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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 132

SOURCE MATERIAL ON THE
HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY
OF THE CADDO INDIANS

By
JOHN R. SWANTON

UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1942

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - + e «= «= Price 75 cents

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Copy,

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., January 15, 1941.

Sm: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled
“Source Material on the History and Ethnology of the Caddo Indians,”
by John R. Swanton, and to recommend that it be published as a
bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

Very respectfully yours,
M. W. Sriruine, Chief.

Dr. C. G. Axszot,

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

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CONTENTS

Ty Hn gg TERS G 0) gM aha SS ER 9 2 Pe Us Sch eee See oe
Do TSRCU A TYUTAO Sia 2 UP gs call Os ea aN eee ene bes Srey) She Wee eee pr ay ne aimee
LP Sren SG LS) ao PF ie SE ae ane STS Oe er ee TS ered oa
IRR ALIGU eee eh Se So eee 28 Pe oe ee
ber ein pie Er (saa tire eee aS SR OS ple Oe ok oe ee a Ee
URIS) Soiy08 92 RE a Se ee oe el
Physicsl; mental, and moral characteristics. —-_--_-...__.2-..-=--+--=-
Rieter enn Cer Elites ema =) cee eS es es ae i ee Arle en a bee or oe
RSP LCTEOO US: Scene te Penge ee ce eek tee BR BPE PEE ee
Seber ONO RAM, 2) 2 oe tnt gO Re ney Dee Mole a ee clea

PSE er erate Mees Skier tis Se A Oe Se ee
Clothng and personal adornment_._. 22-22 -2.-2-2V22 2222-55 --2S
DAVOS oboe Me CER Aa eo pail Ad pe Siete tLe ali Un hh Rae

LOSE DTC EEE oh gets ee TEAR NR AO pe ene pale c LA Se,
SUS: (USES Be ELE DS 3 AD" pe pet ee RR te ee ee mete Like MR Ht,
i Ure AAT Cel MEATI Gy Mo Lf be whe behets ew RA Zam ale
eure eae eens see ear A tod LL Nig!) Se AES AIS cle TR Re = Bee
Division of labor between the sexes... 24 24l2.2s.22_-..-25- 2222 ane
COLES pagal eg les le cea BRS ES AE nS RN lcd DR Oa ad) ah 2
Sean HOT CA LIOTISEINP) 1) oy Wee ities ee ye ee 8 ee
RepeRUETATH TT, Sho oyths) ek) 5 2 o camialey BU espiahe ote ml & wh ie aetna n Faire tae
icra were CEs ee eg Ee ne
(Garrick Ba lk Bee ie et la et we ah eee Lois ae
Ceremonies used on meeting strangers_-__--._--------------------
Peper Ie Tete et LE a he ee ee Bee =
VAY cg 2 i Pe) Ae a a eR Ol See DED, Ye Ue on wae ake A
Piensa) ume mena eT EPI EE IE PARTIE FY GAO el ons dbl re ie hed Bld Byes ee pe BiB
Burial and beliefs regarding the fate of the soul__________--------
etrbonenta the Cosmos. 20 0 2 ee oe eA ESAS ee
ee eEmlIseChiCi asec ice ch face sh o . tau aes eeeeee ete Ne ae lll Sv ee
Medicine men and medical practices_ --_--------------------------

Pie errs ConeIm@niGns mle ee: 0 2S ea IEE pie ae hs ee

og UGTA ors aie EA 2k 0 oe = Se Baa Ee yd i
Original texts of three of the principal documents consulted in the present
Ry Ure Gries et ead Dae II aks et pA CRY ase re hae ee
Letter and report of Fray Francisco Casafias de Jesus Maria to the
Viceroy of Mexico, dated August 15, 1691__._.___-___----------
Letter of Fray Francisco Hidalgo to the Viceroy of Mexico, dated

ING ver ber be eek oo I 2 IRN CUES iio Et A Thom hel,

Extracts from the Crénica de la Provincia Franciscana de los Apéstoles

San Pedro de Michoacan, by Fray Isidro Felix de Espinosa, pub-

lished under the editorship of Dr. Nicolas Leon (pages 419-442) -__

LET SERVO aT eth 1 ROS 2 ETS a Eg PoE RINE UPA va Pe! AR
PeRBINOMGAP YN HOR nk woes a Sue UNS se eee Ua Un 2 rR lb
Berean ape UNIAN tik eee Ltt te! 4) AO ety SRL MU NE SO Oy So NT att ey

v

265

273
301
307
309

V1 Ud een lo! Oe NB LAE Niwa Whew, of
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‘ hit. Si il A Pits oi cle

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ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

. Map of the Kadohadacho settlements. -......-.-.----------------
. Map of the Red Riverin Louisiana drawn by Nicholas King and em-

bodying the findings of the Freeman-Custis Exploring Expedition

. The Caddo chief Show-e-tat, or Little Boy, known to the whites as

taaUiie? Wi AI NOUN. «cane tes Mars chee e caer ane used ewes secon ae

. 1, The Caddo head chief Nah-ah-sa-nah, known to the whites as Guad:

alupe (““Warloupe’”’). 2, John Wilson, leader in the Ghost Dance and
in the Peyote ritual, and another Caddo Indian or a Delaware-_---

. White Deer or Antelope, Caddo delegate to Washington in 1872__---
. 1, George Parton, Judge of Caddo Indian Court. 2, Home of George

. 1, Minnie and Charlie Parton, Caddo Indians. 2, Caddo man with

FST Y Sh a an rc er lS es Ak 2 a ti he ee Mille ieee

. 1, Sam Houston, a Caddo Indian. 2, Stanley Edge, a Caddo Indian_
Srinomans: Wiser, & Cacao Indian... ..<.-<0«<-<c90cendescursuceweoss
Se lereninecOORT, OF LAll MSN ooo cc foals ew a ccose na temde cen eden dwn
. “Caddoe Indians chasing Buffaloe; Cross Timbers, Texas” (George

oP LICE SE Ws Se on a WR RO Sb Poy SC ee eA ony GRRE all

. Silver ornaments worn by Caddo Indians._..--.-.---.-.----------
. 1, Caddo moccasins (undecorated). 2, Caddo moccasins, decorated

Val OVC] oY SY: io [a yee ene ee Pa oe UY ESR SPARE ES CI he Lf de tps Ao

mavonode camp (obotograph by Soulé) 220. c-ccnwaawbeeccwcee
. “Encampment of Caddo Indians” (Seth Eastman)-__.._-.._.-------
. 1, Sickle made from the lower jaw of a deer. 2, Caddo bison-horn

WOE awe oe dts) Sk le Gl eee ee Le utp es oo ene

. 1, Caddo flageolet. 2, Caddo tobacco pouch.........-.-.--------
. Caddo beaded skin charm bag. 1, Front. 2, Back.____...-.-----
. Painted wooden figurine with a human scalp-lock wig, attributed to

HOMO ACEO ne See Ee Ce ae ese SE ae
TEXT FIGURES

. Former distribution of the Caddo Indians._..-.............--------
. Plat of the Lower Texas Reserve on Brazos River_......-.-.--------
. Plat of the Upper Texas Reserve on the Clear Fork of Brazos River----
. Region surveyed by Rector in preparation for the removal of the

VHavel Eh et fy typ anid Ws). <: f- page see Mp heh es Ae a IO A ee eke

-. Map of southwestern Oklahoma showing location of Indians removed

jiiCopeahed fc’ ¢20-]h balan bcfah’ Pane by Nene 2 eC cP OW OA Tn Ree ge OR a 2

SOURCE MATERIAL ON THE HISTORY AND
ETHNOLOGY OF THE CADDO INDIANS

By Joun R. Swanton

INTRODUCTION

In a wide area beyond the Mississippi River within the boundaries
of the great States of Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, and Oklahoma,
there lived, at the earliest period of which we have historical record—
that is, the first half of the sixteenth century—a group of tribes of the
very first importance, but one which has been almost lost to sight
by our ethnological students and its significance seriously underrated.
This is owing in a measure to the fact that the period when these
tribes played a prominent part in history was before they and their
lands came under the control of the United States and the records
of that period, preserved in foreign languages and largely buried in
long unfrequented archives, were little known even to American stu-
dents, and in part because by the time professional ethnologists were
prepared to take the field the Caddo tribes had been uprooted from
their historic seats, broken up, their separate rites and dialects ex-
tinguished or confounded, and the merest shreds of their ancient
culture preserved. The attention of students was naturally drawn
away to tribes still retaining their early usages and ceremonials in
some vigor.

When I undertook to assemble materials from the original sources
bearing on the tribes of the lower Mississippi, the Caddo were not
included, partly because they did not reach the Mississippi and partly
because consideration of them was believed to involve a study of
the stock to which they belonged, and work was at that time being
conducted in it by Dr. George A. Dorsey of the Field Museum of
Natural History.

Thanks to the work of Dr. Dorsey, Dr. Wissler and his collabo-
rators, Mr. Murie, Miss Fletcher, and more recently Dr. Gilmore,
Dr. Lesser, Dr. Weltfish, and others, we now have a large body of
material on the northern representatives of the Caddoan stock, but
the little that has been done on Caddo proper shows clearly that,

1

2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

except in the matter of language, not much bearing upon the real
aboriginal lives of these people may be expected through direct stud-
ies. It is hoped that Dr. Lesser and Dr. Weltfish will be enabled to
complete the investigations on the Caddoan languages they have
so well begun. In the present work I have undertaken to bring
together the principal materials relating to these Indians from Span-
ish and French sources. For the translation and publication of them
we are particularly indebted to the Texas State Historical Society
and the students of the University of Texas, to Prof. Herbert E.
Bolton, now librarian of the Bancroft Library in San Francisco, Dr.
Carlos E. Castafieda, Latin-American Librarian at the University of
Texas, the Quivira Society, Mr. Frederick M. Chabot, Miss Mattie
Austin Hatcher, and others who have brought these invaluable doc-
uments regarding well-nigh forgotten people to the attention of
historians and ethnologists.

The Caddo Indians are noteworthy in many ways. They have
given their name to one of the large lakes of northwestern Louisiana
and a parish in that State, and contributed many place names to
the region which they formerly inhabited. Their name has also
been extended to one of the principal linguistic families of North
America. To the western Caddo we owe the name of the largest
State of our Union. Although not the first Texas tribe to appear
in history, they made the greatest impression upon the explorers who
visited the territory now occupied by it, so that finally, as just noted,
the name which had become fixed to them was transferred to the
Spanish, and later Mexican, province, and to the Republic and State
which in turn succeeded. Fate decreed that the lands of the Caddo
tribes should lie in the debated region between French and Spanish
claims, and later between the possessions of the United States and
those of Spain, and the Republic of Mexico, whose authority succeeded
to that of Spain. Hence, they constituted a factor in the history of
the Southwest of peculiar significance.

Moreover, what we know of aboriginal Caddo culture, particularly
the excellence of Caddo pottery, and its developed social and cere-
monial organizations, and the influence exerted by them upon the
surrounding peoples, make the Caddo a center of interest in their
own right. There can be little doubt that they played a part in the
history of the area before white contact even more important than
their role after the advent of Europeans.

In the subjoined material there are but few original notes, the
greater part, as the title implies, being a compilation from the
productions of earlier writers, including mainly the letters and
reports of the missionaries Francisco Casafias de Jesus Maria, Fran-
cisco Hidalgo, Isidro Felix de Espinosa, and Gaspar José de Solis,

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 3

the Historia and Memorias of Juan Agustin Morfi, and the relation
of La Salle’s companion, Henri Joutel.

The translations from Joutel are my own. Those from Casafias,
Hidalgo, and Espinosa are mainly the ones made by Miss Hatcher ;
those from Solis are mainly those of Miss Kress, while those from
Morfi’s Memorias are essentially reproductions of the translations
printed by Chabot, but I have found it necessary to introduce certain
alterations and in one or two cases these are extensive. For the his-
torical sections I have drawn upon numerous authors, early and late.
I am particularly indebted to Dr. Castafieda for his assistance on many
occasions and particularly in securing a photocopy of the Letter and
Report of Fray Francisco Casafias. I am indebted to my friend, the
late David I. Bushnell, Jr., for his interest and suggestions and for
the use of the sketch by Eastman which constitutes plate 15.

After most of the above was in type, Dr. Parsons’ memoir made its
appearance, its modest title, Notes on the Caddo, undoubtedly con-
cealing the fact that it contains about all the ethnological material
that may be expected from the remnants of the many tribes now
covered by the name “Caddo.” Of course, one can never say that one
has secured absolutely a7 such information, but it may be confidently
assumed that this is as perfect a sample of these fragmentary materials
as will ever be recovered. That which remains will be acculturation
processes rather than the restoration of what we are pleased to call,
but never is, primitive.

Comparison of this with the insight into the customs and usages of
the tribe furnished by the missionaries is interesting as showing in
what direction and to what extent cultural losses have taken place,
although there are preserved also data from the earlier time which
were entirely missed by them. As might have been anticipated, the
ancient tribal cult connected with the temples has disappeared along
with those collective functions such as are assumed by our Depart-
ments of State and War. The Ghost Dance and Peyote cults have
acted powerfully to affect the former and immersion in white institu-
tions the latter. What have survived are the minor social relations
between individuals and families, much of the kinship terminology,
customs connected with naming and marriage, with the relations
brought about by marriage, some of the burial customs, and customs
connected with medical practices and witchcraft. Notes regarding
certain of these will appear below under the separate heads.

DESIGNATIONS

The name Caddo is applied collectively to a people now regarded
as a single tribe, but which, when they were first known to Europeans,
consisted of something like 25 tribes forming 3 or more confederated

“i: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

groups besides some units that held themselves entirely separate.
The largest confederation was in eastern Texas in the present coun-
ties of Nacogdoches, Rusk, Cherokee, and Houston. They called
themselves Hasinai, a word which appears in the historical narratives
as Asinai, Assoni, Asenay, Cenis, etc., but since these tribes were
on terms of closest intimacy and were constantly calling one another
“friends,” or “allies,” the Spaniards early heard the native term
meaning “friends” used and came to apply it to them. This word
appears in the forms fewas, tewias, tejas, tejias, teysas, techan, etc.,
and hence these Indians were called Texas Indians and the word
was subsequently applied to the province of Texas and taken over
by the American colonists as that of the Republic and later State
of Texas. The 2 in this word was not, however, pronounced by the
Spaniards as it is in English. Sometimes it was made equivalent
to Spanish 7, which resembles German ch, but I have usually found
that in the early Spanish narratives it is employed for the English sh,
for which the Spanish language provides no specific sign. This fact is
often indicated by synonyms which use s or ch, just as we find in the
present instance. I, therefore, believe that the original pronunciation
of Texas was Tayshas, although, as Bolton suggests, it may have been
Taychas. It was not a specific term for the Hasinai but became such
by accident.
Casafias says:

I notice that this name Tejas includes all the friendly tribes. The name is
common to all of them, even though their language may be different. And,
Since this name is a general term, it must be used for no other reason than
to indicate the long-standing friendship which they entertain towards each
other. And, therefore, among all these tribes “Tejias” means friends. [Casa-
fias, 1927, p. 286.)

And Solis:

We crossed the San Pedro River and afterwards came to a village that was
very large and thickly settled with the Tejas Indians. This name comes from
the word techi, which in our language means friend, and so Tejas Indians is the
same as Saying friendly Indians. [Solis, 1931, p. 60.]

Bolton considers the terms “Texas” and “Hasinai” at some length:

The testimony of the sources warrants the conclusion that before the coming
of the Spaniards the word Texas, variously spelled by the early writers, had
wide currency among the tribes of eastern Texas and perhaps over a large
area; that its usual meaning was “friends,” or, more technically, “allies”; and
that it was used by the tribes about the early missions, at least, to whom
especially it later became attached aS a group name, to designate a large
number of tribes who were customarily allied against the Apaches. In this
sense, the Texas included tribes who spoke different languages and who were
as widely separated as the Red River and the Rio Grande. It seems that the
Neches-Angelina tribes designated did not apply the term restrictively to them-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 5

selves as a name, but that they did use it in a very untechnical way as a form
of greeting, like “hello, friend,’ with which they even saluted Spaniards after
their advent...

The name Texas has been variousiy applied by writers, but it was most
commonly used by the Spaniards, from whom the French and the English
borrowed it, to designate those tribes of the upper Neches and the Angelina
valleys, and this in spite of their knowing full well that among the natives the
word had a wider application that has been indicated. There are many varia-
tions from this usage in Spanish writings, it is true, but this, nevertheless, is
the ordinary one. As a tribal name the term was sometimes still further
narrowed to apply to a single tribe. When this occurred, it was most commonly
used to designate the Hainai, the head tribe of the group in question, but some-
times it was applied to the Nabedache tribe. AS a geographical term, the name
Texas was first extended from these Neches-Angelina tribes to their immediate
country. Thus for the first quarter of a century of Spanish occupation, the
phrase “the Province of Texas” referred only to the country east of the Trinity
River; but with the founding of the San Antonio settlements the term was
extended westward, more in harmony with its native meaning, to the Medina
River, and then gradualiy to all of the territory included within the present
State of Texas.

While the name Texas, as used by the tribes in the eastern portion of the
State, was thus evidently a broad and indefinite term applied to many and
unrelated tribes occupying a wide area, it is clear that the native group name for
most of the tribes about the missions in the Neches and Angelina valleys was
Hasinai, or Asinai. Today the term Hasinai is used by the Caddoans on the
reservations to include not only the survivors of these Neches-Angelina tribes, but
also the survivors of the tribes of the Sabine and Red River County. It seems
from the sources, however, that in the early days the term was more properly
limited to the former group. In strictest usage, indeed, the earliest writers did
not include all of these. A study of contemporary evidence shows that at the
first contact of Huropeans with these tribes and for a long time thereafter writers
quite generally made a distinction between the Hasinai (Asinai, Cenis, etc.) and
the Kadohadacho (Caddodacho) group; these confederacies, for such they were in
the Indian sense of the term, were separated by a wide stretch of uninhabited
territory extending between the upper Angelina and the Red River in the
neighborhood of Texarkana; their separateness of organization was positively
affirmed, and the details of the inner constitution of both groups were more or
less fully described; while in their relations with the Europeans they were for
nearly a century dealt with as separate units. Nevertheless, because of the
present native use of the term and some early testimony that can not be dis-
regarded, I would not at present assert unreservedly that the term formerly was
applied by the natives only to the Neches-Angelina group. If, as seems highly
probable, this was the case, in order to preserve the native usage we should
call these tribes the Hasinai; if not, then the Southern Hasinai.

The name Hasinai, like Texas, was sometimes narrowed in its application to one
tribe, usually the Hainai. But occasionally the notion appears that there was
an Hasinai tribe distinct from the Hainai. This, however, does not seem to have
been the case. As now used by the surviving Hasinai and Caddos, Hasinai means
“our own folk,” or, in another sense, “Indians.” [Bolton, 1908, pp. 250-252.]

Just as the Hainai were sometimes regarded as the Hasinai tribe
par excellence, so in the confederacy on Red River were the Kado-
hadacho eminent above all the rest. The name is derived from kadi,

6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 132

or rather kaadi, ka’-ede, meaning “chief,” and Kadohadacho signifies
“real chiefs.” Strictly, it was applied to one of a group of four bands
(five, if one counts in the Cahinnio) but was first extended in the con-
tracted form Caddo to all of the bands of this group and later to all of
the related tribes, including the Hasinai. It is likely that the fact that
it prevailed was owed as much to the simple character of the word as
to the dominant position of the tribe.

Since Caddo appeared as the name of a group of languages in Gal-
latin’s classification (Gallatin, 1836) a few pages before his similar use
of “Pawnee,” it was selected by Powell in the form “Caddoan” to desig-
nate a linguistic stock which included, besides the Caddo in the broad-
est sense of the term, the Kichai, the Wichita, with the Tawakoni,
Waco, and their allies, the Pawnee, and the Arikara. The Adai were
at first- supposed to constitute a distinct family called Adaizan, but
very shortly the connection of their language with Caddo was demon-
strated by Dr. A. S. Gatschet. (Powell, 1891, pp. 45-46, 58-62). In
the present study I shall use Caddoan as the name of the stock, Caddo
to cover all the southern tribes the remnants of which are now classed
under that term, and Kadohadacho for the group of four tribes on
Red River which included the Kadohadacho proper, the Nasoni,
Upper Natchitoches, and Nanatsoho. When I wish to designate the
original Kadohadacho I will call it the Kadohadacho tribe or town.

Following are names applied to the Caddo by various tribes:

Arapaho: Tani’binén, Tani’binénina, Tani’bitha (Mooney).

Cheyenne: Otii's-iti’niuw’ (Mooney), U-tai-si-ta (Ten Kate), Utaséta
(Gatschet).

Choctaw: Ka-l6x-la-tce (Ten Kate).

Comanche: At’-ta-wits (Ten Kate), Witune (Gatschet).

Creek: Kul-hiil-atsi (Grayson).

Kiowa: Ma’se’p (Mooney), Mési (Ten Kate).

Omaha: Pa’thi*wacabe (Fletcher and La Flesche).

Pawnee: Edawika, Erawika (Gatschet).

Osage: Hi®-sha (La Flesche).

Quapaw: Soudayé (La Harpe), Su’-d¢é (Dorsey).

Tonkawa: Kalu-xnidshu, Karo-xnidshu, Kasséya, Kasseye’-i (Gatschet).

Wichita: Dé&’sh-i, Dé’sa, Ni’ris-hiri’s-ki’riki (Mooney), Tashash,
Tawitskash (Gatschet).?

The Choctaw and Creek names and the two first Tonkawa terms
are corruptions of Kadohadacho. The Arapaho, Cheyenne, and
Kiowa terms signify “Pierced Noses,” and the Caddo were so-called
because of their custom of wearing nasal ornaments. The gesture
indicating them in the sign language refers to the same custom. The
Omaha name means “Black Pawnee.”

1 Hodge, 1907, 1910, Articles Caddoan, Caddo, Kadohadacho, etc.; Mooney, 1896, pp.
953, 1043, 1081, 1102-1103.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY v5

The following terms are used by the Caddo to designate other
tribes:

Apache, Kiowa Apache: Ka’ntsi (Mooney), Gdntsi (Gatschet), Cancey
(early writers).

Apache (Lipan): Sow-a-to (Neighbors).

Arapaho: Detse-ka’yia (Mooney), “Dog Eaters.”

Cheyenne: Ba’hakosin (Mooney), “Striped Arrows.”

Comanche: Sathto (Mooney), Sau’-tux (Ten Kate), Sow-a-to (Neigh-
bors).

Kiowa Apache (see Apache).

Pawnee: Awadhi (name applied by Caddo and Wichita—Gatschet).

Quapaw: Ima (Gatschet).

THE CADDO TRIBES °
(Figure 1)

Early in the seventeenth century, when Caddo came to the atten-
tion of French and Spanish explorers and traders for the first time
except for the De Soto expedition, most of them were gathered into
three or four loose confederations. The Hasinai, often called Texas
by the Spaniards, were the largest of these, occuping the greater part
of the land now included in the Texas counties of Nacogdoches, Rusk,
Cherokee, and Houston. The Kadohadacho, or Caddo proper, were
at the bend of Red River in southwestern Arkansas and northeastern
Texas. A third group lay farther south about the present city of
Natchitoches, La., which perpetuates the name of its leading tribe.
Between these last two lay a tribe known as Yatasi which at an
earlier day appears to have belonged to still another group, but
shortly after first contact with the whites it separated into two bands
one of which united with the Kadohadacho and the other with the
Natchitoches.

Besides these groups there were certain tribes which had an in-
dependent status though they were related to the others. The
Cahinnio lived in a town on the upper Ouachita in 1687 and in the
sixteenth century had probably been settled along Caddo River and
about Caddo Gap, where they became known to the followers of De
Soto as Tula Indians. They were, it is believed, closely connected
with the Kadohadacho, with whom they undoubtedly ultimately
united.

The Adai lived in the neighborhood of the present Robeline, La.,
and camped at times along Red River above Natchitoches. They
spoke a divergent dialect of Caddo and seem to have had a ruder
culture than the other tribes excepting only the Eyeish. They had
the unique distinction of harboring within their territory the first
capital of Texas, and this, curiously enough, fell outside of Texas’
later boundaries.

The Eyeish lived almost directly west of the Adai, about the present
San Augustine, Tex. They are called barbarous by early writers and
were looked down upon by the surrounding Indians.

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

The tribes above enumerated, excepting the two last, did not live
in groups which maintained the same constituent elements unchanged
from generation to generation. Several, as noted in the case of the
Yatasi, split into two or more divisions which, from time to time,
established new associations. These will be noted as we take up the
several groups.

In the De Soto documents the following tribes or “provinces” are
mentioned which were undoubtedly Caddo: Tula, Amaye or Maye,
Naguatex, Hacanac, Nissohone, Lacane, Nondacao, Hais (or Aays),
Soacatino (or Xuacatino or Xacatin), Guasco, Naquiscoga, Nagaca-
hoz. Daycao is given as the name of a river and the word is un-
doubtedly from the Caddo language. From the De Soto map we may
add Animay and perhaps Cenoa. The word Tula is probably not
from Caddo but it is believed that the province so named was oc-
cupied by the tribe later called Cahinnio. Amaye or Maye seems to
contain the Caddo word signifying a male human being. It may
have been recorded by the Spaniards from the misunderstanding of
an informant. Naguatex or, as we should pronounce it, Nawataysh,
signifies “place of salt” and the people so designated may be set
down as a branch of that tribe later known as Namidish. Hacanac,
which appears but once, may be identical with Lacane, and the latter
certainly is a form of Nacanish. The Nissohone or Nisohone were
the later Nasoni, the Nondacao the later Anadarko, and Hais the
later Eyeish. Guasco appears in a list of Hasinai tribes given by
Casafias, but I am unable to identify the Soacatino, Naquiscoga, and
Nacacahoz although they bear undoubted Caddo names. Joutel men-
tions a tribe allied to the Hasinai called Daquio whose name is pos-
sibly related to that of the river Daycao. In Animay we seem to
have Hainai, perhaps with maye, “male person,” added. Cenoa
might be an attempt at Hasinai. (Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, pp. 185-141,
169-183; vol. 2, pp. 32-34, 148; Robertson, 1933, pp. 194-201, 288-
257, map p. 418; Garcilaso, 1723; Final Report of the U. S. De Soto
Expedition Commission, 1939, pp. 230, 261-263, map 1.)

Joutel in 1687 gives a long list of tribes said to be allied to the
Hasinai and another long list of tribes hostile to them. In the first
of these I am able to identify the following as Caddo:

Joutel list Identity
Cenis Hasinai
Nassoni Nasoni
Natsohos Nanatsoho
Cadodaquis Kadohadacho
Natchittos Natchitoches
Nondaco Anadarko
Nadaco Anadarko (?)
Cahaynohoua Cahinnio
Nacodissy Nacogdoche

Haychis Eyeish

299671—42 (Face p. 8)

e@CAHINNIO

(PECAN POINT) |

NANATSOHO !
2 POINT I

o
=
NANATSOHO (1) &y eG "
A ne coh, we? NASON KADOHADACHO (2) x
“| Ie) arc jpeer vw O

OHADAC

SUL»,
Yo,
a

°/VER

YATASI

yLlH2vno

Y)
OUACHITA

&
NADACO a

@ NASONI
(LOWER)

| °
DOUSTION|!
NACAO NATCHITOCHE

v (LOWER)
Pa.
NABE sDACHE

NACONO™

Ficure 1.—Former distribution of the Caddo Indians, 29967142 (Face p. 8)

”
|
|

SWANTON]

CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY

The following are possible identifications:

Joutel list
Douesdonqua
Dotchetonne
Sacahayé

Daquio
Nouista

Identity
Doustioni
People of Bayou Dauchite
Soacatino
Dacayo River people
Neches

The following tribes listed as allies were non-Caddo people:

Joutel list

Tanico
Cappa

Tanquinno

Cassia

Nadamin

Annaho

Choumay

Identity
Tunica
Quapaw
Tunica (?)
Kichai
Sadamon (Apache or Tonkawa)
Osage (?)
Chouman or Shuman (Jumano)

The following seem to be Caddo tribes but are listed as enemies:

Joutel list

Nadaho
Nacassa

Nahacassi

Chaye

Identity

Adai

Yatasi(?)

Yatasi( ?)

Choye (a tribe placed by Tonty with
the Yatasi)

The other names either belong to non-Caddo people or cannot
be identified (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 409-410).

Jesus Maria de Casafias, after enumerating the nine tribes which
made up the Hasinai nation, gives another list which partly repeats
the first but contains some names which it is difficult to identify
with any in his first list and he adds some new ones, including the
tribes of the Caddo group and two non-Caddo tribes, the Kichai

and the Bidai.

OHAATRONE

First List

. Nabadacho or Ineci

Necha
Nechavi
Nacono
Nacachau

. Nazadachotzi

Cachae
Nabiti

. Nasayaha

299671_42——2

Nabaydacho
Nesta

Nacan
Nacoz(?)
Neticatzi(?)
Caxo

Naviti
Nasayaya
Nazones
Guasco
Cataye (cf. Caxo)
Dastones
Nadan
Tadivas
Nabeyeyxa
Caynigua
Cauddachos
Quizi
Natsoos
Nasitox
Bidey

The two lists are compared below.
Second List

Indentity
Nabedache
Neches

Nacanish
Nacachau
Nacogdoche
Hainai
Namidish
Nasoni( ?)
Nasoni
Guasco

Doustioni
Anadarko

Cahinnio
Kadohadacho
Kichai (not Caddo)
Nanatsoho
Natchitoches

Bidai (not Caddo)

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 182

He lists another group of tribes about 80 leagues to the south
and west which contains no Caddo names unless the Guaza are in-
tended for Guasco. Towards the southwest he lists still another
but again it contains no Caddo. In enumerating the tribes at
enmity with the Hasinai, however, he gives the Nabiti, Nondacau,
and possibly the Eyeish (“Hauydix”), besides the Osage, Tunica,
Quapaw, Kichai (“Quitxix”), Tonkawa, Kiawa, Lipan, and proba-
bly the Wichita (“Canabatinu”) (Casafias, 1926, pp. 215-216; 1927,
pp. 286-287).

In his declaration before the Spanish authorities, St. Denis, who
should have known these Indians well, stated that there were 11
Caddo tribes, the chief of which were the Asinai and their allies,
the Navedachos, Nacaos, Namidis, Nacogdoches, Ainays, Nadacocos,
Nacitos, and Nachoos. The last two belonged to the Kadohadacho,
the Nadacocos were evidently the Anadarko, and the others are all
readily recognizable except that we do not know what tribes were
included under the “Asinai and their allies,” though they were
perhaps the Neches and Nasoni.

While the greater number of Casafias’ tribes are identifiable in
subsequent lists, there are some which seem to disappear completely
after his time. Among these are the Nechavi, but Nachawi (signi-
fying “Osage orange”) was the native name of Neches River and
this was probably a band of Neches Indians or a syononym for the
Neches Tribe itself since both are placed on Neches River not many
miles apart. The Nacachau may be the Naquiscoca of the De Soto
chronicles but it seems to have disappeared from history at an early
date. Bolton thinks that the Nasayaya were a part of the Nasoni.
The Guasco are important because of the fact that De Soto’s followers
met them in 1542. The Cataye are not heard of again. They may
have been identical with the Caxo and Cachae. The Tadivas and
Naheyeyxa also cannot be identified after this time unless it is
possible that the latter is a synonym for Nabedache.

We seem to get hints that the complication exhibited by Caddo
tribes was late and that, had we more data regarding them, we should
find that there were actually a relatively small number of tribes and
that the complication arose because these had separated into two or
more sections the constituents of which not infrequently changed
their associations. One case of the sort is supplied by the Yatasi,
which divided at a very late date, part settling with the Natchitoches
and part with the Kadohadacho. There was also a lower and an
upper Natchitoches town connected respectively with the same larger
groupings. While the Nasoni formed one town of the Kadohadacho,
which sometimes bears their name, there was a second close to the
Hasinai but, significantly enough, not rated as a true Hasinai di-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 11

vision. Indeed, Bolton (1908, p. 270) suggests a third which ap-
pears under the name Nasayaha or Nasayaya. At least these last
lived close to the true Nasoni. The Nacono may also have been
divided. We hear of a tribe called Nacao not reckoned among the
true Hasinai but located on a creek called today Naconicho. A tribe
called Lacane was encountered by Moscoso some distance farther
east and it is altogether probable that it was a part of the same
people. In other words, it looks as though the Nacono, Nacao,
Naconicho, and Lacane were fragments of one tribe, and to these
may be added Mooney’s “Nakanawan.” I was told, indeed, by Caddo
Jake that Nakanawan, or “Nakahanawan,” as he pronounced it, was
another name for the Hainai but the Nacanish very likely united
with them. It is possible that we should add the Nacachau to this
list, a tribe which disappears very early in Hasinai history. Bolton
(1908, pp. 260-261) has demonstrated that the Hainai were also called
Cachae by Casanas—in his later list referred to as Caxo, or, possibly
Cataye. My own informants stated that the Hainai had several
different names. A tribe early associated with the Hasinai, yet not
constituting, according to Casaiias, one of the original group, was
the Nadaco or Anadarko. It is evidently the one he calls Nadan in
the list just quoted and goes back to the time of Moscoso, when we
have the name in the form Nondacao. It retained its designation
until a very late period and gave it finally to Anadarko, Okla.

More puzzling than any of these cross-connections is that which is
suggested between Casafias’ Nabadacho and Nabiti, listed as two of
the original Hasinai group. The first of these, usually called Nabe-
dache but spelled more correctly by Casafias in another place Nabay-
dacho, was located on San Pedro Creek and it was in the Nabedache
town that the first Spanish mission was established. The Nabedache
are sometimes called San Pedros. The Nabiti he also calls Naviti,
and they are evidently the Nabiri of St. Denis. But Bolton notes that
this tribe seems to occupy a spot where Joutel found a tribe called Noa-
diche, and this latter appears to bear the same name as the Naouydiche
of La Harpe, a band of whom was found in 1719 well north of Red
River in what is now Oklahoma (Bolton, 1908, p. 270; Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 6, p. 286; Beaurain, 1831, p. 204). In a French list
in a letter by the Duc de Linares (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, p. 217),
we find the form Namidis, and knowing that one of the dialectic dif-
ferences between eastern and western Caddo was a change from m
to w, and that 6 and v are often used for w in Spanish, we seem to
find a family relationship between the names Nabiti, Naviti, Nabiri,
Namidis, Noadiche (for Nowadish) and Naouydiche. To these must
also be added the Naguatex of the De Soto narratives which would be
transliterated in English as Nawataysh. This does not prove, of

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 182

course, that these Nabiti-Namidis people were related to the Nabe-
dache. The names are distinguished in later times, the former mean-
ing “place of salt” while the latter is said to be the term for a berry
like a blackberry borne on thorny trees. The philologist Gatschet,
however, asserts that the ancient name of the Nabedache was Nawa-
dishe (Hodge, 1910, vol. 2, art. Nabedache), and if his source of
information was reliable, the two would appear to be brought to-
gether. Such an identification would reconcile two confusing state-
ments by Morfi (1935, pt. 1, p. 82; 1932, p. 5), one to the effect that
the Texas proper inhabited the banks of the San Pedro though that
was the country of the Nabedache when the San Pedro mission was
founded, and the other that the Nabedache lived about the head
waters of the Neches. It is true that Casafias does not locate his
Nabiti on the Neches but he places them to the north of the other
Hasinai towns—except the Nadaco and Nasoni which lay farther
east—and the Nabiti were probably nearer than any others to the
headwaters of the Neches River. Undoubtedly we have two tribes
called Nabedache and Namidi or Namidish distinguished at a very
early period, and it must always remain doubtful whether they
stemmed from one original group or whether the resemblance in their
names is purely accidental.

To sum up, then, we seem to have the following original Hasinai
tribes: Hainai, Neches (or Neche), Nacogdoche, Nacono or Nacao or
Naconish, Namidish (Nabiti) or Nawidish, Nasoni, Anadarko, and
perhaps Nabedache, two of which, the Nasoni and Anadarko, were
not reckoned as original Hasinai tribes while two others, the Nacono
and Namidish, were represented by divisions outside of the Hasinai.

The Kadohadacho confederation presents to us fewer difficulties.
When first visited in 1687 it was found to consists of four tribes,
Kadohadacho, Nanatsoho, Nasoni, and Natchitoches—the last two
represented also in the Hasinai and Natchitoches confederations re-
spectively—which lived close together and to which a fifth tribe, the
Cahinnio, was sometimes added though this was established near the
upper Ouachita. In early historic times part of the Yatasi were
added to these after that tribe had been disrupted by the Chickasaw
(Beaurain, 1831, pp. 185-186). The location of the Nasoni town in
this group was pretty certainly that of the “Principal Caddo village”
on the King map (pl. 2), and the site of the Kadohadacho village
the “Old Caddo village,” northeast of it beyond Red River.

The Natchitoches group consisted primarily of the tribe which gave
it the name and the Doustioni. By 1690 a part of the Ouchita of
the lower Ouachita River had joined these, and it may be assumed
that the remainder did so at a later period but we have no information

on that point. Tonti speaks of a tribe called “Capiché” as consti-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY ie

tuting part of this group but none bearing a similar name appears in
any later document and it may be assumed that the tribe intended was
the Doustioni or that it is a bad misspelling of Nakasa (or Nakasé)
(Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 45; Beaurain, 1931, pp. 32-83). The identity of
these Nakasa causes some difficulty since they are mentioned only by
Bienville (tn Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 4, p. 439) in the account of his
expedition from the Taensa villages to Red River in 1700 and in
the account of this same expedition by Beaurain (1931, p. 33). The
only Indians encountered on this part of the river by later travelers
before reaching the Yatasi were Adai, and Bienville himself, in his
discussion of the Indian tribes of Louisiana written about 1718,
although making mention of his earlier expedition, drops the Nakasa
from his narrative. He speaks merely of the Natchitoches, Doustioni,
and Yatasi (those already brought down to unite with the two former)
and the Adai living by themselves 7 leagues west (Bienville ms.).
Since the Nakasa were found close to the Yatasi, they may have been a
part of that tribe, a form of the name with the Caddo prefix na- and
the & a misreading or miscopying of ¢. Such an identification is
strengthened somewhat by Tonti, who encountered a tribe in about
the same region which he calls “Natchés” (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 45).
This may be interpreted as Yatasi plus the prefix na- and with the
loss of a vowel between ¢ and ch. The cA in French is, of course,
pronounced like English sh and would therefore approximate s. The
loss of the vowel is rendered probable by the mention by Iberville of
a tribe on Red River called “Nataché.” Such analyses may seem far-
fetched to the ordinary reader, but not to one familiar with the manner
in which Indian terms became distorted in copying. The name of
the Avoyels tribe, for instance, appears in one or two documents as
“Houjets” and in that case the identification is undoubted.

The Yatasi, as has been said above, lived at an early period mid-
way between the Natchitoches and Kadohadacho and subsequently
separated into two parts, one of which united with each of these
others. At one time they themselves may have constituted a group
of the tribes since Tonti speaks of the three villages of “Yatachés,
Nadas, and Choye” which were “together” (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 45).
The Nadas may possibly have been part of the Adai, the name here
carrying the na- prefix. The Choye were seemingly the “Chaye,”
listed by Joutel among enemies of the Hasinai (Margry, 1875-86,
vol. 3, p. 409), but this helps us little in the determination of their
relationship except that we may assume from the association they
were a Caddo band.

Lesser and Weltfish (1932, pp. 18-14), very recent students of the
living Caddo, found the following tribes remembered: Hainai, Nabe-
dache, Anadarko, Natchitoches, Yatasi, Nacogdoche, Haish, and Ka-

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 182

dohadacho. They list one more, evidently referring to a band living
on the Kiamichi River and named for it, though this may have been
substituted for a more ancient appellation. Mooney’s list (1896, pp.
1092, 1093), made about 40 years earlier, contains no name resembling
Kiamichi but adds those of the Adai, the Nakanawan (probably in-
tended for the Nakanish), the I’maha, a band of Quapaw, and
the Yowa’ni, a band of Choctaw. These last are named from
the southernmost Choctaw town from which it is to be assumed
many of them came. The IT’maiha undoubtedly represented a
hold-over from the time when the Quapaw Tribe lived beside the
Kadohadacho and consisted of individuals which remained behind
after the rest of their nation had gone to Oklahoma. (See pp. 86
to 89.)

Lesser and Weltfish quote native informants to the effect that at
one time all bands of the Caddo spoke divergent dialects except the
Hainai and Nabedache whose speech was identical. In fact, they
claimed that the Nabedache were a branch of the Hainai rather than
of the Caddo in general. The Hainai were the largest band and
the Kadohadacho the second largest. They continue:

The divergence of Hainai dialectically from Caddo proper is supported by
a little evidence still obtainable in the form of a few remembered differences
in words. These are of two types: Slight phonetic differences of a dialectic
character; and complete difference of word. In some cases the latter type of
difference suggests adoption of foreign words, particularly of Spanish words;
such occur prominently for words which must be relatively recent in use, such
as the word for horse. In Caddo proper, the vocabulary shows instances of
multiple synonymy, and more than one word for the same object, which may
prove to have resulted from two factors: Adoption of foreign words, as Spanish,
and preservation of usages of a number of the Caddo bands in the contemporary
Caddo proper. Hainai kinship terms and usages also differ from those of
Caddo proper. [Lesser and Weltfish, 1982, pp. 13-14.]

By Caddo proper they mean the Caddo of the Kadohadacho “which
seems to have gradually eliminated whatever former dialectic differ-
entiation existed, in favor of a common speech.” The ancient sepa-
ration between the Kadohadacho and Hasinai seems to have been
perpetuated to the present day in the northern and southern bands
of Caddo reported by Dr. Parsons (1941, pp. 8-9).

This information agrees in almost every particular with what I
learned when I visited the Caddo in 1912. Caddo Jake, one of the
oldest of the Caddo at that time and one of the few Indians who
knew the eastern or Natchitoches dialect, said that Nabedache was
the same as Hainai, and that the Anadarko (Nadako) and Kado-
hadacho were “somewhat related.” He affirmed that in some places
you cannot understand Hainai, assuming that you are a speaker of
Kadohadacho. The Nacogdoche was the same as the Anadarko. He

BWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 15

added that he had heard the Adai, or “Hadai” as he called them,
and the Haish converse and that their languages were “about the
same.”

Another Caddo, White Bread, confirmed the close relationship
between Hainai and Nabedache, and held that the Kadohadacho,
Nacogdoche, and Anadarko were related but considered the last
mentioned a little different from the first two. In assigning the
Adai to the same group he was evidently in error.

Caddo Jake stated that the Natchitoches and Yatasi languages
were the same and gave the following examples of their dialect:

NATCHITOCHES KADOHADACHO ENGLISH
AND YATABI
ha’dikya do’haya LOW
kya’ashik wa’isha I can’t
i’ntcl hay6’k’o waasha’t okana’siwa I am not going to talk
i’mi Iwi’ eagle
hi’ dik‘u nisaik !0’na in the evening
ndé’nuwa na’ba in the night
hinti’sak‘ sa’onts sao’ house
(sao also=a tent)
k6ho’n k6’ho alligator
wata’n ba’ta fish
te !ad’k t !ao’x beaver
ki’din yo'sa muskrat
na’mtsi na’otsi bear
mado’ wado" wildeat
do‘ do’o rabbit
ta’ni‘ ta’naha buffalo
do’ ot dat mouse
si’n’Ank’ai ci’ wax equirrel
ha’dik !ya hanik tsik kom- hgme’tcai tca- now I am very tired
payo’kan yo’kondn of talking
kiwa’yoi‘ (Sp. caballo) di’tama horse
di‘ di’itsi dog
kawa’yoi‘do’ tsi do’ titx colt
kamta’gidan haha’otsaso (or) ha’owida wind
1’tok‘ ni’k!o fire
kato’k! koko water
ma’dat wa’'dat dirt
k’/nakiskaya’mta’ksa kwiska’oka east
akani’gidaha’gidisa ha’nida’dis creek
de’mas de’was pine

The words for quail, duck, tame goose, a kind of wild goose, pigeon,
parrot, chicken hawk, screech owl, two other species of owl, crane,

4The letters in the above words and those following carry values similar to those asso-
ciated with them in English: a, d, the sound of @ in ‘barn’; q like @ in “ability” ;
e like ai in “fail”; 7 like ee in “seek”; 4 like i in “it”; 0, 0, the sound of o in Croll
f like w in “pull”; @, a spirant; ‘, a breathing; ’, a pause; /, gives an explosive sound
to the consonant preceding ; ¢ is like sh in “shall” ; te like tch in “catch,”

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

heron, wolf, fox, south, west, north, doctor, cedar, ash, elm, walnut,
oak, tobacco, apple, sweetpotato, snake, deer, panther, raccoon, opos-
sum, antelope, elk, and rat were said to be the same in all dialects.

River NAMeEs in Cappo
(Said to be in the Anadarko and Hainai dialects)

RAZ OSE meee he ne te kas lee de Baha’ tsi, Little River.”

(OF Wale eu a) cP wh ow ean Mell laches dN Pil Ko’ko aka’yo.

CipolonGreek f2f35. 2 Ba ee Ka’ndacka, “Swift, strong water.”

@oloradows tenella Poder ee Nawa’kas.

Guadalupe sss eee be eek Ka'n’tino, “Red, swift water.”

IMISSISSID DI e se tee AES, Ba’‘hat sa’sin, “Mother River,” or

Ba’hat hai’mi, “Big River.”

INGGHOS 22 ese a War Be Ce ek gt | Natca'wi, “Osage orange.”

PC CON me renee = ae ena Yu NS Ka’ndacka (according to a second inform-
ant) “Swift, strong water.”

DEW eee) pace rma: Oo ls Ce BREN Lk Ba'hat, “River.”

Sains eens ae ae WN 2 A Ka’yaxci (this ran between the Kadohada-
cho and Anadarko).

MOATIEONIG. t= peered eh Kai’saxko.

WS Gee ee tle se ee i ee Kene’di ko’ko.

Sodo Lake preserves its Caddo name, from Tso’to, “water thrown
up into the drift along the shore by a wind.” The above identifica-
tions were mainly from Caddo Jake. Others identified the Ka’n’tino
with the Colorado, the Ka’ndacka with the Pecos (as given in paren-
thesis), and the Kai’saxko or Kai’saxko-sa’hako with the Guadalupe,
but Caddo Jake was positive that these three rivers were near or
northeast of San Antonio, and that they all ran into the Nawa’kas
before reaching the sea. This might mean that they all ran into
connecting bays.

POPULATION

Statements regarding the population of the various Caddo groups
in early times are very genera] and very unsatisfactory. We will
take them in chronological order, considering first the Hasinai, then
the Kadohadacho and Natchitoches groups, and finally the Adai and
Eyeish.

Father Anastasius Douay, in his account of La Salle’s expedition
into the Hasinai country in 1686, says of the confederation, which
he terms a “village,” it “is one of the largest and most populous that
I have seen in America. It is at least twenty leagues long, not that
it is evenly inhabited, but in hamlets of ten or twelve cabins, form-
ing cantons, each with a different name” (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 282).
He adds that there were two families to a house, but Joutel, during
his passage through the same country a year later, notes that the

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 17

grass houses of the Hasinai held “usually eight or ten families, some
[dwellings] being sixty feet in diameter.” The houses of the Nasoni
were not as tall as those of the Hasinai proper but it is not clear
that they accommodated fewer people (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp.
345, 393).

In 1691 the Spanish Franciscan missionary Casafias says that these
people were “numerous.” Farther on he informs us that “some
three or four hundred persons—more or less—had died in that prov-
ince during the month of March” of the same year in consequence of
an epidemic. Still farther on he is more detailed—and somewhat
more moderate:

According to the information I have received about three thousand persons
among all the friendly tribes of the Tejias must have died during the epidemic
which the Lord sent during the month of March, 1691. The disease was worse
in some provinces than in others. As to our own province, I have already
stated that the deaths probably reached the number of three hundred—in
other provinces the number was sometimes greater, sometimes less. [Casafias,
1927, pp. 294, 303.]

As he has already classed as “Tejias” all the Caddo tribes of every
connection as well as the Kichai and Bidai, the larger figure must be
interpreted as applying to them. In 1699 a Canadian who had lived
several years among the Hasinai reported that they “form but one
village and the same nation” and he estimated “that they do not exceed
six hundred or seven hundred men.” [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 4, p.
316.] Here the Hasinai alone seem to be meant, and they are called the
most populous tribe of the region as they were by the missionaries
Casafias and Hidalgo. According to Ramon, the four missions result-
ing from his expedition of 1716 “would comprise from four thousand
to five thousand persons of all ages and both sexes” (Bolton, 1908,
p-. 274). In the same year the missionary Espinosa recorded in his
diary that he believed “the Indians grouped around the three Queré-
teran missions, not including the mission among the Nacogdoche and
the Nacao, would number three thousand”; and after a residence there
of some years he estimated the number of persons within the range of
each mission at “about one thousand” (Bolton, 1908, p. 274). Ramén’s
estimate is probably the basis of Morfi’s statement (1935, p. 187) that
“over 5000 Indians” were gathered into the missions established by the
former. A slight addition should be made to the sedentary Hasinai
population by adding that “Naouydiche” band met by La Harpe on a
northern branch of Red River. The chief had 40 warriors under him
which would indicate 100 to 150 souls. (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, p.
286). Ina note to the original manuscript of his History, Morfi adds
that the Nacogdoche Indians were “divided into twenty-two rancherias,
in which there were one hundred and twenty warriors.” The mission
“was established in the center of these rancherfas, which spread for a

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

distance of ten leagues from south to north” (Morfi, 1935, vol. 1,
p. 230). Populations of 400 to 450 and 100 to 150 are indicated. Bolton
furnishes the following figures from the records of the Aguayo expedi-
tion of the year 1721:

When Aguayo in that year re-established the missions that had been aban-
doned some two years before, he made a general distribution of presents and
clothing among the Indians at the different villages. At the mission of San
Francisco de los Neches he gave the Neche chief the Spanish baston, token of
authority, and “clothed entirely one hundred and eighty-eight men, women, and
children.” . .. West of the Neches Aguayo had been visited by a hundred
Nacono from down the river. At the mission of Concepcién he requested the
Hainai chief, Cheocas by name, to collect all his people. This took some time,
as they were widely scattered, but several days later they were assembled,
and Aguayo gave clothing and other presents to four hundred, including, pos-
sibly, eighty Kadohadachos, who happened to be there on a visit [in fact to
confer with St. Denis]. Similarly, at the Nacogdoche mission he provided
clothing “for the chief and all the rest,” a total of three hundred and ninety;
and at the Nasoni mission for three hundred. This gives us a total of less
than fourteen hundred Indians who came to the missions during Aguayo’s
entrada to ‘take advantage of the ever welcome presents. This number ap-
parently included the majority of the five most important tribes, and probably
included some from the neighboring smaller tribes attached to the missions.
[Bolton 1908, p. 275.]

In 1777-1779 De Méziéres discovered that the Nasoni and Anadarko
together had 25 men, the Nabedache 30, and the “Texas” (presum-
ably the Hainai) 80 (Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, pp. 145, 263). Morfi (about
1783) notes that the Texas (Hainai) had 80 warriors, and the
Nabedache were reduced to less than 40, but that the Nacogdoche
numbered 300 warriors. He mentions also a tribe called “Ahijitos”
almost as numerous as the last named but these were probably the
Kichai (Morfi, 1935, p. 82). In 1805 Sibley (in Amer. State Pap.,
Indian Affairs, 1832, p. 722) reported about 40 men of the Anadarko,
and 80 each of the Nabedache and Hainai. The Cincinnati Gazette
(1818-20) states, on the authority of an Indian agent recently re-
turned from Natchitoches, that the Anadarko numbered 120-130 in-
cluding 30 warriors, the Nacogdoche 150 including 40 warriors, the
San Pedro (Nabedache?) 180 with 80 warriors, the “Naradachoes”
(Namidish?) 100 with 20 warriors, and the Texas (Neches or Hainai)
150 with 30 warriors (Sibley, 1922, p. 96). It is probable that the
Texas were really the Hainai although the “Eynies” are said to be
“dispersed and mingled with other tribes of the vicinity.” The
Mexican Padilla (1820) has a somewhat exaggerated idea of the sizes
of the tribes. He gives the Nacogdoche a total of 200, the Nadacos
(Anadarko) 200, the San Pedro (presumably Nabedache) 500, the
Texas (Hainai?) 400, and a tribe he calls “Yuganis” 150. In 1828

8 Padilla, 1919, pp. 49, 52; the “Yuganfs’? may have been the Yowani band of Choctaw.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 19

Sanchez says there were 29 families of Anadarko (Sanchez, 1926,
p. 279), and in 1934 Almonte (1925, p. 222) enumerates 100 “Tejas”
and 300 Nacogdoche. In 1837 the Caddo, Anadarko, Nacogdoche,
Nabedache and Eyeish together were said to number 225 (Muckleroy,
1922, p. 232). In 1847 Governor Burnet estimates about 50 families
each of the Hainai, San Pedro, Nabedache, and Nacogdoche (School-
craft, 1851, vol. 1, pp. 39-40). From another source we get 450
Anadarko in 1847 and in 1849, 450. Hainai (Schoolcraft, 1857, vol. 6,
pp. 686-687). The first careful census was made by Jesse Stem in
1851 and showed 202 Anadarko and 118 Hainai, but a few others
were then living apart in the Choctaw Nation, Indian Territory.
There were over 100 warriors (Indian Affairs, 1851, p. 261). In 1855
Neighbors reported 205 Anadarko but seems to have omitted the
Hainai though in a letter to him Hill notes that there were then
about 200 Waco, Tawakoni, Kadohadacho, and Anadarko north of
Red River (Indian Affairs, 1855, pp. 178, 184). In 1856 the number
of Indians on the Brazos reservation had increased to 948 but the
tribal affiliations are not in evidence (Indian Affairs, 1856, p. 173).
In 1857 Neighbors reported 210 Anadarkos but some Caddo were
still north of Red River (Indian Affairs, 1857, p. 265). When the
Indians were removed to the north in 1859 they numbered 1,050 but
the tribal affiliations were not recorded (Indian Affairs, 1859, p. 328).
After the outbreak of the Civil War most of the Caddo fled to Kansas,
and in 1864 150 Hainai were there (Indian Affairs, 1864, p. 319).
In 1872, some years after their return to the reservation, 85 Hainai
were counted in addition to the Caddo proper (Indian Affairs, 1872,
p. 254). In 1873 the number had sunk to 50 but they were not
separately enumerated again until 1876, when there were 30 (Indian
Affairs, 1878, p. 224; 1876, p. 64). In 1877 the Caddo, Hainai, and
some Delaware had a population of 648, which had been increased
over the preceding year by the addition of 63 former absentees,
principally Hainai (Indian Affairs, 1877, p. 112). In 1878 the Hainai
are mentioned but not enumerated separately and they are omitted
from all subsequent censuses of the Caddo population. Undoubtedly
some of the Hasinai were returned under the heading of Caddo; not
all were covered by the name Hainai.

If the Cahinnio are to be regarded as part of the Kadohadacho,
Joutel’s statement that they occupied 100 cabins in 1687 is the first in-
formation vouchsafed us regarding the population of any part of this
group, except that the De Soto chroniclers represent their supposed
ancestors, the Tula Indians, as numerous (Robertson, 1933, p. 194;
Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, p. 187). In 1718 Bienville (ms., see pp. 55-56
below) says that the Kadohadacho, under whom he seems to include

20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

the Kichai, had about 200 men but that they had formerly counted
500-600. About the same time La Harpe estimated that there were
then in the four Kadohadacho tribes, and including some Yatasi
who had recently joined them, not more than 400 souls but that 10
years before they had counted 2,500 (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, p.
264). In 1773 De Méziéres found 60 warriors among the Little
Caddo, 10 more on the Prairie des Ennemis, and 90 among the Great
Caddo (Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, p. 83). He states that the great epidemic
of 1777 had carried off more than 300 Kadohadacho, and about 1800
Sibley tells us that smallpox had destroyed about half of them. In
1805 the latter estimated 100 warriors belonging to the old nation,
and as many more old men and strangers, and adds that there were
40 or 50 more women than men (Sibley, zn Amer. State Pap., Indian
Affairs, 1832, p. 721). An estimate dated about 1818-20 gives a
Caddo population of 500 to 600 including 120 warriors (Sibley, 1922,
p. 95). Padilla (1919, p. 49) raises the population figure to 2,000,
perhaps including more tribes under that head, though he enumer-
ates separately the Nacogdoche, Ais, San Pedro Indians, Texas, and
Anadarko. Schooleraft (1853, vol. 8, pp. 585, 596) gives a pop-
ulation figure of 450 in 1825 and Peter B. Porter, 4 years later,
the same. In 1834 Almonte estimates 500 over all and in 1836
there is another estimate of 250 warriors (Almonte, 1925, p. 222;
Muckleroy, 1922, p. 241). However, a careful census by Stem, taken
in 1851, showed 161 Caddo on the Brazos Reservation (Indian Affairs,
1851, p. 261). As the Chickasaw Agent Upshaw had stated that there
were then 167 Caddo among his people, the total at that time would
seem to have been about 300 (Foreman, 1930 a, p. 181). In 1855
Neighbors reported 188 Caddo on the Brazos Reserve, and Hill re-
ported that 200 Waco, Tawakoni, Caddo, and Hasinai were still north
of Red River (Indian Affairs, 1855, pp. 178, 184). In 1856 the In-
dians under Neighbors had increased to 948 but the tribes are not
separately enumerated (Indian Affairs, 1856, p. 173). In 1857, 235
Caddo are returned, and still all had not been brought together, nor
are we told what proportion of the 1,050 which Neighbors led out
of Texas in 1859 were Caddo (Indian Affairs, 1857, p. 265). In 1864,
after the greater part of the Caddo and Hasinai had fled to Kansas,
there were 370 in that state (Indian Affairs, 1864, p. 319). In 1872,
392 were back on their old reservation, and in 1873, 401 are returned
(Indian Affairs, 1872, p. 254; 1878, p. 224). In 1874 and 1875 they
are not enumerated separately from the Hasinai (Hainai) and a
band of Delaware, but in 1876 467 are separately listed (Indian
Affairs, 1874, p. 100; 1875, p. 289; 1876, p. 64). In 1877 the Caddos,

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY Pai

including Hainai and Delaware, numbered 643 and the same figure
is given in 1878 (Indian Affairs, 1877, p. 112; 1878, p. 112).

In Beaurain’s account (1831, pp. 32-383) of Bienville’s expedition
to the Natchitoches Indians and their allies in 1700, he states that
the Natchitoches themselves had 200 men, the Doustioni 50 and the
Yatasi, who had not yet settled with the Natchitoches and Kado-
hadacho, 200 men more. In Bienville’s own memoir of 1718 (ms.,
see p. 56), however, he says that the three tribes had 400 men
when he visited them but that at date of writing they had been
reduced to 80. La Harpe, who visited these people 1 year after
Bienville penned his memoir, states that they totaled 200 souls, but
Beaurain in his account of La Harpe’s expedition reduces this to
150 (Maregry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, p. 254; Beaurain, 1831, p. 179). It
is not clear whether the earlier estimates include the Ouachita or
not, though as Bienville himself found part of them living on
Ouachita River in a village of about 5 cabins and counting 70
men, it would seem as though they must have been left out of
his later estimates of the Natchitoches (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 4, p.
434). Part of the tribe had already joined the Natchitoches (Cox,
1905, vol. 1, pp. 44-45) and the rest probably followed them before
1718. It is, at any rate, a fair inference that the remnant are
included in the later estimates of Bienville and La Harpe.

In 1773 De Méziéres reports that there were only three warriors
in the Yatasi town (Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, p. 78), but in 1805 Sibley
found 8 men there belonging to the original Yatasi tribe and 25
women besides children. Other men had come in, however, so that
there were about 40 men altogether. The same year he reports
that there were but 12 men and 19 women left of the Natchitoches
(Sibley, 1 Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1832, pp. 722, 724).
Schoolcraft (18538, vol. 3, p. 585) quotes a census taken in 1825
which reported 36 Yatasi and 25 Natchitoches. Some of these
undoubtedly married with and became lost in the white and Negro
population about them, but a part united with the larger bodies of
Kadohadacho and Hasinai and followed their fortunes to Texas
and Oklahoma. Caddo Jake, one of the principal informants of
Mr. Mooney and myself, was a Natchitoches Indian.

There now remain for consideration the two small aberrant
tribes, the Adai and Eyeish.

According to Beaurain (1813, p. 33), Bienville in 1700 visited
an Adai village containing 50 warriors. In 1716 three French
traders came upon an Adai village in which there were about
30 inhabitants (Beaurain, 1831, p. 135). Two years later, however,
Bienville (ms., see p. 56) estimates 100 men alone. In 1721, accord-

22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

ing to Morfi, Aguayo found more than 400 Adai Indians (Morfi,
1935, pt. 1, p. 219). In 1805 Sibley (én Amer. State Pap., Indian
Affairs, 1832, p. 722) reported that there were 20 men but a larger
proportion of women. In 1825 an informant of Schoolcraft (1853,
vol. 3, p. 585) gives the total Adai population as 27, and they are
now entirely merged with the other Caddo.

In 1716 the three Frenchmen mentioned above found that the
Eyeish village consisted of 10 cabins (Beaurain, 1881, p. 185). The
same year Morfi says there were “seventy families settled in eight
rancherias, occupying a distance of two leagues” (Morfi, 1935, pt.
1, p. 230). In 1779 De Méziéres reported 20 families there (Bolton,
1914, vol. 2, p. 257). In 1801 most of this tribe is said to have
been destroyed, but Sibley (én Amer. State Pap., 1832, pp. 96, 722c)
reported 25 souls in 1805 and an estimate made in 1818-20 doubles
the number, while Padilla (1919, p. 49) gives a population of
“about 300” and in 1828 we are told that there were 160 families
(Muckleroy, 1922, p. 233). These last figures are evidently very
much in error. Although the tribal name is remembered, the tribe
itself is now wholly merged with the peoples which go under the
name of “Caddo.”

The more important of these estimates may conveniently be tabu-
lated as follows, the figures in parentheses being obtained by multiply-
ing the number of warriors by four:

HaAsINAI
Year and authority Warriors Total population
1699 (Anonymous Canadian) __._---- 600-7002 22h se ee (2, 400-2, 890)
apie) (Ramon) 2 oe. eee ee ee eee 4, 000-5, 000
fet), (Aguayo) 2.2 Sich ee eee es eee ee 1, 378+
Ha70 (De: Mézieres) . 22. -24.2206i2 RS Se ae ere ae ey Oh (540)
i erNORN) oon 42 ee i BOO AGT) satis ba ake (1, 520)
TES 58 (E5710) 9 a HIN. Ni =) ep lnee ral Sy fod» (800)
1818-20 (Cincinnati Gazette) _______- T50L 2 oe hee ee 650-660
dea Prada) a2 Yl tL OS eae ee, eee 1, 450
ieee) (Aimonte) i. Le oc... ee Oe ee Se oe ee 400
Say, Une b iets = od. Ae ee 200 (families) ___---_- (800)
Pei tem ee Sf lk le TOD 23. Sede ae oe 315+
inode (intiAn-Oimnee) = 5.050). eealee ge eee ae ee eee 150
lege, (indian Office) oS Pe ee eee 85
iS7o0 (Gndian- Office) 2. U2. i eI Se: eee 50

S78) (indian Office). 5. - .c2c be ee ee hee eee 30

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY

KADOHADACHO

Year and authority Warriors

Paeiien vale). 7 2 Lee 50060022624 251 2
JO SoU NGLS G1 6:2) A ER SSS Oe ee eee SL ee a
imreatiemyille) {2 to. Le Se ee 20O0vS See SS!
ieee, Harpe) 20 oo Se les]. 2 sk ce ee 2
igmonwerMézieres) => 4222. 3ys cul 1.60: 22a ARE ss
Nira Siler heels. canto she Ah outs BOT». alaytlel Qe an
1818-20 (Cincinnati Gazette) __.-____ T2OMe Sy. “Wee teense to
CLL Vga, (2) aU aS EC a gO RS eC
Peoarerorm senoolcralt) 2222-22-20}. 2 ee ee, de
PeRMEGbOr ners oe 98 28 kW, St 5 Se gee Ss
Meme IO Ce}. aes 3 ke 28 ors al ee ae
(eae 0H. MorMorfit)..___-.----.--- 7s ee ee
Pe eEAN ee a eS eal Son 2 = ee fe
PPO MCIINUGrS)\ 0 = 20 22 ta [so - 2 = oe eee Je
Peemernaian wrice) toi. 26 aos Se
Teme duiduansOfice) eels tt Ses See MO ce aA ee Ae
PemerummiaAnaO Mice). 22 oe of oe Joel a eee Be
Pere rricannO Mice) mststsh 7). ss ae boi ne Seb ee

NatTcuITocHEs GROUP

1700 (Bienville in Beaurain)_________-_ ZH elt pat och ay Ma bk.
1700 (Bienville’s Memoir)_._________ £002 2s SB eo
1718 (Bienville’s Memoir)__._______- SOBA SO EE
eos tire NATrative).. 222222 .f ose Le eA
ipeon(as Harpe 2 Bestirain)._.......|2 2 ea
ane eoe Mezisres) oo. 2 SPOVATASI) mee eee
Peete Set Se!) ey 52s eee ee ee
Pecwudrnmusenooleratt) 2) 2228 el ee Ca
ADAI
1700 (Bienville in Beaurain)________- BOL 22 50 a 4 bs eee
P71o.Prencn traders) _...._.___=....~- SO oes a Dee eee
ter(Bienville) 2) 28. Bee a LOOSL 2 Uae
OL TEN) a ae a eT hw a
EP MPEDICY)) et eS ye BO). So Sie i A
Pees POM SeCOOOLeTALL) os 8 on cf
EYEIsH
1716 (French traders) __.___...__._.- 10)(cabins)a= se
Bee OvMigrfi re 2 ee te. jer bec 70 (families) ________
Saro (De Méziéres) 2.222222 02 20) (families) 2.222

Prem eibiey jer. eet 2 eh oe POR oY ee ee oll a)
1818-20 (Cincinnati Gazette)
1820 Padilla

23

Total population

24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 182

The population figures for 1880 and subsequent years, after all
of the tribes of this linguistic group had been brought under the one
name “Caddo” are as follows:

1880: 1389 men, 156 women, 123 boys, 120 girls.

1881: 151 men, 151 women, 127 boys, 123 girls.

1882: 151 men, 151 women, 128 boys, 128 girls.

1883: 535, total population.

1884: 271 males, 285 females (including 60 children of school age).

1885: 278 males, 292 females (including 88 children of school age).

1886: 521, total population (125 of school age incl. some Delaware).

1887: 256 males, 269 females (including 121 children).

1888: 491, total population.

1889: 517, total population.

1890: 538, total population.

1891: 545, total population.

1892: 526, total population.

1893: 507, total population.

1894: 507, total population.

1895: 498, total population.

1896: 476, total population.

1897-1903: Not reported separately from the Wichita, Tawakoni, Waco,
and a band of Delaware.

1904: 535, total population.

1905: 274 males, 222 females.

1906: 277 males, 274 females.

1907: 555, total population.

1908-1929: Not reported separately from the Wichita, Tawakoni, Waco,
and a band of Delaware.

1910: 452, total population (census).

1930: 353 males, 355 females (total population, 1980 census, 625).

1931: 362 males, 367 females.

1932: 383 males, 377 females.

1933: 386 males, 387 females.

1934: 391 males, 408 females.

1935: 456 males, 472 females.

1936: 466 males, 481 females.

1937: 479 males, 488 females.*

If we omit from the Hasinai enumerations that of De Méziéres
which is evidently partial, that of Padilla, which is probably exag-
gerated like all of his figures, and that of Burnet, which is super-
ficial, and if we remember that the Aguayo reckoning does not profess
to be complete, the remaining early figures tell a fairly consistent
story of decline. The same is true of the Kadohadacho figures if we
omit those of Padilla, H. M. Morfit, and perhaps Sibley. Relative
consistency is introduced into the last three groups if we allow for

*U. S. Indian Office Reports for 1880, p. 71; 1881, p. 77; 1882, p. 64; 1883, p. 70;
1884, p. 79; 1885, p. 83; 1886, p. 128; 1887, p. 81; 1888, p. 96; 1889, p. 188; 1890, p.
187; 1891, p. 352; 1892, p. 386; 1893, p. 702; 1894, p. 576; 1895, p. 372; 1896, p. 528;
1994, p. 606; 1905, p. 300; 1906, p. 308; 1907, p. 48; 1930, p. 44; 1931, p. 51; 1932,
p. 44; 1933, p. 129; 1934, p. 139; 1935, p. 165; 1936, p. 216; 1987, p. 257.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 25

the increase by immigration into the Yatasi tribe between 1773 and
1805, remember that the first two estimates of Adai population do
not profess completeness, and ignore the last two estimates of Eyeish
population which are patently too high.

A possible check on Hasinai population is furnished by Father
Anastasius’ comment that their cantons contained 10 or 12 houses
apiece. He also says, as already noted, that each house accommo-
dated 2 families, but Joutel raises the number to 8 or 10. If we
assume a dozen cantons, a very conservative estimate, and 4 indi-
viduals to the family, we should attain a population of 10 or 12 by
2 by 4 by 12, accepting Anastasius’ allocation of families to the house,
or 10 or 12 by 8 or 10 by 4 by 12, using Joutel’s estimate, anywhere
from 960 to 5,760. This is not very satisfactory and it would seem that
Aguayo’s figures supply a more rational basis for determination since
he claims to have clothed 1,378 adults, though this probably includes
80 Kadohadacho visitors. Although it is quite probable that there
were some repeaters in this interesting process, if we subtract the 80
Kadohadacho, assume that the children were about as numerous
as the adults, and that as many more may not have been reached,
we shall arrive at a figure of nearly 4,000, which is as satisfactory as
anything that could be suggested. About half that number should
account for the 4 Kadohadacho tribes and the Cahinnio, and 1,000
for the Natchitoches group, while 400 apiece would be an ample esti-
mate for the Adai and Eyeish. This makes a grand total of some-
what less than 8,000, more than 500 below Mooney’s estimate. I
regard even that as an outside figure, and believe that the sudden
diminution of the Kadohadacho, Natchitoches, and their allies, asserted
by Bienville and La Harpe during the first 20 years of white contact,
not to have reached the proportions they indicate in spite of the
epidemic of 1691. Reduction in the numbers of these Indians was
certainly real and it continued apparently with no considerable inter-
ruption until about 1870, after which date a recovery began which
has raised the Caddo from about 450 to nearly 1,000. If we regard
8,000 as an outside figure, it appears that they are not as far behind
their numbers when the French and Spaniards first met them as the
great losses they have suffered might lead one to expect. Blood from
other races has undoubtedly entered into the present Caddo popula-
tion, but the amount of Indian blood itself must have increased in
the doubling of population which has taken place in the last 60 or 70
years.

ORIGIN LEGENDS

Like most tribes of the Southeast and Southwest, native Caddo
myths pointed to an original home under the earth. According to
Caddo Jake, an Indian of the Natchitoches tribe whom I interviewed

299671—41__8

26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

in 1912, his people came out of the ground where two rivers met
and in the point of land between them. It was said to have been
in the neighborhood of Sodo Lake, La. One of the two rivers
was of course the Red. The other was perhaps a river mentioned by
him called the River Ki’si, reputed to have originated from a vine
called naatco’ot, “raccoon intestines,” which grows to a great length
and has a smooth black surface. The Caddo were then very numerous
and immediately began spreading out into villages in all directions. But
the Choctaw lived near by, between them and the sea, and they killed
many Caddo by waylaying them at night and clubbing them to death.
Later many died of the smallpox, and the Caddo moved westward
around the end of the lake and began hunting in the country beyond.
They also began to divide and the several bands came to be called
after the names of the foods they lived upon. The Hainai—ap-
parently a part of them only—went to a place where there were many
black berries growing on thorny trees which are called be’idatco.
Hence they came to be known as Nabedache. Some Yatasi went out
hunting and discovered pawpaws, which they began to eat, and these
were afterwards known as “Pawpaw People” (Natchitoches, from
Nashitdsh). José Antonio Pichardo, however, was told that Natchi-
toches was from an Indian word “nacicit,” signifying “A place where
the soil is the color of red ochre,” and that it was applied originally
to a small creek running through red soil. (Hatchett’s translation
of Pichardo’s work quoted by Castafieda in Morfi (1935, vol. 1, p.
76).) A part of the Kadohadacho found in the ground some bumble-
bee honey, which they started to feast upon. From that they were
called Da’ko, and hence Nadako, (Anadarko). Still later the
Anadarko and Hainai crossed the Sabine and lived beyond it.

Mooney supplies us with the following origin myth:

They came up from under the ground through the mouth of a cave in a
hill which they call Cha’ kani'nd, “The place of crying,” on a lake close to
the south bank of Red river, just at its junction with the Mississippi. In
those days [the story continues] men and animals were all brothers and all
lived together under the ground. But at last they discovered the entrance to
the cave leading up to the surface of the earth, and so they decided to ascend
and come out. First an old man climbed up, carrying in one hand fire and a
pipe and in the other a drum. After him came his wife, with corn and pump-
kin seeds. Then followed the rest of the people and the animals. All in-
tended to come out, but as soon as the wolf had climbed up he closed the hole,
and shut up the rest of the people and animals under the ground, where they
still remain. Those who had come out sat down and cried a long time for
their friends below, hence the name of the place. Because the Caddo came out
of the ground they call it ind’, “mother,” and go back to it when they .die.
Because they have had the pipe and the drum and the corn and pumpkins

since they have been a people, they hold fast to these things and have never
thrown them away. From this place they spread out toward the west, follow-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 27

ing up the course of Red river, along which they made their principal setitle-
ments. For a long time they lived on Caddo lake, on the boundary between
Louisiana and Texas, their principal village on the lake being called Sha’‘-
childi’ni, “Timber hill.” [Mooney, 1896, pp. 1093-1094. ]

A version of this story given by Freeman, however, represents the
events as having taken place after a universal deluge. He says:

From the similarity of one of their traditions to the Mosaical account of the
deluge it deserves notice. They say that long since, a civil war broke out amongst
them, which so displeased Enicco, the Supreme Being, that he caused a great
flood, which destroyed all but one family; consisting of four persons, the
father, mother, and children. This family was saved by flying to a knoll at the
upper end of the prairie, which was the only spot uncovered by the water. In
this knoll was a cave, where the male and female of all the kinds of animals
were preserved. After the flood had continued one moon, they set a bird,
called by them O-Wah, at liberty, which returned in a short time with a straw.

The family then set out on a raft in search of the place, from whence this
straw was brought, and, pursuing a west course for two leagues, they came to
land; where they saw a fish Toesha, and being much alarmed at its enormous
size, they all shed tears; from this circumstance, they named the place Cha-
canenah, or ground upon which tears have been shed. This fish remained for
many years after, and was large enough for 30 men to encamp under. All the
Mexican and Louisiana Indians are supposed to be the offspring of this family.
It is said that some other of the nations have a similar tradition; and that
many of the tribes used to meet, on a certain day in every year, at the knoll
upon which this family was supposed to have been preserved; and there offer
sacrifices to the Supreme Being, for not destroying the whole race. [Freeman-
Custis Expedition, 1806, pp. 28—29.]

The site of this cave is here said to have been at an old village on the
east side of Red River in the latitude of Hervey, but Sibley places
it at an older town site still higher up the river, on the south side about
on the meridian of Ogden, Ark.

They have a traditionary tale [he says] which not only the Caddoes, but
half a dozen other smaller nations believe in, who claim the honor of being
descendants of the same family; they say, when all the world was drowning by
a flood, that inundated the whole country, the Great Spirit placed on an eminence,
near this lake, one family of Caddoques, who alone were saved; from that family
all the Indians originated. [Sibley, in Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1832,
De 212]

Part of this story appears again in Morfi’s Memorias, quoted from a
letter written November 17, 1763, by Cavallero Macarti, commandant
of the post of Natchitoches, to Don Angel de Marto y Navaryete,
governor of the province. Speaking of the Kadohadacho proper he
says:

Their history refers to their origin in this manner. On a hill some two leagues
distant from the pueblo where they lived, there appeared a woman, called by them
Zacado, and venerated by them as the first of their divinities, who in the same

Place raised her first children, instructing them to hunt, fish, to construct houses,
and to dress themselves, and when they were skillful in these things she suddenly

28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

disappeared from sight. The hill is still held in great veneration by those
Indians, who consider themselves as the progenitors of the other nations. [Morfi,
1932, p. 6.]

No myth describing the origin of man or his emergence above the
surface of the earth has been collected from the Hasinai. All refer
to the Kadohadacho and their associated tribes, unless we except
some items of the origin legend contained among the Traditions of
the Caddo, collected by G. A. Dorsey. The first of these relates how
the people lived in a village called Old-Home-in-the-Darkness under
ground, how they chose the Moon as their leader and traveled west-
ward until they came to the surface of the earth. We also have the
common story that part of the people were turned back before reach-
ing the surface. The rest continued on westward. Their first vil-
lage was called Tall-Timber-on-top-of-the-Hill, for the place was
in black-jack timber near the top of a high hill. Going on farther
west, they came to some mountains which they climbed, finding a
lake on the top. Before this, Moon left them and was succeeded by
Medicine-Screech-Owl, apparently the first child born after they
had attained the surface of the earth. Gathering his people to-
gether along the banks of the lake, the new leader said:

These waters which are before you are the tears of your great chief, Moon,
for before he was taken up into the heavens he came up to this mountain and
shed tears for the wrongs he had done to his people. So we shall call this
mountain Moon’s-Tears-on-the-Mountain. [Dorsey, 1905, pp. 7—13.]

This is interesting because it again brings in a place named from the
shedding of tears, evidently an old element in the several myths.

Another fragment of the origin myth is preserved in a letter writ-
ten to Henry R. Schoolcraft, by William B. Parker, and dated March
14,1855. According to this, the Caddo, Hainai, and Anadarko “issued
from the hot springs of Arkansas” (Schoolcraft, 1854, vol. 5, p. 682).

The several narratives agree in one important item, in lecating the
point of origin, or emergence, of the Caddo in the eastern part of
their territories, or indeed east of their territories, and in repre-
senting their movement as from east to west.

This is contrary to an opinion regarding the origin of the Caddoan
tribes which has been widely held and would bring them from the
Southwest. It is partly due to a Pawnee legend, but I was told by
the late James Murie that this legend belonged to only one of the
Pawnee tribes and that two of the others claimed to have come from
the east. It is also thought to have received confirmation from men-
tion of Jumano Indians, supposedly Caddoans, on the Rio Grande.
This tribe, or one of similar designation,—a name which should
really be spelled Shumano—was on the steppe east of the Pueblo
Indians in later times and was probably incorporated with the Wi-

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 29

chita (Hodge, 1907, art. Jumano). Sauer (1934, p. 68) thinks he has
evidence that it was really a Nahuatlan group, and it was perhaps
a part of the Suma disrupted by Apache invaders. Wichita tra-
ditions seem to agree with those of the Caddo and the majority of
the Pawnee in pointing to a movement from the east and north
rather than the south and west (Gatschet, 1891, pp. 249-252). This
conclusion would be further supported if the linguistic relationship
affirmed to exist between Caddoan and Iroquoian languages is borne
out by future investigations. In the meantime we must wait upon
the linguists and archeclogists.

HISTORY

Our first historical references to the Caddo Indians are in the nar-
ratives of the De Soto expedition. The Atayos visited by Cabeza de
Vaca in 1528 were the Toho or Tohaha, both Tonkawan tribes, and not
the Adai as has sometimes been thought (Cabeza de Vaca, 1905, p.
105). Cabeza encountered no Caddo.

On or about the first day of October 1541, when De Soto’s army was
in a province called Cayas or Tanico in southern Arkansas, he set out
with 13 horsemen and 50 foot to view another province known as
Tula, which Biedma describes as fertile, and “to see whether it was
a land through which he might pass with all his men,” or “in which
he could winter the people” (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 82; Robertson,
1933, p. 194). “And,” says Ranjel, “he returned from there in a
hurry, and the Indians killed one horse and wounded four or five.”
The Cayas chief had described this province as “the best populated
land thereabout,” and “situated to the south.” He added “that he
could give him a guide, but that he did not have an interpreter, for
the speech of Tula was different from his; and because he and his fore-
bears had always been at war with the lords of that province, they
had no converse, nor did they understand each other.” Elvas, from
whom the last two quotations are taken, amplifies Ranjel’s terse
comment on the ensuing struggle by saying:

As soon as he arrived and was perceived by the Indians, the band was sum-
moned. When fifteen or twenty Indians had gathered together, they came to
attack the Christians. On seeing that they handled them roughly, and that
when they took to flight the horses overtook them, they climbed on top of the
houses, where they tried to defend themselves with their arrows; and when driven
from some would climb on top of others; and, while they were pursuing some,
others would attack them from another direction. In this way, the running
lasted so long that the horses became tired and could no longer run... Fif-
teen Indians were killed there and captives were made of forty women and
young persons; for they did not leave any Indian alive who was shooting arrows
if they could overtake him.

On October 5 the entire Spanish army set out for Tula and they
reached it on the 7th, but, found it abandoned. De Soto had carried

30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

along the chief of Cayas, in accordance with his usual custom, but
Elvas says that among the Cayas Indians “he did not find a single
one who understood the speech of Tulla.”

On Saturday morning, the day after their arrival,

the Indians came to give them a brush, or a battle, and they had large, long
poles, like lances, the ends hardened by fire, and they were the best fighting
people that the Christians met with, and they fought like desperate men, with
the greatest valour in the world. That day they wounded Hernandarias, the
grandson of the marshal of Seville, and, thank God, the Christians defended
themselves so valiantly that they did not receive much damage, although the
Indians tried to round up the whole force. [Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 148;
cf. Robertson, 1933, pp. 194—196.]

So Ranjel; Elvas describes this encounter at greater length:

As soon as [the Indians] knew [De Soto] was in Tulla, at the hour of dawn
of the first night, they came in two bands from two different directions with
their bows and arrows and long poles resembling pikes. As soon as they were
perceived both those of horse and those of foot sallied out against them and
there many Indians were killed, and some Christians and horses wounded.
Some Indians were captured, six of whom the governor sent to the cacique
with their right hands and their noses cut off. He ordered them to tell him
that if he did not come to make his excuses and obey him, he would go to get
him; and do to as many of his men as he found what he had done to those
whom he sent to him. He gave him the space of three days in which to come.
This he gave them to understand the best he could by signs as he had no
interpreter. After three days came an Indian whom the cacique sent laden
with cowhides. He came weeping bitterly, and coming to the governor cast
himself at his feet. He raised him up, and he made him a talk, but no one
could understand him. The governor told him by signs that he should return
and tell the cacique to send him an interpreter whom the people of Cayas could
understand. Next day, three Indians came laden with cowhides and three days
after that twenty Indians came. Among them was one who understood those
of Cayas. After a long discourse of excuses from the cacique and praises of
the governor, he concluded by saying that he and the others were come thither
on behalf of the cacique to see what his lordship ordered; and that he was
ready to serve him. The governor and all the men were very glad, for they
could in no wise travel without an interpreter. The governor ordered him
under guard and told him to tell the Indians who had come with him to return
to the cacique and tell him that he pardoned him for the past and that he
thanked him greatly for his gifts and for the interpreter whom he had sent
him and that he would be glad to see him and for him to come next day to
see him. The cacique came after three days and eighty Indians with him.
Both he and his men entered the camp weeping in token of obedience and
repentance for the past mistake, after the manner of that land. He brought
many cowhides as a gift, which were useful because it was a cold land, and
were serviceable for coverlets as they were very soft and the wool like that
of sheep. Nearby to the north were many cattle. The Christians did not see
them nor enter their land, for the land was poorly settled where they were,
and had little maize. The cacique of Tulla made his address to the governor
in which he excused himself and offered him his land and vassals and person.
No orator could more eloquently express the message or address both of that
eacique and of the other caciques and of all those who came to the governor in
their behalf. [Robertson, 1933, pp. 196-199.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 31

Biedma tells much the same story. According to him, De Soto

had 20 horsemen in his reconnaissance, and he mentions no infantry,
but his account is probably defective in that particular.
In attempting to seize some Indians, [he says] they began to yell and show us
battle. They wounded of ours that day seven or eight men, and nine or ten
horses; and such was their courage, that they came upon us in packs, by
eights and tens, like worried dogs. We killed some thirty or forty of them.
In the attack made upon the main army after it reached their country,
he says they were divided into “three very large squadrons” which
came upon them from as many different directions. Later five or six
Indians were sent who understood the Spaniards’ interpreters. “They
asked who we were, and of what we were in search” (Bourne, 1904,
vol. 2, pp. 32-33).

Garcilaso, as is his wont, enlarges considerably on these encoun-
ters and adds various details which we can neither confirm nor deny.
However, he agrees with Biedma that the attacking Indians were
divided into three bands, and he agrees with our other authorities
as to the valor of this tribe, their linguistic separateness, and their
use of long lances. He also states that they deformed their heads,
referring apparently to frontal head deformation, and he notes that
they tattooed their faces, and particularly their lips (Garcilaso, 1723,
pp. 189-194).

After leaving these people De Soto marched to the southeast and
came among others who seem to have been of an entirely different
connection. The Caddo relationship of these Tula people is not, of
course, proved by the mere fact that their language was different from
that of their neighbors, but is clearly shown by the fact that during
the attempt of De Soto’s followers to reach Mexico by land, they came
among tribes that were undoubtedly Caddo and noted the resemblance
in customs between them and the Tula people. Their western connec-
tion is also indicated by the use of lances and the fact that they were
much addicted to buffalo hunting. The name Caddo, moreover, per-
sists in Caddo River and Caddo Gap, which correspond to the location
of these people as indicated in the relations.

In any event, the later contact, to which reference has just been made,
undoubtedly did occur with true Caddo tribes. On June 5, 1542, about
2 weeks after De Soto’s death, his successor in the governorship, Luis
de Moscoso, led the surviving Spaniards westward and, after passing
through two provinces where salt was made, he arrived among Caddo
tribes near Red River about the middle of July. The first of these was
called Amaye and lay perhaps 20 miles east of the river. It is es-
teemed to have been Caddo from its association with known Caddo
tribes and the resemblance between its name and the Caddo word
designating a male human being. The next tribe or “province” lay

32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

on Red River and bore a Caddo name, Naguatex or Nawatesh, meaning
“Place of Salt.” This is represented as the most fertile and populous
of all the provinces through which the army passed during this expe-
dition, and though they plundered its granaries in July on their way
west, when they returned in October these were refilled. Mentioned
with the Amaye and Naguatex was a third tribe called Hacanac, iden-
tical, it may be, with the Lacane. Here our Spaniards seem to have
turned toward the southwest. They passed through two very poor
provinces bearing Caddo names, Nissohone and Lacane, after which
they reached a more populous one known as Nondacao. These three
were evidently the Nasoni, Nacanish, and Nadako or Anadarko of later
times. Beyond they came to the Hais Indians, the Eyeish or Haish
of the more recent historical period, who were represented as warlike
and much addicted to buffalo hunting. Next they reached Soacatino,
a province in wooded country. It bears a Caddo name but is not cer-
tainly identifiable in later Caddo history. Still farther on toward
the south or west they reached a considerable province called Guasco,
one which is barely noted in Casafias’ list. There they obtained con-
siderable corn. Two other places bearing Caddo names, Naquiscoga
and Nacacahoz, were visited and finally they came upon a river which
bore the name Daycao, apparently derived also from the Caddo lan-
gauge. This was quite certainly the Trinity since beyond it their
scouts captured some Indians living in wretched hovels whose speech
none of the other Indians could understand. They were evidently
Tonkawa or Bidai. On their return to the Mississippi River they
followed the same route (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, pp. 86-88; Robertson,
1933, pp. 239-258).

