, dipped it in the water and then passed the sage, barely touching their bodies, first about their ankles, then up their legs, rubbing first the right side and then the left, and then up their arms. Then they touched the symbol on their backs and applied the sage to both shoulders and to their heads, each motion terminating at the symbol on the breast. Then the dancers, one by one, approached the medicine bowl from the south side, where they stooped over it, while Chanitoe drew the feather across their mouths, after dipping it in the liquid, from the left to the right side, and frorh the right to the left. Then, placing the lips close to the water, they produced the sound, such as has already been described, then drank of the water, jumped over the bowl, and returned to their buckets. By the side of the bowl of charm liquid, between it and the skull of the altar, there should have been a small stick standing just to the east of the medicine bowl. The upper end of the stick is forked, while the stick is so placed that the prongs of the fork stand east and west. On this fork rests a small bird, the common name of which could not be learned, with its head pointing toward the bowl. It is called the "packed" or carried (in a cradle) bird. According to Hawkan, this is the same bird that is represented as being on the back of the goose, as has already been mentioned. The bird is said to be found near ponds and buffalo wallows, and is the apostle of the holy water to the people. The reason for the absence of the bird itself from the ceremony, was due to the fact that the skin which is always used for this purpose had been forgotten, and was at that time at Cantonement, about thirty miles away. The forked stick upon which the bird rests is supposed to be an old man's cane, while the bird itself looks down, telling the people that it wants every one to come up and drink this water, as it is from above. After the ceremony of the charm liquid, the bird is placed in a small sacred bundle and is preserved for use in future ceremonies. On returning to the buckets, the dancers thoroughly washed May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 153 themselves from head to foot. Then each man stooped over the bucket and drank copious drafts of water. This done, each man, either by means of his finger, or by means of a sage stem, tickled his throat to cause violent vomiting. While the dancers were thus wash- ing themselves, after partaking of the charm liquid, each of the great crowd of spectators came up to the bowl, in single file, went through the purification ceremony, one by one, as had the others, and then jumped over the bowl. BREAKING OF THE FAST. As fast as the dancers had washed themselves, they passed out- side the lodge, where they joined groups of friends, which were now scattered here and there in great numbers all about the lodge, where all indulged in the open-air feast. To give an adequate description of the profusion of food which was supplied on this night, or properly to characterize the feeling of deeply religious good nature which was shown, would be an impossibility. After all had finished, the food was gathered up and taken by the women to their homes, and the ceremony of the day was at an end. The priests and dancers passed the night at their own tipis. SEVENTH DAY, 1901; EIGHTH DAY, 1902. This day corresponds to the eighth day in the 1902 performance, the rites of the two days being practically the same. But few more duties remain for the dancers to perform on this the final day of the Sun Dance ceremony; these are, the final dancing out to meet the Sun, the rite of purification, and the smoking of the sacred straight- pipe. There then follows the informal offering or sacrifice of old clothes to the lodge, by any one of the camp-circle who may be so disposed. EARLY RITES IN THE LODGE. On going to the lodge early this morning before sunrise, it was found that the dancers had already put in an appearance, together with many of the priests. Within a short time all those who had up to this time been connected with^.the ceremony were present, and formed north of the center pole in one semicircular line, which extended nearly half-way around the lodge. At one end of the line, and nearest the eastern opening was Waakatani. Next to him, and in order, were: Watdngaa, Chanitoe, Hawkan, Debithe, Biba, wearing a buffalo robe, the Lodge-Maker, and the remaining nine dancers, the position of the 154 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. last one being in front of and beyond the altar. The drummers occu- pied their accustomed position. Watdngaa now left the line and went over to the altar, where he took up the ceremonial pipe, the Badger-pack, and the goose-quill. Debithe also left the line and got the Wheel. The Lodge-Maker now placed around him the buffalo robe, with the hair side outward. Hocheni took up the rawhide, while Waakatdni followed Debithe and returned with the many wrappings of the Wheel. The dancers now continued to stand in this same line, while the priests from the east end of the line passed in a single file in front of them, and on around to the north, east, and back in front of the dancers, where they sat down. The Lodge-Maker and his wife, Biba, now left the line and sat down in front of the remaining dancers, and in front of the ditch, the Lodge-Maker being on the south side and Biba on the left. The rattle, which had been forgotten, was now obtained by Hawkan, who gave it to Chanitoe. Watangaa lighted a pipe and passed it along the line, each priest as he received it, taking a few whiffs. As the pipe was returned to Watdngaa, he placed it, together with the feather, on the Badger-pack. The relative positions of the two lines again changed, the Lodge- Maker and his wife moving forward and joining the line of priests. Two of the dancers also now assumed a position in the forward line. With these changes, the line of the dancers was semicircular in shape, the center of the line being just in front of the altar. The second line, which was five feet in front of the first line, extended from a point between the altar and the center-pole, on around toward the west and north. The position of those in the second line, beginning with the southern end, was as follows: Biba, Chanitoe, Hitantuh, Wdtanah, and H6cheni. Biba now arose, and Debithe handed her the Wheel and the straight-pipe, which he took up from the badger-skin. Both of these objects Biba held in her right hand, the bowl of the pipe pointing for- ward. While the entire line of priests now moved a little toward the north, the line of the dancers passed also toward the north until they were immediately behind the former. The two lines now split into two divisions, there being thus formed four short, concentric, curved lines northwest of the center-pole. THE SUNRISE DANCE. The crowd around the lodge and within it was now as great as at any time during the ceremony, although care was taken that the move- ment of the dancers and the priests should not be interfered with, nor Pl. CI. The Badger-pack. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Watdngaa with the badger skin. Fig. 2. Hocheni, with the wrapping from Badger-pack. rof Pl. cm. Smoking the Straight-pipe. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Hocheni holding the straight-pipe, preparatory to h'ghting it. Fig. 2. The straight-pipe being smoked by the Sun Dance priests and dancers. PL. cm. The Wheel Returned to Its Owner. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Debithe leaving the Offerings-lodge with the Wheel in its wrappings and the rabbit fur. Fig. 2. The Wheel in its position behind the tipi of the Keeper. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 155 did any one pass between these lines and the eastern opening of the lodge. The singers now began a song, each of the dancers keeping time with the eagle-bone whistle, the women yelling vociferously from time to time. It was now noticed that while the Lodge-Maker had kept on his buffalo robe, Biba had laid hers aside. After the singing and the whistling had continued for a few moments, all four lines stepped forward toward the center-pole, then backward toward the northwestern corner of the lodge, then forward again, this time pro- ceeding as far as the eastern opening of the lodge, then back again to about the center of the lodge, then forward again, the lines this time passing outside and about twenty feet beyond, to the east of the lodge, where they halted, and all shook themselves vigorously. SMOKING THE STRAIGHT-PIPE. Those not actually engaged in the ceremony now departed for their homes. The priests and the dancers then formed themselves in a semicircular line, the opening of which faced toward the east. In the center of the line was Watangaa, Debithe, Hawkan, and the remaining priests, while the two ends of the line were made up of the dancers. To the east, and just in front of Watangaa, were placed the wrappings, upon which was now deposited the Wheel. Watangaa next untied the Badger-pack, retaining the badger-skin, while Hocheni retained the wrapper which had formed the covering of the badger- skin. (See Plate CI.) It was not noted that the anterior portion of the badger- skin was painted black, while the remainder was painted red. The badger-skin, together with the pipe-stem and rattle, were placed on the old buffalo wrapper. After a prayer by Hdwkan (see Fig. I, Plate CII.), the pipe was handed to Hocheni, who lighted it, prayed, puffed on the pipe again, whereupon it was passed along the line to the south, when it was handed back along the north side of the line. (See Fig. 2, Plate CII.) The pipe was then returned to Hocheni. All the priests now left for their lodges, while Watdngaa and Debithe remained to wrap the Wheel, pipe, etc., in their proper envelopes. These objects were then returned to their keepers or owners. (See Plate CIII.) In regard to the ceremony which has just been described, it may be stated that the method of advancing by degrees outside the lodge was a form of asking that the Man-Above and the Grandfather listen to their prayers. It also typified the going after something which is good, the idea being that as they rtiake the final advance at the fourth time, they take it with a good heart. The shaking of' the blankets may be regarded as a purification rite whereby sickness and sorrow were shaken off. The smoking of the straight-pipe at this time, on 156 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. the part of all, which formed the final performance in the ceremony, was to the effect that all might follow a straight road, that all might be protected, and that the families of those who had fasted and taken part in the ceremony might be protected, inasmuch as they had performed the ceremony according to the orders of Man-Above. THE MORNING RITES, 1902. This performance on this year was practically the same as has already been described. As the dancers moved out toward the sun, the wife of Nishnat^yana held the Wheel, while the wife of Watdngaa carried the sacred pipe, holding it in her right hand, with the bowl pointing upward. After the purification ceremony, and after the priests had sat down upon the ground, Hdwkan and Chanitoe removed the rabbit fur from the Lodge-Maker's robe, which Hawkan tied up in a bundle and placed with it five sprigs of fresh sage. The sacred straight-pipe was given to Hdcheni, who pointed with the bowl south- east, southwest, northwest, northeast, and then with the stem toward the sun and ground. The Badger-pack, after being carried out, was placed in its usual position south of the Wheel. It was unwrapped by Watangaa, who car- ried away with him the badger-skin, while H6cheni, as on the preceding year, retained the black and red covering. It was noticed when the Wheel was finally wrapped, that it had been lying on a thick bed of sage. THE SACRIFICE OF CHILDREN'S CLOTHING. It was now about ten o'clock, and many of the lodges about the great camping-circle had already been taken down, preparatory to the return of the families to their homes in the different parts of their reservation. As soon as the priests had finished their smoking and had left, men and women, singly or in pairs, and generally accompanied by children, began making their way toward the Offerings- Lodge from all points of the circle. Having entered the lodge, the majority of them lifted their right hands toward the sun and offered a prayer, whereupon they proceeded to the cedar tree, or to one of the other trees forming the altar (see Fig. i, Plate CIV. and Plate CV.), or to the center-pole itself (see Fig. 2, Plate CIV. and Plate CVL), where they fastened bundles of clothes discarded by their children during the year, the idea thus expressed being that they desired that the. children should grow up to be men and women, and should be accompanied by good luck throughout life. One of the prayers uttered just before the offering of the old clothes on this morning is here given:. PL. CIV. Sacrifice of Clothing. Seventh Day. 1901. Fig. I. The altar, after the sacrifice of old clothing. Fig. 2. The center-pole, encased by several lines of old clothing FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CIV. PL. CV. The Altar, after the Sacrifice of Old Clothing. Eighth Day, 1902. Pl. CVI. The Center-pole, after the Sacrifice of Old Clothing, Eighth Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CVI. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CVII. FIG. 2. PL. evil. The Altar, after the Sacrifice of Old Clothing. Seventh Day, 1901. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CVIII. Pl. CVIII. The Offerings-lodge, after the Ceremony. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Parents repairing to the lodge, to offer the worn-out clothing of their children. Fig. 2. The deserted lodge. i rasab 3riT .£ .gj'l May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsest. 157 PRAYER BEFORE THE SACRIFICE. "White-Man-Above, my Father, here are the clothes of my child. I am going to deposit them. They are no longer good for my child. By doing this, I ask you to watch over him from day to day and keep him from temptation. May he grow up to be a man, to understand your teachings which we have just gone through! I hope you will hear our prayer for my child." By noon all those who desired to make these offerings had done so, the result being shown in the almost covered condition of the altar (see Plate CVII.), and by several bands of clothes which entirely sur- rounded the center-pole, to a height of two or three feet. By evening the camping-circle was entirely abandoned, except here and there, where there remained the lodge of one of the chiefs who took this opportunity for discussing more secular affairs which concerned the welfare of their tribe. END OF THE CEREMONY, 1902. In 1902 the ceremony ended at noon on Thursday, August 28th. On the two following days were performed several dances of a sociable or semi-religious nature, given chiefly for the entertainment of the visiting tribes. Immediately after the rites at and outside the lodge on this day, the Dog-soldiers repaired to the tipi of one of their mem- bers, where they conducted certain ceremonies, as will be noted in a later paragraph. ULTIMATE FATE OF THE OFFERINGS-LODGE. The lodge with its altar is, so far as the author is aware, never molested by the Arapaho, nor by any of the neighboring tribes, and remains until it is destroyed by the elements. Inasmuch as the Sun Dance camp-circle is generally in an open plain, where good pasture is likely to abound, the probabilities are that the altar will sooner or later be disturbed by cattle or horses, after the removal of the camp-circle. No attempt, however, is made to protect the altar from such possible disturbances. (See Plate CVIII.) In three instances permission has been given the author to remove the skull and such objects as he might desire from the altar and the center-pole. It is also known that once or twice one of the priests has preserved the buffalo skull for use in future ceremonies. This is due of course to the fact that buffalo skulls are no longer plentiful, and are obtained only with great difficulty. 