Just before Moscoso and his men penetrated the Caddo country
from the east, Coronado approached it from New Mexico, and it has
been believed by some that he came in direct contact with these
people. The belief is based upon his report that he encountered
Indians called “Teyas” living in the northwestern part of what is
now Texas, and the apparent impossibility of identifying them with
any other tribe. Coronado describes his first encounter with these
Indians as follows. After reaching extensive plains, probably the
Staked Plains,

with no more landmarks than as if we had been swallowed up in the sea .
and while we were lost in these plains, some horsemen who went off to hunt
cows fell in with some Indians who also were out hunting, who are enemies
of those that I had seen in the last settlement [the Querechos], and of another
sort of people who are called Teyas; they have their bodies and faces all
painted, are a large people like the others, of a very good build; they eat
the raw flesh just like the Querechos, and live and travel around with
the cows in the same way as these. [Winship, 1896, p. 581; Hammond and
Rey, 1940, p. 186.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY ao

It was the information obtained from these men, in many respects
contradictory to what he had before been told, that induced Coro-
nado to leave the greater part of his army and push on with 30
horsemen to the province of Quivira. Castafieda notes that one of
these Teya Indians was

seen to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow. These
people [he continues] are very intelligent; the women are well made and
modest. They cover their whole body. They wear shoes and buskins made
of tanned skin. The women wear cloaks over their small under petticoats,
with sleeves gathered up at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore some-
thing like little sanbenitos with a fringe, which reached half-way down the
thigh over the petticoat. [Winship, 1896, p. 507; Hammond and Rey, 1940,
p. 239.]

The Relacion del Suceso states that

two kinds of people travel around these plains with the cows; one is called
Querechos and the other Teyas; they are very well built, and painted, and
are enemies of each other. They have no other settlement or location than
comes from traveling around with the cows. They kill all of these they wish,
and tan the hides, with which they clothe themselves and make their tents,
and they eat the flesh, sometimes even raw, and they also even drink the blood
when thirsty. The tents they make are like field tents, and they set them
up over some poles they have made for this purpose, which come together and
are tied at the top, and when they go from one place to another they carry
them on some dogs they have, of which they have many, and they load them
with the tents and poles and other things, for the country is so level, as I
said, that they can make use of these, because they carry the poles dragging
along on the ground. The sun is what they worship most. The skin for the
tents is cured on both sides, without the hair, and they have the skins of
deer and cows left over. They exchange some cloaks with the natives of the
river for corn. [Winship, 1896, p. 578; Hammond and Rey, 1940, pp. 292-293.]

Castafieda describes the Plains people as follows:

These people are called Querechos and Teyas. They described some large
Settlements, and judging from what was seen of these people and from the
accounts they gave of other places, there are a good many more of these
people than there are of those at the settlements [on the Rio Grande]. They
have better figures, are better warriors, and are more feared. They travel
like the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles and hav-
ing Moorish pack saddles with girths. When the load gets disarranged, the
dogs howl, calling some one to fix them right. These people eat raw flesh
and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh. They are a kind people
and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They are able to make themselves
very well understood by means of signs. They dry the flesh in the sun, cut-
ting it thin like a leaf, and when dry they grind it like meal to keep it and
make a sort of pea soup [mush] of it to eat. A handful thrown into a pot
swells up so as to increase very much. They season it with fat, which they
always try to secure when they kill a cow. They empty a large gut and fill
it with blood, and carry this around the neck to drink when they are thirsty.
When they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass and
drink the juice that remains behind, because they say that this contains the
essence of the stomach. They cut the hide open at the back and pull it off

34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

at the joints, using a flint as large as a finger, tied in a little stick, with as
much ease as if working with a good iron tool. They give it an edge with
their own teeth. The quickness with which they do this is something worth
seeing and noting. [Winship, 1896, pp. 527-528; Hammond and Rey, 1940,
pp. 261-262.]

Castaneda gives the name of the large settlement of the Teyas,
the first which they reached, as “Cona.” Guides were taken from
them for Quivira, and though the first ran away in a few days.
Coronado sent back for others and they were supplied promptly.

Another important reference to these people is also furnished by
Castafieda :

There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye [Pecos] and the proy-
ince of Quirix [the Keres Indians], which the Spaniards named Ximena [Galis-
teo], and another village almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.
This was a large village, and judging from its condition and newness it ap-
peared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the granaries
or silos, because large underground cellars were found here stored with corn.
There was another large village farther on, entirely destroyed and pulled
down, in the yards of which there were many stone balls, as big as 12-quart
bowls, which seemed to have been thrown by engines or catapults, which had ©
destroyed the village. All that I was able to find out about them was that,
sixteen years before, some people called Teyas, had come to this country ‘in
great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged Cicuye
but had not been able to capture it, because it was strong, and when they left
the region, they had made peace with the whole country. It seems as if they
must have been a powerful people, and that they must have had engines to
knock down the villages. The only thing they could tell about the direction
these people came from was by pointing toward the north. They usually call
these people Teyas or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or
braves, for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the peo-
ple in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they [the Teyas of
the plains] went there to spend the winter under the wings of the settle-
ments. The inhabitants do not dare to let them come inside, because they can-
not trust them. Although they are received as friends, and trade with them,
they do not stay in the villages over night, but outside under the wings.
The villages are guarded by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another
just as in the fortresses of Spain.

There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy mountains,
one of which has been half destroyed by the people already referred to. These
were under the rule of Cicuye. [Winship, 1896, pp. 523-524; Hammond and
Rey, 1940, pp. 257-258.]

Later he notes that the people of Quivira “are almost of the same
sort and appearance as the Teyas” (Winship, 1896, p. 528; Hammond
and Rey, 1940, p. 263).

If these descriptions of the Teyas Indians are trustworthy, it is im-
possible to regard them as Caddo. They were evidently a Plains
tribe with all the typical Plains characteristics. They were living in
skin tents, and there is no evidence that these were mere temporary
lodges occupied during the hunting season. Only 1 year later, Moscoso

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 35

passed completely through the Caddo country and seems to have found
them occupying semisedentary villages with no intimation that their
houses were of skins. If that had been the case the Spaniards would
certainly have noted it as a singular differentiation from the houses
of the Mississippi tribes. And inasmuch as the Indians of Quivira,
who are generally regarded as Wichita, were already inhabiting grass
houses, we should have to assume that the Caddo were roving about in
a wild state and inhabiting tipis, while their relatives to the north were
in good-sized grass dwellings. This is contrary to all of the informa-
tion that has come to us regarding the Caddo and is not in accord with
common sense. Assuming that the Querecho were Apache, as is
generally believed, and that the Kiowa, Kiowa Apache, and Comanche,
as well as the Arapaho and Cheyenne, had not in Coronado’s time
got so far south, we find some difficulty in identifying the Teyas
with any known people. J. P. Harrington (én Swanton Ann. Vol.,
1940, p. 512) reports, however, “that Teya is the Pecos-Jemez word
for eastern Apache,” and this perhaps solves the difficulty, Querecho
being apparently a corresponding term for the western Apache. At
the same time the differences between Apache bands would not seem
sufficient to call for two distinct, all-inclusive terms, and one won-
ders whether “Teya” has always been applied in the same manner.
The only possible alternative, however, would be some tribe con-
nected with the Wichita or Kichai, or perhaps those ubiquitous
Jumano. These Teyas, indeed, occupied a territory close to that in
which the Jumano later dwelt, but it is assumed by Sauer, who has
made a careful study of the tribes of the Rio Grande region, that the
Jumano lived along that river in the early part of the sixteenth
century and adapted themselves to a Plains life only gradually. And
besides Castafeda understood from his Pecos informants that the
Teya had come from the north. For the present the identification
indicated by Mr. Harrington must be regarded as the most probable.

In any case, it is possible that the word “Teyas” may have a simi-
lar origin to that of Texas, whether it was originally a Caddo term
or not, for it may have enjoyed currency among many otherwise
unrelated peoples. Note particularly that Castafieda states the Teyas
settled close to the Pueblo Indians during the winter, evidently in
large measure for the purpose of buying corn, as is actually said in
the Relacion del Suceso, just as the Assiniboin came to the Mandan
towns on the upper Missouri.

After 1542 the Caddo drop out of sight for more than a hundred
years and do not reappear above the horizon of history until 1650,
when knowledge of them was resurrected as one of the results of an
expedition from New Mexico to the country of the Jumano, under
Hernando Martin and Diego del Castillo. This particular tribe of

36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

Jumano was upon the headwaters of the Colorado, Bolton thinks
the Concho. While staying in that region, part of these Spaniards
went 50 leagues beyond through the country of the Cuitaos, Escan-
jaques, and Aijados, to the borders of a people called Tejas. Quoting
the chronicler, Bolton continues: “They did not enter their territory
as they learned that it was very large and contained many people,”
and adds that a “lieutenant” of the Tejas “king” went to see Castillo.
“This, so far as I know,” continues Bolton, “is the first information
acquired by the Spaniards unquestionably concerning the people from
whom Texas got its name” (Bolton, 1912, pp. 9-10). With the
exception, of course, of Moscoso’s brief sojourn among them.

From this time on trading relations seem to have continued be-
tween the Spaniards and the Jumano, and it is safe to conclude that
the latter soon assumed that profitable position as middlemen in
passing on European goods to the Hasinai which we find them occu-
pying in 1676, when the Bishop of Guadalajara visited Coahuila.
One of the reasons the bishop gave for favoring the establishment
of four Franciscan missions in that region, as had just been recom-
mended by Fernando del Bosque, was the opportunity they would
afford of reaching the more important Hasinai. He says, quoting
from Bolton:

Coahuila has as a neighbor on the north, inclining somewhat to the east,
a populous nation of people, and so extensive that those who give detailed
reports of them do not know where it ends. These [who give the reports]
are many, through having communicated with the people of that nation, which
they call Texas, and who, they maintain, live under an organized govern-
ment (en policia), congregated in their pueblos, and governed by a casique
who is named by the Great Lord, as they call the one who rules them all,
and who, they say, resides in the interior. They have houses made of wood,
cultivate the soil, plant maize and other crops, wear clothes, and punish mis-
demeanors, especially theft. The Coahuiles do not give more detailed reports
of the Texas because, they say, they are allowed to go only to the first pueblos
of the border, since the Great Lord of the Texas does not permit foreign
nations to enter the interior of his country. There are many of these Coahuiles
who give these reports, and who say that they got them through having aided
the Texas in their wars against the Pauit, another very warlike nation. The
Coahuiles once pacified, the Spaniards can reach the land of the Texas without
touching the country of enemies. [Bolton, 1912, p. 16.]

Another reason why the Coahuilteco Indians visited the Tejas
periodically was to carry objects of Spanish origin thither in trade,
including Spanish horses, and, as the latter at least were not always
come by in honorable ways, they were naturally not anxious to
call attention to it. Every spring, for an unknown period before
this, as Dr. Carlos Castafeda informs us, Juan Sabeata, a Jumano
Indian,

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY oe

was in the habit of leading his followers to the east to hunt buffalo and to
trade with the friendly Indians of the Hasinai Confederacy on the Neches
and Trinity Rivers of Hast Texas. Here it appears that each year the Indians
held a fair in which the plunder obtained from the Spanish outposts along
the whole northern frontier of New Spain was bartered and traded, In the
fall, before cold weather set in, Juan Sabeata led his people back to the region
of La Hunta de los Rios [a Presidio opposite the mouth of the Conchos] where
they spent the winter. [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 1, p. 326.]

This trading route is also mentioned by French writers. Le Page

du Pratz (1758, vol. 2, pp. 241-242) alludes to the other end of it
in his account of the Avoyel Indians on lower Red River.
It is they who have brought to the French of Louisiana horses, oxen, and cows;
I do not know in what fair they purchase them, nor in what money they
pay for them; the truth is that these beasts cost only 20 pounds (livres) apiece.
The Spaniards of New Mexico have such a great quantity that they do not
know what to do with them, and it pleases them to be relieved of some. At
present the French have more than they need and especially of horses.

If by “oxen and cows” Du Pratz means domesticated cattle he must
be speaking of a very late period, but it is possible that the informants
upon whom he relied had in mind buffalo skins. There can be no
doubt that trade in horses was actively carried on. It is probable,
too, that although stimulated by the approach of Spanish settlements,
trade followed much the same routes in pre-Columbian times. Elvas,
the chronicler of the De Soto expedition, notes that when the Span-
iards were in the country of the Guasco, a Hasinai tribe, they saw
“turquoises and cotton blankets, which the Indians gave them to under-
stand by signs were brought from the west” (Robertson, 1933, p. 256).
This was in 1542, and it is evident that the European settlers in Mexico
could have had nothing to do with them. There were two articles of
trade for which the Caddo were noted, salt and bow wood, the latter
from the Osage orange or bois d’arc. Of course, there were plenty of
salines west of the Caddo country, so that we should not expect to find
them exporting salt in that direction, but it was otherwise with bow
wood, and Robbins, Harrington, and Freire-Marreco say:

The wood of this shrub was considered better for making bows than any which
grew in the Tewa country. It was brought from the east by the Tewa, or obtained
from the Comanche or other eastern tribes. [Robbins, Harrington, and Freire-
Marreco, 1916, p. 68.]

On October 15, 1683, seven Indians of the Jumano and other tribes
appeared before Governor Cruzate, of New Mexico, to repeat requests
for missions which had been made in previous years. Juan Sabeata
was the leader of this delegation and he told the governor of thirty-
odd tribes to the eastward including “the Great Kingdom of the
Texas,” which was situated at a distance of 15 or 20 days’ march from
La Junta, i. e., the point where the Conchos joins the Rio Grande.
Cruzate sent this information on to the viceroy, but without awaiting

38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 182

further instructions, on January 1, 1684, dispatched an expedition in
that direction under Juan Dominguez de Mendoza. The explorers
spent most of their time among the Jumano Indians upon the head-
waters of the Colorado, but Father Nicolas Lopez, who went with
them, says in his letter to the king, “we had ambassadors from the
Texas, a powerful kingdom, . . . and we came to tread the borders
of the first settlements of this nation.” He speaks also of a nation
called “Aijados,” 70 leagues from Quivira and within 25 leagues of
the Texas (Bolton, 1912, pp. 20-22).

Two years later, and then owing to the accident which carried La
Salle west of the Mississippi River, Frenchmen succeeded where the
Spaniards had failed in effecting an entrance into the Hasinai coun-
try. During his descent of the Mississippi River in 1673, Marquette
learned of the existence of the Pawnee and Wichita and he makes one
possible reference to a Caddo tribe. Upon, or south of, the Arkansas
River is entered upon his map the name “Aiaichi,” which on the
Thevenot map appears as “Ahiahichi” (Shea, 1852, p. 268). This has
been identified, plausibly enough, with the Eyeish. But since it is
placed beside the Tunica who were near the Mississippi and no promi-
nent Caddo tribe is entered, it is possible that Marquette had heard
of a town discovered by De Soto on Ouachita River in 1542 and named
“Ayays” (Robertson, 1933, p. 208). If the latter supposition is
correct, the tribe was probably not Caddo.

Early in 1685, La Salle, having missed the mouth of the Mississippi,
established himself on Garcitas River, which enters the Gulf of
Mexico through Lavaca Bay, and began to explore the surrounding
country in order to locate the great river he had overshot. The first
of his expeditions to reach the Hasinai set out the following year, on
April 28, according to Joutel, or April 22, if we rely on Father
Anastasius Douay, a Franciscan priest, who formed one of the party
of 10 accompanying the French commander (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 228;
Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 225). In May or June they reached a
village of the Hasinai (“Coenis”) [evidently the Nabedache town],
and their adventures in that country are thus described by Father
Anastasius :

Still marching east, we entered countries still finer than those we had passed,
and found tribes that had nothing barbarous but the name; among others,
we met a very honest Indian returning from the chase with his wife and
family. He presented the Sieur de la Salle with one of his horses and
some meat, invited him and all of his party to his cabin, and, to induce us,
left his wife, family, and game as a pledge, while he hastened to the village
to announce our coming. Our hunter and a servant of the Sieur de la Salle
accompanied him, so that two days after they returned to us with two horses
loaded with provisions, and several chiefs, followed by warriors very neatly
attired in dressed skins adorned with feathers. They came on bearing the
calumet ceremoniously, and met us three leagues from the village; the Sieur

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 39

de la Salle was received as if in triumph and lodged in the great chief’s
cabin. There was a great concourse of people, the young men being drawn
out and under arms, relieving one another night and day, and, besides, loading
us with presents and all kinds of provisions. Nevertheless, the Sieur de la
Salle, fearing lest some of his party might go after the women, encamped three
leagues from the village. Here we remained three or four days and bought
horses and all that we needed.

This village, that of the Conis [Sp. Asinais], is one of the largest and most
populous that I have seen in America. It is at least twenty leagues long,
not that this is evenly inhabited, but in hamlets of ten or twelve cabins,
forming cantons, each with a different name. Their cabins are fine, forty or
fifty feet high, of the shape of bee-hives. Trees are planted in the ground and
united above by the branches, which are covered with grass. The beds are
ranged around the cabin, three or four feet from the ground; the fire is in
the middle, each cabin holding two families.

We found among the Coenis many things which undoubtedly came from the
Spaniards, such as dollars, and other pieces of money, silver spoons, lace of
every kind, clothes and horses. We saw, among other things, a bull from Rome,
exempting the Spaniards in Mexico from fasting during summer. Horses are
common; they gave them to us for an axe; one Ceenis offered me one for our
cowl, to which he took a fancy.

They have intercourse with the Spaniards through the Choiimans [see p. 28],
their allies, who are always at war with New Spain. The Sieur de la Salle
made them draw on bark a map of their country, of that of their neighbors, and
of the river Colbert, or Mississippi, with which they are acquainted. They
reckoned themselves six days’ journey from the Spaniards, of whom they gave
us So natural a description that we no longer had any doubts on the point
aithough the Spaniards had not yet undertaken to come to their villages, their
warriors merely joining the Choiimans to go to war on New Mexico. The Sieur
de la Salle, who perfectly understood the art of gaining the Indians of all nations,
filled these with admiration at every moment. Among other things, he told them
that the chief of the French was the greatest chief in the world, as high as the
sun, and as far above the Spaniard as the sun is above the earth. On his recount-
ing the victories of our monarch, they burst into exclamations, putting their
hands on their mouths as a mark of astonishment. I found them very docile
and tractable, and they seized well enough what we told them of the truth of God.

There were then some Choiiman ambassadors among them, who came to
visit us. I was agreeably surprised to see them make the sign of the cross,
kneel, clasp their hands, and raise them from time to time to heaven.
They also kissed my habit, and gave me to understand that men dressed
like uS instructed tribes in their vicinity, who were only two days’ march
from the Spaniards, where our religious had large churches, in which all
assembled to pray. They expressed very naturally the ceremonies of the
mass; one of them sketched me a painting that he had seen of a great lady,
who was weeping because her son was upon a cross. He told us... that if
we would go with them, or give them guns, they could easily conquer them,
because they were a cowardly race, who had no courage, and made people
walk before them with a fan to refresh them in hot weather.

After remaining here four or five days to recruit, we pursued our route
through the Nassonis, crossing a large river which intersects the great Ccenis
village. These two nations are allies, and have nearly the same character
and customs.

40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

Four or five leagues from there, we had the mortification to see that four
of our men had deserted under cover of night and retired to the Nassonis;
and, to complete our sorrow, the Sieur de la Salle and his nephew, the Sieur
de Moranget, were attacked with a violent fever, which brought them to
extremity. Their illness was long, and obliged us to make a long stay at
this place, for when the fever, after frequent relapses, left them at last, they
required a long time to recover entirely.

The length of this sickness disconcerted all our measures, and was eventually
the cause of the last misfortunes which befell us. It kept us back more
than two months, during which we had to live as we could; our powder began
to run out; we had not advanced more than a hundred and fifty leagues in
a straight line, and some of our people had deserted. In so distressing a
crisis the Sieur de la Salle resolved to retrace his steps to Fort [St.] Louis;
all agreed and we straightway resumed our route, during which nothing
happened worth note but that, as we repassed the Maligne, one of our men
was carried off with his raft by a crocodile of prodigious length and bulk.

After a good month’s march, in which our horses did us good service, we
reached the camp on the 17th of October [or August], in the same year,
1686, where we were welcomed with all imaginable cordiality, but, after all, with
feelings tinged alike with joy and sadness as each related the tragical
adventures which had befallen both since we had parted. [Cox, 1905, vol. 1,
pp. 231-236.]

La Salle brought back with him five horses laden with corn, beans,
pumpkin seeds, and watermelons (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 249).
During this visit we are told that he recorded some words of the
Hasinai language (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 304).

A more determined attempt to reach the Mississippi was made by
La Salle the following year. He set out on January 12, 1687 (so
Joutel; Douay says the 7th), with 16 companions (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p.
238; Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 259). Toward the end of February
they met a Hasinai Indian and others were presently encountered,
but before they came into the country itself, near the present site
of Navasota it is believed, the commander and his nephew, De Moran-
get, were murdered by some members of the party. The survivors
continued to the main Hasinai town and passed beyond it to that of
the Nasoni, where the murderers fell out and part were destroyed by
the rest. All then returned to the Hasinai village, where some of
the Frenchmen accompanied their Indian friends on a war expedition
against the Kanoatino. Later six of the remaining whites, including
the Sieurs Cavelier, uncle and nephew, the Sieur Joutel, and Father
Anastasius Douay, set out for the Mississippi. An extended narra-
tive of this expedition by the pilot Joutel is left us, which will be
drawn upon frequently. They visited two Hasinai towns 5 leagues
apart, and passed to that of the Naodiche (Namidish) 9 leagues off.
The Nasoni town was 3 leagues farther on. Continuing toward the
northeast they came to the towns of the Kadohadacho at the bend
of Red River, the one at which they arrived first being a second
Nasoni village located on the south side. One of the party, named

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 41

De Marle [or De Marne], was drowned in the river here, and his
body was buried on an eminence near the village. They reached and
crossed Red River after passing a league and a half farther, and a
journey of 2 leagues more brought them to the town of the Kadoha-
dacho, which Father Anastasius calls the town of the “Ouidiches,”
meaning evidently the Namidish. In the same town they met two
Cahinnio Indians who had come after Osage orange bows, and these
accompanied them back to their own people living a league and a
half from the Ouachita and apparently in the neighborhood of the
present Arkadelphia. July 11 they set out from the Cahinnio town
and on July 24 reached Arkansas River some miles above its mouth
(Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 260-438).

In the meantime the ubiquitous Juan Sabeata had brought to the
Spaniards in Coahuila news of this French enterprise and the de-
struction of the colony by neighboring Indians, and Alonso de Leon
set out from Monclova on March 23, 1689, to visit the spot and clear
any remaining Frenchmen out of the country. On his way he came
to a rancheria of Emet, Toaa, and Cavas Indians, probably related
to the Tonkawa. Its inhabitants at first fled to the woods but pres-
ently the chief and some of his companions came out and began
calling “‘Thechas, techas,” which was explained as meaning “Friends,
friends.” This was undoubtedly the Hasinai term discussed else-
where. Either it had been adopted by tribes of different linguistic
connections or this band had learned it from some Hasinai (“Tejas”)
who had recently been in their country and had passed through
shortly before with two Frenchmen. Indeed, the chief of this band
of Hasinai and eight followers presently came to the Spanish camp,
and De Leon seems to say that the Indian town belonged to them.
As the Hasinai occupied a dominant position among most of the
surrounding peoples, it is probable that they assumed a tone of
superiority in their attitude towards the Indians of this place, but it
was far outside of their own country and the village cannot properly
be regarded as one of theirs (Bolton, 1916, pp. 353-367, 388-404).

Both Massanet and De Leon were very much impressed by the Texas
chief. The latter says:

Although unable to speak Castilian he was an Indian in whom was recognized
capacity. He had a shrine with several images. The governor gave him and
the other Indians who had come with him generously of what was left of
the cotton garments, knives, blankets, beads, and other goods. He was very
much pleased and promised to come with some Indians of his nation to the
province of Cohaguila. [Bolton, 1916, p. 403.]

Massanet presented this chief with “two horses, and the blanket in
which I slept, for I had nothing else which I could give him.” Using
one of the former French companions of La Salle as an interpreter,

299671—42.—_4

42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

he promised to visit the Hasinai country next year at planting time
accompanied by other priests, at which the Indian seemed pleased
(Bolton, 1916, pp. 363-364).

The day after this interview, May 3, 1689, the chief left to rejoin
his tribe and De Leon departed 10 days later for Monclova. In his
report to the Viceroy of Mexico, the Spaniard gave a glowing ac-
count of the Texas province from the information he had obtained,
though he had not visited it. He reported nine permanent settle-
ments there and “went so far as to declare that, in his opinion, the
Texas were as civilized as the Aztecs had been when the Spaniards
first came to Mexico” (Castaneda, 1936, vol. 1, pp. 341-342).

When Henri de Tonti learned at Fort St. Louis on the Illinois
River of the death of La Salle and the misfortunes of his former
companions, he determined to proceed to “Naondiché” (the Namidish)
in the Hasinai country in order to bring back the French who re-
mained there and those upon the seacoast. He left the fort October 3,
1689, and reached the Quapaw villages January 1690. At the Uzu-
tiuhi village on Arkansas River he was given two Kadohadacho
women to take along as he was bound for their country. Returning
to the Mississippi, he descended to the Taensa towns on Lake St.
Joseph, which he reached early in February, and set out from that
point for the Caddo country accompanied by three Frenchmen, a
Shawnee Indian, and two slaves, besides the two women who had
been given him at Uzutiuhi and some Taensas Indians. His own
account continues as follows:

We set off on the 12th [of February] with twelve Taencas, and after a voyage
of twelve leagues to the northwest we left our boat and made twenty leagues
portage, and on the 17th of February, 1690, came to Natchitoches. They made
us stay at the place, which is in the midst of the three villages called Nachitoches,
Ouasita and Capiché. The chiefg of the three nations assembled, and before
they began to speak the 30 Taencas who were with me got up and, leaving their
arms, went to the temple, to show how sincerely they wished to make a solid
peace. After having taken their God to witness, they asked for friendship.
I made them some presents in the name of the Taencas. They remained some
days in the village to traffic with salt, which these nations got from a salt lake
in the neghborhood. After their departure they gave me guides to Yatachés,
and, after ascending the river, always towards the northwest, about thirty
leagues, we found fifteen cabins of Natchés [Bienville’s Nakasa], who received us
pretty well. We arrived on the 16th of March at Yatachés, about forty leagues
from thence. The three villages of Yatachés, Nadas and Choye are together.
As they knew of our arrival, they came three leagues to meet us with refresh-
ments, and on joining us we went together to their villages. The chief made
many feasts for us. I gave presents to them, and asked for guides to the
Cadadoquis. They were very unwilling to give us any, as they had murdered
three ambassadors about four days before who came to their nation to make
peace. However, by dint of entreaties, and also assurances that no harm would

5It is probable that “40 leagues from thence’? means from the Natchitoches town and
not from that of the Natchés.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 43

happen to their people, they granted me five men, and we got to Cadadoquis on the
28th. At this place where we were encamped we discovered the trail of men
and horses. The next day some horsemen came to reconnoitre us, and, after
speaking to the wife of the chief, whom I brought back with me, carried back
the news. The next day a woman, who governed this nation, came to visit me
with the principal persons of the village. She wept over me, demanding re-
yenge for the death of her husband, and of the husband of the woman whom I
was bringing back, both of whom had been killed by the Osages. To take advan-
tage of everything, I promised that their death should be avenged. We went
together to their temple, and after the priests had invoked their God for a
quarter of an hour they conducted me to the cabin of their chief. Before
entering they washed my face with water, which is a ceremony among them.
During the time I was there I learned from them that eighty leagues off were
seven Frenchmen whom M. Cavelier had left. I hoped to finish my troubles by
rejoining them, but the Frenchmen who accompanied me, tired of the voyage,
would go no further. They were unmanageable persons over whom I could
exercise no authority in this distant country. I was obliged to give way. All
that I could do was to engage one of them, with a savage, to accompany me to
the village of Naovediché [or “Nacondiché’], where I hoped to find the seven
Frenchmen. I told those who abandoned me that, to prevent the savages know-
ing this, it was best to say that I had sent them away to carry back the news
of my arrival, so that the savages should not suspect our disunion.

The Cadadoquis are united with two other villages called Natchitoches and
Nasoui [Nasoni] situated on the Red River. All the nations of this tribe
speak the same language. Their cabins are covered with straw, and they are
not united in villages, but their huts are distant one from the other. Their
fields are beautiful. They fish and hunt. There is plenty of game, but few
cattle (boeufs). They wage cruel war with each other, hence their villages are
but thinly populated. I never found that they did any work, except making
very fine bows, [with] which they make a traffic with distant nations. The
Cadadoquis possess about thirty horses, which they call “cavali” [Sp. caballo,
a horse]. The men and women are tattooed in the face and all over the body.
They call this river the Red River, because, in fact, it deposits a sand which
makes the water as red as blood. I am not acquainted with their manners,
having only seen them in passing.

I left this place on the 6th of April, directing our route southwards, with a
Frenchman, a Chaganon (Shawnee), a little slave of mine, and five of their
savages, whom they gave me as guides to Naouadiché. When I went away I
left in the hands of the wife of the chief a small box, in which I had put some
ammunition. On our road we found some Naouadiché savages hunting, who
assured me that the Frenchmen were staying with them. This gave me great
pleasure, hoping to succeed in my object of finding them. On the 19th the
Frenchman with me lost himself. I sent the savages who were with me to look
for him. He came back on the 2ist, and told me that, having lost our trail,
he was near drowning himself in crossing a little river on a piece of timber.
His bag slipped off, and thus all our powder was lost, which very much annoyed
me, as we were reduced to sixty rounds of ammunition. On the 23d we slept
half a league from the village, and the chiefs came to visit us at night. I
asked them about the Frenchmen. They told me that they had accompanied
their chiefs to fight against the Spaniards, seven days’ journey off, that the
Spaniards had surrounded them with their cavalry, and that their chief having
spoken in their favor, the Spaniards had given them horses and arms. Some
of the others told me that the Quanouatins had killed three of them, and that

44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

the four others were gone in search of iron arrow-heads. I did not doubt
that they had murdered them. I told them that they had killed the French-
men. Directly all the women began to cry, and thus I saw that what I had said
was true. I would not, therefore, accept the calumet. I told the chief I
wanted four horses for my return, and, having given him seven hatchets and
a string of large glass beads, I received the next day four Spanish horses, two
of which were marked on the haunch with an R and a crown (couronne
fermée) and another with an N. Horses are very common among them.
There is not a cabin which has not four or five. As this nation is sometimes
at peace and sometimes at war with the neighboring Spaniards, they take
advantage of a war to carry off the horses. We harnessed ours as well as
we could and departed on the 29th, greatly vexed that we could not continue
our route as far as M. de la Salle’s camp [on the seacoast]. We were unable
to obtain guides from this nation to take us there, though not mvre than
eighty leagues off, besides being without ammunition, owing to the accident

which I related before.
It wag at the distance of three days’ journey from hence that M. de la Salle

was murdered...

We reached Cadadoquis on the 10th of May. We stayed there to rest our
horses, and went away on the 17th with a guide, who was to take us to the
village of Coroas. [Cox, 1905, vol. 1, pp. 44-50, 55.]

Meanwhile De Leon’s rose-colored report on the kingdom of the
Texas and his and Father Massanet’s sanguine expectations regarding a
rapid conversion of its inhabitants to Christianity, coupled with fear
of French intrusion, rumors of which were continually filtering
across the Rio Grande, determined the Mexican government to under-
take an expedition into the Hasinai country for the purpose of begin-
ning missionary labors there and clearing out Gallic intruders.
Alonso de Leon was again commissioned to lead, and with him went
four Queréteran friars headed by Father Damian Massanet, and
cattle and horses for the new missions were driven along. The ex-
pedition left Monclova March 26-28, 1690, and, following closely the
route of the first, continued beyond to the Hasinai country. On the
way they remained about the site of La Salle’s fort for several days
in hopes of discovering some Frenchmen or Texas Indians, and on
May 4 one Texas Indian was found whose family was encamped
nearby. The gift of a horse and some other presents induced one of
these Indians to take a message to the Texas chief, whose town is said
to have been rather more than 30 leagues away. He left his wife and
a brother-in-law to guide the army. On the 18th, as the expedition
neared Trinity River, this Indian met them accompanied by 14 more
of his tribe including the chief, who appeared very happy to see them
again. On May 22, 18 leagues farther on toward the northeast, they
came upon the first Texas rancheria in a valley surrounded by planted
fields, and a quarter of a league beyond was another village. To the
valley they gave the name of San Francisco Xavier. The second vil-
lage they called San Francisco de los Texas. That afternoon De Leon

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 45

accompanied the chief to his house, “where his mother, his wife, a
daughter of his, and many people who were expecting him” came
out to receive them, bringing out a bench upon which to seat their
visitor and providing him with a luncheon of corn tamales and atole,
“all very cleanly” (Bolton, 1916, pp. 368-387, 405-423). De Leon
narrates the events of the succeeding days as follows:

Tuesday, the 23d, I set out with the reverend missionary fathers over the
half-league intervening between the camp and the house of the [Indian] gov-
ernor, in a procession with the officers and soldiers, who were followed by 4
large number of Indians with the said Indian governor. Having reached his
house, the missionaries sang the Te Deum Laudamus. After remaining a while
at his house seated upon benches which the said governor ordered brought, they
served us, in jars and crocks, a luncheon of boiled beans, atole, and pinole,
which the said fathers and soldiers ate. ...

Wednesday, the 24th, a chapel was prepared in which to celebrate the feast
of Corpus Christi, having this day bestowed upon the Indians clothing and the
other commodities. This day I notified the governor to summon all his people
to come to the feast of Corpus Christi.

Thursday, the 25th, the feast of the Most Holy Sacrament was celebrated with
all solemnity and a procession, all the officers and soldiers, the Indian governor,
and many of his people accompanying the procession and witnessing the high
mass. Mass having been completed, the ceremony was enacted of raising the
flag in the name of his Majesty (whom God protect), and I, the said General
Alonso de Leon, as the superior officer of all the companies which, by order of
his Excellency, the Sefior Conde de Galve, viceroy of this New Spain, had come
on this journey in the name of his Majesty, accepted the obedience which they
rendered to his Majesty, and in his royal name promised to befriend and aid
them. I delivered to the governor a staff with a cross, giving him the title
of governor of all his people, in order that he might rule and govern them,
giving him to understand by means of an interpreter that which he should
observe and do, and the respect and obedience which he and all his people
ought to have for the priests, and that he should make all his families attend
Christian teaching, in order that they might be instructed in the affairs of our
holy Catholic faith so that later they might be baptized and become Christians.
He accepted the staff with much pleasure, promising to do all that was desired
of him, and the company fired three salutes. Likewise, the Reverend Father
Commissary of these conversions in this mission, Fray Damian Masanet, was
given possession, in order that he might instruct them in the mysteries of our
holy Catholic faith. The governor and his people having begged us to leave
them religious to teach them the Christian doctrine, as a pledge of friendship
we asked the said governor to give us three of the principal Indians of this
province, among them being a brother, a nephew, and a cousin of the governor,
who with much pleasure promised to go with us to see the most Excellent
Sefior Conde de Galve, viceroy and captain-general of New Spain. This day
the sun was observed and we found ourselves in 34° 7’.

Friday, the 26th, I set out with the missionary fathers, some soldiers and
officers, and the said Indian governor, towards the northeast, to find the most
suitable place to put the mission, and after having seen three small valleys
{about three leagues away], we came to where they told us two Frenchmen
had died, where they had wished to make a settlement, and where we saw the
graves. We placed a cross in a tree for them and went to a river which we
found could be crossed only by means of a tree which the Indians have athwart

46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

it, and a rope of which they take hold. We named the river San Miguel
Arcangel, and from there we returned to camp, having travelled six leagues.

Saturday, the 27th; Sunday, the 28th; Monday, the 29th; Tuesday, the 30th;
and Wednesday, the 31st, they labored to build the church and the dwelling
of the apostolic fathers, in the midst of the principal settlement of the Texas.

Thursday, June ist, I gave possession of the said mission, the reverend
father commissary, Fray Damian Masanet, having sung mass in the said
church, the said Indian governor and his people attending mass and the
blessing of the church. This afternoon I sent the company to begin the return
march to the province of Coahuila, over the same road by which we came.
They halted this night at the camp of San Carlos, having marched five leagues.

Friday, the 2d, with the reverend father commissary, Fray Damian Masanet,
and six soldiers, I set out from the pueblo of San Francisco de los Texas to
follow the company, there being with us a brother of the governor, a nephew,
and a cousin of his, and another Indian of the said pueblo. Having joined
the company we advanced to the Real de San Bernardino, a little over half a
league. [Bolton, 1916, pp. 415-418.]

Massanet gives a more extended account of the happenings in the
Hasinai country during this expedition and many interesting details
regarding the customs of the people which will be noted elsewhere.

Governor Leon wished to leave a garrison of 40 or 50 men, but the
Texas chief objected to the presence of so many unmarried soldiers,
not without reason, and, after consultation with the padres and the
chief, the number was reduced to 3. The 3 friars who had accom-
panied Massanet remained to take charge of the mission. Before
they recrossed the Rio Grande, where they were detained a week by
high water, 2 of the Indians gave up and returned to their own
country, 1 of the others was killed accidentally in Querétero, and
only 1 finally reached the City of Mexico (Bolton, 1916, pp. 383-387,
416-423).

On their return both De Leon and Massanet recommended the
establishment of 7 new missions. It was proposed to place 4 of these
among the Kadohadacho and 2 more among the Texas while the
seventh was to be on the Guadalupe and so outside of Caddo territory.
They were to be cared for by 14 missionaries and 7 lay brothers.
These recommendations were adopted by the Fiscal and approved
by the Junta de Hacienda. On January 23, 1691, Domingo Teran
de los Rios, Governor of Coahuila, was commisisoned to carry out
the recommendations adopted by the Junta. On May 16 the expedi-
tion set out. On June 19 they came to the Guadalupe River and
found Juan Sabeata encamped there with a large body of Jumano
Indians and their allies, estimated to number 2,000 souls.

From him and his companions it was learned, through two letters they brought
from the missionaries who had remained at San Francisco de los Tejas, that a
serious epidemic had visited the new mission, that many of the Indians had
perished, and that the devout and zealous Father Fray Miguel de Fontcuberta

had died of a malignant fever on February 5, after an illness of eight days. The
Indians also reported rumors of renewed French activities among the Cadodachos.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 47

On August 4, Teran reached San Francisco de los Texas whither he
had been preceded by the missionaries, impatient at his slow
movements.

That same afternoon the main body of the expedition pitched camp a short
distance from San Francisco de los Tejas, where the governor of the Indians and
many of his people came to welcome him. Two days later, he made his formal
entry into the rancheria where he officially reinvested the Indian chief as
governor and distributed many presents to him and his people. The soldiers
held a parade that morning, and with bugles blowing and drums beating they
marched to the church of the Mission of San Francisco de los Tejas, where,
preceded by the missionaries, they fired six volleys before entering to hear High
Mass. [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 1, pp. 361-867.]

In June of the preceding year (1690) Fray Francisco Casafias de
Jusus Maria had founded a new mission on the banks of the Neches
River to which he gave the name Santisimo Nombre de Maria. It
was about 5 miles east of San Francisco de los Texas and here he
prepared that account of the Hasinai Indians which is one of our
chief sources of information regarding the Caddo peoples. But the
subjects of that sketch grew increasingly cold toward his teachings
and after the arrival of Teran their hostility became more and more
manifest. After remaining among the Texas 20 days, Teran decided
to go to the coast in hopes of obtaining supplies expected from Vera
Cruz. When he reached the site of the French fort with the larger
part of his men, he found there Captain Salinas Varona with sup-
plies and also with instructions that he carry out the exploration of
the Caddo country before returning to Mexico. Therefore, with great
difficulty he made his way back to the Hasinai and arrived on October
26, but found the attitude of the Indians worse even than before.
The attacks upon the cattle and horses had become more frequent and open. The
chief, who had welcomed the first Spaniards with so much kindness and friendli-
ness, had by now tired of his associates. He had gone on the warpath to chastise
a hostile tribe. Before leaving, he had warned his friends, the missionaries,
that he did not want to find them among his people upon his return. Such a
state of affairs had cooled the ardor of the energetic and zealous Padres, some of
whom were already beginning to show signs of discouragement. [Castafieda,
1936, vol. 1, pp. 868-369.]

However, in pursuance of his instructions, Teran surveyed the
surrounding country and on November 6 set out for the Kadohadacho
accompanied by Massanet and a number of other missionaries, Capt.
Gregorio de Salinas, and a party of soldiers, and after considerable
hardship, for the weather had turned cold with snow and sleet,
reached the Kadohadacho on November 28 with 30 of his party. In
the towns of that tribe they spent a week exploring the surrounding
country and taking soundings of Red River. The map shown in
plate 1 is one of the results of their work. The Indians treated them
in a friendly manner, but Teran was unable to carry out his instruc-

48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

tions regarding the foundation of the four missions because of the
lack of supplies. However, “the Padres were well impressed with
the country and with the character and attitude of the Indians and
declared their intention of returning at some later date to establish
missions among these natives.” They set out on their return Decem-
ber 5 and reached the Mission of Santisimo Nombre de Maria on the
30th after renewed hardships and the loss of nearly all their horses.

Four days later Teran went on to the Mission of San Francisco de
los Texas, from which he deemed it necessary to commandeer a suffi-
cient number of horses and cattle for his return to Mexico. On Janu-
ary 9 he set out for the Bay of St. Bernard taking with him all
of the missionaries except Father Massanet and two companions and
all but nine soldiers. On March 5 they reached their objective, and
Teran remained there 2 weeks to write up his report before returning
to Mexico.

After this, interest in the east Texas missions subsided and it was
not until November 25, 1692, that the Viceroy of Mexico ordered the
Governor of Coahuila, Capt. Diego Ramon,
to make a report of the latest news from the Tejas and to suggest the

best means of communicating with them. Diego Ramén replied on January
11, 1693. The most recent news from Texas had been brought by two

Indians who had come to Coahuila the previous October. According to them,

the missionaries were in good health but in dire need of supplies. Their
provisions had been exhausted and most of their cattle had died, the crops
had been a failure, and they were daily expecting relief to be sent from
Mexico. [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 1, p. 372.]

Heusinger speaks of their difficulties in the following terms:

To start with, the smal] guard that had been left to protect the Padres
was not large enough to be of any real service. Then the Indians were be-
ginning to show signs of duplicity: they were accepting gifts which were fre-
quently given to them and professing a friendship for the missionaries, yet
whenever they had the opportunity they would steal from the missions any-
thing that could be stolen. To add to the missionaries’ troubles a severe
drought caused two successive crop failures, and a disease spread among the
stock causing many cattle to die. A good number of the natives also fell victims
to the disease and the Indians, attributing their misfortune to the baptismal
water which the missionaries used, became actually hostile. To cap the entire
situation the soldiers were offensive in their relations with the natives. The
missionaries attempted to meet this last problem by their efforts to lead the
soldiers to live in a more Christian manner, for their bad example was not
only an obstacle to, but was actually undoing, the work which the missionaries
had accomplished. The soldiers did not respond, discord increased and this,
added to the other difficulties, made life very disagreeable and discouraging at
the missions. [Heusinger, 1936, pp. 51-52.]

Diego Ramon suggested that a party of 20 men from Monclova

could take the missionaries the desired supplies, since the road was
well known. This plan was adopted, and on May 8 the men set out

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SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 49

under Captain Gregorio Salinas “taking ninety-seven pack loads
of provisions and gifts for the Indians, and one hundred and eighty
horses for the use of the twenty soldiers who made the trip.” They
arrived at the mission of San Francisco de los Texas on June 8 just
in time to prevent the abandonment of the country which the mis-
sionaries had decided to effect in July. Salinas found that the mis-
sion of Santisimo Nombre de Maria had been destroyed by a flood
shortly after Teran left and that. the missionaries and soldiers had
all retired to San Francisco de los Texas.
The native Cona or medicine men

had convinced the Indians that the waters of baptism were fatal to them,
because most of those who were baptized in articulo mortis died... Father
Massanet deplored deeply that the Indians refused to believe that there was
but one God. He explained that the Indians declared there were two: one who
gave the Spaniards clothing, knives, hatchets, and all the other things they had,
another who gave the Indians corn, beans, nuts, acorns, and rain for their

crops. They had lost all respect for the priests and had on various occasions
threatened to kill them. [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 1, p. 373.]

Massanet recommended to the Viceroy that, unless a new policy were
adopted, the missions should be abandoned and an expedition sent to
withdraw him and his associates from the country.

Salinas set out on his return on June 14, 1693, accompanied by two
of the friars, and reached Coahuila on July 17. Massanet’s letter
and official report were dispatched at once to the Viceroy and referred
successively to the Fiscal and a Junta General, with the result that it
was decided to discontinue the missions and send the missionaries
back to their college “until a more fitting occasion arose for the
continuance of these labors.”

In October Salinas received orders to proceed to East Texas and
bring back all of the Spaniards remaining there, but the council
which he summoned decided that the season was too far advanced and
postponed the expedition until spring. However, events in East
Texas moved much too rapidly for him. Castafeda thus describes
the concluding events of this mission period:

On October 6... the Tejas chief personally warned the corporal of the
mission guard that his people were angry and did not want the Spaniards
to stay in their country any more. The few horses and cattle that remained
were frequently attacked by the Indians. Father Massanet called the chief and
asked him if the story of the corporal was true. The chief replied with a sneer
that it was only too true; that the Spaniards ought to leave if they did not
want to die. Father Massanet replied with warmth that he and his men were
well armed and could defend themselves, but he told him that since the Indians
did not want the Spaniards any more they would leave. Secretly the valuable
ornaments were packed, the heavier articles, such as cannon, bells, and other
things of similar nature were buried, and, when everything was in readiness, on
October 25, 1693, fire was applied to the Mission San Francisco de los Tejas,
founded with so many sacrifices and so mych expense. In the fitful glare of

50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

the conflagration, the fugitives stole away. For several days, they were fol-
lowed at a distance by their former friends, who although they threatened the
runaways, did not attack them. Four of the soldiers, Joseph Urrutia, Nicolas
Rodelo, Francisco Gonzilez and Marcos Juan, deserted the little group to join
the Indians. At the Colorado, one of the faithful Indians of the mission over-
took the fugitives and informed the Padres that the soldiers who had deserted
had gone back to the mission and helped the Indians dig up the buried articles.
For forty days they wandered over the trackless wilderness, completely lost.
Vinally they drifted to the coast and there found their bearings. After suffering
incredible hardships and dangers, the worn-out little band finally arrived in
Monclova on February 17, 1694. [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 1. pp. 375-376.]

On March 11, 1694, the Viceroy of Mexico ordered that the province
of Tejas, to which Teran had given the name El Nuevo Reyno de la
Nueva Montafia de Santander y Santillana, be definitely and formally
abandoned (Heusinger, 1936, p. 53).

French activity had been largely responsible for the stimulation
of Spanish interest in Texas in the first instance and it was destined
to repeat the performance. The scene, therefore, shifts temporarily
to the French and to their colony of Louisiana which came into
existence in 1699. In 1700 Le Moyne d’Iberville, founder of that
colony, returned to it a second time, began the construction of a
fort near the mouth of the Mississippi, and undertook an expedition
up that river to a point considerably above the mouth of Red River.
The names of several tribes living on the latter were reported to
him and among them we seem able to make out the Yatasi
(“Yataché”), Nanatsoho (“Natsvtos”), and Kadohadacho (“Cado-
daquis”), the others being perhaps the Natchitoches (“Nactythos”),
Nakasa (“Nataché”), Adai (“Natao”), Ouachita (“Yesito”), and
Cahinnio (“Cachaymons”) (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 4, p. 178).

The same year, a little later, Iberville’s brother Bienville was sent
to the Caddo country from the Taensa towns on Lake St. Joseph.
He was accompanied by a young Canadian, Louis Juchereau de St.
Denis. They set out March 22 and on the 28th came to the Ouachita
village on the river which bears the name of that tribe. It was re-
duced to five cabins, part of the tribe having gone to live with the
Natchitoches, and this removal must have taken place at least 10
years earlier because Tonti had found them there in 1690. Bienville
reached Red River at the town of the small Souchitiony tribe, the
Doustioni of other writers, 1 league from which was the village
of the Natchitoches. From the latter town he ascended the river to
a village of 15 cabins occupied by a tribe he calls Nakasa (perhaps
part of the Yatasi) and to another village of this same tribe higher
up but of 8 cabins. Still farther on were the cabins of the Yatasi
scattered along Red River for 2 leagues. From their settlements
to those of the Kadohadacho it was said to take only 2 days in the
summer, but the Indians affirmed that at that season (April) it

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 51

required 10 nights by boat along the river. Bienville returned,
however, without ascending farther and reached Iberville’s vessels
May 18 (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 4, pp. 482-444). The same month—
immediately after Bienville’s return, it would seem—St. Denis was
commissioned to travel westward with 25 men in order to keep
watch of the Spaniards. Accordingly he ascended to the country
of the Natchitoches, where he obtained a native chief called the White
Chief as a guide and then continued on to the country of the Kado-
hadacho. These Indians informed him that they had not seen a
Spaniard for more than 2 years (Clark, 1902, pp. 5-6; Margry, 1875-
1886, vol. 5, p. 421).

Soon after his return St. Denis was placed in command of the
Mississippi fort. At least he was there in 1702 when, having lost
their crops, the Natchitoches Indians descended to the French fort.
St. Denis sent them to live beside the Acolapissa on the north shore
of Lake Pontchartrain whither the latter had but lately moved from
Pearl River. Pénicaut places this among the events of 1705 but
Beaurain’s testimony is to be preferred.° The same year their war-
riors and those of the Acolapissa participated in an expedition led by
St. Denis against the Chitimacha, (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 4, p. 405,
vol. 5, p. 460; Beaurain, 1831, p. 73). Pénicaut states that St. Denis
abandoned the public service in 1705 and retired to Biloxi (Clark,
1902, vol. 6, p. 6; Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 460), and he implies
that he remained in retirement until called upon in 1713 by Governor
Cadillac to head an expedition into the Texas country. St. Denis’
own testimony, however, establishes a much greater range of activity
within this period. He went to the Choctaw Indians, from Mobile,
perhaps after a stop at Biloxi as Pénicaut would suggest, and then to
the Natchez on the Mississippi. From them he crossed to the old
country of the Natchitoches Indians and after a short stay there, vis-
ited the Hasinai and kept on to the Presidio of San Juan Bautista on
the Rio Grande. Testimony is adduced by Castafieda to indicate
that St. Denis made several visits to the Hasinai before 1714 and had
spent a number of months among them during which he acquired
some knowledge of their language (Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, p. 19).

In 1707 four Natchitoches Indians took part in an attack upon the
Chitimacha to avenge the death of the missionary St. Cosme (Beau-
rain, 1831, p. 102).

In 1709, acting on information that the Texas Indians had moved
west to the Colorado River, Captain Pedro de Aguirre, commander
of the Presidio of Rio Grande del Norte, was ordered to escort two
Franciscan friars, Antonio de San Buenaventura Olivares and Isidro

® Margery, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 459; Beaurain, 1831, p. 73, date implied by contemporary
events, particularly St. Denis’ expedition against the Chitimacha.

52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Espinosa, to them, but on arriving there they learned from some
Yojuane Indians

that the Asinai Indians, commonly called Tejas, were in their own country
where they had always lived; that they had not moved to the place we inquired
about; that only a few were in the habit of going in search of buffalo meat to
the Colorado River and its neighborhood. Asked again, if they knew this
to be the truth, they maintained what they had said and declared further that
Bernadino, a Tejas Indian, who knew Spanish and was very crafty, having
lived many years among the Spaniards, was the chief of all the Tejas, and
this they knew well. All this caused us sorrow on the one hand, because we
wanted to see the Tejas, and joy on the other hand, because it relieved us of
the uncertainty under which we had labored concerning the whereabouts of
the Tejas. The Indians said also that it was a three-day journey from the
place where we were to the village of the Tejas. Not having planned to stay
any longer, and the Captain of the military expedition not having instructions
to go any farther, and having been told by all who knew him that the chief
of the Tejas was very adverse to all matters of faith, never having been made
to live like a Christian, and that he had escaped from the mission of Rio
Grande with some Indian women who had been left there, we decided not to
proceed any farther. [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, p. 23.]

The next entrada of the Spaniards among the Hasinai came
about in this way. In 1709 Francisco Hidalgo, one of the Queré-
teran friars who had been with Massanet at San Francisco de los
Texas and had afterward labored in the missions along the Rio
Grande, set out for the Texas country alone, and, single-handed,
ministered to the spiritual wants of that province for several years.
Receiving no answer to his various petitions to the Viceroy for help,
Hidalgo finally (on January 17, 1711) sent a letter to Lamothe
Cadillac, Governor of Louisiana, asking cooperation in founding a
mission among the Hasinai, and Cadillac at once saw an opportunity
to push the trade of France by this means. Cadillac, therefore, se-
lected St. Denis, then commander of the Biloxi fort, to carry the
project through and the latter set out from Mobile in September
1713 (Heusinger, 1936, pp. 57-58). He sent Pénicaut to gather the
Natchitoches together and bring them to him at the fort on the
Mississippi—or so Pénicaut says—but from some motive which we
are unable to divine, as soon as the Acolapissa heard that the Natch-
itoches Indians were to remove, they fell upon them, killed 17, and
captured 50 women and girls. The remainder scattered and rejoined
Pénicaut during the following night, and he led them to St. Denis.
That explosive officer was deeply angered at what had taken place
and promised at some future day to take vengeance upon the Acola-
pissa and recover the captives. However, we learn that 30 reached
St. Denis later and it is probable that the rest were released without
an open rupture (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, pp. 496-499). These
events evidently occasioned the postponement of the St. Denis date of
departure, for he did not set out from Dauphin Island until August

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 53

28, 1714, when he took with him 24 Canadians and “30 braves from
the Natchitoches,” and picked up on the way the chief of the Tunica
Indians and 15 of his hunters (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, p. 193;
Castafieda, 1986, vol. 2, p. 28). Arrived at the old village of the
Natchitoches, he built 2 houses in which to store the merchandise
he had brought and left a guard of 10 men to protect the new post.
He then proceeded to the villages of the Hasinai, reaching them on
November 15, and began among them a profitable trade, bartering
guns, beads, knives, and cloth for cattle and buffalo hides. Later
he returned to the Natchez post to render an account of his expedi-
tion to M. de La Mothe, reascended Red River to the Natchitoches
with five Canadians and crossed again to the Hasinai. Fray Hidalgo
had by then returned to the Spanish settlements on the Rio Grande,
but the Indians were so much attached to him that they offered to
accompany the French officer to the Spanish country if he would
use his influence to bring about Hidalgo’s restoration to them.
Acceding to this request, St. Denis set out for Coahuila with the
Hasinai chief Bernadino and 25 other Indians. At the River San
Marcos he met and defeated 200 coast Indians, after which all of the
Hasinai returned to their homes except the chief and 3 companions.
Six weeks after leaving the Hasinai towns they came to the Presidio cf
San Juan Bautista, and its commander, Capt. Don Diego Ramén,
sent his French guest on to Mexico City, which he reached early in
June. At a meeting of Spanish officials on August 22, 1715, it was
determined to reoccupy eastern Texas and reestablish missions—the
number later fixed at four—among the Indians there. On Septem-
ber 80 Don Diego Ramén was appointed captain and leader of the
expedition. The viceroy also engaged St. Denis to accompany it
as second in command, and, accordingly, he left Mexico on October
26, but made several stops on the way, one of them apparently at
the mission of San Juan Bautista to espouse Dofia Maria Ramén,
the granddaughter of Don Diego Ramon, though it is claimed by
some that the marriage took place in Natchitoches. This expedition
consisted of 75 people, including 6 Queréteran missionaries, and 2
Zacatecans besides 2 lay brothers. Father Margil, President of the
Zacatecans, was taken seriously ill, however, and it was decided
to push on without him, so that the final start was made from the
Presidio of San Juan Bautista on April 27, 1716, and it was not
until June 24 that they came into the neighborhood of their objec-
tive. On approaching the first town St. Denis went forward with
a son of Captain Ramon and soon returned (on June 26) with a
delegation of chiefs. The usual pipe-smoking ceremony having been
performed, the latter led the way to their village where other Indians
came bringing presents of corn, watermelons, and tamales. On

54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

June 28 they reached the site of the abandoned Mission of San Fran-
cisco de los Texas, but Captain Ramon, the missionaries, and some
of the Indian chiefs thought it best to pick out another site for the
new establishment, and they chose one 4 leagues farther inland and
on the other side of Neches River. Here on July 3, 1716, they estab-
lished the Mission of San Francisco de los Neches (or de los Texas)
and placed Father Hidalgo in charge. This mission was intended to
serve the Neches, Nabedache, Nacogdoches, and Nacono tribes. A
short distance away Ramon established the Presidio of Nuestra
Sefiora de los Dolores de los Texas.

The Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de la Purisima Concepcién was
founded 4 days later among the Hainai, 8 or 9 leagues northeast of
the first, and placed in charge of Father Vergara. The third,
Nuestra Seflora de Guadalupe, was established July 9 for the Nacog-
doche and Nacao in the village of the former, and placed in the
care of Father Margil for the Zacatecans; and next day, one called
San José de los Nazones was created for the Nasoni and Nadaco
(Anadarko) in the Nasoni village, and given to the care of the
Queréteran Father Sanchez. Heusinger continues:

At all these places log houses and small wooden churches were hastily erected
with the assistance of the Indians. Of the four missions, that of Concepciédn
became the most famous. Because of its strategic location it became the
headquarters of the province of Texas of the College of Santa Cruz de Queré-
tero. The president of the Queréteran missions, Padre Ysidro Felix de Espinosa,
personally took charge of this establishment and from it he directed the
activities of the other two.....

The Spaniards soon learned that the French had established a post at
Natchitoches, close to their territory. Since this would serve the French as
a convenient point for communication with the Indians it was determined
to investigate conditions. Ramon and Margil with a small following made an
expedition to the French post. As only two Frenchmen were found, Ramon and
Margil thought it best to found a mission as close as possible to the point where
the French would most probably enter into Spanish territory. Thus, returning
westward eight leagues—near the present Robeline, Louisiana—they came to
the village of the Adaes and founded a mission among them on January 29,
1717 [but Castafieda says it was late in 1716], calling it San Miguel de Linares.

Padre Margil, urged on by missionary zeal, pushed forward to found a mission
among the Yatasi, but was prevented by floods from reaching his goal. On
his return he founded a second mission. This was among the Ays Indians, at
the site of modern San Augustine, Texas. Like its predecessor it was a Zacate-
can mission, and it was named Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores. Margil placed
Padre Augustin Patr6én de Guzman and a lay brother in charge [Heusinger,
1936, pp. 58-66; Morfi, 1935, vol. 1, p. 229; Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, pp. 33-69],
but also made it his own headquarters [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, p. 57].

Meanwhile St. Denis had passed on to Mobile where he arrived
August 25. There he organized a trading company and early in Octo-
ber 1716 set out—with or without his partners—for Mexico with a
large quantity of merchandise. He reached Natchitoches on November

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY a9)

25 and soon departed alone for the Hasinai country, where he was
joined by his partners late in December. Among the Hyeish at this
time were 2 Franciscan missionaries, 3 soldiers, and a Spanish wo-
man. At Nacogdoches were 4 Franciscans, a brother, 2 soldiers,
and another Spanish woman. Among the Hasinai (Hainai), where
the Frenchmen met, they found two Franciscans, a soldier, and a
Spanish woman. The same month St. Denis started with a large
part of his company’s merchandise for the Rio Grande. The first day
he came to the Spanish presidio where were a captain, an ensign, and
25 soldiers. The second day, March 22, he made 10 leagues and
passed the last Hasinai mission, evidently that of the Nabedache,
where were 2 religious and a few soldiers, who supplied them with
some relief horses. Between the 23d and 24th they covered 18 leagues
and reached Trinity River for the night. St. Denis arrived at the
Presidio of San Juan Bautista in April, after suffering some losses
at the hands of the Indians. There, however, his merchandise was
seized and when he went on to the City of Mexico to secure its release,
he himself was imprisoned. His partners thereupon entrusted their
trading goods to the missionaries, who obtained a good price for them
in Nuevo Leon, and then returned to Mobile, which they reached on
October 25, 1717. After varying fortunes in Mexico, St. Denis,
with the aid of his wife’s relatives, made his escape September 5,
1718, returned to the Presidio of San Juan Bautista, and reached
Natchitoches February 24, 1719. Some years later his wife was sent
by her relatives to rejoin him. On March 24 he was at Dauphin
Island. (Morfi, 1935, vol. 1, pp. 187-190; Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5,
pp. 494-505, 527-535, vol. 6, pp. 200-202; Beaurain, 1831, p. 203.)

Meanwhile, in January 1717, Bienville had forestalled any designs
of the Spaniards upon the post at Natchitoches by sending thither a
sergeant. and six soldiers. The sergeant was probably that M. de
Tissenet who assisted the Spanish missionaries in 1718 (Bienville
ms.).

The condition of the Caddo tribes on Red River as revealed to Bien-
ville through his explorations is given in a short Manuscript Memoir
by that commander written about this time, from which we quote the
following:

Twenty leagues from the Tchetimachas one finds the mouth of Red River, an
_ affluent of the Missicipy. One must ascend six leagues before coming to a little
_ branch of this river on the left hand of which are settled the Houbiels [Avoyels]
_ the Natchitoches, the Louchetehona [Doustioni], and Yatacés, the Adayés, the
_ Cadodakios, the Nassonites, the Natchitouches, Natsohos, Quitchiaiches [Kichai].
_ The four last mentioned nations are gathered in one village 80 leagues above the
Natchitoches, that is to say 150 leagues up Red River. They make war on the
Cannecy [Apache] allies of the Spaniards. They travel on horses and are still
_ able to put 200 men into the field. They are respected by their enemies although
| they have few firearms. They formerly numbered 500 to 600 men.

56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 182

The Natchitoches, Louchetehonis, and Yatacés also form one village. When I
passed in the year 1700 they numbered at least 400. Now they are unable to
furnish more than 80 men. They are by nature cowardly and lazy, little given to
agriculture, but very good hunters. These are the first savages I have found
with a kind of religion, which has in it much idolatry. They have a temple filled
with many (idols) which have the shapes of toads and many other animals.

Seven leagues directly west of and behind the village of the Natchitoches are
the Adayés numbering 100 men as cowardly and lazy as their neighbors. The
Spaniards have a little establishment among them, the foundations of which
were laid in 1715, a feeble obstacle to us if the interest of the nation compels
us to advance farther. [Bienville ms.]

The Quitchiaiches (Kichai) may have got misplaced in Bien-
ville’s narrative, for the four tribes which formed one village were the
four whose names precede it. The Kichai seem to have been in the
habit of attaching themselves now to one tribe and now to another,
sometimes with a Caddo group but more often with the Wichita and
their confederates. The Houbiels or Avoyel were not a Caddo tribe.

In each community where the Spaniards had established a mission
a captain-general was chosen by the Indians subject to the approval of
Captain Ramon. The French remained an element of danger because
of the many presents they were in the habit of making at Natchitoches
and the Viceroy was petitioned to offset these by equal generosity
(Heusinger, 1936, pp. 67-68). Between October 14 and November 28,
1718, Martin de Alarcon visited the East Texas missions, distributed
gifts and left supplies for the soldiers and missionaries, and visited
the French post at Natchitoches, but his expedition resulted in no
changes of consequence (Heusinger, 1936, pp. 71-76; Castafieda, 1936,
vol. 2, pp. 102-109).

The next important French expedition into the Caddo country set
out from New Orleans, December 17, 1718, under Bernard de la Harpe,
who had been commissioned to establish a post in the country of the
Kadohadacho and to carry on explorations among the tribes of that
imperfectly known section. January 15, 1719, he entered Red River
and presently arrived at the Natchitoches post, which he found under
the command of a lieutenant named Blondel. Father Manuel of the
Adai mission was there at that time and informed him of the expedi-
tion of Alarcon who, he said, intended to return later and set up a post
among the Kadohadacho. Besides the original inhabitants of the re-
gion, the Natchitoches and Doustioni, a part of the Yatasi had come
there, having been brought down from their old country by Bienville
in 1717. Desiring to forestall the expected second expedition of Alar-
con, La Harpe left Natchitoches on March 6, 1719. Next day he passed
a little Yatay (Adai) village 1 league overland from Natchitoches.
March 9 he encamped in the country of the Adai, and passed another
Adai village on the 10th, noting that these people lived on the river
only when the water was low. April 1 he encamped at the mouth of

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 57

a river which he called Riviére de l’Ours, the modern Sulphur River,
along which he determined to make his way to the village of the Nas-
sonites, the distance being 5 leagues by the smaller river plus 10 of
land travel, while by Red River it would have been 52 leagues. At the
Nasoni village he was met by its chief and the chiefs of the Kadohada-
cho, Nanatsoho, and the upper Natchitoches town. He learned that
the Naouydiches and other wandering nations had made peace with
them, that the village of the Nadacos was 60 leagues south, and the
Amediche (Namidish) village 70 leagues south by southeast, the two
being not far from 10 leagues apart. On April 7 he ascended Red
River 10 leagues to a site once occupied by the Nanatsoho.

The Indians of the assembled tribes prepared for him on his
arrival at the Nasoni town a feast of smoke-dried fish, and, after
it was consumed, the venerable chief of the Kadohadacho delivered
a speech of welcome “which moved his people to tears.” With
these tribes lived a second section of the Yatasi who. had been
so severely handled by the Chickasaw that they had left their
own town in 1717, another part of them, as we have seen, removing
to the Natchitoches post. The Indians had been in the habit of liv-
ing in scattered settlements and for that reason had been decimated
by their enemies to such an extent that they had been reduced, it was
claimed, from 2,500 to 500. La Harpe expressed a desire to restore
the Yatasi to their old country.

On April 21 the boats which had pursued the longer course by
Red River arrived, and on the 25th he began the establishment at
a place previously selected by him, on the south bank of the
stream, a gunshot distance from the dwelling of the Nasoni chief.
He was obliged to buy from the Nasoni chief his cabin and his
land, an eighth of a league inland. La Harpe’s dwelling was en-
closed in a stockade, and the Indians aided him in its construction.
On May 20 he sent some of his men to obtain salt at a small
stream 3 days’ journey away, and they returned with 200 pounds.
On June 6 some Nadaco chiefs came to visit him. He also learned
that the chief of the Naouydiches and 40 warriors were on a
branch of the “riviére des Ouachitas”—which seems to have been
the Boggy and not the Washita River of Oklahoma, as might be
assumed. After completing his post, La Harpe sent St. Francois,
the corporal of the garrison, who spoke many Indian tongues, to the
Hasinai with letters to Martin de Alarcon from Bienville and him-
self. June 6 the messenger returned accompanied by several Nadaco
chiefs and with a letter from Alarcon. June 24 a “Dulchioni” man
from Natchitoches came to inform the Nasoni that the French and
Spaniards were at war and to solicit them to declare for the former.

299671—42—_5

58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 192

They answered that they did not care to be mixed up in the affair
but would defend their guests if they were attacked. July 297 an
officer named Du Rivage who had been sent up Red River on an
exploring expedition returned and reported that he had encountered
several bands of Indians among which he mentions one called
Nouydiches (or Nahouidiches), which appears to have been an
errant band of Caddo of the Namidish subdivision.

August 1, 1719, the corporal who had been sent to the Hasinai
returned with some chiefs of that nation who came to assure him
of their neutrality. They brought news that (on June 19) M.
Blondel with seven men had attacked the Adai mission.? The priest
happened to be absent on a visit to his superior, Father Margil,
but the lay brother who had charge in his absence escaped and
carried the news to the latter. The French captured a ragged
soldier and carried off the sacred vessels and all the other belongings
of the mission as well. The escaped lay brother had been informed
that a hundred more men were soon expected to take possession of
all of the other missions, and upon hearing this through Margil,
Ramon, the soldiers, and the missionaries withdrew to the west
side of Trinity River and finally to Villa de Bejar, which they
reached in October 1718 (Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, p. 118). Margil
and Espinosa remained at Concepcién for a time but later joined
the others.

Relieved of any fears on account of the Spaniards, La Harpe now
undertook an expedition to the northwest, taking with him two offi-
cers, three soldiers, one of whom spoke “the Indian tongue,” two
laborers, and two negroes, besides two “Quidehais and Nahouidiches”
who had come up with him, and a Nasoni Indian. He set out on
August 11 with 12 horses laden partly with provisions and merchan-
dise. On the 28th they met a “Naouidiche” scout who informed them
that they must be on their guard against 60 Canecy (Apache) raiders
and that 6 leagues farther on the head chief of his own nation was
encamped on the banks of the Riviére des Ouatchitas (the Boggy)
with 40 warriors and that they were on their way to the Touacaro
(Tawakoni). Two days later they came upon this band on the banks
of the river in question “occupied in smoke-drying ‘lions’, animals
of the size of a horse but not so long, the skin red, the legs thin, and
the foot cloven. Its flesh is white and delicate.” ® The “Naouidiches”
accompanied them to a branch of Arkansas River, probably the
Canadian, and all continued on until September 3, when they encoun-
tered the chief of the Touacaros (Tawakoni) and chiefs of six other

7™The Margry narrative seems to imply June 29, but Beaurain has July 29 and is prob-
ably correct.

§ Morfi is evidently in error in attributing this attack to St. Denis.

° This “lion” was evidently a buffalo.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 59

tribes who had come to meet him. They communicated with the
French officer through a “Naouidiche” Indian who spoke the Nassonite
language, and he went on to their town, which was on high banks
along the river in latitude 37°45’ [about 34°45’]. These people be-
longed for the most part to the Wichita Confederation. September 13
La Harpe set out on the return journey and reached his post on October
18. On the 27th he started for New Orleans and was overtaken by sick-
ness by the time he reached the Natchitoches portage on November
21, where he remained until December 4, being visited in the mean-
time by many Adai Indians. This tribe was reputed to have the
most famous jugglers or sorcerers and they used every effort to cure
him, finding him in the last extremity. Two days afterward they
took him to the lake on a litter and placed him in a dugout in which
he was carried 10 leagues toward Natchitoches and the rest of the way
by land, although he suffered unbelievably from pain. He reached
that place December 10, and, after recovering somewhat, left for New
Orleans January 3, 1720, and arrived there on the 26th (Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 6, pp. 248-806; Beaurain, 1831, pp. 179-219).

On July 1, 1720, St. Denis was appointed commandant of the
post of Natchitoches (St. Jean Baptiste aux Nachitos) and he had
conferred upon him the cross of St. Louis, but at what time is un-
certain (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, pp. 220-221; Morfi, 1935, note, p.
231). The same spring word was brought to him that a French
officer named Simars de Belle-Isle was held in captivity by the
Arkokisa and Bidai Indians of the lower Trinity. Belle-Isle was the
surviving member of a party which had gone ashore in Trinity Bay
from the vessel le Maréchal-d’E'strées and fallen into the hands of the
Indians. St. Denis thereupon solicited the Hasinai to rescue him
and they did so promptly, the coast Indians all standing in awe of
their neighbors to the north. Belle-Isle finally arrived in New
Orleans April 4, 1721 (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, pp. 230-347).

Meantime French activities had alarmed the Spaniards to such an
extent that they determined upon another expedition into East Texas.
This was led by the Marquis de San Miguel de Aguayo, Governor
of Coahuila. While the party was on the Rio Grande, where they
were delayed 3 months, rumors reached them that St. Denis and
other Frenchmen were holding councils with the Sana Indians, and
these were presently confirmed by a scout who reported that the con-
ference was being held “above the Texas road between the two
branches of the Brazos.” On May 13, 1721, Aguayo set out from

_ the Presidio of San Antonio under the guidance of Juan Rodriguez,
chief of the Rancheria Grande Indians, and accompanied by the
_ Padres Margil, Gabriel Vergara, and José Guerra, and Friars José
_ Albadejo and José Pita. On July 9 they reached the Trinity, the

|
;

60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

crossing of which required 16 days, and here they were met by the
Hainai chief, eight other native chiefs, and four Indian women, in-
cluding the famous Angelina from whom the Texas River so-called
received its name.

On July 27 Father Espinosa went forward with the new captain
general of the Texas to arrange for the reception of Aguayo by the
Indians at the site where the first mission had been founded. The
next day he arrived and was met by “a great number of Indians,
of all ages and of both sexes,” who “came from the surrounding
country to greet the Spaniards, all bringing some gifts, such as
flowers, wild fruit, watermelons, pinole, or beans, in proof of their
love. Aguayo received them kindly and dressed every one of them,
and they all went away very happy and grateful.”

Morfi continues as follows:

There came also one of the chiefs of the Neches with sixty men and women
of his tribe. They entered the encampment and fired several salutes with their
guns, whereupon they were welcomed with pleasure. After the ceremony of the
peace pipe, the chief made an address in which he expressed their joy at witnessing
the return of the Spaniards and the fear their stay would be temporary. He
offered, in his name and that of his followers, to cooperate with Aguayo to
enable him and his men to establish a settlement. Thanks were extended to
him, as were due, but the distribution of clothes was postponed until the site
of the mission of San Francisco was reached, which was near to their pueblo.
They were given food supplies to last them until that time.

At dusk that same day, a Frenchman arrived in camp, sent by Saint Denis, com-
mander of the French on that frontier, who declared that his superior officer
was at the site on which Concepcién mission and the capital of the province
[of the Texas] had been. He solicited a passport for Saint Denis, who, if
granted permission, was ready to call on the Marquis of Aguayo to acquaint
him with the instructions he had received from the governor of Mobile. Aguayo
replied that he [St. Denis] was free to come whenever he pleased, and gave
his [Aguayo’s] word of honor to assure his personal safety. The messenger left
the next morning.

The expedition continued its march and, after crossing the plain on which
the presidio was established in 1716, set up its camp, July 29, on the bank of the
Neches. The following day about one hundred Indians came, of both sexes and
all ages, all of the Nacono tribe, who lived five leagues away from where our
camp was situated and belonged to the mission of San Francisco de los Neches.
They were led by a chief who was also their high priest and of whom it was
said he had put his eyes out in his old age in order to obtain his dignity, there
being the custom among them that the high priest be blind. He made a long
speech and accompanied his words with the most pathetic gestures to express
his joy and that of his people for the return of the Spaniards. Aguayo replied
through the interpreter, and his words so pleased the chief that he addressed
his followers and pointed out the blessings that would accrue to them from living
together [with the Spaniards] and winning their friendship. [He urged them]
to look upon us as brothers who were the friends of their friends and the enemies
of their enemies, and he entreated them to prove their love by going immediately
in search of game to present to their new neighbors.

SWANTON J CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 61

The next day they brought tamales, fresh ears of corn, pinole, beans, and
watermelons, which, though in a moderate amount, made a bountiful present
considering their poverty. Aguayo was deeply impressed by their action and
dressed all of them, distributing many pocket- and butcher-knives, scissors, combs,
and sundry trinkets, all of which are highly prized by them. To the chief he
gave a silver-mounted cane and a complete suit of Spanish clothes, and to his
wife twice the number of presents given the others. This pleased and over-
joyed all the Indians, who were delighted to see their chief in his new attire.
[Morfi, 1935, pp. 204-206; Heusinger, 1936, pp. 96-110; see also Castafieda, 1936,
vol. 2, chap. 4.]

Saint Denis arrived the same day, July 31, and on the following
morning a conference was held between the two commanders at which
the Frenchman stated that he was disposed to observe the truce then
existing between the two nations and inquired whether Aguayo was
disposed to do likewise. The Spaniard replied in the affirmative on
condition that the Frenchmen should withdraw entirely from the
province of Texas including Los Adaes, all of which he intended
to reoccupy. Saint Denis acceded to these terms, though making
some remarks in disparagement of the Adai post, which he would
probably have prefered that they should abandon on account of its
proximity to Natchitoches.

On the second of August, while still west of the Neches, Aguayo sent ahead
two detachments, one with Father Joseph Guerra to the site of the second
mission of San Francisco, the other under Fathers Gabriel Vergara and Benito
Sanchez to the mission of Concepcién, to rebuild the churches and houses.
[Buckley, 1911, p. 45.]

On the 8rd the expedition crossed the river [Neches], and on the 5th witnessed
the formal re-establishment of the Mission of San Francisco de los Neches,
“commonly called de los Téxas.” Due solemnity and appropriate exercises
marked the refounding, the order of ceremony being what in general was
observed at the founding and refounding of all missions. Solemn high mass
was celebrated, salutes fired, bells rung, bugles blown, and drums beaten; next
Aguayo formally invested with a cane the one whom he had chosen captain
of the tribe; then followed the distribution of clothing and gifts,—which in
this case, we are told, was more lavish than had ever before been witnessed by
the Indians. [Buckley, 1911, pp. 45-46.]

Father Espinosa then made a speech to the Indians, since he knew

their language, a speech containing a judicious mixture of religion
and politics.
Finally came the formal acts of possession, by which Aguayo, in the name of
the king, gave the Indians the lands and waters nearby, and left in charge of
the mission Father Joseph Guerra of the College of Querétaro. [Buckley, 1911,
pp. 45-46.)

The Spaniards, as was their wont, urged these Indians to gather
into large towns, and Aguayo named the town which it was expected
they would form here San Francisco de Valero. The Indians prom-
ised to come together after gathering their crops, which had been
planted in different places.

On the very day on which this ceremony took place Aguayo and
his party set forward, crossed the Angelina on the 6th, and reached
the Mission of La Purisima Concepcién, the only one that had not

62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 182

been entirely destroyed, half a league east of the river. They en-
camped on the site of the old presidio 1 league beyond, so that
the horses would not eat the Indians’ corn.

The church was completed on the 7th, and Aguayo arranged that on the next
day, the battalion, the companies of Alonzo Cardenas and Juan Cortinas, and
the eight companies that had made up the expedition from Monclova, making
ten in all, should be present at the refounding. Father Margil celebrated mass,
Father Espinosa preached ‘“‘an eloquent and touching” sermon, while the Indians,
“among them some eighty Cadodachos,” were awed by the simultaneous dis-
charge of the artillery and at the presence of so many Spaniards. Aguayo as-
sured the natives that their occupation would this time be permanent. And
to gain the good will of Cheocas, the Aynay chief, seeing that he had a large
following, he requested the Indian to assemble his people, that gifts might be
distributed among them. When the day came the eighty Cadodachos [who had
come to attend the convocation called by Saint Denis] were present among the
four hundred to be regaled. The Spanish commander took special pains to
please these, sending clothes and trinkets to their people at home,—hoping
thereby to gain their good will in advance of his arrival. The day’s work was
closed by the formal act of placing the College of Querétaro in possession
through its representatives, Espinosa and Vergara, and by the formal investi-
ture of Cheocas ag governor. [Buckley, 1911, p. 47.]

On the 9th Aguayo sent a lieutenant with an escort and Father Benito
S4nchez, to rebuild the church and priest’s house at the Mission of San Joseph
de los Nazonis, eight leagues northeastward from Concepcién. On the 18th [or
12th], leaving the main part of the force to rest at Concepcién, Aguayo passed
to the Nazonis, and solemnly re-established the mission, leaving as missionary
Benito Sanchez of the College of Querétaro. [Buckley, 1911, p. 48.]

On the 14th Aguayo returned to Concepcién and installed Juan
Cortinas and his company of 25 soldiers in the old presidio 1 league
away.

It occupied an advantageous position on a hill, overlooking the country, with
the arroyo of Nuestra Sefiora de la Assumpci6én (evidently the first eastern
branch of the Angelina) running at its base. The fortifications were not
outlined until Aguayo’s return from Los Adaes. The fort was to be square,
with two bastions on diagonal corners, each to cover two wings, which were
io be sixty varas in length. The diary gives the impression that the company
installed had formerly occupied the presidio. The company may have been
the same, but Cortinas was evidently the captain at this time. [Buckley, 1911,
p. 48.]

Margil and two other friars were sent to this mission on August
10 (Morfi, 1935, p. 212, and note, p. 238). To resume:

On the same day, the 15th, the expedition took up the march for the next
mission, at Nacogdoches [Our Lady of Guadalupe of Albuquerque of the Nacog-
doches]. On the 18th the new church was dedicated. Father Margil, on be-
half of the College of Zacatecas, received possession, and Father Joseph
Rodriguez remained as missionary. Aguayo repeated the presentation of the
Silver-headed cane to the chosen captain, enjoined upon the Indians the forma-
tion of puebdlos, distributed gifts lavishly, and clothed one hundred and ninety
Indians. [Buckley, 1911, pp. 48—49.]

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 63

On the 21st of August, after traveling three days through lands of walnuts,
pines, oaks, and glades, having had to bridge several streams, the expedition
camped one-fourth of a league beyond where the mission of Dolores had stood.
The mission was rebuilt here, beside a stream, and near a spring of water,
where the high and clear grounds and the surrounding plains offered induce-
ments for planting. [Buckley, 1911, pp. 50-51.]

It was dedicated on the 23d.

On the 24th, Aguayo left Dolores for San Miguel. The route lay for six
days of his travel east-northeast, through brushy lands of walnuts, pines, and
oaks, over glens and plains, and across many streams. The most important
of these were the modern Palo Guacho, the Patroon, and the Sabine. [Buckley,
1911, p. 50.]

On the 26th, it was necessary to reenforce the vanguard to enable
it to cut a road through woods so thick that they blocked the
way (Morfi, 1935, vol. 1, p. 218). On the 29th, Aguayo reached the
site of the mission and camped half a league beyond it because there
was no running water in the creek. No Indians were found at Los
Adaes and parties were sent out to hunt for them, which discovered
that their nearest rancherias were some 10 to 12 leagues off.

On September 1, the cazique of the Adaes nation with many of his following
visited the Spanish camp. All expressed themselves as joyful at the return of the
Spaniards, and explained that at the time of the French invasion they had been
driven out of their land because they had shown regret at the departure of the
Spaniards. The French had, moreover, they said, taken some of the Adaes women
and children as slaves, and had shown such hostility that the Indians were com-
pelled to leave that locality and retire to a less fertile one higher up, hence
their absence when the Spanish arrived. [They complained particularly of
ill-treatment by the Natichitoches Indians.] Learning now of Aguayo’s intention
to erect a presidio and a mission, they decided to return to their old home.
[At that time they were said to number more than 400.]

The same day, September 1, Aguayo received a letter from Rerenor, the French
commandant at Natchitoches. After the usual courtesies, it stated that Saint
Denis on his return from Texas in August, had immediately proceeded to Mobile,
to inform the governor of the coming of the Spaniards. Therefore, Rerenor, not
having orders to let the Spaniards settle, asked the commander to abstain from
definite action till Saint Denis could return. In answer Aguayo wrote that,
as “the matters of war could not be well settled by pen,” he was sending his
lieutenant Almazin and Captain Gabriel Costales to have a personal conference
with the commandant at Natchitoches. The former were instructed to observe
the situation and condition of the French post. Almazdén explained to Rerenor
that the Spaniards had come determined to occupy Los Adaes, as they had
already done at Los Téxas, to rebuild the mission of San Miguel, and to erect a
presidio on that frontier where it might seem most fit. Rerenor replied that he
had no definite orders either to agree to or to prohibit such an act, and that he
would therefore be content with a mutual observation of the truce between
Spain and France. [Buckley, 1911, pp. 51-52.]

Immediately on the return of the envoys the marquis, without losing time,
looked for a suitable place for the erection of a presidio. The ground in the
neighborhood was carefully explored, and after many considerations, there was
no place found more suited [for the purpose] than the one where the camp

64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

lad been established, on the road to Natchitoches itself, seven leagues distant
from that place, and one league from the lake through which the Cadodachog
river flows before entering Red river. The rest of the country was found to be
too thickly covered by heavy woods. Furthermore, in the location chosen there
were good plains or valleys on which to establish the mission near the fort, with
abundant land for both the Indians and the Spanish soldiers to have their sep-
arate fields, and an abundant supply of water suitable for irrigation. Here
then, the marquis established the presidio, the foundations of which gave con-
siderable trouble, it being necessary to dig them with bars in the solid rock.
Taking into account the character of the ground, the number of the garrison
that was to be left, and the scant artillery at his disposal for its defense, Aguayo
constructed a hexagonal fort with three bastions. Hach of these was provided
with two small cannon mounted in such a manner as to protect two curtains of
fifty-five varas each. He left a garrison of one hundred men in order that
thirty could always watch the horses of the fort and seventy be left free at all
times for its defense. Of these, thirty-one had families. It was the intention
that these, and such others as might come later, should gradually form a settle-
ment, without causing new expense to the royal treasury. The water supply
was protected by the artillery, being only a gunshot’s distance, but, to prevent
contingencies, orders were issued for the excavation of wells within the fort,
which was enclosed by a stockade, the bastions being protected by earthwork,
until they could be replaced by stone defenses. To the fatigue of this work
was added that of cutting down many thick trees that covered the ground in
order to clear the approaches,—this to keep the enemy from approaching under
cover and surprising the fort... The Indians informed him of a saline
located fifteen leagues from the fort. A lieutenant was sent with twenty men
to reconnoiter it, who brought back twenty-five mules laden with salt ore, of
such high grade that it yielded fifty per cent; that is, one arroba of salt ore
yields half an arroba of excellent salt. [Morfi, 1935, vol. 1, pp. 217-219.]

The mission was finally reestablished on September 29, the feast of
St. Michael the Archangel (Morfi, 1935, vol. 1, p. 219), but the
buildings were not erected until later. San Miguel de los Adaes was
on a hill one-fourth of a league from the presidio and with a creek
between.

Father Margil, president of the Zacatecan missions, remained there in charge.

The relative position of mission and presidio is shown by Le Page du Pratz; the
intervening arroyo was probably the arroyo Hondo. [Buckley, 1911, p. 52.]

Buckley continues:

As near as can be ascertained from distance and direction from the other
missions and from other evidence, the establishment was near the present
town of Robeline, La. A mission was founded for a colony of Mexicans in
the early part of last century, about two miles west of Robeline, and went by
the name of Adayes in the records and directories down to the seventies.
This continuity of name, and, as far as can be ascertained, the approximate
location, give reason to believe that the Mexican colony was settled at the
site of the Spanish mission of 1721.1°

Meantime, on September 8, a ship laden with provisions had
reached La Bahia from Mexico and on October 20 part of the cargo

10 Buckley, 1911, pp. 52-53; the expedition is exhaustively covered by Castafieda (1936,
vol. 2, chap. 4).

:

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 65

was brought on to Los Adaes on mules left at San Antonio for that
purpose. On November 1, 400 sheep and 300 cattle reached Los Adaes
from Nuevo Leon. Aguayo set out on his return on November 17.
On the 29th he reached the Presidio of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores
and outlined its fortifications. December 9, near Trinity River,
he met a second train of provisions from La Bahia and sent part of
it back to Los Adaes. The expedition reached San Antonio on Jan-
uary 22-23, 1722 (Buckley, 1911, p. 54).

News of the reoccupation of Los Adaes seems to have reached Mo-
bile on September 16. Beaurain (1831, p. 350) appears to have the
date 2 years too late and he calls Aguayo “the Marquis de la Guallo.”
On December 10 Bienville “entered a vigorous protest against it,” but
Aguayo had by that time accomplished his work, as we have seen,
and was on the way back to Mexico. Los Adaes became the capital
of the province of Texas and so continued for half a century. Father
Margil remained there until June 1722, when he returned to Mexico,
where he died on August 6, 1726 (Heusinger, 1936, pp. 104-105).

The east Texas missions thus appeared to have been resurrected
with the most brilliant prospects. These, however, were soon clouded
over. During the Governorship of Don Melchor de Mediavilla y
Azcona, 1726-30, a visttador in the person of Gen. Pedro de Rivera
was sent to the province and, according to his report (dated March 23,
1728),

there was not a single Indian at San Miguel de los Adaes; at Nuestra Sefiora
de los Ais there was one small rancheria, but not a single convert; at Nuestra
Sefiora de Guadalupe de Nacogdoches, although there were many Indians,
industrious and well-disposed, they were all still heathens; at three missions,
Nuestra Sefiora de la Concepcién, San Francisco de los Neches, and San José
de los Nazones, there were no Indians at all, with little hope of ever getting any.
{Heusinger, 1986, pp. 111, 112.]

He recommended that the Presidio of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores

be suppressed and the garrison of Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar de los
Adaes be reduced to 60 men, which was presently done.
The missionaries of the Querétaran missions, now having been deprived of
protection, and themselves despairing of making any headway with the Indians,
asked permission of the viceroy to transfer their establishments to a more
favorable location. [Heusinger, 1936, p. 114.]

The request was granted and on March 5, 1731, three new mis-
sions were (formally) founded in the neighborhood of the present
City of San Antonio. Nuestra Sefiora de la Purisima Concepcién
de los Hainai (or de los Hasinai) became Nuestra Sefiora de la
Purisima Concepcién de Acufia, San Francisco de los Neches became
San Francisco de la Espada, and San José de los Nazones became
San Juan Capistrano, the radical change in the name of the last hav-
ing been made in order to distinguish this mission from one already

66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

existing there called San José de Aguayo. The Queréteran mis-
sions thus pass out of the history of the Hasinai people (Heusinger,
1936, pp. 114-117.)

The Adai post was now left more and more isolated on the side
of Texas and it is not surprising that relations between its inhabi-
tants and those of the neighboring Natchitoches post should improve
although they were under different flags. To quote Bolton:

In spite of these various forms of border friction, the relations of the two
lonely outposts, Los Adaes and Natchitoches, were, on the whole, friendly,
as might well be expected. When, for example, Bustillo, the new governor,
arrived in Texas in 1731, the French officials went to Adaes to pay their com-
pliments. When in the same year the Natchez Indians attacked Natchitoches,
Saint Denis appealed to Bustillo for help. In response the Spanish governor
sent eleven soldiers and a contingent of Indian allies. For twenty-two days
they took part in the defense of besieged Natchitoches, one Spanish soldier
being killed. Out of gratitude for this aid, Saint Denis sent Bustillo a present
of some captive Indian women, which, however, the Spanish governor declined
with thanks. In after years the aid thus given by the Texas Indians against
the Natchez seldom failed to be recalled in the oratory of the border councils.
[Bolton, 1915, p. 40.]

Charlevoix describes this affair with the Natchez as follows:

The Flour chief, after the miscarriage of his plot at the Tonicas, proceeded
to join those of his nation who had escaped Perrier on the Black river, led
them to Natchitoches, where De St. Denys was with but a few soldiers, and
besieged him in his fort. St. Denys at once sent an express to the Commandant-
General to ask relief, and on the 21st of October Mr. De Loubois set out from
New Orleans at the head of 60 men to reenforce him. He had advanced six
leagues up Red River, and was only seven or eight days’ march from the
Natchitoches, when the Sieur Fontaine, sent by De St. Denys to Perrier, in-
formed him that the Natchez had been defeated; that the Natchitoches had
at the outset wished to attack them, but being only 40 against 200, they had
been compelled to retire, and even abandon their village after losing 4 of their
men; that the Natchez had seized the village, and intrenched themselves there;
that then De St. Denys, having received a reinforcement of Assinais and At-
tacapas, who were joined by some Spaniards, had attacked the enemy’s in-
trenchments and killed 82, including all their chiefs; that all the survivors
had taken flight, and that the Natchitoches were in close pursuit. [Charlevoix,
1872, vol. 6, pp. 117-118.]

The three Zacatecan missions remained among the eastern Caddo,
but they can hardly be said to have flourished.

The removal of the French post at Natchitoches to the west side
of the Red River in 1735, in consequence of the overflow of that
stream, occasioned a heated exchange of communications between
Governor Sandoval, then absent at Béxar, and his lieutenant José
Gonzales at Los Adaes on one side, and St. Denis on the other, the
Spaniards claiming that the Red River had always been the bound-
ary between the two nations. The protests were of no avail, how-
ever; it was shown to the satisfaction of the higher Spanish authori-

:
:

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 67

ties that the recognized boundary between the two nations had been
the Arroyo Hondo and La Gran Montafia, and Sandoval was re-
warded for his zeal in the Spanish cause by imprisonment in 1736
at the Presidio of Los Adaes by his successor Carlos Benites Franquis
de Lugo, a Canary Islander (Bolton, 1915, pp. 33-34). The new
governor was soon in trouble himself, however. Morfi says:

Franquis was accused of taking the Indians from the missions to make them
work outside of their pueblos. Being maltreated, the Indians fled to the woods,
diminishing thereby the number of the converted and keeping the unconverted
informed of this violence through the deserters. An appeal was made to the
viceroy for a remedy, and his excellency ordered the governor, in his communi-
cation of March 6, 1736, to abstain, under pain of being fined, from taking Indians
out of the missions, since these could be used only at the discretion and with the
consent of the religious. [Morfi, 1935, vol. 2, pp. 285—286.]

Franquis refusing to change his conduct, an investigation was
ordered, but he was ultimately acquitted. Nevertheless, he was super-
seded in the government by Don Prudencio de Orobio y Basterra.
Meanwhile, the influence of the French traders was becoming more
and more pronounced every year. We quote again from Bolton:

More important than any question of the precise boundary was that of the
activities of French traders among the tribes of Texas. While the expedition
of the Marqués de Aguayo to eastern Texas in 1721 had determined the ownership
of Texas—or of what is now southern Texas—in favor of Spain,it did not by any
means give the Spaniards undisputed sway over the natives. The missionaries,
unsupported by an adequate military force, failed almost completely to convert
the Indians of eastern Texas, and they rightfully regarded this failure as due in
no small degree to the baneful influence of the neighboring French. The men of
the latter nation were skillful Indian traders, and readily affiliated with the
savages. On the other hand, the narrow commercial policy of Spain permitted
trade with the Indians only under the strictest regulations, and entirely pro-
hibited supplying them with firearms. As a consequence the Indians of eastern
and northern Texas continued to look to the French for their weapons, ammuni-
tion, and most of their articles of commerce, for which they gave in exchange
their peltry and, to some extent, their agricultural products. As time went on
the complaints, in Spanish circles, of French trade and French influence among
the indians of Texas, increased.

The French traders operated even among the Hasinai, in whose very midst
the Spaniards were established, though not without liability to apprehension
and punishment, for such trade was strictly forbidden by law. Northern Texas
the Spaniards scarcely entered before the middle of the century, and there
the French traders were practically unimpeded. Among the Cadodacho the
French had founded the Nassonite post in 1719. This establishment, which
was maintained till after the Louisiana cession in 1762, was an effective bar-
rier to the Spaniards. A regular trail led from Natchitoches by way of the
Sabine to the Cadodacho. Depots were established at the villages of the
Petit Cado and Yatasi, further down the Red River. These trading stations,
together with the influence of Saint Denis, the imperious and blustering French
commander, were the basis of an almost undisputed French domination over
the Caddoan tribes of the northeastern Texas border. More than once the
Spanish authorities contemplated driving the French from the Cadodacho vil-

68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

lage, and erecting there a Spanish post, but the thought was never carried into
action. Indeed, any attempt to curtail the French trade among the natives
was made at the risk of bringing down upon the Spaniards the wrath of the
Indian tribes. [Bolton, 1915, pp. 34-36.]

In June 1744, when the distinguished French commandant, St. Denis,
passed away, Governor Boneo and Father President Vallejo from
Los Adaes were present to assist in the funeral honors (Bolton, 1915,
p. 41). St. Denis was succeeded by his son, Louis de St. Denis, who
enjoyed an equally commanding influence with the Caddo. In 1750
the Indians had openly rebelled and threatened to expel the Spaniards merely
because Governor Barrios had interfered with the trading operations of
[young] Saint Denis. In the following year Barrios sent Manuel Antonio De
Soto Vermuidez among the tribes to report on the operations of the French, but
in attempting to go from the Nasoni to the Nadote village, where Saint Denis
had a trading post, he was driven back by the Nadote chief. Immediately after
De Soto left, an assembly of five hundred warriors gathered at the Nadote vil-
lage and threatened to massacre all the Spaniards on the frontier, but they
were calmed by Saint Denis. [Bolton, 1915, p. 70.]

Early in 1754 Governor Barrios was instructed “to order Saint
Denis to withdraw his commission to the Nadote chief; to require
the commander of Natchitoches [César de Blanc] to recall the French
interpreters from the Indian villages on Spanish soil; and to ‘prevent
the commerce of the French with the Indians of Texas’ ” (Bolton,
1915, p. 72). Relations between the Adai and Natchitoches posts
continued friendly, however, for the most part, until the cession of
Louisiana to Spain in 1762 put an end to national rivalry in that
quarter.

With this cession, moreover, radical changes were made possible
in the government of East Texas. In August 1767, the Marques de
Rubi came to that section on a visit of inspection under commission
from the King, and as a result of his examination he recommended
that the Presidio del Pilar de los Adaes be abandoned

Since danger was no longer to be apprehended in that quarter, neither from
the Indians, who had always been peaceful, nor from the French, now that
Louisiana belonged to the crown of Spain... Los Ays and Nacogdoches mis-
Sions could also be abandoned since they involved a useless expenditure, and
the territory extending from Espiritu Santo to Los Adaes could be left un-
touched. [Heusinger, 1936, pp. 166-167.]

The next year Padre Gaspar José de Solis of the College of
Zacatecas visited the missions of his order. He found that the
mission
of Sefior San Miguel de Cuellar de los Adaes, to give it its full title as he does,
was beautifully rather than hygienically situated. It was on the side of a
hill that dominated a plain covered with a dense forest of pines, oaks, and

other trees, but its only supply of water was a small arroyo through which
trickled a thin and unsanitary stream. The church was built of logs and had

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 69

a shingle roof; though strongly constructed it had grown shabby with age.
The ecclesiastical ornaments and sacred vessels were also considerably the
worse for wear. The forty log houses which served as habitations for the
Indians likewise bore signs of decrepitude.

The spiritual condition of the mission was scarcely better than the material.
The proximity of the French fort and settlement of Natchitoches brought
sad results in its train; well supplied with liquors and wines, the Indians
easily fell prey to bad habits, and were disinclined to bear the restraints of
life in the mission. Still, at the hour of death, they would send for the mis-
sionary and ask for baptism. The records on May 7, 1768, showed a total of
103 baptisms for the mission, 256 baptisms, 64 marriages and 116 burials for
the presidio, and 20 baptisms, 138 marriages and 15 burials for Natchitoches.
This last set of entries can be explained by the fact that Padre Margil, shortly
after founding the mission, hearing that there was no priest at the French post,
took it upon himself to visit it periodically, and kept record of his ministrations
in his own register.

The second mission of this group, Nuestra Sefora de los Dolores de Bena-
vente de los Ays, was likewise placed in a romantic setting, entirely surrounded
as it was by a dense forest. Its buildings were in a better state of preserva-
tion than those of the other, but its spiritual condition was far inferior. Only
eleven baptisms, seven burials, and three marriages are recorded in its reg-
isters. This fact is easy to explain: the Ais Indians were the most corrupt
in the Province of Texas. They made fun of the missionary and told him they
would rather deal with the devil than with him. Hence it is rather surprising
that any success at all greeted his efforts. And we are forced in a way to
admire his perseverance, even in the face of the proposal made by Padre
Camberos that this mission be transferred to the vicinity of Espiritu Santo in
favor of the Cujanes.

The third mission in this sector was called Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe de
Albuquerque de los Nacogdoches. Founded for less savage Indians, and ad-
vantageously situated so as to be accessible to four important tribes, it had
nevertheless no greater spiritual conquests to boast of. Twelve baptisms, eight
burials, and five marriages are all that grace its books. Materially it was in
excellent condition. Its ornaments and jewels showed less wear than those of
the other two missions, and the dwellings of the missionaries were better con-
structed. The granary, soldiers’ quarters and other buildings were also made
of good material and roomy enough for all needs. Like its two neighbors, it
was well encugh provided with livestock, but in this respect the missions of the
eastern frontier could not compare with those of the San Antonio district.
[Heusinger, 1936, pp. 164-166.]

Rubi’s recommendations were adopted in substance in September
1772, after long delay, and along with them the decision to remove
the Texan capital from Los Adaes to San Antonio de Béjar. In May
1778, the Governor, the Baron de Ripperda, set out for Adaes to
remove the soldiers, missionaries, and settlers, and on his arrival
issued an order that within 5 days all must be ready to set out. The
short time allowed caused such universal protest that an extension
was granted while he himself set out for San Antonio. A number
of the settlers took to the forests or to Natchitoches, and others
dropped off at Nacogdoches and other points along the route, but

70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

the majority, after a journey of 2 months, entered San Antonio on
September 26, 1773. ‘The three Zacatecan missions were abandoned
at the same time (Heusinger, 1936, p. 171; Bolton, 1915, pp. 108,
114).

After Louisiana had been brought under Spanish rule and dis-
content had been suppressed, Athanase de Méziéres, a son-in-law of
the elder St. Denis, was appointed lieutenant governor of the
Natchitoches district in the year 1770, and almost immediately he
undertook a series of expeditions to the Indian tribes on Red River
in order to win them to the Spanish alliance. In the year last men-
tioned he held a great council at the Kadohadacho village of San
Luis, at which the chief of that tribe, Tinhiouen, acted as mediator
(Bolton, 1914, vol. 1, p. 208). In 1772 he followed with an expedition
among the Hasinai, Tonkawa, and Wichita Indians as far as the
upper Brazos. He gives an interesting list of the presents which were
annually made to the Great and Little Caddo, the Natchitoches, and
the Yatasi. In an agreement made with the Kadohadacho and Yatasi
Indians on April 21, 1770, he says that those two tribes “have ceded
him [the King] all proprietorship in the land which they inhabit, . . .
{and promise] not to furnish any arms or munitions of war to the
Naytanes [Comanche], Taouayaches [Wichita], Tuacanas [Tawa-
koni], Quitseys [Kichai], etc.” (Bolton, 1914, vol. 1, p. 157). The
principal town of the Caddo, Tinhiouen’s town, known to the Span-
iards as San Luiz de Cadodachos, was situated 100 leagues from the
post at Natchitoches and 80 from that of the Arkansas, and on the
banks of Red River. “It is surrounded by pleasant groves and
plains, is endowed with lands of extreme fertility, and abounds in
salines and pastures” (Bolton, 1914, vol. 1, p. 208). The chief of
the Yatasi at this time was named Cocay; the head-chief of the
Natchitoches, Sauto; and that of the Texas Indians, Vigotes (Bolton,
1914, vol. 1, pp. 211, 255, 264). This year De Méziéres visited the
village of the Petit Caddo, who gave him a horse to pass to the
Yatasi.

Here, most excellent Sir, shortly before arriving at the village, I met the
Indian chief in a field tent which they make of hides or skins of the deer
which they kill. It was so small that there was scarcely room in it for a
bench of reeds with a buffalo [hide], which was his bed. There was another
little tent where he had the fire, which this people are never without. I arrived
at night when it was raining, and was all wet, for it had rained the whole
day. This Indian arising on the instant, took me down from the horse and
ordered the Indian woman, his wife, to get up from the bed where she had
already retired with her little doughter, who was very ill, and very tenderly
and charitably made me retire into it. [Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, pp. 76-77.]

It is not evident whether the humanity of the white man equaled
the hospitality of the red one.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 71

In 1773-74 one J. Gaignard ascended Red River. On the third
day he reached the town of the Natassee (Yatasi), 25 leagues from
Natchitoches and found they had only three warriors. There was,
however, a trader. October 9, 1773, he came to the village of the
Little Kadohadacho, 25 leagues farther on, and found 60 warriors.
“They are friendly with the French.” On the 14th he arrived at
the “Prairie des Ennemis” and reports that there were about 10
Caddo living in that vicinity.

On the twenty-third, [he says] I arrived at the village of the Great Cados,
who are thirty leagues distant from the Petit Cados. There are ninety warriors.
They are brave and employ themselves only at war and in the chase, the
women having to tend the crops. They are friendly with the French. They
are situated on the banks of the Red River straight west [north?] from
Natchitoches. During the eighty-four days which I spent with the Great
Cados I observed nothing except that they told me that there was a silver
mine twelve leagues from the Cados toward the northeast, and another on the
Cayaminchy [Kiamichi] River, fifty leagues from the Cados toward the north-
west. [Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, pp. 83-84.]

Evidence of the bitter warfare waged by the Osage against all
of their neighbors is already apparent. In a letter dated May 2,
1777, De Méziéres informs the Governor-general that they had killed
five Kadohadacho men and two women. For an expedition planned
against the Osages, he says that the Kadohadacho would be able to
furnish 50 men; the Anadarko and Nasoni, 25 men; and the Nabe-
dache, 30 men. In this same year there was an epidemic which
worked havoc among many tribes including the Nasoni and the
Kadohadacho, carrying off more than 300 of the latter. The Adai
were said to be almost extinct as a result and since they were “given
extremely to the vice of drunkenness, cannot be useful or of any
advantage.” The Texas Indians
divided into yariouS bands, known under the names Azinays, Nevadizoes,
Nadacogs, and Nacogdoches . . . are very industrious in agriculture, are lovers
of and beloved by the Spaniards, and are ready to serve them with that
efficiency that they proved in 1730 (which may still be remembered in Louisi-
ana), when the hostile Natches invaded the territory of the Natchitoches
and perished by their arms. [Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, pp. 181, 145, 178, 231-232.]

Further on we read:

As the Cadaudakioux is very much enfeebled by the continual war of the
Osages, and since the last epidemic has still more diminished its numbers,
it has created a faction amongst them who desire to abandon the great village.
This would leave the interior of the country exposed to incursions of fcr-
eigners and its Indian enemies, a design so fatal that it will not succeed if
Monsieur the governor uses his prodigious influence to frustrate it. [Bolton,
1914, vol. 2, p. 250.]

In April 1779 the settlers of Bucareli—an attempted settlement
on. the lower Trinity—were removed to Nacogdoches (Bolton, 1915,
p. 119).

iz BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 122

In a letter written May 27, 1779, De Méziéres confirms the low
esteem in which, as we have seen, the Eyeish were held:

Near this river [the Sabine] is the little village of Ais, for whose benefit
the mission of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores, of that name, was founded.
It was so unfruitful that all the ministers gained were labor, sorrow, and
expense; for these lazy, insolent and greedy people so satiated themselves with
material food that they would not accept that [spiritual food] which was
longed for by their [ministers’] apostolic zeal. They number twenty families;
their vices are without number; and the hatred which they have won from
the natives and Europeans, general. Their country is one of the richest in
this province. [Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, p. 257.]

He adds the following regarding the other Caddo:

The Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe was founded with no more
profit than the foregoing with respect to the conversion of the Nacogdoches
Indians, who soon deserted it, and to the Texas and Navedachos, who con-
stantly lived at it without giving up their heathen ways. At the foot of the
bill, on which its buildings remain, flows a beautiful creek of large volume.
If it were adapted to the irrigation of the land, there could be no more de-
sirable place to live in; but since the lands are very elevated and consequently
sterile when the rains do not fertilize them, they have value only for stock
ranches, and none—or only accidental—for cultivation. This has been the
experience of the inhabitants from Bucarely in their removal from the Trinity
River to this place; for, seeing their labor to be vain through a total loss of
their plantings, they wander scattered among the heathen, offering them cloth-
ing for food, and exchanging hunger for nakedness. [Letter of August 23,
1779; Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, p. 260.]

Three days later he writes:

[The Angelina River] crosses the territory of the Texas, and is not navigable.
On one of the banks of the second, which flows near the village of the Nave-
dachos, one sees a little mound, which their ancestors erected in order to build
on its summit a temple, which commanded the nearby village, and in which they
worshipped their gods. It is rather a monument to the multitude than to the
industry of its individuals. The distance from the source of the Angelinas to
its ford is two ordinary days’ journey, and from there to its junction with
the Neches the same. The latter, which is larger, flows into the sea, affording
easy entrance....

The number of the Texas is eighty men, that of the Navedachos being
less than one-half as great. Both maintain intercourse and friendship [with
the Spaniards], which time has proved. In the last epidemic their chiefs,
who were held in much esteem, perished. Their principal men having pre-
sented themselves to me, in order that I might elect another, I denied their
petition, telling them that this nomination was a prerogative of the governor
of the province, since they are included in his jurisdiction, and since he is an
officer of higher rank and authority than I. [Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, p. 263.]

On August 30, he writes that he found only women in the village
of the Nabedache as in that of the Texas, the men having departed
to hunt buffalo or visit friendly tribes (Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, p. 264).

De Méziéres was finally appointed Governor of Texas on October
12, 1779, but died November 2 following (Morfi, 1935, vol. 2, pp.
439, 440).

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY ie

In 1783 there passed away the one man upon whom more than any
other historians have depended for their narratives of the early
Spanish period in the Province of Texas. This is Fray Juan Au-
gustin de Morfi, an Austrian Spaniard, who came to America in
1755 or 1756 and was for a time professor of theology at the College
of Santa Cruz de Tlaltelolco in Mexico. He became a Franciscan
friar in 1761, and as chaplain of Don Theodore de Croix, the Com-
mandant General of the Internal Provinces, he accompanied that
official in his journeys of inspection. The information acquired in
this way he incorporated into two great works, the Memorias para la
Historia de Texas, which carried the history down to the year of
his death in 1783, and the Historia de la Provincia de Texas, 1673-
1779. ‘The Memorias have been constantly drawn upon by writers
on early Texas history, but the Historia lay unused in manuscript
until translated and printed as volume 6 of the Publications of the
Quivira Society (Albuquerque, 1935) (Morfi, 1935).

From the earliest days of Spanish and French colonization in the
Southwest, the position of the Caddo peoples on and near the dis-
puted boundary line made them of particular interest to the rival
governments and, as we have seen, the first capital of the Province of
‘Texas was in Caddo country, so far east, indeed, as to be actually
outside of the limits of the present State. Between 1762 and 1803,
however, Texas and Louisiana were under one government, the Span-
ish, the significance of the boundary line disappeared, and with
it the special interest in the Caddo. But in 1803, after passing for a
brief period again into the hands of France, Louisiana was sold to
the United States and the boundary between it and the Spanish ter-
ritories had renewed significance. This naturally involved an in-
terest in the aboriginal inhabitants of the newly acquired territories
and those adjacent on the part of the great Republic, and it was
satisfied largely through the labors of Dr. John Sibley, a New Eng-
land doctor, born at Sutton, Mass., in 1757. After a somewhat varied
career, Sibley drifted to Louisiana shortly before the purchase. Here
he became known to Governor Claiborne and through him to Presi-
dent Jefferson. By a letter of March 20, 1804, he put himself at
the President’s disposal, and was appointed “surgeon’s mate for the
troops stationed at Natchitoches, and later as Indian agent for Or-
leans Territory and the region south of the Arkansas.” He is known
particularly for his Historical Sketches of the Indian Tribes of
Louisiana and Texas, and an account of Red River based on his own
travels and information obtained from his assistant, Francois Grappe.
These have been supplemented for the student in recent years by the
publication of a manuscript Report from Natchitoches in 1807, edited

299671—42 6

74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 182

by Miss Annie H. Abel (Sibley, 1922, pp. 5-9; zr Amer. State Pap.,
Indian Affairs, 1832, pp. 721-722). Following are his accounts of the
condition of the Caddo (Kadohadacho), Yatasi, Anadarko, Adai,
Kyeish, Hainai, Nabedache, and Natchitoches:

Caddoques.—Live about thirty-five miles west of the main branch of Red river,
on a bayou or creek, called, by them, Sodo, which is navigable for pirogues
only, within about six miles of their village, and that only in the rainy season.
They are distant from Natchitoches about 120 miles, the nearest route by land,
and in nearly a northwest direction. They have lived where they now do,
only five years. The first year they moved there, the small pox got amongst them,
and destroyed nearly one half of them; it was in the winter season, and they
practised plunging into the creek, on the first appearance of the irruption, and
died in a few hours. Two years ago they had the measles, of which several
more of them died. They formerly lived on the south bank of the river, by the
course of the river 375 miles higher up, at a beautiful prairie, which has a
clear lake of good water in the middle of it, surrounded by a pleasant and fer-
tile country, which had been the residence of their ancestors from time im-
memorial. They have a traditionary tale, which not only the Caddoes, but half
a dozen other smaller nations believe in, who claim the honor of being descend-
ants of the same family; they say, when all the world was drowning by a flood,
that inundated the whole country, the Great Spirit placed on an eminence, near
this lake, one family of Caddoques, who alone were saved; from that family
all the Indians originated.

The French, for many years before Louisiana was transferred to Spain, had,
at this place, a fort and some Soldiers; several French families were likewise
settled in the vicinity, where they had erected a good flour mill, with burr
stones brought from France. These French families continued there till about
twenty-five years ago, when they moved down and settled at Compti, on the
Red river, about twenty miles above Natchitoches, where they now live; and
the Indians left it about fourteen years ago, on account of a dreadful sickness
that visited them. They settled on the river nearly opposite where they now
live, on a low place, but were drove from there on acount of its overflowing,
occasioned by a jam of timber choking the river at a point below them.

The whole number of what they call warriors of the ancient Caddo nation, is
now reduced to about one hundred, who are looked upon somewhat like Knights
of Malta, or some distinguished military order. They are brave, despise danger
or death, and boast that they have never shed white men’s blood. Besides
these, there are of old men, and strangers who live amongst them, nearly the
same number; but there are forty or fifty more women than men. This nation
has great influence over the Yattassees, Nandakoes, Nabadaches, Inies or Tachies,
Nacogdoches, Keychies, Adaize, and Natchitoches, who all speak the Caddo
language, look up to them as their fathers, visit and intermarry among them,
and join them in all their wars.

The Caddoques complain of the Choctaws encroaching upon their country;
call them lazy, thievish, &e. There has been a misunderstanding between them for
several years, and small hunting parties kill one another when they meet.

The Caddoes raise corn, beans, pumpkins, &c. but the land on which they now
live is prairie, of a white clay soil, very flat; their crops are subject to injury,
either by too wet or too dry a season. They have horses, but few of any other
domestic animal, except dogs; most of them have guns, and some of them have
rifles. They, and all other Indians that we have any knowledge of, are at
war with the Osages. The country, generally, round the Caddoes, is hilly, not

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 75

very rich; growth, a mixture of oak, hickory, and pine, interspersed with
prairies, which are very rich, generally, and fit for cultivation. There are
creeks and springs of good water frequent.

Yattassees.—Live on Bayou river, (or Stony creek) which falls into Red
river, western division, about fifty miles above Natchitoches. Their village is in
a large prairie, about half way between the Caddoques and Natchitoches, sur-
rounded by a settlement of French families. The Spanish Government, at pres-
ent, exercise jurisdiction over this settlement, where they keep a guard of a
non-commissioned officer and eight soldiers. A few months ago, the Caddo
chief, with a few of his young men, were coming to this place to trade, and
came that way, which is the usual road; the Spanish officer of the guard
threatened to stop them from trading with the Americans, and told the chief,
if he returned that way with goods, he should take them from him. The chief
and his party were very angry, and threatened to kill the whole guard; and
told them, that that road had been always theirs, and that, if the Spaniards
attempted to prevent their using it, as their ancestors had always done, he would
soon make it a bloody road. He came here, purchased the goods he wanted,
and might have returned another way, and avoided the Spanish guard, and was
advised to do so, but he said he would pass by them, and let them attempt to
stop him if they dare. The guard said nothing to him as he returned. This
settlement, till some few years ago, used to belong to the district of Natchitoches,
and the rights to their lands given by the Government of Louisiana before it was
ceded to Spain. Its now being under the Government of Texas, was only by
an agreement between the commandant of Natchitoches and the commandant of
Nacogdoches. The French formerly held a station and factory there, and another
on the Sabine river, nearly a hundred miles northwest from the Bayou Pierre
settlement. The Yattassees now say the French used to be their people, and now
the Americans; but of the ancient Yattassees there are but eight men remaining,
and twenty-five women, besides children; but a number of men of other nations
have intermarried with them, and live together. I paid a visit to their village
the last summer; there were about forty men of them altogether. Their
original language differs from any other; but now, all speak Caddo. They live
on rich land, raise plenty of corn, beans, pumpkins, tobacco, &¢c, have horses,
cattle, hogs, and poultry.

Nandakoes.—Live on the Sabine river, sixty or seventy miles to the westward
of the Yattassees, near where the French formerly had a station and factory.
Their language is Caddo; about forty men of them only remaining. A few
years ago they suffered very much by the small pox. They consider themselves
the same as Caddoes, with whom they intermarry, and are occasionally visiting
one another in the greatest harmony; have the same manners, customs, and
attachments.

Adaize.—Live about forty miles from Natchitoches, below the Yattassees, on
a lake called Lac Macdon, which communicates with that division of Red River
that passes by Bayou Pierre; they live at, or near, where their ancestors have
lived from time immemorial. They being the nearest nation to the old Spanish
fort, or mission of Adaize, that place was named after them, being about twenty
miles from them, to the south. There are now but twenty men of them remaining,
but more women. Their language differs from all other, and is so difficult to
speak, or understand, that no other nation can speak ten words of it; but they
all speak Caddo, and most of them French, to whom they were always attached,
and joined them against the Natchez Indians. After the massacre of Natchez,
in 1798 [1729], while the Spaniards occupied the post of Adaize, their priests
took much pains to proselyte these Indians to the Roman Catholic religion, but,
I am informed, were totally unsuccessful.

76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Aliche, (commonly pronounced Eyeish).—Live near Nacogdoches, but are al-
most extinct as a nation, not being more than twenty-five souls of them remaining;
four years ago the small pox destroyed the most of them. They were some years
ago a considerable nation, and lived on a bayou which bears their name, which
the road from Natchitoches to Nacogdoches crosses about twelve miles west of
Sabine river, on which a few French and American families are settled. Their
native language is spoken by no other nation; but they speak and understand
Caddo, with whom they are in amity, often visiting one another...

Inies, or Tachies, (called indifferently by both names.)—From the latter name,
the name of the province of Tachus or Texas is derived. The Inies live about
twenty-five miles west of Natchitoches, on a small river, a branch of the Sabine,
called the Natchez; they are like all their neighbors, diminishing; but have now
eighty men. Their ancestors, for a long time, lived where they now do. Their
language the same as that of the Caddoes, with whom they are in great amity.
These Indians have a good character, live on excellent land, and raise corn to sell.

Nabedaches.—Live on the west side of the same river, about fifteen miles above
them; have about the same number of men; speak the same language; live on
the best of land; raise corn in plenty; have the same manners, customs, and
attachments. [Sibley, in Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1832, pp. 721-722.]

Natchitoches.—Formerly lived where the town of Natchitoches is now situated,
which took its name from them. An elderly French gentleman lately informed
me, he remembered when they were six hundred men strong. I believe it is
now ninety-eight years since the French first established themselves at Natchi-
toches; ever since, these Indians have been their steady and faithful friends.
After the massacre of the French inhabitants of Natchez, by the Natchez Indians,
in 1728 [1729] those Indians fled from the French, after being reinforced, and
came up Red river, and camped about six miles below the town of Natchitoches,
near the river, by the side of a small lake of clear water, and erected a mound
of considerable size, where it now remains. Monsieur St. Dennie, a French
Canadian, was then commandant at Natchitoches; the Indians called him the
Big-foot; were fond of him, for he was a brave man. St. Dennie, with a few
French soldiers and what militia he could muster, joined by the Natchitoches
Indians, attacked the Natchez in their camp, early in the morning; they defended
themselves desperately for six hours, but were at length totally defeated by
St. Dennie, and what of them that were not killed in battle, were drove into
the lake, where the last of them perished, and the Natchez, as a nation, became
extinct [which is, of course, erroneous]. The lake is now called by no other
name than the Natchez lake,

There are now remaining of the Natchitoches, but twelve men and nineteen
women, who live in a village, about twenty-five miles, by land, above the town
which bears their name, near a lake called by the French, Lac de Muire. Their
original language is the same as the Yattassee, but speak Caddo, and most of
them French.

The French inhabitants have great respect for this nation, and a number
of very decent families have a mixture of their blood in them. They claim
but a small tract of land, on which they live, and, I am informed, have the
same rights to it from Government, that other inhabitants, in the neighborhood,
have. They are gradually wasting away; the small pox has been their great
destroyer; they still preserve their Indian dress and habits; raise corn, and
those vegetables common in their neighborhood. [Sibley, in Amer. State. Pap.,
Indian Affairs, 1832, p. 724.]

In 1806 a United States Government expedition set out to explore
Red River (see pl. 2). It consisted of Thomas Freeman, surveyor,

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MAP OF THE RED RIVER IN LOUISIANA DRAWN BY NICHOLAS KING AND EMBODYING THE FINDINGS OF THE FREEMAN-CUSTIS EXPLORING EXPEDITION OF 1806.

sWaNTon] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 77
“Dr. Peter Custis, whose attention was directed to botany, and nat-
ural history, Captain Sparks and Lieutenant Humphreys, two non-
commissioned officers; seventeen private soldiers, and a black servant.
They left Fort Adams, on the Mississippi,” April 19, reached Natchi-
toches in May and left it June 2. The next day they reached the
second raft where “they were overtaken by Talapoon, a guide and
interpreter, hired at Natchitoches” to accompany them to the Panis
nation. “He had a mule and a package of goods, for the purchase
of horses” among the latter in order to continue the exploration after
the river ceased to be navigable. In order to escape the third
raft, they entered a bayou on the east side called “Datche (which in
their language, signifies a gap eaten by a bear in a log, from the
circumstance of the first Indian who passed this way, seeing a bear
gnawing at a log at this place).” They then entered Lake Bistineau,
“called by the Indians Big Broth, from the vast quantity of froth
which collects in, and floats along it, during the time of high water.”
They came to a prairie on the left, beyond which, at a distance of 30
miles from the river, was the main Caddo village. Presently they
were overtaken by a canoe containing their interpreter, who had de-
toured by way of the Caddo town, and an Indian sent by the Caddo
chief, the latter to inform them that about 300 Spanish dragoons
were encamped near his village with intent to stop the explorers. At
sunset, June 26, they reached a village of Koasati Indians who had
come from Alabama. There they were met on July 1 by the Caddo
chief with 40 of his young men and warriors, who arrived about noon,
and a salute was fired as the chief entered their camp (Freeman-
Custis Expedition, 1806, pp. 3, 11-23).

The Chief and the United States party being seated under the shade, with
the young men and warriors of the Caddo Nation in a semicircle behind them,
the chief after a short pause observed, that they must have suffered a great
deal of hardship in passing the great swamp, with their boats, and expressed
his wonder at their success.

He was informed that they had suffered much, but were not to be deferred
by obstacles of that nature, from paying a visit to him, and the other chiefs
and nations on this river. Mr. Freeman then explained to them the wishes of
the President of the U. States and the American people, respecting the Indians
of that country; as also the rout [sic.] they proposed, and distance they ex-
pected to go.

The chief said he was glad to see them in his land, as he should be to see
them in his village; but was too poor to receive them in the manner he wished.
The red people were always poor; he was sensible the Supreme Being had
made a difference between the people of the U. States and his people; that he
had endowed the former with more sense, and had given them means of which
the Indians were entirely destitute: he should therefore look to them for pro-
tection and support; to be his fathers, brothers and friends. He said they had
had a Spanish and a French father, who had treated his people well and against

whom he had no complaints to make. He had now an American father, and
in the two years he had known the Americans, he liked them also, for they

78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

too had treated his people well. His fathers and their fathers always told
their children to live in peace with the white people, and never to spill white
blood in their land. The nation never did, and he hoped [they] never would stain
their ground with it. For some days he had been rendered very uneasy,
because a large party of Spanish soldiers were encamped at the back of his
village. The commander waited on him in the village, took him by the hand,
and asked if he loved the Americans: to which he had replied that he did not
know what to say; he did not understand him; but he did love the Americans
and the Spaniards too, for he was treated well by both, and wished to be
friends with them both. If the Spaniards wanted to fight with the Americans,
they must go to Natchitoches to fight, for they should not spill blood on his
land. The Spanish officer then retired and had not returned, so that he knew
not what they intended to do.

He then said he wished the U. States party to proceed and see all his
country and all his neighbors, in doing which however they would have far
to go, and many difficulties to encounter; his friends, the Panis, would be glad
to see them, and would treat them well. He professed to be highly gratified
by the party explaining to him so fully the objects of their voyage; it was
treating him with a respect and candor, which the Spaniards did not evince
by their conduct. He said it was possible the party might be harassed by
the Osages, who had always been the inveterate enemies of his nation. Should
the party kill any of them he should dance for a month; and if they killed
any of the Americans, he would turn out with his warriors, although few,
make it his cause, and get revenge.

He then apologised for bringing so many of his men with him; but they
wished to see their new brothers, the Americans. Most of them were young
and had not been so far as the Post.

After this communication, provision was given to the visitors; and some
liquor was furnished, that the soldiers of the party and the young Indians
might drink together.

The soldiers were then drawn up in a single file in open order. The Caddos
marched along shaking hands with them from right to left; after which they
formed a line in front of the soldiers, about three paces distant, with their
faces towards the soldiers. On their principal warrior coming opposite to
the United States serjeant, he stepped forward, and addressing his men, ob-
served—“that he was glad to see his new brothers had the faces of men, and
looked like men and warriors;” then addressing the serjeant by the interpreter,
he said—‘here we are all men and warriors, shaking hands together, let us hold
fast, and be friends forever.”

The Caddo chief dined and spent the 2nd of July at the American camp.
He informed the party that he should return to his village on the next day
early, with his people; he had already kept them several days from hunting;
not knowing with what intentions the Spaniards came so near; and hearing
of the United States party, he thought it best to keep all his people together,
that they might prevent hostilities in his land.

He had now seen the United States party, knew their business, and had
been well treated by them. He believed what they told them, and would
hold them fast by the hand as fathers and friends.

He said that the day before he left his village, three Spanish soldiers came
to it from their camp, and informed him, that their commander had sent an
express to Nacogdoches, and as soon as it returned, with dispatches and
orders from the government, they should go to the Americans on Red river,
stop them, and drive them back or take them prisoners. The chief supposed
the express from Nacogdoches would arrive at his village, as early as his party

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 79

could effect their return; and might be waiting for him. He would endeavor
to find what their object was, would return with the Spanish officer to the
American camp, if he wished to visit it, when he should hear the talks of
both parties. Should he find the Spaniards determined to be cross, and to
spill blood, he would supplicate them not to do so on his land: not through
fear, because he did not fear man! Although his men were small, and might
appear like nothing, they were unacquainted with fear! If entreaty had
not the desired effect, he would order the Spanish officer immediately to return
to his camp, and move from the land, and not to trouble the party nearer
than fifty leagues above the old Caddo village (300 estimated leagues higher
than this place). When he arrived at his village, if the express had not
returned, and he could not learn that their intention was to interrupt the
party, he would send three of his best warriors to the camp, with whatever
information he could obtain.

It was found advisable to engage three Caddo Indians, to proceed up the river
with the party; to act as guides, spies, or on express, aS circumstances might re-
quire. One Indian will not go with a party of strangers; two are company for
each other; and by engaging the third, he could be dispatched on express, to the
Caddo nation, or to Natchitoches in case of necessity.

The Caddos reside 50 miles from the Coashuta village, on a small creek, which
empties into a lake that communicates with the river a little above the raft.
It is now eleven years since they fixed on that place for their residence. They
formerly lived on the river, in a large prairie; said to be 150 leagues higher up:
from which the Osages drove them. They are a very small people, without any
appearance of that savage ferocity, which characterises some other tribes of In-
dians. They have some firearms among them, but their principal weapon is the
bow and arrow, which they use with astonishing dexterity and force. It is said
they can with ease shoot the arrow through a buffaloe.

The Caddos engaged as guides, arrived at the camp on the evening of the 10th,
with information that the Spaniards had retired to the Sabine. It was believed
to be only a sham, and that they intended to meet the party at a little distance
above; for this expedition up the river seems to have thrown this whole country
into a ferment.

This suspicion was afterwards justified, so that the expedition was
turned back by the Spaniards a short distance above the great bend.
Before reaching that point, however, the Americans passed several
former town sites of the Caddo. The first of these was reached on the
ninth day after leaving the Koasati village.

On the evening of the 19th they passed a beautiful prairie, on the north-east
side of the river, 125 miles from the Coashutta Village. This prairie was the
scite of an old Caddo village, deserted by that nation in consequence of a sur-
prize, and the massacre of the greatest part of the inhabitants, by the Osage
Indians. The Caddos with the exploring party, expressed a wish to visit this
place when they were approaching it; and shewed a remarkable hill in its rear,
on which their old chiefs used frequently to meet in council. They proposed to
visit it with a bottle of liquor, that they might take a drink and talk to the
Great Spirit!

This remarkable mount or hill stands on a level plain about two miles from
the river, having the prairie on which the Caddo Village stood in front, or between
it and the river. It is about two miles in length, 250 or 300 feet in elevation,
very narrow at the top, in many places not exceeding two or three paces, and

80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

so steep, that it is with difficulty it can be ascended. The angle formed with
the plain on which it stands, is from 45 to 50 degrees: in some places almost per-
pendicular.

This bill is an irregular mass of iron colored porous rock, in which there is
a great number of small round pebbles. It has the appearance of having been
in fusion at some former period. There is very little clay or soil on the surface,
but a red colored gravel; it produces small scrubby Oaks and Pines only. In
front of this mount lies a beautiful and rich meadow, extending from its base
to the river, and downwards for about two miles. It is interspersed with small
clumps of trees, and has a small lake or pond in its centre. Around and near
to this pond, are to be seen the vestiges of the Caddo habitations; it was the
largest of their villages, and their cultivated fields extended for five or six miles
from it in every direction.

From the summit of this hill, the high ground, which bounds the valley on
both sides, is distinctly seen; the distance to the opposite side appeared to be about
ten miles. In the rear of the hill the land was nearly level, and the ascent from
the base very gentle. The soil good, covered with White and Black Oak and
Hickory.

Later they came upon another site.

On the 25th, at about 20 miles above the Little River, on the right hand side,
ascending, is a prairie, considerably above the water, of a rich soil, and now
overgrown with high grass, bushes and briars. This prairie extends back from
the river about half a mile, and is bounded by open woods of Oak and Hickory.

Here was formerly a considerable Caddo Village; many of the Cedar posts of
their huts yet remain, and several Plumb trees, the fruit of which is red and
not good. <A bunch of hemp, of several stems, nearly an inch in diameter, and
ten feet high, was found on the left bank of the river opposite this village.
From Red river across to Little River, is about eight miles, over a level and rich
plain, and open woods.

A quantity of clay, of a high blue color, and so hard as to resist the current
of the water, appeared in the bank of the river at this prairie, projecting some
yards beyond the general line of the bank. At the head of this prairie, a bar
of stones and coarse gravel, crosses the bed of the river, on which was found
not more than 14 inches of water. [Freeman-Custic Expedition, 1806, pp. 23-35.]

On the 26th they discovered three runners sent by the Caddo chief
to warn the party that “the day before they left their village, the
Spanish troops upwards of 1,000 in number entered it, and cut down
the staff on which the American flag was flying, and carried off the
flag with them.” They also threatened to kill the Americans or carry
them off in irons. “They had taken away with them two young
Caddos as guides to a handsome bluff on the river, a few miles above
the old Caddo Village, and 230 miles (by water) higher than the
Coashutta Village.” The Spaniards were said to number 1,050 or
1,060 (Freeman-Custis Expedition, 1806, pp. 35-36).

Towards evening [of the same day] they were opposite to a lake on the south
of the river, round which the Caddos had cornfields, when they occupied their
principal village, which was situate in the prairie just above it. This lake is

about two miles in length, and parallel to the river. Astronomical observations
taken this evening, determined their latitude to be 35 deg. 34 min. 42 sec. north.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 81

The next morning they selected a spot on the north side of the river, where they
deposited part of their provisions, ammunition, and astronomical instruments;
near which, and in a more secret place, they left a trunk of stationery, with
the field notes of their survey to this part of the river. Round the place of
deposit they made a small enclosure of saplings. The bank where this was
done, was about 40 feet higher than the water in the river, and formed a barrier
or mound between the river and a lake of considerable extent. A thick growth
of Oak, Ash, Hickory and Walnut timber, made a complete cover, and rendered
it capable of defence, to a small and active party, should they, as was expected,
bave had to retreat to it.

On the side of the river opposite to this deposit, the Indians said the French
once had a small military post; and there also, was one of the principal villages
of the Caddos. The prairie in which they were is very extensive, and now
grown up with bushes. The growth of briars and bushes was so rank as to
prevent them from ascertaining exactly, where the French post was, unless
some Cedar posts which were found standing denoted the place. [I*reeman-
Custis Expedition, 1806, p. 37.]

A short distance above this point they were met by the Spaniards,
whose numbers so far exceeded their own that they agreed to bring
their explorations to an end there and return. Setting out on July
30, they reached Natchitoches August 23 (Freeman-Custis Expe-
dition, 1806, p. 42).

Sibley’s “Report” of 1807 gives some interesting items regarding
events in the Caddo country at that period.

He notes, for instance, that on January 5, 1807, “I gave an Aiche

[Eyeish] woman a Shawl for attending and giving me a Vocabulary
of the Aiche Language” (Sibley, 1922, p. 12). If it is still in exist-
ence, this vocabulary would fill a serious gap in our knowledge of
the Caddo dialects. The same day he learned through two Caddo
that
a party of their Nation have been on a friendly visit and to trade with the
Panis and were on their return home Rob’d of Seventy two Horses by a party
of Ozages, and left on foot about 200 Miles from home with Considerable
quantity of Baggage, Consisting Principally of Buffalo Robes.
To add to their misfortunes, after their chief had information of this
and set out to relieve them with all the horses he could muster, his
house caught fire and was burned “with a quantity of corn and Other
Valuable property” (Sibley, 1922, p. 11). On February 21, another
party came and complained that game was scarce “there being no
acorns,” and the loss of so many horses to the Osage prevented them
from going into the prairie after buffalo. Sibley adds:

I gave Cut Finger, who is a particular friend & Companion of the great
Caddo Chief a Hat and had made for him a Blue half Regimental frock Coat
which I presented him with, [because] he was particularly friendly & attentive
to Major Freemans exploring Party. [On February 26, Sibley purchases] two

Brass Kittles to keep to lend to Indians who Come in On business from a
distance and bring no Cooking Utensils with them. [Sibley, 1922, pp. 13-14.]

82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

On March 20, he

received information that a Party of Alibamis & Appalaches were in the Prarie
above the Caddo Village hunting Buffelo & fell in with the Same party of
Ozages who Rob’d the Caddos of their Horses, Attack’d them in the Night in
their Camp killed five of them & defeated the whole Party & Retook Most of
the Horses, there were more than twenty Ozages & only eight of the other
Partie who Sustained no loss, the Sealps of the five they killed had arriv’d
at the Conchetta Village where all the Neighbouring Tribes were Collecting
to hold the War Dance; my informant was one of the Alibamis who belonged
to the Party. [Sibley, 1922, pp. 15-16.]

That day there also arrived a small party of Cherokee in two
pirogues, descending Red River. They had deer skins to use in barter
at the trading house and were said to be “the first Cherokees that
ever were here.” They had also taken occasion to make friends with
the Caddo with whom they had had a misunderstanding.

Seven or eight years Ago there was by Accident a Cherokee Killed in the
Caddo Country, the brother to the Man who was killed was one of the party
that was here, he told me they had talk’d it over with the Caddo Chief, who
entirely Satisfied him, he did not blame the Caddos in the Least, & spoke
highly of the Caddo Chief. [Sibley, 1922, p. 16.]

On April 14

the Grand Caddo Chief and a party of 15 men of that Nation in Perogues
loaded with Skins arriv’d. I gave them Provisions & a carrot [i. e., roll of] To-
bacco. I gave the Caddo Chief a Scarlet Regimental Coat trim’d with Black
Velvet and white Plated Buttons. The Cloth I bought of the factor the
Making & Trimings Cost Hight Dollars. At the same time gave the Son of
Carody the Old Caddo Chief a Blue Half Regimental Coat trim’d with Scarlet
and a White Linnen Shirt. And Sent by the Caddo Chief a Regimental Coat
to a friend of his Called the Grand Ozages. (Called so from his having in a
Battle with a party of Ozages been wounded with a Ball in his forehead) and
who particularly attach’d himselfe to Maj" Freeman in his exploring expedition
& accompanied him from the Caddo Village as far up the River as he went,
and back again to Natchitoches, and was Particularly Servisable in hunting,
as a Guide & keeping the Other Indians together, and is in Major Freemans
Opinion one of the Best Indians he ever saw. [Sibley, 1922, pp. 20-21.]

On May 5

three Caddos Arriv’d Special Messengers from the Caddo Chief to inform me
that a party of Chactas consisting of Hight persons from the great Nation
Under a Leader Called Stamelachee had lately been at a Camp of Nandacos
at a Saline on the River Sabine above where the Nandacos live, the Men
being out hunting & left their Women to Make Salt & had Murdered two
of the Women & wounded Some Others, without any provocation and brought
the Scalps of the women through the Conchetta Village on their way to the
great Chacta Nation. [Sibley, 1922, pp. 22—23.]

On representations made by Sibley to the Choctaw chiefs, several of
them met at Natchitoches and agreed to make reparations to the

Caddo and do all in their power to have the murderers punished
(Sibley, 1922, p. 27).

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 83

Sibley continued to reside in Natchitoches until his death in 1837.

In the American State Papers (Public Lands, 1884, vol. 3, No. 6)
we seem to have recorded the sale of their lands by the Natchitoches
Indians. One Hypolite Bordelin claims

a tract of land of about four arpents and eight poles in front, on each side of
Red river, with all the depth thereunto belonging, and claimed under a pur-
chase from an Indian chief of the Natchitoches village, by deed, bearing date the
23d of June, 1808, for the price and sum of eighty dollars.

With this claim was filed the following document:

Louis C. DeBlanc, Commandant of the post of Natchitoches, éc. In conse-
quence of the death of Tomoc, chief of the Natchitoches nation of Indians,
and finding that the said Indians are now inhabiting land not belonging to
them, in the settled parts of this post, I grant to them, subject to the will of the
Governor, Don Hstevan Miro, twenty arpents of land on each side of Red river, at
a place called Lac de Meures, about ten leagues above the post of Natchitoches.

This was, of course, the land to which Bordelin laid claim. Miro
was governor between 1785 and 1792. In connection with this claim
one Frangois Grapp testified on July 19, 1812, that he

was called about seven years ago, by the Indian tribe Natchitoches, to be
interpreter for them in making a sale of a portion of the land granted to
them by the Spanish Government, on Lake de Mure, above Compte, to erect
their village, and that, to his knowledge, the said portion of land was then
adjudged to Hypolite Bordelin for ninety dollars, by consent of all the Indians;
which sum of ninety dollars was paid down by said Bordelin.

In the judgment of the court, however,

the Indians had only a provisional grant of the land claimed from the com-
mandant. No evidence has been adduced of the ratification of the title by any
Governor of Louisiana. Even if their title was valid, the land was pur-
chased from them at a time when the laws of the United States, then in force
in Louisiana, forbade such purchases. The claimant can have no pretensions
to a right from occupancy; his occupancy could not have commenced previous
to the purchase, and the occupancy of the Indians could vest no right in a
person to whom they could not legally sell. The claim, therefore, in the opinion
of the Board, ought not to be confirmed. [Amer. State Pap., Public Lands, 1834,
vol. 3, p. 79.]

Another claim involving title to property derived through the
Natchitoches tribe, and apparently part of the ground occupied by
their village, is the following:

No. 30. Pierre Gagnier, two hundred and thirteen and thirteen-hundredths
acres, claimed under a purchase from John Sohano, an Indian, with settlement,
&e. The notice of the claim is accompanied by a plat of survey, dated in 1806,
embracing forty-two and twenty-hundredths acres on the left [right?] and one
hundred and sixty-eight and ninety-three-hundredths acres on the left bank of
Red river; and a deed of conveyance from said Sohano to Pierre Gagnier, dated
26th of September, 1804, for two arpents and a half, and twelve feet front, with
the ordinary depth, on the right bank of Red River, at a place called Lac aux
Mures, and four arpents front by the ordinary depth, on the left bank of said

84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 182

river. Pierre Elie, before the Board, 15th of June, 1812, hath deposed “that
the land claimed has been inhabited more than twenty years by John Sohano, a
civilized or Christian Indian, and other Indians of the Natchitoches village,
and those claiming under the said John Sohano. No evidence has been offered
to establish that John Sohano was of that class of Indians denominated
Christians, under the Spanish Government, by which he might have been
entitled to the privilege of holding and conveying land in his own right.”
{[Amer. State Pap., Public Lands, 1834, vol. 3, p. 83.]

The above-mentioned Francois Grapp (properly Grappe) himself
filed a claim for a tract of land on Lake Bastiano (Bistineau),

under a purchase from Cahada, an Indian. The notice of this claim is accom-
panied by a plat not signed by any surveyor; a certificate by John Paul Badin,
stating that the said Badin was employed by the claimant to make an improve-
ment on the land claimed; and that he resided on the land three years before
1790; that he heard, from the Indians, that the claimant purchased the land
three years previous to that time, (1790) from an Indian called Cajadet. The
certificate bears date the 14th of September, 1806. Another certificate of Louis
C. de Blane, dated 5th of October, 1806, in Attakapas, stating that, in the year
1788, when he was commandant of Natchitoches, the Indian of the Cado tribe,
called Cajadet, came before him, and declared to have sold to Francois Grapp
a tract of land, which was known by his nation to have been his property by
inheritance, from his ancestors; and which had been inhabited and cultivated
by him and them at a place called Lake Bastiano, on the east side of Red river,
on the road from Compté to the little Cado village; that he had received pay
for the purchase and relinquished his right and claim to the said land.

One Andre Rambin claimed a tract of land under a purchase from
an Indian Cayacaillé, and his wife, in the year 1790. The name of
the tribe is not given (Amer. State Pap., Public Lands, 1834, vol. 3,
pp. 82-83, 89).

Another group of cases concerns the later history of the Adai tribe.
The most important is the following:

[No.] 87. Joseph Valentine, of the parish of Natchitoches, filed his notice
claiming, by virtue of a Spanish grant in his favor, a tract of land lying within
the late neutral territory, situated on the Bayou Pierre branch of Red river,
in the settlement of Bayou Pierre, having, on the south side of said river, Bayou
Macdown for its northern boundary, its eastern boundary being Red river, being
one mile and a half square, and on the other side of said river beginning at a
certain bayou, and running down the river ten acres, with the ordinary depth,
if it can be had. The following is a translation of the grant on which the claim
is founded: “Don Antonio Gil y Barvo, captain of militia, lieutenant governor,
and judge delegate of smuggling and forfeitures, and chief justice of the town
of Na. Sa. del Pibar [Pilar] of Nacogdoches and its jurisdiction. Whereas Jph.
V. [torn] has appeared by petition, bearing date August 5, in the present year,
one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, praying with due submission that
the tract of land called Adaes, because the tribe of the Adaes occupy it, may
be granted him, I do grant it to him for the object in his petition mentioned—
the raising of horses, herds of eattle, flocks of sheep, and the cultivation of
grains of husbandry—with the condition of remaining subject, as ought to be,
and are all those domiciliated in this province, and under my jurisdiction, to
the royal laws, mandates, and dispositions, and orders of his superiors. In
virtue whereof, I have given this grant and signed it with witnesses of my

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 85

assistance, for want of a notary, there being none, August 18, 1791. Signed
Antonio Gil y Barvo; paraphd Christival de Cordoba, Jacinto de Ignono.” In
support of the claim the following testimony was taken before the board:

“Pierre Laffitt, being sworn, says that he knows the land claimed by Joseph
Valentine in his above notice; that the same is situated and lying as therein
described; that the grantee, Joseph Valentine, twenty-one years ago established
and lived on the land claimed with his family; that he kept his horses, cattle,
&c., and planted corn and other grains thereon at that time, and that he has con-
tinued to live on, cultivate, and occupy said land, to raise horses, cattle, &ec.,
and to plant and raise corn and other grains thereon, from the time of its
first establishment until the present time.” [Amer. State Pap., Public Lands,
1859, vol. 4, pp. 105-106.]

Title to this was confirmed to the claimant.

In No. 110.

Hmanuel Prudhomme, of the parish of Natchitoches, filed his notice claiming
a tract of land lying within the late neutral territory, situated at the Adaise,
and around the village of Adaise, containing one league square, claimed by virtue
of a concession signed by the lieutenant governor and commandant of Naco-
doches, which concession the claimant alleges he cannot procure, because the
same was carried off with the archives of that post in the year 1812; claimed also
by virtue of habitation, occupation, and cultivation for upwards of thirty years.
Three other “Adaise” claims are mentioned, and all were confirmed,
but it is uncertain whether the “village of Adaise” was Indian or
white (Amer. State Pap., Public Lands, 1859, vol. 4, p. 110). As we
have seen, in 1805, according to Sibley, the tribe was living at Lake
Macdon and about 20 miles north of the old Spanish mission (Sibley,
Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1832, p. 722). Some of these refer-
ences may be to the later Mexican settlement of “Adaize” (p. 75).

In 1797, while Andrew Ellicott was at Natchez, a body of Choc-
taw Indians crossed the Mississippi to make war upon the Caddo.
“They were very successful and returned in June with a number of
poles filled with scalps” (Foreman, 1930, p. 32). This war was ended,
for a time at least, by the peace concluded by Sibley in 1807 (Sibley,
1922).

Their great enemies, however, were the Osage. In 1804 William
Dunbar reported that the Caddo were unable to defend themselves
against these Indians (Foreman, 1930, p. 25). One Osage chief was
named Caddo Killer, his native name being He-sha-ke-he-ree (Fore-
man, 1930, p. 198). In 1819 Gov. James Miller of Arkansas found
a party of Caddo and Choctaw Indians ready to join the Cherokee in
an expedition against the Osage. He ordered them to disperse (Fore-
man, 1930, p. 89).

In 1815 a number of white traders made a settlement at Nanatscho,
or Pecan Point, on the south bank of Red River, south of the present
Kullituklo in McCurtain Co., Okla. The Caddo chief immediately
complained of this intrusion to the Caddo agent, Jamison, at Natchi-

86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 132

toches, because this was the only crossing place for buffalo for miles
and the only one from which the Caddo derived any advantage. In
April 1816, Jamison, supported by a military detachment, removed a
dozen families from this settlement to the north side of Red River,
arrested several unlicensed traders there, and seized their merchandise
(Foreman, 1930, p. 160).

We have a report on the condition of the Indian tribes of Texas in
1820 by Juan Antonio Padilla, which devotes considerable space to the
Caddo. Speaking of the Caddo proper, he says:

Considering the fact that they are heathens, the moral customs of these natives
are good, since they are not ambitious like the Comanches nor deceitful like
the Lipanes. They live by farming and hunting. From the former industry
they obtain large quantities of corn, beans, potatoes, and other vegetables which
are sufficient for their families; and from the latter they obtain a large supply
of furs from the bear, the deer, the beaver, the otter, and other animals. These
they carry to Natchitoches and exchange for carbines, munitions, merchandise,
tobacco, and firewater, of which they are very fond. ‘Their houses are of straw,
some are of wood, but all are well built. They enjoy social intercourse, dislike
theft, and treat Spaniards well, entertaining them in their houses and aiding
them in every possible manner. ‘They are faithful in keeping their contracts; for
the merchants of Natchitoches advance them munitions, trifles, and liquors at
a good rate of exchange for furs. For all these they pay punctually, in spite
of the fact that there are among them foreigners who come from Natchitoches
and other points of the United States for the purpose of trading their wares to
the said Indians for their products. Still, there are some Swindlers and scoundrels
who do not pay the debts they contract. ... They, of all the Indians, perhaps,
are the most civilized.... At their dances, they drink great quantities of
firewater—some of them drinking until they tumble over. In these gatherings,
there are never lacking some disorders resulting in personal injuries because of
their drunkenness. They raise hogs, chickens, and dogs, and have horses and
mules to make their journeys and hunting trips. ... Because of the commerce
they have with foreigners, many of them have learned the French language, and
a few the Spanish, poorly pronounced. ... At the present time they are in the
Neutral Ground. [Padilla, 1919, pp. 46—49.]

Many other items given by him show little intelligent examination
of the people under discussion. His estimate of the Hasinai tribes
is upon the whole more favorable. .

On November 15, 1824, there was signed at Harrington’s in the
Territory of Arkansas, a treaty between the United States and the
Quapaw Indians, the fourth article of which reads thus:

The Quapaw tribe of Indians will hereafter be concentrated and confined
to the district of country inhabited by the Caddo Indians, and form a part
of said tribe. The said nation of Indians are to commence removing to the
district allotted them before the twentieth day of January, eighteen hundred
and twenty-six. [Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1834, p. 530.]

July 1, 1825, Governor Izard of Arkansas wrote as follows to the
Secretary of War:

On the 20th of last month the principal chief of the Quapaw tribe, attended
by a small suite, visited me at this place, and in a formal conference requested

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 87

that I would communicate the wish of his people to their great father, that
they may remain a few years longer on the land ceded to the United States
by the treaty of November, 1824. I expressed to Hecketon (the hereditary
chief) my conviction that such permission could not be granted; but that
I would nevertheless comply with his request, and would inform him of the
President’s decision. The deputies were satisfied with their reception; and
I have no doubt that the removal of the tribe to the Caddo country will be
effected without difficulty, even before the term stipulated. They asked per-
mission to send a few of their chiefs to investigate the lands which they are
to settle om, previously to the migration of the whole nation: to this I con-
sented. They will be attended by an acting Indian sub-agent, Mr. Barraqué,
an intelligent Frenchman, who has lived much among them, and who was
particularly designated as the person they wished to accompany them. [Amer.
State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1834, p. 705.]

September 8 he wrote again as follows:

I informed you on the [1st] of July, that a small party of Quapaw (more
properly Gappa) chiefs were to visit the country of the Caddoes, to examine
the lands on which they are to settle themselves next winter. They returned
ten days ago, and I was gratified to hear from themselves that they were
pleased with their destined residence, and with their reception by the Caddo
tribe. In this transaction, the characteristic improvidence of the Indians is
Strongly exhibited; they had concluded their treaty with us, and had remained
since last November in their own country, without informing the tribe to
whom they have stipulated to aggregate themselves of their intentions. The
Caddoes and Gappas have a tradition of having been allied in some wars,
many years ago; but they have had no intercourse with each other for a
long time, and their languages are totally different. The accidental cireum-
stance of a Gappa hunter having resided some months with the former tribe
furnished them with an interpreter; they would otherwise have been obliged
to employ two of ours to translate their speeches into French and English,
and thence again into their respective tongues.

From a humane regard for the weak and infirm part of their population,
the emigrants are desirous of commencing their removal early in the autumn.
I am in daily expectation of learning the time of their departure, which was
to be fixed upon at one of their councils. The last visit of the chiefs to me
was made previously to seeing their own people on their return from the
South. As soon as I shall have due notice, the advertisement for their sup-
plies shall be published, in conformity with the instructions in your despatch
of the 8th of July, received by the last week’s mail. [Amer. State Pap., Indian
Affairs, 1834, p. 706,]

On September 24 the Governor wrote the Secretary as follows:

I have the honor to inform you that the Quapaw Indians will be ready to
eommence their removal to the Caddo country on the 12th of December. Their
population is ascertained to be four hundred and fifty-five individuals; of
whom one hundred and fifty-eight are men, one hundred and twenty-three wo-
men, and one hundred and seventy-four children under fourteen years of age.
The proposals for their supplies will be published in the next Arkansas Gazette.
[Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1834, p. 706.]

September 30 George Gray, Indian agent on Red River, wrote to
the Secretary of War:

Some short time since the Quapaw chiefs visited the Caddoes, and selected
a situation to settle on, in about half a mile of my agency, by consent of the

88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

Caddo chief. I furnished the Quapaw chiefs with a small quantity of rations,
as they were entirely out of provisions. It must acknowledge I was much at a
loss whether to furnish the Quapaws with rations or not, as I had never re-
ceived any instructions respecting them; but, on examining the treaty, I found
they were to form a part of the Caddo tribe, and, of course, I should become
their agent; which induced me to give them rations. [Amer. State Pap., Indian
Affairs, 1834, p. 706.]

At the advice of the Caddo agent, a gratuity was given the Caddo
chief for his willingness to take other Indians on his lands.

According to a Mexican document, by 1828 there were 150 families
of Quapaw on Sulfur Creek (Hodge, 1910, art. Quapaw). By a
letter of January 16, 1826, we learn that a mill was to be built for the
Caddo. One from the Indian Agent, April 30, 1826, states that most
of the beeves which had been given to them had run away and they
were in a destitute condition. Corn was selling at $1.25 a bushel
(Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1834, pp. 707, 708).

In 1828 José Maria Sanchez visited Texas and has left us an
interesting account of his experiences. The Ais, Tejas, and Nadaco
chiefs were complaining of the entrance of northern tribes into their
territory and stated that they would declare war upon them if they
had more warriors (Sanchez, 1926, p. 279). A little more than a
league from the Angelina River, he says,
we found some houses, or huts, a camp of Nacogdochitos Indians, a peaceful
tribe. They were in the greatest inaction, while the women worked the fields
with the greatest fatigue in this burning Climate to maintain their tyrants.
This work is a burden especially heavy on the old women because the charms
of the young girls cause them to be treated more tenderly, in a way, by the lazy
males, while old “age groans oppressed under this arbitrary burden. While
crossing a fairly large creek called Hl Loco, we saw other huts of Tejas Indians
where we witnessed the same tyrannical scenes as in the village of the
Nacogdochitos.

Different tribes of Indians such as the Tejas, Nadacos, Yguanes [Yowani
Choctaw?], Savanos, Cherokees, Kickapoos, Delawares, Cutchates [Koasati],
Alabamas, Quichas [Kichai], and Cados, continually enter Nacogdoches, but
they are all peaceful and carry on their trade in the city with skins, corn, pump-
kins, and beans. These tribes are located in the neighborhood of Nacogdoches,
their Pueblos being intermingled with the settlements of the Americans who
are scattered throughout Texas. [Sanchez, 1926, pp. 282, 283.]

His description of the dress of these people is very good (Sanchez,
1926, pp. 284-285).

In 1830 Col. Peter Ellis Bean of the Mexican army, superintendent
of Indian affairs in the Province of Texas, visited Pecan Point for
the purpose of establishing a garrison, but his plans were opposed
by Governor Pope of Arkansas and by the Caddo Indians, who
threatened to attack him.

Bean, in turn, declared he would send the Cherokee Indians to destroy the
Caddo, and their agent, Jehiel Brooks, at Natchitoches, called on Col. James

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 89

B. Many stationed at Fort Jessup for troops to protect his wards. [Foreman,
1933, p. 108.]

The Red River floods, which had frequently inflicted great losses on
the Caddo, occasioned suffering as well to the Quapaw, and on May 13,
1838, they signed another treaty relinquishing and conveying to the
United States “all their right and title to the lands given them by the
Caddo Indians on the Bayou Treache of Red river,” obtaining in
exchange 150 sections of land in the northeastern part of what is now
the State of Oklahoma (Royce, 1899, pp. 748-749). This seems to
have terminated the intimate relations between these two tribes, but
a few Quapaw may have remained with the Caddo, because the
I’maha, a name of one of the Quapaw towns, was given to Mooney
as that of a band among the Caddo. The same authority also noted a
band of Yowa’ni Choctaw, the Yowa’ni having occupied the southern-
most of all Choctaw towns before they left their old country in Mis-
sissippi (Mooney, 1896, pp. 1092-1093).

July 22, 1834, 33 Caddo, in charge of Capt. James Dean, reached
Camp Washita to accompany the troops led by Leavenworth and
Dodge into the Kiowa and Comanche country (Foreman, 1933, p. 181).

By the following treaty, signed on July 1, 1835, at the Caddo Agency
in the State of Louisiana, the Caddo relinquished all of their territory
within the limits of the United States and agreed to remove at their
own expense within 1 year beyond its boundaries:

Articles of a treaty, made at the Agency house in the Caddo nation, and State
of Louisiana, on the first day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and thirty-five, between Jehiel Brooks, commissioner on the
part of the United States, and the chiefs, head men, and warriors of the
Caddo nation of Indians

Arr, 1. The chiefs, head men, and warriors of the said nation, agree to
cede and relinquish to the United States all their land, contained in the follow-
ing boundaries, to wit: Bounded on the west by the north and south line which
Separates the said United States from the Republic of Mexico, between the
Sabine and Red rivers, wheresoever the same shall be defined and acknowledged
tc be by the two governments. On the north and east by the Red river, from
the point where the said north and south boundary line shall intersect the
Red river, whether it be in the territory of Arkansas or the State of Louisiana,
following the meanders of the said river down to its junction with the Pas-
cagoula bayou. On the south by the said Pascagoula bayou to its junction
with the bayou Pierre by said bayou, to its junction with bayou Wallace by
said bayou and lake Wallace to the mouth of the Cypress bayou; thence, up
Said bayou to the point of its intersection with the first mentioned north and
south line, following the meanders of the said watercourses; but if the said
Cypress bayou be not clearly definable, so far then from a point, which shall
be definable by a line due west till it intersects the said first mentioned north
and south boundary line, be the content of land within said boundaries more
or less.

ArT 2. The said chiefs, head men, and warriors of the said nation, do
voluntarily relinquish their possession to the territory of land aforesaid, and

299671—42——_7

90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 132

promise to remove at their own expense out of the boundaries of the United
States, and the territories belonging and appertaining thereto, within the
neriod of one year from and after the signing of this treaty, and never more
return to live, settle, or establish themselves as a nation, tribe, or community
of people within the same.

Art. 3. In consideration of the aforesaid cession, relinquishment, and removal,
it is agreed, that the said United States shall pay to the said nation of Caddo
Indians, the sums in goods, horses, and money hereinafter mentioned, to wit:

Thirty thousand dollars to be paid in goods and horses, as agreed upon, to
be delivered on the signing of this treaty.

Ten thousand dollars in money to be paid within one year from the first
day of September next.

Ten thousand dollars per annum, in money, for the four years next follow-
ing, so as to make the whole sum paid and payable eighty thousand dollars.

Art. 4. It is further agreed, that the said Caddo nation of Indians, shall
have authority to appoint an agent or attorney in fact, resident within
the United States, for the purpose of receiving for them, from the said United
States, all of the annuities stated in this treaty, as the same shall become
due, to be paid to their said agent or attorney in fact, at such place or places
within the said United States, as shall be agreed on between him and the
proper officer of the Government of the United States.

Arr. 5. This treaty, after the same shall have been ratified and confirmed by
the President and Senate of the United States, shall be binding on the con-
tracting parties.

In testimony whereof, the said Jehiel Brooks, commissioner as aforesaid,
and the chiefs, head men, and warriors of the said nation of Indians, have
hereunto set their hands, and affixed their seals at the place and on the day
and year above written.

J. Brooks,

Tarshar, his x mark,
Tsauninot, his x mark,
Satiownhown, his x mark,
Tennehinum, his x mark,
Oat, his x mark,
Tinnowin, his x mark,
Chowabah, his x mark,
Kianhoon, his x mark,
Tiatesum, his x mark,
Tehowawinow, his x mark,
Tewinnum, his x mark,
Kardy, his x mark,

Tiohtow, his x mark,
Tehowahinno, his x mark,
Tooeksoach, his x mark,
Tehowainia, his x mark,
Sauninow, his x mark,
Saunivoat, his x mark,
Highahidock, his x mark,
Mattan, his x mark,
Towabinneh, his x mark,
Aach, his x mark,
Sookiantow, his x mark,
Sohone, his x mark,
Ossinse, his x mark,

SSI ol sisi sion ot SESE asi
MNMRMWRRANRNRNRANRRMRR
HOP ee
RMRMRRMRRMRNRNANRMNRN|NR

In presence of

T. J. Harrison, Capt. 8d. Reg. Inf. D. M. Heard, M. D., Act. Assist. Sur-

commanding detachment, geon, U. S. A.
J. Bonnell, ist Lieut. 8d Reg. U. S. Isaac Williamson,
Inf. Henry Queen,

J. P. Frile, Bvt. 2d Lieut. 8d Reg. John W. Edwards, Interpreter.
U. S. Infantry,

Agreeably to the stipulations in the third article of the treaty, there have
been purchased at the request of the Caddo Indians, and delivered to them,
goods and horses to the amount of thirty thousand dollars.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 91

As evidence of the purchase and delivery as aforesaid, under the direction
of the commissioner, and that the whole of the same have been received by
the said Indians, the said commissioner, Jehiel Brooks, and the undersigned,
chiefs and head men of the whole Caddo nation of Indians, have hereunto
set theix hands, and affixed their seals, the third day of July, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-five.

J. Brooks, L. 8. Oat, his x mark, L. 8.

Tarshar, his x mark, L. S. Ossinse, his x mark, L. 8.

Tsauninot, his x mark, L.S.- Tiohtow, his x mark, AS:

Satiownhown, his x mark, L. 8. Chowawanow, his x mark, L.S.
In presence of

Larkin Edwards, John W. Edwards, Interpreter,

Henry Queen, : James Finnerty.

SUPPLEMENTARY ARTICLES

Articles supplementary to the treaty made at the Agency house in the Caddo
nation, and State of Louisiana, on the first day of July, one thousand eight
hundred and thirty-five, between Jehiel Brooks, commissioner on the part
of the United States, and the chiefs, head men, and warriors of the Caddo
nation of Indians, concluded at the same place, and on the same day, be-
tween the said commissioner, on the part of the United States, and the chiefs,
head men, and warriors of the said nation of Indians, to wit:

Whereas, the said nation of Indians did, in the year one thousand eight
hundred and one, give to one Francois Grappe, and to his three sons then
born and still living, named Jacques, Dominique, and Belthuzar, for reasons
stated at the time, and repeated in a memorial which the said nation ad-
dressed to the President of the United States in the month of January last,
one league of land to each, in accordance with the Spanish custom of grant-
ing land to individuals. That the chiefs and head men, with the knowledge
and approbation of the whole Caddo people, did go with the said Francois
Grappe, accompanied by a number of white men, who were invited by the said
chiefs and head men to be present as witnesses, before the Spanish authori-
ties at Natchitoches; and then, and there, did declare their wishes touching
the said donation of land to the said Grappe, and his three sons, and did re-
quest the same to be written out in form, and ratified and confirmed by the
proper authorities agreeably to law.

And whereas, Larkin Edwards has resided for many years to the present
time in the Caddo nation; was a long time their true and faithful interpreter,
and though poor he has never sent the red man away from his door hungry.
He is now old and unable to support himself by manual labor, and since
lis employment as their interpreter has ceased, possesses no adequate means
by which to live: Now, therefore,

Art. 1. It is agreed that the legal representatives of the said Francois
Grappe, deceased, and his three sons, Jacques, Dominique, and Belthazar
Grappe, shall have their right to the said four leagues of land reserved to
them and their heirs and assigns forever. The said land to be taken out of
the lands ceded to the United States by the said Caddo nation of Indians as
expressed in the treaty to which this article is supplementary. And the
said four leagues of land shall be laid off in one body in the southeast corner
of their lands ceded as aforesaid, and bounded by the Red river four leagues,

92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

and by the Pascagoula bayou one league, running back for quantity from
each, so as to contain four square leagues of land, in conformity with the
boundaries established and expressed in the original deed of gift, made by the
said Caddo nation of Indians to the said Francois Grappe, and his three sons
Jacques, Dominique, and Balthazar Grappe.

Art. 2. And it is further agreed that there shall be reserved to Larkin
Edwards, his heirs and assigns forever, one section of land, to be selected out
of the land ceded to the United States by the said nation of Indians, as
expressed in the treaty to which this article is supplementary, in any part
thereof not otherwise appropriated by the provisions contained in these
supplementary articles.

Art. 3. These supplementary articles, or either of them, after the same
shall have been ratified and confirmed by the President and Senate of the
United States, shall be binding on the contracting parties, otherwise to be
void and of no effect upon the validity of the original treaty to which they
are supplementary.

In testimony whereof, the said Jehiel Brooks, commissioner as aforesaid,
and the chiefs, head men, and warriors of the said nation of Indians, have
hereunto set their hands and affixed their seals at the place, and on the day
and year above written.

J. Brooks,

Tarshar, his x mark,
Tsauninot, his x mark,
Satiownhown, his x mark,
Tinnehinan, his x mark,
Oat, his x mark,
Tinnowin, his x mark,
Chowabah, his x mark,
Kianhoon, his x mark,
Tiatesun, his x mark,
Tehowawinow, his x mark,
Tewinnun, his x mark,
Kardy, his x mark,

Tiohtow, his x mark,
Tehawahinno, his x mark,
Toackooch, his x mark,
Tchowainin, his x mark,
Sanninow, his x mark,
Sauninot, his x mark,
Hiahidock, his x mark,
Mattan, his x mark,
Towahinnek, his x mark,
Aach, his x mark,
Soakiantow, his x mark,
Sohone, his x mark,
Ossinse, his x mark,

SN oil ol sil si s8 si o0 oil si a8 303
RARNRANRNRDANRARRARM
Pe et tt
RADA RNRRDAARRNARMR

In presence of

T. J. Harrison, Capt. 3d Reg’t. com’g. D. M. Heard, M. D. Act. Ast Surg’n.

detacw’t. UprSacA'
J. Bonnell, 1st Lieut. 8d Reg’t. U. S. Isaac C. Williamson,
Inf. Henry Queen,

G. P. Field, Bu’t. 2d Lieut. 8d Reg. John Edwards, Interpreter.
U. S. Inf.

(This treaty was ratified on Feb. 2, 1836.)

[Treaties between the United States of America and the several Indian Tribes,
1837, pp. 621-625.]

The money payment, it was asserted, was not really to extinguish
a valid Indian claim but to induce the Indians to remove peaceably.
It was contended that the Caddo actually had no right to the lands
they then occupied near the white settlements but had come to live
there in recent times after having been driven out of their old
country by enemies. Information regarding this claim is contained

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 93

in the following document in the American State Papers, Public
Lands, 1861, vol. 8, p. 914:

24th Congress, 2d session
On Claims to Land in Louisiana

Communicated to the House of Representatives, December 30, 1836

Mr. Huntsman, from the Committee on Private Land Claims, to whom were
referred the documents pertaining to various land claims, for lands lying
between the Rio Hondo and Sabine rivers, reported:

That the register and receiver of the southwestern land district was directed
by the act of Congress of the 8d of March, 1823, and a supplemental act
thereto passed on the 25th of May, 1824, as commissioners to examine into the
claims, take testimony, &c., recommend for confirmation or rejection, to Congress,
such claims as should be submitted [to] them in a given time, as will more
fully appear by a reference to said acts. The register and receiver, in pur-
suance of said authority, proceeded in the performance of the duty assigned
them, took testimony, and adjudicated many claims, confirming some and
rejecting others. Among those which were recommended for confirmation,
were a certain number which were suspended by Congress in the passage of an
act of the 24th of May, 1828, (which confirmed the balance,) as the act
recites that they should be suspended until it is ascertained whether they
are situated in the country claimed by the Caddo Indians.

There has been no information obtained upon this point; but it is believed
there has been sufficient information obtained to supersede the necessity of
that inquiry. It is believed by the committee, from the best information
within their reach, that the Caddo Indians had no right of any sort there,
except a permissive right, and that the citizens who claimed by habitation,
cultivation, or otherwise, were not trespassers or intruders upon the Indian
lands. A thorough inquiry has been made of the Secretary of War, for such
information as was in possession of his department in relation to the country
whence the Caddoes came; what time they settled in the country in question ;
and what right they hold and claim in these lands.

The Secretary has communicated all the information at his command, which,
taken with his correspondence with one of your committee, is too voluminous
to incorporate in this report. And although there is no direct evidence which
is absolutely conclusive, yet there is much circumstantial testimony which is
extremely persuasive to establish these facts:

That, anciently, these Indians inhabited a country much farther southwest
[northwest?] than the one which is now the subject of inquiry; that about
thirty years ago they were driven by their enemies (the Osages) from the
country they then inhabited upon the white settlements, where they were
permitted to remain until the late treaty with them, in the making of which
it appears that the Secretary of War did not consider that they had any title
to the country, but were induced to give them the sum, perhaps $80,000, to re-
linquish their possessions and go off peaceably, as will more fully appear by the
correspondence upon that subject.

The committee are therefore of opinion that those cases which were suspended
by the first section of the act of 1828, are as meritorious as those which were
confirmed, and have reported a bill for the confirmation of those claims which
Were suspended. [Amer. State Pap. Public Lands, 1861, p. 914.]

94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

These words of wisdom may embody good law but leave us in the
dark regarding certain very vital matters. ‘The statement is valid
only as to the Kadohadacho or Caddo proper and their immediate
allies. If it was meant to include all the Caddo tribes of north-
western Louisiana, it is egregiously false since the Natchitoches,
Yatasi, and Adai had occupied their lands from earliest French
contact. It is also very doubtful whether there were any valid white
claims to the lands upon which the Caddo settled about Lake Caddo
at the time when they settled. If no tribe was conceived to have had
a right to any lands into which it had been driven in the historic
period, a very large number of them would have no claims to much of
the land to which their claims were admitted and for which they were
actually paid. And finally, if late occupancy of land by Indians
invalidated their claims, how did the claims of post-Columbian whites
happen to be better? That might have been the case, of course, if
the Indians had come among the white settlements, but the western
shores of Lake Caddo were far from white settlements, and any claims
to ownership of them stand suspect. In a letter dated “Washington,
Feb. 21, 1835,” Col. J. Brooks, evidently the Commissioner whose
name appears in the treaties, states that in May 1805, the Caddo
claimed to be the original inhabitants of the land they occupied, and in
a memorial of January 28, 1835, 23 chiefs and head men affirmed that
their villages had been established where they then stood “ever since
the first Caddo was created.”"* History certainly contains record of
no other tribes than Caddo in the entire region in spite of later
shiftings.

The unceremonious dumping of these Indians into Texas had con-
sequences as to which the Federal Government was probably indif-
ferent. Part of them associated themselves with the Cherokee chief
Bowl, and Cherokee Indians informed C. H. Sims in 1836 that “a
Jarge body of Caddo, Kichai, Eyeish, Tawakoni, Waco, and Co-
manche were expected to attack the settlements and in all probability
the Cherokee would join them” (Muckleroy, 1922, p. 6). In view
of the specific wording of the treaty of 1835, the reaction of the
Texans to the movement of Caddo Indians into their republic is
hard to understand. Instead of repressive measures against the
Indians, it would have seemed to call for a protest to the United
States Congress or else negotiations for the peaceful accommodation
of the new comers. But on March 1, 1837, instead of protesting against
the ejection of these Indians and their removal to Texas, Houston wrote
to his Secretary of State instructing him to urge upon the United States
the necessity of restraining the Caddos with two companies of
mounted men. In his message to the Texan Congress on May 5,
1837 he

United States Archives.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 95

said that the [Caddo] tribe had recently ceded certain of their lands to the
United States, and that in consequence the Caddos had shown a disposition
to unite with the wild Indians of Texas. He had received information that
the United States agent had issued rifles and ammunition to the warriors.
[Muckleroy, 1922, p. 24.]

The next year Rusk found a Captain Tarrant on the Louisiana
border at the head of a company of soldiers “about to attack the
Caddo Indians from the United States. It was believed that these
Indians were about to cross into Texas to commit depredations.
Rusk forced the Caddo to surrender, and turned their arms over to
their agent at Shreveport,” although it would seem that, more than
a year having elapsed since the ratification of the Caddo treaty,
their agent would have ceased to function except to make the annual
payments agreed upon. And our authority goes on to say that
Rusk “promised the Indians that the government of Texas would
support them” (Muckleroy, 1922, pp. 15-16).

This sinister interpretation of the issuance of rifles intended
doubtless for hunting reminds us of those race riots in which, the
homes of the negroes being searched, the remarkable discovery is
made that they have firearms—like everybody else in the region.
However, Houston continues: “The principal aggressions on our fron-
tier have either been instigated or perpetrated by the Caddos”
(Muckleroy, 1922, pp. 24-25). Houston was a friend of the Indians
and it would seem that he might have looked far enough behind
these depredations to discover that a people cannot well be uprooted
from their homes without creating more or less disturbance in their
endeavors to obtain new ones. The greater part of them naturally
allied themselves with the Hasinai and other related tribes. In
1837 the affiliated tribes included the Kadohadacho, Anadarko,
Nacogdoche, Nabedache, and Eyeish (Muckleroy, 1922, p. 282).
Henry M. Morfit, sent by President Jackson in 1836 to investigate the
military, civil, and political condition of Texas, states that the
Caddo had recently destroyed the village of Bastrop (Muckleroy,
1922, p. 241). But as Bastrop is 200 miles from the Caddo country
and in territory raided rather by the Lipan and Comanche than
the Caddo, one is permitted to doubt that the criminals were properly
identified.