158 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. RITES IN THE DOG-SOLDIERS' LODGE. The part which the Dog-soldiers play in the ceremony of the Sun Dance has been frequently noted. Perhaps the most important of these rites are connected with the ceremonial spying-out, capture, and erection of the center-pole. The warrior, who in preceding Sun Dances was privileged to lead in this rite, had recently died, and it became necessary therefore that upon another Dog-soldier be conferred the degree, which should give him the same right or privilege. It has also been pointed out in connection with the ceremony of the center- pole, that HanatchawatanI and his wife, Hiss^hnihani volunteered their services, and it will be remembered that HanatchawdtanI at that time carried a pipe filled with tobacco to Nishchanakati, in order that the latter might present it to the standing fork. HanatchawatanI was privileged to capture the tree, but it became necessary that the Dog-soldiers meet and confirm this right. This meeting took place on the night of the seventh day of the 1902 per- formance, in the lodge of Haniit (Long-Hair), where certain prelimi- nary movements were undertaken, after which the Dog-soldiers spent the night in singing sacred songs peculiar to their order. On the following morning, i. e., on the last day of the Sun Dance ceremony, and after the sacrifice of clothing to the altar and center-pole had been made, the Dog-soldiers gathered in the lodge of one of their number on the northeast side of the camp-circle, where they had a feast, and where four of their number were painted, with interesting and instruct- ive rites, (See Plate CIX.) At this time Hanatchawdtanl's right to officiate in the performance attendant on the capture and erection of the center-pole, presumably, was confirmed. The details of this, how- ever, were not learned by the author, owing to lack of time. A description of the rites performed at that meeting, and of the paint of these men, is deferred until another time. X.— The Painting of the Dancers. For the four days' ceremony, when the dancing occurs, the bodies of the dancers are decorated with certain prescribed designs. While no satisfactory account of the painting of the dancers has yet been obtained, the following brief tale is not without interest in this con- nection: "The paintings which the dancers bear during the Sun Dance ceremony are derived from Young-Bull (Buffalo). This bull was seen on a hill-top during the hot weather fasting for days and nights. One Pl. CIX. Dog-soldiers. Eighth Day, 1902. Dog-soldier lodge during the rite of conferring the privilege to cut the center-pole upon one of their number: On the left is Bufifalo-Bull; in the center, White-Buffalo; and on the right, Spotted-Bean. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CIX. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 159 day when there was a clear sky and the atmosphere slightly hazy, Young-Bull was seen from the distance vomiting the different colors in long streaks (white, yellow, green, black, etc.)." In describing hereafter the various paints worn by the dancers, those worn only on the last three days of the ceremony will be consid- ered. These will be spoken of as the second, third, and fourth paint, inasmuch as the first or white paint is uniform for all the dancers, and has been already described. It may be further added, to avoid confu- sion, that the first paint in the 1901 ceremony was worn on the third day, in the 1902 ceremony on the fourth day; the second paint in 1901 was worn on the fourth day, and in 1902 on the fifth day; the third paint in 1901 was worn on the fifth day, and in 1902 on the sixth day; the fourth paint in 1901 was worn on the sixth day, and in 1902 on the seventh day. THE MOTHER-EARTH PAINT. The only paint worn by Biba was on the first day of the ceremony proper, i. e., the day of the erection of the lodge. This paint was described to the author by Hawkan, but as may be seen by a compari- son with the paint in the 1902 performance, the description is not quite accurate. Before the priests emerged from the Rabbit-tipi, her entire body was painted red by Sosoni and Waanibe. Over this red paint and on the center of her breast was painted a circular spot in black, about three inches in diameter, which represented the sun. At each side of this spot and above and on her chin were painted four pipes, representing the prayers which she offered during the ceremony, and which, according to Arapaho mythology, are conveyed to the Father through the intervention of a ceremonial pipe. Around her two wrists and ankles was then painted a single band of black, also representing prayers. A black line was then drawn around her face, passing just beneath the pipe-stem on the chin, in front of the ears, and through the middle of her forehead. This also represented the sun. Just between the two eyes was painted a Y-shaped symbol, which corresponded to the forked center-pole of the great lodge. On her nose was placed a black dot, the symbol of the buffalo calf, and on the back of her left shoulder was painted a crescent-shaped symbol, representing the moon. The red paint which covered her entire body, represented, primarily, the color of the Indian race, but as the earth is the mother of all people, it also represented the earth, and in the dramatization, Biba represented the earth. i6o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropologv, Vol. IV. THE LODGE-MAKER'S PAINT. This paint in 1901 was worn by Thihduchhdwkan and Bihata on all three days; in 1902 by Niwaat, Wadtanakashi, and Yahiise on all three days, by Hitehuu (Little-Crane), on the first day, and by Hathdniseh (Lone-Star) and Hin^nwatani on the first and second days. Whereas the painting of the other dancers during the ceremony is determined either by their own choice, or by that of their particular grandfathers, the Lodge-Maker of the ceremony always wears a certain paint. Frequently, to add emphasis to and intensify the symbolism thus portrayed, the paint is worn by one or more other individuals, Bihata being such an one in the ceremony under consideration. A description of the Lodge-Maker will therefore suffice for the latter individual. The order of procedure followed by the: Lodge-Maker's and Bihata's grandfathers in painting them was uniform throughout the three days' ceremony. (Fig. i, Plate CX.) After the Lodge-Maker had, on each of the three days, received the first or body coat of white earth paint, and after it had become thoroughly dried, he knelt down in front of the grandfather. The latter then took a moistened cloth and erased the white paint at certain places, leaving the flesh exposed in the form of a diamond. This was done on the front of both upper and lower arms, and on the front of the upper and lower legs. A similar but larger diamond-shaped space was then erased in the center of the breast. The Lodge-Maker then turned his back to the grandfather, who on the right shoulder erased a crescent-shaped space. The diamond-shaped spaces were then outlined in black, while a black line was also extended around the ankles and around the wrists. From each ankle circle a black line was continued up the leg to the first diamond-shaped space, and then from its upper apex on to the base of the figure on the breast, where it was continued along one side, up over the shoulder, and down on the arm to the circular band at the wrist, connecting the two diamonds on the arm. The same line was then drawn on the other half of the body, beginning at the ankle and terminating at the wrist. He now drew a black circle around the face, passing over the center of the chin, through the middle of the fore- head, and just in front of the ears. The entire face within this circle was now painted red, while the nine diamond-shaped figures were also painted red. These red surfaces, both on the face and on the body, were now outlined and separated from the black line by means of a narrow yellow line. The Lodge-Maker then placed his back to the grandfather, while Pl. ex. Lodge-Maker's Paint. Fig. I. Second paint. Fig. 2. Third paint, f^'g* 3- Fourth paint. ^z^ ^^^^^- ^\. ^'^'"^^'^ '^^"^S^i ^^H ^iCz^ . f^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H Wk' ^ i_p^i ^ l^f JT fr^ 1^ PL. CXI. Looqe-Makers, 1901. Fig. I. Bihata. Fig. 2. Thihduchhdwkan. ^iffiffSBBSifigy ' May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 161 the latter filled in the moon symbol with red paint, which was then outlined with a narrow yellow line. A black dot was now added on the middle of the nose, while under each eye was placed a short zigzag line in black. Over the edge of the diamond-shaped figure on the breast was then painted in black a small circle, upon which was drawn a narrow rectangular design which terminated in a plant-like symbol. A somewhat similar symbol was drawn just above the black line encircling the face, on the forehead. Both of these symbols represented a man standing on the sun, while the designs under the eyes represented tears. The design over the forehead is said also to represent the buffalo standing on the hill, fasting. The crescent- shaped object on the back represented the moon, the various diamond- shaped designs representing the sun, while the black lines which connect them represented the paths of rays of the sun. On this, the second day's paint, the Lodge-Maker wears no head- dress, and only a buckskin kilt, with a flannel loin-cloth, about his lower extremities. In his right hand he carries a bunch of wild sage. He also wore five bunches of sage, in upright position, which were arranged, one at either side and slightly in front of the body, while the other three were arranged about the back, at equal distances around the back of the body. The wearing and arrangement of these five bunches of sage has reference to the grass, while the number five is due to the fact that man has five fingers and five toes, and also as an acknowl- edgement to Man-Above and the Four-Old-Men. The paint of the Lodge-Maker for the third and fourth days is exactly similar to that described, with this exception, that on the third day the face and the diamond-shaped figures and the moon symbol on the back are painted yellow, with a red border, while on the fourth day these symbols are painted green with a yellow border. (See Figs. 2, and 3, Plate CX.) Whereas the colored face and diamond-shaped symbols on the second day were symbolic of the rising sun, the yellow surrounded by the red of the third day typified the overhead sun, or daylight in general, while the yellow border of the fourth day typified the sun about to set upon the grass-covered earth. The diamond- shaped designs are also spoken of as the "eyes of the Sun." On these last two days the Lodge-Maker also wears a sage wreath about his head, to which is attached an eagle breath-feather extending upward, also a few small sprigs of cedar. He also wears wristlets and anklets of sage, and the five bundles of sage with eagle breath-feathers attached about his body. The bundles of sage for the arms are so made, that where the ends of the sage come together they project out to the extent of about eight inches. (See Plate CXL) 1 62 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. The hair of the Lodge-Maker, as well as that of all the other dancers during the ceremony, is either loosely braided at the sides or is gathered in a bunch on the side of the head and tied with a string. (See Fig. i, Plate CXII.) On the two last days the tear symbols under the eyes are replaced by inverted Y-shaped designs. The presence of these tear symbols, and the change in their character from zigzag lines on the second paint to Y-shaped designs with the third and fourth paints, was noted with all the other dancers for the ceremonies of. both years. THE PINK-CALF PAINT. This paint was worn in 1901 by Henienit (see Fig. 2, Plate CXIL and Fig. i, Plate CXIIL), Watanah (see Fig. i, Plate CXIV.), Wadtu, and Chaui on all three days; in 1902 it was not represented. The "Pink-Calf paint" is second only in importance to that worn by the Lodge-Maker. It is uniform throughout the three days, and a single description may suffice for the third and for the fourth day, (See Fig. i, Plate CXV.) After these men had painted the entire surface of their bodies red, each one returned to his grandfather, while the paint was still moist; the latter drew the finger tips of both hands over the dancer's entire body, thus producing a sort of ribbed or grained effect. Both hands up to the wrist and both feet up to the ankles were now thickly coated with black paint. Then, from both of these black surfaces, extending upward on the lower arms and lower legs was drawn a tree symbol, consisting of a black line of about six inches in length, from each side of which radiated outward and slightly upward short parallel lines. This symbol represented the cedar tree, typical of durability and continuity. On each side of the tree symbol, and having their bases terminating in the black paint of the hands and feet, was a small black symbol about two inches in height and two inches wide, having straight sides, but terminating above in the shape of a crescent. These two symbols on the side of the cedar tree represented the earth. Over the breast of each dancer was then painted a circle, representing the sun; above it was drawn the symbol of a man standing upon the sun, similar to that already described as on the breast of the Lodge-Maker. Under each eye of the four men were then painted the usual tear symbols, while over the forehead were placed two similar symbols connected by a black line which extended from one side of the fore- head to the other. On the back of the rig^ht shoulder was a moon symbol in black. '..\S^^'iZi:M^S^: PL. CXI I. Dancers, 1901. Fig. I. Thih yH^- Jl Pl. CXVII. The Yellow-Earth and the First Yellow Paint. Fig. I. Second and third of Yellow-paints. Fig. 2. Fourth of Yellow-paints (first). FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXVII. PL. CXVIII. Second Yellow Paint. Fig. I. Second paint. Fig. 2. Third paint. Fig. 3. Fourth paint. VXO .:q' i6; FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXXIV. PL. CXXXV. Chaatani, Wearing Fourth Circular or Thunder Paint. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXXV. PL. CXXXVI. Kakuyanake, Wearing Fourth Circular or Thunder Paint. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXXVI. .m •TMiAS naoMUHT «o wuuo«iO .IIVXXXO u<» .jnir,q bnoa^S jnifiq biidT .taisq dtiuo • .1 .^ii PL. CXXXVII. Circular or Thunder Paint. Fig. I. Second paint. Fig. 2. Third paint. Fig. 3. Fourth paint. May, 1903. The Arapaho Su?j Dance — Dorsev. 171 of the kidneys, a large red circular spot outlined in black. With the second and third paints were worn head, waist, wrist, and ankle bands of sage. In the head bands were eagle breath-feathers, stand- ing upright. In regard to the symbolism of these three interesting paints it was stated that the red spots represented the eyes and nostrils of the sun, and also of Young-Bull, while the black dot of the fourth paint represented the condition of the dancer as having been consumed by fire. Before applying the dots, the grandfather took a bite of root and ejected spittle upon the dancer's body where the dots were to be applied — "to make them cool." Concerning the origin of this Circular or Thunder paint, the fol- lowing story was obtained : ORIGIN OF THE CIRCULAR OR THUNDER PAINT. When the Sun Dance was taking place years ago, buffalo being plentiful at that time, and the different tribes being on unfriendly terms, a young man made a vow for his own benefit, to suspend him- self with rawhide rope from the center fork. So on the second day, his friends provided articles, such as pieces of calico, parfleches, com- forts, etc., for him to lie on. His body was pierced at the breast and pins were placed. The young man took courage and walked about from one side to the other, blowing his bone whistle. The singing was kept up for some time, for it was a hard task for the young man to break loose from the rope. But he kept dancing and pulled back from time to time, until a vision came upon him, which was the Sun Dance, being painted as in an actual Sun Dance. He saw these paints at different times; and after seeing the last one, which was black paint (Thunder), he broke loose. The people thought that he had some courage to get through ; at the same time they praised him because he did not get discouraged. He kept to himself what he had then seen, until another Sun Dance was held. At this time he went to the Sun Dance priests and told them the circumstances of his piercing, and that he wished to be given the privilege of painting himself, on all days, during the ceremony, to which the priests consented, while they welcomed the painting as another element of life to the tribe. . So when the ceremony took place, the first paint was shown, and so on the other days. This paint was charming to the spectators and to others. 