In 1842 Gen. Ethan Allen Hitchcock was informed by Colonel
Upshaw, the Chickasaw Indian agent, that
the Caddos were reduced, he thought, to about 250; that 167 were in the
Choctaw Nation and that the last annuity due them was paid this year and
now they are without a country and without an annuity and are living here
hy sufferance of the Choctaws. [Foreman, 1930 a, p. 181.]

On July 29 of that year four Muskogee chiefs wrote to Red Bear,
chief of the Caddo, advising against having anything to do with

96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

Mexican emissaries (Foreman, 1933, p. 168). Meanwhile the Caddo
Indians had been sending messages to Robert M. Jones, an intelligent
and influential Choctaw, suggesting that he act as intermediary be-
tween the Republic of Texas and her Indian enemies, and that same
month

a number of Indians from that tribe, bearing a letter from the Caddo chief,
Red Bear, came to Boggy Depot to see Jones. Soon after, a delegation of
Texans headed by Colonel Stroud, authorized by President Houston to negotiate
treaties with the hostile Indians, reached Boggy Depot and showed Jones their
eredentials and their “talk” from President Houston. On the thirtieth three
of the Caddo young men departed for their home with the peace “talk” and
a long letter to Red Bear written by Jones urging the Indians to make peace
with the whites. The letter contained some sage advice on the folly of main-
taining war against the whites in which history showed that the Indians
were invariably losers. He told Red Bear to ascertain whether his neighboring
Indians were for peace and if so to send word to him when and where they
would meet the Texans in a peace conference “and make a white road that
you and all others who choose, may travel in peace and safety; by this you
will bury the war hatchet which is stained with blood and let the red path
which has brought distress to the doors of your people as well as those of
the white man, grow up with grass and weeds and be traveled no more....
I send you a medal and some tobacco and white beads as an emblem of the
long friendship existing between your people and the Choctaws and Chickasaws,
and Col. Stroud has sent you, the Ironeyes [Hainai] and Madargoes
{Anadarkos], tobacco in token of his favorable reception of your request for
peace.” [Foreman, 1933, pp. 167—168.]

In 1843 the Caddo were visited by the artist J. M. Stanley and his
catalog shows that he made sketches of seven prominent members
of the tribe, all of which suffered in the Smithsonian fire the same
irreparable loss as the rest of his work. We particularly regret the
loss of his painting of José Maria, which appears to have been the
only likeness ever made of that great chief. From the catalog I
quote the following descriptions of the seven paintings:

Caddoes [meaning Kadohadacho]:... 74. Bin-tah, the Wounded Man
(painted 1843). Principal Chief of the Caddoes. He derived his name from
the fact of his having been wounded in the breast by an Osage; he wears a
piece of silver suspended from his nose, as an ornament.

75. Ah-de-bah, or the Tall Man (painted 1848). Second or Assistant Chief of
the Caddoes. Painted in the act of striking the drum.

76. Se-hia-ah-di-you, the Singing Bird (painted June, 1848). Wife of
Ah-de-bah, seated in her tent. A view on Tiwoccany Creek, Texas.

77. Ha-doon-cote-sah (painted 1843). A Caddo Warrior.

Anandarkoes [Anadarko]: 78. José Maria (painted 1843). Principal chief
of the Anandarkoes. This chief is known to the Mexicans by the name of
José Maria, and to the Caddoes as Jesh. He has fought many battles with
the Texans, and was severely wounded in the breast in a skirmish with them.

Natchitoches: 80. Cho-wee, or the Bow (painted 1843). Principal Chief of
the Natchitoches. This man had a brother killed by the Texans, some four or
five years since, while on a hunting expedition, whose death he afterwards
avenged by taking the scalps of six Texans. [Stanley, 1852, pp. 48-49, 51.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 97

On September 29, 1848, a treaty of peace was signed at Bird’s Fort
on the Trinity River between the Republic of Texas and a number of
Indian tribes, including the Caddo, Anadarko, and Hainai. It was
approved by the Texas Senate on January 31, 1844, and signed by
President Houston February 3 following (Muckleroy, 1928, pp. 188-
191). Another treaty was concluded on October 7, 1844, of which the
three above-mentioned tribes were also signers. This was ratified by
the Texas Senate January 24, 1845, and signed by President Jones on
February 5, 1845 (Muckleroy, 1923, pp. 193-196). The same tribes
were represented at a peace council in September 1845 (Muckleroy,
1923, pp. 197-198).

Hight Caddo attended a convocation of Indians of different tribes
on Deep Fork River, summoned by the Creeks for the purpose of ad-
justing intertribal differences. It was called for May 1, 1845, but the
delegations were slow in coming in and the Caddo did not reach the
council ground until the 14th (Foreman, 1933, pp. 225-226). One of
the Caddo chiefs, Cho-wa-wha-na, was a principal speaker, and the
Cherokee agent, Pierce M. Butler, comments:

He was a striking man of great personal beauty and commanding appearance;
small in stature, yet beautiful and attractive features; dressed in what would be
called Indian magnificence—feathers, turbans, and silver bands. His speech
was looked for with interest and was very well received. Approving the coun-
cil—deploring the past and probable future fate of the Red Man; had been
gloomy—tfuture prospects worse; hostility among themselves would bring the
destruction of their race and ruin of their children.

The council broke up on the 16th, the leave-taking being in accord-
ance with the several tribal customs. The Creeks, Choctaws, etc., shook
hands. The Osages, Quapaw, and others took hold of the right arm
above the elbow with the right hand and gave it a hearty grip and
shake, while the Caddo gave “a real lover’s embrace, warm, affectionate,
and delightfully intimate” (Foreman, 1933, pp. 228-229).

William Armstrong, acting superintendent of Indian affairs for the
West, reporting the same year, says of the Caddo:

The Caddoes unlike the other bands mentioned have no regular homes of their
own. A few of them have settled among the Choctaws by permission of that
tribe. These endeavor to Support themselves by labor, the rest, like the Kicka-
poos, depend on the chase, and lead a wandering life. [Foreman, 1933, p. 234.]

By a law of January 14, 1843, the Republic of Texas had engaged
itself to establish a line of trading posts which were to form a boundary
between the Indians and whites. However, only one of these was estab-
lished that year, by the Torrey brothers on the Brazos River near the
present City of Waco, and it was 100 miles below the point where, ac-
cording to the law, it should have been placed. It served to preserve
friendship with the Indians. Later Mathias Travis established

98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

another trading house on the south fork of Trinity River. It was
completed in September 1845.

Torreys’ Trading House was the residence of the Indian agents. On
January 10, 1845, three chiefs came to agents Sloan and Williams at
this place and informed them that tales were being circulated to the
effect that when their corn was ripe, the whites intended to fall upon
the Indians and exterminate them. Williams promptly went around
to reassure them.

After the accession of the Republic of Texas to the United States
in 1846, Robert S. Neighbors was appointed Special Commissioner
to the Texas Indians and on May 30 of that year he reached the village
of the Kadohadacho, Hainai, and Anadarko, “situated on the Brazos
River, 45 miles from Torreys’ trading house.” He says:

I found everything perfectly quiet in their village, and the Indians well satis-
fied and friendly. They are cultivating large fields of corn, and appear to be in
a prosperous condition. The village consists of about 150 houses, built of wood
and covered with grass. I held a talk with the chiefs, and found everything
in a healthy condition. [Indian Affairs, 1847, p. 894.]

No hint is supplied as to the time when they had moved over from
their former country. It may have been in 1843 when the Torreys’
trading house was erected.

Neighbors learned at this time that frequent depredations, meaning
in particular horse stealing, had been committed on these people by
the Wichita, Waco, Tawakoni, and Kichai to the north, and he
determined to make peace between the two parties.

On application to the chief of the Onadakoes, he sent Pow-iash, second chief,
with six of his warriors with me; Jose Maria, the principal chief, having been
thrown from his horse and badly injured, was unable to accompany me in person.
The mission was accomplished successfully. Visiting the village of
the three tribes again on August 23, he found the chiefs peaceable
and friendly, but he says:
the drought has been excessive during the whole summer; and although the
crops were very promising in the early part of the season, there was a perfect
failure in the corn crop. They complain of great scarcity of provisions, and
their chief, Jose Maria, said that it was with much difficulty their people
were able to subsist; the tribes were necessarily much scattered in pursuit of
game, and other means of subsistance. I found also that large quantities of
whiskey had been introduced among them since my former visit, which has in
some degree disorganized them. ‘These Indians are very fond of spirits, and it
is with much difficulty that I can get sufficient information from them to arrest
the trade. The chiefs have now pledged themselves to give me information in
future, that will enable me to stop its importation into their country. [Indian
Affairs, 1847, pp. 894-895, 899.]

On arriving at the village of the Wichita and their allies “about
175 miles above this place,” he found some Caddo and Hainai there,
possibly as visitors. He notes that, finding an additional interpreter

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 99

necessary, he had, on August 20, employed Col. L. H. Williams, as in-
terpreter for the Caddo, Hainai, and related tribes.

He reports rumors being industriously spread among the Indians
that the whites intended to massacre all of them after they had been
brought together (Indian Affairs, 1847, pp. 899, 903, 904).

In 1848 a Caddo boy was killed by a company of soldiers and the
Indians demanded satisfaction, threatening to take vengeance on the
company responsible if it was not given. Haso-dib-bar is mentioned
as the Caddo chief at that time but he cannot have been the head
chief unless this is the Indian name of José Maria (Indian Affairs,
1848, pp. 591, 593). Otherwise he must have been chief of the
Kadohadacho only. The following account of these tribes is con-
tained in the report for 1849 (p. 88) :

The Caddoes, Annadareoes, and Ionies, although having each their separate
chief or head man, and living in separate villages, are associated together under
the government of one principal chief. The Caddoes and Ionies live upon the
Brazos and its northern tributaries in the upper Cross Timbers, about 140
miles above the settlements on Red River, 120 miles from those on the Trinity,
and about 160 miles from those of the Brazos. The Annadarcoes have their
village on the Brazos, about 40 miles above the settlements, but spend most
of their time some 100 miles within the settlements between the Brazos and
Trinity rivers, where they have been permitted to go at their pleasure in
violation of the laws of the State, greatly against the will and much to the
annoyance of the citizens, and greatly jeopardizing the peace and safety of the
frontier, which was several times, during the last year, on account of this
very tribe, and the fact that they were permitted to go into the settlements,
near being involved in a general war with all the border tribes and bands;
and if not stopped, must inevitably, and within the next six months, bring about
that much to be deplored and fatal result.

The three last named bands migrated from Louisiana; small parties of them
have been in Texas for a number of years, and have been gradually increasing
in strength by migrating parties of their own people, who have followed them,
until they now number about 1,200 souls. They live in wigwams and tents, and
raise some corn, pumpkins, &c.

The agent is in error regarding the origin of two of these tribes.
The Caddo proper did, indeed, come from Louisiana, but the other
two had been established in eastern Texas from earliest white contact.

There was further trouble between Caddo and Wichita the same
year. The latter having stolen some horses from the former,
the Caddo with Jim Ned, a Delaware, and a few Biloxi Indians made a descent
upon the Wichita village and drove off some of the horses of the Wichita. The
latter fired on them and precipitated a general fight in which two Caddo and a num-
ber of Wichita Indians were killed. The Wichita who escaped the massacre, came
into the Creek country, and implored them to save their tribe from extermination.
saying that 30 of their people—men, women, and children—had been
kalled in the attack.

The Caddoes and their leader told the Wichitaws that Col. Upshaw the Chickasaw

Sub-agent had given them liberty to kill the Wichitaws, as they were a very
bad people. [Indian Affairs, 1849, p. 191; Foreman, 1934, pp. 119-120.]

100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

In 1850 the Chickasaw sent a memorial to the President against the
continuance in their country of bands of wild Indians, among them
being enumerated the Caddo (Indian Affairs, 1849, p. 122). February
23, 1851, Col. Dixon §. Miles reported about 300 Caddo located in the
Chickasaw District, “near the oil spring and not over 15 miles from
where Capt. Marcy is ordered to locate a post on Wild Horse Creek
[Fort Arbuckle].” “They are,” he adds, “disposed to cultivate the
soil and live peaceably and friendly” (Foreman, 1934, p. 128).

In 1851, Jesse Stem, Special Agent for the Indians in Texas, sent a
lengthy report, parts of which follow:

On the 15th [of June], I saw and held talks with Jose Maria and Towash, and
the principal men of their bands, (the Caddoes, Audaicos, and Ionois,) near
their villages on the Brasos, about twenty miles below the Waco village.

These tribes [including also the Waco, Kichai, and Tawakoni] have main-
tained friendly relations with the whites, and are regarded as peaceable and
well disposed. In these talks with me, they professed the most cordial feelings
toward our Government and people; expressed great anxiety that their relations
with the Government should be established on a more certain and permanent
basis; that a permanent boundary should be fixed, so that they might have a
country where they could be secure from encroachments of the white settlements,
and where they could build up their villages and cultivate their corn fields with-
out the constant fear of being driven further back, and compelled to abandon
their homes, the fruits of their labor, and the graves of their kindred.

Jose Maria said: “That now there was a line below which the Indians were not
allowed to go; but the white people came above it, marked trees, surveyed lands
in their hunting grounds, and near their villages, and soon they would claim the
lands; if the Indians went below they were threatened with death; that this was
not just: ... that a party of white men had recently been in his country, sur-
veying land and marking trees; that he followed them, told them that they must
mark no more trees, and must leave the country ; that he would not molest them,
but they should not survey his lands.” There can be no more prolific source of
strife, jealousy, and bloodshed on the frontier, than the want of a fixed boundary,
above which the white men are not allowed to go.

These tribes are more fixed in their location, and more advanced in the arts
and comforts of civilization, (slight as they are,) than any other of the Indians
in Texas. They are making very creditable efforts at raising Indian corn, beans,
pumpkins, and melons; their lodges are made of a frame or net-work of sticks,
thatched with coarse grass, and are large, warm, and comfortable. Their corn
fields looked well, and were comparatively well cultivated.

They have no farming instruments but hoes, most of which they said they had
bought. They wanted some light ploughs and plough harness, and more hoes.

I took pains to encourage them in the cultivation of corn, &c., and went around
with them and looked at their corn fields, promised them some ploughs and har-
ness, and more hoes this fall, and next spring would endeavor to provide them
with some seed potatoes, (which they have not yet cultivated,) and other seeds.

There has been, and still is, a great want of certain information as to the
numbers and condition of the various tribes in Texas. While among these In-
dians I endeavored to ascertain their exact numbers, and with this view induced
the chiefs to go among their people and count them. Having no system of num-
bers they enumerated only with their fingers, or by means of bundles of sticks.
They brought me a bundle of sticks for each tribe.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 101

The following is the enumeration furnished me as above, which I consider very
accurate:

ROW ACEH EROS see te O51 eae A 141
IW COC See AES SEZ gd MEE a Tg 114 }Total 293 Warriors 90
NRCC C HICSS ir ee 22 tI ee EAN Ay Shy 38
RONG OCS Bare reLED EAaeA DS RENE Sah SSAA As 161
PAM ATCOS Meer eo lt A EET te 202-476 ne 161
OWT CS Penns SS a ee eh ot ee 113
CLA WAT CS EN Be Ee eS 63 e ol!
RS EL VTE Cea eee A AIEEE MANE A BT to on 70 a 35

[He adds an enumeration of the Tonkawa.]

It will be seen, upon examining the files of the department, that the tribes
above enumerated, including the Wichitas, were in 1849 reported officially as
having 800 warriors, and numbering 4000 persons. The Wichitas were repre-
sented to me as a small tribe, numbering 100. They, together with about 80
watriors from the Caddoes, Wacoes, and Keechies, (including about two-thirds
of the latter tribe.) together with a small proportion of women and children, have,
within the last two years, left Texas, and are now inhabiting the Wichita moun-
tains beyond Red river. But deducting these, the above enumeration shows
that former estimates have been very much too large, and I entertain no doubt
that, upon actual enumeration, it will be found that there has been a propor-
tionate over-estimate of the other Indians in Texas. [Indian Affairs, 1851, pp.
260-261.]

In a letter dated November 1, of the same year, Stem says:

The tribes on the Brasos, especially the Caddoes, Aud-dai-coes, and Ionies, are
the most peaceable and well disposed of the Indians of Texas, and for several
years, by their uniform good conduct, and readiness in delivering up stolen
property brought among them, have maintained a good reputation among the
citizens of this State. They desire, and should receive, encouragement and
proper consideration from the Government.

Since my former report a military post has been established on the Clear fork
of the Brasos, some 150 miles further up than Fort Graham. This post is
beyond the several Indian villages on the Brasos, and unites [extends] the
location and settlement of the adventurous citizens of this State on the hunting
grounds, and perhaps upon the corn fields, and in villages of these Indians, or
otherwise demand their removal [unless they remove] beyond this line of posts;
in either caSe it involves serious hardship upon the Indians. They have built up
villages, cleared off corn fields, and established homes, which they are forced
to yield up without compensation; already have several of these tribes been
compelled to yield up homes thus established. [Indian Affairs, 1851, p. 263.]

Stem’s report for 1852, dated at Fort Graham, Tex., October 8, con-
tains the following paragraphs:

The Caddoes, Ana-da-kos, and Ionis have remained on the Brazos, and have
peaceably and quietly tilled their corn-fields and followed the chase, occasionally
calling on me for slight aid to make out the measure of their subsistence. The
efforts of these people are much embarrassed by the constant reflection that the
tenure by which they hold their homes and improvements is so slight and pre-

carious. With the constant anticipation that the fields which they have sub-
_jugated, the warm lodges they have erected, the clear cold springs they have dis-

:
1

102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

covered, are to be given up to the adventurous white man, whose surveys have
already enclosed and surrounded their villages and “marked their trees,” they
have no courage for vigorous and hopeful effort.

José Maria, after the close of his ‘“‘winter hunt,” would not go back to his old
village on the Brazos. His lands had been surveyed, (a subject about which he
has been extremely sensitive), and perhaps he feared interruption. The con-
sequence has been that, upon new land, the corn-crop of his people (limited at
best) has been unusually small; and their frail and imperfect lodges failing to
afford the accustomed protection, they have experienced an unusual amount of
sickness and mortality. I have adverted in my former reports to the obvious
policy of the general government, in connection with the State of Texas, assign-
ing some territory to those tribes in Texas who have manifested a desire to
establish homes for themselves, and to cultivate the arts of civilization.

I cannot resist the inclination to again call attention to this subject, as a
step fundamental to any enlightened policy in the administration of Indian
affairs in Texas.

These remarks do not, at present, apply to the Comanches and other wild tribes,
whose habitations are as shifting as the winds of their own prairies; but the three
tribes to whom I have just alluded, together with several others, deserve this
consideration, and are prepared to be benefited by it. The Caddoes are now
indebted to the liberality of Major H. H. Sibley, in his capacity of a private
citizen, that they have an hour’s security in their homes and in the cultivation
of their crops. He has generously given them written permission to occupy,
for the term of five years, their present home, (which is his property). He has
made the same offer to José Maria, and, for want of any present expectations
from the government, he will probably avail himself of the offer.

Surely a great government, such as ours, and a great State like Texas, with
her vast public domain, will not permit the burden to rest upon a private citizen
of furnishing these people with a home.

An effort was made in the Texas legislature last winter to confer a grant of
lands upon these tribes. It received the earnest support, I believe, of a number
of enlightened and liberal gentlemen; but from some cause the measure failed,
legislation ending in vesting the Governor with the power to appoint commis-
sioners to confer upon this subject with the commissioners to be appointed by
the general government. [Indian Affairs, 1852, pp. 145-146.]

It must be added with regret that Stem, evidently a good friend of
the Indians, was murdered by some miscreants of their race the year
aiter this was written. On February 16, 1852, “the [Texas] Legis-
lature approved a resolution authorizing the Governor to conduct
negotiations with the national authorities concerning territory for the

use of Texas Indians” (Koch, 1925, p. 98).

On February 6, 1854, the legislature passed an act providing for reservations,
and authorizing the National Government to select and survey twelve leagues
of land for these reservations. This land was not to be located over twenty
miles south or east of the most northern line of military posts of the United
States from Red River to the Pecos. As soon as the land was surveyed and
marked, the Federal Government was to settle thereon Indians belonging to
Texas, and to have control of them, and establish such agencies and military
posts as were necessary. The act provided for the reversion of the land to the
state, when it was no longer used for the Indians.

The departments of War and of the Interior appointed Captain R. B. Marcy
and Major R. 8S. Neighbors to survey the land. Captain Marcy wrote Governor

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 103

MAP

ofatract of land situated upon the Bases river, selectoa by May. R. S.Metghbors and Capt.R.B. Marcy
asa reservation forthe use of the Indians of Texas

e
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WAN Boundary of American league tract

NOTES
Se A.B.C.D. Represent the corners of atract contacning eight Spanish leagues
LFA. - ~ mate sath

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SCALE CF MILES

Figure 2.—Plat of the Lower Brazos Reserve in Texas, by Maj. R. S. Neighbors and
Capt. R. B. Marcy.

Original in the National Archives: Records of the Department of the Interior, Office of
Indian Affairs, Map No. 723.

Pease, January 10, 1855, that he had surveyed and marked the boundaries of
the land, and inclosed copies of the plots and field notes [figs. 2 and 3]. He
marked the tracts in both Spanish and English measurements since the act
did not specify which was to be used. Marcy said he and the secretary of war
thought ‘the American measurements should be used, since the reservations
were small at the best. He recommended that the American league be adopted.
Major Neighbors also wrote Governor Pease, February 20, 1855, saying that
they had used great care in selecting the land, consulting the Indians as to

104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

their preferences. He stated that he had submitted his field notes and plots
to the departments of the General Government, and was now sending them
to the Governor in order that he might have them entered on the maps of the
General Land Office. He requested that the Governor report to him any error
in them for the Indians had already begun to Settle on the land. [Koch, 1925,

pp. 98-99.]

The Brazos Agency on which the Caddo and their allies were placed
together with the Waco, Tawakoni, Kichai, Tonkawa, and some Dela-
ware, consisted of eight leagues, or 37,152 acres. “It was located on
the main fork of Brazos River, about twelve or fifteen miles south of

Fort Belknap” (Koch, 1925, p. 99).
In a communication to Schoolcraft written at about this period,
Marcy says that the Hainai, Anadarko, and Caddo

live in permanent villages, where they plant corn, peas, beans, and melons. They,
however, live for a great portion of the year upon the fruits of the Chase, are
well armed with fire-arms, but also make use of the bow and arrow...
[They] have heretofore been engaged in hostilities with the Texans, but are now
quiet and friendly, and are already availing themselves of the opportunity ex-
tended to them by the Government, of settling upon the lands donated by the
State of Texas for their use. They are commanded by a very sensible old chief,
called “José Maria,” who feels a deep interest in the welfare of his people;
and is doing every thing in his power to better their condition. [Schoolcraft,

vol. 5, p. 712.]

The progress made in settling the Indians upon this reservation
is thus described by Neighbors, the Supervising Agent of the Texas
Indians, in a letter to the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
dated “Brazos Agency, Texas, September 10, 1855”:

Under your instructions of February 2, (as soon as I could possibly make
the necessary arrangements,) I commenced the new policy of colonizing the
Texas Indians on the lands set apart for them, but it was the ist of March
before it was possible to commence, which was so late in the season that it
was impossible to expect any considerable success in farming this year.

As soon as the reservations were opened for settlement all the Indians
immediately in the neighborhood assembled and selected their lands for farm-
ing purposes; and, although late, I instructed the special agent in charge to
have some land prepared, and to assist such of the Indians as were willing
to work in planting corn; the result was that there were about 400 acres of
land planted, but owing to the extremely dry season experienced in this section,
the yield has not been commensurate with the exertions made by the Indians
to make their own bread. The Caddoes, Anadahkoes, Wacoes and Tahwac-
corroes are the tribes who have been most forward in farming, and there is
no doubt but they will, after the next crop, be able to make their own bread.
Accompanying, I beg leave to submit Special Agent Hill’s report of 31st August,
which will inform you more in detail in regard to his operations.

There are now settled on this reservation, aS you will perceive by refer-
ence to the census rolls herewith enclosed, 794 Indians of the following tribes,
to wit: 205 Anadahkos, 188 Caddoes, 186 Tahwaclorroes [Tawakoni], 94
Wacoes, and 171 Tonkahwas. They embrace a majority of the above tribes,
and it is confidently expected that before the end of the present fiscal year, the
whole of them will be settled down permanently. As regards the Indians

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SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 105

already settled down on this reservation, I must say that, for good behavior,
morality, and industry they have far exceeded my most sanguine expectations ;
there has not been, within my knowledge, a single case of drunkenness, and
not a gallon of spirits sold on the reservation; this is simply the result of the
wishes of the Indians themselves, as there has been no police, and there has
been but one depredation committed, as far as known, upon any of the white
settlers in the neighborhood; when application was made to the chief, the
offender was immediately given up and reparation made. I must say that a
more peaceful and quiet settlement does not exist in any portion of Texas
than is now found on this reservation, and all that visit it are astonished
at the progress made by the Indians in the arts of civilized life. So far as the
tribes above named are concerned, the policy now pursued can no longer be
called an experiment. [Indian Affairs, 1855, pp. 177-178.]

In his report to Neighbors, Hill says:

In obedience to your instructions of March, 1855, covering a copy of those
from the Indian Bureau to you of February 2, 1855, I have located and settled
on this reservation seven hundred and ninety-two Indians; there are yet north
of Red river near two hundred Wacoes, Tawaccoroes, Caddoes, and Anadahecoes,
entitled to settlement here. [Indian Affairs, 1855, pp. 184.]

We now quote from articles by Clara Lena Koch on “The Federal
Indian Policy in Texas, 1845-1860”:

Near the center of the reservation, in a grove of mesquite trees, the Federal
Government erected a group of buildings for the transaction of business.
There were two houses for the employees, a house for the agent, a kitchen, a
store room, and a blacksmith’s shop. ... The government of the reservation
was fairly simple. Neighbors wrote Charles Mix shortly after the opening
of the agency that he had established temporary rules for the control of the
Indians. They acknowledged the treaty of 1846 to be still binding so the
agents based their action on it, adding articles of government as a supplement
to the treaty. Neighbors wrote Major General Twiggs, July 17, 1857, that
never since the opening of the reservations had he found it necessary to call
on the military department to enforce orders. The agents with the assistance
of the Indians organized and conducted a police force. The Federal Govern-
ment had stationed two companies of dragoons and two companies of infantry
at Fort Belknap, altogether about 850 men. ‘This was in September of 1854.
The accounts show that there was always some force here because this fort was
on the frontier. The troops there, after the establishment of the reservations,
were designed for the protection of the agency Indians, as well as of the
frontier settlers.

The Government neglected the matter of education for the Agency until
just about a year before it abandoned the reservation system in Texas. Reyvy-
erend John W. Phillips of the Methodist Episcopal Church wanted to establish
a mission school for the Indians, and Neighbors wrote Mix September 10, 1855,
that he hoped Mix would consider the plan favorably. The tribes were anxious
for a school, and he thought the Indians ought to be educated; the children
ought to learn English. Five days later, September 15, Neighbors wrote to
Mr. Phillips saying that it would be of little use to establish a mission for
two or three years yet, until the Indians had made some advances in civiliza-
tion. Whether Phillips ever established a mission or a mission school, the
writer [i. e., Miss Koch] has been unable to discover. Ross in a letter to

299671—42——_8&

Ma
a linet ff re Afro Cle Clkar Hoof Of Che Soc Otte.
ox fr

GER LG..

laud dtiattil
Cafth ZAI A ate

P88? gu P : . Cast

Ficure 3,—Plat of the Upper Brazos Reserve in Texas, on the Clear Fork of Brazos River, by Maj. R. S. Neighbors and Capt. R. B. Marcy

i i ian Affairs. Map No. 722.
Original in the National Archives: Records of the Department of the Interior, Office of Indian sa Dia alee

106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Neighbors, September 30, 1856, urged him to call the attention of the Indian
Department to the fact that schools had been promised the Indians, and they
were expecting the Federal Government to fulfill the promise. The children
ought to be trained for citizenship, said Ross. By September, 1857, Neighbors
had made contracts for school buildings at the Agency, according to instruc-
tions which he had received in March. The buildings were then nearly com-
pleted, and he expected school to open in November. School did not open,
however, until June 1, 1858. Z. E. Coombes, the teacher, wrote Ross on
September 7, 1858, giving an account of progress. There were sixty pupils
enrolled, forty-seven boys and thirteen girls. He advised the employment
of an assistant teacher. There had been continued excitement, he said, among
the Indians on the reservation, due to the depredations committed on and near
the Agency by wild Comanches and their allies, and this had interfered greatly
with the school progress. On January 29, 1859, Coombes wrote Neighbors that
he had been unable to open school until the tenth of the month because of
the excitement due to the killing of Agency Indians, and threats of extermina-
tion made by those guilty of murders, an account of which follows shortly.
The pupils, the number of whom had decreased to fifty, were in fear of being
murdered and brought their bows and arrows to school.

The first agent for the Brazos reservation was G. W. Hill. He wrote Neigh-
bors, August 31, 1855, that he was then about to retire from duty as agent,
and go to his farm near the frontier, where he had lived for twenty years.
He had spent the past twenty-six months almost constantly among the Indians.
Captain Shapley P. Ross succeeded Hill at Brazos Agency. He entered on
duty September 1, 1855, and continued as agent until the reservation system
was abandoned. ... Ross was very successful in his work for the Indians.
Neighbors attributed the progress of the Agency to his efficiency. [Koch, 1925,
pp. 101-104.]

Jim Shaw was the principal interpreter and George Williams, a
Delaware, was made assistant interpreter in 1858, his services being
needed at school and in cases of sickness (Koch, 1925, p. 104).

In 1856 the number of Indians on this reservation had increased
to 948. Ross reported:

The Indians at the several villages have neat cottages, with good gardens
and fields adjacent, and the many conveniences to be seen on every hand give
me abundant evidence of the progress made by the Indians since their settle-
ment. The Caddoes and Anahdahkos show a great desire for the adoption
of the customs as well as the habits of the white men. They have also held
themselves ready and willing to assist in rescuing any property stolen from
the citizens on this frontier by the roving bands of hostile Indians. I also
noticed that the Indians are conquering to a great extent their old disposition
for roving; there seems to be now more attraction for them at home among
their families. This marked advancement in their civilization is evident to
all who visit this reservation.

There had been but one case of drunkenness. The farms had, how-
ever, suffered from drought.

The Caddoes have in cultivation about 150 acres of land; the Anadahkos
about 140; the Wacoes and Tahwaccanos 150; and the Tonkahuas 100; all of
which . .. are in good condition for next crop. [Indian Affairs, 1856, pp. 179,

180.]
In 1857 Neighbors reported that the Caddo had 1380 acres in corn

and 20 in wheat; the Anadarko 115 in corn and 20 in wheat (Indian

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 107

Affairs, 1857, p. 262). The members of these tribes not on the reserve
were beyond Red River, in the Chickasaw and Choctaw country and
with the Wichita.

They frequently visit the reserve, and on several occasions the census roll of
the agent showed over one thousand Indians. All of the above tribes have been
perfectly peaceable since the reserve was opened, and no depredations have
been traced to them. They have made considerable progress in agriculture
and stock raising, built themselves good cabins, and have under fence and
cultivation about seven hundred acres of land, and it is confidently expected
that they will raise an abundance of bread and vegetables to sustain them the
next year. It has never been necessary since the opening of the reserve to ask
the aid of the military to enforce the orders of the agent, the whole police of
the reserve being conducted by the agent, with the assistance of the Indians,
who are well organized for that purpose. [Indian Affairs, 1857, p. 265.]

Samuel Church, Farmer for the Caddo and Anadarko, reported
that “the Caddoes have ploughed twenty acres of new land the past
month, and also built, during the past year, seven good log houses,
and the Anadahkoes ten houses” (Indian Affairs, 1857, p. 271).
There were then 1,014 settlers on the reservation, and they had
a fair stock of horses, cattle, and hogs, and are paying particular attention
to stock raising; and I am Satisfied [writes Ross,] that in a few years their
condition will bear comparison with our frontier citizens. I have thought it
proper to give permission to a portion of the Caddoes and Anadakoes, who have
proved themselves perfectly reliable, to make small hunting and scouting
parties, after securing their crops this fall; this was more a matter of recrea-
tion than profit, and I deemed it bad policy to confine the Indians on the re-
serve, with nothing to employ them. It was supposed that the information
obtained from them, concerning the movements of hostile Indians, would
greatly aid us in checking their depredations on our frontier. [Indian Affairs,
1857, p. 269.]

During this period warriors from these reservations accompanied
both Federal and State troops in their expeditions against the
northern Indians. In April 1858, a hundred went with Capt. John S.
Ford in his attack on the camp of the Comanche chief Iron Jacket.
One hundred and thirty-five Indians from the same place were with
Major Van Dorn of the U. S. Cavalry in his fight with the Comanche
on the False Washita (Koch, 1925, pp. 33, 34). The Indian agent,
J. R. Baylor, wrote Neighbors that Indian troops under the com-
mand of white officers were the best protection to the whites. The
same year 100 Indians of the Brazos tribes went out on a scout with
Capt. William Martin of the ranger service. They accompanied
several expeditions and Koch says that “these Indians, who were
faithful to the whites and assisted them, were the agricultural tribes
who had been settled on reservations, and who had to some extent
adopted the manners, customs, and habits of the white people”
(Koch, 1925, pp. 34, 35).

108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Nevertheless, friction developed between the reservation Indians
and the settlers, caused in part by whites who hated all Indians
equally, or who wished to get them out of the way and occupy their
lands, and in part, as was claimed by Neighbors, by the hostility of
J. R. Baylor who nursed an animosity against the Federal Govern-
ment and the reservation system, because he had been discharged
from his position as agent. It was asserted on the other hand that
many depredations which the agents were wont to charge on the more
northern Indians had actually been committed by those on the res-
ervations and that they had even killed some white men. This bad
feeling culminated on the morning of December 27, 1858, in an at-
tack by a body of whites upon 17 Indians, including men, women,
and children, who were “encamped, grazing their horses on a bend
of the Brazos, above the mouth of the Reichie [Keechi].” One Caddo
man, one Caddo woman, three Anadarko men, and two Anadarko
women were killed. The rest were wounded but got back to the res-
ervation. One of the dead was a nephew of José Maria, the Anadarko
chief. These facts are taken from a letter dated December 28, 1858,
written by J. J. Sturm, the Farmer for the Brazos reserve. In a
second letter, sent two days later, Sturm says that those who had
been killed were “seven of the best and most inoffensive Indians on
the reserve” (Indian Affairs, 1859, pp. 220-222).

The whites who participated in this attack had the support of the
greater part of their neighbors and it was found impossible to bring
them to justice. The peace commissioners appointed by Governor
Runnels to examine the matter were unable to put an end to the dis-
turbances. The attitude of the white settlers bears all the earmarks
of one of those emotional outbreaks on the part of men who have
suffered real losses but are not in a frame of mind to consider ques-
tions judicially. And if, as Neighbors affirmed, they were being
egged on by men who believed they had grievances and hoped to
advance their personal fortunes in the situation created, the mo-
mentum of the movement would nave been increased thereby. Since
offenses committed against other tribes are often held up as models
for imitation before the minds of growing Indian boys, the theft
and slaughter of domestic animals may well have been perpetrated
occasionally by reservation Indians. Such atrocities, and murders
of men and women as well, by the more distant Indians were of con-
stant occurrence, and the desire for vengeance could easily be deflected
to satisfy the grudges of self-interested leaders from real culprits
to others more readily available. If there were no excuse, one could
soon be manufactured. If there were some excuse it could readilv
be augmented. Whatever the actual truth may have been, the fol-
lowing facts make the case for the settlers appear rather weak.

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SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 109

Firstly, the general peaceable character and excellent reputation of
the Caddo and their allies and their past services to the whites to
which Baylor himself testified. Secondly, the failure of the white
men to adduce any specific cases of depredations that could be pinned
definitely upon the reservation Indians, the evidence being wholly
circumstantial, and involving no murders. Thirdly, granted that the
settlers felt assured that such acts had bven committed by the reserva-
tion Indians and that summary action was necessary, an attack on a
body of campers, the slaughter of both men and women, and the
wounding of children,—whether or not these Indians were among “the
best and most inoffensive Indians on the reserve”—was not a very
heroic performance, and was not calculated to dramatize the wrongs
of the settlers to the best advantage (Indian Affairs, 1859, p. 221).

But the situation had now become so tense that not only the white
settlers but also the State Government and the Indian agents were
agreed that it would be necessary to remove the Indians from Texas
to the territories north of Red River (Indian Affairs, 1859, p. 237).
Already the United States Government had been considering leasing
land from the Choctaw and Chickasaw for this purpose, and in the
summer of 1858 Douglas Cooper, agent for the latter tribe, reported,
as the result of a personal investigation, that the area around Medi-
cine Bluff west of Fort Arbuckle and including the old Wichita
village was suitable for the purpose. In 1859 Major Emory, the
commander at the fort, went over the same ground to determine upon
a location for the new post and chose the site of the old Wichita
village (Nye, 1937, p. 83). The final decision rested, however, with
Elias Rector, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern
Superintendency, and he set out June 18, 1859, from Fort Smith to
begin an examination of the country in the neighborhood of the
Wichita Mountains for a prospective reserve. He finally fixed upon
a region lying along the False Washita, being completely disappointed
in the character of that which had commended itself to Cooper and
Emory.

Finding myself thus compelled to the conclusion that another locality must
be looked for, since this is wholiy unfit for the purposes intended, and that
the War Department, when fully advised, will certainly not select, as a posi-
tion for a military post, the site of the old Wichita village, or any point in
its vicinity, I had to turn either to the main or little Fausse Ouachita, and
accordingly proceeded to the former.

From the sandstone hills before mentioned, about forty miles northeast
of the Blue mountain, and in the country to the northward, a number of small
streams, draining the prairie, with barren ridges between, thickly covered
with stunted oaks, uniting together, flow northward to the Fausse Ouachita,
which is about twelve miles in that direction from those hills. A mile or two
further to the westward, is another similar system of drainage, terminating
in another small stream. The most easterly of these systems, at its lower end,
opens out into an open valley of moderate width, covered with rich grass

110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

and in places with large trees. Here was the old Kichai village; and a little
way below, the valley debouches into that of the Fausse Ouachita, extending
above and below some eight or ten miles, bounded on the south by a range of
low barren hills, the lower half about one and a half miles in width, and around
the upper half, the hills retreating still further back and forming almost a
semicircle, enclosing between them and the river a broad level plain from
two to two and a half miles in width, a large part of it of great fertility,
and covered with the thickest and finest grass. The most westerly valley,
towards its mouth, is wide and fertile, and covered with a thick growth
of timber. My guides informed me that above this river valley are three
others on the south side of the river, after which there are no more.

Crossing this alluvial plain, passing through a body of timber some hundred
yards in width, I reached and forded the river, here of a deep red color, about
three feet in depth and thirty yards in width, and emerged from a similar
belt of timber, on the north side, into another wide and level alluvial plain,
round which, on the north and east, ran Sugar Tree creek from the northwest,
flowing into the river below. This plain, between the creek and river, some
two and a half miles in width in its widest part, is bounded by a high ridge
on the west that runs sloping to the river. The soil of the plain is light and
sandy, that along the creek probably far superior to that near the river.
Further up in the hills are sugar maple trees, from which the creek takes
its name. Here, on this creek and piain, the Delawares and Caddoes—now
encamped near here with and as part of the Wichita tribe—had told me,
before we commenced the journey from Fort Arbuckle, they desired to settle.
The Wichitas and Kichais desired to settle in a Similar small valley on the
south side of the Canadian, about twenty miles to the northward. I have
consented to these locations.

I have selected as the site for the Wichita agency that of the old Kichai
village, on the south side of the river, near the mouth of the valley already
mentioned; and there I propose to erect the permanent agency-house and
out-buildings, as soon as I can close a contract for the same on reasonable
terms, and in the meantime to erect a cheap, temporary cabin for the agent,
to be afterwards used as a kitchen or other out-building, and a shed to protect
from the weather the goods and articles in my hands to be furnished the
Wichitas and affiliated bands; and the Texas Indians, I propose to place on
the south side of the river, above and below the agency, allowing them to
select the site for their respective towns, unless the Shawnees, Delawares, and
the Caddoes among them desire to settle with, as they should do, the Delawares
and Caddoes now here, on the north side of the river, and the Huecos and
Ta-wa-ca-nos, who speak the same langauge as the Wichitas, with that people
and the Kichais, on the Canadian; in which case, the wish of each should of
course govern.

Of the country on the Canadian selected by the Wichitas and Kichais, I
obtained accurate information from Se-kit-tu-ma-qua, my Delaware interpreter,
who is thoroughly acquainted with it, and I therefore did not deem it neces-
sary to examine it in person. The Wichitas and Kichais all desire to settle
there; and as they have resided in this region from a time beyond anyone’s
memory, and have a better claim to it than any other tribe, they ought, I
think, to have the privilege of selecting their home. Moreover, I desired,
before coming to a final conclusion, to see the country on the Little Washita,
west of the ninety-eighth parallel, which had been mentioned to me, and
accordingly I returned by the way of the upper waters of that creek, but
found no country there, beyond the ninety-eighth parallel, comparable to that
on the main river. [Indian Affairs, 1859, pp. 305-309.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY lil

The chart accompanying his report is shown in figure 4, and a
later chart locating the new reservation in figure 5.

On his return to Fort Arbuckle on the 30th, he found Major
Neighbors there and he continues:

After being fully informed by myself and Lieutenant Stanley, commander
of the escort, Mr. Blain, and the other gentlemen who accompanied me, of the
character of the several portions of the country explored by us, with which
also some of the head men with him are familiar, Mr. Neighbors has entirely
concurred with me in regard to the fitness of the place selected by me whereon
to locate such of the Indians under his charge as may not readily affiliate with
those now in my superintendency, and will proceed, at the end of three days
from this time [the letter was dated July 2], to the reserves in Texas, and
immediately carry out your instructions, by forthwith removing all the Indians
there, with their cattle, horses, and all other moveable property, to the site
selected for an agency, and there proceed to select the locations for the several
bands. [Indian Affairs, 1859, pp. 309-310.]

The head men of the tribes concerned who had accompanied
Neighbors to the Fort were then called in council and the plans
that had been made for them explained whereupon “the Indians
declared themselves entirely satisfied with the country selected for
them, well known to many of them, and ready to remove at once”
(Indian Affairs, 1859, p. 310). On the allotment of the land among
its new settlers, Rector says:

It is the settled opinion of Mr. Neighbors and myself, that, beyond all possible
doubt, it will be found wholly impracticable, for many years to come, to assign
to any of these Indians distinct parcels of land, by metes and bounds, in sev-
eralty for each family, and to confine their right of occupancy and possession
to only so much land as shall be thus covered by individual reservation. They
need far more land for grazing than for cultivation. They are not prepared
to become land-owners and individual proprietors of the soil. They are, and
will long be, far in the rear of that point. If that system is tried, the whole
plan of colonization will prove a disastrous and melancholy failure. In a few
months the reserves would be abandoned. It has always been the habit of
most of them to live in towns, each staking off and cultivating a portion of
one comon tract, contained in a single inclosure. It has been found neces-
sary to adopt this system on the Texas reserves.

It was the system of the Mexican Pueblos; and there can, it is certain beyond
all peradventure, be no other pursued with profit in the case of any of these
Indians.

Each band, to make the present experiment, in which the good faith and
honor of the United States are so much concerned, successful, must be put
in exclusive possession of a much larger tract of country than is needed for
cultivation, and, when part of it has been inclosed, be left to subdivide that
part among themselves each year, as the needs of each may require. This is
always done among themselves equitably and justly. We have proceeded upon
these principles in selecting the country to be occupied by these bands, and
earnestly hope that our views and action may be approved by you and the
Secretary of the Interior. The plan of assigning to each head of a family his
forty or eighty acre lot, to be his own, would not succeed for a day or an hour.

112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

As to the country around the Wichita mountains, it ought to be reserved
as common hunting grounds, for which alone nearly the whole of it is fitted.
{Indian Affairs, 1859, p. 311.]

The necessity of providing facilities for emigration and provision
until the first crop could be garnered in the new country was also
stressed. The unarmed Indians should be provided with rifles for
defense against hostile tribes and to enable them to hunt. There
should be a blacksmith shop and only one, carefully regulated, trading
house. It was hoped that this experiment would prove successful
and induce the remaining wild tribes to settle down.

On July 9th Neighbors arrived at the Brazos Agency and prepared
to move his charges as soon as the promised military escort arrived.
On the 25th he states that his transportation was arriving and that
part of his escort had come so that he expected to leave within the
next 4 days. He expresses annoyance at the action of state troops
under Capt. John Henry Brown in preventing the Indians from
gathering in their stock which happened to be beyond the limits of
the reservation, and notes that the Comanche of the upper reserve
and State troops had had a brush in which one on each side was
killed. A Tawakoni Indian had also been killed by an unknown
person. He was delayed a couple of days longer than he had antici-
pated so that it was August 1 before the movement began (Indian
Affairs, 1859, pp. 318, 320, 328). His account of it is contained in
his letter to the Commissioner dated at the Camp on the False
Washita, August 18, 1859, which runs as follows:

Sir: I have the honor to report that I left Brazos agency, Texas, with Indians
of that reserve, on the 1st instant, after having instructed Agent Leeper to
move forward with the Comanches from Comanche agency, and form a junction
with me at Red river.

Agent Leeper, with all the Comanches, marched on the 30th ultimo, under an
escort of one company of infantry, under Captain Gilbert. Our escort consisted
of one company of infantry and two companies of second cavalry, all under the
command of Major G. H. Thomas [the later Federal general of Civil War fame].

Both parties arrived at the crossing of Red river on the evening of the ‘7th
instant, where the parties were, on the 8th, crossed over.

We arrived at Major Steen’s crossing of the False Washita on the 16th. Huving
communicated with Agent Blain, who was camped about five miles below, and
finding that he had not designated the point for the Wichita agency, I, on the
17th, moved up the river about four miles [four miles northeast of the site of
the present town of Fort Cobb], where I have established my camp, to await
the arrival of Superintendent Rector, or his deputy, to whom I am to turn over
the Indians now under my charge. I have this day issued to the Indians under
my charge seven days’ rations, which is the total amount of provisions brought
with me from Texas. This issue was necessary, from the fact that no provision
had been completed to furnish the Texas Indians on their arrival.

Previous to leaving the Brazos agency, I sold the whole stock of hogs belong-
ing to the Indians, and placed Mr. Buttorff, a very respectable citizen, in charge
of the agency buildings; and Captain Plummer left a small party of troops at the

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Original in the National Archives : Records of the Department of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs, Map No. 517. 200671—42 (Face p. 112)

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 113

same point, to guard some supplies belonging to the troops. I also made an
arrangement with Mr. Buttorff and several of the stock raisers in the vicinity,
to gather up the Indian cattle, a large portion of which they were unable to col-
lect, on account of the hostile attitude assumed by the State troops and a por-
tion of the citizens, one Indian having already been killed in trying to gather
his stock, as heretofore reported.

Agents Ross and Leeper are both with me. In addition to the necessity for
Agent Ross’s services on the trip, there was no government property left at the
agency, except the buildings, and none of the employés were willing to remain;
they were consequently employed for the trip, as teamsters, &c. I have also
with me the blacksmith, with all his tools and material.

As soon aS Mr. Rector arrives, I will forward invoices of all the property, both
Indian and government, brought with me, as well as the census rolls, list of
employés, &c.

There were but few incidents worthy of note on the trip. We had one birth
and one death. On the 18th instant, a party sent by me to find Agent Blain’s
camp, were attacked by a party of nine Kiowas, near the head of Beaver creek.
They drove off four of the horses, and wounded very severely one Caddo Indian.
One of the Kiowas was killed, whose dead body we saw next day.

On the 14th, Major Thomas, having been ordered back to Camp Cooper by
General Twiggs, returned. I am sorry to learn that all the escort are to return
immediately, by General Twiggs’ order, and Captain Plummer’s command of
infantry will leave to-morrow, which leaves the Indians here without a troop for
their protection. It is hoped that you will, as early as practicable, have a mili-
tary force sent to this country. Our movement has been very successful, and all
concur in the opinion that we have made quick time, the distance from Brazos
agency being 170 miles.

Hoping that my proceedings will meet your approval, I am, very respect-
fully, your obedient servant,

Rosert 8S. NEIGHBORS,
Superintendent Indian Affairs, Texas.
Hon. A. B. GREENWOOD,
Commissioner Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C.
{Indian Affairs, 1859, pp. 828-330; see Nye, 1987, p. 35.]

Having turned the Indians over to S. A. Blain, their new agent,
who had been in charge of the Wichita, Neighbors and Leeper (for-
mer agent of the upper reserve) set out to return to Texas on Sep-
tember 6. The next day they were attacked by a party of hostile
Indians who robbed them of three horses and inflicted three pretty
severe wounds upon Leeper. On the 18th they reached Belknap,
in Young County, Tex., and on the day following Neighbors was
killed by a man named Ed Cornett, who was a stranger to him but
no doubt inflamed by events leading up to the movement of the
Indians. It would be interesting to speculate as to whether the
decision of the Virginian General Thomas to remain on the Union
side in our Civil War, which broke out 2 years later, was influenced
in any manner by his experience on this occasion and the opposition
in which Federal and State troops were placed. The military post
of Fort Cobb was established on October 1 (Indian Affairs, 1859, pp.
333-334; Nye, 1937, p. 35).

114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

In the report for the following year, 1860, the Caddo agent com-
plains that these Indians

appear still to be pursued and threatened by the Texans; and to add to their
misfortune the extraordinary drought which has visited this portion of [the]
country has not only cut off everything attempted to be raised by them in the way
of agriculture, but has destroyed the grass for many miles around. [He states
that] the Caddoes have eighty-four and a half acres in cultivation, consisting
of different small fields or patches, some of which have tolerably good fences.
They have twenty-three picket houses covered with grass and eighteen with
boards. The Anahdahkoes have seventy-six and a half acres inclosed, seventy-
three and a half of which have been cultivated, and, like the Caddoes, it con-
sists of small fields or patches, with tolerably good fences. They have thirty-
three picket houses covered with grass and five with boards; also one log-
house covered with boards. [Indian Affairs, 1860, p. 156.]

In the late summer of 1860 Caddo Indians, along with Tonkawa,
end Wichita, accompanied Texas Rangers, then stationed at Fort
Cobb, in an expedition against the Kiowa and Comanche and in
attacking a camp near the head of the Canadian River a Caddo
killed a prominent Kiowa named Bird-Appearing. This occasioned
trouble at a later time between the two tribes.

Next year, when the Civil War broke out, the greater part of the
Caddo remained faithful to the Federal Government and fied to
Kansas, but some sought refuge as far from home as Colorado.
Those who remained are believed to have assisted in the destruction
of Fort Cobb and the agency buildings on the night of October 23-24,
1862, although they laid the blame upon Osage, Shawnee, and Dela-
ware Indians from the Kansas agency. Later these Indians attacked
and almost exterminated the Tonkawa near the site of Anadarko,
inflamed by the rumor that they had been seen cooking the body of a
Caddo youth. In revenge for the death of Bird-Appearing, a war
party of Kiowa killed a Caddo Indian near the Caddo settlement on
Sugar Creek south of Anadarko in the summer of 1861, but attempts
to repeat the success 2 years later resulted disastrously for the
attackers (Nye, 1987, pp. 41-44).

In 1864, 870 Caddo and 150 “Jenies” (Hainai) were reported living
in Kansas. They seem to have been settled near Le Roy in Coffee
County (Indian Affairs, 1864, p. 319). Here they remained for more
than 2 years after the war had come to an end, and the story of their
restoration is told as follows by Henry Shanklin, U. 8. Indian Agent
in charge of the Wichita Agency in Kansas, in a communication dated
September 1, 1867:

In April last I received instructions from the honorable Secretary of the In-
terior to remove the Indians in Kansas under my charge to their former home in

the leased district, and funds were placed in my hands for their removal and
subsistence en route. Supplies were purchased and arrangements made for trans-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 115

portation, but the unprecedented rainy season caused the Arkansas and all the
streams south to remain bank-full until the latter part of June, when the first
crossing was effected by means of a boat hauled here a distance of nearly 100
miles. In attempting this crossing one of the Indians was drowned. I then
concluded not to make any further attempt until such times as the streams could
be crossed with safety. Every effort was made on my part to comply with in-
structions, but poor progress was made in battling with the elements.

On the 26th June I received instruction from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
to report to Superintendent James Wortham the cause of delay in removal, and
from whom I would receive further instructions, and under whose directions
the removal of the Indians was placed.

The latter part of July preparations were again made for their removal, under
the direction of Superintendent Wortham. A few days before the time of de-
parture the cholera broke out with fearful violence among the Wichitas—eighteen
deaths in five days. The Wacoes, Keechies, and Towacaries, although living in
close proximity, were not affected for some days after this terrible disease made
its appearance. The Absentee Shawnees, Caddoes, and Delawares, living on Dry
creek, some ten miles distant, were in good health. A physician was sent for
and directed to render all the aid he could to the afflicted. He reported the
disease to be cholera morbus, caused by their eating green plums and melons,
recommending their breaking up camp and moving immediately as the most
effective means to restore them to health. The day following several of the
Towacaires were sick, and it became apparent that a panic had spread among
the bands afflicted—refusing to be moved at this time, giving as their reason,
at this late hour, that the Great Spirit had given them strength to. plant some
corn in the spring, and if they neglected to gather it, would not give them strength
to plant in the future. My impression was that undue influence had been used
by some unprincipled persons, but am satisfied, upon inquiry with a number of
the Indians, that they wished to remain a short time, to mourn over the graves
of their departed friends. They now express a willingness to move at any time
the superintendent may direct.

The Absentee Shawnees, Caddoes, and Delawares had broke camp and made
every preparation for removal. Supplies and transportation being ready, it
was thought advisable to move those bands that were not as yet afflicted with
the disease.

On the 3d of August they left the south bank of the Arkansas, in apparent
good health, for their new home. I learn from Captain C. F. Garrett, issuing
commissary, who accompanied them, that the cholera broke out among the
Shawnees at Buffalo Springs, and that over fifty deaths occurred before they
reached the False Washita, also that forty-seven Caddoes had fallen victims
to this terrible scourge. [Indian Affairs, 1867, p. 322.]

In 1868 the same agent writes:

Since my last annual report the Indians attached to this agency have all
been removed from their temporary home on the Arkansas river to their old
home on the Washita, in the vicinity of old Fort Cobb, where it was con-
fidently expected they would be permitted to settle by themselves, open up
their fields, build their villages, and live in peace the remainder of their
days. [Indian Affairs, 1868, p. 287.]

The chief of the Caddo Indians at this time was Show-e-tat or
Little Boy, known to the Whites by the distinguished epithet of
George Washington (pl. 3). According to information contained

116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

in the Jackson Catalogue of Photographic Prints made in 1877 this
chief was

born in Louisiana in 1816 [and] is probably the most progressive Indian
on the reservation; has long since adopted the dress and customs of the whites;
owns a trading-store, and has a well-cultivated farm of 113 acres, with good
houses and improvements. He was captain during the Rebellion of a com-
pany of Indian scouts and rangers in the service of the Confederate States
army, and engaged in three battles, one on Cache Creek, Indian Territory,
with Kiowas and Apaches; one with the Cheyennes, in the Wichita Mountains;
and one of the Little Washita, with renegade Caddos.

Unfortunately, George Washington’s progress had not been entirely
in salutary directions, since Nye informs us that the presence of
a quantity of liquor found among the Kiowa and Comanche in
1868 was traced to him, and that the firearms with which those
tribes were terrorizing the Texas border came from New Mexico
via Mexican traders and Caddo George Washington. Two years
later Show-e-tat was present at Fort Sill when the Kiowa chiefs
Satanta and Big Tree were taken to Texas as prisoners, and he was
father confessor to the third chief, old Satank, who was shot while
attempting to kill his guards (Nye, 1937, pp. 66, 147, 167, 185-189).

The boundaries of the Caddo reservation were defined in 1872,
and the same year Thomas C. Battey of the Society of Friends
undertook missionary work among them (Hodge, 1907, ar¢. Caddo).

On October 6, 1878, a council was held at Fort Sill to consider
the terms under which the Kiowa chiefs Satanta and Big Tree
should be released by the Governor of Texas, Edmund J. Davis,
who had held them in custody. At this council speeches were made,
not only by Kiowa Indians, but by chiefs of the Comanche, Kiowa
Apache, Waco, and Caddo. The difference between the status of
the Caddo and the other tribes is well exemplified in the address
of Guadalupe, the Caddo chief (pl. 4, fig. 1) who said:

I do not belong to this agency but come to see and hear what occurs at
this council. I have time and again advised these Indians for the sake of the
Caddoes to cease going on the warpath, but I am sorry to say that it has
not stopped. I used to live out on the Brazos, and I defy any man to say
that I or my people have ever raided on any one. These very Kiowas and
Comanches that are here today were the cause of my tribe being removed
from Texas. I too am tired of trifling with these raiding Indians. If they
won’t quit let them say so. My tribe has been raising cattle and hogs and
farming on the Washita, and these raiders interfere with us as much as they
do with the whites. I am dressed in the hat, pants, and boots of a white
man. I did not steal them, but bought them with money from my farm. I
talk this way to my red brothers, for I feel it is for their own good. I
have the white man by the hand and am bound to be his friend. I would
like to see settled this trouble between the state of Texas and these Indians.
I think that Satanta and Big Tree have been sufficiently punished, but that
is not my affair. It is between the Texans and the Kiowas and Comanches.
[Nye, 1937, pp. 222—223.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY Liz

Another prominent Caddo at this time was White Deer or Ante-
lope, a delegate to Washington in 1872 (pl. 5.)
In 1876 we find the following report of Caddo conditions:

The Caddoes, numbering 467 persons, principally engaged as farmers and
stock-raisers, are a quiet, inoffensive people, most of whom have adopted the
habits of civilized life. They are much interested in the school at the agency,
and co-operate in securing the punctual attendance of their children. ... The
remnant of 30 Iowans [Hainai], who left this reservation two years ago during
the disturbance, have now become thoroughly incorporated with, and are, to
all intents, Caddoes. [Indian Affairs, 1876, p. 64.]

In 1877 we read:

The Caddoes show an increase in numbers of 63, due in part to absentees
(principally Ionies [Hainai]) returning from the Shawnee and other adjacent
nations, and in part to actual increase by births.

Together with the Jonies and Delawares, they cultivate 1,400 acres of land,
having added 80 acres the past year. They have added 25 new houses, and
but a very few families are now living in the old grass houses. [Indian Affairs,
Ike Misi Ose Wi 25] |

In September 1878, the Kiowa and Comanche Agency was con-
solidated with the Wichita Agency under P. H. Hunt, who had
previously been at the head of the former (Indian Affairs, 1879,
p. 62).

In 1881 a mission was opened in this tribe by the Protestant
Episcopal Church (Hodge, 1907, art. Caddo).

In the Indian Office reports for 1880 and several succeeding years,
complaint is common that the Caddo and Delaware were making
little progress, and the Agent, James I. David, in his report for
the year 1886, seeks to answer this:

The number of these people is about 521 Caddoes and 41 Delawares, with
125 of scholastic age. They have 924 acres in cultivation, 1,216 head of cat-
tle, 631 horses, 518 hogs, and a large number of domestic fowls.

These Indians are said to have retrograded within the past fifteen or twenty
years, or at least have made no progress beyond self-support or independence.
This may be true, but it is not altogether their fault. Years ago it was thought
by some of my predecessors that it would be a good idea, in order to more
readily civilize the wild Indians fresh from the plains and war-path, to settle
them among the Delawares and Caddoes, who at that time had farms and im-
provements all along the Washita Valley, that they might learn from the
example of their more civilized brethren. The result was that the Kiowas
and Apaches who were placed with the Caddoes and Delawares stole and ate
their fat ponies and cattle to such an extent that they had to abandon their
farms and move what was left of their live stock to the upper part of their
reserve and commence new aS far from their blanket brothers as possible.

The one great trouble with this people is they have no title to their lands
further than an executive order placing them within the country they now
occupy, and whenever this subject is debated in Congress these people become
excited in anticipation of losing their lands, and I am convinced that if their
titles were confirmed by law they would go to work with greater energy and

118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

will. However, they all want their fields enlarged, and by giving them seed-
wheat this fall they will be in good condition for the future, should the season
be favorable, though I have been unable to have the land broken that I expected
on account of the drought. [Indian Affairs, 1886, pp. 128-129.]

Whether due to his encouragement or to other causes, the report
for 1887 states that “the Caddoes especially seem to have taken new
heart, and I am informed by those who are familiar with them that
they have worked more and better this year than for many years
past” (Indian Affairs, 1887, p. 82). This year witnessed the passage
of the Severalty Act by the provisions of which the Caddo became
citizens of the United States, and subject to the laws of Oklahoma, as
soon as Oklahoma was organized (Hodge, 1907, art. Caddo).

Shortly after this move to assimilate Indian life to that of the
white culture which had flowed around it, came the great messianic
movement among the Plains tribes which we know as the Ghost
Dance Religion. Mooney thus describes the manner in which it
was introduced to the Caddo and its effects upon them. His account
was written in 1893-94 after about 3 years of investigation.

A number of Caddo first attended the great Ghost Dance held by the Cheyenne
and Arapaho on the South Canadian in the fall of 1890 on the occasion when
Sitting Bull [an Arapaho, not the famous Sioux leader] came down from the
north and inaugurated the trances. On returning to their homes they started
the Ghost dance, which they kept up, singing the Arapaho songs as they had
heard them on the Canadian, until Sitting Bull came down about December,
1890, to give them further instruction in the doctrine and to “give the feather”
to the seven persons selected to lead the ceremony. From this time the Caddo
had songs and trances of their own, the chief priest and hypnotist of the
dance being Nishkfi’ntti, “Moon Head,” or John Wilson [pl. 4, fig. 2]. The
Caddo and the Delaware usually danced together on Boggy creek. The Wichita
and the Kichai, who took the doctrine from the Caddo, usually danced together
on Sugar creek about 15 miles from the agency at Anadarko, but manifested
less interest in the matter until Sitting Bull came down about the beginning
of February, 1891, and “gave the feather’ to the leaders. From this time
all these tribes went into the dance heart and soul, on some occasions dancing
for days and nights together from the middle of the afternoon until the sun
was well up in the morning. The usual custom was to continue until about
midnight. Cold weather had no deterrent effect, and they kept up the dance
in the snow, the trance subjects sometimes lying unconscious in the snow
for half an hour at a time. At this time it was confidently expected that
the great change [reuniting of the whole Indian race, living and dead, on
a regenerated earth] would occur in the spring, and as the time drew near
the excitement became most intense. The return of the Kiowa delegate,
A’piatafi, in the middle of February, 1891, with a report adverse to the messiah,
produced no effect on the Caddo and their confederates, who refused to put
any faith in his statements, claiming that he had not seen the real messiah
or else had been bribed by the whites to make a false report.

About the time that Black Coyote and the others went out to see the messiah
in the fall of 1891 the Caddo and their confederates sent out a delegation for
the same purpose. The delegates were Billy Wilson and Squirrel (Caddo),
Nashtowi and Lawrie Tatum (Wichita), and Jack Harry (Delaware). Tatum

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 119

was a schoolboy and acted as interpreter for the party. Like the Arapaho
they came back impressed with reverence for the messiah, and at once changed
the time and method of the dancing, in accordance with his instructions, to
periodical dances at intervals of six weeks, continuing for five consecutive
days, the dance on the last night being kept up until daylight, when all the
participants went down to bathe in the stream and then dispersed to their
homes. They were dancing in this fashion when last visited in the fall of
1893.

The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo is Nishkfi’ntt,
“Moon Head,” known to the whites as John Wilson. Although considered a
Caddo, and speaking only that language, he is very much of a mixture, being
half Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth French. One of his grand-
fathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo lived originally in Louisiana, there
is a considerable mixture of French blood among them, which manifests itself
in his case in a fairly heavy beard. He is about 50 years of age, rather tall
and well built, and wears his hair at full length flowing loosely over his
shoulders. With a good head and strong, intelligent features, he presents the
appearance of a natural leader. He is also prominent in the mescal rite, which
has recently come to his tribe from the Kiowa and Comanche. He was one
of the first Caddo to go into a trance, the occasion being the great Ghost dance
held by the Arapaho and Cheyenne near Darlington agency, at which Sitting
Bull presided, in the fall of 1890. On his return to consciousness he had won-
derful things to tell of his experiences in the spirit world, composed a new
song, and from that time became the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since
then his trances have been frequent, both in and out of the Ghost dance, and
in addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the occult powers
and authority of a great medicine-man, all the powers claimed by him being
freely conceded by his people.

When Captain Scott was investigating the Ghost dance among the Caddo
and other tribes of that section, at the period of greatest excitement, in the
winter of 1890-91, he met Wilson, of whom he has this to say:

“John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially affected,
performing a series of gyrations that were most remarkable. At all hours of
the day and night his cry could be heard all over camp, and when found he
would be dancing in the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes closed
and the forefinger of his right hand pointed upward, or in some other ridiculous
posture. Upon being asked his reasons for assuming these attitudes he replied
that he could not help it; that it came over him just like cramps.”

Somewhat later Captain Scott says:

“John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged doctor, a
healer of diseases, and a finder of stolen property through supernatural means.
One day, while we were in his tent, a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit.
It was explained to us that she did not even know who lived there, but some
force she could not account for brought her. Having stated her case to John,
he went off into a fit of the jerks, in which his spirit went up and saw ‘his
father’ (i. e, God), who directed him how to cure this woman. When he
came to, he explained the cure to her, and sent her away rejoicing. Soon after-
wards a Keechei man came in, who was blind of one eye, and who desired to
have the vision restored. John again consulted his father, who informed him
that nothing could be done for that eye because that man held aloof from
the dance.”

While the author was visiting the Caddo on Sugar creek in the fall of 1893,
John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part in the Ghost
dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair flowing down to his shoulders,

120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 282

and on his breast, suspended from a cord about his neck, was a curious amulet
consisting of the polished end of a buffalo horn, surrounded by a cirelet of
downy red feathers, within another circle of badger and owl claws. He ex-
plained that this was the source of his prophetic and clairvoyant inspiration.
The buffalo horn was “God’s heart,” the red feathers contained his own heart,
and the circle of claws represented the world. When he prayed for help, his
heart communed with ‘‘God’s heart,” and he learned what he wished to know.
He had much to say also of the moon. Sometimes in his trances he went to
the moon and the moon taught him secrets. It must be remembered that sun,
moon, stars, and almost every other thing in nature are considered by the
Indians as endowed with life and spirit. He claimed an intimate acquaintance
with the other world and asserted positively that he could tell me “just what
heaven is like.” Another man who accompanied him had a yellow sun with
green rays painted on his forehead, with an elaborate rayed crescent in green,
red, and yellow on his chin, and wore a necklace from which depended a
erucifix and a brass clock-wheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun.

On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, Nishki’nti approached and
performed mystic passes in front of my face with his hands, after the manner
of the hypnotist priests in the Ghost dance, blowing upon me the while, as he
afterward explained to blow evil things away from me before beginning to talk
on religious subjects. He was good enough to state also that he had prayed
for light before coming, and had found that my heart was good. Laying one
hand on my head, and grasping my own hand with the other, he prayed silently
for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his hand from my head, he
passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm to the hand, which he
grasped and pressed slightly, and then released the fingers with a graceful
upward sweep, as in the minuet. The first part of this—the laying of the
hands upon the head, afterward drawing them down along the face and chest
or arms—is the regular Indian form of blessing, reverential gratitude, or prayer-
ful entreaty, and is of frequent occurrence in connection with the Ghost dance,
when the believers ask help of the priests or beg the prayers of the older people.
The next day about twenty or more Caddo came by on their way to the agency,
all dressed and painted for a dance that was to be held that night. They stopped
awhile to see us, and on entering the room where we were the whole company,
men, women, and children, went through the same ceremony, with each one of
the inmates in turn, beginning with Wilson and myself, and ending with the
members of the family. The ceremony occupied a considerable time, and was
at once beautiful and impressive. Not a word was said by either party during
the while, excepting as someone in excess of devotion would utter prayerful
exclamations aloud like the undertone of a litany. Every face wore a look of
reverent solemnity, from the old men and women down to little children of 6
and 8 years. Several of them, the women especially, trembled while praying,
as under the excitement of the Ghost dance. The religious greeting being
over, the women of the family, with those of the party, went out to prepare
the dinner, while the rest remained to listen to the doctrinal discussion.
[Mooney, 1896, pp. 903-905.]

After this time the Ghost dance religion faded away but left in its
wake a more enduring cult connected with the use of the peyote. In
the above quotation it will be remembered that Mooney says John
Wilson was “also prominent in the mescal [i. e., in the peyote] rite,”
and he continued this prominence until his death. Petrullo gives
a considerable account of his activities as leader of the “Big Moon

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 132 PLATE 6

1. GEORGE PARTON, JUDGE OF CADDO INDIAN COURT.
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2. HOME CF GEORGE PARTON, CADDO INDIAN JUDGE.

From photograph by Mooney, 1893. (Bur. Amer. Ethnol., No. 1371-c.)

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SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY bt

cult,” one of the two forms which the peyote ritual took among the
Delaware, but he speaks of him as a member of the Black Beaver
Band of Delaware, the one living with the Caddo, and seems to have
failed to identify him with the John Wilson of Mooney’s narrative.
Since, according to Mooney, he was half Delaware, and only one-
fourth Caddo, there is some excuse for this, but it is probable that
he was considered by the Indians themselves as a Caddo. Presum-
ably his mother was half Caddo; though this bit of information is
omitted in the accounts we have of him (Mooney, 1896, p. 904;
Petrullo, 1934, pp. 31-44, 78-86, 133-189).

At any rate, Weston La Barre in his monograph on The Peyote
Cult (1938) devotes an Appendix to “John Wilson, the Revealer
of Peyote,” in which his identity with the John Wilson of the Ghost
dance cult and his influence in spreading the Peyote religion are fully
recognized. This Big Moon sect seems to represent the more liberal
branch of the peyote movement, though when La Barre wrote, while
still strong among the Osage and Quapaw, elsewhere, even among
the Delaware and Caddo, it was “waning considerably” (La Barre,
1938, pp. 151-161).

It is interesting to remember that peyote was used by medicine
men among the Hasinai at the beginning of the eighteenth century,
and, recalling the elaborate ritualism of the Caddo, as well as their
various contacts with Christian missionaries, including the presence
among them of established missions for about three decades, one
wonders whether such a background does not constitute part of the
explanation of John Wilson. It may put the ancient fire cult of
the Natchez and Caddo, Franciscan teachings, the Ghost dance re-
ligion, the peyote cult, and the North American churches founded
on the last mentioned in one line of descent.

In 1894 a Roman Catholic mission was opened in this tribe after
an intermission of 121 years (Hodge, 1907, a7t. Caddo).

Allotments were made to every Caddo man, woman, and child
under the terms of the Severalty Act in the year 1902. °

Besides the individuals whose likenesses have already been re-
ferred to (pls. 3-5), a few others are introduced. Plates 6 and 7 are
from photographs made by Mooney in 1893 and plates 8, 9, and 10
from photographs taken at the Bureau of American Ethnology in
1898.

PHYSICAL, MENTAL, AND MORAL CHARACTERISTICS

Observations along these lines by early writers are very superficial
but they have a certain interest because of the great changes which
took place among our American Indians before more exact methods
of approach could be used. The accompanying discussion involves
some repetition, but it is believed justified.

299671429

122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Espinosa (1927, pp. 175, 177) remarks that “as to personal ap-
pearance [the Hasinai] are well built and robust, but, at the same
time light and strong,” and the “Texas Indian women are of good
features and nearer white than red.” Solis (1931, p. 60) says:
“They are well formed and white.... The Indian women are
pretty, being fair.” Hidalgo notes that they had “good features and
thin faces,” and Morfi, who, however, is apt to copy Espinosa and
Solis, discerns “regular features, whiter than the Mexicans, and other
Indians of the south,” and adds that they were “corpulent, light,
robust” (Hidalgo, 1927, p. 55; Morfi, 1932, p. 40). At a much later
date (1820) Padilla records these impressions:

They are strongly built, well developed, brave, and vigorous. They resist
fatigue and the extremes cf that changeable climate at all seasons; for they
are accustomed to it. [Padilla, 1919, p. 538.]

The impression of size and fairness was perhaps due to comparison
with Indians farther south, for Mooney considered them “rather
smaller and darker than the neighboring prairie tribes,” and, as has
already been noted, the Omaha called them “Black Pawnee” (Mooney,
1896, p. 1094; Fletcher-La Flesche, 1911, p. 102).

By early writers, with one or two exceptions, the character of the
Caddo is rated rather high. Joutel says that they were not thievish
like some other peoples, but he visited them in 1687, and when Solis
80 years later calls them “great thieves” some of the responsibility for
this apparent decline may have to be borne by Europeans (Joutel,
1878, pt. 3, p. 350; Solis, 1931, p. 62). Or is it possible that Euro-
peans did not understand the native moral code? Solis, it should
be stated, was not prepossessed in favor of the Indians north of the
Rio Grande, describing them as “very dirty, foul-smelling and pestif-
erous” and adding that “they throw out such a bad odor from their
bodies that it makes one sick” (Solis, 1931, p. 43).

They appealed to Casafias as “ an industrious people” who “apply
themselves to all kind of work,” but it was necessary to make pres-
ents in order to obtain service from them in return. “So strong is
this characteristic that only the person who gives them something is
good while all others are bad” (Casafias, 1927, p. 40). Hidalgo and
Espinosa call them “good humored and joyous,” and the latter con-
tinues: “As a general rule, the Asinais Indians are naturally quick,
intelligent, friendly, high minded, and without low thoughts.” They
were “always ready for war expeditions and of good courage. They
preserve an inviolable peace, but they never form a truce or make
friends with an enemy.” They were well disposed toward both the
French and Spaniards but, he thinks, more especially toward the
latter.

It is not necessary to prove the friendship of these Indians by any proof save
that of the experience of those who have lived among them for some time. For,

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 123

up to this time, I have never seen anyone who has left the country of these
poor Indians who does not speak of their kindness.

He proceeds to illustrate this by describing their welcome to Alarcon,
yet in that there was as much of social custom as of spontaneous good
will (Hidalgo, 1927, p. 55; Espinosa, 1927, pp. 152, 175, 179).

Morfi, as remarked above, is apt to lean heavily on the earlier mis-
sionaries. In his History he describes the Texas as “industrious,” and
says in the Memorias:

The Texas are lively by nature, clear-sighted, sociable, proud and high
minded ... of great heart, and very quick in military activities. With their
friends they keep unchangeable peace, and with their enemies they never, or very
seldom, make peace... With all these good qualities [particularly hospitality
which he has just enlarged upon] the Texas are still not lacking in defects. In
the market at Natchitoches they provide themselves with skins, tallow, and
eattle, with munitions and guns, for which they have such a love that they never
go out without an escopeta on their shoulder. They also acquire an abundance
of strong liquors, and with this facility, they give themselves much to intox-
ication. They are inclined by nature, as are all Indians, to robbery and sus-
picion. They are lascivious and too strongly attached to their customs; but
their love for the Spaniards is very peculiar, as shall be seen by some examples
given in this history. [Morti, 1935, p. 83; 1982, pp. 40, 54.]

But of course devotion to ancient customs need not be a vice nor
devotion to a particular foreign nation such as the Spaniards a vir-
tue. One wonders to what extent the thievery with which later
writers charge them might have come from the same source as the
cause of intoxication. Solis says:

They are great thieves and drunkards because whiskey and wine are furnished
to them by the French of Nachitos with whom they have commerce, [yet he
remarks elsewhere] all these nations [Nacogdoche, Nabedache, Kadohadacho,
Hasinai, and Nasoni] are peaceful Indians, gentle, jovial, except now and then
some are bad and preverse. [Solis, 1931, pp. 60, 69.]

De Méziéres also commends them for their industry as exemplified
particularly in the cultivation of the ground, but this was an ancient
virtue among them and what proportion of virtue and what pro-
portion of habit entered into it it would be impossible to say (Bolton,
1914, vol. 2, p. 173). Sanchez writing in 1828, for instance, expresses
the opinion by inference that this was a virtue of the women, and par-
ticularly the old women, rather than the men. Like so many other
Europeans he was impressed with the apparent over-burdening of
the female sex and the laziness of the males (Sanchez, 1926, p. 282),
yet in the countries of most of these critics peasant women not only
labored in the fields but were sometimes yoked to the plow alongside
of domestic animals.

One or two other writers vouchsafe information regarding the
character of the separate Caddo tribes. Thus Sibley says of the
Kadohadacho that they “are looked upon somewhat like Knights of

124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

Malta, or some distinguished military order. They are brave, de-
spise danger or death, and boast that they have never shed white
men’s blood,” the last a vaunt rather too common to be altogether
satisfying and paraded for obvious reasons. The Hainai “have a
good character,” and the Natchitoches Indians have been the “steady
and faithful friends” of the French since that post was established.
They helped them against the Natchez and “the French inhabitants
have great respect for this nation, and a number of very decent
families have a mixture of their blood in them” (Sibley, 7 Amer.
State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1832, pp. 721, 722, 724). Sibley speaks
of a Kadohadacho Indian—called the Grand Ozages because of his
exploits against the Osage tribe—who accompanied Freeman in his
expedition up Red River in 1806 and was called by the latter the
best Indian he had ever seen (Sibley, 1922, p. 21). Sibley describes
the Kadohadacho chief of his time as “ a remarkably shrewd and
sensible fellow,” while Marcy in 1855 speaks of José Maria, under
whom the removal from Texas took place, as “ a very sensible old
chief . . . who feels a deep interest in the welfare of his people; and
is doing everything in his power to better their condition” (Sibley,
1922, p. 95; Schoolcraft, 1855, vol. 5, p. 712).

Padilla (1820) devotes considerable space to the morals of the
Caddo tribes, or rather to his conception of their morals. He says
of the Kadohadacho:

Considering the fact that they are heathens, the moral customs of these natives
are good, since they are not ambitious like the Comanches nor deceitful like the
Lipanes ... They enjoy social intercourse, dislike theft, and treat Spaniards
well, entertaining them in their houses and aiding them in every possible man-
ner. They are faithful in keeping their contract; for the merchants of Natchi-
toches advance them munitions, trifles, and liquors at a good rate of exchange
for furs. For all these they pay punctually, in spite of the fact that there are
among them foreigners who come from Natchitoches and other points of the
United States for the purpose of trading their wares to the said Indians for their
products. Still, there are some swindlers and scoundrels who do not pay the
debts they contract . . . Their knowledge is reduced to a small number of ideas
so that they can barely judge of the present; and, although they remember
the past, they scarcely ever provide for the future for the purpose of bettering
their situation and of becoming more civilized. But due to their continuous
trade with foreigners, it seems that they should not be called absolutely bar-
barous or savages. They, of all the Indians, perhaps, are the most civilized.
[The Yuganis] are very sociable Indians and very docile and primitive [but
these may have been the Yowani Choctaw who joined the Caddo for some years.
The Nacogdochitos] are much more given to drunkenness than the Yuganis and
consequently much poorer. [The San Pedro Indians (Nabedache)] have good
inclinations and simple customs ... They are but little addicted to firewater.
They are liberal and generous with what they have. [The Texas (Hainai) re-
sembled them. The Nadacos] are primitive and humane. They are given to
the use of firewater because of their extreme trade with foreigners. [Padilla,
1919, pp. 47, 48, 49, 52.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY (25

Notices bearing on the Adai and Eyeish have been omitted from
the above discussion because of the fact that they stood somewhat
aside from the true Caddo groups and had a much worse reputation.
We have few references to the Adai except De Méziéres’ comment.
Tn his time the tribe was almost extinct, “given extremely to the vice
of drunkenness,” and “cannot be useful or of any advantage” (Bolton,
1914, vol. 2, p. 173). It is evident whose advantage De Méziéres was
concerned about. The second of these two tribes is almost always
represented as the black sheep of the Caddo flock. The first witness
for the prosecution seems to be Solis:

The Indians of this Ays Nation are the worst of this Province: drunkards,
thieves, given to mitotes and dances, and to all kinds of vice, principally that
of licentiousness. They are idle, overly audacious, shameless. They have lost
respect for many of the Religious in word and deed, even laying their hands on
them. They look with scorn on everything connected with our Holy Faith.
There was an Indian of this Nation who sacrilegiously said that he loved and
appreciated Misuri (who is the Devil), more than he did the Most Blessed
among all those created, the Holy Mother Mary, Our Lady, and other scornful
things about our Holy Faith; they also make jests about the Fathers. On
account of this, I judge that there is no hope, not even a remote one, of their
reduction and congregation, and that there is immanent and almost certain
danger to the life of the ministers among these pagans. [Solis, 1931, pp. 67-68. ]

From De Méziéres: The mission was

so unfruitful that all that the ministers gained were labor, sorrow, and expense;
for these lazy, insolent and greedy people so satiated themselves with material
food that they would not accept that [spiritual food] which was longed for by
their [ministers’] apostolic zeal... their vices are without number; and the
hatred which they have won from the natives and Europeans, general. [Bolton,
1914, vol. 2, p. 257.]

Morfi says that from the Ais mission there

resulted very little fruit, owing to their particular aversion and total unap-
preciation for the sacred religion. One neophyte of this nation, after being
well instructed in the catechism, had explained to him the perfection of the
Queen of Angels, and when the missionary hoped, as a result of the attention
with which he had listened, to receive some expression of devotion, was sur-
prised to see him coldly say, “Well, I prefer Misura (meaning the Devil) to
that woman which you praise.”

These Indians are the vilest of all the province, being drunkards, thieves,
lascivious, very much given to celebrations, lazy, without shame, and childishly
insolent, when their audacity is not checked by fear. Many times they offended
their minister by word and act, traits, all of which, as De Méziéres said, have
made them not only hateful to the Europeans, but ail the nations in their
neighborhood. [Morfi, 1952, p. 4.]

In his Historia, Morfi comments briefly thus:

They are given to all kinds of vices and to extreme drunkenness. They are
generally hated both by the natives and the Europeans. In order to redeem
them the mission of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores was founded, but, being
obstinate and lazy, they merely ate everything the missionaries brought or

126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

raised. They showed no inclination to work, nor did they ever give ear to
the teachings of our doctrine, for which reason the mission was hopelessly
abandoned. [Morfi, 1935, p. 81.]

Yet Padilla states that these Indians were “fond of the Spaniards”
(Padilla, 1919, p. 49). As the Eyeish tribe has long been swallowed
up in the Caddo population, it is impossible to review the case against
them. It is quite certain, however, that the Eyeish idea of Misura
or Misuri was not identical with the Spanish idea of the prince of
devils. Part of the secret of their disreputable character is prob-
ably to be found in the circumstance that they were a small tribe with
a peculiar dialect of Caddo and a relatively undeveloped culture.
For this reason, without doubt, they were looked down upon by other
Caddo before any mission was established among them. The salva-
tion of the masses in any human group lies in social control and in
the standards of leadership. But if a fragment of humanity is cut
off from that social control because it is relegated to a lower level,
the standards which might have saved the individuals belonging to
it no longer operate. If people are precluded from rising to the
social level of surrounding people with superior standards, they will
probably not try to emulate them, and, unless saved by exceptional
individuals within their own contracted group, their moral debacle is
assured. But moral leadership in a small group, when even the
leadership is shut off from the possibility of rising in the esteem
of a wider social hierarchy, has to be maintained under the greatest
disadvantages and discouragements. It must be supported by lofty
standards internal to the leader, and while the history of the world
proves that such direct dependence on the ideal without social encour-
agement is possible, it also shows that it is difficult in the extreme.

After the remnants of the Caddo had been moved to Oklahoma
they impressed most of their agents, like the one who reported for
them in 1876, as “a quiet, inoffensive people,” most of whom by that
time had “adopted the habits of civilized life.” He adds that “they
are much interested in the school at the agency, and co-operate in
securing the punctual attendance of their children” (Indian Affairs,
1876, p. 64). A few years later we begin to hear complaints that
they were making but little progress, but the explanation of this
appears to be found in the report for the year 1886 which has been
quoted but will bear quotation again:

These Indians are said to have retrograded within the past fifteen or twenty
years, or at least have made no progress beyond self-support or independence.
This may be true, but it is not altogether their fault. Years ago it was
thought by some of my predecessors that it would be a good idea, in order
tc more readily civilize the wild Indians fresh from the plains and war-path,

to settle them among the Delawares and Caddoes, who at that time had farms
and improvements all along the Washita Valley, that they might learn from

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY Dae

the example of their more civilized brethren. The result was that the Kiowas
and Apaches who were placed with the Caddoes and Delawares stole and ate
their fat ponies and cattle to such an extent that they had to abandon their
farms and move what was left of their live stock to the upper part of their
reserve and commence new as far from their blanket brothers as possible.
[indian Affairs, 1886, pp. 128-129.]

Another illustration of the truth that effort can only be looked for
when its rewards are assured.

MATERIAL CULTURE
VEGETABLE FOODS”

The Caddo had reached a stage of development where they de-
pended for their livelihood more upon the products of their fields
than their gleanings from the wilderness. Joutel, the first European
to record Caddo customs extensively, observes:

It is [the women] also who do the greater part of the [soil cultivation],
although I noticed after a time a very good custom in this nation; they hold
a kind of assembly when they wish to work the soil of one cabin where gather
sometimes more than a hundred persons of both sexes, as is done in France,
and notably in the country of Caux, when they wish to harvest a field of
rapeseed, where each one goes to work, and the one who owns the field treats
all the workers. They [the Hasinai] do the same thing: the day being ap-
pointed, all those who are informed come to work with a kind of mattock which
some make of a buffalo bone (palette de beuf) and others of a piece of wood
fastened with cords made of tree bark. While all these laborers work, the
women of the house for which it is done busy themselves in the preparation of
food, and when they have labored for a certain time, that is, until about noon,
they stop and are served of the best. If one comes back from the hunt with
venison, it supplies the feast; if they have none, they cook corn in the ashes
or boil it mixed with Brazil beans which doesn’t make a too good mixture, but
it is their way. They wrap what they have boiled in corn husks. After this
repast most of them amuse themselves for the rest of the day; so that after
they have worked for one cabin, they go another day to another. The women
of the house have also to plant the corn, beans, and other things, the men not
concerning themselves about it. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 363-364.]

Later, in the country of the Naordiche (Namidish), they passed
through a region where they “found men and women cultivating their
fields in order to sow corn, beans, and pumpkins.” But they also had
“corn well advanced, almost ready to eat, and a quantity of beans
which they were already eating” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 392).
This advanced corn was evidently the “little” or early corn. Regard-
ing their method of cultivation, Joutel says:

These savages have no utensil of iron, and so they can only scratch the earth,
not being able to open it very deep; however things grow there wonderfully
well. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 364.]