172 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. After the chief priests and servants saw the new paint they thanked the young man and placed his gift on the left side of the Lodge-Maker's stand. One of the priests did not like the painting, and considered it as a medicine paint, which means, not holy before the sight of the Father. In all the Sun Dance ceremonies that took place, where this paint was worn, one of the priests was jealous of the young man; but in the long run this young man thought best to reverence the priest, so he gave up a pony to the jealous priest, so that he offered no further objections. Those who heard the story of this young man praised him, and at once welcomed the paint, which was the same as had been used on the young man, for his personal good. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTS. With all the paints, the dancers wear the five bunches of sage at their waist, one on each "corner of the body" and one at the middle of the back ; these are for the Four-Old-Men and Man-Above. Why, with some paints, sage wreaths are worn, and not with others, is not known. Before any of the sage accessions are fastened on the dancers by the grandfathers, they motion them before the dancer four times, and then place them in position. With all paints is worn a black dot on the nose, for the buffalo calf, and tear symbols under the eyes. The tear symbols with the first paint are short, irregular lines; with the second and third paints they are an inverted Y-shape. The circles about the waist and ankles, as well as the wrist and ankle bands of sage, are symbolic of the Four-Old-Men. On the breast and left shoulder are respectively symbols of sun and moon, who are grandfather and grandmother of the Four-Old-Men. Above the breast sun symbol, or over the face sun symbol is the symbol of Man-Above, the Father. This symbol is often found on both breast and face, but it should not occur in more than one place, the other symbol being that of the cedar. XI.— The Relation of the Transferrer to the Lodge-Maker's Wife. Concerning the subject under discussion on this occasion, great difference of opinion evidently exists among the Arapaho as a tribe. The following account was written after several conversations with Hdwkan on the subject during his stay in Chicago. Supplementary May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 173 information was also obtained by Cleaver Warden during the winter, from an Arapaho named Black-Hand, and from this it would seem that actual intercourse between the grandfather of the Lodge-Maker and the Lodge-Maker's wife does not take place, although it is admit- ted that "the temptation is great." In former times, in accordance with the fixed rites of the cere- mony, the grandfather of the Lodge-Maker, i. e., the Transferrer, and the Lodge-Maker's wife, on the night of the day following the erec- tion of the Rabbit-tipi, had intercourse. This usually occurred at or shortly after midnight, the chief priest of the ceremony leaving the Rabbit-tipi first, and calling out the request that all people remain inside of their tipis and that every one be quiet. Then the wife, of the Lodge-Maker would leave the Rabbit-tipi with the grandfather, who carried with him the ceremonial pipe. Both of them, with the woman in the lead, would proceed to the distance of about a hundred yards toward the east, where each would offer a prayer, in which both emphasized the fact that they were about to do that which had been commanded at the time of the origin of the ceremony, and that what they were about to do was in keeping with the wish of their Father. The woman, naked, would lie down on her back. The Transferrer stood by her side and prayed to Man-Above and to the subordinate gods for their favor toward all the Arapaho tribe. He then offers her body to Man-Above, the Grandfather, the Four-Old-Men, and various minor gods. During the act of intercourse, the Transferrer places in the woman's mouth a piece of root which he has brought with him from the Rabbit-tipi. On the return of the two to the Rabbit-tipi, the chief priest would again go outside, and would call out in a loud voice, "All go ahead now with your affairs." Formerly this rite was also performed on the second night follow- ing, i. e., on the night of the completion of the Offerings-lodge, with the altar, and occurred before the first dance, but after the dancers had entered the lodge. On this occasion they went to the west of the lodge a few hundred feet. On their return to the Rabbit-tipi, the woman leads, and as they enter she addresses her husband, saying: "I have returned, having performed the holy act which was com- manded," whereupon he, together with the other dancers, says, "Thanks!" and they pray for her succe'ss. According to my informant, the Transferrer represents the sacred Wheel or AU-Powerful (Man-Above), while the woman represents the mother of the tribe. The root placed in her mouth she hands to her husband on entering the Rabbit-tipi; it represents the seed or food given by the All-Powerful, while the issue of their connection is 174 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. believed to be the birth of the people hereafter, or an increase in population. It is also a plea to all protective powers for their aid and care. "If the Transferrer keeps his heart straight and his hands from doing evil to the woman, it is a blessing to the people and means an increase in population and stock and property. But if the Transferrer's conduct is such as to wrong the woman, even in the slightest (the temptation being very great) the connection does not benefit the people, and moreover, the Transferrer's life would be shortened." It is interesting to compare the above statement, based on Hdwkan's and Black-Hand's description, with the following account of observations which the author actually made during the ceremony of 1902. Just before the departure from the Rabbit-tipi of the grandfather and the wife of the Lodge-Maker, Hawkan turned to the author and made a statement something like the following: "You are now to see this ceremony (the Sun Dance) for the second time. We have kept nothing from you up to the present, and we are anxious that you should see the entire ceremony. You, therefore, now have the privi- lege of going out with Nishnat^yana, where you will see what actually takes place. You will see that, contrary to common belief, there is nothing wrong in the rite about to be performed." Thinking it pos- sible that some element of the ceremony which the author then wit- nessed might have been purposely omitted, he determined to see, without the knowledge of the priests, the second performance, which took place two nights later. This he did, but the ceremony was in every detail similar to the first. A description of a single evening, therefore, may suffice: It lacked but a few minutes of midnight on the night of the second day of the Rabbit-tipi, when one of the Criers was heard outside, com- manding the people to be silent and to remain within doors. Imme- diately after this announcement the drumming and singing, which had been carried on during the evening up to this time by several of the warrior societies in different lodges here and there in the camp-circle, suddenly ceased. Debithe and Nishnat^yana left the Rabbit-tipi for a few moments, soon returning. Presumably the object of this move was, that Debithe, who was grandfather for the Lodge-Maker dur- ing the ceremony of 1901, might explain to Nishnat^yana the part which he was to perform in the approaching rite. The wife of the Lodge-Maker left her place behind and to the north of the buffalo skull, which was her accustomed place while on the Rabbit-tipi, and went over to Debithe, who had been seated on the south side near the door. She placed her hands on his head, and uttered a prayer. In a May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 175 similar position she prayed over Nishchdnakati and Hdwkan, and then resumed her position in the circle. Hiwkan took a forked stick and placed several live coals to the northwest of the fireplace in the open space to the north and east of the buffalo skull. The Lodge- Maker, followed by his wife, arose and proceeded in a sunwise circuit to a point southwest of the skull, where the Lodge-Maker touched the ground with his fingers and took up the straight-pipe. He then sat down by the side of Watangaa on the south side of the lodge, with his wife outside, Nishnat^yana having taken up a position behind the Wheel. Hdwkan put spruce leaves on the coals. He then picked up the rattle lying south of the skull, making four passes toward it. All in the Rabbit-tipi now bit off a small portion of dog root and began chewing on it. Hawkan gave to Nakaash (Sage) some cedar leaves, which he placed upon live coals, first having placed the latter on the footprint made by the Lodge-Maker and his wife as they passed over the first incense in making the circuit to the south side of the lodge. Chanitoe took up the pipe-stem and began beating the pack containing the badger-hide, in unison to the shaking of the rattle by Hawkan. The light inside the lodge was extinguished, and Hawkan, Chanitoe, and two or three of the other priests began the sacred Rabbit-tipi song. Nishnateyana put on the buffalo robe containing the pieces of rabbit-skin with the fur side out, while the wife of the Lodge-Maker threw around her a buffalo robe, the fur side out. With this robe gathered around her she removed her clothing. Debfthe left the lodge a moment and brought in their moccasins, for as has already been stated, no one enters the Rabbit-tipi except barefooted. The Lodge- Maker took the straight-pipe to the grandfather, proceeding sunwise. All preparations for the departure having been made, all remained exceedingly quiet, while the second sacred song was sung, there pre- vailing in the lodge an air of intense emotion. The grandfather arose, holding in his right hand the straight-pipe, the bowl of which pointed upward. Followed by the wife of the Lodge-Maker, he left the lodge, making a sunwise circuit as they passed out, and stepping over the rising incense placed by Nakaash'. Having gained the outside of the lodge, they proceeded northward to a point about half-way between the lodge and the camp-circle. Here they stood side by side for a few moments facing the north and praying. Nishnateyana maintain- ing this position, the woman, with an exceedingly rapid movement, threw her blanket upon the ground and fell, thus exposing her body to the moon. This she did twice, whereupon they started back to the Rabbit-lodge, the woman in the lead, tightly enveloped in her buffalo robe. In their return, they halted four times. 176 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. The singing in the Rabbit-tipi had continued. Having approached within about a hundred feet of the lodge, the woman called out in a loud voice the name of her husband. This she did four times, where- upon the Lodge-Maker went out, put his hands on her head, and received into his mouth the piece of root from her mouth. He then went to the grandfather, and also received from his mouth a piece of root. The grandfather taking the lead again, they approached and entered the lodge. He then took from him the straight-pipe and pro- ceeded to the Rabbit-tipi, which he entered, and remained standing near the north door until the singing ceased. He then said, "I have brought back the pipe," whereupon all said, "Thanks!" The pipe was then placed in its usual position. The Lodge-Maker then went to Nakadsh, to Debithe, and Thiyeh, where he placed his two hands upon the head of each. He transferred from his mouth to theirs a portion of the root, which he had received from his wife and from the grandfather outside the lodge. This same performance was repeated on the Second night after this. The time was again about midnight, on the day of the comple- tion of the Offerings-lodge and its accompanying altar. On the return of the two began the dancing of the Sun Dance proper. The follow- ing observations are from one of my informants: "The grandfather spat on the ground five times, beginning at the southeast, then south- west, northwest, northeast, and in the center, thus forming a 'wallow. * Upon this wallow is spread the buffalo robe of the woman and here the intercourse takes place, the woman facing the moon. It repre- sents intercourse between sun and moon, bringing strength to the people and increase to the tribe, for thus were created the beings of the world. "The root given and received by the husband, is the seed of the grandfather. The straight-pipe is the penis or root of man ; so the intercourse happens between the sun and moon for a blessing upon the tribe. "The grandfather takes the lead in going out of the lodge and the wife on returning brings back the word that it was done. The husband, hearing the report, gives thanks for the seed, and goes out to receive it by kissing her. He chews the root and rubs himself with it. The grandfather, being the sun, makes things to grow; and the grandchild, being the moon, gives birth to the beings of the world.^* It is interesting to compare with the above the following com- ments on this rite, obtained from a priest of the Northern Arapaho. The wife of the Lodge-Maker is looked upon as the mother of the tribe. She ceases to be such when the ceremony is over, after the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 177 people hang the children's clothing on the forks and branches. She obtains temporal blessings for the people, but has no special relation- ship with the tribe. The symbolic connection occurs twice, because the people wish to reach old age. There is no difference in the manner of the two occurrences. The giving away of the wife is from the Old-Man of Day to the Old-Man of Night, leaving out two of the four Old-Men. The desire of the Lodge-Maker is to live and prosper to old age. When the connection takes place the buffalo personifies the moon ; therefore, she exposed her body to the moon. Moon was married to the human woman, and so the first intercourse happened. The woman gave birth to a boy, called Lone-Star, which is the morning star. The wife represents the hilman being, Thawwathenennetare — Human Being, or Rising (from earth) Person. After she receives the stroke she gives birth to human seed, just as Blue-Feather's son was born. Young- Buffalo is the son of Blue-Feather; but Splinter-Foot did not have any child from Lone-BuTl, for the reason that she was soon taken back. The moon is our mother. She gave birth to a lone star, which is the morning star. When the sun and moon, then children of heaven and earth, courted the creatures below for wives, the moon, being in the form of a porcupine, took up the human woman, by means of the extension of- a cottonwood. The sun, having succeeded in enticing the toad, took it up to the Father. The brother hated the sister-in- law on account of her looks and also on account of her habits. The suspension of the wife (eloped with the moon) is imitated by the piercing and suspending of the dancers. The toad got mad at her sister-in-law and jumped to the breast of the moon, and has remained there ever since. That is what is seen on the face of the moon. That picture, visible to the naked eye, is the flow of the woman. The toad's appearance corresponds to that of a pregnant woman. The child which went down with the mother remained on earth for a while, and then ascended. He is that morning -star following the mother and father. The rising of the Morning Star tells the origin of the human race. When the grandfather goes out with the woman at night, the woman returns with the root, meaning the gift from him. The grand- father personifies the sun, and the woman the moon. The first menstruation happened with the woman who eloped with the moon, by their connection. This flow, or menstruation, means the child. For the drinking of blood, note the story of Clotted-Blood. The people, men and women, first drank of the blood when Garter- Snake received the big Offerings-lodge. That sweet-water is the blood that was shed by the woman. That water is made of vegeta- 178 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IV. tion. We eat the animals, drink the tea of weeds, herbs, roots, and barks of trees, and eat the fruits of all kinds, and thus we have the impulse to propagate our kind. When the Father (heaven or sky) told the moon (son) that he was glad to have a grandchild from his daughter-in-law, it happened unexpectedly. "My daughter-in-law, I think it is not wise for you to give birth in that way ; so you shall have ten moons in which you shall have a birth, so that you may know from the beginning to the final occurrence," said the sun; that is to say, from connection to birth. The blood shall be followed by a child. There shall be a discharge of blood for four days, making one month bloody (left out), then eight months counted, as without blood, then the last month (tenth) is very bloody; from the small finger of the left hand to that of the right. To enable her, she was told, to count her husband (moons) by the fingers. So after the flow (one month) the woman counts the moons until the ninth month. If she does not have the flow, she then informs her husband and mother about it. Then the woman is pregnant. The Indians are very fond of boiling the blood of animals to drink, for the fact that they are all descended from it. XII.— Offerings-Lodge Songs. All the songs have similar tunes, in accordance with the noises in nature. They come from different persons, who hear them in their dreams, but do not see the Offerings-lodge. It is the Lodge-Maker who sees the lodge constantly in his dreams, but he seldom hears or knows any song. When some one has made a vow for an Offerings- lodge, one or two songs are introduced. Some of the songs contain words, calling upon some spirits or gods, but most of them are made up by the singers. Some of the songs originated from other tribes, but they are not harmonious. Those that contain the words arouse the feelings of all the people, as well as the dancers. For instance: "My Father, my Father, surely I am a different man!" "Look down upon me!" "The Sun will surely be merciful to us!" "The Young-Bull stands still!" But the majority of the songs are almost meaningless, or are intended to try to divert or distract the attention of the dancers, and are of a joking nature. Such are: "Old-Turkey, now useless, looks across the lodge!" "That short man struck his wife's face secretly!" "Secretly, there is good time!" May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 179 "Turkey, take him home from here!" "He is singing, but he is saucy!" "You are a darkey, don't smile at me!" "Sleep with him, for he is not married!" "He smokes twice!" "Leave your husband, he is ugly!" "That ugly person is trying to sing; he thinks he is a beauty!" "The man with a dark complexion laughs at me!" Formerly, there were a great many songs with serious words, but gradually they have been forgotten. XllI.—TORTURE. No forms of torture have for many years been practiced in con- nection with the Offerings-lodge. This is due, not so much to the decree of the Indian Department forbidding it, as to the fact that the reason for the torture no longer exists. The undergoing of the tor- ture on the part of those who were to dance was strictly a rite and was only undertaken with the idea of war in view, it being supposed that by undergoing this torture they would escape all danger in battle. In former times, when torture was practiced, it came on the third day of the ceremony, i. e. , on the day of the third paint, or on the day following the completion of the lodge and its altar. Those who were to undergo torture danced during the other days of the ceremony in line with the other dancers. The Lodge-Maker never underwent torture. According to my informant, there was only one form of torture among the Arapaho. By this method the priest inserted two small wooden skewers in the breast of the devotee, which were fastened to the ends of a lariat, the other ends of which were made fast to the two slits, already described, in the buffalo robe in the fork of the center-pole. No special paint belonged with torture, the devotee on that day wearing the paint which he would have worn otherwise as one of the dancers. PIERCING THE EARS. In connection with torture should be mentioned a custom formerly much in vogue, and which to-day is practiced in a ceremonial manner. Reference is made to piercing the ears of children by the Sun Dance priests. According to the former custom, all children born since the erection of the last lodge, or who for any cause whatsoever had not before been treated, were brought by the mothers and fathers on the i8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. afternoon of this the third day, where to the east of and near the center-pole their ears were pierced with a porcupine quill, generally by the priest, or by others, who from their position were permitted to perform. The piercing of the ear typified the striking of the child by a lightning bolt, and thereafter it was supposed proof against arrows of the enemy in times of war. At the present time children are still brought to the center-pole by their parents, who also provide them- selves with presents of calico or of a pony, to be given to the priest, who now steps up, and taking the child by the ear, makes a motion as if to pierce it. According to Hdwkan, this custom of piercing the ears at the time of the Sun Dance was learned from the Cheyenne, who retain this same custom in a similar form to-day. According to the same authority, the ears of the children of the Arapaho were formerly pierced by medicine-men, but always in the privacy of the lodge, and irrespective of the season of the year." Of interest in connection with this statement of Hawkan's is the following account of a ceremonial piercing which took place some years ago, the story being given as it was obtained from the narrator: PIERCING THE EARS, ARAPAHO STORY OF. "The Arapaho think much of their children, from birth to adult age. Indian children are brought up 'easily,' and are therefore very soft. Young men have their pleasures entirely independent of their parents. They are to a certain extent under obligations to attend to the ponies for their parents. They have all the time they wish to sleep, and they get up whenever they wish. Their parents do not disturb their rest. There are some who constantly watch their chil- dren in order to make them useful in life. "It is told by our grandparents that certain young men were very lazy and dirty, and their fathers would criticise them harshly for their conduct. These young people finally made up their minds to be great in the tribe, so they started out voluntarily in search of 'distant won- ders,' after washing and dressing themselves neatly. All these young men were the children of the chiefs and well-to-do families, but were by nature too lazy to wash themselves or to comb their hair. Some of them were of great annoyance to the tribe, and disgraced their relatives. "In order that the child may be welcome at strange places by different tribes; that he, though young, may show his good will toward brethren; that he may anticipate going through a battle and receiving a wound, his ears are pierced; thus the whole tribe sees him in pain, May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 181 and hence the remainder of his life shall be in peace and joy. Instead of the enemy inflicting a deadly blow, this piercing of the ears answers the child's fate. "If the young child is unhealthy and of great expense to its parents, the father or mother pledge that its ears shall be pierced at the time of the Sun Dance, or at a special gathering. "There was a Sun Dance, and many other tribes were present witnessing the ceremony. The visitors were treated well in the way of presents and horses. "The man who said that his child was to be 'punished' prepares his pony. In the first place, if he himself is not a warrior, he takes the pony to a good warrior, who paints the pony as if about to go to war; he also indicates wounds on the animal. If the record on the pony is a true and clean one, it means good life and prosperity to the child. Sometimes the painting on ponies is recognized by distinguished warriors. The pony (about to be given away) is led back and loaded with all kinds of goods, and the child is dressed in its very best clothing. "The women (including the mother of the child and other moth- ers) supply a whole bed, consisting of mattress (willows fastened together), two lean-backs, blankets, beaded bags, painted parfleches, pieces of bright calico, weapons, leggings, moccasins, and pillows, and take them to the lodge, where the bed is at once erected. "All the spectators see the pony and the goods. The father goes to one of the criers and tells him to call for Black-Coyote, that Two- Babies wants him to pierce the ears of his child. He cries: 'Where are you, Black-Coyote? Come forward quickly and pierce this child's ears!' "Black-Coyote comes with his wife, daughter, and friends, rubbing the faces of the people (thereby receiving the gracious gift). Before they take the presents, Black-Coyote, if a good warrior, takes the awl, and stepping before the singers, tells his war story: 'It was about this time of day that we started on the war-path. Being one of the young men in the party, I did not have much to say or do, except the necessary chores. As we were going along the valley we came upon a human trail. Our leader ordered us to stop, and at once detailed the spies to go and follow the trail. I was lucky enough to be one of the party. We started, four in number, and soon reached fresh tracks, and ahead of us there was smoke extending up from a camp-fire. After locating the enemy we all started back, feeling happy at the prospect of a fight. Just at a short distance from our companions there was a hill. We went to this hill and made our ponies go in a zigzag manner, and one i82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of our men howled like a coyote, which meant that we had spied the enemy. They then put on their paint and war costumes and joined us. One of our party told our companions the location of the enemy's camp. Then we divided equally and charged for the enemy, a good run of seven to ten miles. My pony gave out just before we reached the enemy, and my companions warned me of a man in the bush. "Well, friends, have you struck him?" said I. "No, he is a bad one," came the voices. "Thanks! Thanks!" said I. Without listen- ing to my companions, I rode into this bush, and just as this man (a Pawnee) was in the act of pulling his trigger, I struck him [the sing- ers here beat upon the ch-um as he says he struck the enemy] on his head with the butt of my gun. Toward the last I got all his horses, goods, and food. Brothers and sisters, this is a true story. ' "Black-Coyote then advances to the bed where the child is lying, the parents holding the child so that he may fight. Black-Coyote takes one ear at a time and pierces it with an awl belonging to Two-Babies, and inserts a brass ring or stick. "After the piercing is done, Black-Coyote's wife takes the pony with the bed out of the lodge. Thus the child is saved from delicate health or from the enemy's weapon. (The ear-piercing is also a token of love to the child on the part of the parents, and of good will on the part of the child, to all other tribes of Indians.)" SACRIFICE OF HUMAN FLESH. Having even a more remote bearing on the descriptive account of the Sun Dance are the two accounts which here follow, but both relate to certain phases of sacrifice, which idea is prominent in the Sun Dance and for this reason it has seemed not entirely inappropriate to append them. Both accounts are given as obtained from the inter- preter : When any member in the family is taken severely ill suddenly, one of his relatives makes a vow in the presence of the family. He says to them: "In order that my brother may get well soon let it be known to all spirits that early in the morning 1 shall cut seven pieces from my skin, and in lieu of my brother I will bury them." This sick brother, in the mean time, is being attended to by one or more medicine-men. He feels that his own brother thinks of him, and takes courage. Those who heard the vow may express sympathy for the stricken brother. The medicine-men work on the sick man the remainder of the night. During the night the one who made the secret vow, goes to some one and tells him the circumstances of the trouble and kindly asks May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 183 him his services in the morning. The "auxiliary" prepares himself for the task. Just before the sun rises the one who made the vow, or the "pledger," goes to the auxiliary, and he knowing the object, gets up quickly and dresses himself. He takes up his pipe and tobacco pouch. Both walk out from the camp-circle, or beyond the village limits, each praying that their sacrifice may be heard and conveyed to the Sun. The auxiliary fills the pipe with tobacco and lays it in front of them. While the pledger has an awl and sharp knife in readiness, he prays to the rising sun, saying: "We are meek and lowly in this earth; do not know your holy wishes this day; your children have taught us to do this; we hope that you will extend your sympathy and protection. We know not how to pray to you and to the other sacred beings, so please be merciful to us individually, and above all, when you (Sun) have risen to give light to this earth, let your ray of light shine upon this sick brother! Instead of leaving him in intense pain, please come to him with all your mighty power and remove it. We request you to help us in our daily lives and cause your light to reach us that we may see the 'right road,' that our children may be blessed and grow rapidly, like young birds, and live to be old men and women. Send us plenty of rain for vegetation and please watch us closely, that we may not slide ! We are under obligations to call for your assist- ance, my Grandfather (Sun), on behalf of the sick man. Extend your rays to him, so that he may get well!" The auxiliary then takes the sharp knife and awl and advances to the pledger. Both face the east, to meet the rising sun. Just as the first rays of light come out from the heat of the sun, the auxiliary, by thrusting the awl with his left hand, slightly raises the skin from the flesh, and with his right hand cuts the skin with a knife. He hands each piece to the pledger, who holds it in his outstretched palm. The auxiliary continues until he has cut seven pieces of skin, all being given to the pledger. The auxiliary cleans a place in front of them and digs a small hole or "ditch." The pledger then says in behalf of the sick man: "Now these are seven pieces of my skin, which I do hope all of you Super- natural-Beings and Spirits will take, to the end that my dear brother may recover. So all look this way! Here in this hole I bury them." The pledger goes through the motion of cleansing his hands by rub- bing them together, while the auxiliary covers the skin. The burying is done before the edge of the sun is seen above the horizon. The auxiliary then lights his pipe and points the stem to the rising sun and smokes it with reverence. He points the