In the autmn, according to the same writer, they were accustomed
to burn over the prairies (pp. 845-346). His party was in the country

12 There is mention of vegetable foods on pages 61, 74, and 86.

128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

of the Assonis (Nason1) in June, “the season during which they worked
their fields, and in consequence feasts were common to which they
then invited one another and rejoiced,” and they frequently invited
the Frenchmen (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 395).

During his 3 months’ contact with the Caddo, Joutel did not
have opportunities to observe all of the customs connected with
planting, and these are given in more detail by the Spanish mission-
aries. Casafias may be quoted first:

Among the seed which the Indians plant at the proper season, is corn of two
kinds, which they plant in abundance. One kind matures in a month and a half
and the other in three months. There are five or six kinds of beans—all of
them very good, also calabashes, watermelons, and sunflowers. The seed of
all these, mixed with corn make very fine tamales. They also use another kind
of seed like cabbage seed which, ground with corn, makes a kind of meal. But
it is necessary to have water at hand, since it is like flour and, when eaten in
a dry state, is liable to stick in one’s throat. [Casafias, 1927, p. 211.]

On their method of working the fields:

At planting time, they come together and plant whatever each one has to
plant, according to the size of the family—beginning first at the home of the
grand zinest. There they plant only a small spot in front of the house in order
that he may have something green to enjoy. All of the Indians give him por-
tions of what they have so as to dress and clothe him. Next they plant the corn
and other crops for the caddi. Then they work for the other officials and the
old men. In this way they continue working from the highest to the humblest
until each has planted what he needs for the year. The caddices work like the
rest, but the grand gvinesi never goes out of the house for anything except to
take a walk or to make certain visits... The Indians have one very wise custom,
that is, the men do not work with the women, but apart from them. Those
who hunt work steadily, for they are obliged to supply food until the planting is
finished. [Casafias, 1927, p. 217.]

The following items are from Espinosa:

Before they begin their planting they inform all the women in order that they
may provide food for the day designated. They all gather together, old women,
girls, and children. They make two or three mats of little strips of cane which
an old woman, who acts as supervisor, provides for them. These they turn over
to a captain who makes an offering of them in the fire temple in order that
they may have good crops that year. They end the ceremony by eating together
all they have brought from their houses and then they adjourn the meeting.
There is also a general meeting of men and women in the house of the captain
where there is a small fire temple. Here they cut the wood to make their hoes
or black walnut.

They clean a spot of ground about a stone’s throw in circumference and collect
a quantity of wood which they heap up in piles. With great joy they distribute
dried deer meat, meal and other foods which have been provided and depart
for their homes much pleased. A tamma, who is an official among them, goes
around and very carefully collects the first fruits of the tobacco, which never
fails to produce in season. This he delivers to his captain whose duty it is to
ward off the tempests by his conjuring, to pray for rain, and to be the first to

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 129

bless the first fruits for use. They respect him a great deal, and they are careful
to get him to help them to plant their crops. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 170-171.]

The crops which the Asinais plant are also community crops. They begin
first at, the house of the chenesi, who is their leading priest and the person
who takes care of their fire temple, of which I shall speak later in the proper
place. They then plant for the principal captain and afterwards for all the
rest in their order as fixed by the captains in their assemblies. What the
Indians do all together is to clear the land and dig it about the depth of a
handbreadth. They do this first with wooden hoes of seasoned walnut, and
then with iron hoes which they have acquired from the Spaniards and from
the French who live in Natchitoches. This work is finished in two or three
hours and the owners of the house give them an abundance of food. They
then move to another spot to do the same thing. The planting of the corn
and the beans and the other seed is the duty of the householders. Usually
the old Indian women do this. They will not permit a woman who is pregnant
to help them under any consideration because they say the crop will be spoiled.
They plant two crops each year, the first at the end of April, for this is when
the rain ceases. They then plant the small corn, the stalk of which is not
more than a vara [2.78 feet] in height. However, it is covered from bottom
to top with ears which are very small but covered with grain. This crop is
gathered at the end of May. It is very helpful to them in case the season
has been dry. Upon the same ground, after clearing it anew, they plant
{the late corn]. This crop is gathered at the end of July, as I found from
experience during the years that I lived at the mission. They plant their
beans in an odd way. In order that the vines may run and be protected from
small animals and from mildew, they stick a forked cane at each hill. Thus
the vine bears more abundantly and it is no trouble for them to gather the
crop because they pull up the cane and carry the whole thing home. In their
houses they have large baskets made of heavy reeds, into which they put
their shelled corn and beans. In order that the weevil may not get in they
cover the grain with a thick layer of ashes and then cover the baskets to
keep out the rats.

These Indians are so provident that they make a string of the best ears
of grain, leaving the shucks on, and put it up on a forked stick at a point in
the house where the smoke will reach it. For this purpose, they select the
quantity they will need for two years’ planting, so that, if the first year is
dry, they will not lack seed for the second year. They will not touch a grain
of this though all the other corn they had saved for their use is gone. On
the contrary, they hurry out to hunt for corn, trading for it on other ranches
where the crop was more abundant. [Hspinosa, 1927, pp. 156—-157.]

Espinosa’s description of the first fruits ceremony will be given
later. Hidalgo (1927, p. 56) also mentions the communal planting
and use of wooden hoes.

Morfi’s dependence on Espinosa is self-evident :

Before beginning to plant their fruits they advise the women of the day
appointed, so that they can prepare the provisions. When the time arrives
all the women, old and young, and girls, meet under the leadership of an old
woman who takes care to see that thin reeds have been cut, with which they
soon weave two or three mats, which, carefully finished, they offer to one of
the old captains, who presents them to the Fire Temple, so that that year

18Lacuna in publication.

130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

they shall be given abundant crops; and to end the function, they eat together
the provisions brought by the women, with which the meeting is dissolved.

Tobacco is one of the plants they cultivate with most anxiety; but they
never let it get perfectly ripe; when it is time to pick it, cne of the Tamas
goes from hut to hut, collecting the first crop of this fruit, which he faith-
fully delivers to the Captain whose duty it is to drive away the storms with
his incantations, to pray that rains will not lack at the proper seasons, and
to be the first in blessing the new fruits; he is much respected, and they dc
his planting for him with special care. They also celebrate the construction of
their hoes (azadones) holding a meeting of all the men and women of the
nation, in the house of a captain where there is a Fire Temple, of the second
order. There they cut the wood, which they use in constructing those instru-
ments, which are of black walnut; clear the land in a circle, measuring one
stone throw in diameter; they gather an abundance of wood which they
place right there in piles, all of which is in preparation for the great festival.
They also bring roasted venison, corn meal, and other eatables, which they
have prepared. These they divide among themselves in very festive manner,
and retire content. [Morfi, 1932, p. 31.]

Sowing is also done by the community. The first one to begin it is the
Chenesi or Supreme Priest, in whose care is the Sacred Fire. That of the
Principal Captain immediately follows, and then that of the other Indians,
in the order assigned them by the captains at their meetings. This work is
very light, because it is reduced to tilling the soil only one span deep, after
having cleared it of undergrowth. This was very painful, however, when
they did it with hoes of burned walnut; but today they have an abundance
of iron instruments, which are supplied them by the missions of the province
and by the Spaniards of Louisiana. This work is finished in two or three
hours and the owners of the field then give them something to eat. They
go to the other parts to do the same, leaving the sowing to the care of the
old Indian women. These take particular care that no pregnant woman
participates in this work, persuaded that the least lack of care in this regard
would infallibly ruin the crop.

They sow two crops of corn per year; the first at the end of April, which
is the time when the rains cease; they plant [the] little corn, whose stalks
do not grow to be more than a vara [2.78 feet] high; but from the foot to
the tassels they are covered with little ears, with much grain. At the end
of May they raise this crop, which is a great alleviation to them, if the pre-
ceding year was a non-productive one. They clear the land again and plant
in it what they call the big seed, which to ripen perfectly, takes only until
the end of July. So that these Indians in only three months, usually gather
two abundant crops. They plant beans with much care. So that they will
rise from the ground and to keep them free from insects, they place at the
foot of each plant a reed on which it climbs. By this means it gives more
return and it is easier for them to gather, because they cut the plants off,
stalk and all, and take them to their houses. Here they make large baskets
with otatillos, a kind of very strong solid reed, in which they store the shelled
corn and the beans, separately, mixing in some cupfuls of well sifted ashes as
a preventive against worms, and carefully covering the baskets so that the
rats can do no damage.

These Indians are so foresighted that they foretell the possibilities of time.
The crop having been gathered, they then select the largest and fullest ears
leaving on them the leaves which are immediately next to the grain. They
make a long string with them which they hang up in their houses in a place

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY isl

where they will get smoked. This corn they keep for future planting. Fearing
the ruin of the first crop, they save such an amount as they deem necessary
for two years sowing. This is a sacred deposit which they only use when
afflicted by very grave necessity. If they lack grain they resort to some other
means but never take a grain of the reserve corn. [Morfi, 1932, p. 48.]

The two kinds of corn are those which the Louisiana French called
“little corn,” similar to our popcorn, and “flour corn.” . The wooden
hoes were probably of hickory rather than black walnut. The orig-
inal cultivated plants were corn, beans, pumpkins, sunflowers, and
tobacco, but they had introduced watermelons before La Salle en-
tered their country. Joutel did not, indeed, observe them until he
reached the Quapaw villages at the mouth of Arkansas River, but
he was not among the Hasinai when the crops were ripe, and La
Salle brought some back to the coast after his earlier expedition
(Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 249). Casafias also mentions them
only 4 years later. It is evident that they must have been intro-
duced into the Mississippi River region through Texas.

Joutel thus describes how corn was treated:

The women sifted it (growler) and then pounded it and made it into very
fine flour. If these Indian women had mills, it would relieve them a great
deal, since this is very laborious. They have big mortars which they make
out of trunks of trees excavated by means of fire to a certain depth, after
which they scrape them out and clean them. As many as four women may
beat the corn. Each one has a big pestle about five feet long, and they
preserve a cadence in the way the blacksmiths beat on their anvils. After
they have pounded for a certain time, they take out the said meal and other
women pass it through little sieves which they make very neatly out of large
canes, and when they wish to have it very fine they use little winnowing
baskets (vannettes) on which they shake the said flour, in which the finest
remains caught on the bottom; the grits and the bran come out above. In
this way they have as fine flour as can be made and as fine as I have seen
in France and elsewhere. We paid them for their trouble with beads, needles,
rings and other things. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 367.]

The Cahinnio presented them with two loaves of bread, “the finest
and the best we had so far seen; they seemed to have been baked
in an oven, and yet we had not noticed any among them” (Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 416).

The items contributed by our other authorities are few. Solis
remarks that

They live on corn, which is abundant, since the land is so fertile that it
yields two harvests a year, and every stalk at least three ears. But they do
not have the forethought to grind it because there are no metates, and
those which they get from the outside cost fifty dollars each; and so they
cook it or toast it in order to eat it. Cormaiz, as the Tejas call it, is cooked
with grease as is common in all the country. [Solis, 19381, pp. 60-61.]

He seems to have been strangely ignorant of, or oblivious to,
the use of wooden mortars.

tS2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Joutel furnishes the following note regarding the cooking of
beans:

These savages raise a good number because they grow very well in this
canton; but they do not make much of a mystery in the preparation of them;
they limit themselves to placing them in a big pot without removing the
strings even, since they cover them with vine leaves, until they are almost
cooked

and afterward they salted them by pouring warm water over them
in which salt had been dissolved.
After being well cooked, the old woman (chef) took care to give each of us

his portion in a bark apron (or small hamper), and we cleaned them as we
ate. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 394-395.]

The use of sunflowers is noted by Espinosa:

They also plant quantities of sunflowers which grow to be quite large. The
flower is alSo enormous. It has the seed in the center like the piton. By mix-
ing it with flour they make a roll of it which is quite savory and satisfying.
[Espinosa, 1927, p. 152.]

And Morfi:

They ... cultivate certain kinds of sunflowers from which, after enjoying
their beauty, they use the seeds, which are like little pine-nuts, and which,
ground, they mix with corn, and form a dough, which they make into small
cakes or tamales of good taste, and much nutriment. [Morfi, 1932, p. 44.]

Hidalgo (1927, p. 55) comments thus: “The seed [of sunflowers]
is ike corn and this is what they eat in pottage which they make
of corn and beans.” Sunflowers are also mentioned by Joutel
(Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 348).

The cultivation of tobacco has been noted. In one place Espinosa
(1927, p. 151) speaks of native “powdered tobacco.”

In his Declaration, St. Denis says:

Their lands are all cultivated and there is no fruit in the world richer than
that found here, nor more wonderful grapes of various kinds and colors in
such quantities. The bunches are as large as twenty-eight and thirty-pound
shot. [Castafieda, 1986, vol. 2, p. 221.]

This note is of particular interest because the subject of one of
Catlin’s sketches is “Caddo Indians gathering grapes,” a rather
unusual scene to associate with the red men.

Of a later period, Solis relates:
They have orchards of various kinds: peaches, plums, persimmons, fig trees,
chestnuts, ash[?], pomegranates and other fruit. As in other places they make

a paste of figs; they make it of persimmons also and keep it for gifts to
present and sell to the Spaniards and the French. [Solis, 1931, p. 61.]

Morfi reproduces him thus:

Besides the land of the fields, they carefully cultivate orchards of which
they possess many, and in which they have peaches, free stones, apricots,
plums, figs, hazel-nuts, chestnuts, medlars (nisperos), Chinese pomegranates,

SWANTON | CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 133

strawberries, and other fruits. With the nisperos, after they are dried, they
make cakes, which they keep for their provisions, and to sell or give to the
Spaniards of Texas and Louisiana. [Morfi, 1932, p. 44.]

If Pénicaut may be trusted, peaches had reached the Natchitoches
Indians when they were living with the Acolapissa on Lake Pont-
chartrain:

They have... peaches, in their season, which are very much bigger than
those in France and also sweeter; strawberries, plums, and grapes which are
4 little dry and not at all as big as those in France. There are also nuts
which they pound up into flour to make porridge in water for their children;
they make of it also hominy (sagamité) or bread, mixing it with cornmeal.
'Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 468.]

The fruits and nuts anciently used by them were only such as
nature supplied.

Casafhas (1927, p. 210) remarks that there were “many species
of acorns, all of them good, and some of them as sweet as chestnuts.
From the other kinds the Indians make a kind of food which serves
as bread, just as if it were corn.” However, Joutel and his com-
panions were served with “a kind of soup made of acorns which
they had cooked in the juices of meat, but,” he adds, “it did not
seem to me very delicious” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 369).

“They gather,” says Hidalgo, “great quantities of nuts in the
hulls and acorns for a year’s supply” (Hidalgo, 1927, p. 55).

And Solis:

They eat many nuts which they grind in order to keep them, and the fruit
of the medlar tree that is fiery, and other foods and warm drinks. [Solis,
1931, p. 70.]

But Espinosa is more detailed :

They gather quantities of thick-shelled nuts and acorns to last a whole
year. The entire country is filled with various kinds of trees, such as oaks,
pines, cottonwoods, live-oaks, large nuts—which yield the thick-shelled nuts-—
and another kind of tree which yields small thin-shelled nuts. The Indians use
all of these as food. In addition to the nut bearing trees, there are other
fruit trees, like the medlar, the plum, and the large wild cherry. Among them
there is found a white grape that looks like a muscatel. It only needs culti-
vation to make it as good as the domestic variety.

There are great quantities of red and white mulberries and large black-
berries which are very sweet, a great abundance of pomegranates like those
in China, and a quantity of chestnuts, although the fruit they yield is small,
about like the white-oak acorns. The pastures and other portions of the
land are very much like those in Florida—a country contiguous to Texas.
Tiverything that is read about the beauty and fertility of the first named
province can be applied to the latter with but little modification. [Hspinosa,
1927, pp. 152-153. ]

Again:

To make their pap, they grind a seed which the reed grass produces or
more preferably the dry seed of the reed. When well cooked they are like

134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

grains of wheat and supply the place of corn in their foods. [Espinosa,
1927, p. 157.]

Solis:

There is another kind [of meal] on which they live that is called tuqui
that is like the casave of Havana. It is made of the roots of a certain
tree. These roots are mashed and pounded up in wooden mortars, and they
have to be used with grease or lard of the bear. They drink this prepara-
tion and it does them great harm in producing dysentery, bloody flux, and
sudden fits. [Solis, 1931, p. 61.]

Morfi quotes both:

When their crops fail them, they gather the seed of reeds, which is the
same size as that of wheat, and when it is well parched, it contains much
nourishment... The root of the tuqui tree is also of much aid to them.

his they pound up in wooden mortars, pour some bear grease on it, and eat
it, as itis, without anything else. [Morfi, 1932, pp. 43-44.]

Evidently many other productions of nature were drawn upon,
and Casafias (1927, p. 211) refers to these in general terms as
follows: “There are also many kinds of herbs, very good to eat.
There are edible roots which, like sweet potatoes, grow under ground.
They all grow wild.” Along with beans and tamales, De Leon
was given “oround nuts” (Bolton, 1916, p. 376).

The granaries on which food was stored have been mentioned
already. Hidalgo says: “They put their corn away shelled. They
keep their beans, acorns, and nuts in still other reed baskets”
(Hidalgo, 1927, p. 56).

Anmat Foops

Before their contact with Europeans the Caddo had no domestic
animals except the dog, and that was eaten, if at all, only on cere-
monial occasions and in times of famine. Horses reached them
in advance of Europeans and the manner of their appearance along
with the revolution in native economy which they effected will be
considered later, Solis and Morfi speak of turkeys and domestic
fowl among the Caddo but they were clearly introduced. Solis has
an interesting note on dogs:

They have... some dogs also which they call jubines because they are
a mixture of dog and coyote or wolf. These dogs are very intelligent and
cunning as well as great thieves; they have thin pointed snouts. [Solis, 19381,
p. 61.]

Their reputed origin reflects a common belief and not a scientific
fact. See Morfi’s reference to these dogs on page 137. By 1820
the Caddo had acquired hogs and mules (Padilla, 1919, p. 48).

The basal position of agriculture in Caddo economy is shown by
Espinosa’s remark that “during the lean years they add to their

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 135

supply of food by hunting animals and different kinds of birds and
by catching fish in the rivers and lagoons” (Espinosa, 1927, p. 157).
But this does not mean that they resorted to animal food only during
times of want.

Casafias thus describes the animals of the Texas province:

This country contains various kinds of animals that are good to eat, such
as wild hogs. They are quite large and savage like those in New Spain. There
are many deer, prairie chickens, and wild ducks; but these are to be had only
in the winter time. There are two other kinds of ducks, much smaller, but
good to eat. There are likewise many kinds of fowls not so large as chickens
in Spain. They come at the same time as the wild ducks. Rabbits are also
to be had in great numbers and many kinds of birds that stay in the country
the year round, such as partridges, quails, herons, and an endless number of
birds that sing very melodiously in the spring. [Casafas, 1927, p. 211.]

Espinosa :

The animals that are most abundant in these woods are deer (ciervos, 6 vena-
dos) from which the Indians secure their staple food, together with wild ducks.
To these are added during the winter months many bustards and cranes, while
partridges and quails are abundant during the entire year. [Espinosa, 1927,
pp. 1538-154. ]

But by 1768 we learn through Solis that

in the woods they live on horses, mules, mares, deer, since there are many,
bison which abound, bear, berrendos (a species of deer), wild boar, rabbits, hares,
dormice, and other quadrupeds, with snakes, vipers, wild turkeys, geese, ducks,
hens, partridges, cranes, quail and other birds that are on the beach or on the
banks and margins of the rivers, with fish of all kinds, which abound.

He mentions also polecats (Solis, 1931, p. 43).

Aquatic birds were hunted by the Natchitoches on Lake Pontchar-
train during the stay of that tribe with the Acolapissa Indians. Péni-
caut thus speaks of his participation in this sport:

When the winter arrived we went upon the bayou (canal) and in the woods
to kill bustards, ducks, and wild geese, which are much larger than those in
France. There are during this season prodigious quantities attracted by Lake
Pontchartrain on the shores of which they live. We brought some of them every
day to be roasted at the cabins in which the savages made good fires on account
of the cold, which, however, is not so long nor so severe as on the upper Mississippi.
[Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, pp. 469.]

On the hunting of larger game, he says:

When they go to the chase, they dress in the skin of the deer with the horns
on, and when they see one of these animals at a distance in the woods, they make
the same motions as it does, which, as soon as it perceives them, runs up, and,
when it is within good range, they shoot it. They kill many in this manner,
and it must be admitted that they are more skilful than the French, as well in
hunting wild cattle as in the chase of the bear and deer. [Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 5, p. 469.]

Joutel also noted this custom: The Indians, he says, “take the heads
of deer which they tan and manipulate so well that on immitating

136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

[these animals] they often make them come within range. They hunt
turkeys in the same manner” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 403-404).

Espinosa in his account of the usage supplies us with some of the
rites that accompanied it:

Before they go out to hunt deer, they put on a post in their thatched huts the
dry head of a deer including the neck and horns, while they pray to their caddi
ayo that he will put the prey into their hands, while at intervals they throw
pinches of the tebacco that has been provided into the fire. When they have
performed this ceremony—which lasts more than an hour—they put its head
at the door of the hut and with another just like it they go out in the woods
to hunt, covering their naked bodies with white dirt. When they have killed
a deer, they divide the animal. For some time they talk into its ear but I do
not know the meaning of this puzzle. They load themselves with it for the
return trip. They throw it down at the door and the cooks cut it up. They take
pains to see that the one who killed it does not eat of it unless the others
invite him and that he does not take anything else to satisfy his hunger.
[Espinosa, 1927, p. 170.]

Morfi, as usual, parallels Espinosa :

When they want to go out on a deer hunt, they place on one of the beams of
the hut, the neck and head of a buck, and pray to Caddi-Ayo to give an abundance
of easy game. From time to time they throw ground tobacco into the fire.
This being done, which lasts for more than an hour, they put the deer’s head
at the door of the hut; some boys paint or streak their bodies all over; and
stript naked, and with another similar head, and their arms, go out to the wilds,
in search of some of these animals. Ag soon as they find one and kill it, they
whisper in its ear for a short while, and with much shouting, take it to the
ceremonial hut, and throw it at the door. The owners of the house cut its head
off, cut up the animal, cook it for all to eat, taking care that the one who killed
it does not taste it, unless very hungry, in which case, invited by one of the
guests, he can take all he wants, After such ceremonies they go out very con-
tented to hunt, persuaded that they will return well provided for. [Morfi,
1932, p. 30.]

“Of meat,” says Casanas, “they never have more than two kinds, one
boiled and the other roasted” (Casanas, 1927, p. 212). He speaks as
follows of the buffalo hunt (pl. 11), to which even the eastern Caddo

tribes seem to have been much addicted as far back as the time of
De Soto:

The Indian men have only one occupation, hunting. Although they are highly
skilled in shooting arrows, they are not able to kill a sufficient amount of the
game mentioned to supply their wants; and it therefore becomes necessary for
them to make use of the buffalo. So, at various times in the year, the Indians
come together for the purpose of going out to hunt buffalo. The nearest place
they can be found is about four days’ travel from this place. The reason for
their going in bands to hunt the buffalo is fear of other Indians, their enemies.
[Casanias, 1927, p. 211.]

Espinosa :

The buffalo is distant more than forty leagues from the Texas country, and
to secure a supply of dried meat the Indians all go well armed because

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SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 137

at this time if they fall in with the Apaches the two murder each other un-
mercifully. At this time, which is usually in the winter, they are accustomed to
kill a great number of bears toward the north and they bring home a great
Geal of bear fat rolled up in moss and loaded on their horses. After render-
ing it out they keep it in pots for seasoning for the whole year. These bears
live on nuts and acorns which abound in this country. They are not seen in
the Texas country and the region thereabouts except when the crop of nuts and
acorns to the northward has been short on account of the ice and the snow,
as happened in the year [17]22, which was the first time I saw them alive
so near the mission. Without boasting, 1 may say that, accompanied by a
number of Indians who, with their dogs, had treed two bears, I killed them
both with my own hands at one shot, and, from behind the protection of an
oak, I succeeded in hitting another bear in the head when he was coming
down a pathway alone. After taking their share of everything, the Indians
left me enough bears’ fat to supply me for many days. It is certainly true
that they need nothing else for seasoning when they are supplied with this.
[Espinosa, 1927, p. 157.]

Morfi:

With all of this, they do not forget the chase, for which they raise a certain
kind of dog they call Jubine, with long, sharp-pointed snout, and as cunning
as its master. In winter they go out on buffalo hunts, to provide for the
kitchen. They also kill many bears at that time, which they quarter and wrap
in hay to take home, where they fry them, keeping the grease in proper vessels
for provisions for the whole year. There is no doubt that the fat and grease
are an admirable supplement for garnishing their food, and even seasoning
their salads. On these hunts they always go well armed and proceed with
great caution, because, if, while on this trip, they meet the Apaches or other
enemy nations, they engage in deadly combat. [Morfi, 1952, p. 44.]

Says Pénicaut:

They accompany all their meals with bear grease which is white in winter
when it is congealed, like lard, and in summer like olive oil. It has no bad
taste: they eat it with salads, making by means of it pastry, fried dishes, and
all [the viands] in general that they prepare. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 468.]

The following note was obtained by Parsons from the present-day
Caddo Indians:

There is no restriction upon bear hunting—“Caddo, not like Kiowa who are
afraid to kill a bear they think isa man.” In fact, Caddo were great bear hunters
(like Shawnee). They would go bear hunting in a party, choosing an honest
man, not a liar, to build the camp fire and keep it up. This, in order that the
bear would not get away, i. e., would stay near the camp. The party shared evenly
in the game. The husband of a pregnant woman may not go hunting, he has to
stay at home. Women eat bear meat, but a pregnant woman would probably
not eat it. [Parsons, 1941, p. 48.]

Solis enlarges upon the care taken by hunters before crossing open
ground where they might be met by enemies:
In securing their supplies they are very wise and cunning; when they have

to cross a plain, they remain within the woods for some time, observing care-
fully to see if there is anything unusual, and if not, they cut a big branch from

299671—42_—_10

138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

a tree in order to travel under cover so that those from a distance may not
know that itis a man. In order to spy on the people who come in or go out of
the woods, they climb a large tree which has a big high top and is near the
road; from there they search out and see everything without being seen. [Solis,
1931, pp. 69-70.]

The essentially woodland character of the culture of these people
is shown in the surprisingly large use made of fish. Let us quote
Espinosa:

There are many lagoons in which an abundance of fish are found. These
fish are not always found in the same spots, but the locations vary according
to the rises in the rivers and arroyos during the winter. When warm weather
comes the Indians go with their families to certain spots and stay for some
days, living on fish. They carry home quantities of cooked fish. I ate some of
these, among them the fish called dorado [dorada?]. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 153.]

In 1719 the Kadohadacho welcomed La Harpe with “a feast of
smoke-dried fish” (Beaurain, 1831, p. 181), but they lived upon Red
River where fish were presumably more abundant than with the
Hasinai.

Pénicaut’s account of fishing operations on Lake Pontchartrain
may be added since the Natchitoches Indians took part in these but
the Acolapissa, natives to the country, may have been their teachers:

After eating we went to look at their fishery. They drew their nets from
the lake filled with fish of all sizes. These nets are actually only lines about
six fathoms long. To these lines other little lines are fastened along the entire
length about a foot apart. At the end of each line is a fish-hook upon which
they put a little piece of hominy dough or a little piece of meat. With these
they do not fail to catch fishes weighing more than fifteen to twenty pounds.
The ends of the lines are tied to their canoes. They draw them in two or
three times a day, and there are always many fish taken when they draw them.
This fishery does not prevent them from working the ground, for it is accom-
plished in less than half an hour. When they had gotten all their fish, each
one took theirs home, and, after they were cooked and prepared, as I have already
described, with bear grease, they began to eat them, each one in front of his door,
under and in the shade of the peach trees. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 466.]

This kind of “net” is what is called a “trat line” or a “trot line.”
The eastern Caddo must formerly have depended very largely on
fish and no doubt had a number of ways of catching them.

Most of our accounts of Caddo hunting come from the period
after they had acquired guns and they adopted them very rapidly
though, as late as 1806, Freeman calls the bow and arrow their “prin-
cipal weapon” (Freeman-Custis, 1806, p. 28). At an earlier date
the Kadohadacho country was famous for its bow wood, the Osage
orange or bois d’arc. Joutel states that Indians came to their country
to get it from distances of 50 or 60 leagues, and that two Caddo
Indians joined his party on their way to the Quapaw to barter bows
and arrows for products to be had along the Mississippi (Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 5, pp. 412, 424).

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 139

It would not be surprising if less savory articles entered into their
diet from time to time such, for instance, as Morfi states were added
to the menu of the coast tribes:

The coast tribes are unique in their gluttony. They eagerly eat locusts, lice
and even human flesh. Their appetite does not require seasoning. They eat
raw meat, tallow, bears’ fat, and when they have them, are thankful. The
best and most tasteful mouthful for them is that which costs them least
work. With all of this they show a great passion for spoiled food. There
arises from their bodies such a stench that it causes one who is little accustomed
to them to become sick at the stomach, [Morfi, 1932, p. 49.]

It must be added in defense of the wretched coast people that
the conditions of life in their country often permitted little choice
between unsavory food and starvation.

For further notes regarding food used in times of scarcity or on
war expeditions, see Morfi’s statement in the section on War (p. 190).

SALT

Joutel’s two Indian traders mentioned in the last section also
had in their possession besides bows and arrows and for the same
purpose, that is, barter, “little loaves of salt weighing about two
or three pounds apiece.” They stated that they had gotten these
from the Tunica Indians, but we know that the eastern Caddo, par-
ticularly the Natchitoches, were also engaged in this traffic with
the Mississippi River tribes (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 424).
The salt industry here in De Soto’s time seems to have been mainly
in the hands of non-Caddo people, but the designation of one of
the tribes which the Spaniards met is Naguatex, evidently the
Nawidish or Namidish of later writers—which means “Place of Salt?’
(Robertson, 1933, pp. 238-248). Joutel says of that part of the
Namidish tribe which he visited on leaving the Hasinai country:

They have a certain sand for which they go farther towards the hamlet
we found last which is called Naouidiche, which signifies “salt,” and, according
to what I have remarked, the people of this hamlet have taken their name
from this sand. They take a handful or two of it more or less, according
to the things to be salted, they put in water to steep for a short time, after
which they pour this water into the beans or meat which they wish to salt,
and it is that which gives it the taste. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 394.]

In his Declaration, St. Denis states that the Natchitoches had traded
with the French since 1701, the chief article of exchange being salt,
and he adds that “the salt secured from these Indians was whiter
and purer than the salt that came from France” (Castafieda, 1936,
vol. 2, p. 18).

Shortly after La Harpe had established himself among the Kado-
hadacho in the Nasoni town, he sent some of his men to obtain salt at
a small stream 3 days’ journey away. They returned with 200 pounds

140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

(Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, p. 272). About 15 leagues from the Adai
Presidio there was a saline from which quantities of salt were ob-
tained (Morfi, 1935, pt. 1, p. 219), and this is probably the one men-
tioned by Sibley “a few miles to the westward” of Bayou Pierre
“towards Sabine . . . where the inhabitants go and make their salt”
(in Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1832, p. 728).

CLOTHING AND PERSONAL ADORNMENT

Caddo clothing was similar to that of their neighbors and of the
Southeastern Indians generally. Most of their garments were made
of deerskin or buffalo hide, the latter being used apparently in the
main in winter or for the heavier outside coverings. They were
tanned by the use of buffalo, and evidently also deer brains. In
summer men wore little except the breechclout (¢apa-rabo or cendal)
which, it is to be assumed, was usually of deerskin. In colder weather
they added shirts, leggings, and moccasins made of buffalo hide—
said to have been “beautifully painted and dressed”—and also of deer-
hide. Around home they ordinarily went barefoot, moccasins being
used in traveling. At the harvest ceremony “they dress up,” says
Morfi, “in the best clothes they have such as bayeta (baize), soft
gamuzas [“antelope skins” but probably intended for deerskins], with
fringes of many little white nuts, black gamuzas, spotted at intervals
with the same white nuts, bracelets, and necklaces of glass beads, orna-
ments all of which they use only on this day, or on others of unusual
solemnity.” (Morfi, 1935, p. 67; 1932, pp. 32, 46; Casafias, 1927, p. 213;
Espinosa, 1927, pp. 171, 176-177.) This, of course, represents the
beginning of the adoption of European materials. Later on in his
description of this ceremony, however, Morfi states that some of the
old men who took part had “their best clothes of buffalo hides curi-
ously painted” (Morfi, 1932, p. 33). Another garment was “made
very skilfully of turkey feathers fastened by means of small strings”
(Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 353).

The women also wore breechclouts under their other clothing
though the material of which they were made was different. They
put these on at an early age. Morfi says, speaking of the girls:
From the time of their birth their mothers put breechclouts of grass or hay
on them which modestly cover their nakedness and these they keep until
death, renewing them when required to do so by necessity, without failing on

this account to cover honestly the rest of the body. [Morfi, 1932, p. 46, quoting
from Solis, 1931, p. 42].

Their over-clothing is thus described by Espinosa:

They make their clothes from dressed deer skins, which cover them from head
to foot. These deer skins are very black and have a luster which these
Indians alone know how to produce. It looks like very fine cloth. To make

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 141

it more graceful they border all the edges with little white seeds which grow
on certain plants. By skillfully piercing them they can easily sew them on.
From another large skin, carefully dressed, and with an opening in the middle
large enough for the head, they cover their shoulders and breast to the waist.
They cut all the edges in fringe, so that the garment is very pretty. [Espinosa,
1927, pp. 176-177. ]

Morfi’s description which follows is evidently taken mainly from
this:

Their clothes are composed of two ygamuzas [meaning evidently “deerskins”] :
one covers them from the waist to the ankle; and the other with an opening
in the center, through which they stick the head, ... and so shiny that they
look like the finest of cloth, and only these Indian women know how to keep
them with such perfection. To make their skirts handsomer they border the
edges with little white beads which are very small and are seeds of some
herbs and are curiously pierced. In the same manner they sew them to the
gamuzas. They put a little fringe on all edges of the upper garment, which
makes it very pretty. [Morfi, 1932, p. 46.]

Solis says simply: “They dress in deerskins fringed and bordered
with beads of various colors” (Solis, 1931, p. 60).

None of our Spanish writers, with one possible exception (see
Manufactures, p. 158), mentions the use of textiles in the native
costume aside from buffalo hair and materials of European origin,
but Pénicaut, who professes to have spent the winter of 1706-1707 in
the house of the Natchitoches chief when the Natchitoches were
exiled from their own country and on the shores of Lake Pontchar-
train, says that the chief’s daughters wore skirts (braguets) made
of cloth woven from nettles (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 465). This
material, or mulberry bark, was commonly used for the clothing of
women in the Southeast, and it may be assumed that the eastern Caddo
were familiar with it though this happens to be our only reference.

Pénicaut states that both the Natchitoches, and the Acolapissa with
whom they were living, removed all their body hair by the use of
shell-lime and hot water (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 356). As to
the general custom of removing this hair there can be no doubt and
it is partly confirmed by Casafias (1927, p. 285), who says that they
took “great pains to rid themselves of eyebrows and beard by the
use of a shell.” Other writers on the Southeastern Indians, however,
speak of the use of shells as tweezers and one wonders whether
Pénicaut is not mistaken as to the method.

Regarding their manner of dressing the hair, Joutel relates that
most of the men had “their hair cut with the exception of some tresses
which they fasten to or twist around a little piece of wood worn
at one side, but all have a little scalplock on top of their head behind,
like the Turks. However, some retain all their hair and do not cut
any of it; [their hairs] are all straight, coarse, and as black as jet”
(Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 356). The men in the Kadohadacho

142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

province “cut their hair like the Capuchins; they grease it, and when
they hold an assembly or have a feast they put upon it swan or
duck down tinted red” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 413).

The men [says Casafias] like to have nice long hair spread over their
shoulders, and to have it well combed. Those who do not haye hair of this
kind, take great pains to scrape the head into the form of a tonsure, leaving
in the middle of the head some long hair which reaches to the waist. [Casafias,
1927, p. 285.]

This last type is what Espinosa has in mind when he remarks:

They do not wear their hair long but cut close, leaving it about two
finger lengths long, all very much alike and carefully combed. ... They leave
a thin lock of hair in the middle of the head like a Chinaman. To this they
tie certain very beautiful feathers in a very curious manner. In this way each
one looks like a sprout. When they see the feathers of the chickens from
Spain whieh we raise they do not stop until they have collected the prettiest
colored ones. They keep them in a chest to wear at their brightest. [Espinosa,
1927, p. 176.]

Morfi:

They cut their hair, leaving it about two fingers long, and they always wear
it very much greased and even. In the middle of their head they let grow a
thin, long lock, (like the Chinese) which they curiously adorn with rare and
beautiful feathers. [Morfi, 1932, p. 45.]

A confirmative description comes from Sanchez:

They cut their hair in many different ways, but in every case the hairless
spaces alternate with those with hair. The most striking of these hair cuts are
those in which the wearer pulls all the hair out by the roots, leaving only a band
or strip along the top of the head from the forehead to the base of the head
[i. e., the back of the neck], imitating the comb of a rooster. [Sanchez, 1926,
pp. 284-285. ]

Joutel says of the Kadchadacho women: “Their hair is fastened
behind, and they take much pains to part it in front” (Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 413). Let us now quote Espinosa:

They always wear their hair tied, carefully combed, and dressed like a
queue. After gathering it into a knot, they tie it into a curious knot at the
neck with a red rabbit skin which they have colored for the purpose with an
herb which grows throughout the whole region. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 177.]

He is partly paralleled again by Morfi:

Their hair, which is usually light, they wear always very well combed and
braided, which they let hang, and tie it curiously at the head with a small
cord of rabbit skin and dye it with the juice of certain herbs in which the
country abounds. [Morfi, 1932, p. 46.]

Pénicaut asserts that, unlike the ‘Indians with whom they were
then living, the Natchitoches did not resort to tattooing (Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 467), but it is evident that the custom was in
vogue among most of the Caddo tribes though it is often difficult

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 143

to tell whether tattooing is being described or painting. Joutel is,
of course, describing the former when he says:

These savages have a singular usage: it is that of tattooing (se piquer) upon
the body where they make all sorts of designs which remain marked per-
manently, since after they have made the punctures they force into them finely
pounded charcoal which makes the marks permanent. The men make repre-
sentations of birds and animals; the others tattoo on their breasts compart-
ments very neatly made, and on their shoulders they have great flowers [or
ornaments (fleurons)] which we call du point d‘Espagne [a kind of pillow lace
in which gold or silver threads were interwoven and popular in Spain]. Without
doubt they suffer much pain when these are made; it is only once and for
good. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 349.]

One of his companions who had taken up his residence among the
Indians “was tattooed like them and marked on the face so that he
differed from them little” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 353). Tonti
describes the Kadohadacho of both sexes as “tattooed on the face and
all over the body” (Cox, 1905, vol. 7, p. 48).

Bienville says of the Nakasa (perhaps part of the Yatasi) “all the
savages here have a circle tattooed round the eyes and on the nose
and three lines on the chin.” Espinosa states that

none of these [Hasinai] Indian women have more than one line painted in
the middle of the face, but they tattoo their arms and breast very curiously.
This is done with a pointed instrument when they are children. [Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 4, p. 440.]

For “painted” in this quotation we should evidently read “tat-
tooed,” since the same subject is rendered by Morfi:

On the face they have a [single] streak from the root of the hair to the
chin; but they paint their breasts and arms with a diversity of figures; a cruel
operation which is performed on them while they are children. [Morfi, 1932,
p. 440.]

If it were simply paint there would have been no cruelty. The
same writer adds in another place:

These women streak their bodies with all kinds of figures, of animals, birds,
or flowers, that is, the married women, or corrupt ones, of whom there is an
abundance, do; but the girls have only one streak ... which runs from the
forehead to the point of the nose, and ends on the chin, so that nothing is as
easy there, as to recognize the different kinds of women, for they themselves
take care to increase the streaks when they in any way lose their virginity.
[Morfi, 1932, pp. 46-47; Solis, 1931, p. 42.]

Part of what Joutel has to say on the subject of ornamentation,
as already quoted, seems to apply to the women. He adds:

The women have very good busts, their features are beautiful enough, but they
spoil them in different ways: some make a single line extending from the top
of the forehead to the chin; others a kind of triangle at the corner of each
eye, with those that they make on their breasts and shoulders; they also
tattoo their lips all over, and when they are thus tattooed it is for life. I do

144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 132

not doubt that they suffer when these [marks] are made since it is necessary
to draw the blood in order to let the charcoal enter. But the breast is a very
sensitive part of the body. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 363.]

He found that the women of the Kadohadacho province had also
disfigured their breasts and faces “by making marks upon them in the
way described already” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 418).

Joutel has little to say regarding the use of paint apart from
tattooing, but on one occasion he observes that a troop of women
entered the cabin where he was, having their faces and their bodies
daubed and painted (matachez et barbouillez) (Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 3, p. 375). In describing the Hasinai country the missionary
Olivares says that it contained certain heavy green rocks used by
the natives in making green paint (Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, p. 72).
Casafas remarks of the same region “there are also some mines
[deposits] of almagres [red ocher] so fine and so much prized by
certain distant tribes that they carry it away to their own country”
(Casanas, 1927, p. 209), and adds that the women “like to paint
themselves from the waist up to the shoulders in various colored
streaks, particularly the breasts. They paint themselves with great
care” (Casafias, 1927, p. 285). But, as he does not speak specifically
of tattooing elsewhere, it is possible that tattooing is included in
this statement. In connection with his account of native festivals
and preparations for war, he considers the matter at greater length:

Their custom of painting themselves for their mitotes is ridiculous. They use
paints of various colors and all gather together in one place whenever they
are ready to set out on a war expedition. They claim that the paint serves
to keep their enemies from recognizing them. They do the same thing for
the same reason whenever they know that visitors are coming from some other
tribe. [Casafias, 1927, p. 214.]

Speaking of the men, Espinosa (1927, p. 176) notes that “they paint
their faces with vermilion and bears’ grease so as to be redder and
slicker,” and Solis (1931, p. 60): “They are very much painted with
vermilion and other colors.” Morfi (1932, p. 46): “They paint their
faces with vermilion and bear grease so as to make their complexions
smooth and of high color. This mixture notably disfigures their
natural beauty.”

After Sanchez has described the manner in which Caddo men
removed the hair from the sides of their heads, he continues:

On the artificially bald space they apply different colors in waving and
snakelike stripes that reach to below the neck. They are all fond of making
their faces show a vermilion red. The Indians thus give themselves the name
of red men, establishing thereby a race group like the white or black races.
Perhaps the predilection shown by the American Indians for vermilion is
derived from a vain idea of race consciousness or lineage, for though they

apply different colors to their faces they prefer red above all others. [Sanchez,
1926, p. 285.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 145

Padilla (1820) remarks that “they paint their faces with vermilion
and charcoal,” which at least adds the information that they used
black paint as well as red (Padilla, 1919, p. 49).

Casafias has the following regarding ornaments:

Neither the men nor the women lack articles of adornment for their festivities,
such as collars, ornaments, and pendants such as the Mexican Indians wore when
they were heathens. These Indians knew neither gold nor silver. Many of
their ornaments they have secured from other nations, such as glass beads,
bells, and other things of a similar. nature which are not to be found in this
country. At their festivities some of the guests pride themselves on coming
out as gallants, while others are of so hideous a form that they look like
demons. They even go so far as to put deer horns on their heads, each con-
ducting himself according to his own notion. [Casafias, 1927, p. 213.] ... They
are fond of bells . . . They also like hats, glass beads, and everything in the
shape of ornaments; and things which make a noise. In lieu of these, they
wear little white shells they find in the fields which are Shaped like beads. They
wear snake rattles, deer hoofs, and other similar things, all of which they
fasten to their leather garments, so as to make a great Geal of noise. ‘The
women also like these things very much ...The men like fine feathers.
[Casafias, 1927, p. 285.]

Ornamental feathers were preserved “with great care in hollow
clean reeds” [Morfi, 1932, p. 46.]

Espinosa speaks of the Indian costumes of

very fine deer skins, with ruffles decorated with little white ornaments, some
very black deer skins, decorated with the same ornaments, bracelets, and
necklaces which they wear only on this and other feast days. [Espinosa, 1927,
p. 171.] ... The men love very much to wear certain curious ornaments in
their ears and when they secure earrings, beads, or necklaces, they wear them
around their necks, or on their ankles and knees in their fiestas. [Hspinosa,
1927, p. 176.]

Solis says that “they wear numerous beads of many colors as well
as many feathers of various colors,” while the women had “some
smooth long bones hanging from their ears” (Solis, 1931, p. 60).
In an earlier description, inclusive of Coahuilteco, Karankawa, and
Aranama Indians as well as the Caddo, he observes that “they make
holes in the muscles of their noses and the tips of their ears in order
to hang beads in them, also little shells, small conk shells from the
sea, small stones of various colors” (Solis, 1931, p. 43). Morfi
repeats about what the others have said: “They like very much to
place some curious things in their ears, and when they acquire ear-
rings, necklaces, or beads, they adorn their necks, wrists, and knees,”
but he also notes the use of buffalo wool in the manufacture of “belts,
ribbons, and other dress ornaments” (Morfi, 1932, pp. 45, 46).

We notice the stress laid upon the European origin of many of their
ornaments by Casafas, Espinosa, and Morfi, and this may explain
why Joutel has so little to say regarding anything but paint, feathers,
and tattoo marks. It is also singular that none of these early writers

146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

except Solis, whose remarks are general, mentions nose ornaments
since in later times they were used so frequently that “the Caddo
tribal sign [is] ‘Pierced nose,’ in allusion to their former custom
of boring the nose for the insertion of a ring” (Mooney, 1896, p.
i092).

Nevertheless, Morfi, in speaking of the means of distinguishing
one tribe from another makes this as his fifth point, that “they can
be distinguished from one another by their ears, and noses, because
some pierce the former, and others the latter, and some, both” (Morfi,
1982, pp. 20, 21). Nose ornaments also appear in Sanchez’s report:

Some wear a bunch of silver earrings joined with lead and suspended from
the nose, hanging over the mouth; others wear in like manner the figure of a
small horse. On their ears they wear similar clusters or strings of small
metal plates that fall as far as the breast. (See pl. 12.) The Caddos com-
monly wear a medal more than two inches in diameter, and they have the
entire lobe of the ear pierced with holes for glass beads, or feathers. Others,
instead of metal ornaments wear well-cured heads of birds. [Sanchez, 1926, p. 284.]

This description is not wholly confined to the Caddo, but Padilla
(1820) states of them specifically: “They pierce their noses and wear
pendant silver ornaments of different kinds” (Padilla, 1919, p. 49).

The dress of the medicine man was in many ways peculiar. Morfi
says of him:

He has a costume becoming to his ministry, decorated with big bunches of

feathers (grandes plumeros), adding necklaces made with skins of coral-colored
snakes, which are very showy and of bright colors. [Morfi, 19382, p. 27.]
If these were skins of the serpent now known as the coral snake,
it should have been sufficiently powerful medicine for any doctor, and
it is to be suspected that the medicine men were not unaware of the
potency of coral-snake poison.

Turkey tails were used as fans in dances.

In addition to his specific information, Morfi has considerable to
say regarding the differences in dress between various tribes, one
item of which has already been quoted. Tribes might also be dis-
tinguished “by the lines with which they paint their faces, which
each nation does in a different way” (Morfi, 1932, p. 20), and
by the cut of the hair; some form a kind of ring or tonsure, as the Friars
have; others cut off all their hair, leaving on the top of the head a large
lock or braid in Tartar style, of natural length, which they care and esteem
very much; and some of them do not cut their hair at all. [Morfi, 1932, p. 20.]

Although they were recorded at a relatively late date (1820), Pa-
dilla gives a number of interesting particulars bearing on distinctions
between the Caddo tribes. The Kadohadacho “pierce their noses and
wear pendant silver ornaments of different kinds. They shave a part
of their heads with razors, and paint their faces with vermilion and
charcoal.” The “Yuganis,” (perhaps a band of Yowani Choctaw

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 147

rather than Caddo), living east of Nacogdoches, differed from the
Kadohadacho “in being a little darker and in shaving their beards in
streaks with lancets, using charcoal.” The Nacogdochitos, on Neches
River like the Yuganis, resembled them “except in the streaks they
make on their faces.” The Eyeish differed from the Kadohadacho
“only in language and in the manner of shaving their heads .
They pierce their noses and paint their faces with vermilion” (Padilla,
1919, p.49). The San Pedro Indians (Nabedache) “do not shave their
faces, although they cut their hair in such a way as to make them differ-
ent from the Texas Indians [Hainai?].” These two tribes lived near
each other “and the difference can scarcely be distinguished, except by
the way they cut their hair and by the name.” The Anadarko “are
darker than the Kadohadacho and some of them shave their faces in
streaks” (Padilla, 1919, p. 49).

For a good description of war paraphernalia we have to turn again
to Pénicaut, who accompanied St. Denis to Mexico through the Hasinai
country in 1714 and testifies as follows regarding these last mentioned
people:

These savages make war very differently from those on the banks of the
Mississipy, for they are all mounted, armed with quivers made of ox [buffalo]
hide and filled with arrows, which hang slung over their shoulders behind the
back; they have a bow and a little shield (plastron) also of rawhide, on the left
arm with which they parry the arrows. They have no other bit to their bridle
than a hair cord which passes into the horse’s mouth; their stirrups are sus-
pended by a cord also made of hair which is fastened to a doe skin doubled into
four thicknesses and serving them as a saddle. The stirrup is merely a little
piece of wood three inches wide and five long, on which they put the foot in
erder to mount and hold themselves in place. [Margry, 1873-1886, vol. 5, p.
502. ]

Morfi says that saddles as well as shields were made of buffalo hide
(Morfi, 1935, p. 67).

In 1805 Sibley tells us that the Natchitoches Indians still retained
their Indian dress but he does not take the trouble to describe it (Sibley,
in Amer. State Pap., Indian Affairs, 1832, p. 724). In 1820 Padilla
notes that the men were wearing shirts made of “chintz or flowered
goods” and indicates that the women were using the same material
(Padilla, 1919, p. 58). According to Casafias, they liked European
materials of a blue color more than any others (Casafias, 1927, p.
285). Head deformation seems a former custom (see p. 31 and
Walker, 1935).

Photographs of Caddo Indians taken during the last half century
show few vestiges of their ancient clothing, although we recognize
moccasins of a common Plains type (see also pl. 18) and shirts which
may be descended from aboriginal patterns appear with fringed mar-
gins. The edges of the leggings are also fringed. In one case the
leggings appear to be tied just above the ankle. The hair is parted in
the middle and brought into two braids, one on either side of the

148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 192

head, the ends being tied with hide or beaded cords. One shows a
braided scalplock hanging over the forehead and several have a feather
or two in the hair. One shows a headband, but this seems to belong
rather to the tribes farther east and there are scanty references in the
literature. The hair of the women, as was to have been expected, is
parted in the middle and seems to be gathered into knots behind.

HOUSES

Our earliest descriptions of Caddo houses are from French ex-
plorers. Of the Nabedache houses, Father Anastasius says:

Their cabins are fine, forty or fifty feet high, of the shape of bee-hives.
Trees are planted in the ground and united above by the branches, which are
covered with grass. The beds are ranged around the cabin, three or four
feet from the ground; the fire is in the middle, each cabin holding two families.
[Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 232.]

Joutel is more liberal in his estimate of the number of families
to a cabin but otherwise his description is much the same:

There are usually eight or ten families in these cabins which are very large,
for they are some sixty feet in diameter; they are made in a different way
from those we had seen before. They are round, in the shape of beehives
or rather like big haystacks, being of the same material except that they
are taller; they are covered with grass from bottom to top. They make the
fire in the middle, the smoke escaping above through the grass. These savages
make them in a manner different from the others; they cut down tall trees as
big around as the thigh, they plant them erect in a circle and bring the ends
together above, after which they lath them and cover them from bottom to
top.

When we were inside of the said cabin, one of the largest in the canton, a
place was indicated to us where we could put our property and lie down, for
they are much more convenient than those which we had met before, in that
the savages raise the beds on which they lie about three feet from the ground;
they furnish them very neatly with large reeds, separating each bed by means
of mats, of which they form a sort of arbor. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 345.]

A little farther on he contributes a note regarding the houses of
the “Assoni” (Nasoni) :

The cabins of these savages are made like those of the Cenis [Hasinai], of
which I have spoken already, except that they are not so lofty; there is a
large platform above the door, made of pieces of wood planted upright with
others across them, and rows of canes pressed very closely together, on which
they put their ears of corn. There is another opposite on which they place
tuns or casks which they make of canes and bark, in which they put their
shelled corn, beans, and nuts, acorns and other things, and under that they
put their pots. Each family has its own tuns; they have their beds to right
and left, and of the kind I have already described. These [Indians] have
besides a big platform in front of their cabins which is raised from ten to
twelve feet, on which they put their ears of corn to dry, after they have
gathered them, and which they take care to Sweep every day. [Margry, 1875-
1886, pp. 393-394.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 149

Joutel also speaks of an assembly house made when a war party
was being collected and in which the warriors stayed until they were
ready to march, after which it was burned (Margry, 1875-1886,
pp. 345, 347, 357). It was probably made like the permanent houses
but with less care.

Massanet thus describes the house of the Nabedache (Tejas) chief
as it appeared in 1690:

The house is built of stakes [poles] thatched over with grass, it is about twenty
varas high, is round, and has no windows, daylight entering through the door
only ; this door is like a room-door such as we have here. In the middle of the
house is the fire, which is never extinguished by day or by night, and over [?]
the door on the inner side there is a little mound of pebbles very prettily
arranged. Ranged around one half of the house, inside, are ten beds, which
consist of a rug made of reeds, laid on four forked sticks. Over the rug they
spread buffalo skins, on which they sleep. At the head and foot of the bed
is attached another carpet forming a sort of arch, which, lined with a very
brilliantly colored piece of reed matting, makes what bears some resemblance
to a very pretty alcove. In the other half of the house where there are no
beds, there are some shelves about two varas [5.56 feet] high, and on them
are ranged large round baskets made of reeds (in which they keep their corn,
nuts, acorns, beans, ete.), a row of very large earthen pots like our earthen
jars, these pots being used only to make the atole when there is a large crowd
on the occasion of some ceremony, and six wooden mortars for pounding the
corn in rainy weather, (for, when it is fair, they pound it in the courtyard) .”

This was probably the same house as that described by Joutel 3
years earlier, but Massanet adds some details regarding out-houses
attached to that of the chief.

Soon I noticed, outside the yard, opposite the door of the governor’s house,
another long building, in which no inmates could be seen. I asked who dwelt
therein or what purpose it served, and was told that the captains were lodged
in that house when the governor called them to a meeting. On the other
side I saw yet another and smaller vacant house, and upon my inquiring about
this one they answered that in the smaller house the pages of the captains
were lodged, for there is a law providing that each captain shall bring his
page when the governor assembles the captains, and they observe this custom.
As soon as they arrive they are lodged in that house, and for each one is
laid a large, brightly colored reed mat, on which they sleep, with a bolster
made of painted reeds at the head; and when they return home, each one
carries with him his mat and pillow. While they attend the meeting the gov-
ernor provides them with food, until he sends them home. [Casis, 1899, p.
304; see also Bolton, 1916, p. 378.]

Two of our Spanish authorities give not merely descriptions of
the Hasinai houses but the social and ceremonial customs accom-
panying their erection. The earlier of these is by Espinosa:

Their houses are built of wood with very long, flexible laths [poles]. Their
manner of building them is as follows. Whenever the owners of a house de-

144 Casis, 1899, pp. 303-304. The height is evidently exaggerated as 20 varas would be
55.6 feet. See also Bolton, 1916, pp. 377-378.

150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

cide to build one, they advise the captains whom, in their language, they
call caddi. The latter set the day and order the overseers whom they eall
tammas to go around to all the houses and give notice in order that all may
aid in the building. These two messengers mount their horses—of which the
Texas Indians have a great number since the first entry of the Spaniards.
They carry in their hands a number of little sticks equal to the number
of laths [poles] needed for the house. They go the rounds and leave at
each ranch one of the little sticks so that he who receives it may take care
to cut and clean a lath [pole] and bring it and put it in the hole designated
for it. Another member of the household is placed in charge of a sufficient
number of men to continue the work of lacing the laths [poles] together. These
thongs, made of the bark of a tree, are so strong that they can not be broken
between the hands however thin they may be. To the Indian women, one or.two
from each house, is given the duty of bringing a load of grass. This grass is
coarser than the largest wheat and is used to cover the whole roof. These ar-
rangements being made, the tammas go and sleep at the place where the building
is to be done. When day breaks, they call the people designated together. At
dawn, the captains arrive and take their places without putting their hands
to the work other than to oversee it. At sunrise, upon the first call of the
messenger, each comes running with his lath [pole] on his shoulder and puts
it in the hole which he has previously dug. The laths [poles] are placed in
a circle and in the middle they put up a very tall pole with knots on it for
climbing. Two Indians are placed on top on a cross made of two pieces of
wood. Hach throws out a noose and seizes a lath [pole] by the top, working
in unison. They continue to tie them until they have forced a figure like a
half orange.

They then cover the laths [poles] with heavy timbers, all working at the
same time and with such dexterity that, each working upward upon his own
lath [pole], they do nut take more than an hour to finish it from bottom
to top. Others come in to relieve them and cover the house with grass to
a thickness of three hand breadths. They work from the bottom to the top
exactly opposite to the way the Spaniards thatch their houses. They work
so dexterously that a little after midday they are finishing the hut, forming
of carefully tied grass the figure which their imagination suggests to them.
The building finished, they cut the middle post off at the bottom and the
building is thus left standing. During all this time the overseer walks around
with his rods made of two or three fresh, flexible branches for the purpose
of hurrying the people. Even though they bring the materials they have
been instructed to provide, he goes out to meet the man or woman who is late
and who arrives after the work is begun. If the delinquent is a man, the
overseer gives him four or five licks across the breast and, if it be a woman,
he uncovers her shoulders and does the same thing. This is done without
exception of persons, for even though it be his own wife or sister who is at
fault, she receives her punishment. No one is offended at this but rather
laughs at it. During all the time the people are working the householders are
busy preparing food for everybody, having previously provided quantities of
deer meat and many pots of ground corn, which in this section of the Indies
is called atole. Then they serve the food from the captains down to the smallest,
in order, abundantly, and carefully, because they have earthen vessels, some
large and some small, in which to serve the old and the young. This done, the
crowd scatters and each goes to his own home much pleased. The difference
they make in building these houses is that they use more laths [poles] than
usual for the captains and leading men. Consequently, their houses are very

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 1d¥

much larger. But no one, even though he be a leading captain, is excused from
feeding all those who assemble. In fact, the feast is all the more abundant and
more time is used in preparation so that everybody may be abundantly fed.
[Espinosa, 1927, 154-155. ]

He states that the temple common to the Neches and Hainai was
“large, round, and thatched” (Espinosa, 1927, p. 160).
Morfi’s description is, in the main, taken from Espinosa:

When the father of a family wishes to construct or move a house he advises
the Caddi or principal captain of the tribe and with his consent, determines a
day for the work. The captain calls the cryers or Tammas of the tribe and
delivers to them as many little sticks as the number of poles thought necessary,
commanding them to go to all the houses of the tribe so [that] their inmates will
participate in the work. Immediately, the two Tammas get on horseback, and
proceed to the different places. They leave one or more of these sticks at each
rancheria, according to the number of poles they are to supply already trimmed
and ready to be nailed in their respective places. To another man of the family
he gives charge of a number of twigs which they use for weaving the walls
between the poles, and the leash to bind them, which is the bark of a tree, so
strong that though it is very thin, a strong man cannot break it in his hands.
To one or two women of the same rancheria is entrusted the cutting and gather-
ing of grass which is used to make the roof to cover the edifice. This grass
is longer than entire wheat stalks and very suitable for the use. All of this
having been arranged among the whole tribe, on the evening of the assigned
day, the Tammas go to sleep at the place where the new habitation is to be
constructed, and there the future owners give them splendid presents. At
dawn of the following day, they begin to ery out, to call the people together.
The captains arrive first, and take their seats, without otherwise participating
in the work, which is authorized by their presence. As the sun rises, the first
voice to be beard is that of the Mandon or Director of the work; each one runs
with his pole on his shoulder and nails [sets] it in its corresponding place
which is already prepared in a circle. In the center of this is placed a heavy
log with notches from top to bottom, like a ladder. Two Indians climb this
log pulling together the ends of the poles that form the circle, and tie them
to the center, forming a sort of cupola, or dome. While this is being done the
other workmen begin to weave the long twigs between the poles so skilfully that
each workman carrying on his weaving along his post can complete the entire
structure in less than an hour. Other Indians, after having partaken of refresh-
ments, enter and cover the house with grass three spans long. They begin
by placing it at the bottom and working upward in the opposite direction used
by the Spaniards in the neighboring provinces, but with such velocity that by
a little after midday they crown the work or little house, constructing at the
tip, with the same grass, the figure they care to improvise. They then cut the
great log from the center, and the house is finished.

During the work the Directors go about with some flexible green branches
with two or three prongs, hurrying the people. If anyone arrives late, though
he brings the material assigned to him, the Director goes out to receive him;
if a man, he gives him four or five strokes across the breast; and if a woman,
he bares her shoulder and gives her an equal number of strokes. This punish-
ment is inflicted without exception to everyone, because even though it be the
sister or wife of the Director himself, who is guilty of the offense, she must
inevitably suffer the same punishment. There is never anyone, in consequence,
who commits this offense[!]. During the work the owners of the house prepare

152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

the dinner, for which they have provided in advance, venison, ground corn, the
latter being used by the Indians to make much atole, or poteadas, and they go
around serving it abundantly and with order, from the captains to the last mem-
ber present, offering it in little clay pans (cajuetillas), which are very curious.
When the eating is finished the meeting breaks up. The houses of the captains
and principal people contain more poles than those of the common people; but
not one, not even the first chief of the nation, is exempt from giving this fes-
tival, but on the contrary, the abundance of the food increases in proportion to
the rank of the owner of the house.

As soon as the hut is delivered to the owners they construct their beds, raised
from the floor on four stakes, on which they fix some poles; they stretch on them
some buffalo hides which make a good mattress, and they cover them with others.
[Morfi, 1932, pp. 40-42.]

The same writer states that the temple was constructed lke one of
the ae dwellings except that it was larger (Morfi, 1932,
p. 24).

Brief notes from other writers serve mainly to confirm the descrip-
tions already given. Hidalgo says:

Their houses are made of grass, some of them quite large and tall. Others

are medium sized and others still smaller like half an orange. In each of
these many families live. They keep their corn in lofts and garrets and in
big reed baskets. [Hidalgo, 1927, p. 56.]
Elsewhere, however, he adds the interesting fact that they “have
the doors of all their houses toward the east,” and continues, “I heard
them tell the soldiers . . . they did this because it never blows from
that side, [but] I do not understand the mystery” (Hidalgo, 1927,
p. 52).

Solis:

These Indians live in grass houses that are round and very well sheltered ;
since they are roofed from the ground, they look like domes. The beds are hung
up high on thick poles in the woods. [Solis, 1931, p. 60.]

Some mistake has probably been made in translating the last sen-
tence. Solis evidently meant to say that the thick poles were obtained
in the woods or were made of wood.

Padilla: “The Caddo houses are of straw, some are of wood, but
all are well built” (Padilla, 1919, pp. 47,48). The San Pedro (Nabe-
dache) Indians “build their houses of straw because it is easier [to
handle] than wood. But their houses are large and usually neat”
(Padilla, 1919, p. 52).

Parker (quoted by Schoolcraft) : The Caddo, Hainai, Anadarko,
Waco, and Tawakoni “live in houses built of a framework of poles,
in a conical shape, thatched with long prairie grass, with low doors;
the fires built in the centre of the lodge; the lodge, circular, about
twenty-five feet in diameter and twenty high” (Schoolcraft, 1855,
vol. 5, p. 682).

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 153

Mooney:

They formerly lived in conical grass houses like the Wichita, but are now
in log houses and generally wear citizens’ dress excepting in the dance [Mooney,
1896, p. 1094.]

See also page 181, and plates 14 and 15. The first of the two illus-
trations is from a negative made by Soulé between 1868 and 1872
and shows that Caddo architecture had become considerably modified
at the time indicated. The second, from a sketch by Eastman dated
March 2, 1849, the use of which was kindly furnished by the late David
I. Bushnell, Jr., illustrates very well the manner in which Caddo hunt-
ing camps were distributed over the country before the tribe moved
from Texas. Mr. Bushnell also suggested that the “sickle” shown
in plate 16, figure 1, made from the lower jaw of a deer, was used
in cutting grass for the thatch.

With the exception of the resort to cabins of white provenience in
later times, all of these accounts indicate dwellings practically identi-
cal with the grass houses of the Wichita. There is, however, evidence
that a different type was in use among the Kadohadacho. In the “map
of the Cadodacho Indian settlements, near Texarkana,” reproduced
from the original in the Archivo General de Indias by Prof. H. E.
Bolton as the frontispiece to his volume on Texas in the Middle of the
Eighteenth Century (Bolton, 1915; pl. 1 in this bulletin), most of the
houses seem to be grass houses of the conventional type or granaries,
but a few, particularly one on a mound which is presumably a temple,
have what look like wattle walls. And Casaiias says:

Some have settlements better organized than others, such as the Cadaudachos,
Nasitox, and others whose houses are located close together and are well plas-
tered. [Casafias, 1927, p. 287.]

This variation may probably be attributed to influences from the
Mississippi Valley.

The communal nature of house construction is emphasized by the

writer last quoted:
As regards other features of their government, these Indians help each other in
such a manner that if one’s house and all his possessions are burned up, they
all gather together, build him a new house, and furnish him whatever he needs
for his subsistence and comfort. [Casafias, 1927, p. 217.]

We have one reference to a skin tent used during hunting trips.
Shortly before reaching the village of the Petit Caddo, De Méziéres
met the Indian chief in a field tent which they make of hides or skins of the
deer which they kill. It was so small that there was scarcely room in it for
a bench of reeds with a buffalo [hide], which was his bed. There was another

little tent where he had the fire, which this people are never without. [Bolton,
1914, vol. 2, p. 76.]

299671—42——_11

154. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 132

It would be interesting to know whether this elementary affair had
any features in common with the tipi but no details are forthcoming.

In later times the Caddo did not have the reputation of being a
mound-building people. In the sketch reproduced by Bolton, how-
ever, one structure, probably a temple, is located upon a mound, and
De Méziéres states specifically that the temple of the Nabedache was
built upon a mound “which their ancestors erected” (Bolton, vol 2,
1914, p. 263). This use of mounds for temples, even artificial mounds,
does not prove that the Caddo erected them, but there is no good
reason to doubt it since the erection of mounds was common to all the
tribes of the lower Mississippi south of the Quapaw.

MANUFACTURES

Except for their descriptions of house building and some few
notes on clothing already given, little is said by our authorities re-
garding native manufactures. In general they resembled those of the
Southeastern cultural area to which the Caddo properly belonged, but
their proximity to the Plains added some new features. They appear
in the sixteenth century as buffalo hunters and their dependence on
the buffalo for raw materials was particularly close, so that Morfi’s
remarks, although not restricted in application to the Caddo, certainly
included them:

In addition to furnishing meat that deserves first rank for its flavor and
healthfulness, its brains serve to soften leather; its horns to make spoons, cups,
and ornaments for the head or the home; the shoulder blades to dig and
cultivate the soil; the ligaments to string the bows; the hoofs to make glue
used in tipping the arrows; the bristles to make rope; the wool to make belts,
ribbons, and other dress ornaments; the skin to make saddles, rope, shields,
tents, shirts, boots, and shoes [i. e., leggings and moccasins], and coverlets against
the cold orrain. [Morfi, 1935, p. 67.]

As it happens, this contains the only reference bearing on the ma-
terial of which spoons were made though such articles are mentioned
by Casafias (1927, p. 212) and several were collected by Dr. Edward
Palmer for the National Museum (pl. 16, fig. 2). As in the eastern
woodlands generally, the deer was also a prime source of raw materials,
its skin supplying clothing, its brains being used in tanning along with
those of the buffalo, and its tendons being employed in all sorts of ways.
Joutel’s party carried along their provisions in deerskin bags, fol-
lowing probably the example of the natives (Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 3, p. 359). We have described the manner in which deer heads
were used in stalking other deer. Joutel and his companions were
seated upon bearskin rugs by the Cahinnio (Margry, 1875-1886, vol.
3, p. 515) and we may safely assume that bearskins were used as
clothing though there is no mention of the fact.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 155

Turning to wood as raw material and passing over the houses, be-
sides the ordinary beds around the inside of them, we may note
special seats of greater height used by the xinesi and the cadis.

These seats [says Casafias], are called tapestles and they are like tables.
The high officials seat themselves thereon and place their feet on a high
bench. . . . The leaders do not take their seats on this elevation except for a
special ceremony. [Casafias, 1927, p. 213.]

Moreover, “in the home of each caddi and of the nobles there is a
certain bench which nobody is allowed to approach except the grand
xinest himself when on a visit,” and “in all of these houses there is
also a high bed like an alcove where the xinest may sleep and rest”
(Casafias, 1927, p. 217). Casafias speaks of “benches of wood, all
of one piece and not very high from the ground” used as chairs
(Casafias, 1927, p. 212), and a “little square wooden bench, of one
piece, with four feet, and slightly raised from the ground” which
Espinosa (1927, p. 160) saw in the temple was evidently one of these.
This is the wooden duho of the West Indies reported from several
other places in the Southeast. We recall also benches brought out
by the Nabedache chief for the accommodation of De Leon and his
companions (Bolton, 1916, p. 378). Espinosa perceived in the temple
“two little chests about three palm lengths long, and raised upon a
wooden altar with four little forked poles with curious covers of
painted reed” (Espinosa, 1927, pp. 160-161), but these were probably
cane baskets although small wooden coffers are reported from several
Southeastern tribes. Nevertheless, inside of these chests were

four or five little platters or vessels of black wood like circular shields, all
curiously worked and having four feet. Some represented little ducks, having
the head and tail of a duck. Others had the head and tail of an alligator or
lizard. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 161.]

Morfi copies this description but likens the wooden vessels to soup
plates (Morfi, 1932, p. 25). At the door of the temple, in the town
of the Acolapissa and Natchitoches, Pénicaut saw figures of birds made
of wood, and inside of this temple there were figures of “dragons,”
serpents, and toads enclosed in three coffers (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5,
p. 467).

A coffin “as big as an ox cart,” which figures in the narrative of
Casafas, must have been a crude affair (Casafias, 1927, p. 299). Here,
as throughout the Southeast, visitors were entertained at points re-
mote from towns in quickly constructed brush arbors.

Fire was made in the common American way by means of two fire-
sticks, but it is curious that, except for a bare mention by Espinosa
(1927, p. 169), our only information regarding this comes from Péni-
caut, whose account is not applicable merely to the Caddo:

They take a little piece of cedar wood of the diameter of the finger, and a
little piece of wood of the mulberry (muwret) which is very hard; they put the one

156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

against the side of the other between their hands, and by turning them together,
as if one were trying to stir chocolate, there comes out of the piece of cedar
wood a little piece of moss which takes fire. That isdoneinaninstant. [Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 469.]

The moss was, of course, placed next to or about the point of action.

Live coals were handled with wooden tongs, and the Nasoni when
visited by Joutel were using cane torches in a way familiar to us among
the tribes farther east (Casafias, 1927, p. 291; Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 3, p. 390).

Wood was also used in the manufacture of mortars and pestles
for the reduction of corn to flour, and the former were probably ex-
cavated in the usual southern manner by means of fire.

Bows were made principally from the famous bois d’are or Osage
orange for which the Kadohadacho country was famous, as has already
been noted. Not an item of information is supplied us regarding the
method of manufacture of either the bow or the arrow except for
the part buffalo glue played in the latter (see p. 154).

Weare told that some hoes were made of seasoned walnut (Espinosa,
1927, p. 156) but it may be suspected that the wood was actually hickory.

Rattles made of gourds or calabashes filled with little stones are
mentioned several times and a drum occasionally. At the ceremony
held for Alarcon the Indians used “a drum made out of an old kettle
partly filled with water and covered with a piece of wet rawhide”
(Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, p. 104). The following description by Espi-
nosa seems to indicate a drum of a different type:

They then take hollow logs, covered on top with green branches, bury the ends
of them, and select eight strong Indian women, who, seated at intervals with
sticks in each hand, use each the hollow log as a drum, to the accompaniment of
the calabash which the old men play, and the songs of the men and women
singers to the number of more than twenty. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 173-174.]

Natchitoches and Acolapissa Indians were observed by Pénicaut
dancing to the sound of a small drum (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5,
p. 466).

Flutes, or rather flageolets, of carved crane or heron bone are several
times reported and others “of carved reeds with the necessary holes”
(Espinosa, 1927, p. 161). A Caddo flageolet collected by James
Mooney in 1896 is shown in plate 17, figure 1. These are said to have
been used in the dances—in which case their customs differed from those
of the more eastern tribes—and by doctors. Espinosa thus refers
to another instrument, a rasp, in use by the last-named practitioners:

Their instruments are little polished sticks with slits like a snake’s rattles.
These rubbed on a hollow skin make a noise nothing less than infernal. [Hspinosa,
1927, p. 165.]

There is frequent mention of reed mats and baskets. Casaiias
notes that they laid their meat “on very pretty little platters which

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 157

the women make of reeds” (Casafias, 1927, p. 212). In the house
of the winest were “two small boxes made of reeds,” which were used
as contribution boxes (Casafias, 1927, p. 291). Visitors were often
seated on reed mats (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 389). Massanet
observed “very brilliantly colored” pieces of matting about the native
beds, and Hidalgo was pleased with their “very curious rugs of
reed of different colors which could be used in ladies’ drawing
rooms.” He also notes basket-work sifters employed in making
flour (Bolton, 1916, p. 378; Hidalgo, 1927, p. 56). “In their houses
they have large baskets made of heavy reeds, into which they put
their shelled corn and beans” (Espinosa, 1927, p. 156; Bolton, 1916,
p. 878). The altar in the temple described by Espinosa (1927, p. 160)
was made of reed mats, and numbers of mats of various sizes were
kept there. Among the Nasoni Joutel observed bark hampers in
which food was served (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 393), but this
is the only mention we have of a bark receptacle though there are
several notices of the use of bark ropes. Joutel’s party found that
ropes made of bark from “little walnut trees,” which the Indians
pointed out to them, made better halters for the horses than hides
because the dogs were wont to gnaw these latter in two, it being a
time of scarcity when the Frenchmen passed through the Hasinai
country (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 392).

Feather garments were much in use and they were adopted by
two of La Salle’s Frenchmen when they turned Indian after his
assassination (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 353). In the temples
were observed “rolls of ornamental feathers, crowns made of skins
and feathers, [and] a bonnet of the same” (Espinosa, 1927, p. 161).
The medicine men had “particular insignia or feathers” on their
heads and feathers were used in some way in the ceremonies accom-
panying work over a patient, especially fans made of the tail feathers
of a turkey (Espinosa, 1927, p. 165). In the ceremonies accompany-
ing the reception of Governor Martin de Alarcon “a very curious
feather” was placed upon his head (Espinosa, 1927, p. 180).

Caddo pottery is justly famous and there are many references
to it but no description of the method of manufacture. Casafias
merely says: “There are . . . many deposits of clay from which the
Indians make pretty pots”... and “the plates they use are round
earthen pans” (Casafias, 1927, p. 212). Massanet speaks of “very
large earthen pots like our water jars” used only in making atole
(Bolton, 1926, p. 378). Hidalgo: “They make large pots in which
to keep water, make atole, and to preserve other things they need
to carry. They make other jars for use” (Hidalgo, 1927, p. 56).
Espinosa mentions “earthen vessels, some large and some small, in
which to serve the old and the young,” and notes that bear’s fat
was kept in some of them (Espinosa, 1927, pp. 155, 157). Among the

158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

furnishings of the temple were “earthen-ware vessels which are
evidently incense burners in which they burn fat and tobacco”
(Espinosa, 1927, p. 160). The importance of this industry to women
is demonstrated by the same missionary when he says: “From clay,
they make by hand all the utensils they need for their household
use” (Espinosa, 1927, p. 177). Archeologists know well, and pot-
hunters only too well, how many of these beautiful objects were
laid away with the dead.

Although shell gorgets have been found on many Caddo sites,
often beautifully carved, there is no mention of them by the early
writers, and only one note of the use of shell ornaments, “little
white shells they find in the fields which are shaped like beads”
(Casafias, 1927, p. 285). Reference has already been made to the
employment of shells in removing hair from the body. (See
page 141.)

As noted in the chapter on Clothing, undoubtedly the Caddo were
familiar with textiles such as other Southeastern tribes wove out
of the inner bark of the mulberry and certain nettles or wild vari-
eties of hemp, but I find only two references, one by Pénicaut who
observed their use among Natchitoches women living side by side
with the Acolapissa and some distance outside of the true Caddo
country (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 465), and the other a some-
what obscure note by Espinosa. When he first entered the Hasinai
country in 1715 with Ramon and they were met ceremonially by the
Indians, the missionary says: “We began to take our seats on saddles
that were tied and served as low chairs, while coarse cloth served
us as carpets” (Espinosa, 1927, p. 151). The use of the word saddle
suggests at once that the “coarse cloth” may have been trade ma-
terial and the reference is, therefore, beclouded. The eastern Caddo
undoubtedly were acquainted with those textiles but the western
ones probably had less use for them and the substances entering into
them might have been less easy to secure.

Pipes are spoken of several times but no intimation comes to us
regarding the materials of which they were made (Castafieda, 1936,
vol. 2, p. 55), though they were presumably of stone. The pipe
presented to Ramoén in 1716 “was adorned with white feathers, at-
tached from one end of the stem to the other, the stem being more
than one vara in length.” Plate 17, figure 2, shows a tobacco pouch
made of the skin of a skunk, collected for the National Museum
by Dr. Edward Palmer. Dugout canoes were in use among the
eastern Caddo. We have, however, not a single description specifi-
cally applicable to manufacture by these Indians. Aguayo, in order
to cross the Trinity, asked some of the Hasinai Indians “to con-
struct a raft after their own fashion of dry wood and canes” (Morfi,

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 159

1935, p. 236, footnote). Solis mentions crossing the Sabine River on
a raft and such devices were necessarily common (Solis, 1931, p. 63).
As will be evident from the contents of the temples, a certain
amount of carving was executed and we are told of painted mats,
“a curiously and beautifully painted deerskin” (Espinosa, 1927, p.
151), representations of ducks, alligators or lizards, and other ani-
mals, and body paintings and tattooings (Espinosa, 1927, p. 161;
Hidalgo, 1927, p. 56). While the designs of some of these are com-
plimented by Spanish historians, none of them has come down to
us, but that Caddo women at least had real artistic ability of a high
order is witnessed by some of the exquisite ceramic remains that are
constantly being dug up in the former territory of these people.

It appears, therefore, that little knowledge remains of the techni-
cal processes of the Caddo Indians, but it also appears that they
conformed for the most part to those in vogue in better known
territories to the east, and from these sources, as also in some measure
from what we know of the arts and industries of the plains tribes,
the picture may be filled in. The same is true of the esthetic proc-
esses outside of ceramics, but of this last we derive little from other
sources. In Caddo ceramics the art of the Southeast easily reached
its apex, for while there are specimens of pottery from the Middle
Mississippi region and Moundville which show as high technical
excellence, there are none that, upon the whole, exhibit equal artistic
feeling.

SOCIAL USAGES

BIRTH AND INFANCY

Joutel informs us that, in conformity with the usual Southeastern
custom, women occupied separate houses every month.

Regarding childbirth itself Solis and Morfi are our principal au-
thorities, the account of the second being based largely on that of the
first named. Solis says:

The women go through childbirth in this manner: on the bank of the river or
ereek where they are living, they make some huts in which to dwell; in
the midst of one they put a low forked pole which is strong and well placed in
the ground, and in the hour when they feel the birth pangs they go to that little
hut and by helping themselves with the pole they bring forth the child and
afterwards throw themselves into the water, bathe themselves and the child, and
come as they are to the ranch where all the others are. All this I have observed
in these lands. [Solis, 1981, p. 70.]

Morfi:

Being pregnant does not interfere with their work. When they recognize
that the time for giving birth is growing near, they themselves construct on the
banks of the river or creek nearest their rancheria, a little shelter, covered on
top, and on three sides, in the center of which they firmly fix a big stake. When
they feel the first pangs, they retire to this little hut, and without other aid,

160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

take hold of that stake, and give birth to their children. They immediately enter
the water, though it be necessary to break the ice, with the infant in arms, gently
bathe themselves and the infant, and return to the house of their husband, to
continue their labors, as if nothing had happened to them. [Morfi, 1932, p. 47.]

As soon as the child is born [says Espinosa] the priests begin to go through
various ceremonies with it, which seem to show a desire to represent baptism.
When the new born child is six or eight days old, they inform one of their priests.
He comes to the house and takes his particular seat and they place the young
child in his arms. He caresses it and talks for a long time into its ear. Next
he bathes it all over in a large vessel and asks its parents what name he is to
give it. Usually the name they bestow upon it is the diminutive of the name
of the parents. If it is a girl this same office is performed by a decrepit old
woman who is also a quack. A great number of the rabble have been assigned
to this particular person as parishoners. To conclude the ceremonies, gifts, in
the form of remuneration, are made to those officiating and they that day feast
sumptuously on what they secure. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 164.]

Morfi renders this as follows:

The naming of children is a ceremony which seems to or pretends to imitate our
holy baptism. Six or eight days after the birth of the infant the parents advise
one of the medicine men or priests. He enters the house of the newborn, takes
his particular seat, and they place the infant in his arms. He caresses it very
much, and whispers in its ear for a long time. He bathes all of the body in
a big vessel. He asks the parents the name they wish to give it, which usually
is a dimunitive of [one of] their own names; and from that day it is so called. If
the baby is a girl the same thing is done by an old decrepit woman, who is also a
medicine woman, of whom they also have an abundance, the whole country being
divided among them, as into parishes. After the ceremony is concluded they
offer the priest various presents, as gratuities and that day they eat splendidly,
all that there is in the house. [Morfi, 1982, pp. 36-37.]

Not infrequently children were killed shortly after birth:

Mothers have killed their newborn children because the fathers did not want
them. On one occasion they set fire to a house and left two little children to
burn, declaring that they were good for nothing. [Casafias, 1927, pp. 302-303. ]

According to the Caddo now living, “a child is suckled well past
babyhood” and a five year old girl is described as “a suckling” (Par-
sons, 1941, p. 32). The name given in infancy might be bestowed by
any relative and it might be retained through life or replaced by
another, perhaps that of the guardian spirit or a nickname. There
is said to have been no reluctance to mention the name of a dead
person. (Parsons, 1941, p. 25, and consult pages 25-27 for further
details regarding naming; also pp. 307-808 below.)

MARRIAGE

Solis offers some general remarks not very complimentary to the
Indians:
Speaking of all of the Indians of this Province of Texas in common with all

the nations that inhabit it, whether they are of the mission or live in the woods
and sea-coast, they all marry: those of the mission who are taught, Yn Facie

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 161

Eclesie according to the order of Our Mother Church; those who are not, by
natural contract, but it is with many abuses, and in order that there may not
be any in the mission it is necessary to be very careful, and that the minister
watch out for this. They exchange or barter their wives. If one of them likes
the wife of another better, he gives him his and something of value besides, and
they exchange one for the other and barter them. They lend them to their
friends in order that they may use them, they sell them for a horse, for gun-
powder, balls, beads of glass and other things which they esteem. [Solfs, 1931,
pp. 41-—42.]

Casanas:

The custom they follow when a man takes a wife is not very commendable.
In some ways the arrangement seems a good one; but I have found that it is not
very binding. If a man wants a certain woman for his wife who he knows is
a maiden, he takes her some of the very best things he has; and if her father and
mother give their permission for her to receive the gift, the answer is that they
consent to the marriage. But they do not allow him to take her away with him
until they have first given notice to the caddi. If the woman is not a maiden,
there is no other agreement necessary than that the man say to the woman that
if she is willing to be his friend he will give her something. Sometimes this
agreement is made for only a few days. At other times they declare the arrange-
ment binding forever. There are but few of them who keep their word, because
they soon separate from each other—especially if the woman finds a man who
gives her things she likes better than those the first man gave her. Only the
noblest families consider this kind of contract binding. Therefore, in their
circles, no one dares to trouble another’s wife. There is no punishment for
this loose conduct. 'They feel no disgrace because of leaving one another; nor
are they prevented from deserting each other because outsiders think they are
married. This is why they have neither disputes nor quarrels. They first talk
the matter over, the personal sentiments of each being expressed; then they
arrange the matter between them. The woman usually starts by saying that
the man she has gave her many things but what he gave her was little in com-
parison with what the new man offers her; therefore, the first one should bear
the proposed change patiently and hunt him another wife, or he should go out
and hunt something else to give her so that she will stay with him. She says other
things of a similar nature which, on the one hand, make a person laugh, and, on
the other hand, cause one to feel pity and compassion. There are but few men
who remain married long before abandoning their wives. The thing I approve
is that they have only one wife at a time. If a man wants to take a new wife,
he makes a difference between them, never living with them both at the same
time. If the first wife finds that he has another wife in view, she makes it a
point of honor (a rare thing among them) to leave him at once and go away in
search of another husband. The women have a very cruel custom, that is, if,
when they give birth to a child, they know that the father does not like children
they will kill it. These women are, indeed, not ashamed to confess their cruelty,
but even openly boast of it. The Indian nobles seem to be much more humane,
and seem to have some regard for reputation. [Casafias, 1927, pp. 283-284.]

Espinosa :

Marriage endures among these people only so long as it is not unsatisfactory
to the contracting parties. In that case new mates are sought. The marriage
is not celebrated with any particular ceremony although the man secures before-
hand the good will of the fathers or brothers of his choice by bringing them

162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

some deer meat which he leaves at the door of the house without saying a
word. If the inmates take the meat inside and eat it, it is an unmistakable
sign that they consent to the arrangement. The man does not have to secure
the consent of the woman for she always falls in with the wishes of her parents.
They then live together as animals, as Father Acosta describes it, in speaking
of the Indians of Peru. As to fidelity, some of them make much of it and punish
their wives with a beating if they catch them at fault. Others make nothing
of it or regard it as a joke. Ordinarily these Indians care little if their wives
have intimate relations with other men of the tribe. It is nothing for them
to speak freely with each other about it with jokes and suggestive remarks as
[if] it were a fine jest. The great depth of immorality in which they live can be
seen from this. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 164—165.]