same to the east, then over- 184 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. head, and to the west, passes the pipe to the pledger, and after both have smoked the pipe, it is cleaned. Thus the sick man is saved in offering this sacrifice. Both men return to their own tipis. The auxiliary is compensated for his ser- vices the same as the medicine man. The pieces of skin are sacrificed to the temporal spirits in the presence of the Sun that they may save the man from death. The man buries his own skin in preference to allowing his brother to go under ground. The seven pieces of skin are food to the spirits; hence, if they accept them, this sick man recovers. There are many different figures cut on the skin in these tortures, such as a cross or star, a pipe, and various straight lines, indicating the number in families. The above tortures are practiced when the Indians are in trouble. THE SACRIFICE OF A WOMAN'S FINGER, STORY OF. The tribe had been on a buffalo hunt; therefore, all had plenty of meat. The women felt happy when they had heard that the camp was ^ to remain for several days, for this gave them aipple time to dry and tan the hides. Different organizations of men were having their rehearsals at different parts of the camp-circle. The children were' playing within the circle very quietly. The warriors (as is their duty) had their best horses staked out near by the tipi, in case of emer- gency; their war weapons were hung on the lean-backs. The women, knowing that at any time they might be attacked by the enemy, had arranged things in order, but kept on with their usual work. There were no sentinels around the camp-circle; but all young men were supposed to be on the alert. Generally, they are out late at night, dancing with their companies. Some of course are out courting the young women. In many instances, the tribe is saved from being massacred because the young men are continually going from one tipi to another. One night a man named Powder-Face ordered a feast prepared, and directed the Crier to invite the Lime-Crazy society to come over to his tipi for a smoke. The old man went out, walking around within the camp-circle, and cried: "Come over to Powder-Face's tipi now! You are invited to smoke and eat food. All the members of this lodge are invited, and those head men of' this lodge who desire to be present will please come!" The tipi was large, but was filled up soon. Before there was any question before the society, there were many jokes and hints directed toward the head men, and they, too, would make jokes at their brothers. (When the head men are May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 185 selected, the feeling of brotherly love is established, therefore they address each other as brothers. ) After the company had eaten the food and enjoyed themselves, Powder-Face said to them: "Now, my brothers, we have had a delightful time. I am sorry that some of the principal head men are not here with us to discuss an important matter, but I hope they will come soon. We know that our parents love us dearly, that many of you have families, that some of you own many horses, and further- more, you do not like to leave your handsome tipis and your pretty wives. But, my dear brothers, you have attained to the right age to become great men, and we have a splendid chance to distinguish our- selves in order that our names may be known and remembered here- after. It is true that your own parents would not permit some of you to go, but let me say to you again. When are you going to be men among your people? If the whole tribe has nothing but 'home-cow- ards,' who is to face the enemy and protect the children? I want all of you, brothers, to think and decide what is best. You are to die some day. Would you rather suffer by some disease, or be killed for the sake of your lands and people? I, for my part, wish to make a name, and I know that my dear Young-Chief will agree with my propo- sition. He, too, wants to become a good warrior. See his wounds! Look at him, my brothers ! He is inspired by my advice. I know by his actions that he will go along! Will you go, , Young-Chief?" "Oh, yes, I will start with you any time," said he. While Powder-Face was talking, his companion would fill the pipe which was being smoked. "Now, listen, brothers. Who will venture to carry a pipe for a war-party, to start to-morrow?" said the head man, Powder-Face. There was no answer from the society, so he put the same question again. "Well, since there is no one to carry a pipe for a war-party, and because I am getting tired of staying at home, I will take it, and I hope Powder- Face will come along with some of you, brothers," said Young-Chief. "Good! Good! Young-Chief! I had intended to start out and call you for a companion, but I thought I would call our brothers, to get a war-party to start out from the camp-circle, ' ' said Powder-Face. Many men volunteered to go along. Thus, a war-party was made up. The head men who were present spoke some encouraging words to the men. "Well, since the occasion has been a pleasant one, and my friend Young-Chief has volunteered to carry the (war) pipe, and the party is made up, I want all of you who are going along to get ready to-night, and all to come over early in the morning. We will all start together, and follow my friend Young-Chief. Do you think i86» Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. I had better hold my peace?" said Powder-Face. "Oh, no! What- ever you say to them, I agree with you, and I do hope that to-morrow will come soon," said Young-Chief. "Well, let us have some war songs ("Comanche songs"), devise some means to meet the enemy, and tell the Crier to call for some women to help us in singing," said Young-Chief to Powder-Face. The head men and young men started with their songs, while the old man cried, stating that Young-Chief, together with his companion, would start to-morrow on the war-path against the Utes, that it was neces- sary to have women to come over and help in the singing. Small drums were provided and men and women were enjoying themselves that night. Many old men sang their songs, encouraging the party. It was very late in the night when the people ceased. Early in the morning the young men of the Lime-Crazy society went over to Powder-Face's tipi, mounted on their best horses in full war costume, i. e., having their war weapons with them. Some rode good, fat ponies and led their best running horses. The people were also up early, and were standing by their tipis, some of them on hill- ■* tops, watching the war-party collecting at Powder- Face's tipi. There was singing by the old people as the men started off. Hairy-Face,, the wife of Young-Chief, and Powder-Face led the party out toward the Ute country. As soon as the party started off, Hairy-Face, the wife of Young- Chief, made a vow that she would have her left finger cut off in order that her husband might be victorious and return home safe. A few days after the party had gone, Hairy-Face went to a middle-aged woman, who was well known for her ability to perform operations of this kind on the fingers, and told her that she had vowed a "secret" and wished to get rid of it, in order that she might save her husband. The woman set a time for the operation, which was at noonday. She took Hairy-Face to a good open place, where buffalo grass grew thickly, and both sat down facing south, toward the sun. Then the woman who was to perform the operation prayed: "Please listen to me, Grandfather (Sun)! This woman comes before you to offer her last finger as a sacrifice to the Supernatural-Beings and other gods, that her husband, who has just started out in search of the enemy, may come home safe, and that the party that he takes out may return to us, all happy, and that her desire for them to win a big vic- tory may be fulfilled. So please, Grandfather, help me to do my work successfully that this sacrifice be a pleasing sight to you and food to the earthly spirits! Be merciful to us and protect us women from dangers in the world ! May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 187 "Now since this is the way that our grandmothers used to do in respect and reverence to your daily light, I will now take this knife, root, and tobacco, and perform this operation. Let it not be painful, and let the finger heal quickly!" The woman then bit off a piece of root, chewed it, and spat upon the finger. She then marked a ring around the finger with the pipe- stem. She called a woman to assist her to hold the arm steady, while she took the small finger of the left hand, and with her right hand cut it off. After the finger had bled a while, she placed a piece of tobacco against the end to stop the bleeding and pain. A fat piece of tallow was then placed over the tobacco and finger, and tightly wrapped, the bandage remaining until the finger healed. Then the woman lifted the piece of the finger which she had cut off upwards to the Sun; then buried it in the ground for the pledger (Hairy-Face). Both returned to the tipi, feeling much relieved after the painful occasion; but said it was for the good of the war party. Thus the man was saved. After a long time the war-party returned, parading through the camp-circle, inside and outside, in full war costume. Young-Chief and Powder-Face led the parade, showing that they had each struck one or two men in the fight. The rest of the men returned unhurt, but their horses were shot down. Some of them came home as famous warriors, bringing horses and goods for their folks. Quite a number took scalps from the Utes. After their return there were scalp dances all night for some days. Those who didn't go along were rebuked by the people. Some years afterwards, Powder-Face and Young-Chief were wounded so that the people often coaxed them to stay at home when a war-party was going out, but they both always went along. Young- Chief was shot and killed by hay-makers near Fort Riley, Kansas, while Powder-Face was frozen to death in Oklahoma seventeen years ago. Both were leading chiefs at one time, and their names are still, spoken of to this day. XIV.— CHILDREN'S Games During the Sun Dance Ceremony. In connection with the more serious rites of the great Sun Dance ceremony occur many interesting minor events among the people at large in the camp-circle, who are not personally connected with the ceremony. The presence of the entire tribe in one camp naturally i88 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV, furnishes favorable opportunity for certain games and amusements, which opportunity is heightened by the prevalence of much religious fervor on the part of many, and of a feeling of good-natured fellow- ship on the part of all. While these games and amusements have no direct, or at best only an indirect, connection with the ceremony proper, yet the following accounts of some of the sports of children are deemed worthy of reproduction in this place. All the accounts are recorded as related by the Indians themselves. When there is a full moon the children within the camp-circle gather together for various amusements. They are permitted to indulge in such amusements when they have reached the age of seven years, and then on until they are fourteen. Generally the older ones watch over and direct the games; for they are supposed to know exactly what is to be done. There may be an indefinite number of players. If some of them are unruly, the crowd disperses; or if the crowd gets too noisy near the old folks' tipi, or any of the Water- Pouring people, they are ordered off. GAME OF BUFFALO MEAT. The children (boys and girls) sit in a row, the feet placed forward, looking towards the boys and girls (any number) selected to carry them to another place. The children who sit in a row sing thus: "Come over this way! Come over this way!" They at the same time move their feet in order to be touched by the "Carriers." The Carriers then start off in search of those who were singing for "help." They of course pretend to be blind, and therefore, naturally will instantly walk toward the singers. The singing is kept up in a high pitch, the Carriers going to touch them with their feet. As each singer is touched, he ceases singing, and prepares to be carried off. The Carriers then pick him up with head upwards or downwards and take him to a place of safety. When the Carrier reaches the place of safety, he unloads his burden. The above course is followed until all the children are carried off except one who is called the "victim." This last one keeps singing, "Come over this way!" As the children are unloaded they are deposited in a row, where they sit in silence. The minute there is but one left at the starting-place the song ceases. Any of the Carriers then go for the victim ("the gift from the spirit") and bring it (boy or girl) to the row of children. This child, "victim," is supposed to be dead buffalo, and is laid in the center of the row, on the children's legs. It is then beaten by the children with their hands, while they say in their song (to them- May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 189 selves): "Here is my marrow in the bone! Oh! Here is my marrow in the bone!" The song is exciting toward the last part, to attract the giver of the food, i. e., the spirit. After the children have selected their parts on the person (buffalo), they regard it the same as a blessing for future prospects in the family they belong to. They then get up and chase each other around. Then some will play at leap-frog, while the rest sit down on the ground and chat, making love, or telling stories. The last person is the buf- alo, which is brought to the people for food. During the Sun Dance ceremony, or at the beginning of the dance, the rawhide corresponds to the victim, and is thought of as the bless- ing given by the Father, and thus is received by the people. Just as the children beat the last one for choice of marrow in the bone, so with the singers upon the rawhide. The singing and the beating upon the drum dramatized the food or buffaloes, just as the thunder does. When there is a voice from the thunder, the people stir about, and naturally seek for shelter. The cry of the singers upon the arrival of the rawhide answers to the voice from the thunder; so in this respect, it is for the tribal blessing as received. •The singing and dancing then go on, thus showing the gratitude of the people. It is also a prayer to the Father for future care and protection. Some pray that their sins be cleansed, while others wish for longevity and prosperity. In all, it is a general good time — grievances are forgotten, pains are relieved, sorrows in bereaved families are wiped away, and there is a wish that good-will be estab- lished with the white people. GAME OF CHOOSING GRANDFATHERS. After going through the first play, as just explained, they lie down on their backs, facing or looking at the stars in the heavens. Two or four of the children (the oldest ones) pass in single file behind the heads of the other children, and each asks the boy or girl who his relatives are; i. e., these boys or girls question each other in the line, at the same time touching the center of the forehead of the one addressed. Thus, one asks, "Who is your father?" The answer is, e. g., "Big-Mouth." The next one asks, "Who is your mother?" and receives the answer, "Bitchea, " and they continue, "Who is your grandfather?" "Two-Babies." "Who is your grandmother?" "Shave-Head." "Who is your uncle?" "Spotted-Corn." "Who is your brother?" "Lone-Man." "Who is your sister?" "Star- Woman." "Who is your nephew?" "One-Dog." "Who is your 190 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. niece?" "Turtle-Woman." "Who is your cousin?" "Running- Much." "Who is your friend?" "Killing-with-the-Stick," etc. The above questions are used during the play. Then, after they have completed the first act, they go back and begin questioning the children's choice of trees: "What kind of tree do you belong to?" "Cedar." "What kind of tree do you belong to?" "Willow." "What kind of tree do you belong to?" "Cottonwood." "What kind of tree do you belong to?" "Redwood." "What