Morfi relies on Espinosa but he adds some particulars:

Polygamy is permitted with no other restriction than desire; though, or be-
cause of the same indolence which is natural to them, or because of the care
the women give to winning the hearts of their husbands, it is unusual that an
Indian has two wives. They inherit the wives of their brothers, whether or
not they have children. Affinity is not an obstacle to matrimony; but con-
sa[n]guinity is, very much so, and they scrupulously avoid it. When a youth
intends to take a maiden for his wife, he is first nice to her parents or brothers,
taking them some venison, throwing it before the door of their house, without
saying a word. If they take it, and eat it, it is a sign that they approve the
match. The will of the girl is not awaited, it being supposed that she has no
other than that of her parents or guardians.

Matrimony lasts as long as they conform to it, and at the least misunder-
standing, each one, if so desired, looks for another companion. Some husbands go
into mourning if conjugal chastity is lacking, and punish the adulteress with
lashes of the whip. Others, and they are the more numerous, either disregard
or overlook it, without caring whether their women are too familiar with others
of the same nation or whether they are too free in their actions and obscene
language, all of which they regard as a joke. [Morfi, 1932, p. 44-45.]

Joutel also remarks on the looseness of the Hasinai women and says
that the Kadohadacho women changed their husbands often (Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 363, 413.)

Morfi tells of the existence of “hermaphrodites,” or berdaches, among
the Karankawa but does not say whether they were to be found with
the Caddo (Morfi, 1932, p. 55).

Dr. Parsons gives many details regarding marriage in modern
times. Her data agree rather strikingly with that of the older writ-
ers in emphasizing the looseness of the marriage tie and the unfav-
orable social attitude toward sexual jealousy. Matrilocal residence
is emphasized (Parsons, 1941, pp. 28-82).

DIVISION OF LABOR BETWEEN THE SEXES

Casafias gives this in a few words:

During [the winter] season they entertain themselves around the fire by making
hand-work. The men make arrows, moccasins, and such other little things as
are needed by those who till the soil. The women make reed mats, pots, earthen
pans, and other clay utensils for domestic use. They also busy themselves in

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 163

dressing deerskins and buffalo hides—the women as well as the men; for all of
them know how to do this, as well as how to make many other little things that
are needed around the house. [Casafias, 1927, p. 215.]

Speaking specifically of women’s work, Espinosa remarks:

All the house work falls upon these poor women, for they are the ones who
grind all the meal in the queer wooden mortars which they have for this
purpose. They put the meat which their husbands have killed to cook in
very large pots. From clay, they make by hand all the utensils they need for
their household use. They gather the crops, clean the grain, and keep it very
carefully. When it is cold they go into the woods to gather nuts and acorns
for the year’s supply. They are so provident that when a guest presents him-
self at the house, whatever the hour may be—they immediately put into his
hand a large tray filled with food, an abundance of which they have prepared
in the morning. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 177; cf. Morfi, 1932, p. 47.]

The industry of war—if such it may be called—was, of course, in
the hands of the men and so was hunting, most of the ceremonial
rites, and most of the gaming—again, if we may speak of it as an
industry. Women brought in the animals their husbands had killed
after they reached the neighborhood of their homes, and they had
complete command of the cooking and the food supply. Joutel
says that some one woman in each house had entire supervision over
the latter (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 393). The fields were culti-
vated by men and women working together but planting was all done
by the women, and the heavier part of farming seems to have fallen
upon them. On the other hand the greater part of the house build-
ing operations was assumed by the men, the women’s work being
confined largely to providing prairie grass for the thatch.

It is the women [says Joutel] who perform almost all the house work,
go after wood, pound corn and do almost everything else, even on the hunt.
After the men have killed animals, it is ordinarily they who go to get the
meat, and even in cultivating the fields they are the ones also who do the
greater part of it.

Besides preparing food for workers during the communal field
cultivation, “the women of the house also have the duty of planting
corn, beans and other things; the men do not have anything to do
with it” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 363-364).

CLANS

On entering the Hasinai country, Joutel observes that they came
upon many cabins, “which formed hamlets, there being seven or eight,
twelve or fifteen, together, at intervals, and the fields around the
said cabins. . . . But there are considerable tracts of land where there
is no one for more than a league” (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp.
341, 344). On their way from the Hasinai towns to those of the
Namidish and Nasoni they again found “from time to time cabins
arranged in hamlets or cantons, for we sometimes made a league

164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

and a half without finding one.” When they reached the frontier
tribe, the Cahinnio, however, Joutel notes that unlike the other
bands its houses were gathered into one compact settlement, evidently
for protection against the Chickasaw and Osage (Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 3, pp. 387, 416).

Espinosa :

These natives do not live in settlements confined within the limits of a
pueblo, but each division of the four principal tribes among whom the missions
were located lives in ranchos some distance from each other. The principal
reason for this is that each family seeks a place large enough for his crop and
one where there is water at hand for household use and for bathing—which
is very frequent among them all. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 154.]

Morfi, paraphrasing Espinosa :

Though they do not live in regular pueblos, but in scattered habitations,
each remnant or tribe occupies a definite territory, and the families mutually
assist one another. Each of them selects that place which is judged the most
opportune for their sowing and where there is a permanent supply of water
for drinking and bathing, which they frequently do in all seasons. [Morfi,
1932, p. 40.]

The only hint of a true clan system among the Hasinai is given by

Morfi in his Memorias in these words:
They also say on some occasions that some of them are descended from bears,
others from dogs, beavers, coyotes, etc. Their forefathers seeing the danger
caused them by the Devil, to deceive his malice, transformed themselves into
those brutes, without losing their minds, and retaining the faculty of restoring
themselves to their primitive being when convenient to them. [Morfi, 1932, p. 26.]
But this involves a common animistic idea, which has no necessary
connection with the institution of clans.

We know, however, that there were clans among some of the Caddo
whether or not the institution extended to the western divisions.
In a letter dated November 17, 1763, to Don Angel de Marto y
Navarrette, the Governor of Texas, by Cavallero Macarti, Command-
ant of the Natchitoches post, quoted by Morfi in both his Historia
and his Memorias, the writer says, speaking specifically of the
Kadohadacho: “They are divided into four tribes or families, known
by the names of beaver (Castor), otter (Nutria), wolf (Lobo), and
lion (Leén)” (Morfi, 1932, p. 6; 1985, p. 88).

There is a resemblance between this list and one obtained by the
present writer in 1910 from White Bread, though I do not know
to which tribe that Indian belonged, and he enumerated five clans
instead of four: Ta’naha, (Buffalo), Nawo’tsi (Bear), Ki’shi (Pan-
ther), Ta’sha (Wolf), and Ta’o (Beaver). White Bread added that
the clans were graded in this order following the supposed relative
powers of the several animals. If a man of a more powerful clan

16 Swanton, 1931. The name given in this paper as White Bead should be White Bread.

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 165

married a woman of a clan less powerful, the boys were entered
in the father’s clan and the girls in the mother’s. If, on the other
hand, a woman of a more powerful clan married a man of a less
powerful one, the children all belonged to the mother’s clan. It
goes without saying that marriages took place also within clans,
for otherwise the “weaker” ones would presently have run out, and
if clan intermarriage was at all frequent it is difficult to see how
such a fate could have been avoided anyhow. Probably what we
have here is an attenuated recollection of an institution, rather than
a complete statement. My informant added that when a man of
one clan married a woman of another, the immediate relatives on
each side would make fun of each other. If a person saw such
a relative on a good horse, he could tell him to get off and then mount
it himself, leaving the one who was dispossessed to even the score
at some future time. Such relatives could say to each other all sorts of
things, even those of the most outrageous character. He added that
each tribal name had a meaning—which is evident in many cases—
and each had a clan story, all of which formed parts of a whole.

Still another list of clans was obtained by James Mooney when he
was collecting the material for his volume on The Ghost Dance Re-
ligion. This is as follows: Na’wotsi (Bear), Ta’sha (Wolf), Ta’-
niha (Buffalo), Ta’o (Beaver), Iwi (Eagle), Oat (Raccoon), Ka’-
g‘aih (Crow), Ka’gahanin (Thunder), Ki’shi (Panther), Siko (Sun).
The Buffalo clan was sometimes called Koho’ (Alligator) “because
both animals bellow in the same way” (Mooney, 1896, p. 1093). He
probably obtained his information from Caddo Jake, a Natchitoches
Indian, who was also interviewed by me, and who not only confirmed
the correctness of Mooney’s list but said that there were formerly
many more clans whose names he had forgotten. He did not
know to which clan the children belonged nor is Mooney definite on
that point. Taken in connection with the evidently nonexogamous
character of the system described by White Bread and Spier’s failure
to discover exogamous groups (Spier, 1924, pp. 262-263), doubt is
cast on the existence of a normal clan system. It is possible, however,
that the Natchitoches Indians had a clan system more completely de-
veloped than the other Caddo though it is surprising that neither Sib-
ley nor any of the other officials and explorers who were brought in-
timately into contact with these people mentions the fact.

Mooney was told that men of a particular clan would not kill the
animal from which the clan was named, and that

no Caddo in the old times would kill either an eagle or a panther, although they
were not afraid to kill the bear, as are so many of the western tribes. The eagle
might be killed, however, for its feathers by a hunter regularly initiated and
consecrated for that purpose. [Mooney, 1896, p. 1093.]

166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

It will be noticed that all of the clans in Macarti’s list except the
Otter are represented in the others, and since the Buffalo was some-
times called the Alligator and the Alligator and Otter are both
denizens of river margins, these clans may have been identical. By
“lion,” of course, the panther is meant.

Perhaps some of the remaining clans were actually introduced by
the Quapaw, who lived for a few years in Kadohadacho territory, and
contributed a minor band to the tribe. According to Dorsey they had
Bear, Eagle, Thunder, and Sun clans or gentes. Our record of Qua-
paw organization is, however, incomplete, and we find Raccoon and
Blackbird gentes among the related Omaha (Dorsey, J. O., 1897, pp.
226-230) ; therefore, the Quapaw tribe may have had them as well.
Adoption of Thunder and Sun clans from Siouan people is particu-
larly probable since these do not occur among other Southeastern
iribes, unless we except the Sun caste of the Natchez. The Bear, Rac-
coon, and Eagle were in existence also among the Creeks and the
Bear among the Chickasaw (Swanton, 1928, pp. 115-116; 1928 a,
p. 196). It seems possible that clans were adopted by some of the
eastern tribes subject to influences from the Muskhogeans and Siouans,
but that the western representatives of the family were organized more
after the pattern of the Natchez, whose ceremonial customs they so
largely shared.

Parsons attempts to explain reference to clans on the ground that
the supernatural helpers were actually intended, but a statement like
that of Macarti must involve something more (Parsons, 1941, p. 12).

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

The following Caddo terms of relationship were collected by Leslie
Spier from Bill Edwards, a Caddo of the “xasiné” (Hasinai) band,
meaning apparently the Nabedache because the “kadohadate, hianat,
and anadark” are noted as separate. The author comments: “I lack
confidence in the Caddo, particularly as the unusual separation of
collateral from lineal relatives suggested would indicate misunder-
standing.”

The phonetics are as follows:

a as in father; 4 as in hat; 4 like u in hut; e like a in fate; € as in met; i as in
pique; i as in pin; 0 as in note; 6 as in not; 6 as in the German schon; u as in
rule; i as in put; w as in law; d and t may be variants of a single intermediate ;
’ ig a weak glottal stop, except after k where it is almost a fortis; ‘ is a
breath.
ebi't, grandfather. [1]*
ikw’, grandmother. [2]

a’d, father. [3]
dhdaiime', “big father”; father’s older brother. [3]

16 Numbers in brackets following terms of relationship indicate order given in Caddo
relationship system shown in table 1, p. 169.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 167

ahatit, “little father’; father’s younger brother; stepfather. [5]

ina’, mother. [4]

inahaiimé, “big mother”; mother’s older sister. [4]

inatit, “little mother’; mother’s younger sister. [4]

ikweé’i, stepmother. [5]

dha’, father’s sister. [6]

eba‘’, mother’s brother. [7]

ebakin, father-in-law; [8] (real or conceptual) daughter’s husband. [8]

inka‘an, mother-in-law. [9]

tcuhudni, mother’s brother’s wife; (real or conceptual) son’s wife. [10]

ime’ tit, man speaking—older brother; [11] parents’ sibling’s son older than self.
The final syllable tit is customarily dropped in this and the following terms.

tw’itit, man speaking—younger brother [12]; parents’ sibling’s son younger
than self. [12]

ki’nitit or kinitsit, woman speaking—brother ; parents’ sibling’s son.

tai’itit, man speaking—sister [13]; parents’ sibling’s daughter, woman speak-
ing—younger sister; [18] daughter of parents’ sibling younger than self. [13]

ie, woman speaking—older sister; parents’ sibling’s daughter older than self.

dahaz, spouse of (real or conceptual) sibling.

saiété, “old lady”; wife (nonvocatively). [14]

honisti, “old man”: husband (nonvocatively).

ndtsikwai, spouse (nonvocatively). There seems to be no term [14] for spouse
in direct address.

hani’, son [15] ; daughter [15]; (real or conceptual) brother’s child [15] ; woman
speaking—(real or conceptual) sister‘s child. [15]

pa” tsi, man speaking—-sister’s child [16] (also given for father’s sister’s daugh-
ter, but this seems to be an error).

bikkinic, man speaking—grandson [17] ; greatgrandson. [17]

kahanitc, woman speaking—grandson; greatgrandson. This and the above term
probably include the granddaughter and the greatgranddaughter.
The application of the following terms is by no means clear.

Cahi't was given first as meaning “cross-cousin” and even “parallel-cousin,” but
the final explanations were the following:

cahi't, father’s father’s brother’s son’s son or daughter, etc. [18] Presumably
a cousin in the speaker’s generation related through a grandparent.

sa’kin, father’s father’s brother’s son’s son’s son or daughter [19], ete. Evi-
dently the child of cahii’t.

wahadin, father’s father’s brother’s son’s son’s son’s son or [20] daughter, etc.,
i. e., the child of sa’kin.

ine'tit, etc., The terms for siblings are applied to the children [11] of wahadin.
One cannot marry cross- or parallel-cousins, nor any cahii’t, sa’kin, wahadin, or

their children, ine’tit, ete. “One boy was at the river and he became deaf and

dumb. The old men asked about him and found out his parents were wahadin.”

If a man marries the oldest sister of several and she dies, a younger sister may

take her place if it is agreeable. There are said to be no exogamous groups,

but in conversation with my informant maternal affiliation seemed to be

stressed.
Conversation is tabooed between parents-in-law and children-in-law except

in cases of serious need. This is equally binding to all concerned. [Spier, 1924,

pp. 261-263.]

The accompanying table shows the essential features of this scheme,
which Spier classifies with the Mackenzie Basin Type. It is incom-

168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

plete, since we should know the lines of descent from the mother’s
father’s brother as well as the father’s father’s brother. From what
is said regarding prohibition of marriage with descendants of the
paternal grandfather’s brother, and the prevailingly matrilineal char-
acter of the organization as noted by both Spier and myself, it is
probable that the incest group included relatives through both parents
and that there was an inner group including the direct ancestors and
descendants of self, the parents, their brothers and sisters and
their descendants, and an outer group including the paternal grand-
father’s brother’s descendants and probably those of the maternal
grandfather’s brother. The system is not usually found in tribes
with clans or gentes, the only exceptions, aside from the Caddo, being
the Gros Ventre, Two Mountain Iroquois, the Zuni, some of the
southern California tribes, and perhaps the Munsi.

The terms of relationship used by a woman present few differences.
She had distinct terms for brother and the parents’ sibling’s son, and
for older sister and parents’ sibling’s daughter older than self, called
her younger sister and parents’ sibling’s daughter younger than self
by the same term that a man used for all of his sisters and his par-
ents’ sibling’s daughters, called her husband “old man” as he called
her “old woman,” and had a different word for her grandchildren,
and greatgrandchildren.

Lesser and Weltfish state that “Hainai kinship terms and usages
. .. differ from those of Caddo proper [Kadohadacho],” and in all
probability this difference existed between more bands than these
two (Lesser and Weltfish, 1932, p. 14).

Since the above was written a more thorough investigation of Caddo
kinship terms has been made by Dr. Parsons illustrated by references
to specific cases. While the native terms are rendered by somewhat
different phonetic symbols, it is surprising, in view of Spier’s modest
statement quoted above, how few changes are suggested. There is
more information regarding the extension of the terms, some evidence
adduced that cross- and parallel-cousins may have been differentiated,
and a set of age-class terms recorded. While Parsons found that “the
principle of grouping is that of the maternal family,” her informants
knew nothing of clans. One of them, White Moon, stated that “be-
tween relations by marriage within the same generation, i. e., between
those who call each other da’haz’, there is a joking relationship ... as
well as with one kind of cousin you call ‘sister,’ dahat’”’.” Avoidance
of parents-in-law seemed to be unknown but in their presence “a man
may not swear or make sex jokes” (Parsons, pp. 11-25, 71-75).

CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 169

SWANTON]

uty? (8)
pueqsny /$uDdy (ST) funy (G1) = nupnynd} (OT)
seqysnep = Jeyysnep UoS = OJIMS,0S

(esnods) jomyisjpu
(< APB{ PIO,,) 272108
(FI) OA = Jos

up,pyut (6) —«u47092 (8)
ACl-U]-10YJOUL = MG]-UI-J0T]}e)

oyuryyng (LT)
{1ojysneppuvis puv

pa
187,,0d (91) ugynga (8) | l
pirqo pueqsny judy (ST) fudy (ST) nupnyns (0)
§,194SIS SJoajyqsnep = Joyydnep wos = ji S,U0S
| | a ees a ee ee ee aa ee ee
| |
7402,} (21) 242,903 (IT)
7242 109] (ET) 1001, 104 }01q
ae Cue? jJyos pia ee be
7 ee eee ee ee ee ee SE
| | | |
(,,104}0UI (,.10qj001 (,.194}8] (,.10q} 2}
e131») 31d,,) OTL 5) 31q,,)
nupnyns (OT) 247DUt PULLIDYDUL qypyD supoyoyD
ayia 79092 (L) 104818 104S1S Jo }O1q Joy }O1q <DYyD (9)
§,10q401q 13aq401q iasuno0£ Bi) 9) (0) DUEL (F) DD (§) Josuno& Jepfo I94SIs
bat oa = at a aa py ae qayjoul = Joq4eJ $,Joqyvy $10} RJ §,10q}e}
| | | | |
nwNit @) 1,299 (T) Qt @) 2,192 (T)
Joyjoupuels | JoyjespusIs Joqjoupuels | JoqjeJpueis
[euloj}eul == [eUI0JeO [eulejed == jeulojed

wajshs diysuo1yja4 opppg— | A14V I,

417,2U8 (TT)
193}qsnep 10 TOs
S,MOS S,UOS $,a0s
$,00S §,10q}01q
§,10q}vJ puBis
[euseyed
aly
uspoypm (Z)
101qsnep 10
WOS 8,008
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Lr
uty D8 (61)
10}qsnep JO uoOS
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§,10q}01q
§,1oq}ejpuels
[eure}ed
Tt
2MYD9 (81)
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§,1eq}01q,
S,Joqyeypuels
jeure}ed

UOS $,10q}01q
$,1oq}eJ puvis
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10q}01q
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[eusezed

299671—42——12

170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 132

GOVERN MENT

We begin our consideration by citing some paragraphs by Casajias,
the first missionary to the Hasinai:

These allied tribes do not have one person to govern them (as with us a king-
dom is accustomed to have a ruler whom we call a king). They have only a
winest. He usually has a subordinate who gathers together four or five tribes
who consent to live together and to form a province or kingdom as it might
be called—and a very large one, too, if all these tribes had one person to rule
over them. But such a head they have not, and I, therefore, infer that this
province which in New Spain is called “Tejias’”—which really expresses just
what they are because each tribe is a friend to all the others—cannot be
called a kingdom. [Casafas, 1927, p. 286.]

In each tribe there is a caddi. He is like a governor ruling and commanding
his people. The office of caddi also descends through the direct line of blood
relationship. Each caddi rules within the section of country occupied by his
tribe, no matter whether it be large or small. If large, they have certain officials
called canhas. Of these, there are then seven or eight to aid in governing. If
the tribe is small, there are only three or four. It is their duty to relieve the
caddi and to publish his orders by reporting that the caddi commands this or
that. They frighten the people by declaring that, if they do not obey orders,
they will be whipped and otherwise punished. These canahas, in turn, have
their subordinates called chaya. They do everything the canahas tell them to
do. They have still other officials whom they call tammas. These are the
officers who promptly execute orders. They whip all the idlers with rods, beat-
ing them on the legs and over the stomach. The canaha has to call the old
men together to the home of the caddi for the discussion of any matter. When
the Indians go out on the warpath or to hunt buffalo for meat, the canaha gives
orders for fitting up the place where the caddi is to rest, to eat, and to sleep.
Whenever the caddi wants to smoke the canaha brings a pouch filled with
tobacco and puts the pipe of peace into the mouth of the caddi. The peace and
harmony among the officials described is so great that during the year and three
months [we have been among them] we have not seen any quarrels—either great
or small. But the insolent and lazy are punished.

Now a word concerning the women. The wife of the wvinesf and the wives
of the caddices—and each official has only one wife—are designated by one
general title, which is aquidau. When this name is used it is immediately
understood that the person spoken of is either the wife of the grand winest or
of some caddi. Each of the other women in the village has an individual name.

All the men who have achieved some victory in war are called amayzoya in
addition to their own names. This means “great man.” The arms and banners
they must carry are the skins and the scalps of the enemies each one has
killed. The grand gwinesi has skulls hung up in a tree near his house. [Casafias,
1927, pp. 216-217.]

On an earlier page Casafias has the following regarding this grand
winesi:

By nature these Indians are tractable and obedient to the commands of the
grand «inest who is like a petty king over them. He holds office by the direct

line of descent. If one dies, the nearest blood kin to him becomes his successor.
To him are subject the nine tribes named below.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY lial

These have been considered elsewhere. They are the Nabadacho
(Nabedache), Necha (Neches), Nechavi, Nacono, Nacachau, Naza-
dachotzi (Nacogdoches), Cachae (Hainai), Nabiti (Namidish), and
Nasayaha (Nasoni?). “These nine tribes,’ he concludes, “occupy
about thirty-five leagues and they are all subject to the grand winest”
(Casafias, 1927, pp. 215, 216).

Hidalgo and Espinosa call this head chief or high priest of the
Hasinai chenesi, which shows that the w of Casanas’ form of the name
was pronounced like English sh. The sound was evidently heard by
some as ch, by others as sh.

Some items may now be added from Espinosa:

All of these people have their principal captains. The office of each is
perpetual and one’s sons or relatives inherit it when he dies. There is no con-
troversy or litigation in this arrangement. If the chief captain dies, leaving
only a small son, the Indians recognize him as their head and, during his
minority, they furnish him a council composed of caziques who supply the
place of chief and carry him to all the meetings of the zagalejo. They assign
to him the highest seat. He usually sleeps or runs around while the older
people are holding their conferences. In addition to these, the whole nation
elects a person who serves them as a general during wars. When they get out
on a campaign they obey him implicitly, without disregarding an order in the
slightest degree. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 175-176.]

As in so many other cases, Morfi copies Espinosa but he adds
certain material:

In each of the Texas tribes there is a principal chief whom they respect and
obey. This office is perpetual and hereditary in the oldest son, or, in his
absence, in the next brother, or nearest of kin. In this succession they never
cause any litigation or the least of misunderstanding. If the heir is a minor,
they recognize and proclaim him superior and appoint one of the principal
caciques to be his guardian and master, to assist him and instruct him during
his minority. This guardian brings the boy to all of the meetings and con-
gresses, seats him in the first place in order of precedence among those as-
sembled, and though during the time they treat the most important matters of
State, the boy is usually playing or sleeping, all resolutions are made in his name.

Besides this Superior Chief, each tribe elects a General, who, subordinate
to the former, commands in matters of war. He is obeyed with great punc-
tuality and without anyone contradicting his orders, When a victory is gained,
he bids farewell to the people and goes to the battle field and with the other
forces marches last, to cover the retreat.

The nations neighboring Texas and those of the North generally elect their
captains by acclamation and solicit the Governor of Texas, or the Commandant
of Natchitoches, to present him with the baton, and confirm the election . . .

The authority of these captains in all the nations is very limited, and they
cannot force their people to follow them anywhere. They know very well that
when there is no pay or recompense, there can be no obligation; but on the
other hand the chiefs are not responsible for the results of those expeditions
to those who do not follow them, but do as they themselves wish. With all
of this there is never a lack of those who follow the chiefs. Sometimes they
stimulate them with words, but most frequently they convince them with

172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

actions. If the captain wishes to leave for the chase, they celebrate a great
festival, and those who attend to eat must accompany him. When he plans
some action of war, he announces in the pueblos, that those who wish to
accompany him must fast on a certain day and those who comply with this
severity go with him. By this fast they do not contract an indissoluble
obligation. ‘To those who are present on the day of the march, or to those who
remain, or turn back on the road, they tell with indifference, that they do well;
thus they are enlisted, freed, or dismissed, without there resulting any grati-
tude or feeling whether they are deserving or infamous. In a word the chief's
authority is in proportion to his eloquence, his fame for valor, or the love and
esteem in which the nation holds him. [Morfi, 1932, pp. 47-49.]

Casafias lets us know something of Caddo councils and the manner
in which they were conducted:

They are timid by nature; and, therefore, they have great respect for the
grand winest, for the caddices, and for the leading men. If the caddi wants ta
do any thing, he calls the old men together, listens to each of their views, and
then decides to do what he thinks best, explaining his views to some of the
men and urging agreement. So all go away satisfied and of the same opinion.
In these meetings it is not considered polite when one is speaking for the others
to talk. Instead they all listen, only giving signs to indicate that they are
listening attentively. When one speaker stops, another begins. In this manner
each speaks in order, according to his age. This deference to age is observed
not only in talking but in sitting down, and in all other courtesies that Chris-
tians are accustomed to observe. There is another custom followed in these
meetings. No one is allowed to enter the room where the councillors are
assembled. If something comes up, some one appears at the door, and by signs
makes known his desire, whereupon the matter is soon decided. The old men
severely reprimand the young men if they seat themselves or talk in their
presence. It has happened on various occasions when I was sitting and talking
with old men, and young men wanted to mingle with us, that the old men not
only censured this action but, with their own hands, struck the offenders.
The respect and obedience they show the grand winesi is remarkable. Every
one tries to keep him satisfied by giving him something of everything he has
and by going out to hunt something for him to feast upon. Finally, in con-
trolling them he has only to say, “I want this or that done.”

All obey because they fear his frown. They agree that his proposition is
very reasonable, and it will be best that nothing except what he says should
be done. [Casafias, 1927, p. 218.]

In his letter to the Viceroy of Mexico, Casafias suggests that the
Hasinai be controlled through their awnesé:

I should like very much, Your Excellency, to have this man honored in some
way as he is the head chief of the whole province. He who has hitherto been
honored by being made governor and presented with the staff of command is
now no more than a caddi, and, as such, he together with the other eight caddices
of these nine nations is subject to the grand winest, and however much he is
honored it is impossible that he cease to recognize the vinesi as his lord. I know
it will be of more value to honor the gzinesi than the other. This done, all the
other caddices will feel obliged to recognize him as their grand zines, since they
have never known a higher authority than that of a winest. [Casafias, 1927, pp.
299-300.]

Solis found a woman in the Nabedache town who had great author-
ity and enjoyed peculiar privileges:

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 173

In this village there is an Indian woman of great authority and following,
whom they call Santa Adiva which means “great lady” or “principal lady.”
Her house is very large and has many rooms. The rest of the Nation brings
presents and gifts to her. She has many Indian men and women in her service
called tamas conas, and these are like priests and captains among them. She
is married to five Indian men. In short she is like a queen among them.
[Solis, 1931, p. 46.]

In 1690, among the Kadohadacho, Tonti was visited by “a woman
who governed this nation,” and at the same time he seems to speak
of a male chieftain (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 46). These two references
remind us very strongly of the position of the so-called White
Woman among the Natchez, mother of the heir apparent to the
Natchez head chief’s position, but we have no intimation other than
this that the Caddo had the same sort of privileged caste compelled
to marry among commoners. It seems surprising that nothing is
said about this institution by the earlier missionaries, Casanas and
Espinosa. Morfi quotes Solis but adds no details.

The communal institutions of Hasinai society appealed very much
to Casanas:

As regards other features of their government, these Indians help each other
in such a manner that if one’s house and all his possessions are burned up,
they all gather together, build him a new house, and furnish him whatever
he needs for his subsistence and comfort. All these things they do together.
At planting time, they come together and plant whatever each one has to
plant, according to the size of the family—beginning first at the home of the
grand winesi... Next, they plant the corn and other crops for the caddi.
Then they work for the other officials and the old men. In this way they
continue working from the highest to the humblest until each has planted
what he needs for the year ... Those who hunt work steadily, for they are
obliged to supply food until the planting is finished. During sickness, these
Indians visit and aid each other with great kindness, trying to give to the
sick all possible consolation by taking them something nice to eat. Some of
them present the trinkets they own, others lend them. Among them there
is no exchange, save by bartering. It seems that everything they own they
do not hold as personal property but as common property. Therefore, there
is no ambition, no envy to prevent peace and harmony among them. [Casafias,
1927, pp. 217-218.)

Each of the present Caddo divisions has its chief and the two must
act together for the tribe. Before their elevation to the chieftainship
they served as assistants. Heredity played no part in the selection.
The place of the ancient tamma or crier is now taken by a son or
son-in-law of the chief when a council is to be called (Parsons, 1941,
pp. 10-11).

FEASTS

Casafias has considerable to say about these:

They eat while seated on benches of wood, all of one piece and not very high
from the ground. The ground, or their knees, serve as a table. For table

174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

cloths and napkins, they make use of the very first things they can lay their
hands upon. They wipe their fingers on whatever they find in this way, no matter
whether it be a piece of wood or something else; while those who are not so
nice will use their feet. But, in spite of all this, they lick their spoons—using for
this purpose the two fingers of their right hands. The plates they use are round
earthen pans; and, as the Indians always eat their meat boiled or roasted and
without broth, they put it on very pretty little platters which the women make
of reeds. When they are in the part of the country where they have none, they
use leaves or the ground itself. While those who are not very polite use their
own feet. The usual way of sitting is with one knee raised. The way they
give thanks is to take a pipe with tobacco. Of the first four whiffs they take,
they blow one into the air, one toward the ground, and the others towards the
two sides. It seems that whenever they eat they try to finish up everything set
before them. They take a long time to eat and while they are eating, they sing
and talk, and, from time to time, whistle. Those who eat everything placed before
them consider themselves great men. Sport is made of those who eat but little,
while those who eat to surfeiting are detested. It is a habit with them whenever
they arrive at a house, never to ask for anything to eat. For it is customary
to set whatever a host may have before a visitor as soon as he arrives. After
eating, the guests are supplied with the requisites for smoking. Before the meal,
however, they take nothing until a portion of everything is first sent to the
caddi. If the host is a chief, he invites the whole village to come to his house on
a certain day. The caddi goes with all the rest and the feast begins. The caddt
takes something of everything and throws a portion into the fire, a portion upon
the ground, and a portion to each side. Then he retires to a corner; and while
all the others form ready to dance, he speaks—first to the corn, asking that it
allow itself to be eaten. In the same way he talks to the other things they use.
He tells the snakes not to bite, the deer not to be bitten. He then consecrates
the whole harvest of the house to God and ends by declaring that God has said
that they may now eat and that if they do not they ought to die of hunger.
Everybody falls to and they eat until they are gorged—for their way of eating
always comes to this.

If the host is an Indian who cannot afford the expense of arranging such a
feast, he takes something to the caddt who is highest in rank before the others
begin eating. As soon as he returns, he throws food into the fire and to the
four winds, saying that he is now going away and that they may begin eating.
The privilege of seating themselves on an elevated seat is granted only to the
grand zwinest and to the caddices. None save these officials have high seats in
their houses. These seats are called tapesties and are like tables. The high
officials seat themselves thereon and place their feet on a high bench. Whatever
this official says or does is carefully heeded, just as the Catholics obey the Holy
Gospels. If he issues a command it is more strictly obeyed by these Indians than
the ten commandments are observed by the Christians. Therefore, the leaders
do not take their seats on this elevation except for a special ceremony. ([Casafias,
1927, pp. 212-213.]

Speaking of the Natchitoches and Acolapissa Indians without dis-
tinction, Pénicaut says: “They are neat enough in their manner of eat-
ing: they have separate pots for each thing they cook, that is to say,
the pot which is for meat is not used for fish” (Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 5, p. 468). He places their morning meal at about 8 a. m., but this
was after part of their work had been done, not before work as with
us (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 467).

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 175

GAMES

The Caddo were fond of foot races and wrestling. Their prin-
cipal game in the old days was a kind of hockey. They also played
a game in which four split canes were used. The concave sides of
three of these were red and one black. They were all thrown down
together on a square block. If they then lay with their convex sides
or their concave sides all up, it counted 4. If the black one lay con-
cave side up and the others convex it counted 2. If any of the red ones
lay with the red showing it counted nothing. Illustrations of several
sets of these “dice” in the Field Museum of Natural History are given
by Culin (1907, pp. 98-99).

They also played a guessing game with a long white ivory bead.
Two sides were formed with a leader for each. The leader of one
side took the bead and gave it to one of his men. This man then
shuffled it about and the leader of the opposite side had to guess where
it was. The side scoring eight points first won. No gambling was
connected with this game. The participants sang constantly and the
victorious party ended with a grand song of triumph.

Another game was played by two persons on a board having nine
holes. Three pins were placed in a row in front of each on opposite
sides. The object was to get the three pins in a row again and a
player could move to any vacant hole on the board, each player watch-
ing carefully so as to block his opponent.

Still another game was played with grains of corn laid in a certain
way. All the grains but one were eliminated by jumping one grain
over another.?”

The Caddo also played the hoop and pole game described in the
following myth:

In the story of the “Brothers Who Became Lightning and Thunder,” Doctor
Dorsey tells of two brothers, the elder of whom made two arrows for his younger
brother; one he painted black and the other he painted blue. They then made
a small wheel out of the bark of the elm tree. One of the boys would stand
about fifty yards away from the other and they would roll this little wheel
to each other and would shoot the wheel with the arrows. They played with
the wheel every day until finally the younger brother failed to hit the wheel,
when the wheel kept on rolling and did not stop. They followed its traces and,
after a, series of adventures, recovered the wheel from an old man, whom they
killed. Later they ascended to the sky and became the Lightning and Thunder.
[Culin, 1907, pp. 462-463.]

The “guessing game” is the “hand-game” described in more detail
by Parsons. According to her informants the players used two
little bones and played for six points. Her account of the foot races
shows that interest in this ancient Caddo sport has been perpetuated
to the present day (Parsons, 1941, pp. 40-42).

17 Notes I obtained in 1912.

176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL, 132
CEREMONIES USED ON MEETING STRANGERS

The Caddo and some neighboring peoples were in the habit of meet-
ing strangers with loud wails. This was first observed by De Soto’s
followers in the case of a messenger from the Tula chief who came
“weeping bitterly” (Robertson, 1933, pp. 197, 198). When Joutel
was among the Hasinai he was much alarmed by the entrance into the
house where he was staying of several wailing women, since he had been
informed by La Salle that such actions pointed to the death of some
person, either accomplished or meditated (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3,
p. 374). Later, when Tonti accused the Namidish of having slain
some Frenchmen, the women present confirmed his suspicions by be-
ginning to cry, but he did not ascertain actually whether or not his
fears were justified (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 49). However, the meaning
of this usage does not seem to have been the same invariably. Many
years ago Mr. Mooney informed me that Plains Indians of his ac-
quaintance met him with tears when he revisited them, on the ground,
they said, that he reminded them of those who had died since last they
met.

The dialect of the Kadohadacho seems to have been the common
medium of communication among all Caddo, but there was little differ-
ence between it and the dialects spoken by the other Caddo tribes except
those of the Adai and Eyeish. The sign language was in use among
them as early as the end of the seventeenth century and is mentioned by
Joutel (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 389), Massanet (Casis, 1899, p.
302), and Casafias (1927, p. 286), and described rather definitely by
Morfi. After some words on the diversity of speech among East
Texas Indians generally, the last mentioned says:

But all of them find it convenient to use another kind of language, in which
it is not necessary to use the tongue, and that is the sign language with which
they are exceedingly clever. They send ambassadors to one another and they
are days at a time in conversation treating on subjects of lasting importance,
explaining and making each other understand the most hidden thoughts, without
need of words. [Morfi, 1932, p. 20.]

Joutel observed that they, along with members of other tribes,
indicated surprise by placing their hands over their mouths (Margry,
vol. 3, p. 430).

Amenities between the tribes are thus described by Espinosa:

The way in which they most clearly show their civilization is in the embassies
which they send to various settlements, especially when they wish to call them
together for war. The captains receive the person who goes as an ambassador
with great honor. They assign him the principal seat and, following their
custom, give him a great many presents while preparing the reply they are to give
him. They are so strict in the observance of their pledges that they do not

fail, even a day, in gathering together to go in Search of the enemy, the most
outspoken of whom are the Apaches. Upon the occasions on which the Caddo-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 177

aches, who live toward the north, come forty leagues to the Texas country,
they send a messenger in advance to give information of their coming. Hostages
are immediately exchanged and information furnished all the houses in the
settlement so that the necessary provisions may be prepared. WHach gives lib-
erally and all the caziques come out with their captains to receive them several
leagues before they reach the settlement. They all dress in gala attire according
to their custom. After they arrive at the houses they give dances and festivals
and exchange gifts of whatever the country yields in abundance. Thus they
renew their friendship and make treaties to defend each other against their
enemies.

They observe the same custom with the tribes that lie to the south who
live near the shores of the Mexican Gulf. They are in the habit of coming
to the aid of the Texas Indians. To keep them well disposed in times of
war, the Texas Indians entertain them every year after the crops are gathered
which is the time when many families, men and women, come to visit the
Asinais. This is also the time at which they trade with each other for all
the things they lack in their own settlements. They preserve close friend-
ship with all the Indians who are subject to the French and when one party
visits the other, the exchange of courtsies is very marked. The preparations
for receptions are very great. These Indians have been thus carefully trained
in politeness by the French and our Indians try not to be outdone by them
in politeness and courtesies. They do not yield a point in proving themselves
equally as warlike and valiant. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 178-179.]

Morfi covers this ground in the following excerpts:

They are very attentive and civil to the ambassadors who are sent them.
The captains go out to receive them. They give them a principal seat, and
bestow many honors on them at their meetings. They grant them hospitality
in a comfortable house and give them presents, and splendid ones, when they
give them the reply they desire. And the pacts drawn up on these occasions
are so punctiliously observed, that if they resolve to form a campaign together,
they never fail to comply with the terms agreed upon, unless something occurs
to make it impossible. [Morfi, 1932, p. 53.]

When the Cadodachos... go to visit them [the Texas] they send a mes-
senger ahead, to advise them of their arrival. They immediately extend
the due hospitality, and command the publication of this notice to the pueblo,
so each family will contribute to its respective part of the provisions, which
they all do with pleasure. The principal captain with the Caciques, elders,
and officers, all in ceremonial attire, go out beyond the pueblo to receive the
guests, festively take them to their houses, supply them in profusion, and
exchange presents and renew former confederations. They show the same
attentions to the Nations of the South, immediately on the coast of the Gulf
of Mexico, who in matters of warfare are accustomed to ally themselves with
the Texas; to thank them for this friendship they receive them with love
every year after the crops, which is the regular season in which the men
and women visit the Asinais, and exchange those things they respectively
want in their pueblos. With those Indians who are subjects of French domina-
tion they also have friendly relations and when they receive their visits
though they pay them the highest respect, they are outdone by the visitors, who
are very vain with their great civilities, and do not want the Texas to get
the better of them in this regard. [Morfi, 1932, pp. 53-54.]

With these accounts may be compared the descriptions of the
manner in which they welcomed the Spaniards and French, as given

178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

on pages 30, 38-39, 43, 57, and 60. A few others deserve reproduction
at this place.

When Joutel’s party came within half a league of the Kadohadacho
(really the Nasoni) town—

one of our savages went to inform them. They came out before us, the chief
mounted on a fine gray steed.

This chief showed us many signs of friendship on his arrival. We informed
him that we harmed no one, at least unless they attacked us first; we had him
smoke, after which he made a sign to us to follow him, and we came with him
to the bank of a river, where this chief motioned to us to wait until he had
informed the old men.

A short time afterward a troop of them arrived and, having reached us,
gave us to understand that they came to carry us to their village. Our savages
indicated that this was the custom of the country, and it was necessary to submit
and let them do it. As soon as we had agreed to this ceremony, seven of the
most distinguished presented their backs or shoulders. M. Cavelier, as chief,
was the first to mount, and the others did so likewise.

As to myself, who am rather tall and who was besides burdened with clothing,
a gun, two pistols, lead, powder, a kettle, and various togs, I weighed as much
assuredly as my bearer could support; and because I was taller than he and my
legs would have touched the ground, two other savages supported them. ‘Thus
I had three bearers. The other savages took our horses in order to lead them,
and we arrived with this ridiculous train at the village. Our bearers, who
had covered more than a quarter of a league, had need of rest, and we need to
be delivered from our mounts in order to laugh in private, for it was necessary
to avoid carefully doing it before them.

As soon as we had arrived at the chief’s cabin, where we found that more
than two hundred persons had come to see us, and when our horses were un-
loaded, the old men gave us to understand that it was customary to bathe
strangers on their arrival, but that, as we were dressed, they would bathe only
our faces, which an old man did with clear water from a kind of earthen pan,
and he washed only our foreheads.

After this second ceremony, the chief made a sign to have us seated on some-
thing like a small scaffold, raised about four feet from the earth, made of wood
and canes, and thither the chiefs of the four villages came to harangue us one
after the other. We listened to them with patience, although we understood
nothing of what they said, and were much wearied on account of their length
and still more from the heat of the sun which beat directly upon us.

These harangues finished, which were for no other purpose than to assure us
that we were welcome, we gave them to understand that we were going to our
own country intending to return soon in order to bring them merchandise and
all things they had need of.

We then made them the customary presents of axes, knives, beads and needles
and pins for their women, telling them that when we returned we would give
them much more.

We informed them besides that if they would give us some corn or flour,
we would give them something else in exchange, which they consented to.
They did this after having fed us on hominy (sagamité), bread, beans, pumpkins
and other things of which we had great need, we having eaten almost nothing
during the day, some from necessity, others from devotion like M. Cavelier,
who had wished to observe the fast of the Hve of St. John whose name he bore.
[Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 404406.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 179

After leaving the Red River towns, in July 1687, Joutel and his
comrades came into the territory of the Cahinnio Indians, the frontier

tribe of Caddo.

Having stopped to eat on the banks of a river, we heard the noise of some
hawkbells or house bells, which made us look around when we perceived a
savage with a naked sword in his hand, ornamented with feathers of different
colors, and two hawkbells which were making the noise that we had heard.

He signed to us to approach and informed us that he had been delegated by
the old men of the village whither we were going to come to us. He made
many friendly gestures. I observed that this sword was Spanish and that it
gave him pleasure to makes the bells ring.

Having gone on half a league or about that with him, we saw a dozen
more savages coming toward us who made many endearing gentures and con-
ducted us to the village, into the cabin of the chief, where we found dressed
bear skins laid down on which they had us sit. They gave us food and the
old men who attended us thither were served afterwards; and the women came
in a crowd to look at us...

On the 7th [the next day] the old men came to visit us and they brought
us two buffalo skins, four otter skins, one white deer skin, all very well dressed,
and four bows, and all that in acknowledgment of the present we had made
them previously. The chief and another man returned some time afterward
and brought us two loaves of bread, the finest and best we had yet seen; they
seemed to have been cooked in an oven, and nevertheless we had not noticed
any such among them. This chief remained with us some hours; he seemed
to have much intelligence and prudence and understood readily our signs, which
constituted our common language. He retired after having directed a little
boy to bring us everything we might want. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp.
415-416.]

The same day they experienced the calumet ceremony for the first
time among Caddo people.'®

That evening, we took part in a ceremony which we had not seen before.
A troop of old men, followed by some young men and some women, came near
our cabin in a body and singing at the top of their lungs. The one who
marched at their head carried a calumet ornamented with different kinds of
feathers. After having sung for some time in front of our cabin, they entered
and continued to sing for about a quarter of an hour. After that, they took
M. Cavelier, the priest, as being our chief, and led him ceremoniously outside
of the cabin, holding him up [by grasping him] under his arms. When they
had reached a place prepared for the purpose, one of them put a great hand-
ful of grass under his feet, two others brought clear water in an earthen dish
and washed his face; after that they seated him on a skin prepared for the
purpose.

When M. Cavelier was seated, the old men arranged themselves around him
also seated, and the master of ceremonies stuck up two forked sticks, on which
having laid a crosspiece, all painted red, he spread over it a dressed buffalo
skin, and then another of a deer dressed white, and then put the calumet upon
them.

18 When La Salle visited the Hasinai in 1686, Father Anastasius says that the Frenchmen
were met by several chiefs followed by warriors finely attired and “bearing the calumet
ceremoniously,” but this did not involve the performance of the regular calumet ceremony
to which Joutel refers, nor was this ‘‘calumet’” the regular peace pipe.

180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 132

The singing began again; the women joined in this music, and the concert
was accompanied by means of hollow gourds in which were some large bits
of gravel to make a noise, which the savages beat, keeping time with the music
of the choir, and, what was most pleasant, one of them placed himself behind
M. Cavelier to hold him up while making him move with a swinging motion
from side to side with movements regulated to the same cadence.

This concert was not yet finished when the master of ceremonies led forward
two girls, one wearing a kind of necklace, and the other the skin of an otter,
which they placed on the forks side of the calumet. After that, he seated
them side of M. Cavelier so that they faced each other, their legs extended
and interlaced, upon which the same master of ceremonies placed those of
M. Cavelier so that his legs were above and crosswise of those of the two girls.

While he was occupied in this way, an old man fixed a painted feather back of
M. Cavelier’s head, tying it by means of his hair. The singing, however, kept
on continually, so that M. Cavelier, wearied at its length, and besides, ashamed
to find himself in this posture between two girls without knowing the reason,
made a sign to us to inform the chief that he felt sick. Immediately two of
them seized him under the arms and brought him back into the cabin and
made signs to him to rest. This was about nine o’clock in the evening, and
the savages passed the entire night singing until they could do so no longer.

Day having arrived, they came to get M. Cavelier, brought him outside of
the cabin with the same ceremony, and seated him, singing all the time; then
the leader of the ceremonies took the calumet, filled it with tobacco, lighted
it, and presented it to M. Cavelier, but withdrew it and advanced it without
giving it to him as many as ten times. Having finally placed it between his
hands, M. Cavelier made a pretense of smoking it and returned it to them.
They had us all smoke afterwards and then all smoked in their turn, the
music still continuing.

About nine o’clock in the morning, the sun becoming very hot, M. Cavelier.
his head being bare, exhibited signs of great discomfort. They then stopped
their singing, conducted him back into the cabin, took the calumet, placed it
in a deerskin case along with the two forks and the crosspiece of red wood, and
one of the old men offered it to M. Cavelier, assuring him that with this sign
of peace he would be able to pass through all the nations that were allied to
them, and that we would be well received everywhere; and this was where we
saw for the first time the calumet of peace, the others not having had any
knowledge of it as some have maintained. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 416—
419.]

And here is Espinosa’s description of the way in which the Hasinai
welcomed Governor Martin de Alarcon when he assumed the govern-
ment of the Texas Province in 1718:

[The Indians] came out to meet the governor who was all ready to receive
them after the Indian custom. A gunshot distance from the mission [of Purissima
Concepcién], the captains appeared on horseback. One took his spurs, another
his sword, another his cane. They then placed him on the shoulders of the
principal cacique, while still another supported his feet. One of the Indians
led his horse by the bridle and, thus laden, they came to the mission. They had
already prepared a throne with curious buffalo robes which serve as carpets.
Before setting him down, they washed his face very clean and carefully gave
him a pipe of peace containing tobacco. This is the ceremony by which they
declare anyone a captain-general among them. Afterwards they had a speech
made in the name of the whole nation in which they told him that two days

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 181

later all the people would come to that place to render obedience. On the third
day a great number of persons from the four missions, men and women, gathered,
together with their captains. When night came on, they lighted a great many
fires and placed a very artistically cushioned seat in a doorway to give to the
governor for investiture. They put on his head a very curious feather and,
sitting down, they began to sing to the accompaniment of fifes and drums, the
men and women being in separate ranks. Then one after another, in the name
of the various settlements, each made a speech in his own language and began
to make offerings to him of beautifully dressed skins and many jars of eatables.
This ceremony lasted about half the night. They enjoyed it so much that the
Indians wanted to keep on until morning, but, at my request, they consented
to finish in their own fiesta. They permitted us to rest—which we did. I madea
speech in the name of the governor, thanking them in their own language for their
politeness and promising that the Spaniards would always favor them. They
were very much pleased thereat and discontinued their songs until the following
day. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 180.]

The account of this given by Castafieda is drawn from documents
unavailable to the writer and is as follows:

When he approached Concepcién Mission on the Angelina River he was
met by Captain Ramon, Father Espinosa, a number of soldiers, and the
mission Indians drawn up in line to welcome him. Father Espinosa had
left the main expedition four days before and hurried to Concepcién Mission
to arrange for the reception of the governor. A salute was fired, the bells rang
merrily, and all the Indians cheered and presented their gifts. Then followed
a curious ceremony. The Asinay Indians adopted the new governor as a member
of their tribe and initiated him with great solemnity. This evening Alarcén
rode his horse to a large straw hut which had been built specially for the occasion
by the Indians. When he arrived, several chiefs came out to receive him. He
was first helped down from his horse, then a chief took his sword and pistols,
another took him up on his back, and a third held his feet. In this manner they
carried him into the hut. At the door they gently washed his face and hands
and dried them with a piece of cloth. With a chief on each side, their hands on
his shoulders, Alarcén was escorted to a seat prepared for him. After he sat
down, the principal chief gave him the peace pipe which he smoked and then
passed to the others. After they had all smoked, several Indians rose and with
expressive gestures made known to the governor their great pleasure at his
coming, to which he replied by explaining to them the pious zeal of His Majesty,
who had sent him and all the missionaries to help them and instruct them in
our holy faith and defend them against their enemies.

The governor decided to make Concepcién Mission his headquarters while in
Hast Texas and asked the Indians to build a shelter for him, which they did
promptly. This was a circular structure with walls made of branches and
the roof covered with grass, in the shape of a rounded dome. To celebrate the
completion of the house and to honor Alarcén the Indians held a native dance.
At this celebration the initiation of the governor was completed. The Indians
came decked in bright feathers and dressed in skins. They built a large fire
in front of the hut, placed a special seat near it, and spread a number of buffalo
skins on the ground in place of rugs. The principal chiefs then entered the
house, where the governor was and adorned him carefully with white feathers
plucked from the breasts of geese, which they placed on his head after their
own fashion. They then painted a broad black stripe upon his forehead, which
came down each side of his face to about the middle of his cheeks. He was

182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

now taken before the fire, made to sit down on the buffalo skins and to lean
back on one of the chiefs who sat on the specially prepared seat and placed
his hands upon the governor’s shoulders. The ceremony had thus far been
conducted in silence. Now they began to beat on a big drum made out of an
old kettle partly filled with water and covered with a piece of wet rawhide.
The beating of the drum was accompanied by the swish of rattles. The Indians
all sat on the ground and arranged themselves in groups, the men, women,
and children seated separately. When the drum began to beat and the rat-
tles to swish, they all began to sing in unison. Four additional large fires were
now built and the leaders, who held lighted torches made out of bamboo [cane],
diligently went about the crowd to keep order. From time to time the din
ceased and one chief or another would stand before the governor and make a
long talk with forceful gestures. They declared they were glad the Spaniards
had come back, that they considered the new governor one of their own, that
he was their Caddi, or chief, that they would always be friendly to him and
his people and that they wanted him to help and to protect the Indians against
their enemies. Alarcén replied to these manifestations of attachment by declar-
ing he would help and protect them, but they must swear allegiance to the
king to whom they should always be grateful for all he had done, for it was
he who had sent the soldiers to shield them, and the missionaries to instruct
them in our holy religion. The ceremony lasted until three o’clock in the
morning, according to the chronicler. [Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, pp. 103-104.]

In 1716 Ramé6n and the missionaries sent into the Province of Texas
were received in this manner:

On June 27th we met thirty-four Indians, five of them being captains. They
all embraced us and showed the joy with which they received us in their country.
On the next day after we had traveled nine leagues ninety-six persons came out
to meet us, with all their captains and leading men. We went to meet them
carrying a standard upon which was engraved the images of the Crucified Christ
and Our Lady of Guadalupe whom they all adored, all kneeling and kissing the
images.

We marched on in a procession singing the Te Dewm Laudamus until we came
to a very large arbor that had been provided for the occasion and our songs
ended in tears of rejoicing. We began to take our seats on saddles that were
tied and served as low chairs, while coarse cloth served us as carpets. Each
captain took a hatful of the powdered tobacco they used and placed it upon a
curious and beautifully painted deerskin. They all stirred it around to show
their union of wills. They then put some of the tobacco in a pipe adorned with
many white feathers as a sign of peace among them. One of the principal
Indians lighted it and, after taking a whiff, he passed it to the priests and other
Spaniards, for this is their most usual ceremony when receiving friends. We
made on our part presents of chocolate to all the caziques while, in the name of
His Majesty, the captains divided among all the Indians hats, little blankets,
tobacco, and other trinkets. The Indians returned the favor with young corn,
muskmelons, tamales (which are rolls of corn), beans cooked with corn, and
nuts. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 151-152.]

Describing the same ceremony, Ramon says that the Indians

brought out a large pipe, used only to make peace. Each one took a portion
of tobacco, which they have in abundance, and, filling the bowl [with it], they
lighted it and began smoking. The captains smoked first in this manner: the

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 183

first puff of smoke was blown to the sky, the second to the Hast, the third to the
West, the fourth to the North, the fifth to the South, and the sixth to the ground,

\ these being the signs of lasting peace.

‘Che chief smoked first and passed the pipe to Ramén who then passed
it on until every man and woman present had smoked it. Afterward
“the chiefs took out more tobacco from their pouches, piled it in the
center, and invited Ramon to take some,” and Ramén reciprocated
(Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, p. 55).

It may be remarked that this order in placating the powers of the
cardinal points is unusual, the commoner method being to continue on
and generally in a counter clockwise direction.

In oratory Caddo speakers were evidently no whit behind other
Indians as may be gathered from the comments of Pierce M. Butler,
Agent for the Cherokee, on the bearing and speech of the Caddo spokes-
man at a convention held in 1845 (see p. 97).

PUNISHMENTS

Some of these have been touched upon in connection with house
building (pp. 150-151). Casafias adds the following:

The punishments they use and inflict upon the delinquents consist of whip-
pings, according to the crimes. For murder, they give the criminal so many licks
that he rarely recovers his senses. If he has shot someone with an arrow, or if
he has committed a personal offense, dealing, perhaps, a mortal blow to the caddi
or to one of the family of this official—such as his father, mother, sons, or rela-
tives,—he receives the death sentence. I have not seen the punishment myself,
but it is such a common thing among them that even the children know about it.
If a person shoots another with an arrow or does something else like it, one can
be sure that the punishment will be inflicted and that it will result as described
above. [Casafias, 1927, p. 283.]

Theft both within and without the tribe is dealt with by Espinosa:

The Texas Indians maintain an inviolable peace with the surrounding nations
and they all preserve their own customs without any occasion being furnished
for trouble; for, if it happens that a private individual does any damage or
steals any of the many horses they possess, the aggrieved tribe sends to that
band one of their principal men with a notice for the caziques to gather to-
gether, have the delinquent brought into their presence, force him to return
the stolen property, and give him a sharp reprimand, threatening that if he re-
peats the offense, they will expel him or make an example of him, They observe
strict justice in their dealings with each other. When one takes anything from
another, the aggrieved person does not make a complaint, but presents the case
to the principal captain. After consultation with the other captains and the old
men, he makes the delinquent give satisfaction. He leaves the parties so well
satisfied that there is no cause for future trouble. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 178.]

Morfi parallels this as follows:
When any one steals a horse from his neighbor, or commits another

robbery, the offended nation sends a complaint to the offensive nation by one
of its principal tribesmen. A meeting of Casiques is immediately held; they

184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

have the offender brought into their preSence for trial, and oblige him to
restore what he stole, keenly reprimanding him, intimating to him that if
he should again be guilty of the same offense, they will either perpetually
banish him from the tribe, or so punish him as to serve as a public warning.
Among themselves they also so observe the administration of justice, and when
one has a case against another, they do not settle it between them, but take
their complaint to the principal captain of the tribe, who with the opinion
(dictamen) of the other captains, and elders, corrects the guilty party, leaving
both parties satisfied, without cause for future dissension. [Morfi, 1932, p. 58.]

WAR

Their idea of valor [says Morfi] is very distinct from ours. To show their
valor they suffer by exposing themselves naked to the great heat of the sun,
without even covering their heads or seeking shade, or wanting to; and they
endure the cold of winter without looking for shelter, though at that season
they commonly use buffalo hides; to show that they know how to scorn it
they leave their huts at dawn when the frost is heaviest, break the ice on
the river and bathe themselves. Flight at the sight of an enemy is not a
dishonor. The warrior who brings any spoils from battle, though he got them
through treason, or bad faith, isa hero. [Morfi, 1932, p. 52-53.]

Joutel supplies us with some notes regarding war customs which
have the virtue of being based on direct observation. In March
1687, he was entertained in the cabin of one of the chiefs and was
conducted from it by some old men to their assembly cabin so called

because they make such cabins when they are preparing for war and have
feasts there in order to excite the young men to go. We found mats spread
out on which they made us sit and had us smoke but they did not make as
much ceremony over us as had those of the first town.

The white men slept, however, in the house of the chief. Joutel

learned from a Frenchman who had been longer among them “that

these savages did not reenter their own cabins after the assembly

cabin had been made, that the women took care to bring them food,

and the young people to wait upon them.” The Caddo were already

going to war on horseback (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 8, pp. 354, 374).
Joutel continues:

They make war .. . after the Turkish manner, giving no quarter, and bringing
back scalps as trophies, so that one can tell the cabins of the warriors and brave
men by the number of scalps there, for they tan them very neatly and display
them in one of the most conspicuous places in the cabin. When there are
many to share one scalp, they take it and separate the hairs, that is, the
ones that are long; they make of them little tresses which they attach to the
side of a reed which is placed in the row of scalps.

I have said already that the men had a big assembly cabin where they
prepared for war with feasts and rejoicings, so that they do not ever retire
into their own cabins. The women then bring food to that place for them,
where the young men serve them and eat afterwards, and, when they have
eaten and smoked, they train the youths in racing. I had the pleasure of
seeing them go through with their exercises many times, since the cabin I lived

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 185

in was very near that in which they were, so that I saw all that they did. Two
of the most active chiefs ranged all the young men in a row and after they were
all in order, they started off the instant a signal was given, and struggled to
see who would win. They then planted two posts some distance apart, and
a number started to run to see who could excel in rapidity in greater or fewer
turns, after which they exercised themselves in shooting with the bow. They
spent their days in this manner. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 304-355. ]

Before setting out they “set fire to their assembly cabin in order to
burn it down, as if it had been made and dedicated merely to serve
on this occasion during a limited space of time” (Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 8, pp. 357-358).

During the absence of the warriors we saw only the old men who came to
see us from time to time and related news which we had difficulty in understand-
ing. Since I was able to interpret only by means of signs, I was often very much
embarrassed. What Cisturbed me more than anything else was the fact that
sometimes the women began to weep and I was unable to guess the reason; and
as I had learned from M. de La Salle that they wept when they desired to
play some rascally trick, as if they were weeping on account of the death of
those they desired to kill, therefore that did not please me any too well, since
I saw these sorts of faces often. I learned afterward that these wailings were
caused by the remembrance of some of their friends or relatives who had been
killed on these war parties like the one that had just been undertaken. As
I was ignorant of this, that action often alarmed me...

We were in the midst of all this disquietude until the 18th of the same
month [May], when to, our great surprise we saw at daybreak a troop of
women enter our cabin with their faces and bodies daubed and painted. When
they were all inside, they began to sing different songs in their language and at
the top of their lungs, after which they began a kind of round dance holding
one another by the hand. For what reason did they undertake that ceremony
which lasted for perhaps two or three hours? We learned that it was because
their people had returned victorious over their enemies, and because, aS soon
as the village had been informed, they had assembled in the manner I have
described. Their dance ended in some presents of tobacco which those in the
house made to the women who had come. I noticed during the dance of these
latter that some of them took from time to time one of the scalps which were in
the said cabin, and that they made with it gestures, presenting it sometimes
in one direction, sometimes in another, as if to mock the nations from which
the said scalp might have come. About midday one of the warriors also
arrived at our cabin who was apparently the one who had brought news of
the defeat of the enemies. The said savage told us that the people of his
village had killed perhaps forty persons and that the others had fled, at which
each one showed signs of great joy. But what displeased me was to see that
however joyous these women were they began to weep. I kept apprehending
some evil plot against us, on account of what I had heard said in the past.
After all these ceremonies, all the women began to work, to pound up Indian
corn, some to make porridge and others to make bread; they prepared to carry
food to the warriors.

They set out next day, the 19th, to meet them... and toward evening all
arrived. We learned then what had happened; they had met, surprised, and
terrified their enemies through some gunshots by our people, who, having killed
some, caused the others to take to flight. And, in fact, before any had been

299671—42——_138

186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

killed, the enemy held their ground firmly and showed no sign of fear; but at
the gunshots, which they had not expected, they had fled as rapidly as possible:
so that our savages killed or took forty-eight persons, as well men and women
as children. They killed many women who had climbed into the trees, in which
they were concealed, having foreseen that they could not run away, and not
having enough time to get to their feet with the others. Few men were taken
in this defeat but the women remained as victims, for it is not customary for
the savages to give quarter, unless it be to infants. They took off the scalp of
a living woman after which they asked for a charge of powder and a ball from
our people, which they gave to the said woman and sent her back to her nation,
having told her to give that to her people and inform them that they might
expect in future to be treated in the same way.

I think I have spoken elsewhere of scalping, which consists in cutting the
skin completely around the head, as far down as the ears and forehead; they then
pull off the entire skin, which they take pains to tan and taw [dress] in order
to keep it and exhibit it in their cabins. They thus leave the victim with the
skull exposed, as they did the above-mentioned woman whom they sent back
to carry the news to her nation. They led the other [captive woman] along until
the women and girls had joined them with the provisions they were bringing.
Then they gave the unhappy woman to be sacrificed to their rage and passion,
according to what the men of our party told me, who were witnesses of it.
When the said women had arrived and were informed that there was a slave,
they all armed themselves, some with sticks, others with wooden skewers which
they sharpened, and each one struck her according as desire or caprice seized
one or another. This unfortunate woman only awaited the final blow, suffering
martyrdom that is to say, for one pulled out of her head a fistful of hair, another
cut off a finger, another gouged out an eye, so that each one of them studied
how to make her suffer some evil; and finally there was one who gave her a
heavy blow on the head with a club, and another buried a skewer many times
in her body; after which she expired. Then they cut her body into many pieces
which the conquerors divided among themselves, and which they forced several
slaves they had taken in the past to eat. They returned then in triumph from
their war, and of the forty-eight persons they had taken they gave quarter only
to some young children, bringing back all the scalps, and many of the women
even who had gone to the war with the others came back loaded with
heads...

The next day twenty savages assembled and went to the cabin of the chief
whither all the scalps were brought as trophies, as well as the heads. They
then began to rejoice greatly, and it lasted all that day at the aforementioned
cabin; but the ceremony lasted three days, Since they went then to the cabins
of the most noted among them, whom they call cadis, which signifies chiefs or
captains. They invited the six Frenchmen who had gone with them to take
part in their rejoicings since they had taken part in their victory: so that,
as we were in a cabin belonging to one of the most distinguished men, they
came there after having finished at the cabin of the head chief.

I wondered at the way in which they behaved.

After all had arrived, the old men and the most esteemed took their places
on the mats, on which they seated themselves. Then one of the aforesaid
ancients, who had not been with these, and who appeared to be the orator,
and acted as chief of the ceremonies, made for them a kind of eulogium or
discourse of which I understood nothing A short time afterward the warriors
who had slain enemies in battle and had taken scalps, marched, preceded by a
woman carrying a great reed and a deer skin; then followed the wife of the

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 187

said warrior bearing the scalp, and the said warrior followed with his bow and
two arrows, and, when they reached the place where was the orator or chief of
ceremonies, the said warrior took the scalp and put it in the hands of the said
orator, who, having received it, presented it toward the four quarters of the
earth saying many things which I did not understand; after which he laid
the scalp on the ground, or rather on a mat spread out for this purpose. An-
other then approached until each one had brought his scalp as a trophy. When
all that was completed, the orator delivered a kind of discourse, and food was
served, the women of the aforesaid cabin having taken care to cook hominy
in many big pots, knowing that the crowd was going to come. After they
had eaten and smoked they began a dance, in the nature of a round dance, but
which they did not close up. They kept a kind of cadence which they marked
with their feet and with fans made of turkey feathers: in such a way that
they accompanied all with their songs which seemed to me too long since I
did not understand them.

Their ceremony ended with some presents of tobacco, which the occupants
of the aforementioned cabin made to the old men and warriors. I ought to
mention also that the chief of the ceremonies had brought to the scalps hominy
and tobacco as if they had been able to eat and smoke. They also had two
young boys whom they had taken and whom they had spared. One of them
was wounded and was unable to walk; they had in consequence placed him on
a horse, and, as they had brought along pieces of the flesh of the woman whom
they had tortured, they made these two young boys eat some as well as some
other slaves whom they had taken at other times. I did not notice that they
themselves ate of them. After they were through, they went to still other cabins,
and this ceremony lasted three days in these cantons...

The 22d of May there arrived among these savages one of their warriors whom
they believed to have been killed, he having remained wounded on the field of
battle and left for dead. He stated that for six days he had eaten only some
little uncooked roots; five or six arrow wounds, three of them in the body, had
caused him to lose much blood. The fast, the fatigue, added to the fear he had
experienced, which cannot have been slight on seeing himself abandoned, all
that had contributed to enfeeble him, so that they made a little cabin for his
sole use in order that he might have more complete rest, where they treated him
after their manner, by cleaning the wounds well. Some persons among them
sucked these, spitting out the blood and matter which they drew from them.
They also gave him some simples to staunch the wounds. As this warrior
had been a long time without eating, they made him take some very weak hominy
and gave him a very little of it at a time. The other savages were very much
rejoiced at his return. He related the manner in which he had come away
from the battlefield, after he had recovered from his wounds, and how he had
seen a band of the enemy who, luckily for him, had not discovered him for it is
not to be believed that they would have spared him. [ Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3,
pp. 374-882. |

Arrived at the Nasoni town of the Kadohadacho, the Frenchmen
observed another token of the barbarity of Indian warfare in the per-
son of a young man who had escaped from the “Chepoussa, their
enemies,” perhaps the Chickasaw, after having had his nose and ears
cut off. There they were constantly visited by “women accompanied
by some warriors with their bows and arrows” who

came into our cabin to sing with a doleful air, weeping the while, which would
have caused us pain if we had not seen this ceremony before and learned that these

188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

women came thus into the cabin of the chief to beg him, with songs and tears,
to take vengeance on those who had killed their husbands or relatives in past
wars, as I have already said. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 409-411.]

Pénicaut, who accompanied St. Denis across the Hasinai country
in 1714, gives another picture of warfare among these people in which
none of the gruesome details are spared, though, from his tendency
not to overwork truth where a good story is to be extracted, it should
be treated with some caution.

These savages make war in a very different manner from those on the bank
of the Mississippi, for they are all mounted, armed with a quiver made of
buffalo skin filled with arrows, which they wear slung over the shoulders behind
the back. They have a bow and a little shield also of buffalo hide, on the left
arm, with which they parry arrows. They have no other bit to their bridle
than a hair cord which passes through the mouth of the horse. Their stirrups
are suspended by means of cords also made of hair which are fastened to a
Coeskin doubled into four thicknesses and serving them as a saddle. The stirrup
is merely a little piece of wood three inches wide and five long, on which
they put the foot to mount the horse and to hold themselves there. [Margry,
1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 507.]

Most of the men of the town St. Denis was then visiting were
on a war expedition against the Kichai. Pénicaut continues:

They returned from the war the day after we arrived at their village. They
numbered a hundred and fifty men armed and mounted, as I have just said.
They carry themselves perfectly on horseback. They brought with them two
prisoners out of six which they had taken; they had eaten four on the way
back. These two prisoners were placed in the town Square in the midst of a
guard of twelve savages for fear that they might enter one of their cabins,
for it is the custom of these savages that, if a prisoner, escaping by force or craft,
enters one of their cabins, his life is spared and he is thenceforth reputed to
belong to their nation. One hour later two “frames” (cadres) were prepared
in the prairie which is at the end of the village. These frames are merely
two posts planted in the earth four feet apart and nine feet high, on top of
which is a bar which crosses from one to the other, to which they bind the
prisoners with a cord by both hands and suspended in the air. Underneath there
is a stake planted in the earth through which is a hole. Through this hole a
cord is passed which is fastened to the ankles of these poor wretches, which
they stretch as tight as they can in order to keep them well extended in the air,
the feet reaching only within fifteen inches of the ground. They keep them
thus during a half hour evening and morning, in the morning with their faces
turned toward the rising sun and in the evening toward the setting sun, without
giving them food the first day. They also make the victim dance in spite of
himself, and the second day in the morning they fasten him again in the same
manner, with his face toward the rising sun. All the men and women in the
village assemble round the frames where these poor fainting persons are tied.
Hach family lights its fire before which they place a pot full of hot water, and,
when the sun has arisen, four of the oldest savages, each one with a knife in
his hand, make incisions in the arms, thighs, and lower legs of the ones hung
up whose blood runs from their bodies to the extremities of their feet where
four old men receive it in vessels. They carry this blood to two other old men
whose duty it is to have it cooked in two kettles, and when this blood is cooked,
they give it to their women and children to eat. After they have consumed

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 189

this blood, the two dead men are detached from the frame and placed on a
table where they are cut up. The pieces are distributed to the entire assembly
of the village, and each family cooks some of it in its pot. While this meat is
being cooked they begin to dance. Then they return to their places, take this
meat from their pots and eat it.

I was so heart-sick at the sight of this horrible feast that I was sick for three
days and my comrades like myself were unable to eat until after we had left
these cruel cannibals. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, pp. 502-504.]

Except for brief mention by Casafias, other writers spare us such
gruesome details in connection with their narratives of the Caddo
but Morfi fully makes up for it in his account of the Karankawa
Indians of the Texas coast (Morfi, 1932, p. 51), and Solis makes his
atrocity stories general. Although speaking more specifically of the
eastern and southern Texas Indians, he states that his remarks are
of very wide application:

They are cruel, inhuman and ferocious. When one nation makes war with
another, the one that conquers puts all of the old men and old women to the knife
and carries off the little children for food to eat on the way; the other children
are sold; the vagabonds and grown women and young girls are carried off to
serve them, with the exception of some whom they reserve to sacrifice in the
dance before their god and saints. This is done in the following manner: they
set a nailed stake in the ground in the place where they are to dance the mitote;
they light a big fire, tying the victim who is to be danced about or sacrificed to
that stake. All assemble together and when the harsh instrument, the caymdn,
begins to play they begin to dance and to leap, making many gestures and very
fierce grimaces with funereal and discordant cries, dancing with well sharpened
knives in their hands. As they jump around they approach the victim and
cut a piece of flesh off of his body, going to the fire and half roasting it in sight
of the victim, they eat it with great relish, and so they go on cutting off
pieces and quartering him until they take off all of the flesh and he dies. They
take off his hair with the scalp and put it all on a pole in order to bring it to
the dance as a trophy. They do not throw the bones away but distribute them,
and each one whose turn it is to get one walks along sucking it until he is thus
finished. They do the same thing with the priests and Spaniards if they
catch any. Others they hang up by the feet and put fire underneath them and
so go on roasting them and eat them up. For others they make long poles
of the thickness of an inch of resinous pine, of which there is a great deal,
and set fire to them and torture the victim with them, and afterwards they set
fire to him and half roast him and eat him up. For others they do not use a
knife to cut them to pieces but they tear them to pieces with their teeth and
eat them raw. [Solis, 1931, pp. 42—43.]

The institution of berdaches is also pinned upon the coast Indians,
probably to an unreasonable extent, and we hear that, as with the
Florida Indians, berdaches accompanied war parties of the same people
(Morfi, 1932, p. 55).

Morfi describes the equipment of warriors as follows:

All of the nations of the province [of Texas], and up to its borders, manage a

gun, dagger, sword, lance and hatchet with particular skill, and most of them
have not forgotten the bow and arrow. For defensive arms they have oval shields

190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

of leather (adarga), leather jackets (cwera), and helmets, which are a kind of
cap (montera) made of skins, which they adorn with a diversity of plumage, and
well painted buffalo horns. [Morfi, 1932, p. 53.]

According to the same writer they differed from the tribes farther
east in carrying no food with them:

When they go out on campaigns, they never carry with them other provisions
than those provided by their rifles or arrows. They rely upon the prodigal riches
of the entire province for wild cattle and game. When these are lacking they do
not decline to eat foxes, rats and snakes ; and when the dearth is so bad that even
these are not found, the temperance and fortitude with which they stand it is as
admirable as the voracity exhibited when there is an abundance of food. [Morfi,
1932, p. 49.]

They put on paint when going to war—and also when expecting
visitors so that they would not be inconveniently recognized by seekers
for vengeance (Casafias, 1927, p. 214).

When on the march

they always have scouts ahead, flankers and rear-guards, who with inexpressible
anxiety examine the territory. To encamp they always select advantageous sites,
and post sentinels at opportune places; they are ever on the alert evening and
morning, so that they get little sleep, and that, light. They arise at dawn, take
a bath, if there is an opportunity to, regardless of the weather; on the march they
never separate themselves at any considerable distance beyond the main body of
the troops. These precautions, which are never omitted under any pretext, pro-
tect them from surprises and facilitate their making an advantageous attack.
[Morfi, 1982, p. 50.]

Morfi has the following regarding smoke signals:

Anything new which occurs in the province which interests them, they com-
municate from one tribe to another, by means of smoke signals which they
instantly give, and they know whether they are called, whether they are to flee,
or whether they are told to take any special care. These are such speedy com-
munications that by them they are instructed in a few hours at the greatest dis-
tance as to what happens in Béjar, and in the other presidios. This is the rea-
son that we are generally unsuccessful in the most of our expeditions; one will
never accomplish what one desires if everything is not done with inviolable
secrecy so that not even our soldiers know where they are going. [Morfi, 1932,
pp. 50-51; Solis, 1931, p. 42.]

The most of the time [Says Hidalgo] the men spend in visiting and in planning
their wars, which usally occur during the winter time. For the two functions
mentioned above [planting and war] the Indians choose a leader, but in all other
matters they are their own bosses. They wear the scalps of their enemies at
their belts as trophies and hang them from reeds at the entry to their doors as
signs of triumph. [Hidalgo, 1927, p. 57.]

Two paragraphs follow from Casajfias:

Before going to war, they dance and sing for seven or eight days, offering to
God meat, corn, bows, arrows, tobacco, acoxvo [cf. acorio, an herb], and fat
from buffalo hearts, praying for the death of their enemies. They pray also
for strength to fight, for fleetness to run, and for valor to resist. There is plenty

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 191

to eat. In front of those who are dancing there is a pole and on it hangs a
portion of everything they are offering to God. In front of the pole a fire is
burning. Near by is a person who looks like a demon. He is the person who
offers the incense to God, throwing tobacco and buffalo fat into the fire. All
of the men assemble around the blaze; each one takes a handful of smoke
and rubs his whole body with it. Each believes that, because of this ceremony,
God will grant whatever he may ask—whether it be the death of his enemy or
swiftness to run. On other occasions the incense is not offered by burning in this
way. In this case a kind of burned pole is taken and set up by the fire. This
pole and the fat for the incense—which has already been burned—they offer to
God. Every time a dance begins, a man steps forward as a preacher does and
tells the people what they are to ask God for in the next dance. In these gather-
ings there are many abuses. They pray also to the fire, to the air, to the water,
to the corn, to the buffalo, to the deer, and to many other similar things, asking
some of them to permit themselves to be killed for eating. To others they pray
for vengeance. They ask the water to drown their enemies, the fire to burn them,
the arrows to kill them, and the winds to blow them away. On the last day of
such a meeting the caddi comes forward and encourages the men by saying,
“Well, now, if you really are men, think of your wives, your parents, or your
children, but I charge you not to let them be a hindrance to our victory.” I trust
in the Lord that when their language is learned, we can garner in a great har-
vest because many tribes are gathered together in these meetings. [Casafias,
1927, pp. 214-215.]

All the men who have achieved some victory in war are called amayzoya in
addition to their own names. This means “great man.” The arms and banners
they must carry are the skins and the scalps of the enemies each one has killed.
The grand vinest has skulls hung up in a tree near his house. In conclusion it
may be said that these Indians practice no greater cruelty than their enemies
do. They tie a captive’s feet and hands to a post, like a cross. Here they tear
him to pieces, drinking the blood and eating the flesh, half roasted. [Casaias,
1927, p. 217.]

A few items are supplied by Espinosa:

In addition to these [officers], the whole nation elects a person who serves
them as a general during wars. When they set out on a campaign they obey
him implicitly, without disregarding an order in the slightest degree. Even
though they may have traveled all day without taking food, they do not even
moisten their tongues from the water holes they pass until the leader makes
camp—after exploration has been made to see that no enemy is near. After
they have gained a victory over their adversaries, the leader sends out a
number of the Indians he has with him, others remaining to guard the camp
and the rear. These Indians formerly used bows and arrows and shields in
their wars with other Indians. But at this time, they have secured so many
guns, due to their proximity to the French, that they know how to manage
them skillfully and use them for war, for hunting when at home, and always
carry them when traveling. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 175-176.]

Upon occasions when these Indians gain a victory over their adversaries they
bring back the skulls of their enemies as trophies and keep them hanging in a
tree until in the course of time they decide to bury them. For this ceremony,
they gather on an appointed night, men and women, at the place where the
skulls are hanging. They build a number of bonfires and, having provided their
sad and mournful instruments, they arrange their singers and their bands of

192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

musicians, painted black. Seated upon the ground, covered from head to foot
with buffalo robes, and with bowed heads, they all sing together. The rest
dance without moving from the spot, the women in one file and the men to one
side. This dance lasts the greater part of the night. Then a decrepit old
Indian with certain young men surround the tree where the skulls are, each
with an arrow pointed in the same direction. They all give a shout or cry.
They then turn in another direction and do the same thing. From time to time
they discharge a gun towards the skulls and raise a confused cry in unison. When
the morning comes they cover their faces and arms with white dirt and carry
the skulls and inter them in the cemetery which is near the fire temple where
they spend the rest of the day in celebration. The whole thing seems to be the
work of hell, the songs as well as the ceremonies connected with it. They offer
to these skulls ground pimole and other foods which the living instead of the
dead consume, after they have said their prayers and gone through with their
superstitious ceremonies. [Espinosa, 1927, p. 174.]

Parsons has the following note regarding the war dance as recalled
by modern Caddo informants:

In the war dance ... the men bunch around the drum and move dancing
around the dance floor. They carry a tomahawk or a scalp on a stick, and wear
the typical war bonnet of eagle feathers fastened to a strip of cloth. On the
face is painted the characteristic mark of the dancer’s supernatural partner—
Coon, Fox, Lightning (shown in an accompanying illustration). The women,
wearing their buckskin dress, stand together, on the outside, moving slightly.

If a feather falls out of the bonnet of a dancer or off the decorations of his
person, some senior with war experience has to pick up the feather and “tell an
old story of some place where they had a fight and won it.” At the end of the
story everybody who has a drumstick beats once on the drum, then the dance
goes on. [Parsons, 1941, pp. 53-55.]

Consult the same writer also on eagle hunting (p. 43).

See also the chapter on burials (pp. 203-210).

TRADE

Trade between Indian tribes was much more extensive in pre-
Columbian times than is often supposed, and we have several signifi-
cant notes regarding Caddo participation in this. In 1542, when
De Soto’s followers visited the Guasco, a Hasinai tribe, they found
there “turquoises and cotton blankets, which the Indians gave them to
understand, by signs, were brought from the west” (Robertson, 1933,
p. 256). We are not informed what the Hasinai paid in exchange
for these things but may suspect that wood of the bois d’arc, or Osage
orange, for use as bows was one of the commodities since the Tewa
Indians are known to have obtained this material from the east, and
in 1687 Joutel informs us that the Kadohadacho country was famous
for it. Indians came to get it from distances of 50 or 60 leagues, and
when the Frenchmen left on their way to the Mississippi two Indians
joined them with bows which they proposed to sell to the Quapaw at
the mouth of the Arkansas (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 8, p. 412). Three

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 193

years later Tonti found them “making very fine bows” which they
traded to distant nations (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 48).

The eastern Caddo also carried on a trade in salt. The two Indians
just mentioned who accompanied Joutel were taking along besides
bows “salt in little loaves of about two or three pounds each” to barter
with the same people (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 424). They were
said to have obtained these from the Tunica Indians, and we know
that both the Tunica and the related Koroa were much involved in
the salt industry, but it also extended to the Caddo. The Taensa with
Tonti in 1690 remained some days in the Natchitoches town to traffic
for salt (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p.45). In 1700 Bienville met Koroa Indians
bringing salt to the Taensa on the Mississippi but later he came upon
six Natchitoches who were taking salt to the Koroa, so that the latter
were to some extent middle men (Margry, vol. 4, pp. 432, 435). The
reference to salt contained in one of the prominent Hasinai tribal
names has already been commented upon.

The trading routes already established, especially those toward the
west, were quickly utilized for the introduction of European com-
modities as soon as white settlements came sufficiently close. Be-
fore 1680 some of the Coahuilteco Indians and, in particular, the
Jumano under a noted chief called Juan Sabeata, were resorting to the
Hasinai annually to barter European goods for whatever the Indians
of that confederation had to offer. There “each year the Indians
held a fair in which the plunder obtained from the Spanish outposts
along the whole northern frontier of New Spain was bartered and
traded” (Castafieda, vol. 1, p. 326). By 1686, therefore, when La
Salle first entered the Hasinai country, European objects, including
European horses, were by no means rarities in that region. Father
Anastasius reports:

We found among the Cenis many things which undoubtedly came from the
Spaniards, such ag dollars and other pieces of money, silver spoons, lace of every
kind, clothes and horses. We saw, among other things, a bull from Rome
exempting the Spaniards in Mexico from fasting during summer. Horses are
common. They gave them to us for an axe; one Ccenis offered me one for
our cowl, to which he took a fancy. [Cox, 1905, vol. 1, pp. 232-233.]

The distribution of intangibles is interestingly demonstrated in a
later paragraph:

There were then some Choitiman ambassadors among them, who came to visit
us. I was agreeably surprised to see them make the sign of the cross, kneel,
clasp their hands, raise them from time to time to heaven. They also kissed my
habit, and gave me to understand that men dressed like us instructed tribes in
their vicinity, who were only two days’ march from the Spaniards, where our
religious had large churches in which all assembled to pray. They expressed
very naturally the ceremonies of mass; one of them sketched me a painting

194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

that he had seen of a great lady, who was weeping because her son was upon
a cross. He told us... that if we would go with them, or give them guns,
they could easily conquer them, because they were a cowardly race, who had
no courage, and made people walk before them with a fan to refresh them in
hot weather. [Cox, 1905, vol. 1, pp. 234-235.]

This information came not from the Hasinai directly but from
the Jumano or Chouman. There is, however, no reason to suppose
that the latter would have refrained from communicating the re-
markable things they had seen to the other tribes.

When he returned to his fort on the Texas coast, La Salle brought
with him five horses laden with corn, beans, pumpkin seeds, and
watermelons (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 249).

On approaching the first Hasinai village the year following, Joutel
was met by three Indians, one on horseback, and one dressed in the
Spanish manner, “having a little doublet or jacket the body of which
was blue and the sleeves white, as if worked on a kind of fustian;
he had very well fitted breeches, stockings of white worsted, woolen
garters, and a Spanish hat, flat and wide in shape.” He also claimed
to have visited the Spaniards in person (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3,
pp. 388, 341).

There were seven or eight who had sword-blades, with big bunches of
feathers on the handles. These blades were squared like those of the Span-
iards; they also had many big hawkbells, which made a noise like those on
mules ... Some also had some pieces of blue stuff which they had gotten
from the Spaniards [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 341, 342.]

For a very fine horse Joutel gave a knife and an axe. He continues:

What I understood very well was their taste for knives and axes, which they
love very much, [and] of which they have great need, not having any at all,
although they have been to visit the Spaniards, which enables one to see that
the latter do not give them much. Except that the women have some pieces
of very coarse blue cloth of which they make a sort of small coat, which they
wear in front and behind, but there are few of them [Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 3, pp. 347, 349].

The word capitan had already been adopted into their language
from Spanish in the form capita and caballo (horse) with a pro-
nunciation which the French rendered “cahouaille” (Margry, 1875-
1886, vol. 3, p. 353).

On reaching the Kadohadacho they were able to report that those
Indians and all of the tribes to the west of them had horses while
those to the east did not, but noted an exception in the case of the
Cahinnio on Ouachita River who had two very fine gray horses.
The source of supply was plainly shown by the horses which they
themselves secured. “Some were marked on the thighs, which must
have been done by farriers, and two of them even were geldings”
(Margry, 1875-1886, pp. 410, 423).

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 195

Besides scalps and the accompanying honors, the main motive
behind the expeditions which the Hasinai undertook against the
“Canoatinno” was horses (Margry, 1875-1886, vol 3, pp. 348, 353).

In order to obtain food and horses with which to pursue their jour-
ney toward the northeast, Joutel and his companions dispensed
among the Indians in the Hasinai, Nasoni, Kadohadacho, and
Cahinnio towns considerable quantities of axes, knives, beads, needles,
and pins (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 8, pp. 389, 344, 347, 348, 353,
360, 365, 390, 392, 393, 395, 401, 406, 412, 419). They also gave in
trade copper rings. Father Anastasius had in his possession some
chaplets made of red and white beads which they unstrung and
made into bracelets and necklaces for trade with the Indians, and
they used in the same manner some necklaces of false amber brought
along by the same priest (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 347, 3538,
365, 390, 392, 3938, 395, 401, 406, 412, 419). Iron hoes were also in
demand and the Frenchmen promised that they would bring some
when they came back but these seem to have been omitted from their
original outfit (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, pp. 290,391). On approach-
ing the Cahinnio town they were met, as we have seen, by an Indian
carrying a sword and two hawkbells, and a saber in Joutel’s pos-
session was so much desired by the chief of this tribe that the owner
parted with it in exchange for guides (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3,
p. 421).

While nearly all articles of European origin found among the
Caddo clearly came from Mexico, Joutel was informed that a few
beads were from the northeast, perhaps having filtered in from
the French descending from Canada (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3,
p. 357).

Three years after Joutel’s passage through the Caddo country
Tonti penetrated it nearly to the Namidish town and there, in
exchange for “seven hatchets and a string of large glass beads,” he
obtained four Spanish horses “two of which were marked on the
haunch with an R and a crown (couronne fermée) and another with
an N.” “Horses,” he adds, “are very common among them. There
is not a cabin which has not four or five” (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 49).

In 1716 Ramén found among the Hasinai 18 or 20 long French
arquebuses, many beads of various colors, numerous trinkets, large
knives, pocket knives, pieces of cloth of good grade, particularly
blue, and hatchets, and “upon being asked where they secured all
these things they said the French from Natchitoches brought them
in square boats on the river and gave them to the Indians for horses
and skins of animals” (Castafieda, 1936, vol. 2, pp. 19, 29, 66).
According to St. Denis, who ought to have known since he was so
much engaged in it himself, trade between the French and Natchi-

196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE, 132

toches Indians had begun in 1701 and it must have extended to the
Hasinai almost immediately.

Casafias has considerable to say regarding the Hasinai appetite
for European goods:

They are fond of bells, knives, and everything made of iron—such as axes
and mattocks; for, as they are a people who build houses to live in and plant
crops for food, they need these things most of all. Therefore, when things of
this kind are given them—say woolen garments and especially blue, the color
of the sky,—they appreciate them more than if they were heaps of gold and
silver. They also like hats, glass beads, and everything in the shape of
ornaments; and things which make a noise. [Casaflas, 1927, p. 285.]

This missionary wishes that he might have “some bells, some small
clasp knives, some glass beads, and some blue cloth—which they
greatly prize—some blankets, and other little things to exchange
with these Indians,” by trading with which he “could have started a
convent with the articles it would have been possible to make from
the best materials that are abundant here” (Casafias, 1927, p. 301).

If Casafias’ preaching was as effective as he seems to have thought,
the following quotation adds to the list of European intangibles
transmitted to the Indians. He says that his argument that God
caused death by pestilence instead of malevolent human beings “made
such an impression upon them that nobody disputed me. On the
contrary, all who were present went away and told others. All
were amazed and the captain went to see other tribes to tell them
what I had said” (Casafias, 1927, p. 295).

Like Joutel, Hidalgo found that the Hasinai greatly appreciated
iron hoes. They had “axes of different kinds which they secure
from the French” (Hidalgo, 1927, pp. 56, 57). In fact, trade between
the Caddo and French through Natchitoches which sprang up as
soon as that post was established by Saint Denis in 1714 flourished
much more vigorously than the legitimate trade with Spanish settle-
ments. When he visited the Hasinai in November of that year, he
bartered guns, beads, knives, and cloth for cattle and buffalo hides.
It is only fair to state that the greater partiality of these Indians
for French trade was due very considerably to the tolerance of the
French in supplying them with firearms and liquor. The truth
would not be strained greatly if we said that they stole from the
Spaniards in order to trade with the French.

In 1767-68 Solis found all the Hasinai “armed with guns, and,” he
continues, “they manage them with great skill; one is rarely found
with a bow and arrow.” They were receiving guns, ammunition,
cloth, and whiskey from the French. They were also in possession
of domestic fowl, presumably from the same source (Solis, 1931, p. 61).
In speaking of the stock at the Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de los
Dolores de Benavente de los Ays, he says:

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 197

The Indians steal aS many as they can; the bulls, cows, and calves for
eating, the horses, mules and mares (of which there is a drove) for their
commerce and traffic with the French to get whiskey, sugar-cane whiskey, ver-
milion, beads, cloth, powder, balls, guns, tobacco and other things. [Solis, 1931,
p. 67.]

The Natchitoches trade as it existed toward the end of the eight-
eenth century is thus described by Morfi:

In each of the friendly pueblos or tribes of the Texas and tribes of the
North, there resides a merchant from Louisiana, who is always instructed
in the language of the nation where he is; who knows how to read and write,
and is very prudent to make himself loved by the natives. He has to main-
tain commercial relations and peace between the nations, [and] the friendship
which they have for us, watch their movements with care, and give notice
of the least news he learns, in his own pueblo and in the surrounding ones
as well as in the country of the enemy nations. This is a most useful Provi-
dence, if executed as ordered, but many serious and dangerous abuses have
been introduced through the bad choice of the subjects. [Morfi, 1932, p. 56.]

In 1820 Padilla found the Kadohadacho exchanging “furs from
the bear, the deer, the beaver, the otter, and other animals” at
Natchitoches for “carbines, munitions, merchandise, tobacco, and fire-
water.” He adds:

They are faithful in keeping their contracts; for the merchants of Natchi-
toches advance them munitions, trifles, and liquors at a good rate of exchange
for furs. For all these they pay punctually, in spite of the fact that there
are among them foreigners who come from Natchitoches and other points
of the United States for the purpose of trading their wares to the said
Indians for their products. [Padilla, 1919, p. 48.]

Eight years later Sanchez found that the Caddo and numbers
of other Indians continually entered Nacogdoches to trade “but they
are all peaceful and carry on their trade in the city with skins,
corn, pumpkins, and beans” (Sanchez, 1926, p. 283).

The unequal effect of European influences upon peoples of differing

environment is well illustrated by the following observation of Es-
pinosa about 1722:
Although the Natchitoches have a greater number of guns than the Texas
Indians, the number of horses they have is limited. The latter thus travel
on foot while the Texas Indians ride on horseback with great skill, their
feet hanging loose and, traveling at a great rate, they guide their horses
with only a slender cord which they use in place of a bridle. This the herds-
men call a barbequejo. [EHspinosa, 1927, p. 179.]

We have here an indication of the same process which acted so
rapidly to build up a Plains culture associated with the horse. Horses
were introduced from the Southwest to a region where they rapidly
attained a cardinal position in war and in the communal buffalo hunt.
In the woodlands to the east they were practically useless for both pur-
poses. In woodland warfare they would have been a hindrance rather

198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

than a help. At an earlier period, it is true, De Soto’s only salvation
was in his cavalry, but to this was added the advantages of armor for
man and horse and, more important still, between his period and the
end of the eighteenth century firearms had been developed from cum-
bersome implements into weapons of deadly effectiveness. On the open
plains they added to the power of the horseman but where there was
plenty of cover the horse was a mere encumbrance. In the woodlands,
too, the scarcity of buffalo and the nature of the country limited col-
lective hunting very considerably. And so it happened that tribes
like the Cheyenne and Arapaho were sheared off from their woodland
relatives and became typical Plains Indians. It was this tendency
evidently which helped differentiate the Crow from the Hidatsa, the
Teton Dakota from the Santee, and probably the Ponca from the
Omaha and the Kansa from the Osage, and tended to split the Osage
themselves.

The Hasinai were prevented from becoming fully fiedged Plains
Indians by their devotion to agriculture and the pressure of more
northern tribes, and on the other hand the Natchitoches and Kadoha-
dacho were uprooted from the woodlands and impelled to unite with
their western relatives and so to adopt a marginal Plains complex.
It is evident, none the less, that all of the Caddo originally possessed
a woodlands culture, and we may say that in reality they never be-
came anything other than woodland people though part of them took
on for a while a Plains veneer.

Besides the pure trading motives—an exchange of goods for goods
or goods for services—a political motive must be added, presents
given to the Indians to “retain their good will” or “bribe them” into
compliance with the will of the givers, as you may choose to call it.
The potency of “presents” was remarked upon by Casafnas in para-
graphs already quoted. The political motive is particularly appar-
ent in the “presents” which Aguayo distributed so lavishly in 1716
immediately after St. Denis’ successful trading operations among
the Hasinai. On July 31 Aguayo was so “deeply impressed” by the
kindness of the Nacono tribe in sending him provisions “though in
a moderate amount” that he distributed “many pocket- and butcher-
knives, scissors, combs, and sundry trinkets ... To the chief he
gave a silver-mounted cane and a complete suit of Spanish clothes,
and to his wife twice the number of presents given the others.”
(Buckley, 1911, p. 44; Morfi, 1932, pt. 1, p. 206.) To the Indians
attending on the refounding of the mission of San Francisco de los
Neches he distributed “clothing and gifts” in a manner “more lavish
than had ever before been witnessed by the Indians.” (Buckley,
1911, p. 46; Morfi, 1932, pt. 1, p. 209.) August 8 Aguayo made a
similar distribution “to gain the good will of Cheocas, the Aynay

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 199

[Hainai] chief, seeing that he had a large following.” (Buckley,
1911, p. 47; Morfi, 1932, pt. 1, p. 211.) He also entrusted to 80
Kadohadacho who were present “clothes and trinkets” for their
people at home “hoping thereby to gain their good will in advance
of his arrival” (Buckley, 1911, p. 47).

This effort on the part of Spain appears, as is evident from the
preceding paragraphs, to have been a failure. All occasion for it
came to an end with the annexation of Louisiana to Spain in 1762.
Similar competitions east of the Mississippi involving particularly
the Creeks, Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw were much more
serious and served to debauch all parties to the competition.

De Méziéres supplies several lists of goods to be given to the
Caddo tribes along Red River and a contract covering the disposition
of, them. We copy these from Bolton’s “Athanase de Méziéres and
the Louisiana-Texas Frontier, 1768-1780.”

List of the effects which should be given to the three Indian nations of the
Post of Natchitoches, copied from the Instruction drawn by the Most Excellent

Senor Conde de Orreilli, to-wit:

To THE NATION OF THE GRANDES CADOS, FOR THEIR ANNUAL PRESENT

A hat trimmed with galloons Forty-eight awls

An ornamented shirt Yorty-eight worm-screws
Two fusils Two hundred flints

Two blankets of two and one-half points Twenty-four steels

Three ells of cloth Forty-eight hawksbells
Two ordinary shirts Two hundred needles

A copper kettle Ninety ells of tape
Twenty pounds of powder Ten rolls of tobacco

Forty pounds of balis Two jugs of brandy

One pound of vermillion Six mirrors

Two pounds of glass beads Two pounds of wire

One pound of thread One flag

One ax Half a piece of cord

Two adzes Twenty-five pounds of salt
Twenty-four large knives Two hatchets

Forty small knives One ell of ribbon for the medal

To THE NaAcHiTos NATION

One hat with feathers Twelve awls

One laced shirt Twelve worm-screws
One staple fusil Fifty flints

Four pounds of powder Thirty ells of tape
Hight pounds of fine shot and balls Two jugs of brandy
One pound of vermillion Two mirrors

One pound of glass beads Fifty needles

Half a pound of thread Six steels

Twelve large knives Twelve hawksbells

Twelve small knives One pound of wire

200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

To THE NATION OF THE PEQUENOS Capos

One hat with plumes Twenty-four awls

One laced shirt Twenty worm-screws

One staple fusil One hundred flints

One copper kettle ‘welve steels

Ten pounds of powder Twenty-four hawksbells

Two blankets of two and one-half points One hundred needles

Two ells of cloth Sixty ells of tape

Two staple shirts Five rolls of tobacco

Twenty pounds of fine shot and balls Two jugs of brandy

One pound of vermillion Four mirrors

Two pounds of glass beads One and one-half pounds of wire
One pound of thread One flag

One ax Half a piece of cord

One adz Twenty-five pounds of salt
Twenty-four large knives Two hatchets A
Twenty-four small knives One ell of ribbon for the medal

To THE YATASSE NATION

One fusil Twelve awls

One blanket of two and one-half points Twelve worm-screws
One ell of cloth Fifty flints

One shirt Six steels

One copper kettle Twelve hawksbells
Six pounds of powder Fifty needles
Twelve pounds of fine shot and balls Thirty ells of tape
One pound of yvermillion Five rolls of tobacco
Half a pound of thread Two jugs of brandy
One ax Two mirrors

One adz One pound of wire
Twelve large knives Two hatchets
Twelve small knives Twenty pounds of salt

[Endorsement] I certify that this is a copy of the original. JosEPH pr ORUE
[rubie]. [Bolton, 1914, vol. 1, pp. 182-134.]

CONTRACT OF JUAN PISEROS WITH DE MEZIERES, NATCHITOCHES,
FEBRUARY 3, 1770

List of Goods necessary for the annual Supply of the Village of the Grand Cadaur

No 10 [Enclosure].
Forty staple fusils of good caliber
Sixty ells of Limbourg, red and blue
Thirty woolen blankets, twenty of two and one-half points and ten of three
points
Four hundred pounds of French gun powder
Nine hundred pounds of bullets, caliber thirty to thirty-two
Thirty pickaxes
Thirty hatchets of good quality and well turned
Thirty tomahawks
Fifty shirts, half gingham and half white
One gross of hunters’ knives with three nails

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 201

One gross of pocket knives with horn or dog’s head handles
Six dozen large boxwood combs

Six dozen pairs of scissors

Sixty pounds of small glass beads, sky blue, white, and black
One thousand flints

Six dozen large steels

Six dozen awls

Six pounds of pure vermilion

Six dozen mirrors of pliant copper

Six pieces of scarlet tavelle

Twelve pounds of copper wire suitable for bracelets and worm-screws

List of Goods necessary for the annual Supply of the Village of the Petit Cados

Thirty staple fusils of good caliber

Forty ells of red and blue Limbourg

Forty fine blankets, half three points and half two and one-half points
Two hundred pounds of French gun powder

Four hundred and fifty pounds of balls, caliber thirty to thirty-two
Twenty pickaxes

Twenty hatchets

Twenty tomahawks

Thirty pounds of glass beads, sky blue, white, and black

Four pounds of pure vermillion

Half a gross of hunter’s knives

Id. of pocket-knives with horn or dog’s head handles

Half a gross of boxwood combs

Four dozen steels

Four dozen wormscrews

Five hundred flints

Two dozen mirrors

Six pounds of copper wire, coarse and fine

Twenty-four shirts

List of Goods necessary for the annual Supply of the Village of the Hiatassés

Fifteen staple fusils

Thirty ells of red and blue Limbourg
Twenty fine blankets, of two grades
Thirty shirts

Two hundred pounds of French gun powder
Four hundred and fifty pounds of balls
Ten pickaxes

Ten hatchets

Ten tomahawks

Thirty pounds of small glass beads, sky blue, white, and black
Four pounds of vermillion

Half a gross of large hunter’s knives

Half a gross of pocket knives

Id. of combs

Id. of awls

Id. of wormscrews

299671—42—_14

202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Id. of steels

Five hundred flints

Four pieces of tavelle

Three dozen mirrors

Six pounds of copper wire, coarse and fine

I the undersigned, resident and merchant in this post, certify that I have
agreed with M. de Mezieres to purchase, bring up, and put at the disposition
of the Sieurs Alesis Grappe, Dupin and Fazende Moriere, the merchandise
mentioned above, of good quality, marketable, and well chosen, to serve
and to be distributed by them to the nations of the Cados d’Acquioux and
Hiatassés, our allies, in conformity with the intentions of his Excellency,
which delivery I obligate myself to make to the above-named persons, payable
in the stipulated term of a year from the following, spring on condition of
their paying fifty per cent profit on the purchase price in New Orleans, according
to the certified invoices which I shall exhibit. I agree to accept deer skins of
good quality and marketable at thirty-five sous apiece; bear’s fat at twenty-five
sous a pot; buffalo hides, good and marketable, at ten livres, I reserving,
in view of my advances and the length of the term of credit, the choice of
goods which may please me best, until I am completely paid.

Natchitoches, Feb. 3, 1770.

(Signed) PISEROS.
[Endorsement] Copy compared with the original.
Natchitoches, Feb. 3, 1770. De Mézimres [rubric]
[Bolton, 1914, vol. 1, pp. 148-146.]

To this may be added the

INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE TRADERS OF THE CADAUX D’ACQUIOUX
AND HIATASSES NATIONS, FEBRUARY 4, 1770

His Excellency the Captain-general of this province, having by his orders
of the 24th of November, 1769, enjoined me to choose persons known for their
good habits and their zeal for the service of the king, that they might be sent
to the Indian villages to encourage the savages more and more to work, and not
to permit them to remain in an idleness dangerous not only to their own interests
but to those of his Majesty as well, I have chosen the Sieurs Alexis Grappe,
Dupin, and Fazende Moriere, to reside in the villages of our good friends and
faithful allies, the Hiatassés and the Cadaux da Kioux, where they shall strictly
observe the following instructions:

1st. The merchandise customary in the trade with the savages shall be fur-
nished them to their satisfaction, they paying the ordinary trade price.

2d. No English merchandise shall be introduced among the Indians, under the
penalty inflicted upon contraband traders, nor any kind of intoxicating drink,
under pain of arrest and confiscation of goods.

3d. These goods shall be sold and distributed only to those Nations which are
friendly to ours; thus the Naytanes, Taoiiaiaches, Touacanas, Yscanes, Quitseys,
and Tancaoiieys, who are all enemies, shall have no part in it, either directly or
indirectly, until new orders are issued, under the penalties inflicted upon traitors
to the king and the country.

4th. The said traders shall arrest all French or Spanish wanderers or vaga-
bonds and confiscate their effects, demanding if necessary, the forcible aid of
the Indians. I will forewarn the chiefs in this particular in order that these
Yrovers may be brought to this post.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 203

5th. They are enjoined to watch carefully that no Englishman shall introduce
himself into the villages within the district of this post to trade with the Indians
or for any other purpose whatsoever. In case one does, they shall do their
best to have his goods pillaged and him arrested, and even killed if he gives
any resistance.

6th. The said traders are pledged to send me couriers whenever they learn
any news of interest to the service of his Majesty.

7th. They are likewise pledged to maintain peace and entire harmony among
the people allied with us; and if any quarrel should occur between the fam-
ilies or individuals of the villages where they reside, or even among the neigh-
boring tribes, they are pledged to stifle it and to conciliate the parties,

8th. The said traders are expressly ordered to explain daily to the Indians
the inestimable advantage which they enjoy of being under the happy dominion
of his Majesty; that all the French are charmed to live under the laws of so
august a monarch; that his protection is assured to all natives who comport
themselves as becomes men; that this great king considers them as his dearest
subjects; and that in return he very properly expects them to submit to his will,
but with no other purpose than their own happiness.

9th. The said traders likewise shall make forcible [harangues], whenever
occasion arises, to the Indians of hostile nations who may come near them,
concerning the unpardonable offense of which they are guilty toward the
grandest, the most just, and the best of all masters, telling them that if they
do not desist from their pride and their violence they will see fall upon them
the weight of a vengeance which they will not be able to escape; that the
French, united to-day with the Spaniards by indissoluble bonds, far from
giving them any assistance, will treat them as their cruel enemies; but that
if, on the contrary, they give true signs of repentance by promptly making
an enduring peace, they will be received and added to the number of the
children and subjects of this worthy sovereign.

10. As the service of God and the good of the religion ought to be kept in
mind by all Christians, it is recommended to these traders that they take
eare that no adult or infant Indian in danger of death shall be without the
blessing of holy baptism. They ought to feel the importance of this article;
the recompense of a work so meritorious is to them well known.

At the government headquarters, February 4, 1770.

Copy Dre M&zireres [rubric].

[Bolton, 1914, vol. 1, pp. 149-150]

Containing, it is to be seen, the usual amount of political wing-
flapping indulged in when reason is at a discount. No doubt many
Frenchmen would have enjoyed testifying in private to the beneficence
of Governor O’Reilly’s regime. As we have already seen, the Grappe
family was to play a considerable part in the liquidation of the
Natchitoches Indians.

BURIAL AND BELIEFS REGARDING THE FATE OF THE SOUL

There are references to burial customs by Hidalgo, Espinosa, Morfi,
and Solis, as follows:

Hidalgo:

They bury their dead, after bathing them, interring with them the trophies

they have captured with the deer skins they possess, and with all the gifts their
relatives supply. They place there something of everything they have to eat

204. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 132

as well as buffalo hides. They bury the scalps so that their enemies may go
along to serve them in the other life. They place there provisions for the
journey and other possessions to serve for clothing. [Hidalgo, 1927, p. 57.]

Those who die, [Says Solis] are buried in a sitting position, with their guns,
powder, balls, meat, and provisions, with their jug of water and all of their
feathers and beads. [Solis, 1931, p. 61.]

The longest and best account is that of Espinosa who has been
copied by Morfi. Espinosa says:

These Indians understand well and confess a belief in the immortality of the
soul. This is evidenced by the burials and the funeral honors they pay as
follows. They prepare the dead body for burial, after first bathing it, by cloth-
ing it in the best clothes they have or in fresh deer skins. With great lamenta-
tions, they keep it for several hours in the home. They provide great quantities
of pinole, corn, and other eatables. If it be a man, they collect his bows and
arrows, his knife, and the other things needed in life and, if it be a woman, all
her domestic utensils, canisters, grinding instruments, and earthen-ware vessels,
because they say the dead will have need of them where they are going. When
asked where the souls of those who die go, they answered, that, as soon as the
souls leave the body they travel towards the west and from there they rise once
more into the air and go close to the presence of the great captain whom they
eall caddi ayo. From thence they go to wait in a house located towards the
south, called the House of Death. And being asked what death was and if
it was not eternal, [they said] that they believe or persuade the old people to
believe that everybody is very happy there and that there is no hunger, nor
sickness, nor suffering, and that all remain in the condition in which they were
when death overtook them, so that if a woman dies when she is pregnant she
will continue to be in this condition, while if she dies with a child at her breast,
she will continue to nurse it—and other errors of a similar nature. But they
do not say a man and his wife will be remarried after death. By chance, I
asked them if anybody went to this place without punishment. They said,
yes, except those who were wicked—and they consider such, only those who are
their enemies. They say that these enemies go to the house of terino who is
the devil, and that he punishes them very severely. They do not consider
adulterers, sodomites, concubines, or thieves even worthy of punishment and
they conceive of suffering as applying only to physical pain. So when they bury
a person, they go through all the prayers or forms of their saints. They say
that the dead are going to rest and that they will cease from any wrong thing
they did, but that, if they do not pray, the devil will take them to his house.
In any case it amounts to the same thing.

The honors or funeral ceremonies for those who die in war or when absent
from their homes are celebrated in the following manner. All the people are
invited for the appointed day and sufficient quantities of the foods available
at the season are provided. Almost a gunshot from the house, they build a
pile of small wood. All gather together, the mourners, men and women stretched
upon their beds. A leader among their holy men appears and speaks a few
words to them. They set up a weeping, or it might better be called a howling,
in which the mourning women join. About seven men leave the house, turn
their faces toward the east and say their prayers. In front of them they have
a very small vase in which there is moist cornmeal. After the leader of the
old men finishes a prayer they take part of the ground corn from the little
vessel and scatter it to the four winds. Three of them, who serve as patrons
of the funeral, eat the rest of it. They then reenter the house and the mourners

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 205

renew their clamor. All the captains sit down in their order. The patrons
seat themselves near the mourners and tobacco and meal is then offered to the
old saint. He takes it and walks around the fire which is in the center of the
house. He repeats the formula, throws some of the meal and tobacco into the
fire, and then turns and presents it to the patrons. This done, two or three
Indians come forward and present bows and arrows to the wife or the mother
of the deceased. Then, one after another, the captains step forward and offer
one, six, or eight arrows to the bereaved, according to the condition of each.
'The women then express their condolence and present their gifts of beads, a
knife, or clothing. This is all collected and all the ornaments of the deceased
are added to it. The Indians roll this up, add some fine deer skins, and cover
with a mat woven of reeds. In the meantime an old man and a young man
unite in singing a very mournful song. One of the patrons takes the roll on his
shoulders and carries it to the fire. Another carries a handful of dry grass and
another fire. When they reach the pile of wood, they set fire to it on all sides,
throw the mat and all the arrows and clothing on top of it, and burn them to
ashes. The confusion is increased by the mournful cries of the mourners and
friends. In the meanwhile some of those in the circle laugh and joke. The
whole ceremony is crowned by a feast which is divided among all those
present. ‘This ended, the company disbands. All this, so they say, is in order
that the soul of the deceased may go to the house of rest and when it returns
to view its body it will find what has been done with it. [EHspinosa, 1927, pp. 162—
164.]

Morfi’s version is as follows:

As soon as one dies they wash the corpse carefully and dress it in the best
clothes the deceased had, or make new curious deerskin clothes. They keep the
corpse in the house for some hours, during which time the laments do not cease.
They provide a great amount of pinole, corn, and whatever they have toeat. This
done they take the body to the grave which is already dug, with sufficient depth and
size, and set it up in it, with much propriety. On each side of the corpse they
place the provisions, without forgetting the water; if it is a man’s body, they
also put [with it] bow and arrows, knife, gun, and some munitions; if it is a
woman’s body, they put the objects becoming to her sex, as little baskets, mortars,
and clay vessels, with the supposition that all of these will be needed in the other
life. If asked where the souls of the deceased go, they reply, that as soon as they
depart from their bodies they go a long way to the west; from there they direct
themselves through the air to meet at the habitation of the Caddi-Ayo, from
whence they go to stop at a house situated in the south, which they call House
of Death. They imagine, or the elders persuade them to, that there, all live in
perpetual joy, that there is no hunger, illness, nor any of the other penalties of
our present life; but that they will remain eternally in that state or situation
which is chosen for them by the last illness, so that if a woman dies pregnant,
she will always remain so; if giving birth, she will carry the infant in her arms,
ete. From this place of delights they exclude the wicked (reprobos), but they
only look upon their enemies as such. These, they say, go to the house of the
Texino, or Demonio, who cruelly punishes them. As regards their own nation or
their allies, there is one guilt which is inexpiable. Adulterers, sodomites, con-
cubines and thieves, are not subject to any punishment provided they are buried
with the proper ceremonies and prayers of their ritual, because in such a case they
are purified and go to the house of pleasure; but those who are buried without
that ceremony, the Devil takes as his own. In this regard they are not as sensual
as the Mahomedans, because among the delights of their imaginary paradise, they

206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

do not include those sensual pleasures which Mahomet, in great detail, promised
to his subjects. Thus, though husband and wife live together in the House of
Death, and are happy, they are not as man and wife.

When a Texva dies away from his family either in war or peace, they give
him a different funeral. The day for the ceremony being chosen, this being
when they have provided sufficient provision at the house in mourning, all the
members of the tribe assemble, care having been taken to notify them oppor-
tunely. A stone-throw from the house a pyre of wood is arranged. All gath-
ered, the mourning men and dishevelled women lie in their beds, sin aveo.
One of the principal priests enters to see them; and briefly consoles them.
That moment they all begin to cry and howl. This is taken up by all the women
in the crowd who are outside. Then from the deceased’s house seven men
come out and, facing east, offer up certain prayers, having before them a little
vessel of ground wet corn. As soon as the principal elder finishes his prayer,
they take some of the corn from the vessel and throw it to the four winds.
Three of the seven eat what remains for they are the ones who are to be the
pallbearers at the funeral. The seven return to the house and renew their
sorrowful howling. Then all of the captains sit down, according to their rank,
and the pallbearers place themselves among the principal mourners, whether
man or woman, and all present offer to an old priest tobacco and cornmeal.
The offering received, they get up, go around a bonfire which is kindled in the
center of the house, throw into it a part of the offering, pronouncing in a
murmur, some prayers, and deliver the rest to the pallbearers. When these
ceremonies are ended two or three Indians go out and offer a bow and some
arrows to the wife, daughters or mother of the deceased, and then the cap-
tains [follow], one by one, giving to the mourners, four, six, or more arrows,
according to the obligation, and generosity of the donors. Then the women
present, at the same time that they offer condolences, offer strings of beads,
knives, and some clothes. To all of this they add all of the personal effects
of the deceased, and the best deerskins they have, wrapping them up in a mat.
During the ceremony of the offering two Indians, one old and another youthful,
do not cease to sing or beat time and in a mournful tone, until the offering
is ended. Then one of the pallbearers takes the bundle, another a lighted stick
of wood from the fire, and the third, a bundle of dried herbs. They all leave
the house in a procession, arrive at the pyre, set fire to it all over, and throw
the wrapped bundle into the bonfire. The friends and relatives of the de-
ceased increase their cries while some of those present laugh loudly. They
return to the house and this ceremony ends, like all the others, with a great
feast for those invited. They execute all of this, according to what they say,
so that the soul of the deceased shall go to the house of pleasure and so that
when it comes to find its body, it may see what has been done in its honor.
[Morfi, 1932, pp. 37-89.]

Joutel was made cognizant of certain mortuary customs during a
night spent in one of the Hasinai houses.

About half past three I heard people marching around the house and mut-
tering something. I went out to see what it was and then perceived savages
to the number of five, some old men whom we had seen when we arrived, who
were circling the cabin. I learned from the Provencal that they did that from
time to time because the chief of the aforesaid cabin had died not long since.
What they had in mind in performing these ceremonies I was unable to learn,
not knowing their language. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3, p. 346.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 207

In the Kadohadacho country one of Joutel’s companions was
drowned and it was observed that every morning while the French-
men were there the chief’s wife carried a little hamper or basket of
ground corn to place it on the grave (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 3,
p. 408).

Casafias goes into the mortuary ceremonies at considerable length,
beginning with those performed on the death of one of the leading
men:

For this function, there are two Indians who serve as priests. They say their
duties are to talk to God and that He speaks to them. These two Indians
order a coffin for the dead man. Their order is promptly obeyed. When the
coffin is finished, the two Indians put into it some tobacco and some of the
herb which they call acazio, and also a bow and arrows. All these things they
move about over the coffin from one place to another while they walk to and
fro around about the coffin. They keep talking in a low voice as if they were
praying. Their mode of speaking is so strenuous that they perspire even
though it be cold. During this ceremony, the two wear skins. The ceremonies
around the coffin being finished, the Indians go to the place of interment which
is always near the house. There they talk again to themselves; but the grave
is not opened until, with an axe, they have made a stroke at the place where
the head of the dead man is to rest and another where the feet are to lie.
While the grave is being dug, the two return to the house and give directions
for placing the dead man in the coffin. Thereupon, they talk to the dead man
again as if they were speaking to a living person. After finishing the talk
they retire a little, saying that they are going to talk to God. After a while
they bring back to the corpse the answer to what they have said to God and
what God has said to them. Then another man comes out who has the same
cffice, but, as he is old, he does not serve like the others but stands in the midst
of all those who are present; i. e., the old men and the most distinguished men.
He comes out with a weapon in his hand—one of the best they have.

The person I saw on two occasions had a sword without a scabbard. He
spoke for nearly an hour, talking very loudly and earnestly, telling them how
much they have all lost by the death of Mr. So-and-so who has always been
fortunate both in war and in killing a great number of buffaloes and that he
had been strong for work. He tells them that they must weep a great deal for
him. He tells them all these things as well as many others of a similar nature.
When he has finished the sermon, he goes to the dead person and sits close
beside him, repeating to him, as if he were alive, all the things that he had
said in his sermon, ending by saying to him that everybody loves him dearly;
that everybody is weeping for him; that he must go in peace; that he must
work in that other house with the others who have gone before, until those
who have begun to work shall have assembled; that he must take up his
hatchet and all the rest of the things that are wrapped with him... All these
ceremonies being ended, they carried the dead body outside as fast as they
could, shooting a great many arrows into the air. Then they put whatever
clothes he had into the grave, placed the body on top of them, and closed the
grave. The two men who served as priests talked earnestly and in a low
voice, while the others stood round weeping. When all was finished they
went home; and the first thing they did was to carry him some thing of the
very best things they had, placing it on top of the grave. Then they put
some tobacco and some fire there and left a pot full of water. Then they all
went away to eat.

208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Such ceremonies as I have described are performed when the deceased is one
of the chiefs. If he is an ordinary individual, the ceremonies are about the
same, only there is not so much pomp. If it is the funeral of the grand wines,
they do not bury him until two days after his death because all of the nine
tribes must perform the ceremonies. After the interment they go through other
similar ceremonies and certain other superstitious customs, such as placing the
world in front of his door. This is done by setting up a very high pole with a
large globe of grass on top. They indicate the moons by putting up some large
sticks in the shape of the moon. Before these they dance ten days and nights
and then each goes home.

I have not myself witnessed all these things, but I have seen all these tribes
assembled for these ceremonies, and I saw all these symbols. I saw a coffin
which was as big as an ox cart. [Casafias, 1927, pp. 297-299.]

The ideational background of their treatment of the corpse has been
given in the descriptions of Espinosa and Morfi, and it appears again
in the following paragraph from Casafias:

They have not only the impostures described, but still others, such as saying
that, when a person dies, his soul—of which they are not ignorant and which
in their idiom they call Cayo—goes to another house where a man guards all
who are there until all are gathered together. That man they say has some
very big keys, bigger than the oxen we have here. When all the souls are gath-
ered together they will enter another world to live anew. For this reason, they
bury their dead with all the arms and utensils which each possesses and for
several days they carry something to eat to the place where they have buried a
person. There are certain men whose duty it is to go up on the graves and talk
there alone. I have frequently asked them what they were talking about and
they always say that they are talking to God, asking Him to permit the dead to
eat in order that they may have strength to reach the house because when they
flied they were without strength because they had died of hunger. They shoot
arrows into the air to inform the master of the said house—who receives every-
body—saying “Here he comes! Make him work until we are all united.” These
Indians are such barbarians that on several occasions they tried to make me
believe that they had seen the dead eat what they had carried and that they
heard them cry. [Casafias, 1927, p. 294.]

Pénicaut’s description of burials in the Acolapissa-Natchitoches
town on Lake Pontchartrain may be appended:

When a savage dies, they prepare a kind of tomb or rather a scaffold raised
two feet from the ground and place the dead upon it. They cover this well with
rich earth and place over that the bark of trees to guard it against animals
and birds of prey; then underneath they place a little jar full of water with a
plate full of flour. Every evening and morning they light a fire at the side of
it and go there to weep. The richest people pay women to perform this last
office. After six moons they unwrap the body of the deceased; if it has decayed
away, they put the bones into a hamper and carry them to their temple; if it is
not decayed away, they remove the bones and bury the flesh. [Margry, 1875-—
1886, vol. 5, pp. 467-468. ]

This recalls Choctaw customs rather than those of the western
Caddo.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 209

Short-Man, one of G. A. Dorsey’s informants, included in a myth
the following account of Caddo burial customs:

When a person dies they dig a hole in the ground about four or five feet
long and about three or four feet wide—according to the size of the person—
and the body is laid head toward the west and feet toward the east. One of the
family builds a fire at the feet of the person, and this fire should be kept up
for six days and nights. Very often the person forgets to keep up the fire and
lets it go out before the end of the sixth day, and when this happens they find
that the grave is open and tracks are seen leading toward the east. They
follow the tracks sometimes and overtake the dead person, but generally he gets
away from them when they do overtake him. They build the fire all around the
dead person; the wood for that purpose is of cedar and mulberry trees, and the
sparks from the fire get on the person. At first the dead person pays no
attention, but the people keep on building up the fire until the dead person
begins to look around and try to escape the sparks from the fire. Then they
know the dead person is coming to life again, for he is beginning to feel, and
then they take hold of him and bring him back home, where he is kept for six
days and nights. At the sixth day, in the early evening, some one of the
family would bathe him, and then he would live again. When the dead person
is not caught he becomes something like a very large monkey, and lives in the
thickets and timber. Whenever the people meet a dead person he talks to
them, and so the people think that dead people are crazy people. They do not
know where their homes are or who their relatives are, and so they go off and
stay in the woods or among the wild animals. That is the reason that large
monkeys are called “the last people in the thickets.” When any one or two
people go out to hunt in the thickets or woods they always meet these monkeys,
and the monkeys always ask for a wrestling match. They are very strong little
men, and if the people do not pay any attention to them, they bother them all
night long. These creatures are still living, but they do not talk as they did when
the world was new. [G. A. Dorsey, 1905, p. 65; see also pp. 807-308 below. ]

Dr. Parsons’ informants stated that:

Before the corpse is taken out from the house, those present pass their hands
over it, from head to feet, and then over their own person. Messages are sent
through the deceased to other dead relatives. Anybody arriving too late to
see the deceased will go to the grave, to the east side, and, making a pass over
the grave, will pass his hands down his own person. This rite is repeated at
the other sides of the grave, south, west, north. Graves are made near dwell-
ing houses, nowadays on your own land ... The head of the grave must
be at the west, facing the rising sun. The grave diggers stand at the east end
of the grave and one shoots to the west, into the grave. Then they let down
the blanket-wrapped body. They put into the grave whatever they think the
deceased should take with her or him; for a woman, cooking utensils, plates, etc.,
clothing ; and for a man, besides clothes and blankets, bow and arrows “to defend
himself on his road if anything bother him,” since “evil things try to get the
soul before reaching heaven.” As such “evil things” are abroad at night the
bow and arrows for the deceased should be made in the daytime. A woman will
protect herself with her knife. If the deceased is interfered with, he will linger
about until the shaman sets him on the right road again According to Ingkanish
the besetting evil things are bad ka%yw (ghosts) or tsaki’u (ki'u, horn), “devils”
with horns. They are on both sides of the road which is “awful hard” to travel.
It is narrow. There is a big river crossed by a small log. After you pass over
that foot log you are safe, and you go on to naawantikuki’das (our father all

210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

home) or, as it is also called, kiwat’hae’me (home big) or kiwat’hae’me kuki' das,
which is above, to the west.

The spirit stays six days before starting on its way. During these six days
a fire must be kept up at the east end of the grave. Anybody in the family, man
or women, old or young, may keep up this fire. All the possessions of the deceased,
clothes, etc., are kept by this fire, hung on a pole. At the close of the six days
things which are unfit for further use are burned, other things are smoked,
and may then be given away to friends or relatives. Members of the household
of the deceased who have been staying at home are smoked at this time, after
which they take a bath in the creek. Now at noon there is a meal at the grave.
The pots are set in a circle, and with a spoon a man, any one may be chosen,
takes some food into his hand from each pot and puts this food on the middle
of the grave, it is for the journey.

Recurrently, at the same time of year, for two, three, or four years a feast for
the deceased person is made, . . . and food is taken to the grave, or, as Ingkanish
puts it, a beef is killed and a piece taken to the grave which is encircled clockwise
four times. There is much visiting about in connection with these characteris-
tically Southeastern feasts, as acquaintances as well as relatives are entertained.
It has become customary to hold a peyote meeting the night before a death feast.
At the feast the next Ghost dance will be announced.

Of the dead it is said, Ganiha*d@ (R), he passed away, or hayuna..., “he has
gone home” is Whité Moon’s free translation. At death people go up to the sky.
Deceased relatives and others are seen in the Ghost dance trance, in fact the
entire “village of the dead” may be seen.

There is or was a ceremony to bring back the dead. Kanoshtsi’ (Kanosh,
French), a doctor who died in 1908, had four sisters, long since dead, who were
also doctors and practiced bringing back the dead, with success if they began
to work soon after the death. They sent their supernatural partners after the
deceased. They could catch up with the deceased and bring him back to the
body providing he had not passed beyond certain clouds in the sky. These women
doctors conducted their ceremony “to catch up with the dead” in a large per-
manent “grass house.” Their brother has been heard to say that had he only
paid more attention to his sisters’ methods he would have been as good in
practice as they. [Parsons, 1941, pp. 36-39.]

This material has been included practically entire because burial
customs are of particular interest to archeologists.

When I visited the Caddo in 1912, I was given to understand that
they buried their dead at full length, feet to the west, so that the bodies
faced west, the way the soul goes. This may have been an error but
not certainly so, as the custom of laying bodies head to the west came
in with Christianity, and in aboriginal times the soul was supposed to
travel west, not east as Short-Man seems to have told Dorsey.

RELATIONS TO THE COSMOS

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

It is clear that a supreme heaven god was recognized by the Caddo
similar in attributes, no doubt, to the heaven god which we encounter
throughout the Southeast generally:

They are not ignorant of God. Indeed, all of them know there is only one
God whom they call in their language Ayo-Caddi-Aymay. They try, in all

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 2A

their affairs, to keep him in a good humor in every way possible. They never
in any manner yenture to speak of him in jest, because they say that, when he
punishes them for anything, he does it well and that whatever he does is best.
They also believe that he punishes those who are angry with him. [Casafias,
1927, p. 288.]

The most complete account of this belief and the myth connected
with it is given, however, by Espinosa:

Throughout the whole Asinais nation, which is composed of more than four-
teen or fifteen divisions which speak the same dialect, the belief prevails that
there is a great captain up in the sky whom they call caddi ayo, which means
“the captain up above.” They say that he created everything; and in order that
it may be shown how disconnectedly they reason, they tell a story as follows:
They say that in the beginning of the world there was one woman only who
had two daughters, one a maiden, the other not, without there being designated
any man by whom either the mother or daughter would have been able to pro-
duce. One day the two sisters were alone, away from the mother . . . They were
attacked from the rear and this is what happened.

Suddenly there appeared a huge, misshapen serpent, of ferocious aspect and
with horns, whose ends could not be seen. They call him caddaja, devil, or demon.
He attacked the pregnant sister, tore her with his claws, chewed her up, and swal-
lowed every bit of her, while the maiden climbed to the top of a very tall tree.
When the devil had finished eating her sister, he raised his eyes in search of the
maiden to do the same with her. He tried to climb the tree but, not being able
to do so, he began to try to cut down the tree with his teeth and claws . . . See-
ing the danger in which she was placed, the maiden dropped down into a deep
hole of water which was at the foot of the tree and, diving down into it, came
up at a distant spot and escaped to where her mother was. The ugly giant began
to suck up the water to drain it away and make a prisoner of the maiden; but she
had fooled him and had left the place. The maiden told her mother everything
that had happened and together they went to the spot where he had murdered the
sister. They searched among the drops of blood which the demon had scattered
when he was eating her and they found a tiny drop of blood in a little acorn shell.
They covered it with another half shell, the mother put it in her bosom and car-
ried it home. She put it in a little jar, covered the mouth well and put it in the
corner. At night she heard a noise as if the little jar were being gnawed. Upon
going to examine it she found that the drop of blood had turned into a boy as
small as one’s finger. She covered it again and the next night, hearing the same
sound, she found that he had grown to the stature of aman. She was very much
pleased and at once made him a bow and arrows. He asked for his mother. They
told him how the devil had eaten her and he set out to seek him. When he found
him he hit him so hard with the point of his arrow [lit. bow] that the devil never
appeared again. He returned then to his grandmother and his aunt and told them
that it was not good to stay on earth and he ascended with them to cachao ayo,
as they call the sky. And there he has been ever since, governing the world. This
is the first god they recognize and worship. ‘They believe that he will reward or
punish them for the good or evil they have done. [Hspinosa, 1927, pp. 158-160.]

The following note by Casafias seems to show that the caddi ayo
lacked something of the omnipotence attributed to him in the passages
just quoted. His aunt or grandmother appears to have shared his
attributes.

212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

Another gross superstition they have, in which all of them believe implicitly,
is that the old men made Heaven and that a woman, who sprang from an acorn,
first gave them its outlines; and that it was done by placing timbers in the form
of a circle and that Heaven was formed in this way. They further declare that
the woman is in Heaven and that she is the one who daily gives birth to the sun,
the moon, the water when it rains, the frost, the snow, the corn, the thunder, and
the lightning; and many similar absurdities, such as when one of the leading men
dies they go through many ceremonies. [Casafias, 1927, pp. 296—-297.]

However, according to the cosmogonic myth as related by Espinosa,
it was the caddi ayo who sprang from the acorn and not a woman, and
Casafias may have misunderstood his informant.

Morfi has rendered this myth with few changes:

In all of the nation of the Asinais, or Texas, as has already been said, there
are of the one language more than 14 or 15 tribes who believe in the existence
of a great captain who lives in heaven, whom they call Caddi-Ayo, which means
“Captain of the Above,” or “on high,” (de arriba 6 de lo alto). To this god they
attribute the creation of all beings, though (their tradition filled with contra-
dictions) they suppose them pre-existent to the origin of their creator, which they
relate in this way.

In the beginning of the world, there was a single woman who had two daugh-
ters; one of these was a virgin and the other pregnant. (They are not em-
barrassed in not finding the man by whom the mother and the daughter became
pregnant.) One day when the two girls were alone, and the pregnant one was
lying down on the lap of the virgin, they cruelly took her away by a strange
event. It happened that unexpectedly there appeared before them the Caddaja
or Demonio in the form of a gigantic man, of ferocious appearance, and with
his forehead decorated with horns, which were so enormous that their tips were
lost from sight. The moment he appeared he snatched the pregnant girl, and
tore her to pieces with his claws, and soon devoured her. The virgin, fearing
the same misfortune, took advantage of this interval, and climbed to the top
of a big tree. The Devil’s appetite not being satisfied with the pregnant one,
he looked for the other to devour her as well. Seeing her among the branches,
he tried to climb up to her, but could not; and without knowing that he could
get her down with his horns, he applied his claws and teeth to cutting down
the tree at its roots, to capture her. The virgin seeing herself in this sad plight,
and there being no other way to avoid it, she quickly flung herself into a deep
creek which ran nearby. This did not cause the Caddaja to give up hopes of
getting her, and to accomplish this, he set out to drink the water so as to drain
the stream and have it dry, in order to offer to his greediness this second victim ;
but by swimming under water, she deceived his cunning and escaped from the
danger, going away from that place, to where her mother was, to whom she told
the tragic end of her sister. The two together departed immediately for the
place where the incident occurred. The mother looking for the tracks of blood
of her daughter, found a drop inside an acorn shell. She took it up with care,
covered it with another half shell of the same fruit, placed it in her bosom,
and went back to the hut where she lived. She put the acorn and drop of blood
in a large earthen jar, covered it well, and placed it in a protected corner of the
room where she slept. That night she heard something making a slight noise
within the vessel, a sort of nibbling or scratching. When day dawned she investi-
gated, and found that the drop of blood had turned into a very well proportioned
and beautiful child; but so small that its size did not exceed the length of a

€
SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 213

finger on one’s hand. She was filled with joy at such a remarkable recovery,
and, to assure her good fortune, again covered the jar with the same care. The
noise was repeated that night, and, investigating it the following day, she found
that the child had grown up to be a man of regular size. The grandmother’s
joy increased upon seeing such a handsome grandson, and, without losing time,
she made a bow and a sufficient number of arrows which she gave him, before
taking him out of the jar. The newborn, who already spoke the language with
perfection, immediately asked for his mother. The grandmother told him about
her tragic end, without keeping secret the cruel author of that barbarous act.
Worried, the youth went out to seek him, to avenge such an unheard of offense.
He found him without much trouble, and wounded his body badly with the point
of his bow [with his arrows?], and flung him so far, that up to the present he has
not been seen again. Having avenged the infamous death of his mother, he re-
turned to his grandmother and aunt. He made them see how painful it would be
to all of them to live in a land where they had before their eyes a thousand objects
to remind them of the sad end of his mother, and that this memory would spoil
for them all joys; he persuaded them by his reasoning to accompany him gladly
to heaven, or, as they say, to Cachao-Ayo, where they all live, the youth having
the duty of governing the universe. Thus those Indians tell the history of the
origin of the first of their divinities; whom they adore, and worship, attributing
to him the distribution of rewards and punishments for the good and bad works
of each of us; though they never attribute to the latter, so much malice that
pardon cannot be obtained through the practise of certain ceremonies. [Morfi,
1932, pp. 21-28; quoted in Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 1, pp. 593-594.]

Connected with the cult of this being were several temples and
priests. Reverting to Espinosa:

They have especial superstitions in connection with fire and they worship it.
There is a house set apart for this purpose where there is always a fire. They
have appointed an old man whose duty it is to keep it up always. He is their
chenesi or chief priest. They say that if it goes out everybody will die. This
house, which was rebuilt in December, 1716, is half way between the Naichas
and the Ainas and is common to both people. They say it is the house of
the great captain. It is large, round, and thatched, and has within it an altar
made of reed mats. On the bed are three finer mats, two of them very small.
To one side of the door, upon benches, are other reed mats folded into a roll.
In the front of the bed is a little square wooden bench, of one piece, with four
feet, and slightly raised from the ground. Upon this bench there is usually
tobacco and a pipe with feathers and earthen-ware vessels which are evidently
incense burners in which they burn fat and tobacco. Their fire or bonfire is
always made of four very large, heavy logs which point toward the four prin-
cipal directions. The wood is brought in small and kept in a pile outside.
Here the old men gather for their consultations and war dances and when
they need rain for their crops. Ordinarily their prayers are vain and mere
fables. The ashes from their fire continue to accumulate outside and when
they bring any bones of the enemy whom they have killed, they bury them in
these ashes. Near this house there are two other small houses about a gunshot
distant. They call them the houses of the two cononicis. These, they say, are
two boys or small children whom their great captain sent from the cachao ayo,
or the sky, for the purpose of discussing their problems with them. They
pretend that these children were in these houses until a little more than two
years ago according to some (this was the time when two priests of the
Cross were in Mexico trying to arrange for the entry into the Texas country),

214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

or, until the time their enemies, the Yojuanes, burned these houses, according
to the Indian interpreter. This was when, so he says, they saw the children
ascend in smoke and they have not come down again. In these houses there
are two little chests about three palm lengths long, and raised upon a wooden
altar with four little forked poles with curious covers of plaited reed.

In company with another priest, I found that inside these chests there were
four or five little platters or vessels of black wood like circular shields, all
curiously worked and having four feet. Some represented little ducks, having
the head and tail of a duck. Others had the head and tail of an alligator or
lizard. In addition to these there were many feathers of various shapes and
eolors, handfulls of feathers of wild birds, a white breast knot, some rolls of
ornamental feathers, crowns made of skins and feathers, a bonnet of the same,
many little carved crane bones which serve them as flutes or fifes, others of
carved reeds with the necessary holes, and many other little instruments which
they use in their mitotes or dances. One of these little houses in which the
two little chests are located is very clean and well swept. The fire temple is
like a parish house or cathedral for the Assinais. There is another among
the Naichas, still another among the Nacocdoches and the Nazonis. They
carry fire from this temple to those houses. Usually the Naichas and Ainais
gather for their special feasts of the year in one temple and the Nacocdoches
and the Nazonis in the other temple which is located among the Nacocdoches.
All of the houses, or most of them, are supplied with fire from the principal
temple—not that it is carried every day, but they are supplied therefrom when
the houses are built, and they keep it burning. If it goes out at any time,
they consider it a sign that all that family will die and they bring new fire
from the fire temple with great ceremony which I will describe in the proper
place. They are very much afraid of angering the fire and they offer up to
it the first tobacco and the first fruits of their corn, a portion of the game they
kill, and a part of all their crops. They claim that fire created all of these
things for them. However, some of the deluded people claim that men came up
from the sea and spread all over the earth. They call these fire and water
creatures nicaddi but they always include fire in their ceremonies. They say
that in the beginning there were many demons in the land who killed them
and caused them great damage. They say these demons were giants, big and
horrible. Some claim to be descendants of bears, others of dogs, others of
otters, and others of coyotes and foxes. When I asked them why, they said:

“Seeing the damages these evil spirits or demons inflicted, their ancestors
transformed themselves into these animals, but they were rational men, women
and children at the same time.” [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 160-162.]

Morfi:

They also offer their adoration to fire. For this they have a house or temple
where they perpetually keep a fire, and the care of this is entrusted solely
to the Chenesi, or High Priest, who himself and with the assistance of his
subjects (subalternos) watches it with such zeal that it never goes out, as they
are persuaded that if through any fatal accident this unfortunate event should
occur, all the members of the nation would be immediately and irredeemably lost.

This house which was rebuilt in December of 1716, is situated in the imme-
diate vicinity of the Netchas, and Ainais; it is common to the two tribes, and they
say that the chief from on high lives in it. Its construction does not differ
from that of the other houses of the community, except that it is larger. The
Rey. Father Fr. Isidro Felix de Espinosa who attentively investigated it says
that in this temple one sees a canopy formed with rush mats (esteras) ; in the

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY BT

place where the bed is, three mats (peiates), one large, and two very small ones;
and to one side of the door on small beds or cots (taperiles 6 camillas), various
rolled-up mats. In front of the bed there is located a little square stool (ban-
quillo quadrado), with four legs, made of one single piece, and somewhat raised
from the common floor. On this stool it was customary to have tobacco, a pipe,
and some feathers, little pots of clay, which seemed to serve as incense burners,
where they burned tobacco and grease. The sacred fire is in the middle of the
temple, and they always keep it burning with four very long, thick, and heavy
logs, which they constantly attend, arranging them in the direction of the four
principal winds; the little wood with which they light them they keep out of the
house, alongside the walls, piled in pyramids. Here the captains and elders
meet to celebrate their council, not only in the deliberations of peace, and war,
but in public necessities, and matters of importance to the state, as when there
is a scarcity of rain, any menace for the destruction of the crops, ete. They
exercise great care in taking out of the temple the ashes of the sacred fire,
which they keep to make large mounds.

When they celebrate the removal of the bones of their enemies, killed in
battle, they bury them in these ashes.

At the distance of a short gun-shot from the large temple, they constructed
two other little ones, which they call the houses of the two Coninicis. These,
they say, are two children who were sent from heaven by their Great Captain,
to be consulted when in doubt. They visibly dwelt there for many long years,
up to the middle of the present century, according to some, and were still there
according to what the Indian interpreter said, until the Yojuanes Indians
burned these houses, and then, they assert, they saw them ascend in smoke to
heaven, whence they will never again descend.

In these little houses Father Espinosa found two chests made of reeds, and
curiously painted, with their lids, and measuring about three spans square.
They are located on a little altar-like platform of wood, on four little upright
poles (horconcillos). In these chests were four or five vessels of black wood,
each in the form of a soup plate (escudilla), well worked, and each with four
legs, which represented in a reasonable manner, the figures of ducks, alligators
and lizards; many feathers of all sizes and colors, some turkey skins (pieles
de pavo), some white breast feathers, head dresses, also of feathers, but very
beautiful; helmets (morriones) of the same; many small heron bones which
serve them as flutes; others of carved reeds and a multitude of instruments which
they enjoy at their dances or mitotes.

This great fire house of which I spoke in [paragraph] number four, is like
the Metropoli of the whole province; in addition to this one, there is a second,
at the Netches, and a third among the Nacogdoches and Nasonis, to which fire
was taken from the first. Generally the Ainais and Netchas meet in the principal
one; and the Nacogdoches and Nasonis in the last. Both the former and the
latter fear that the fire will get angry with them, and to satisfy it, they make
offerings to it of their first corn, tobacco, meat from the chase, and in a word, of all
their crops. Of little consequence in their traditions, they give assurance that
the fire produced them. And at other times they say that the first men who popu-
lated the earth came forth from the sea. Recognizing both fire and water as their
creators, they call both by the name Niacadi, but in spite of their belief, when in
need they always appeal to the fire, without heeding the water. They also say on
Some occasions that some of them are descended from bears, others from dogs,
beavers, coyotes, etc. Their forefathers seeing the danger caused them by the
Devil, to deceive his malice, transformed themselves into those brutes, without
losing their minds, and retaining the faculty of restoring themselves to their
primitive being when convenient to them. [Morfi, 1932, pp. 23-26.]

216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

According to the same authority, the Nabedache also had a temple,
unless we can suppose that in the following quotation he is attributing
the Hainai and Neches temple to them:

The Navedachos are reduced to less than 40 families and inhabit the region
of the head waters of the Neches. A short distance from their pueblo is a little
hill on the top of which is a temple, raised by their forefathers, in which they
practice a cult to their false divinities. But after their primitive fervor was
extinguished, they did not carry out what they had planned. [Morfi, 1932, p. 5.]

Probably Morfi derived his information from De Méziéres whose

words are:
On one of the banks of the second [river], which flows near the village of the
Navedachos, one sees a little mound, which their ancestors erected in order
to build on its summit a temple, which commanded the nearby village, and
in which they worshipped their gods. It is rather a monument to the multitude
than to the industry of its individuals. [Bolton, 1914, vol. 2, p. 268.]

Tonti mentions a temple in the village of the Kadohadacho (Cox,
1905, vol. 1, p. 46), the same probably as that shown in the illustration
already mentioned. He found another in the town of the Natchi-
toches, Ouachita, and “Capiché,” evidently the one which Bienville
observed in the village of the Natchitoches, Doustioni, and Yatasi,
“a temple full of many ‘pagodas’ which have shapes of toads and
many other creatures (insectes).” (Cox, 1905, vol. 1, p. 45; Bien-
ville ms.) A few years later Pénicaut describes still another in the
town occupied jointly by the Acolapissa and Natchitoches Indians:
They have [he says] a round temple before which they present themselves
evening and morning, rubbing their bodies with white earth and raising their
arms on high; they mutter Some words in a very low voice during a quarter
of an hour. There are at the portal of the temple figures of birds made of
wood; in the temple are a quantity of little idols, both of wood and stone,
which represent dragons, serpents, and creatures like toads, which they keep
shut up in three coffers in the temple and of which the Grand Chief has the
key. [Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 5, p. 467.]

De Batz has supplied us with a drawing of the temple which the
Acolapissa Indians erected after they moved to the Mississippi River
a few years later (Bushnell, 1927, p. 4, pl. 1). Although the one
Pénicaut describes belonged properly to the Acolapissa, it was evi-
dently similar to that which formerly existed in the Natchitoches
town and may have furnished temporary lodgment to some of the
Natchitoches sacred objects.

The reverence in which fire was held is indicated in several other
places. Hidalgo says, in line with what has gone before: “They do
not wish fire to be taken from their houses because [if that happens]
they believe that someone in the house will die” (Hidalgo, 1927, p. 56).

There is another superstition, [says Casafias] viz., if they throw ice on the
fire they say the cold does not have to go and must be angry. If someone dies

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 217

or a house burns up they say that death is angry. ‘Therefore, they make an
offering of something by hanging it on a pole in front of the house. When a
house burns, they also say that the ground on which they lived, or the hill
near the house, has been angered and burned the house; so they do not rebuild
the home there but in another spot. [Casafias, 1927, p. 296.]

The functions and activities of the winest or chenest are dwelt
upon at considerable length by Casafias some years earlier than the
time of which Espinosa speaks: .

The grand winest of this province has deceived all his vassals by telling
them that, whenever he wants to, he talks to two children whom he has
in his house and who came from the other side of Heaven. He says that
these children eat and drink and that, whenever he wants to talk to God,
he does so through them. On certain oecasions, when he feels that his
people do not bring him corn and other things they have, he reports that
the two children are angry and are not willing to talk about questions of
the general welfare of the tribe.

In addition, the zines tells his people that these two children have informed
him that the people will not have good crops; that their enemies are going
to kill them; that God is not going to help them, all because they have not
given their captain a portion of all their supplies. And they not only give por-
tions of everything to him, but I have been told that they even go hungry
because he tells them these things. He calls all the tribes to his house and
gives orders to all the caddices and the old men to come into the house
where he keeps the two children. This house is very much larger than the
one where he lives. They all seat themselves around the fire which the ginest
keeps burning both day and night. He always takes the greatest possible
pains to see that it never goes out. He keeps a number of sacristans to
feed the holy sacramental fire. The first thing he does in the view of the
assembled men is to take some live coals with a pair of tongs. He then mixes
fat from the heart of a buffalo with tobacco and offers the incense to the
two children whom he has put upon a tall tapestle, two Square varas in size.
At the sides are two small boxes made of reeds into which he always puts
a portion of the things the people bring him during the year. He now tells
those assembled that the boxes are now empty. AS soon as he is through offer-
ing the incense, he puts out the fire and shuts the door so that nothing can
be seen distinctly. Thus all the men within are in darkness. Those outside
sing and dance while those within are perfectly silent, listening to the wxinest
who speaks in two assumed voices—one that of a child, the other somewhat
like his own voice. In the latter voice, he speaks to the children, asking them
to tell God that the Asinai are now going to reform and to beg of Him in
the future to give them a great deal of corn, good health, fleetness in chasing
the deer and the buffalo, great strength for fighting their enemies, and
many women to serve them all. The petitions which he offers to God consist
of these and many similar things.

After finishing the prayer he takes a small calabash in his hand. Inside
this are usually some things which rattle. He throws this little calabash
upon the ground. He makes them all believe that, if it falls upon the ground
(without making any sound), God is angry and that he does not wish to
speak to them. Then all are frightened when they see the calabash is on
the floor not making any noise. They cry out in loud voices that they

299671—42—_15

218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

promise the great captain Ayo Aymay to bring something of every kind of
food they may have to the two caninisi, i. e., the two children, and to
their wvinesi. AS soon as the winesi hears the promise made to God to fur-
nish him with everything and to provide him with whatever he may need,
he suddenly picks up the little calabash and begins to make a noise, imitating
the voice of a child, and says that God is now speaking and says to tell
all the rest that, if the tribe fulfills the promise which those present have
given, He will give them everything which they ask for—and they must ask
through their gwvinesé. Then the gwinest in his natural voice repeats what the
children have said to him. He then tells the Indians to go out and search for
meat and everything else they can find in order that neither God nor the
two children may be angry again, promising them that the two children will
always keep God satisfied. He sometimes tells them this in an angry voice
and sometimes in a kind voice. He then opens the door and telis them to
go home and not forget what they have promised God. They all go out in
great haste without giving place to one another, making a noise like goats
when running out of their corral. I have not yet been able to find out what
this means.

The «inesi is left inside, stirring the fire and pulverizing meal for the children
in a mortar which he has in the house. When he finds that all the others
have gone to their own houses, he comes out and goes home, about a hundred
paces away. In addition it may be noted that as long as these functions last,
no one is ever permitted to see these two children. The ginest threatens
them with instant death, and then cites the example of a man who once saw
them and immediately fell down dead. Those who enter must disrobe. [Casa-
fias, 1927, pp. 290-292.]

Casafias at one time forced his way into this building without hav-
ing obeyed the last injunction. He continues:

When I asked him about the two children and where they were, he was at
once frightened and put in my hands a round piece of wood like the cover of a
sweetmeat box. This was covered with skin like parchhment. Around the
little box he had placed some crumbs from the bread which the Indians brought
him as an offering. In the middle of the box was a hole into which tobacco is
put. He told me that it was for tobacco for the two children to smoke. I saw
that there was no trace of the children, and, having heard the nonsense he had
spoken, I reprimanded him in such a way that he would not be angered.
[Casafias wished to burn this box] but he would not agree that I should burn his
children because he and all the Asinai loved them very much. He declared that
the reason I did not see them was because it had not been possible to see them
since [the period] just after the time when they had first come from Heaven.
Then they were visible; but, now, the house that had been built for them when
they came had burned down and they had perished in the flames. Only what
I saw was left. I knew that all this was a lie of his, and I wanted to throw
them in the fire. But when I was on the point of pitching them in, he became
very furious. I, therefore, desisted in order not to stir up trouble... I left
him thus; but I am of the same opinion that everything was a fraud invented
by the zinest himself for the purpose of deceiving his vassals. [Casafias, 1927,
pp. 292-293.]

Hidalgo had heard of these “children”:

I have heard it said on many occasions that the fire the Tejas Indians have
in their houses was brought from the house of their high priest, whom they
eall chenest. If the fire goes out they start immediately for the house of the

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 219

priest to get new fire. It never goes out in the house of sacrifice. The Indians
say they have two children from God whom they call in their language coneneses
“the little ones.” ... The Indians go at night to Say their prayers. Their
priest assumes the voices of the two children and asks for what he needs for
their use. He threatens that if the worshipers do not do as they are told they will
be punished suddenly with snake bites. They make many prayers in their lan-
guage to the two coneneses and when they have finished and start out at the
door they bleat like goats that are following close after the herd. Once Father
Fray Antonio Bordoi went into the house of sacrifice to see the coneneses to find
out what they were. The priest objected and declared that he would certainly
die. But the father went in and found a little box with packages. But he did
not see any children. Into the fire which the Indians keep burning in their
houses they throw a great amount of fat, offering it to the “Great Captain.”
[Hidalgo, 1927, pp. 50—-52.]

When they kill a deer they never cut it up until the priest of the pueblo arrives.
He cuts it up. The Indians had rather lose it than cut it open before their
priest arrives. He cuts it up, selects the portion belonging to his priestly office,
and it is sent to him. The same thing is done in the case of their crops of corn
and beans. Hach one and each family gives a portion of everything to the high
priest. [Hidalgo, 1927, p. 52.]

Hidalgo does not exhibit the caution of Casafias in ascribing idol-
atry to the Hasinai:

The whole nation is idolatrous—as is at present recognized. They have
houses of worship and a perpetual fire which they never let die out. They are
very much perverted and in their dances they have Indian braves or Indian
women who get drunk on peyote or frixolillo, which they make for the occasion,
and the people believe everything these persons tell them they have seen. They
have idols large and small. They believe in the devil and offer sacrifices to him
believing that he is the true god. In the pictures they make of him they paint
him with horns and a face of fire and with other features that prove their great
deception. [Hidalgo, 1927, pp. 55—56.]

According to Espinosa, the Indians had “as gods, lions, bears,
monkeys, and other unnatural representations of the devil.” By
“lions” he, of course, means panthers, but what he intends by
“monkeys” we can only guess (Espifiosa, 1927, p. 158).

For further myth materials, see the publications of G. A. Dorsey
and E. C. Parsons cited in Bibliography.

MEDICINE MEN AND MEDICAL PRACTICES

These are treated by Casafias and at still greater length by Espinosa.
As often happened to missionaries, Casafias experienced most of the
opposition to his work from these men.

All of them are liars and guilty of a thousand deceptions, while some of them
are enchanters. Once one of them by his tricks tried to prevent me from bap-
tizing a woman. I hurled an exorcism against him, and, all at once, he ran away
as if I had tried to kill him. There was another Indian along who tried by certain
ceremonies to throw fat and tobacco into the fire in order to do me some harm.
I hurled an exorcism at him in the presence of more than thirty persons. So
great was his fright that he was not able to hold the bow and arrow which they

220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 192

always carry in their hands; but he ran away from me and the others assembled
there. Next morning they went in search of him to get him to cure the sick;
but they found him dead in a valley. Since that time all the medicine men, whom
they call conna, are afraid of me and give me a free path, praising what I do.
They tell the sick that it is very good for them to permit themselves to have the
water applied. [Casafias, 1927, pp. 295-296.]

He claims to have converted no less than five of these native prac-
titioners. He continues:

Their treatment is nothing more than to suck the particular spot where the
pain is and to drive the disease out of the house. At other times they claim
that they drive the disease into the fire and burn it; and, because these poor
people are so gullible and have such implicit faith, they promise to give everything
they have to the physician if he will only cure them of their diseases. The
physicians do nothing without mixing it up with some kind of superstition.
Sometimes it happens that one of them will have poor luck curing diseases and
many of his patients die. Some of the Indians take cudgels and kill him.
[Casafias, 1927, p. 296.]

And now to turn to Espinosa:

The whole country is cursed with the pest of doctors or medicine men. They
[operate by] a mixture of superstitions and lies, with a great admixture of
trickery, which I do not yet know to be real witchcraft. These much bepainted
medicine men have their own particular insignia of feathers which they wear
upon their heads and curious necklaces of serpents’ skins, and seats in the
houses which are higher than the seats for the captains. To cure a patient, they
build a big bonfire and provide an abundance of fifes and an abundance of
feathers. Their instruments are little polished sticks with slits like a snake’s
rattles. These rubbed on a hollow skin make a noise nothing less than infernal.
Before playing they drink their brewed herbs, covered with foam. They then,
without moving at all, begin to dance to this infernal music and the songs of
the condemned, for to this alone can the chanted jargon of the medicine men
be likened. The ceremony lasts from the middle of the afternoon until near
dawn. The medicine man stops his singing at intervals to apply his cruel treat-
ment to the patient whom they have sweating on a grate over many coals that
are kept burning under the bed... In the midst of the piteous complaints,
the medicine man explains that the treatment he is giving is very mild. The
doctors continue to suck and to spit. They put into their mouths a worm or
blood which they have previously provided and declare that they took it from the
body of the patient. It is certain that they devour whatever physical possessions
the patient may have for their pay (whether the sick person lives or dies), for
their cruel treatment lasts as long as there is anything they can eat or take.
With other patients they scarify the side with flints and really suck their blood.
They do the same thing for snake bites, spitting the poison from between their
open lips. This is reasonable because the effect follows naturally. They declare
they can divine whether or not the patient will die. If it is a prominent person
there is a meeting of medicine men and each one tries out his own prescription.
Naturally a cure sometimes follows because of these remedies for they apply the
herbs with which this country abounds.

The great quantities of bitter drinks which the medicine men drink under the
pretense that it is for the benefit of the patient [are taken under] a fantastic
illusion, for this method of healing is reserved for the Divine Physician who
himself took the bitter potion of gall and vinegar to heal our iniquities. And,

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 221

Christ being the patient, we are the ones who gain life eternal. It sometimes
happens that the pain or sickness is caused by a tumcr or swelling. For this
they apply the treatment of the stone and sucking with the lips. They make
the whole nation believe that sickness has its origin in the evil deeds committed
by the neighboring nations of the Bidais, Ays, and Yacdo[c]as, who have many
witch doctors.” ‘These, so the Asinais say, come in secret or send the disease
which they call aguain from their country because they are wicked and witches.
In explanation of the etymology of this word it must be said that aguain means a
thing that has a sharp point like an arrow, that it is shot from a bow of one
whom they eall texino and we eall the devil, and that it strikes the patient.
To remove this point or arrow, which they say is like a big white needle, they
have their dances, songs, and the treatments above mentioned. Before undertak-
ing them, they call to their aid the Bidais medicine men. ‘They declare that the
Bidais come to aid them in the shape of owls or tecolotes which the devil brings
to them on these oceasions. There are three kinds of owls on earth and when
the Indians hear the sound of the hoot of an owl they raise a shout of joy as
if they had won a victory. To this superstition they add another to the efiect
that the false god whom they call ynici comes to their aid because he is moved
by their songs and prayers. These medicine men are the instigators of all the
deceptions and foolishness of the Indians. They recite or mutter disjointed
phrases through their teeth, with their faces turned toward the wall or toward
a post in the house. They then take tobacco and throw it in the fire. They
take a little of the meat which they procure from the buffalo and throw it also
into the fire. Other little bits they throw to the four winds which they worship
in all their functions. When they smoke they threw a handful of smoke in
each of the main directions, first toward the captain above, who is none other
then the one who fell into the abyss.

It is the duty of these medicine men to take the measure for building the
houses, to be present at the blessing of the new building, and to be first at
the function of feasting. The number of these medicine men is so great that
even when one of the heads of this hydra is cut off by death, additional heads
in the persons of new ministers of lies rise up at every step. These are certain
young fellows who have scarcely reached the age of twenty years and, because
each wishes to excel, they take great pride in becoming expert. A great number
of the old fakirs or saints, with a bunch of medicine men, gather together,
dressed for a feast in all the finery they have. They offer drinks to the pros-
pective medicine men. The latter consume great quantities of tobacco. This,
with their drinks, causes them to lose their senses, to make faces, and to fall
upon the ground like drunken men. Here they remain either really senseless
or pretending to be, for twenty-four hours, as if dead, until they decide to
come to and begin to breathe. They then relate what they have dreamed or
whatever their imaginations suggest to them. They say that their souls were
far from them. The candidate then begins his song and this discordant music
continues for eight days, the novices relieving each other and the assembled
women adding their discordant cries. During these songs the Indians attack
the pots which they do not cease stirring on the fire and they fill their stomachs
while the candidates entertain the crowd with their songs and dances. These

19Two of these tribes, the Bidai and Yacdocas, were unrelated to the Caddo, while
the third, the Ays or Haish, spoke, as we have seen, a divergent dialect. It is usual to find
medicine men and wizards of such foreign or aberrant tribes clothed with imaginary powers
of peculiar potency. And it is, therefore, not surprising to find Adai doctors regarded in
the same way. This tribe, says La Harpe, was reputed to have the most famous
sorcerers. (Margry, 1875-1886, vol. 6, p. 304.)

225 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

medicine men are very much respected and highly regarded by everybody.
They are, in the general estimation, the oracles of all their deceptions. In
truth, the devil, who is the instigator of all this foolishness, could not have
left them a better patrimony than this trade to enable them to secure from
the Asinais the best meat, and the first fruits of their crops. The greatest
happiness to which they aspire is to be the ones selected to help them build
their houses and gather their crops. Among the Nacocdoches, who are also
Asinais, the medicine man usually receives death if he does not effect a cure
or if his reputation as a healer becomes poor. In this case, the relatives of
the man who dies as the result of the unsuccessful treatment, seize him with
their claws, and beat him in the temples with sticks until he can not get well.
In short, these medicine men are the greatest obstacles to the conversion of
many who would receive holy baptism if they were not afraid of their threats.

They persuade the patients that life is destroyed by holy baptism; and when,
in spite of them, certain persons have been baptized, the medicine men usually
abandon them under the pretense that the waters of baptism have caused the
disease to take such a form that all their skill can not avail to cure it. Many
of these abandoned creatures have sought help among the Spaniards; and,
through the mercies of God, after being abandoned by their own people, we have
seen them recover and regain perfect health. The devil inspires all this. Among
these medicine men or doctors, there are some who are graduates in astrology.
[Hspinosa, 1927, pp. 165-168.]

Here follows the February forecasting ceremony after which Espi-
nosa proceeds as follows:

They forecast future events from many things that happen naturally. When
the men are off on a buffalo hunt or in quest of their enemies in war, and it
happens that a number of little birds come, they take it as a sign that the absent
ones are near. They call these birds banit. When they go out to war they have
a general meeting in the house of their captain and give drinks to the one whom
they consider most valiant until he loses or pretends to lose his senses. After
a day and a night he declares that he saw where the enemy were and reports
whether or not they were prepared. From this they forecast victory. They
do the same thing on the road when they go on a journey. With the tail of a
fox they make an astrolabe to see future events. All their dances, prayers, and
ceremonies around the fire are accustomed to have such good effect that last
year when the prognostication was that they would conquer the Yojuanes, their
enemies, the poor Naicha were whipped and lost many who were left captives.
They consider it a sure sign if they fan the fire in winter with a fan or wing
that such a snow or cold spell will soon come that everything will be killed.
Often when they see us fanning the flames with these things they want to take
them out of our hands. They say that we are fools or crazy to do such a thing
and that we are not afraid because we are covered with clothes. When we
reproach them with their foolishness, they declare that our fire is different
because it is made with a rock and iron while that of the Asinais is made with
sticks rubbed one on another. A little time ago they were asked why they did
not, like all the Indians at the missions of the Asinais and the Naichai, leave
their houses during buffalo time, when all the Nazonis and Nacocdoches left?
A fakir answered that it was so the fire would not go out if wood failed, that
the Nazonis and Nacocdoches had a different kind of fire which they made by
rubbing two little sticks together. In this way they could leave their fire
hanging up in their houses while the Ainais and Naichas had fire from their
forefathers. The tradition is still preserved. [Espinosa, 1927, pp. 168-169.]

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 223

Morfi may now be quoted:

The multitude of medicine men (curanderos) with which the nation is flooded,
contribute powerfully to the maintenance of faith in these delights, little cun-
ning being necessary to deceive a superstitious people, who, instructed in advance
in their favor, believe without examination, whatever these impostors propose
to them. The method of becoming adept in this faculty is as impertinent and
laughable as their traditions. Those who are destined for this profession, when
they arrive at about 20 years of age, are assigned a day for the ceremony. When
this arrives a considerable part of the priests and a greater number of medicine
men meet, all in their official costumes, and give the candidate an infusion of herbs
to drink, obliging him at intervals, to smoke much tobacco; the tobacco and
drink soon make him lose his mind, and drunk, he falls to the ground, making
many faces, and contortions, remaining in a faint, or pretending to, for a
period of 24 hours, those surrounding, supposing him dead. After this time he
comes to, with a sigh; with a languid voice, he tells everybody all he dreamed
or what his fancy dictates, adding that his soul during that time visited in very
remote countries. His song and music begin immediately, and last for eight
days, being helped by one of the old teachers, the confused howling of women
present, mixing in from time to time. These take care to supply plenty of food
for presentation to the spectators, while the new doctor, with his dance and
sengs gives them enjoyment. These charlatans are very well looked out for
and venerated by the others who out of respect for the profession, always offer
them the first fruits of their hunts, and crops; they build them their houses,
and sow their fields for them with a diligence which is the greatest happiness
to which one can aspire among those miserable beings.

Each has a costume becoming to his ministry, decorated with big bunches
of feathers (grandes plumeros), adding necklaces made with skins of coral-
colored snakes, which are very showy and of bright colors. When they go
to any house to exercise their impositions, there is prepared for them a very
distinguished seat, even more ornate than that of the Captains themselves.
If there is any cure to be made, they have a big bonfire lighted from which
they take live coals to put under the bed of the patient, frequently renewing
the fire. They are supplied with a feather fan, a whistle (pito), and the base
(bajo) which is a small stick carved in the form of the rattle of a snake, which
they tap over a stretched hollow skin, producing an infernal music, capable
of giving any one a headache. Before beginning the music, they drink an
infusion of certain herbs, and, stimulated by this potion, begin to play and
sing in a furious manner. The singing comes in from time to time to torment
the patient, who, suffering with fever from within and from the hot coals
which they apply externally under and around the body, feels as if the
impious medicine man (medico) were sucking his entrails. Applying skill-
fully their lips to the bare skin over the stomach, they suck violently and
quickly, bringing pressure to bear with their heads in such a manner that
it seems they reach the very spine. For these cases the charlatan comes
well provided with blood, worms, and other small insects, which, putting in
his mouth with skill, he spits out with opportunity, persuading the lookers
on that he took them from the body of the patient; an error in which many
Spaniards also frequently participate, and those not of low order. These
treatments customarily last from mid-afternoon (media tarde) until daybreak of
the following day. On some occasions they cut that part of the patient,
near the liver, with a flint, and really suck the blood. They do the same
with snake bites, cutting the body at the same place as the bite, which
generally produces good results. They prognosticate the period of suffering,

224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

in which they usually deceive. When the patient is a Captain, or one of the
principal ones, they hold meetings of professors, and in these cases, each
one exerts himself to produce and effect some new nonsense. They drink
many bitter infusions, persuading the patient that their secret advices are
then more useful. When the illness is caused by any tumor, or swelling, they
apply to the ripened part, a knife or flint, and empty it with the lips. One
must concede that, in spite of so much error and extravagance, they do some-
times succeed in very singular cures because the land has an abundance of
medical herbs, and, knowing many of them, they probably apply them with
skill, especially in the healing of wounds, in which they have the greatest
practice. They clearly believe that all internal maladies are caused by some
witchcraft, which they attribute to the nearby Bidai, Ays, and Yacdocas,
who also have an abundance of medicine men. These, say our Asinais, are
wizards or charmers and secretly bring or send the illness, which they eall
Aguaian, which means “something sharp and penetrating,” in the shape of
an arrow, which, discharged from the bow of the TJezino, or Devil, comes di-
rectly to. the sick one. To extract from the body of the patient this point,
which they say is like a thick small needle, white in color, they execute various
dances, songs and ceremonies. They prepare themselves for these by invoking
the Bidais medicine men, who they say come to their help, personally, dis-
guised as owls (Buhos 6 Tecolotes). As there are many of these birds in the
country (as many as three species), the least sound of their mournful song
suffices to make the Indians let out a shout of joy, as if they had secured a
victory. They also add that the god Yiici, moved by their singing, and pray-
ers, offers them his aid as well. Before finishing the cure they recite in a
low voice some orations which they address to one of the beams supporting
the roof of the house of the patient. They throw on the fire a portion of
tobacco. From the buffalo meat given them, they cut a piece which is also
offered to the fire, and some small pieces to the four winds, whom they salute
in all their functions, with tobacco smoke, which they offer to each one,
precedence always being given the Capitan Grande (their God). With these
ceremonies they are sure of success, whether the patient lives or dies.

They do not fare so happily among the Nacogdoches, who, in spite of their
affinity with the Asinais, and the fact that they share almost the same customs,
make these impostors pay with their lives sometimes, for their deceits. When the
patient dies after all their ridiculous doings, public opinion attributes the mis-
fortune to the malice of the doctor, and then the relatives of the deceased do
not let the charlatan get by without vengeance, for the effects of his ignorance
or malice. Anyway, they are always the greatest obstacle to the conversion of
the Indians to our holy religion, owing to the threats with which they intimi-
date them. They persuade them, as in many other parts of both the Americas, that
the holy baptism infallibly takes their life; when either, because these impostors
do not prevent it, or because the fear they inspire is destroyed by reason, some
Texas Indian is baptized, they abandon him in his illness, refusing to give him
any medicine, saying that the water which was placed on his head made his ill-
ness incurable, nor is the repeated experience that many of these already dis-
illusioned (who resorted to the Spaniards for remedy), were cured and re-
established to good health (in spite of the fatal prognostications of their medicine
men), sufficient to disillusion these unfortunates.

The functions of these impostors are not limited to the practice of medi-
cine; it is also within their superintendence to take measures for the construction
of houses, to bless them after they are finished, to name the newly born, provide

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY OD

the crops, to be the first in all festivals, so that to the character of a medicine
man they unite that of a Priest.

Before they begin eating new corn, they call from each house one of these
priests; who leaning against a post of the house mumbles his prayers, the other
Indians gather some of the new fruits, part of which is shelled and the other
ground, to parch, or to make atole. When the prayer is finished they offer some
of the delicacy to the minister, who throwing some of his part into the fire eats
the rest; the friends of the family customarily attend, as do the assistants of
the priest, to eat, and celebrate these ceremonies. When this is over, the owners
can eat and gather the crops without risk, which they would never do under
any circumstances before this precaution is taken as they are persuaded that
if any one of them should have the audacity to cut a single cob or ear of corn
unless it were preceded by the prayers of the minister, he would be infallibly
bitten by a snake. This excommunication extends even to animals, so that in
order to save their dogs from this misfortune, they tie their fore-feet to their
Snouts, which prevents their eating fresh corn, of which they are exceedingly
fond.

One single coincidence, not rare in a country where snakes abound and every-
body goes barefooted, suffices to confirm them in the belief of this chimerical
superstition. Whenever an accident of this sort occurs, the priests do not fail
to attribute it to an infraction of this rule, even though the patient might not
have thought about it. [Morfi, 1932, pp. 26-80.]

When there are many ticks on the mountainside, they take it as an omen
that there will be an abundant crop of beans. If rains are frequent in March
and April, they are sure of a notable scarcity in June, July and August. If
at the time when the Indians are on a buffalo hunt, or on a campaign against
their enemies, many little birds, which they call banit, pass over the province
in transit, they believe that the absent are already near their houses. When
they have decided to go out on a campaign, they call a general meeting at the
house of the Capitan Maior, appoint one who is most accredited with valor, and
give him his infusions to drink, until he loses or pretends to lose his senses. He
remains in this real or apparent state of unconsciousness for one day, and one
night, and then his memory returns, and he says that he saw where the enemies
were, and whether they were prepared or not. And from this fantastical narra-
tion they foretell their victory or conquest. If they are on the road, they also
make their divinations, using a fox tail; but ordinarily they are deceived. At
the middle of the present century, they foretold a complete victory over their
enemies the Yojuanes Indians, and their prophesies turned out so false that the
Netcha Indians were defeated and destroyed, with death to many and a greater
number held captive. They hold as infallible that if in summer they blow the
fire with a blower or feather fan so much snow will fall that the whole
nation will come to an end; and often, seeing the missionaries use those instru-
ments to make a fire, wanted to take them from their hands, reprimanding
them in fear of what they apparently exposed them to; to the Father’s correct
reply that they had experienced no danger as a result of that way of fanning
the fire, they replied, that this was due, wifhout doubt, to the fact that the fire
of the religious was of another kind, produced with steel and flint. One time
Father Espinosa, asking them why all the tribes of the Ainais and Nechas did
not go out together on buffalo hunts, as did the Nasonis and Nacogdoches, a priest
replied, that it was a prudent caution, so that the sacred fire would not go out
on account of the absence of those who cared for it; that the Nacogdoches and
the Nasonis had a different fire, which they lighted by rubbing two little sticks

226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 122

and leaving these in the temple, were sure of finding their fire when returning
to their houses, and this was why they did not perish, but that the Ainais and
Netchas kept their fire burning without interruption, from the time they received
it from their forefathers, a tradition which they hold with the greatest tenacity.
[Morfi, 1932, pp. 35-36.]

Our missionaries furnish us with some notes regarding actual
diseases among the Caddo as well as the medical science of the time
was able to diagnose them. In March 1691, there was a terrible
epidemic among the east Texas Indians which destroyed from 300
to 400 in the immediate neighborhood of Casafias’ mission and “about
three thousand persons among all the friendly tribes of the Tejias”
(Casafias, 1927, pp. 294, 303). Smallpox seems to be indicated but
the identity of the disease is not disclosed. Solfs is more specific:

The ills and diseases from which all the Indians frequently suffer, men as
well as women, are smallpox, measles, typhoid fever, fevers, blisters, onanahui-
ates, which makes them horrible to the sight and filthy, like many that I saw.
In short these diseases, which are vices of the blood and are propagated in the
blood and frequently suffered, are, I think, caused and induced by drinking
whiskey and sugar cane wine with the bear grease that is drunk as if it were
water because it is drinkable and does not curdle. They eat many nuts which
they grind in order to keep them, and the fruit of the medlar tree that is fiery,
and other foods and warm drinks. All these cause them to suffer many blood
dysenteries. [Solis, 1931, p. 70.]

Morfi evidently copies Solfs:

The maladies which are most frequently suffered by all of the nations of
Texas, and which annually consume thousands of all ages and sexes, are small-
pox, measles, fever and pustules or buboes, (managuases), which make the
afflicted horribly filthy, and in a word, those maladies which originate from
some defect in the blood as a whole, and which mostly result from the excessive
use of strong liquors, and all suffer from the use of bear grease for which they
have such a passionate desire that they drink it as though it were water, the
latter always being kept in a liquid state. To this can be attributed princi-
pally the cause of dysentery of blood, from which they die. [Morfi, 1932, p. 55.]

Native belief in the efficiency of their doctors and the malignant
powers of their wizards was so great that much of it has persisted
to the present day (see Parsons, 1941, pp. 82-36).

RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES

Some of these have been mentioned under other heads. Casafias
makes the following general remarks:

At different times of the year, these infidels arrange certain feasts honoring
the caddices and the grand zinest, in celebration of the victories their ancestors
have had. Some of the tribes invite other tribes to these feasts, the captains
paying homage to the great captain, or rinesi, by presenting him with bows and
arrows and with other things which they value highly. For three days and nights
the feast goes on with dancing, eating, and fun; all those who have come
feast but the zinest. He goes without eating for three days and without
sleeping for three nights. They do not let him sleep or eat. He does not even
drink or rest, but he is continually stirring about from place to place as if

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 227

making the sound of dancing. At these meetings and feasts certain superstitions
are usually noted. Thé crowd that gathers is very large for men, women,
and children come to the feast because they are given plenty to eat.

I trust in the Lord that when the evangelical ministers learn the language
they will reap great fruit from these meetings where various tribes assemble
together; for they gather in one place and only for these meetings at which
the feast is celebrated, no matter whether it be in this nation of the Asinai or
in a contiguous province... [The caddis or winesi] like to have somebody
at their side whose importance they recognize, so that all the other Indians
may see and know the estimation in which they, themselves, are heid. [Casafias,
1927, pp. 301-302.]