kind of tree do you belong to?" "Oak." "What kind of tree do you belong to?" "Hickory." "What kind of tree do you belong to?" "Black- jack," etc. After this is done they go along the line again, and begin lifting the children, one by one, until all have risen from the ground. The boys and girls, lying on the ground, stretch their bodies perfectly straight when the others lift or raise them from the ground. If they hold their bodies rigid, their future prospects are considered good, but if not they are considered worthless. The latter has reference to those who do not take part in the ceremonies. Each child does his best to play well ; for the mysterious powers are supposed to watoh them. After this play is acted, then comes the game of Grandmother against Wolf. One of the largest girls is selected to be the grand- mother, and a large boy is selected for the wolf. All the boys and girls are in a long line, all clinging to the grandmother by holding each other tightly. The boy (wolf) catches the grandmother and wrestles with her, and at the same time tries to catch one of the chil- dren for food, but the grandmother protects each one of them by fighting the wolf. If the grandmother throws the wolf down it is a victory over all enemies, but if not, somebody in the war-party gets killed. The children may now continue in other kinds of games. When the Indians have formed a camp-circle, the children are likely to get lost by playing away from home. Usually, the different bands camp together to avoid confusion. If the Indians have not gathered for some time, and the children grow up men and women, the other people do not know them. So this play of asking who is your father, etc., is of value. Any child could answer similar ques- tions on other occasions. Also the selections of the grandfathers by the Sun Dancers, etc., are initiated. In regard to the kind of trees, it will be noticed that cedar, red- wood, and Cottonwood are mentioned. These trees are used in the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 191 altar where the Pledger stands during the ceremony. The rest of the trees mentioned are used for firewood or other useful purposes. GAMES WHILE BATHING. When the boys are playing on a sand-bar, they make a small mound, and then with their elbows they make a hollow place on top of it. Then they kneel down over this small mound and urinate into the hollow place. After the water has soaked in the "sand-bowl" they take it with the right hand and throw it up in the air toward the sun, saying, "Sun, you may have this for your drum." It drops and breaks into pieces. When the boys throw the sand-bowls up in the air they try to get away, because when the sand-bowls light on the ground, they break and scatter in various directions. This is done by the young men to prevent disease. The young boys play according to this method, when they get older they cease doing it. When the children are swimming they sometimes plaster the right toe with some clay and then carry it across, swimming on the back and holding the foot up out of the water. If the water is deep, they have to keep the foot with the clay out of the water in order to "save their grandchildren." The foot represents an old man or an old woman, while the clay represents a child. If the clay is washed away from the foot, the "child is drowned." In other words, the future prospects of the child are indefinite. After they get through with the play, they go on the bank and select a small white cloud in the sky. They swing both hands to and fro, occasionally looking at the cloud, saying, loudly, "An elk with a pointed vulva," until the cloud vanishes. The sentence is repeated by the child or children until the cloud vanishes out of sight; by this time the body of the bather has become perfectly dry. XV.— Sun Dance Myths. ORIGIN MYTH. At one time there was a deluge on the face of the earth. A man with something in his arms was seen for four days and nights walking around on the water. One time, as he was wandering and thinking of this solitary habi- tation and also planning secretly how he could preserve his pipe, which was somewhat flat, he said, weeping, "Here I am alone with my 192 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. pipe. What shall I do to save it? For I do love it; besides, it is my sole companion." At times this man would fast in order to know what was best to be done, or to get an idea of something. During fasting he gradually got acquainted with small objects. For six days he walked around on the surface, carrying the Flat-Pipe on his left arm, weeping at the top of his voice. On the evening of the sixth day, after he had fasted, he said, looking around as far as. his eyes could reach: "This Flat-Pipe is just and upright and a good counselor, I do wish that there would be a land where I could keep it holy and reverently. Yes, to have a true and peaceable companion excels, therefore a good piece of land is necessary. Since I have been fasting with this Flat-Pipe, I have come to the definite conclusion that for its safety to the end, instead of being alone, there should be an earth with inhabitants, creatures of every description. I hope this desire may become a reality." That night he again walked around on the water in deep thought and at times wept for good results. ' The water was calm and there was a gentle breeze from all directions. On the morning of the seventh day he came to a resting-place on the water. "Well! There should be an earth for this Fiat-Pipe t^o live on. He is my sole companion, who has been just and upright with me; therefore, I shall see if it can be done," said he, bracing up, and with much spirit and command. So he stood off to a place in the northwest, carrying his Flat-Pipe, and coughing a little to clear his throat, with a loud voice (as Hdcheni does when announcing the lodge): "Hea — ! People! Hea — ! People! Hea — ! People! Come, all of you! Come and make an attempt to search for earth!" He then walked off to another place, lifted up his head a little, looking very far, took a deep breath of air and cried with a loud voice. "Hea — ! Hea — ! Hea — ! Come all of youl Come over and make an attempt to search for earth!" This was the announcement to the northeast to beings (birds and animals). Again he walked to the southeast, coughing a little to clear his throat, stopped, standing firmly, and lifted up his head and looked a great distance, took a deep breath and cried with a loud voice, "Hea — ! Hea — ! Hea — ! Come, all of you! Come over and make an attempt to search for earth!" After each announcement at the places specified, there were returns of "thanks" from the distant waters. "May they come with great blessing and peace and good-will!" said he, as he walked off to the southwest. He stopped, took a solid stand (like a foundation), coughed a little to clear his throat, lifted his head, drawing in a deep Mav, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 193 breath, and cried with a loud voice, "Hea — ! Hea — ! Hea — ! Come, all of you! Come over and make an attempt to search for earth!" and he returned to his original place. Then the man said, "Let there be, at short distance from me, seven cottonwood trees of medium height and size!" at the same time taking a deep breath, and looking off over the water. After he had thus commanded, there were seven cottonwood trees standing upright, being healthy in appearance. He then returned to his original place, when there came forth birds of every kind with songs of praises, and reptiles of every kind, at the same time enjoying themselves in being assembled. They lighted on the tops of the trees, chirping and fluttering in the branches. The reptiles, of course, swam to the gathering, and they, too, uttered their voices of gratitude. "Now listen to me attentively and think of it seriously," said he, moving a little and with a great deal of dignity. "Since you have come from different quarters of the horizon, it is probable that some of you might know where the land is located. I am unable to locate it, nor have 1 any idea of the land. So please, I do wish all of you would inform me of any piece of land that you may know of, so I can be satisfied," said he, looking up toward the trees and around him. "Say, I think I know exactly where it is, for I have heard abgut it," said the turtle. "Keep quiet," said he, slightly touching him at the knee. The birds were chirping on the branches relative to the question and the reptiles were in solemn thought and occasionally made sharp noises among them. Finally, there came an answer from the turtle, that he had heard of it beneath the deep waters. The others of greater faculty did not have any idea of the land being under the waters, so they were greatly astonished at the turtle's answer. All expressed their full gratitude to the turtle. "Now listen to me! Who can dive in the water and search for the bottom of it? I am sure that some of you are able to accomplish the task, for you have the strength," said he, looking around the interesting crowd. "Say! I will dive first and try to find the bot- tom," said a little fowl (a bird with long, slender bill, rather short body, long, thin legs, with feathers white from neck to stomach. ) "Oh, pshaw! I can beat him in diving," said another water-fowl. "Say, partner, be quiet, let him do it himself; they selected him to do the task," said another water-fowl, wiggling briskly. So the first little water-fowl advanced for orders. The owner of the Flat- 194 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IV. Pipe then said with a loud voice, "You may all know that Turnstone will now dive in search of the bottom of the ocean, for our benefit," The people (animals and others), were standing with anxiety to see the results. So the bird straightened its head, fluttered its wings and dived, leaving circular ripples on the surface. All the rest were of course delighted to see the first attempt, and really put confidence in the bird for good results. Just after the sun had risen, this little water-fowl was seen floating on the surface near the gathering. "Well! Well! Here comes the errand boy, and now we shall hear rhe report," said the man, moving his head a little. "I cannot find a trace of it. It is quite deep, therefore I could not go farther," said the bird, breathing just a little, as its stomach was well loaded. "You may all know that he has returned and reported that the water is very deep, and he saw no trace of the land," said the man. It being a very important undertaking, there was quite a dispute among the people for another errand or messenger (this means that a man is appointed for an important duty). Finally there came forth two water- fowls, with the same features and size, and took a proud stand before the owner of the pipe. "That is the way to feel, and in the long run you will accomplish a great task," said the man to the young men (water-fowls). "Now it is my duty to give notice. You people may know that these two young men will now dive in search of the bottom. Let us all be united in our prayers for their success," said he, in manly voice and with great gesture. So they took deep breaths and dived, leaving ripples on the surface. For two days these two young men were absent. Just after the sun had risen the young men came up, floating on the surface. "Well, here come those young braves, and now we -shall know this day the results," said the man. "We cannot see any signs of land. The water is very deep," said the fowls. These fowls were both exhausted, and their stomachs were quite full of water. "You all may hear that these two young men have returned and reported that there are no signs of land and the water is still very deep," said he, coughing a little to attract attention, and at the same time looking around the people. Many others ventured to undertake the perilous task, but careful selections were made. After due con- sideration among the people, three water-fowls, among which was the kingfisher, were appointed, who came forth and stood proudly before the man. "Yes, boys, if you continue with your energy, great joy may follow. I am feeling very proud of your ambition," said the man, smacking his lips together. "You may all know that three young men will now dive in search of land," said he, with much spirit May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 195 and clear voice. The people were in their respective places convers- ing, and were in deep thought with the young men. The birds of every species had then begun building their nests in the cottonwood trees, and others made homes in such a way around the man. These three water-fowls then dived, leaving ripples on the surface and were absent for three days. Just after the sun had risen there came out to the surface from below these water-fowls. Each made an effort to become conscious by breathing all the air that surrounded them. "Well! Well! Here they come, finally, and now we shall hear the report, so please tell me what encouraging news you have," said the man. "We cannot find any signs of land, for we have gone to a con- siderable depth, and still the water gets deeper," said they, in weak voices. "You may all know that these young men have arrived and reported that they have seen no sign of land, and the water gets deeper," said the man, turning his face to the interested crowd. All the people dropped their heads in deep thought, and conversed freely relative to the great task. After considerable argument among them, there came forth the otter, beaver, packed bird, and garter- snake, who stood before the man. These people had been appointed and ordered to come forward. "Good! Good! It is the desire that great deeds may be done by some young people. There is no reason why you cannot do much good to your people," said he, as he care- fully moved his Flat-Pipe and looked all around with sympathetic appearance. "You may all know that our young men will now dive in search for land for our benefit," said he, swallowing his saliva, which gave a sound as though a stone were dropped in the water. So these young men lifted their heads, raised their hands, uttered a word of prayer, then dived and were absent for four days. After the sun had risen these young men returned, each floating on the surface close to the gathering. "Well, here they come back, bearing good expres- sions. Now we get the best results to-day, for these men have excel- lent characters," said he, with signs of faith. All the people responded to the gathering to hear the news and there was tranquillity in the crowd. "We cannot find any signs of land, although we went to a considerable depth," said they. "Yes, I think positively that there is no bottom, for I cannot feel the impulse for success," said the beaver, with signs of despair. At the above remark there was a great stir among the people, and the birds and water animals chatted with much emotion. The people then selected men of greater strength for the next trial. Finally there came forth five young men well built, and stood before 196 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. the man. In this party there was a black snake, two kinds of clucks, a goose, and a crane. "Yes, I have thought many times that an ambitious heart does more good than a poor one. You men are physi- cally strong, and I hope that in spite of the perilous duty before ^ou, you may succeed," said he, winking his eyes and glancing at the crowd. "You may all know that these young men will now dive for our benefit," said the man. So they all looked around, threw out their deep chests, wiggled, closed their eyes, and dived in search of land. The people, after seeing the water ripples left by them, wondered whether or not they would be successful this time. For five days these short, but healthy-looking young men were absent from their companions. After the sun had risen these five young men had returned. Each one was floating on the surface, breathing rather hard from exhaustion. "Well! Well! Here they come, and we are sure to have a good report this time," said he, looking at his Flat- Pipe. "We cannot find any signs of land, although we went together and were gone very deep, still the water looked green," said they, looking very tired. Straightening himself, the man said, encourag- ingly to the people, "You may all know that these young men have returned and reported that they saw no speck of land, but that there is a continuous green appearance to the water." Again there was quite a stir among the people, and all conversed upon the subject. So finally, after they had a. talk and decided, there came word from them that an appointment was uncertain this time, for all those who had strength and flight had failed. "Say, can I make an attempt alone?" said the turtle, secretly to the man. "Hush! I want all of them to search for it," said he, in low voice. While the turtle had gone back to its place, which was close to the man, he advanced a little and said to the people, who were still talking and singing for better results, "Well! Since you all have failed to make good selections to-day, I think that on behalf of my Pipe and for ourselves, it is a wise proposition for all to seek for the land. So I want all of you to come forward and make a dive around me and bring a good report, ' ' said the man, in a clear and manly voice. So all the birds, reptiles, and others came close, with much delight, each expressing a desire to accomplish the task. "For the good welfare and prosperity of my Pipe, I pray you all to seek dili- gently for the land and I will await for the results," said he, looking at the turtle, which meant that the turtle was to remain with him. So every one then took deep breaths and glanced at each other. All at once they dived for the bottom of the water. After they had dived simultaneously, there were pretty ripples left on the surface; each May, 19C3. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 197 made a circular one. The man with the Pipe and the turtle were the only ones left to witness the return. For six days there was a deep calm over the water. During the absence of these animals, the man with the Pipe bowed his head and listened attentively, and winked his eyes softly, and at times coughed a little to attract the attention of the turtle. Some of them returned to the surface in one day, some in two days, some in three days, some in four days, some in five days, and a very few on the morning of the sixth day. The sun had risen and it was nearly noon when all had returned, when the man said to them, "You have been gone in search of land for days and nights and returned by parties, and since this is an important affair I would like to know if there is any prospect to-day," said he, as he straightened his position with the Pipe. There was no answer from any particular one, but all answered that there was no sign of land underneath. "I do not think that thece is any land underneath." "Yet, if there was a land under the water one of us would surely have found it, but there is none." "Yet we may have gone by a wrong course." "Maybe, we all came back a little distance from it." These were sentences spoken by some of the thoughtful ones. "Now, people, since you have failed to find the land underneath this water, and in view of the fact that I have such a good companion and desire to place it on solid earth, I wish to inform you that I will seek for it, that Turtle will accompany me. I do hope all of you will remain on this spot and await for our return. In the mean time you can enjoy yourselves, and be on the lookout all the time. On the seventh day I want all of you to be contented and patiently await for my return. Watch the spots where we dive with good desires and faith." (This man knew where the land was, for he was a part of it, but for the good he had called every fowl of the air and animal in the water to search for it. ) The people who had gathered around him listened with respect and honor and each prayed with great reverence. "Now, people, watch us carefully and bear in your minds to watch patiently on the seventh day," said he, moving a little to one side. So this man took his Flat- Pipe carefully from his left arm and embraced himself with it, first to the left shoulder, then to the right shoulder, then back to the left, then to the right, and lastly to his breast. At this fifth time, the Flat-Pipe became his body, i. e., it adhered to him in the center, having turned into a red-head duck. "Now, partner, get ready," said he. "Come with me," said he, as he dived easily, the turtle doing the same. There was a big ripple on the surface where they left, and the people wondered at it. There were quite a good many comments 198 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. exchanged among them, but at the same time all were in one thought. For days and nights the red-head duck and turtle were gone, and there was a deep calm over the water. Even among the birds and reptiles, etc., there was tranquillity. They bowed their heads, listened attentively, and watched the spots mentioned. The seventh day came, and in the early morning there were no signs of their return. In spite of their having no signs that morning, the birds who had built nests on the trees and others sang songs of praises and exchanged words of cheer, prancing around and enjoying the gentle breeze, and in general, peace prevailed. For a whole day they watched with anxiety at the deserted spots, until just as the sun was about to set in the west, there came bubbles on the surface of the water. The people, seeing the appearance of the water, gathered close together and gazed at one particular spot. Finally there came out to the sur- face greater bubbles, after which the red-head duck stuck his head out from the surface, shook it, and snorted a little. Swimming gracefully before the rest, the duck gradually got back to its original place, while at this time there came out another sign of bubbles; from them a turtle was seen floating on the surface with spread feet, looking to the man. The moment "the red-head duck returned to its original place on th^ water, there was a man again, with the Pipe, awaiting the arrival of the turtle. This turtle, swimming to the man, grunted a little from exhaustion and stood near the man. On their arrival there was great rejoicing and thanksgiving. Each brought a small piece of clay for a specimen, but they went after it and brought it to the people. (This has reference to the two sods in the Sun Dance lodge). • The owner of the Flat-Pipe then said to the turtle, '*Come over and let me see how much of the clay you have brought," at the same time opening its palms. This man (Hinawaye, Arapaho) gathered pieces of clay from the lines of the palms of the red-head duck, just as from the human hand, for the duck was a part of the human being. "Take mine from my sides (at the feet or legs), and you can tell better," said the turtle, stretching its legs. So this man gathered the small pieces from the turtle, compared them, and found them of equal size and weight.' This man then placed the two heaps of clay upon his pipe and spread it in thin layers. Taking his pipe, he lifted it easily from him and held it to let the clay get thoroughly dry. While he was ' The sods varied in size in the biglod^e. In regrard to those standing in a row at the altar, they represented a grove of timber with a spring or lake behind it. The ditch is a path. The Lodge-Maker stands there and receives the lesson from the grandfather. In other words, he is traveling the same road that the first man had trodden. From that road all the ceremonial performances in the Oflerings-lodge are conducted. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 199 holding his pipe in the air, he bowed his head reverently, and at the same time looked at the clay to see if it was getting dry. Whenever he looked up to see the clay he would then bow his head, closing his eyes, for then he was in deep thought. Finally, the clay was per- fectly dried and was very clean. It did not seem to blow away. This man then scraped it together into a heap and protected it frona the wind. "Now, people, listen to me. I want all of you to watch me. Wherever you shall be, remember that you saw me do this (that is, create the earth); whenever you shall undertake to do anything, remember this; and above all, remember me in everything," said this man. "Please watch me closely that you may follow my footsteps aright," said he, straightening himself, together with his Flat-Pipe, and clear- ing his voice. So, facing to th^ southeast, the man then took a small heap of this dried clay and held it carefully. With manly voice he sang four songs which are similar to those used in the Rabbit-tipi and Offerings-lodge. "Now, people, will you please watch, and follow the course of this dried clay as far as your eyes can reach," said he. So this man with his right hand gave a diving motion, holding the clay at his finger tips and letting it go, saying, "See it go far!" The dry land was made in one big strip, which the people saw extended to a great distance. Then he took another small heap of this dried clay, faced the southwest, held the clay up in the air, carefully sang four songs with clear voice, and said with much spirit, "People, look at the course of this small heap of clay as far as your eyes can reach!" With his right hand he gave a diving motion, and the dry land was made in a big strip, which was clean and broad. Again he took from the Flat-Pipe a small piece of clay and held it carefully in the air, singing four songs with great emotion. "Peo- ple! I want all of you to watch the course of this small heap of clay as far as your eyes can reach," said he, breathing lightly. Facing to the northwest, he gave a diving motion which formed a big stretch of dry land. The land was clean and broad in its appearance. Then he turned to the northeast and stood still for a little while, gathering the remainder of the dried clay. He again took the small heap of dried clay and held it carefully in the air. "Now all of you people, I want you to watch the course of this clay just as far as your eyes can reach," said he, winking a little. While he was holding it, he sang four songs with greater spirit and expression, and then with a diving motion of the hand he let it go. During the time that he was 200 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. performing this work, he would raise his hand in the air with his finger spread and pray with it (rub it on his forehead). Thus the earth was made. He then sat down on the dry land and carefully laid his Flat-Pipe on the ground, facing the sunrise. The placing of the clay at the fifth time was made by the Flat-Pipe, and that is when he sat down. After the earth was made with every living creature, there was great rejoicing and thanksgiving for some time. So great was the Flat-Pipe that all kinds of birds and animals came to it and saw it. This man who preated the earth sat silently by his Flat-Pipe, and in deep thought. At this time, this man awaitfcd with his Flat-Pipe to complete the creation. So Turtle stepped up before him and said, "Since there is no one that will make the first choice, please take and accept me. I want to tell you that I am a harmless creature, slow to anger, have a quiet disposition, and am very charitable. Again, may I tell you that I want to represent the earth in such a way, and also that my name will mean, to cleanse the sick, to comfort the bereaved, and to paint." (The Arapaho term for turtle is, to paint — blood-egg, or blood-stain). All the others heard that the turtle had made the best choice of life, and this perhaps set them to thinking. Then said the man, "All you people have heard Turtle's remarks to-day, and I am glad that he has made a wise choice; it is very acceptable to me. And in view of the facts brought out for our benefit, his whole body shall represent the creation or earth with all things; that is to say, the markings on the back of Turtle shall represent a path, its four legs typifying the four Old Men or Watchmen ; its legs or feet shall be somewhat red ; by its shield are represented mountain ranges and rivers. Look at Turtle closely, and you will see that it contains the fulfillment of the desires requested." So the turtle was placed with Flat-Pipe. Then said Kit-Fox, standing conspicuous in solemn attitude: "Since I am very pretty and charming, and have very quick actions, and since my fur is soft, I desire to place myself next to Flat-Pipe — may it be acceptable to you. I wish to live long on the earth, and that people may respect and honor me. If the people should take my body and offer it for their sacrifices to you, I request that, if it be pleasing to you, you may look upon them and give them four hills or divides of life." "All of you people have heard Kit- Fox's choice, and it is a very good one and touching," said the man. So the body was placed along the side of the Flat-Pipe. Said Otter-Weed (Yiayanakshi, Fourth-Day-Lodge): "Well, I am very anxious to be a partner with the Flat-Pipe, although I am a May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 201 low creature. Nevertheless, I desire to be used by him as a cleaning or packing stick, for my whole body is solid, even at my joints. I wish to say further, I am very quiet and amicable in company; besides, I am very genial and good-natured." "All of you people have heard of the desire of Otter- Weed. You have heard his remarks, which are very good and acceptable to me," said the man. So Otter-Weed was then placed with the Flat-Pipe. Now Cat-Tail, or Tallow-Weed, said: "Well, how about me? You may know that my entire body is solid and of a healthy glow, besides bearing a soft and generous heart. I am very fond of company and ready to take the last of everything (that is the reason why the cat- tail stands a little distance from the spring), and in all, kind to others." "All you people have heard Cat-tail's remarks, which are very good and acceptable to me. Although there is one already, it can be permitted for good," said the man. So Tallow-Weed was then placed together with Otter-Weed.' Then said White-Buffalo: "Well, I cannot help but show myself, for I am meek and humble. Please take and accept my request that I may live long in happiness and prosperity. You may know that I am very quiet and peaceable, besides, have a benevolent disposition. Now in order that I may never be forgotten — and furthermore, I desire to be useful in every way — I want to ask that my body may be utilized as a robe; that in urgent cases I desire to be provident; that if people should take my body for sacrifice they rnay be pleased to remember me, and give four hills of life; that my body can at any time be used in making a cap, belt, arm bands, knee-bands, pairs of moccasins; and above all, I wish that I may be used on all occasions." (This animal made a good selection or choice for the future, and since that time, its body has become quite useful among the Indians.) "You all have heard distinctly the kindly remarks of White-Buffalo. As far as I can see, his desires are very good and acceptable to me," said the man, looking at his Flat-Pipe. So the white-buffalo robe was then placed with the Flat-Pipe. Said the eagle: "Well, I wish to be included in this affair, for which I come to give to the Flat-Pipe two of my wing-feathers — the very last one at the shoulder — and hope sincerely that they will be accepted. You see yourself, man, that my body (feathers) is pure and holy. Therefore, I desire that my two corner wing-feathers be used as 'combs,' so that my father (Flat-Pipe) can scratch his head with them instead of with his fingers," said the eagle. "All of you have heard those wise remarks of the eagle, which are good and plain, and ' This explains why there are two messengers at the Rabbit-tipi and at other lodges. 203 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. acceptable to me," said the man. So the eagle wing-feathers were then placed with the Flat-Pipe. Then said Garter-Snake (Henegei, At-the-Arrow), as he looked up with tears in his eyes and with pitiable appearance: "Having thought the former choices over and over, I cannot help but make this plea, which I do hope may be pleasing and acceptable to all. Furthermore, I am very low in spirit, and I desire to place myself away from harm and violence. You may know that I am very innocent and delicate in every way, I have a very faithful disposition and am ener- getic in my ways and reverent toward my neighbors. So, on behalf of these people, I want to make this proposition openly, and with a view to the future welfare of all, that instead of fasting seven days for thq. accomplishment, the time of fasting and offering of prayers be limited to four days. Furthermore, it will be easier all around and more care and greater respect will be paid to the Flat-Pipe. I also request that 1 may be given what is necessary for all concerned, and that I shall bear all things for the universe. I repeat again that I desire to be located away from harm, and be a circumference of the earth. Please accept my earnest plea, to the end that I may survive through eternity," "All the people have heard the remarkable request of Garter-Snake, relative to future prospects, which are good and promising. They meet with my approval, for they contain bene- ficial ideas and at the same time point to solid matters which eventu- ally shall be our temporal blessings," said the man, as he took a good glance at the earth and its people. Garter-Snake was then placed with the Flat-Pipe. During the time that this young man, Garter- Snake, was asking for future blessings, there was great silence, and when he got through, they responded in unison, with prayers, asking that his wishes be granted. The young man, Garter-Snake, had gone for four days in search of land, and failed to get to it, but seeing that this "fast" of seven days meant good things, he decided to request the method, which was granted. "Now, people, I wish to tell you that I am quite finished with my work, so I wish you would wait patiently until I get ready, so that you can see for yourselves," said the man. So he took the corner wing- feather of the eagle (hathii, onward, or chief weapon) and pointing it toward the southeast he motioned it toward the west, thus forming mountain ranges. "This is the way the rivers should run," said he. He then motioned the feather several times to the east. He then motioned again with the feather, making the rivers to run westward. After this act, because of the mountains, there were beautiful land- scapes, and because of the rivers, fertile valleys with trees having May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 203 green foliage, afld in fact the earth was clothed with an abundance of grass. After he saw what he had made, he was much pleased with the appearance. While this man was preparing for another important matter, there came Nih'a"Qa° with a staff. The people knew him and called him Nih'a"9a", Bitter-Man, from the fact that he reached the gathering to- ward the last part of the creation, carrying a cane, such as a leader uses. "Well, I have just arrived, for I didn't hear of the gathering. Nevertheless, I am glad to be here. Is the creation of the earth with all the essential parts finished? If not, I would like to make a plea, although all things may have been mentioned," said he, still panting and in restless attitude. "Oh, no, the gathering is not over yet, and I am still placing objects for guidance in the future," said the man. "Say, Man, can I have a word in the matter, subject to your approval?" said Nih'a"(pa". "It will be all right for you to give your views, but everything is taken or occupied," said the man. At this time the man repeated what position each man had chosen, his usefulness, etc. Nih'a"9a", seeing this man doing wonderful acts with the feather as a pointer, was fascinated with the power. When White-Man had just arrived and stood resting on his staff before the man, he was asked of the article and its meaning. "This is my staff (hagada, payment for service),' it is made of the cat's tail, only I have bent it at the top for a handle," said White-Man, taking occasional breaths through his nostrils. "Well, since others have made their choices, and no doubt they are worthy, but being quite late, I want to tell you that my sincere desire would be to have the understanding, intelli- gence, and wisdom to make and think of things, and that I desire to have a share of this land which has recently been made," said he, looking around with sharp eyes and signs of energy. "I saw you motioning the mountains and rivers with that wing-feather, and those things were actually made. In view of the fact that I desire the abil- ity of doing things, may I lift my staff and motion for mountains and rivers?" said Nih'a" the old woman left for her traps. So Little-Star went around the lean-back, and to his surprise, saw an animal with two horns and blazing eyes, eating or chewing away at the food given him by Old-Woman-Night. "Well! This is the crea- ture that eats all the food that my grandmother puts away for me. If that is the way this creature does, I cannot allow it," said Little-Star, angrily. So, taking his bow and painted arrows, he shot the monster ' Compare the placing of food under the skull for sacrifices. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 225 between the neck and shoulder, sending his arrow out of sight; another one he shot at the other place, sending it out of sight, too, killing the animal instantly. This gave a red appearance to the river; because this monster extended into this tipi from the river. He then took up a stone club and beat the horns off from the monster and let it go. Just then the old woman returned with some more beef for them- selves. "Say, grandmother, here are two beautiful horns that you can use for spoons," said Little-Star, joyfully. "Well, my dear grandmother, after you had gone, I saw a big creature eating up our victuals that you had laid away. I then took my bow and arrows and shot him dead," said he, before the old woman had a chance to speak. "Oh! Did you really kill him? My dear child, he is your grand- father," said Night-Old-Woman. (She was actually married, secretly, to this water monster. She might have told Little-Star before that the monster was her husband, but she had kept this a secret. ) After they had had their breakfast on the morning of- the next day, the old woman said to Little-Star, who was amusing himself inside the lodge: "Dear grandchild, I want you to remain at home while I go out into the woods after 'yeaneeshe' "(which means, pitched- tipi, refers to the erection of the Offerings-lodge), a red bush that grows in bunches in river bottoms. Late in the afternoon Old-Woman- Night returned and entered the tipi in gloomy spirit. "Well, grandmother, what is the matter with your legs?" said Little-Star, looking at his grandmother's legs. "Dear grandchild, my legs got scratched up terribly when I was going through the thicket this morning, and that is why they are somewhat bloody," said Old-Woman-Night, with a sigh. This old woman had tortured her legs by gashing the muscles crosswise, leaving a clotted blood appearance. For some time Little-Star remained with his grandmother and grew up to be quite a young man. During that time she made his bow into a beautiful lance,' using the feathers that she had carefully preserved in her tipi. She caught eagles and other species of birds and various kinds of animals at her traps. When Little-Star had completed his lance ("coyote-bow"), he said, in manly way and with signs of adventure, to his grandmother, who was in the act of cooking a meal: "Well, grandmother, I am ' The lance was like that of Lime-Crazy in appearance. At the bottom were numerous kinds of feathers of small and large birds. The bow was reversed for a lance, the end with the knot being next to the ground; in this position it had owl feathers at the lower end. then just above them magpie feathers, then at the knot bluebird feathers, while near the top was a hawk feather, and at the top an eagle-wing feather. 226 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. going away to leave you. I think I have done enough with you. It is better for me to go back to my father. So this day I shall leave you, dear grandmother." So he took his lance and went out of the tipi, starting on the journey toward the east, following the course of Eagle River. For days and nights he walked and walked, until he came to a place well trodden by people. The ground was smooth and slippery in appearance, and beyond it there was a black tipi painted with black paint. It was about twi- light when he ran on to a snake. "Say, get up, you lazy thing. The day has already gone far enough," said Little-Star, poking at the snake with his lance, which made the snake rigid. "Well, are you that sensitive?" said Little-Star, laughingly. As he went on he repeated the same trick with the serpents yet asleep. Amusing him- self by killing the serpents with his well-feathered lance, he would laugh very heartily, until he awoke some people at a distance who gave the alarm. "Ah! Get up all of you people! You might all be exterminated by Little-Star. He is very mischievous and very daring. Stir around, you people, and let us obstruct his journey and thus save our kindred. Look at him with that 'crazy' lance," said a man (per- haps a chief), with commanding voice. So the serpents, small and large, woke up and moved about, and soon covered the earth entirely. Little-Star, seeing that it would be quite an undertaking to pass the people, walked to and fro to find a trail to get to another land, but the whole horizon was thickly covered with serpents. For four days and nights he walked about in search of a passage, but without success. At this time he was getting somewhat tired and sleepy. As he walked about to steal a passage through the crowd, he said to his lance with great faith, "Now, if anybody comes to injure me while I am resting (sleeping), I wish you would fall on top of me." So, stop- ping on good level ground, he staked his lance, his head at the foot of it, and went to sleep to renew his strength. As the serpent came up to attack him, the lance lighted on his body, waking him instantly. "Get away from me or you will get hurt," said Little-Star, gaping and getting up with his lance and beginning to walk around again. Find- ing a good level place, he again staked his lance, laid his head at the foot of it, and went to sleep. Shortly after he had gone to sleep, another serpent came crawling slowly for an attack, but this lance lighted on Little-Star again and awakened him instantly. "Oh, pshaw! Keep away from me, you ugly creatures, or you will get hurt!" said Little-Star, gaping, dusting his hair, and getting up with the lance. Wandering to and fro along the vast throng of serpents he finally got sleepy again, and rested on good level ground at the foot of his lance. Mav, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey, 227 During his slumber, another serpent came crawling slowly to him for an attack, but the lance lighted on him, thus awakening him. "Oh, pshaw! You just go back at once! I don't want you about me," said Little-Star, angrily, getting up with the lance. At this time he was getting very sleepy and tired. Seeing a nice soft grass spot on level ground, he staked his lance in the ground and went to sleep right away, and it was about the fifth day. Shortly afterwards there came a big serpent crawling noiselessly for an attack. The lance, as ordered, lighted on Little-Star's body, but he did not awake this time. "I thought surely at this time I would get you," said the big ser- pent, advancing behind Little-Star, recklessly. Still Little-Star was sound asleep. So the big serpent crawled slowly into his rectum, up through his spinal column, into his skull, and then completely coiled up within the skull and remained there, which totally disabled Little- Star physically. Little-Star was conquered for being fast asleep on the open prairie. When the serpent got into his skull, he was made to lie on the ground until his entire body was a perfect skeleton. Little-Star found him- self with a heavy burden in his skull, and remained motionless until he was a perfect skeleton. But the ligaments kept the bones together, thus leaving some sense for him. In this condition he gave his image to the people as a cross. When Little-Star was in normal condition, he said in .a somewhat fainting voice, but to the point, "Now I wish there would be two days of pouring rain, and after that, two days of intense heat." After he had so said, there came big black clouds and much thundering. In a short time the rain came down heavily all over him, thus soaking him completely. Then the sun came out, throwing its heat rays on him for two days. About noon the serpent became so restless in the skull that it finally made its way out and stuck its head out of Little-Star's mouth, panting from exhaustion. The serpent was thrusting its tongue out and blinking its flaming eyes, when Little-Star secretly moved his right hand under his chin and suddenly grasped the serpent's neck, and then got up, sat down on the ground, and pulled the serpent out of his mouth. "Now I have you at last. You know very well that I am all right and possess some wonderful powers. You caught me when I was sound asleep, but you cannot kill me. Here is a fine chance to get even with you," said Little-Star, angrily, regaining his usual robust condition. Little-Star was holding this serpent's neck tightly as he scolded him. Just as he was about to injure the serpent with his poisonous VcK,. 228 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. lance, the captive spoke, saying to Little-Star with an earnest plea: "You know that I have given myself up to you. For your honor and integrity I give my skin to you to wrap your lance with, and to the end that you may remember me in my supplications. " This he said with pitiful expression and signs of fatigue. "All right; it is a good thing that you are willing to give up your skin for my lance; you have saved yourself by your promptness and willingness to me. Well, let me see; if your skin does not obstruct my hand from peeling it off easily, then your assurance of your willingness to be subdued is agree- able to me," said Little-Star, taking the neck of the snake with his right hand, and with his left hand peeling off the skin.* "Now, Little- Star, take this skin of mine and wrap it around your lance or coyote- bow and keep it there," said the big snake. The serpent was then turned loose, and went back to his kind, with less power. Little-Star then continued his journey until he reached the black- painted tipi and entered it with his lance. Reaching the Father, Sun (he was related to him, as Moon was a brother of Sun), at short dis- tance, he advanced recklessly and spied everything in front of him. "Well, well! That mischievous boy is coming. He is a hard case,., and therefore he ought not to enter this lodge, because it is pure and holy," said Sun. "Say, young man, I think it is best for you to return, for your lance is a lawless one. So please go back to your grandmother, who made the lance for you," said Sun, in earnestness and much thought. Little-Star, without further approach to his father, returned to the east and went out of this black lodge. Little- Star removed from his lance the attachments, thus cleansing it. Turning around, he placed his lance above the door of this black lodge. Thus he became the morning- star, so-called the cross, "but really the Little-Star, following his father and mother, Sun and Moon. That small group of stars early at night, with a row of stars along the side represents the hand of Little-Star with his lance. That was the erfd of his journey. '^ * From this time on these snakes shed their skins annually. * The story relates to the whole Sun Dance ceremony. The center fork signifies tlie father's home. The unwrapping of this lance corresponds to the people placing children's clothing on the ceoter-pole. The dancing out is the return of Little-Star. The smoking of the Straight-Pipe, and wrapping of the wheel, and other things is the continuation of the Sun and Moon with us. It is the place of holiness and glory. J UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 3 0112 084204467