Joutel is the earliest writer to leave a record of the first-fruits
ceremony; observed by him when he was staying in the town of the
Assonis (Nasoni) :

When the corn was beginning to mature, I observed a ceremony which
took place at the aforementioned cabin on account of one of the old men who
arrived there. After his arrival, the women went to gather a great number
of ears of corn. They boiled them and then put them into a hamper which
they placed upon the ceremonial stool, which is used only for that purpose and on
which no one sits; for one day I wanted to sit down upon it, and the good
old woman told me that I must get up or I would die. To return to the
ceremony, when all was so disposed, the said old man approached the above-
mentioned stool, accompanied by the chief of the cabin, and there they remained
for perhaps an hour or an hour and a half, muttering over the said ears of
corn, after which they distributed them among the women who gave them to
the young people, and to us also. But the aforesaid old man or the chief of the
said cabin ate none of it. I asked the chief the reason for that. He indicated
that he would eat of it after the sun had passed the earth eight times. As
I had no knowledge of their language, I was not able to get any other
explanation. I noticed that, after the said ceremony, the women went every
day to gather corn to eat. This food did not fail us but since the corn was
not yet in condition to be made into flour they then boiled the ears in order to eat
them, and the savages did not begrudge us. I noticed also at this time the
precautions they took regarding their dogs, for fear lest they eat the new
corn; they bound their jaws and tied one paw in front under the throat, so
that they might not be able to get at the stalk of the corn. [Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 3, pp. 400-401.]

The first-fruits ceremony is thus described by Espinosa :

To begin eating their new corn, they summon one of the shamans from each
of the houses. While he stands by one of the posts and mutters his prayers
between his teeth, a portion of the new crop is cut. Part of it is toasted and
part of it is ground in the mortars to make atole. When the prayers
are ended they present some of the food to the old man who throws part of this
pittance into the fire and puts the rest in his bosom. He usually has to
stop to do this as it is a considerable portion. Neither acquaintances nor
friends are lacking at these functions, both of the old man and of the family.
When they are all gathered together and the first fruits are eaten, the Indians
are given permission to take and eat whatever they like. These shamans have
fixed very firmly in the minds of these Indians the belief that if any part of the
crop, large or small, either ears or stalks, is cut before these prayers are made,
the guilty one will certainly be bitten by a snake. Even the dogs share in
this threat or interdict; so, in order that a dog may not eat of the corn, the

228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 132

Indians tie one of his legs or paws to his neck so that he goes around hungry
on three legs and can not eat the corn, for dogs are extremely fond of it. And
when by chance a snake bites anyone who has eaten of the corn before the
ceremony described, they are confirmed in the belief in this superstition.
[Hspinosa, 1927, pp. 169-170.]

After considering the ceremonies connected with hunting and
planting, which have been given elsewhere, Espinosa proceeds to
describe the harvest feast:

After the crop has been gathered they hold their most notable feast, the
cne which the greatest number of people attend. Then only one or two stay
in each house to take care of the aged and infirm. Notice is given through
the messengers some days beforehand so that each may send his offering for
the feast. Six days prior to this time, the men meet at the house of the
captain (where there is a small temple and where a spot has previously been
cleaned). The old men pray and distribute the warm drinks of foamy laurel
tea. The old man who acts as chenesi orders the young men to go out in
ell directions to hunt deer, charging them to return soon and declaring that,
in the meantime, with the old men, he will continue to make supplications to the
caddi-ayo. If two or three are hunting, they all return to this house. This
they repeat on the second day and all the meat, with the exception of the
head and the intestines [of the animals], is prepared and cooked for the func-
tion. When the day arrives they take the best woolen clothing they have—
which they carefully preserve for this purpose—also very fine deer skins, with
ruffles decorated with little white ornaments, some very black deer skins, dec-
orated with the same ornaments, bracelets, and necklaces which they wear only
on this and other feast days. They all gather at the house designated where,
on the previous day, they have prepared the things needed for the feast.

It is at night during the new moon in September. The first night the crowd
of old conjurers, medicine men, captains, and the necessary officials and servants
spend within doors. The rest who come lodge outside by families where they
build a fire for light as well as because the cold is already beginning to be felt.
After two of the old men say their prayers between their teeth, they stand
for more than an hour, take tobacco—as well as bits of meat—and throw it
on the fire which is in the middle of the house. Then they sit down on their
benches and all the old men and captains are given the rest of the meat. They
mix with it their drink of brewed wild olives which is served them three or
four times in an earthenware vase. They take pipes of tobacco which they
pass around to everybody. They draw from time to time and blow the smoke,
first upward, then toward the ground, and then to the four winds, while all the
people gather together as midnight approaches. At midnight a crier begins
to call all the families in their order. They come in by threes, one woman from
each house, and each presents a pot or small vessel of very fine meal and some
rolls which they call bajan made of a thick paste of roasted corn and the seed
of sunflowers. The majordomos then deposit these in two big receptacles of
their own. In this way the eriers continue to call and all the houses and
families make their gifts. This finished, the offering is divided among the
eld men, the captains, and officials of the settlement. The celebration halts for
some time while some of the young medicine men sleep. Others sing together
accompanied by their instruments for the purpose of driving away sleep because
there is great effort made not to sleep that night.

From midnight on one of the Indians is stationed as a watchman or sentinel.
He watches to see when the Pleiades are perpendicular—from the house. They

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 329

eall these stars las sanates, i. e., “the women,” because the devil has made them
believe that these stars are people. He then informs the chief conjurer who goes
in company with another conjurer to a circle made of green canes stuck in
the ground where there is a big bonfire which three or four novices feed con-
tinually. The two men seated on an elevation serve as masters of ceremony.
The Indians are formed, to their left, as follows, the old women in the first row
or file, behind them the married women and the young girls, and, at the end
the younger girls. The little girls are in front of this file. To the right there
is an arbor with a bonfire under it. Three old men, dressed in the best they
have, consisting of curious buffalo robes, go to this fire, each following in the
footsteps of the one in front, while the women and children in the ranks begin
singing. After a considerable pause, the old men again approach the circle,
dancing as they come. When they rejoin it, the singing stops and they deliver
a harangue of pure jargon in a hasty, high-pitched voice without saying a
single intelligible word. As they arrive in front of each woman, she presents
them, without rising, with a little pot of meal and rolls made of various grains.
Each presents her own gift. The songs of those in the circle continue and the
old men go away in silence. In the meantime, the novices, each in his turn,
carries the offering to the front. This continues for an hour, more or less.
The song of the old men and women is continued longer although some time
elapses before dawn. ‘Then all of them become more active to the music of
the gourd or calabash filled with little stones. This makes the noise which
they accompany with their voices. As day breaks, they stop singing and five old
men divide the offering which has been collected. After the song, they all await
the rising of the sun. Certain young men and boys are sent out into the nearby
woods as if calling or speaking to the sun for the purpose of hastening its com-
ing. Just as it begins to rise they run about joyously and gaily and it seems as
if they were giving thanks for their past crop or were beseeching the sun to
aid them in the projects they are beginning. AlIl of one size or age are in one line;
and, after giving the signal for starting, they all run as fast as they can to a
tree which is about a gun shot’s distance and then return to the starting
point. They make this turn two or three times until they give out. Then the
girls and boys in their turn, do the same thing.

All the relatives are intent upon seeing who gains the advantage and this
person is the one that carries off the laurels of the occasion. The wives and
female relatives of the man who is left behind or becomes tired out without
finishing the race, set up a terrible weeping, because they say that when this
person goes out to war, he will be left behind either as a captive or dead,
because of his lack of speed. This ceremony lasts about an hour. They then
take hollow logs, covered on top with green branches, bury the ends of them,
and select eight strong Indian women, who, seated at intervals with sticks in
each hand, use each the hollow log as a drum, to the accompaniment of the
calabash which the old men play, and the songs of the men and women singers
to the number of more than twenty. This music is for the dance in which they
all engage, old women and girls, old men and boys, and little children. They
dance in a circle, the men facing the women, keep time, moving only their
feet. In this cherished frivolity they spend the time until midday, when tired
and sleepy, each goes home to rest from his strenuous exercise. [Espinosa,
1927, pp. 171-174.]

Morfi:

The most celebrated festival of the Province is that which they celebrate
after the crops, as an occasion of rendering thanks, at which all the families
take part, the old and sick only remaining to care for the houses, who owing

230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

to their weakness cannot move about. The whole nation is advised some days
before, through the Tamas, so that no one will fail to present his offering. The
six days immediately preceding the fete all the men meet in the house of the
Captain where they celebrated the ceremony of the hoes, and where the ground
was left clear. The elders enter the house with only those servants whose
duty it is to minister to them the drink which they call cazina, which they take
warm and covered with foam, like our chocolate. The elder who performs the
function of Chenisi, or High Priest, commands that all the armed people go out
in squads to the four winds and hunt the deer, assured that they shall find many
in a short time, for he with the other old men remains behind imploring Caddi
Ayo. When they get anything they punctually bring it to the house, and throw
away the entrails and head, preparing the rest for the coming feast. When this
day arrives they dress up in the best clothes they have, such as bayeta (baize),
soft deerskins, with fringes of many little white nuts, black deerskins, spotted at
intervals with the same white nuts, bracelets, and necklaces of glass beads, orna-
ments all of which they use only on this day, or on others of unusual solemnity.
With these adornments both men and women arrive at the house of the Captain,
where from the evening before they are all well prepared for the ceremony. The
principal fete is held during the full moon of September. After sundown on
that evening, the priests, medicine men and Captains of the tribe, with the
servants necessary to them for the ceremony, shut themselves up in the house
of the Captain. The rest of the company accomodate themselves in family
groups (se ranchea por familias) as they arrive, in the immediate vicinity of
the house. Each one makes his bonfire as much for light as for protection from
the cold, which already at this time begins to make itself felt. Among those
shut in the house two elders stand up and for more than an hour say
prayers in a low voice, throwing into the fire some handfuls of tobacco, and
little particles of roasted meat. When this prayer is finished, out of respect
for the same fire, which burns in the center of the room, they eat the rest,
mixing with the goods, the drink which is a concoction of asebuehe leaves
then given to them in a clay cup, three or four times. After supper they sit
around on benches, smoking a pipe which they pass to one another, and which
they fill with frequency. The first puff is blown toward heaven, the second, to the
earth, and the next four to the four principal winds. At about midnight one
of the Tammas or criers goes to the door of the hut and calls all of the families
in turn. At his command they enter the meeting hall, three and three, one
woman from each house, and each one of them offers to the congress a little pot
or little basket of ground corn, and some balls, which they call bajan and which
are made of parched corn, and sunflower seeds like hard taffy. The maiordomos
collect these offerings and keep them separated in two big baskets, and with the
same ceremony all of the families of the nation enter and offer. This offering
over, it is immediately distributed among the priests, medicine men and captains.
The festivities cease for a while, while some sleep, and others, to drive away
sleep, sing and play on their instruments, doing all they can to observe that great
night. After midnight one of the Tamas acts as a sentinel to see when the
Pleiades (Cabrillas), which they call Sanates, which means “women,” (because
they believe they [the seven stars] are living creatures) are directly over the
house of the meeting. He then advises the principal priest who, accompanied
by the oldest of the congress, comes out of the house. They make their way to
a large circle marked out in the cleared ground by green reeds stuck thereon.
In the center there is a big bonfire which is constantly fed by three or four
warriors appointed for the purpose. The two priests whose duty it is to perform
the functions of Masters of Chapel, sit down; there follow in order, to the

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 231

left, the old women in the first row; in the second, in back of the latter, the
married young women, and unmarried ones. The maids are in the third row;
and in front of this circle are the little girls. To the east of this theater is con-
structed a shed of branches with a bonfire in it, from whence come three elders,
one behind another, highly decorated with their best clothes of buffalo hides
curiously painted. At this time the two priests of the great circle begin to sing,
accompanied by all the women. To the accompaniment of this music the three
elders of the shed dance, and with much poise and majesty they approach the
singers. When they enter the circle, there is a pause in the singing; and the
one of the three who is in front delivers an oration in a loud voice with hastened
disconnected words. Each of the women in the circle without changing her
position, places on the ground a small pot of corn meal, and cakes made of
various grains. The singing continues, and the three elders retire in the same
order in which they came. Some assistants (mozetonas) collect the offering
with much haste, like some one stealing, and take it to the shed. After an
hour this same act is repeated. Only the singing of the two priests and women
is continued any longer; though to rest they cease at intervals. At the approach
of dawn, others join in the noise with gourds (guajes or calabazas) filled
with pebbles which they shake in accompaniment to the voices. As dawn
approaches the music ceases and the offerings are distributed among the priests
of the circle, and the elders of the shed. They immediately send some young
men and boys to the nearest woods in order that with repeated howling, they
may call the sun, entreating it to hurry its rising. As soon as the sun ap-
pears they all begin to run with great shouting, and very festively as if to
thank it for the past crop, and inviting it to celebrate with its presence their
races which begin very shortly.

All of the same age and height place themselves in a row, and when the
signal is given to start they run as fast as they can toward a tree about a
gun-shot away; they go around it and with equal speed they return to the
starting point and continue this exercise two or three times, until they are
overcome. The boys follow, and even the girls do the same afterwards. While
they are running the parents and relatives look on with great attention to
see who is winning, and the winner receives the glory of being the strongest.
For those who are left behind or who get tired before the conclusion of the
races, their wives, relatives and friends raise a very sorrowful cry, foretelling
speedy death or captivity. These races last for more than an hour; and then,
having a hollow pole driven into the ground covered with branches, they select
eight robust young women, who [seated] with other sticks in their [both]
hands, make a drum of the large timber, accompanied by the guajes and
calabazas shaken by the elders, to beat the rhythm of the singing [by over twenty
male and female voices], and the dance begins. In this everyone present
participates without exclusion of age or sex. They form two circles, one of
men and the other of women, one facing the other. Jumping in unison they
keep up this frivolous exercise until midday, when the great function terminates.
They then return to their houses, very tired, and with no little desire to sleep.
[Morfi, 1932, p. 31-34.]

Hidalgo makes brief mention of the harvest ceremony:

After their crops are matured all the Indians gather in the house and patio
of their captain to hold their feasts. Those who are to dance come out of
a house near the captain’s. It is a little straw hut they build for the occasion.
Twelve old men come out of it to dance, all having tufts or plumes. They
advance singing in a strange tongue which the people do not understand. These

232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 132

twelve old men stay in the little straw hut as long as the feast lasts. There
they go through their ceremonies, say their prayers, and drink a tea [cacina]
like that commonly used in Florida. This I saw. Every evening these same
twelve old men come to the patio of the captain’s house, singing these same
songs in a strange tongue. One follows exactly behind another and they
immediately form a circle. There they hold three dances during these days and
there are no more during the rest of the year. [Hidalgo, 1927, p. 52.]

What might be called a forecasting ceremony was held in winter:

In the month or moon of February, which they call sacabbi, there is a mass
meeting of all the people. Having previously hunted rabbits, wild cats, wild
birds, and badgers, having provided dry meat—which they have all the year
round—and secured ground meal and other edibles which the country produces,
of which the Indian women bring each a portion, they begin the celebration in
the morning in the house where all the doctors and wise old men assemble. Two
or three of them spend the morning in brewing tea from the laurel leaves while
the old men drink the potion. Then, with their faces turned toward the wall,
they pray to the captain on high. They take the wing of an eagle, which they
call ygut, they use it in their dances and songs, and they carefully preserve it.
In the meantime they salute the fire by throwing ground tobacco on it and
continuously pass the pipe of tobacco from hand to hand. ‘They then go, through
motions to show that the eagle whose feathers they are using has risen on high
to consult with the captain who is there in regard to the weather for the year.
When the old men have made their almanacs in private while muttering between
their teeth, they come out and make it known or manifest to the public, saying,
for instance, that this year—as they told me of 1718—will be abundant in nuts
and acorns but not in corn for the water will fail at the best season. 'The years
when there are many ticks (and they have them every year) they say they will
have an abundance of beans. If it rains a great deal in March and April they say
there will be but little water in June, July, and August. And their prognosti-
cations are so foolish that they usually lose their crops from an excess of rain.
[Hspinosa, 1927, p. 168.]

Morfi:

They also practice astrology and forecast the events of the year in another
solemn festival. The men provide rabbits, mountain cats, deer, turkeys, badgers,
and dried buffalo meat; and the women provide corn meal, fruit, roots, and other
products of the earth. A general meeting of the tribe is held during the new
moon of February, which they call Sacabbi. All the captains, with the oldest
and most venerable medicine men, enter the principal house. These begin the
ceremony at break of day by drinking casina or a concoction of laurel, in which
they spend the whole morning, offering drinks of it from time to time to the
captains. Turning then to some beam of the hut they say their prayers, addressed,
according to what they say, to the Caddi-Ayo. They take an elaborately deco-
rated eagle wing which they have prepared, and which they call Ygui, and with
it in their hands they begin to dance and sing. Without interrupting this amuse-
ment they salute the fire, offering it some ground tobacco; and the pipe is passed
around from mouth to mouth. They afterwards demonstrate that the eagle
whose feathers they have in hand, ascends to heaven to consult with the Capitan
Grande, for the coming events of the year. In the meanwhile the elders alone
with much reserve, form their almanac, and the ceremony finished, leave the
house to communicate it to the people, announcing for example, that the year

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Attributed to the Caddo. Height, 64 in.; width, 244 in.; depth, 34 in. (U.S. N. M. No. 378577.)

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 235

will be abundant in nuts and acorns; but with a scarcity of corn, ete. Those
Indians receive these decisions as infallible and usually pay for it with a lack
of grain. [Morfi, 1932, p. 35.]

Festivals to train youths in preparation for war were held in spring.
Joutel describes this training as he observed it in April 1687, as
follows:

I had the pleasure of seeing their exercises since the cabin in which I lived was
very near that where they were so that I saw all that they were doing. Two of
the most active chiefs ranged all of the young people in a row and, after they
were all so ordered, they set out instantly at a given signal and endeavored to see
who could gain the advantage. They then planted two posts some distance apart
and a number of them started running to see who would excel in fleetness by the
greater or less number of turns, after which they made them exercise with the
bow and arrow. They passed their days in that manner. [Margry, 1875-1886,
vol. 8, pp. 354-855. ]

Espinosa places this somewhat later but evidently is describing the
same ceremony:

At the beginning of May these Indians have a feast very much like those
observed in certain villages in Hurope, for, from a reference to the Thesoro de la
Lengua Castellana, it is seen that the Zagdéles youths are accustomed on the first
day of May to place in the plaza or in some other spot an elm, stripped except
for a bunch of leaves at the top. Here they hold a celebration with various
games and contests, saying that they are celebrating the May Day. In this
same way, the Texas Indians celebrate the May festival by securing a very tall,
straight, slender pine. After cutting off the branches—leaving only the top—they
put it up in a level space. They make two very wide paths, cleaning off the
surface so that they can run faster. These paths come together behind the tree
and thus form a circle. Innumerable Indians gather together at the rising of
the sun and begin to run along these paths, one after the other. They choose the
strongest and the lightest. The one who runs around the May tree the greatest
number of times without pausing is the victor and he is the one who receives the
most applause. After they are tired out they generally have refreshments which
the Indian women have provided. This is the day most celebrated among them,
because it is a test for teaching them how to run when they fight their enemies.
[Espinosa, 1927, pp. 174-175.]

Morfi:

At the beginning of May they hold other public races which they call corn
races. For these they provide a very tall, slender, straight pine tree which they
trim, leaving only the top branches. They fix it in the ground, in the middle
of a well cleared space. They form two wide and ample paths which they clean
with care, in order to run more freely and with more surety. These form a
circle around the pine. At sunrise they begin to run, one behind the other, along
the two paths, selecting for this exercise, the most robust and quickest men.
They declare as victor the one who can make the greatest number of courses
around the pine without rest. After they are very tired, they eat what the women
bring for them, and retire. They look upon this as one of the most solemn days,
and these races are the most celebrated, because they are held as training for
war. [Morfi, 1932, pp. 34-85.]

299671—42——16

234. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

In 1912 the Caddo remembered that they had had a scalp dance, a
war dance, a duck dance, and a skunk dance. The scalp dance was
later called the turkey dance because it was thought that the turkeys
began it and that they still wear the scalps and dance this dance around
trees. It was a women’s dance. The war dance, on the other hand,
was for men only. The duck dance was said to be a peculiar and a
pretty dance. The Caddo were then said to have about four dancing
places but one of these was cared for by a Seminole Indian.”

Material from the living Caddo Indians regarding exorcisms,
prayers, offerings, feasting, tobacco rites, ceremonial orientation, and
various other ceremonies as well as dances is given by Parsons (1941,
pp. 43-57). Two objects of religious significance are shown in plates
18 and 19.

' CONCLUSIONS

The most marked distinction between the Caddo and their neighbors
to the east seems to have been in their language, and by this one feature
they are connected more closely with some of the tribes of the Great
Plains where all the other members of the linguistic family to which
they have given their name belonged. Their exact position with ref-
erence to the Muskhogean, Siouan, and other groups will not be
known, however, until much more work has been done upon the dialects
of the several families. But, however widely they may be found to
differ from other tribes in the Southeastern cultural province in this
particular, their speech as yet lends no color to the theory that their
origin must be sought in the direction of Old or New Mexico or any
point to the west. Insofar as their origin myths cast light upon their
past history, they indicate the east rather than the west. Their only
connecting link with the west or southwest seems to have been the
Jumano or Shuman Indians, and these, the latest investigations appear
to indicate, were not originally Caddoans.

Physically, the Caddo are described as somewhat smaller and darker
than the tribes to the north and perhaps this would apply also to the
tribes east of them but the difference was not sufficiently great to be
used as a basis for the theory of a recent origin outside of the country
in which they lived at the dawn of written history. They probably
belonged to the brachycephalic peoples like the Wichita and Pawnee,
but so did most of the Choctaw and the other Indian groups on the
lower Mississippi.

Like the rest of the Southeastern Indians, they cultivated corn,
beans, squashes, sunfiowers, and tobacco. Like them corn was
their main means of subsistence, and its cultivation was central
to their economic, social, and ceremonial life. Like them, they
broke up their land and undertook the initial cultivation of their

20 Personal notes.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 2a)

fields in a body, town by town. We are not certain that they had
town granaries distinct from those owned by each family but know
nothing to disprove it. Like the Natchez, they cultivated first the
fields a the chiefs and nobility, and like the Creeks, the field of the
high priest among the very first.

Like the other Southeastern tribes, they made persimmon bread, and
extracted oil from acorns and nuts, and they appear to have “farmed
the wilderness” in a similar manner. In both sections it was usual to

burn the fields over in the spring. Corn was reduced to flour similarly

by the use of wooden mortars and a series of sifters made of cane.
As a detail we may note that they provided their beans with poles
instead of allowing them to grow up on the cornstalks, but our data
are so meager that both systems may well have been employed
throughout.

The buffalo here played a greater part in the domestic economy than
among the tribes farther east but this was evidently due to nothing
more fundamental than the near presence of vastly greater numbers
of the animals. Along with the hunting of buffalo came the com-
munal hunt and for the same reason, but even the western Caddo
tribes continued to use deer and, like the tribes to the eastward,
they stalked these animals by means of stuffed deer heads. Dogs
played about the same part in the domestic economy as among the
more eastern tribes, but there is no reference to a travois though the
Indians to the west and north had them. Like the eastern tribes, they
depended much upon bear fat to season their other food. Their eastern
cultural connections are emphasized once more in the extensive part
which fish played in their economy, and this was true, not only of the
tribes near Red River but of the western Caddo also. We do not
have the slightest intimation of any repugnance toward fish as food
such as one meets on the western plains.

Besides the communal hunt, attributed in part to dread of meet-
ing enemies on the buffalo plains, the only change traceable to the
hunting of buffalo that is apparent is the use of lances in the chase
and in war.

Their garments resembled those of the Indians to the east except
that there appears to have been greater use of buffalo skins and
less use of textiles. We notice also more mention of fringing on
the edges of their skin clothing, and adjustment of the woman’s
upper garment by means of a hole poncho-fashion, instead of the
eastern style of tying the two edges together over one shoulder. We
get the impression that tribal differences were often apparent in
ornamentation and in methods of treating the hair, but these were
of such a minor character that it is impossible, from the data sup-
plied us, to set off the Caddo in this way from other peoples. Péni-

236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 182

caut, indeed, states that the Natchitoches tattooed less than the
Acolapissa of the lower Mississippi, but our other authorities speak
of tattooing as being so general and elaborate, at least among the
western Caddo, that his remarks must be largely discounted. The
Caddo were noted for their nasal ornaments but these were in vogue
also among the Chickasaw and Creeks. By the end of the seven-
teenth century the Caddo were not seemingly resorting to head
deformation, but Garcilaso de la Vega affirms that the custom in the
early part of the sixteenth century was flourishing among the sup-
posedly Caddo Tula, and skulls showing frontal deformation have
been dug up in the old Caddo country.

Caddo houses were identical with those of the Wichita and were
somewhat divergent from the commonest types on the lower Missis-
sippi, but in general plan they were merely a variant of the winter
house of the Southeast minus the wattle work and mat covering.
Except that Natchez houses were more often square than round, the
method of construction given by Du Pratz coincides very closely
with that described by the missionaries among the Hasinai. We
miss the distinct summer and winter houses, but it is doubtful
whether summer houses were in use along the lower Mississippi or
anything corresponding to them except a rude arbor under which
cooking went on in the hot season. House building was a com-
munal enterprise both among the Caddo and the tribes east of them.
In both sections the occupants of these houses slept on a bed or shelf
around the inside next to the wall, and the fire was in the center.
In both sections there were wooden seats like the West Indian duhos,
wooden chests, and cane mats, hampers, and baskets of all kinds,
besides the sieves, as already mentioned, used in making flour. The
usual simple type of fire drill was employed, and cane torches to
illuminate the ceremonial grounds at night. Hoes, rattles, flageolets,
and drums appear to have been made in much the same way but our
descriptions of them are not very full. We are told that flageolets
were used in dances and if so that is at variance with general South-
eastern usage. Caddo pottery has already been mentioned. Superior
as it is, it conforms to Southeastern patterns. Dugout canoes were
used by the eastern Caddo and cane rafts by all of them.

During their monthly periods and at the birth of a child, the
women resorted to separate houses, a universal Southeastern custom.
Adultery was not punished severely as a rule except apparently in
the case of a noble. Otherwise the greatest looseness prevailed and
in this particular we are reminded of the Natchez rather than the
Chickasaw, Choctaw, or Creeks. Division of labor between the sexes
was practically the same as in the Southeast generally. The social
organization reminds us of the Natchez in that a marked class dis-

9

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 237

tinction existed, though it did not reach the same proportions, and
also in the theocratic tendency of the state in which the Caddo seen
to have gone somewhat beyond. The Kadohadacho, at least, remind
us of the Chickasaw and Creeks in the presence of animal-named
divisions. Although we seem to detect tendencies toward matri-
lineal descent, the system certainly was not of that rigorous character
which it reached in the tribes first mentioned. This difference is
reflected in the terms of relationship which belonged apparently to the
Mackenzie Basin Type instead of the Crow Type so generally exhibited
in the Southeast. Chieftainships were transmitted patrilineally.

According to the Spanish missionaries the most powerful indi-
vidual among the Hasinai was a kind of high priest who would
seem to have corresponded to the Natchez guardian of the sacred fire,
but we are unable to determine whether he was a high priest who had
become king or a king who had become high priest. Under him were
a number of town or regional chiefs and under these still other grades
of officials. In brief, the government recalls that of the Natchez and
Timucua most closely but somewhat more remotely that of the Creeks.
Otherwise, like most other primitive groups, the Caddo tribes were
so many mutual-aid societies, the individuals assisting one another in
all the major activities and misfortunes of life.

The great ball game of the Southeast was not certainly known to
the Caddo, and their greatest game was said to have been a kind of
hockey, which may have taken its place. A form of the hoop-and-
pole game was known to them but we do not hear of the employment
of chunk stones in this. On the other hand they played the common
dice game with short sections of cane, and they had a form of the
moccasin game. Foot races and contests in shooting arrows are
mentioned among the Caddo more than the tribes to the east of them.

A smoking ceremony was held on the arrival of strangers by all
the Caddo when Joutel passed through their country, but the specific
calumet dance had reached only the Cahinnio, the border tribe to the
northeast. The washing of strangers as part of the ceremony of
welcome was a somewhat peculiar Caddo trait, but we get something
of the kind a hundred years earlier among the Indians of North Car-
olina. They were peculiar also in the ceremony of greeting by wail-
ing, though one type of this was noted by the French in Florida a
hundred years before, and it existed among some of the tribes farther
west. Like the more eastern tribes they punished by means of flag-
ellations or, in cases of murder, with death. Their war customs
present few points of difference from those in vogue on the Missis-
sippi, but the burning of the house in which their assembly had been
held after they were prepared to march and the absence of the rite
of “striking the post” and accompanying self-glorification of each
warrior in turn seem to set them off.

238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 132

Even in aboriginal times the Caddo apparently resorted to trade
more than many of the neighboring people. They were active in
sending salt to the tribes along the Mississippi River and bow wood
in all directions, as far west even as the Pueblos, but these enterprises
cannot be said to differentiate them from their neighbors. They did,
however, make it easy for them to open up trade with the Spaniards
and French.

The Caddo did not place their dead on scaffolds but buried them
in the earth. Pénicaut describes the former custom as if it were
shared by the Natchitoches but it was not the ordinary Caddo usage.
In both regions quantities of utensils were placed with the corpse, and
the Caddo lighted fires at the grave for six nights, six being the sacred
number. One of the most striking differences between their burial
usages and those of the other Southeastern people was in the fact that
they cremated the bodies of men who had died on war expeditions.

Everything that we are enabled to learn of the religious beliefs
of these people allies them in general with the other tribes of the
Southeastern province, but specifically and strikingly with the Natchez.
They reverenced a supreme god called the “great chief above,” or
“chief above,” whose birth and early adventures are preserved to
us in what proves to be a version of the “thrown away” myth. De-
voted to the cult of this deity were several temples in one of which,
at least, there was a perpetual fire, and what is told us of the cere-
monies connected with them ally the Caddo in a striking manner
with their eastern neighbors, the Natchez and the Taensa. As in the
case of the Creeks and Natchez, domestic fires were obtained from
the fire in one of these temples. The two “children” believed to act
as intermediaries between the supreme being and the chief priest
are not paralleled along the Mississippi, but our knowledge of the
beliefs of the river tribes is by no means complete. Their connection
with the Pawnee and Wichita appears in strong traces of a star cult.
The practices of the medicine men resemble those to which we are
accustomed in descriptions of similar practitioners farther east.
Herbs were administered, formulae repeated to the accompaniment
of various instruments, and scarification and sucking of the affected
part indulged in, and medicine men performed essential functions in
the first-fruits ceremonies, house building, and the cultivation of the
ground. The Caddo placed the same stress on their first-fruits cere-
mony as did the Natchez and Creeks, but seem to have had a more
elaborate harvest ritual. As in the case of the surrounding tribes,
they had hunting and planting ceremonies. The “forecasting cere-
mony” in February and the one held in May to train young men
for warfare were different from anything mentioned along the
Mississippi.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 239

In spite of a number of minor differences between the culture of the
Caddo and the culture of the other Southeastern tribes, the resem-
blances are much more in evidence, and the picture we get of their
social organization and religious rituals allies them strikingly with
the Natchez and Taensa. Their most marked divergencies were in
their apparent failure to have developed the same strongly marked
matrilineal system that is characteristic of the Southeastern province,
and in their language. In these two particulars and the prominent
position given to star lore in their myths, as well as the elaboration
of their rituals, they are allied with the other tribes of the Caddoan
stock, but they belong distinctly to the Southeastern cultural area and
more particularly to the lower Mississippi manifestation of it. Upon
the whole, their cultural position may have been slightly inferior to
that of the Natchez but the difference was certainly small and in one
detail at least, the ceramic art, they had no superiors short of the
Pueblo country.

In brief, the connection of the Caddo with the Southeastern tribes
is evident in every aspect of their lives—material, social, and cere-
monial—such differences as existed being in matters of detail and
never in fundamentals.

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ORIGINAL TEXTS OF THREE OF THE PRINCIPAL DOCUMENTS
CONSULTED IN THE PRESENT BULLETIN

LETTER AND REPORT OF FRAY FRANCISCO CASANAS DE JESUS MARIA
TO THE VICEROY OF MEXICO, DATED AUGUST 15, 1691!

Ex™? S';

Por las muchas noticias que tengo del fuego que arde en el pecho
Christiano y Chatolico de Vé me muebe a escriuir estos brebes renglones
que por no hauer tenido por las muchas ocupaciones tienpo en concluir
con una relacion larga que yba escriuiendo para que Vé supiera por
menudo lo poco que en este afio he visto experimentado y conocido. Y6,
y tambien por las noticias que me an dado algunos Yndios principales
de esta prouincia de los Tejas y por otro nombre Ilamamos, Acenay, y
juntam** algunas de la probincia de los Cadodachos, me motiuo, 4
escriuir a Vé. esta carta junto con esta breue relacion de las cosas
que mas 6 conocido ser necessarias al presente noticiar a Vé, para el
fomento de la conbersion de estas Almas de el Sefior para que su
Santisimo Nombre sea ensalzado, y juntamente el de su Santisima
Madre en todas estas Naciones.

RELACION

Ex”? S™ En premier lugar doy 4 Vé mill parabienes de tan grande
empreza y de direcion tan justa a la Diuina Mag? que es conquistar
las almas que estan en poderio del enemigo de los mortales en estos
reynos, y prouincias, y lo que se me ofreze en segundo lugar referir 4
Vé son jas noticias siguientes: Esta prouincia de los Asenay, es muy
fertil para qualquier cosa que en ella se quisiere hazer tanto; y aun
me atrebo a decir mas que la de Espafia. Solo tiene una falta que es
ser tan montuosa de diferencia de arboles, y las Ilanadas son muy
pocas. Hay en tres parajes de esta prouincia que se pudieran fundar,
no digo pueblos, sino ciudades. Otros parajes hay no tan grandes,
pero muy buenos donde ellos estan poblados que se conponen de
cafiadas y lomas. Las lomas son muchas y no mui altas. No llegara
ninguna de ellas a mill varas de alto. En muchas de ellas hay mucha
piedra y toda ella es muy blanda. Creo aunque yé no lo entiendo
es tierra de minas subiendo y6 una loma en el medio de ella vi unas
piedras mui pesadas. Y dentro de unos éjitos estauan 4 modo de

1I have attempted to reproduce the lettering of the original correctly but have taken
liberties with the punctuation which in the MS is highly eclectic.

241

242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

unos cabellos reluciendo como oro, que por hauer visto algunas en la
Nueba Espafia jugue seria lo mismo. En muchas partes de la pro-
uincia creo sera lo mismo. Por cierta experiencia que hizo uno que
hauia trabajado en minas; y dijo que hauia oro y plata. Tambien
hay muchas minas de barro, que los Yndios hazen lindas dllas de el,
y creo que asi como hazen éllas se pudieran hazer Tejas; y ladrillos.
Tanbien hay algunas minas de almagre que por ser tan fino es a-
lauado de algunas naciones distantes de estas, y lo Ileuan a sus tierras.
El] panino de la tierra en lo que yo é reconogido y visto en esta
prouincia es tierra la mas parte de negra, y de suyo fofa que en tiempo
de llubias haze much lodo. Que por tener algo del arenisco no
detiene mucho el agua.

En toda esta prouincia no hay mas que tres rios el uno nombrado
el de la Santisima Trinidad que esta, como doce leguas antes de
Tlegar a lo poblado de esta probincia, el otro llamado el de el Adchan-
gel San Miguel que esta como tres leguas dentro de lo poblado, a
orillas del qual se ha fundado la Mision de Vé., y por ponerse la
primera cruz en el dia que la iglesia haze memorias de la Victoria
de Viena, se puso por titulo a la Mision el Sanctisimo Nombre de
Maria. Es puesto muy acomodado para todo. El tercero rio esta
distante de este como diez leguas, y le he puesto y6 por hallarme
el dia de la Pasqua de Espiritu Santo el mesmo nombre. Arroyos
en toda esta prouincia abra como treinta que siempre corre el agua.
En algunos de ellos se an puestos nombres, y uno de entre ellos
se llama el de la Venerable Madre de Jesus de Agreda. Hay tambien
una infinidad dedos de agua que por ser muchos yé6 no los he podido
numerar. Lagunas en la mayor parte de los llanos las hay, y
algunas son grandes, otras pequefias. En las grandes hay pescado
de diferentes generos, como en los rios.

Las diferencias de arboles son de nogales la mayor parte de dife-
rentes generos de nuezes. Hay tambien muchos morales. Hay otros
arboles de diferentes generos de frutas, como son castafios pero la
castafia no es tan grande, como la de Espafia. Los demas son de
frutas no conocidas en esa tierra pero muy buenas como son asses
y ziruelas, no como las de Espafia pero creo serian tan buenas
si sé cultiuaran. Los demas no sé sus nombres, si sé que son muy
buenas sus frutas por hauer comido de todas ellas. Hay tambien
muchos generos de vellotas, todas muy buenas en particular unas
que son tan dulzes como castafias. De las demas hazen las Indias un
modo de comida que les sirue de pan, como el maiz. En toda la
prouincia hay muchos pinos y mui altos. Hay otros arboles de
diferentes generos que no sirben de otra cossa sino de recrear la
bista por la dibersidad de las flores que tienen. Los demas arboles
son de muy lindas maderas para fabricar de ella todo quanto se

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 243

quisiere hazer. Hay tambien diferentes generos de plantas como
son sanza mora, y una ynfinidad de parras, unas enrredadas en
los arboles, otras a modo de zepas por los campos, y son tantas que
pareze que a mano las an plantado. Unas y otras son de muy
lindas ubas. Solo les falta no estar cultibadas. Hay tanbien mucha
granadilla que en la Nueba Espafia Ilaman del Peru.

Hay tambien otros generos de yerbesitas muy buenas para comer.
Hai unas raizes a modo de batatas que seden debajo de la tierra muy
buenas. Esto hasta aqui es lo que dandesi la tierra. Las semillas, que a
su tiempo siembran los Yndios son maiz en abundancia. Hay de dos
generos, uno que seda, en mes y medio y otro que en tres meses seda.
Tiene cinco 6 seis generos de frixoles todos muy buenos, calabazas mui
buenas, sandias y mirasoles que la semilla mesclada con el maiz hazen
muy lindos tamales, como tambien de otra semilla semejante a la
semilla de coles que molida con maiz hazen polbos para comer que es
menester tener el agua cerca que por ser, como harina, y comerse,
enjuta se sueles pegar en el gasnate:

Ks tierra de diferentes generos de animales muy buenos para comer,
como son jabalies, y estos bien corpulentos y brabos, como los de
espana, muchos venados, gallinas de la tierra patos reales y estos solo
en tiempo de ybierno los hay, otros dos generos de patos mas pequefios
pero mui buenos. Otras abes no tan grandes, como las gallinas de
eastilla hay y muy buenas que juntamente bienen con los patos reales.
Hay muchos conejos, y otros generos de pajaros que todo el afio estan
en la tierra, como son perdizes, codornizes, garzas, y vna infinidad de
pajaros que dan mucha melodia en tiempo de primauera.

Solo tienen vn trabajo que aunque diestros en desparar las flechas
no alcanzan a matar lo bastante de la sobredicha caza y por eso bes,
es necesario balerse de la sibola que en diferentes tiempos de el afio se
juntan para buscarla que lo mas cerca de esta prouincia suele estar
como quatro dias de camino. Y la causa de hir juntos a buscarla es
por algun peligro que tienen de sus enemigos.

Las comidas ordinarias que estos pobres miserables tienen para
su sustento es maiz, frixoles y lo demas que ariua tengo referido. De
la carne nunca hazen mas que dos guizados cocido y azado. El modo
de comer y estar asentados en vnos bancos que hazen de madera todos
de una pieza no mui altos. La mesa es el suelo o sus rodillas. Por
manteles y serbilletas se siruen de lo que hallan mas a mano con
aquello se enjugan los dedos, aora sea palo 6 qualquier traste, y
los que no son tan politicos con su proprio pié. Mas con todo esto
son mas amigos de lamber la cuchara que serben por ella los dos dedos
de la mano diestra. Los platos con que se seruen son vnas cazuelas
redondas; y como comen siempre la carne cocida y assada sin caldo.
La ponen encima de unas espuertecitas mui bonitas que las Yndias

244. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

hazen de otate, y quando estan en parte que no las tienen se siruen
de unas éjas 6 el santo suelo, y los no muy politicos su propio piés.
Que hordinariamente el modo de asentarse es teniendo vna rodilla
lebantada. Las gracias que dan es tomar vn chacuaco con tabaco,
y las primeras quatro tomadas las hazen, vna en el ayre, y otra en la
tierra, y las otras dos por los lados. Pareze que siempre que comen
hazen enpero de acabar lo que Jes ponen delante. Comen muy de
espacio, y estando comiendo cantan, hablan, y de quando en quando
silban, y se tienen por hombres los que acaban todo lo que les dan.
Hazen burla de los que comen poco, y aborrecen a los que comen
hasta que les causa bomitos. Es estilo en ellos quando llegan a una
casa nunca pedir de comer por que es costumbre en ellos luego que
llegan a vna casa ponerles de lo que tienen, y acauado de comer luego
les dan .para que chupen tabaco. Antes de comer nada de lo cojen
primero lleban al caddi, y si es alguno de los principales conbida a
todo el pueblo para que vayan a su casa tal dia. Va el caddi y todo
los demas y se empieza a hazer grande fiesta. El caddi toma de lo
que se ha de comer y el a vn poco en la lumbre, y luego en el aire,
en la tierra y em ambos lados. Solo se ba a un rincon, y mientras
todos los demas empiezan a formar vn baile, el esta, ablando solo al
maiz que se deje comer, y asi de las demas cosas que ellos usan.
Habla a las culebras que no muerdan. Habla a los venados que no
se las coman. Ofreze a Dios toda la cosecha de aquella cassa y con
esto acaba que Dios Je ha dicho que se lo coman, que sino se an de
morir de hambre. Todos empiezan a comer hasta artarse que su
comer siempre llega hasta aqui.

Quando es alguno que no puede hazer toda esta fiesta por el mucho
gasto Ileba al caddi algo primera antes que empieze a comer de lo
sobredicho, y luego vaja, y hecha con poco en la lumbre y en las quatro
partes, y le dize que se baya que ya puede comer lo. Esta seremonia
de asentarse en alto solo lo haze el gran wxinest y los caddiges, y
tanpoco nadie tiene semejantes altos en su casa mas que ellos. Los
altos son unos tapestles a modo de mesas. A el se asientan pomendo
los pies aun banco. Lo que alli se haze y se habla lo obseruan, como
los Catholicos el Santo Evangelis, y si es algun mandato lo guardan
mejor que los christianos los diez mandamientos. Por esso no sea
sientan en este alto sino por cosa muy particular.

El vestir de estos pobres ordinariamente solo ussan de unas gamugas,
y cueros de sibolas muy bien aderezados. En tiempo de muchas calores,
en sus casas los hombres hordinariamente andan desnudos, pero las
mugeres aun que se an mui pequefias siempre andan cubiertas de la
cintura abajo. A hombres y mugeres no les falta con que con ponerse
en sus fiestas de diferentes trastes, 6 perendengues, como los que
vsaban los Mexicanos en su gentilidad. Solo el oro y la plata que

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 245

estos no lo canozen. Muchas de estas cossas han adquirido destras
naciones, como son abalorios, cazcabeles, y otras cossas semejantes que
la tierra no tiene. En estas fiestas vnos se precian de salir galanes,
y otros de tan horrenda figura que parecen demonios hasta ponerse las
llabes de benado en la cabeza, y assi cada uno se rige segun su ydea.

El modo de embijarse en sus mitotes es ridiculo. Para yr a la
guerra se juntan todos en un lugar pintados de diferentes colores.
Esto dizen que lo hazen por no ser conocidos de sus enemigos. Lo
mismo hazen quando saben ha benido algun huespede de otras
naciones por la misma razon.

Antes de partir a la guerra estan baylando y cantando siete 6 ocho
dias ofreciendo a Dios carne, mais, arcos, flechas, tabaco, acoxo manteca
del corazon de las sibolas, pidiendo a Dios muchas muertes de sus
enemigos. Le piden fuerzas para pelear, ligeresa para correr, y valor
para resistir. En todas estas juntas se da mucho que comer. Vnos
baylan, y otros comen. Delante de los que estan baylando esta vn
palo, y en el colgado algo de lo que ofrezen a Dios. Delante del palo
tienen fuego encendido, alli esta a sentado vno que pareze vn demonio.
Kste es el que da el ynciengo 4 Dios que es echar manteca de sibola y
tabaco en la lumbre. Todos se acercan alrededor del fuego, y de el
humo coge cada uno vn peinado y se refriego con el por todo el cuerpo,
pensando en esto que Dios le conzede, lo que le pide, sea muerto de
sus enemigos, 6 ligeresa para correr. En otras ocassiones no le
hecha este genero de yncienso a la lumbre, sino que toma vn palo
encendido, y lo pone alli, y con el palo y la manteca que le hecha yn-
ciensa todo lo que ofrezen a Dios, y cada vez que se acaua vn baile sale
uno, ablando como quien predica, y dice lo que an de pedir a Dios el
siguiente baile. En estas juntas tienen muchas abassiones por que
tambien piden a el fuego, a el ayre, a el agua, a el mais, a las sibolas,
a los venados, otras cosas semejantes a estas a unas que se deje matar
para comer, a otras vengansa, pidiendo a el agua que ahogue 4 sus
enemigos a el fuego que la queme, 4 las filechas que los mate 4 el biento
que se los lleue, y finalmente todo esto lo dirigen a la bengaza. El
vltimo dia de esta junta sale el caddi y los alienta diciendo, ea hombres
si lo sois no hay que acordarse de mugeres de padres madres, ni
de hijos que parese acuerdo no sea estorbo de nuestra victoria. En
estas juntas con fio en el Sefior que entendiendo los min’ evangelicos
la lengua se puede hazer mucho fruto por estar juntas muchas
naciones.

El natural y ynclinacion que todos los ymfieles de estas naciones
tienen segun he esperimentado en muchas ocasiones es mui bueno
en muchas cossas como en darse mafia a trabajar para tener algo de
sustento para algunos tiempos de el afio que por ser tierra de muchos
frios y aguas no los deja salir de sus cassas. Y tambien por falta

246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

2,

de ropa que lomas que suelen tener es vna pobre gamusa, 6 cuero
de sibola. En este tiempo se entretienen cerca de la lumbre en
hazer algo de manos los hombres flechas zapatos de gamuza y otras
cositas necesarias, como las que se ofrezen aun labrador del campo,
las mugeres en hazer petates de otate, ollas, cazuelas, y otras cossas
de barro para sus exisiceo. Tambien se ocupan en aderezar pellejos
de venados y de sibolas hombres y mugeres que todos los saben
hazer, y otros muchos trastitos necesarios del seruicio de la casa.

Son de natural apacibles obedientes a los mandatos de el gran
winesi, que es como Reyesuelo de ellos, y este tiene el oficio por linea
recta de su linaje que muerto vno entra el que es mas propinquo
en sanguinidad 4 el. A este estan sujetos estas nuebe naciones:
Nabadacho que por otro nombre se llama Ynect. En esta nacion esta
fundada la mision de N™ Padre Fran°, y la que yo he fundado en
nombre de Vé. que del Santismo Nombre de Maria. La segunda
nacion es de los Mecha. Esta se diuide de estotra en el Rio del
Archangel S* Miguel. Ambas estan entre el norte y lebante aun
lado de estas dos mirando a el medio dia entre el sur y lebante
esta la nacion de los Nechaui; y otra que esta media legua cercana
de estotra llamada Nacono. Hazia la parte de el norte donde da fin
la nacion sobredicha llamada Wecha esta la nacion llamada Nacachau.
Entre esta nacion y otra llamada Nazadachotzi que esta hazia el
lebante tomando, el rumbo de la casa de el gran wines? que esta,
como al medio dia y en el medio de las dos naciones caé otra nacion
que empieza de la casa de el gran ainesi, entre el norte, y lebante
y se llama Cachaé. A el fin de esta nacion mirando hazia al norte
esta otra nacion llamada Wabiti y 4 la parte de esta mirando hazia
el lebante esta otra nacion Ilamada Wasayaha. Estas nuebe naciones
cogeran de largo, como treinta y cinco leguas, y todas estan sujeta
a este gran winesi.

En cada una de estas nuebe naciones hay vn caddi que biene a
ser como gouernador que los gobierna y manda. Este caddi es tambien
por linea recta de el parentezco de sanguinidad. Estos caddizes cada
uno en su distrito segun la nacion si es grande 6 pequefia. Si grande
tienen algunos Oficiales que se llaman canaha de estos tiene siete, 6,
écho para ayuda de su gouierno, que si la nacion es chiquita no tiene
mas que tres o quatro. El oficio de estos es tomar labor de el caddi
y publicarla diciendo que el caddi manda que se haga esto 6 aquello.
Les pone miedo diciendo que si no obedezen 4 el mandato los han
de azotar y castigar. Estos tienen tambien sus oficiales que les llaman
chaya. Estos hazen todo lo que el canahales manda. Tambien tienen
étros que les Ilaman tanma. Estos son los que dan prisa a la cosa.
A los floxos los azotan dando les con unas baxas a las piernas, y
varrigas. El canaha tiene de oficio tambien llamar quando se ofreze

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 247

los viejos que se juntan en casa de el caddi para tratar algun negocio,
y quando van a la guerra y a matar carne manda conponer el puesto
donde el caddi descanse para dormir y comer, y siempre que quieze
chupar le trahe el chaquaco con tabaco, y se lo pone en la boca. Con
estos 6ficios sobredichos estan con tanta paz y union que en todo
un afio y tres meses, no habemos visto rifia chica ni grande. Antes
si castigar a los floxos y atreuidos.

En algo todas las mugeres, la del gran wines? y las de los caddises
que ordinariamente no tienen mas que una, estas todas tienen un
mesmo nombre que es Aqguidau. Con este nombre ya se entiende que
es muger del gran wxines?, 6 de algun caddi. Todas las demas cada
una, tiene su diferente nombre.

Los hombres que an tenido alguna victoria en la guerra mas de el
sobre nombre que tienen se llaman ay Afayxoya que quiere decir
grande hombre. Las armas y vanderas que estos tienen son tener
los pellejos y cabellos de los enemigos que cada uno ha matado. Las
calaberas las tiene el gran wines? cerca de su casa colgadas en un arbol.
Finalm** en esto ellos no ussan demas rigor de lo que ussan sus
enemigos. Que es atarlos de pies y manos en un palo a modo de cruz:
Alli hazen pedasos bebiendoles la sangre y comiendoles la carne medio
azada.

En lo demas deue gouierno es ayudarse vnos 4 otros de tal suerte
que si a unos se les quema la casa y lo que tiene, todos se juntan y
le hazen casa nueba, y le lleuan de lo que ellos usan para sustento
y seruicio. Todos en comunidad en tiempo de sembrar se juntan y
siembran lo que cada uno tiene que sembrar segun la familia de la casa
empesando primero en casa de el gran winesz. A este solo siembran
un poquito delante de su casa para que tenga algo del verde para
su recreo, por que todos le dan de todo quanto tienen para vesterse
y sustentarse, y luego prosiguen en sembrar las milpas y sembra-
dos de el caddi; y ban prosiguiendo por los demas oficiales y viejos,
y de esta manera van prosiguiendo de el mayor hasta el menor hasta
que cada uno tiene lo nececario para el afio. Tanbien trabaja el
caddi con los demas, pero el gran xinesi nunca sale de su casa para
nada solo para pasearse, y hazer algunas visitas. Para esto en todas
las cassas, de los caddises y de los mas nobles se tiene a sefialado un
banco que nadie se asenta sino el, quando va, y una cama alta a modo
de un nicho para que duerma y descanse. Una politica tienen muy
buena que los hombres quando trabajan no trabajan juntos con las
mugeres sino apartados unos de otras y los de la casa donde trabajan
no los dejan trabajar obligacion si tienen hasta que se acaba el sem-
brado de alifarles de comer. En las enformedades se visitan y seruen
unos 4 otros con mucha charidad. Procuran a dar a el enfermo todo
consuelo lebandoles alguns regalos. Unos 4 otros se prestan las

248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

alaja que tienen, como entre ellos no hay trato aleuno. Son camba-
lacheros. Pareze que en todo lo que tienen no lo tienen como cosa
propia sino comun. Por eso no hay 4mbicion ni embidias para que
les ympidan la paz y union.

Todos de natural son timidos. Por eso tienen mucho respecto a
el gran winesi, caddises, y mayores. Quando el caddi pretende alguna
cosa particular llama 4 todos los viejos, toma al sentir de cada uno,
y el resuelbe lo que mas conuiene, dando sus razones a unos y 4
otros de lo que mas conuiene hazerse y determinarse de esa suerte.
Salen todos contentos y vniformes de el consejo. En estas juntas
tienen de politica no hablar los demas quando uno abla. Estan todos
atentos. Solo dan sefias que oyen con atencion lo que se abla.
Acabado el uno empieza el otro, y de esa suerte cada uno se sigue por
su antiguedad; y esta politica de antiguedades no solo es en hablar
sino en los asientos y en lo demas que los xptianos suelen guardar.
Esta politica en las juntas que hazen. Nadie se junta con los sobre-
dichos consejeros. Si alguno se le ofreze, algo se asoma a la puerta
y con sefias lo pide. Luego lo despachan. Los viejos reprehenden,
mucho a los mossos si se assentan o hablan delante de ellos. A mi
me ha acontecido en algunas ocassiones hablar y estar asentado con
ellos y quererse mesclar algun moso, y no solo lo reprehendian sino
tambien le daban con las manos algun golpe. El respecto y obediencia
que tienen a el gran ainest es grande. Todos procuran tenerle con-
tento en darle de lo que tienen, y en salir a cazar alguna cosa para
que se regale. Finalmente en su gouierno no es mas que decir quiero
que esto, 6 aquello se hagan. Todos siguen por el temor que le tienen
su parezer, diciendo que es cosa muy azertada, y sera bien no se haga
otra cosa mas de la que dize.

Los castigos que tienen y dan a los delinquentes es de azotes segun el
delicto. Si es de muerte le dan tantos que hordinariamente no pueden
bolber mas en si. Si ha flechado 6, ha hecho algun, agrauio personal
dando algun golpe mortal a el caddi, 6 alguno de su familia, como son
Padre y Madre, hijos, y propinquos a su linaje, tiene sentencia de
muerte. Esto no lo he visto pero es cosa tan comun en ellos que hasta
los nifios lo saben. Si ha flechado o ha hecho de esta suerte se puede,
ynferir que habra sucedido y sera como dicen.

El trato que tienen de tomar el varon a Ja muger no es con mui buena
politica. En algun modo parece que el trato es bueno, pero he visto y
reconocido que no es muy permanente. Si alguno quiere por su muger
a la que se saue es doncella, le Ileua alguna cosa de lo mejor que tienen,
y sisu padre y madre dan permiso que la hija lo reciua, esta es la res-
puesta que bienen bien en el contrato. Pero nose la dejan llebar que es
primero no se dé noticia al caddi. Sino son doncellas, no hay mas con-
trato que decir el hombre a la muger si quiera ser su amiga le da algo.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 249

Algunas vezes se haze este contrato solo por algunos dias. Otras vezes
disen que ha de ser para siempre. Estos son pocos que obserban la
palabra porque en poco se apartan unos de otros, en particular, si la
muger halla alguno que le da muchas cossas mas de su estimacion que el
otro solo suele tener permanencia. Este modo de contrato, en los mas
nobles, por no hauer quien se atreba a ynquietar sus mugeres por falta
de no tener justicia ni castigos para esto. Por eso no tienen verguensa
en dejarse unos 4 otros ni tanpoco temor que le ympida aunque unos, y
otros se bean juntos. No por eso tienen contiendos ni peleas. Solo se
procura entre ellos, si antes se querian bien hablarse dando cada uno
su sentimt®, La muger le suele responder diciendo que el que tiene
le ha dado muchas cossas, y lo que el le dio fue mui poco, en conparacion
de lo que el otro le ha dado, y asi que tenga paciencia que mientras busca
otra, 6 que baya a buscar algo que darla, y de esa suerte boluera con
el, y otras cossas semejantes, 4 estas que de una parte son para reir y de
otra parte tenerles lastima, y conpasion. Pocos son los que biben
juntas sin dejar la primer muger. Lo que alabo es, que nunca tienen
mas que una, y si tienen otra no la tienen como la primera biuiendo
junto con las dos, ni la que con el biue lo sepa porque si lo biene a saber
la que tiene algun puntito de honrra (que son mui pocas) luego se
apartan, y ban en buzca de otro. Unacrueldad grande usan las mugeres
que pariendo, y conoze que su padre no quiere a sus hijos los matan.
No tienen verguenza encontar sus picardias alabandose de estos en-
redos. Solo los nobles que pareze que en todo son mas cautelosos, y
tienen algo de reputacion. Lo que en esta materia pudiera decir no
hauia de caber en todo el papel de esta relacion. El remedio de todo
ello lo dejo a Dios y a sus min’ evangelicos que con su buen exemplo
dotrina ensefianza y consejos, en sauiendo la lengua, sera facil apartar-
los de estos enredos; y assi a lentemonos todos en el Sefior que en
poniendo les en el berdadero conocimiento todo sera facil para que de
todas estas cosas se desengafien.

Para conocer y6 en ellos mucho docilidad, tambien doy esta breue
noticia que puede ser que ahora en los principios sea algo de prouecho.

Son mui amigos de cascabeles, cuchillos y qualquier cosa de hierro,
como hachas y azadones que como son todos gente que hazen cassas
para biuir y siembran para su sustento son de las cosas mas necessarias
que por qualquier cossa de estas dieran aunque tubieran mortes, de
oro y plata, estiman mucho algo de ropa de lana, en particular la que
es de color azul solo por tener, esta circunstancia que es tener el color
de el cielo, y tambien sombreros abalorios; y qualquier cosa de peren-
dengues, y cosas que hagan ruido que por falta de ello trahen colgado
unas quentecitas blancas que se dan en el campo a modo de abalorios,
cazcabeles de biboras, pesufias de venado, y otros trastitos que todos se
lo cuelgan a la gamuza para que todo haga mucho ruido. Las mugeres

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250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

se aprecian mucho de todo lo dicho, y tambien de rayarse de la cinta
hasta los hombros con dibujos diferentes en particular los pechos, que
en eso tienen todo cuidado. Los hombres se aprecian mucho de buenos
plumajes, de tener buena cabellera y bien peinada, y los que no la
tienen tienen todo su conato en raparse la cabeza en forma de cerquillo
dejando en medio de la cabeza unos cabellos largos que les llega hasta
la cinta, y tambien ponen mucho cuidado en quitarse con una concha los
pelos de las cejas y de las barbas.

O, que acertado seria probeer a estos pobres de las cosas sobredichas.
Creo seria mui facil que se reducieran a biuir juntos porque lo que ellos
an de sentir mas es hazer de nuebo biuiendas y abrir tierra nueba para
sembrar; y teniendo estos ynstrumentos no tengo duda que junto con
el amparo de los Espafioles y la ensenanza buena de los mifi'®* se an de
poblar pueblos que sera gloria para ambas magestades para la de el
cielo y tierra gloria de sus almas y de la Mag? de n™ Rey Catholico,
aumento de su R! Corona y regosijo de sus Vassallos. Grande con-
suelo pueden tener las que su Mag? ynbiare a estas tierras por ser la
lengua de estas nagiones mui comun y creo corra mas de cient leguas
encontorno, y mas facil que a prender que la Mexicana. El] modo de
entenderse en seflas no tengo noticias de el fin de ellas. El Senor deje
entenderlas a los mifi™®s e evangelicos, para que con ellos se alabe el
nombre de Dios y de su santisima Madre. Amen.

Adbierto que este nombre de Zewias son todas las naciones amigas.
Este nombre es comun en todas ellas aun que la lengua sea diferente.
Y siendo 4 si que este nombre es comun no es por otra cosa que por la
amistad antigua que tienen. Y asi Tewias quiere decir amigos en
todas estas naciones. Todos estos amigos no tienen uno como suele
tener un reino que los gobierne que nosotros Ilamamos rey, solo un
winesi, y este suele hauer uno que cogera en su gobierno quatro y cinco
naciones que bendra a ser todas juntas prouincias; reyno se pudiera
decir y mui grande, si todas estas naciones amigas tubieran una cabeza
que las gobernara. A todas, esta no la tienen, y asi infiero que ni reyno
se puede nombrar esta prouincia que en la Nueba Espafia llaman
Texias digen mui bien que lo son, esto por ser amigos de todos los
demas.

El propio nombre que tiene esta prouincia es Aseney. Esta
prouincia se conpone de las nuebe naciones ya nombradas y una
nacion sola de estas nuebe no es Aseney, sino juntas con las ocho
que quedan. Las naciones amigas que por otro nombre se nombran
Texias son las siguientes: Mazonis Nacau, Nabaydacho, Nesta,
Guasco, Cataye, Neticatzi, Nasayaya, Nauiti, Caxo, Dostone, Nadaou,
Tadiuas, Nabeyxa, Nacoz, Caynigua, Cadaudachos; Quizi, Natzoos,
Nasitoxw, Bidey. Estas cinco ultimas es una prouincia muy grande
que esta hazia el norte que dista de la prouincia, como cinquenta y

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 251

cinco leguas, y las demas nombradas entre el norte: y lebante:
Guaza, Yaduza, Bata, Cojo, Datana, Chuman, Cagaya, Asseney.
Estos son d6tros Aseney que estan de estos, entre el poniente y sur,
como ochenta leguas de esta prouincia. El degir que son unos que
se diuidieron de estosesmentira. Caquiza, Quiutcanuaha, Caai, Canu,
Tiniba, Vidix, Sico, Toaha, Cantouhaona, y Mepayaya, estos estan
entre sur y poniente. Canonidiba, Casiba, Dico, Xanna, Vinta, Tobo,
Caquixadaquix, Canonizochitou, Zonomi, estos estan entre el sur y
lebante, y todos los nombrados has aqui son amigos. Los enemigos de
esta Prouincia de los Aseney son los siguientes: Anao, Tanico, Qui-
baga, Canze, Ayx, Nauydix, Nabiti, Nondacau, Quitxix, Zauanito,
Tanquaay, Canabatinu, Quiguaya, Diujuan, Sadammo. Esta es una
nagion muy grande. Otros le Maman Apaches, Caaucozi, Mani.
Estos son los enemigos. Solo tre 6 quatro de estas naciones que estan
entre lebante y sur. Todas las demas estan hazia el poniente. Esto
se entiende desta Prouincia de los Aseney noticias, y saben que unos
son amigos y otros, enemigos. Todos los que estan hazia el norte y
lebante todos estan poblados, y siembras de la misma manera que estos
Aseney. Y hay algunas naciones de estas que su poblacion esta con
mejor forma que estas, como son los Cadaudachos, Nasitox &c. que
tienen las casas unas cerca de otras y muibien embarradas. La nacion
de los Sadammo es mui grande. Las cassas todas estan cubiertas de
cibola. Tienen mucha caballada mulada ropa: y muchos instrumen-
tos de hierro. Dizen estas naciones que de todo esto es en mucha
abundancia. Estos no son rayadas, y dizen que la mayor parte de
ellas ban bestidos. Son enemigos de todas las nagiones amigas de
estos Aseney.

Confio que con la gracia de el Altisimo, y proteccion de su sanctisima
Madre junto con el deseo que su Mag*. Catholica y amparo de Vé.
todas estas naciones se an de conquistar. Eso sera si los que binieren
a esta tierra para que darse fueren de buen exemplo. Esto y con
el expiritu de los mifi'®* evangelicos cierto es que se podra esperar
mucho fructo y gloria para ambas magestades.

Aora al presente conosco seria mui conbeniente para que esto
tuuiera estabilidad, se pusiera un buen presidio y se poblara esta
tierra con algunas familias repartidas en los parajes donde estubieren
las misiones. De esta suerte no pongo duda sera facil que se redugan
4 pueblo juntandose con los Espamioles que estubieren cerca de la
mision. El presidio en qualquier parte que se ponga (ya se en-
tiende que ha de ser con sus mugeres) de esta prouincia hasta los
Cadaudachos, ha de estar mui bueno, y confio con la gracia de el
Altisimo con el buen exemplo de todos se an de reducir todas estas
naciones 4 pueblos, y mas espero con el fabor diuino que los enemigos
de todas estas naciones an de querer ser amigos y se an de juntar

252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

unos con otros. Lo que conbendria para todo esto seria mui bueno
que aora en los principios se pusiera una cabeza que tubiera zela de
ja honrra de Dios que con su buen exemplo, prudencia y discrecion
lo mirara, como cosa tan de el agrado de el Sefior y desseos de su
Mag". Catholica y de Vé. que no son détros mas que poderle dar a
su Diuina Mag*. muchas almas. No seria malo, tanbien digo, que
Si por estar ausente el remedio que es el amparo de Vé. tubiera la
mano en algun modo algun mifi evangelico para que se castigara
lo que se conociere tener necessidad de castigo y echar fuera desta
tierra al que con su mal exemplo causara, alguna rebolucion. De esta
suerte los ynfieles berian el castigo y no conocieran juntam‘ que
supuesto se castiga es por ser cosa contra Dios que ellos no lo ignoran
que todos saben que ayun solo Dios que en su ydioma llaman Ayo
Caddi Aymay y procuran todos en sus cossas tenerle grato, y no se
atreuen de ninguna de las maneras hazer burla porque dizen, quando
los castigan en alguna cossa que esta bien hecho, supuesto que lo
haze, que el saue lo que mas conbilene, y dizen tambien que los que
se enojan con el los castiga.

Grande es el sentimiento que tienen todos que queden con ellos
hombres sin sus mugeres, y si posible fuera, tambien digo ya, que
seria menos conbeniente que no que dara ninguno sin su muger. Por
lo que tengo experimentado de otra parte veo no es posible por tener
quenta de lo poco que en estas misiones hay para que oro se las haga
dano a sus milpas. Una carta me escriuieron antes de partir de la
mision de Santiago, dando noticia de la gente que venia, y de los
ganados que se trahian. Fui a leer la carta delante de los capitanes,
y mas nobles que los halle estauan todos juntos en una junta; y lo
primero que repararon en la carta fue que binieran hombres sin
mugeres, sabiendo que era necessario que de los que benian quedaron
algunos para guardar el ganado. Si destos pocos hazen reparo quanto
mas lo haran siendo muchos Jos que binieron para que dar ex™
S". Todos los dias me estan preguntando otra bez se vengan los Es-
pafioles si bendran con sus mugeres, y yO les digo que si, y con todo
esto no me dan mucho credito y me dizen que able a Vé. que esel gran
capitan de ellos y por escrito le diga que ellos quieren ser amigos, pero
si an debiuir con ellos ha de ser de suerte que no se les haga perjuicio a
ellos viniendo sin mugeres, y biniendo con ellas estaran mui con-
tentos.

Y6 digo que en lo que piden es cosa muy ajustada a la razon
asentado ya esto. Lo que yé conozco conbendria mui mucho por la
experiencia que tengo de dos vezes que la santa obediencia me ha
embiado a conbersiones y por reguardo dejar tres 0 quatro hombres
solteros sin mugeres. He tenido muchas pesadumbres y peligro de
perder todo el fructo que se pudiera hazer, y asi suplico a Vé. postrado

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 253

a sus pies que lo mire esto como a tan del agrado del S". no se pierda.
Esto por embiar delinquente sacandolos de las carzeles gente soltera
vy vagamunda que si aqui afuera entre Christianos hazian maldades,
aca, han de hazer atrocidades ympidiendo a los mif'’s del Sefior con
su deprabada vida y mal exemplo el fructo de estas almas. Este
modo de gentes seria mejor embiados a otra parte donde les tubieran
oprimidos con el azote en las manos que dessa suerte pudiera ser, y no
destra manera ganar sus almas. O mi Dios que no an de procurar la
salbacion de las almas que no se acuerda de la suya, y quien no se
acuerda de la justicia de los hombres, como se acordara de la justicia
de Dios. Grande lastima, pero con mucha confianza pueden estar
los min'’’ evangelicos que teniendo el amparo de Vé. (que todos
sabemos) lo mira con mas encendido amor y desseos que nosotros
propios. El altissimo si lo conserbe con este fuego diuino (amen).

Mas de todo lo dicho hasta aqui me ha parecido ser bueno relatar algo
de los engafios y abussiones que estos miserables ciegos de luz de la
feé tienen. Son tantos ex™°SS"., que es para llorar y tener les lastimaze
Adbierto que todas las nagiones cercanas a esta tienen los mismos
engafios abusiones y ceremonias, no digo cultos falsos por que seria
dar a entender que tienen ydolos, y hasta ahora vendito sea el S".
no he descubierto que los tengan ni que otra nacion que estan
comarcanas.

El gran xinest de esta prouincia tiene engafiados a todos sus vas-
sallos diciendo les que el hablar siempre que quiere con dos nifios que
tiene en su cassa que binieron de la otra parte del cielo, y que estos
dos nifios comen y beben, y que siempre que quiere hablar con Dios
se bale dellos, y en algunas ocassiones que Veé que no le lleban mais y
de lo que ellos ussan dize que los dos nifios estan enojados que no
quiren hablar con el en cossas del bien de todos.

Antes si dize que los nifios le han dicho que no han detener buena
cosecha que los enemigos los han de matar, y que Dios no los ha de
asistir, que esta mui enojado con todos por que no dan de todo lo que
tienen a su capitan, y no solo le dan a el sino tambien me han dicho
que ellos estan padeciendo al hambre por decirles estas cossas. Los
llama a todos 4 su cassa, y juntos manda que todos los caddises y
mas viejos entren dentro de la cassa donde tienen los dos nifios, que
es una casa muy grande mas que la suya donde biue; y alli se azientan
todos arimados a la lumbre que siempre tiene el wines encendida de
dia y de noche y mas cuidado tiene que no se apage, que muchos sa-
cristanes en atisar las lamparas de el sanctisimo Sacramento. Lo
primero que haze delante de todos es tomar unas brasas con un tapalcate.
Alli le hecha manteca de el corazon de la cibola y tabaco; y da yncienso
a los dos nifios que los tiene puestos en un tapestle alto, como dos
varas. A los lados estan dos cofrecitos de otate donde siempre pone

254. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

algo de lo que ofrezen a el entre aiio, y les dice a todos los que estan
alli que los cofrecitos estan vacios. Luego que acuaado de ynsensar
apaga la lumbre toda, cierra la puerta de tal suerte que no se vea nada
de claridad, que dan todos a escuras adentro. Los que estan afuera
estan vaylando y cantando. Los de adentro estan con mucho silencio
escuchando a el winesi que forma dos vozes fingidas, una como de
nino, la otra aspera algo propia a el natural. Con esta habla a los dos
nifios diciendoles que digan a Dios que todos los Aseney ya se enmen-
daran de aqui adelante, que les de mucho mais, que les de mucha
salud, ligeresa para correr tras de los venados y cibolas, que les dé
mucho esfuerzo para pelear contra sus enemigos, y muchas mugeres
para que todos se sirban de ellas. Estas, y otras muchas cossas seme-
jantes a estas es la peticion que el haze.

Hecha esta peticion toma un calabacito en las manos que dentro hay
unas quentas que hazen ruido algunas vezes. Echa el calabacito en el
suelo y les tiene énganados a todos que siempre que el calabacito cae
en el suelo que Dios esta enojado, que no quiere hablar. Todos es-
pantados biendo que el calabacito esta en el suelo que no haze ruido.
Dizen a voz alta que dan palabra a el gran capitan, Ayo Aymay de
lleuar que comer y de todo q*° tubieren a los dos Conénisi, que son los
dos nifios, y a su wimesi. Luego que el anesz oyé de todos la palabra
que dan a Dios de asistirle en todo, y probeele de todo quanto huuiere
menester de repente lebanta el calabacito, y buelbe a hazer ruido hasta
que el mismo finxe la voz, como de nifo, y dize con ella que Dios dize
que diga a todos los demas que se cumplen la palabra que le andado
que todo quanto le pidieren por el wnesi se les conzedera, y representa
esta razon el ainest con la voz natural que tiene diciendoles lo que le
an dicho los dos nifios. Luego les dize que vayan Abuscar carne y de
todo quanto tienen para que étra vez no se enoje Dios, ni los dos nifios,
que siempre que los tubieren contentos a el. Y a los dos nifios tendran
contento 4 Dios. Algunas ocassiones les dize esto con algo de asperesa,
otras vezes con algun modo de suauidad. Luego abren la puerta,
y el xmesi les dize que vayan a sus cassas que se acuerden de Jo que an
prometido a Dios. Todos salen mucha prissa andarse lugar unos a
6tros haciendo un modo de ruido como los chibatos quando salen del
corral. Hasta aora no he podido sauer que peude ser aquello.

El xmesi que da adentro solo atisando la lumbre, y moliendo en
un mortero que tiene adentro para moler la comida 4 los dos nifios,
y en sauiendo que todos se han ydo a sus cassas sale el y seba a la
suya que esta como cient passos de esta. Se aduierte mas de todo
lo dicho que siempre que se haze estas funciones, ninguno permite
que vea los dos nifos amenazandoles que se han de morir, luego
poniendoles por exenplo que uno que lo veo luego se murio, y que
todos han de entrar desnudos, de tal suerte es esto que yendo yé para

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 255

ber lo que heran esos dos nifos llegue a la puerta con dos nifos
que yo tengo mui hermosos, y lo primero que medijo antes que
entrara me hauia de desnudar. El sequito la gamuza y la puso
arimada a la puerta. Y6 le dije, que no ymportaua nada que
entrara vestido. Respondiome me hauia de morir. Luego le dixo
que no moriria que antes si temiera algo si entrara desnudo. Riose,
como haciendo reirla de mi respuesta. No queria que entrara.
Y6 luego entre de golpe, El me seguio por detras. Preguntele por
los dos nifios que adonde estauan. El espantado fue luego y me
dio en las manos un palo redondo a modo de una cubierta de caxita
de dulze, y esta dentro de una cubierta de pellejo, como pergamino.
Por rededor de la caxita tenia puesto algunas migagitas de lo
que los yndios le lleban a ofrezer. Al medio esta honda aqui pone
tabaco, y me dijo que hera para que los dos nifios chuparan. Visto
que ni rastro de nifios hauia y oido los desparates que decia, lo
reprehendi de manera que el no se enfureciese. Dixele con prudencia
lo que el Sefior me Ynspiro. Me escuchaua todo quanto decia sin
alborotarse. Le dije que tubiera por bien que yo echara aquello
a la lumbre, y que los dos nifios que yo trahia en las manos quedasen
alli y yo juntamente en guardia de ellos, y lo que ofrecian en aquello
que dize que son dos nifios lo ofrecieran a los dos que y6 dejaua
alli, que bien veia el que todo hera disparate y engafio manifiesto, y
que todo hera mentira, y que no hera mas que por engafar a su
gente para que le trujeran muchas cossas. Bino vien que y6 dejara
los dos nifios 4lli y me quedara, pero que no hauia de quemar los
suyos porque el y todos los Aseney los querian mucho, que aunque
y6 no los veia hera porque no las podia veer antes quando, recien
benidos de la otra parte del cielo si se veian y que ahora por hauerse
hechado fuego a la cassa que les hizieron quando vinieron se quemaron
junto con la casa, y que solo hauia quedado aquello que veia. Todo
esto conoci y6 ser émbustes de el. Quise con esto echarles a la
lumbre, y quando estaua para echarlos se enfuregio muchissimo.
Dejelo de hazer porque no se mouiera algun motin. Apaciguele,
como pude, diciendole que a lo menos hauia de venir bien que los
dos nifios mios y yO quedaramos Alli. Dejome que ssi boluio en
ssi, y nos salimos mui alegres de la cassa, y6 con determinacion de
fundar alli una mision. Dio noticia el a dos viejas que tenia en
su cassa. Una benia bien en todo, pero la otra le dijo tantas cossas
que lo conbencio y le disuadio de su parezer. Fui yé despues para
que mandara a seis 6 a siete hombres. Binieran conmigo a ayudarme
a llebar los trastes. Me dijo que no queria, que quando antes dijo
aquello no sabia lo que decia. Dexelo en esto, y hasta ahora estoy
que todo aquello son engafios formados de si mismo para en ganar
a todos sus vassallos.

256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

No me atrebo 4 afirmar hasta aora ser ydolatria, que si yd la
conociera lo remediara aun que me costara la vida.

Conosco todo sera facil hauiendo freno de Espafioles. Y no solo
todos estos en velecos, sino tambien otros, como decir que quando
uno muere se ba su alma que no la ygnoran que en su ydioma
llaman cayo va a otra cassa donde los aguarda un hombre que esten
todos juntos, y este es uno que dicen tiene unas grandes Llabes, y
dizen que son mas grandes que los bueyes que tenemos aca, y estando
todos juntos han de yr a otra tierra a poblar de nuebo. Por esto los
en tierran con todos los trastes que cada uno tiene, le Neban de comer
donde le enterraron algunos dias, y ay unos que tienen por oficio de
yr encima de la sepultura poniendose a hablar alli solos. Les he
preguntado muchas vezes que es lo que ablan. Todos me dicen que
ablan a Dios que les deje comer para que tengan fuerza de allegar .
a la cassa que quando murieron estauan sin fuerzas por estar muertos
de hambre. Disparan flechas a el aire abisando a el dicho Dueno de
la cassa que recuir a todos: “ay va esse que lo hagas trabajar hasta
que estemos todos juntos.” Son tan barbaros que en algunas ocasiones
me an querido dar a entender de lo que les lleban les han visto comer
que dixeran, los oyen llorar.

Cierto es que del todo no dirian mentira de creer es que las mise-
rables de sus almas lloraran en el ynfierno por estas abusiones. No
ha sido posible nos dejaran Ileuar los cuerpos de los bauptisados
a la yglesia. En una ocassion el conpaiiero que el S‘. se llebo para
si llamado Fray Miguel Font Cuberta, quizo con en peno Ilebar a
uno que murio en cassa de el caddi. No fue posible, y les causo
tanto enojo que pensabamos se hauia de lebantar algun motin.
Quisso el S*™. que se apasiguase. Les paso el Demonio en la cabeza
que nosotros hauiamos trahido la enfermedad a esta tierra, y quando
bieron que con la enfermedad que el S*. les embio en este afio de 1691
en todo el mes de Marco que murieron en toda esta prouincia, como
trecientas personas poco mas o menos, se afirmaron mas en decir que
los hauiamos muerto yntentaron. Algunos querernos matar. Quando
y6 lo supe fuy en cassa del gouernador. Hallele que estaua con todos
los viejos. Lo primero que me representaron todos fue lo dicho. Y6
les respondi si ellos hauian muerto a el Padre Fray Miguel Font Cu-
berta y al soldado que hauia muerto, recien benido de su tierra, respon-
dieron que todos que no. Y6 les dixe que decian muy bien y que
tenian mucha razon, que Dios los hauia muerto, y que Dios quando
el quiere nos mata el porque y6 ni nadie lo saue, que ha bemos de
morir todos esso si el como quando y de que suerte ni el gran capitan
de los Espaftoles lo saue ni y6é sauia, si puesto el sol llegaria mi
hora, y si algunos de los presentes Ilegaria 4manezer y que assi todos
los que queremos a Dios habemos de conformarnos con su Sanctisima

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 257

Voluntad, que quando el quiere tambien mata los Espanoles, de la
misma suerte que ahora a ellos, y asi todo lo que Dios haze lo habemos
de retener por bien hecho.

Estas y otras razones les dixe, y les hizo tanta fuerza que nadie
respondio, en contra. Antes todos los que estauan alli fueron di-
bulgandolo a todos los demas. Todos se admiraron. El capitan fue
a otras naciones a avisar de lo que yo les hauia dicho que cierto es
no sabian lo que decian y que todo hera embuste. Lo que hasta aqui
hauian pensado que nosotros fueramos causa de su emfermedad y
muerte los que fueron caussa de esta cisma no fueron todos, que hay
algunos de mui buen juicio. Todos los mas heran los medicos que
ellos tienen que todos son unos embusteros, cargados de mill abussiones
y algunos algo de hechizeros. Uno con sus trampas quizo ympedirme
no bauptizara a una muger. Le heche un conjuro. Luego se huyé,
como si y6 lo quisiera matar. Con el otro yntentaua con algunas
ceremonias de echar manteca y tabaco en la lumbre hazerme algun
daiio. Echele un conjuro delante demas de treinta. Fue tanto el
miedo que tubo que no azerto a tomar el arco y las flechas que siempre
ellos trahen en la mano. Se fue huyendo de mi y de todos. A la
mafana fueron en busca de el para curar los enfermos, y lo hallaron
muerto en una canada. Dende entonzes todos estos medicos que ellos
llaman conna me temen, y me dan puerta abierta abonando y alabando
lo que hago diciendo a los enfermos que es muy bueno que se dejen
echar agua.

Antes que no sucediera esto se heria por ymposible que ninguno de
estos embusteros se dejara bauptizar por alguna enfermedad que
tubieran, y a sido el S*. seruido que entre los que he bauptizado que son
setenta y seis ha hauido cinco de estos y para echarles el agua no ha
sido necessario balerme de exsorcismos. De los que tienen este officio
han muerto muchos. Todos los demas se an Iebado los diablos pare-
ciendoles que solo sus conas heran buenas y que todo lo que nosotros
haciamos hera falso. El curar de estos no es otra cossa mas que
chupar a la parte donde le duele y echar la emfermedad fuera de la
cassas. Otras vezes dizen que la hechan a la lumbre y la queman,
y como los pobres son tan faciles en creer les tienen tanta fee que les
prometen todo quanto tienen si los saca de la enfer. Estos no hazen
cossa que no baya mesclada con alguna abussion. Sucede en algunas
ocassiones que si aleuno de ellos tiene mala mano para curar los
enfermos, y mueren muchos toman unos garrotes, y matan al medico.

Tienen 6tra abusion que si hechan el yelo a Ja lumbre, no se ha
de yr el frio, y se ha de enojar. Quando muere alguno, 6 se les
quema alguna cassa, dizen que la muerte se ha enojado, y por esso le
ofrezen alguna cossa colgandosela delante de la cassa en un palo.
Dizen tambien que el solar que ellos biven, 6 la loma que esta cerca

258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

de su cassa se ha enojado quemando les la cassa, y assi no la hazen
alli sino en otra parte.

Otra abussion tienen muy grande que todos estan mui en ella que es
decir que los viejos hicieron el cielo y que una muger que nacio de
una vellota, les dio la trasa que fue poniendo unos palos en modo de
circulo y de esa suerte fueron formando el cielo, y dizen que alli esta
esa muger, y que esa muger es la que todos los dias pare el sol, !a
luna, el agua quando Iluebe, el frio, la niebe, el maiz, los truenos, los
rayos, y otros desparates, como estos quando muere alguno de los
mas principales hazen muchas ceremonias.

Y para esta funcion hay dos yndios que seruen como curas que
dizen tienen por oficio hablar a Dios, y que Dios les habla estos.
Mandan que se haga vn ataud para el muerto. Luego lo obedezen
con prestesa. Luego de hecho los dos ponen tabaco, y de la yerba
que llaman acoxio, y arco y flechas. Todo esto lo ban mudando
de una parte a otra por encima del ataud. Ellos ban dando bueltas
por el ataud y solos estan hablando vajo como quien reza, y el
modo de hablar es con tanta eficazia que los haze sudar aun que
haga frio. Para esta funcion 4ndan en cueros los dos. Acauada esta
del ataud ban adonde lo han de enterrar que siempre es cerca de su
cassa. Alli tambien hablan solos, y no se abre la sepoltura que
primero no den ellos con el azadon un golpe donde ha de tener la
cabeza, y otro donde ha detener los pies. Mientras se abre la
sepoltura buelben a la cassa, y mandan poner el muerto en el ataud.
Luego hablan a el muerto, como si hablaran a un bibo. Acauado
de hablarle se retiran un poco diciendo que van a hablar a Dios.
Luego buelben la respuesta a el muerto de lo que an dicho 4 Dios,
y lo que Dios les ha dicho a ellos. Luego sale otro de el mesmo
6ficio que por biejo no lo exercita. Este se pone en medio de todos
los que estan alli presentes que son los mas principales y Viejos.
Sale con un harma en las manos de las mejores que tienen.

El que yo vi en dos ocasiones salio con una espada sin guarnicion.
Alli predica cerca de una hora hablando muy alto y con mucha
eficazia diciendoles lo mucho que an perdido todos que se hayga
muerto fulano que siempre ha sido dichoso asi en las guerras como
en matar mucha cibola y mui fuerte en el trabajo. Les dize que
an de llorar mucho por el, estas y otras cossas semejantes a estas.
Acauado de predicar va a el muerto y se asienta cerca de el, y le
habla, como si fuera biuo de lo que ha dicho en su sermon, y acaua
con decirle que todos lo quieren mucho, y que todos lloran por el que
baya consolado y que les aguarde con los demas que estan alli en
la dtra casa hasta que esten juntos todos, que empiezen a trabajar,
que se lleue la hacha, y todo lo demas que tiene enbuelto consigo.

Estando yo en medio destas funciones qui se probar si el muerto

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 259

hera xptiano, si me darian lugar para cantar un responso y entres
ocassiones puse la mano en la voca de el predicador diciendole que
callara un poquito que yo queria hablar a Dios, que todo lo que el
decia no hera cossa de prouecho, y solo lo que yo diria a Dios hauia
de aprouechar a el muerto. Nunca me ympidieron lo que y6 queria, y
es mucho de ponderar que lo que muchas vezes estos curas 6 embus-
teros hazen les causa rissa a ellos mismos, y cantando yé el responso
todos estauan con grande silencio, y en algunos les causaua tanta ad-
miracion que despues estauan rato que no hablauan, Y6 procuraua
siempre a notar todas sus acciones, y me parecio que no solo se alegra-
ban, sino que agradecian lo que yo hazia y dos vezes me hicieron que
fuera a cantar, como antes. Acabadas todas estas ceremonias cargaron
con el muerto acarrera abierta disparando muchas flechas en el aire.
Luego le pusieron todos quantos trastes tenia suios en la sepoltura, y
su cuerpo en cima de todo y cerrandola. Estauan los dos que seruian
como curas hablando bajo con mucha eficazia, y todos los demas
estauan llorando. Acauado todo esto buelben a la cassa, y lo primero
que hazen es Ileuarle de comer encima de la sepoltura de lo mejor que
tienen. Luego le ponen alli tauaco y lumbre. y dejan alli una dlla
llena de agua, y se ban todos a comer. Estas son las ceremonias que
hazen quando muere uno si es de los mas principales es como lo dicho.
Si es algun particular es lo mismo solo que noes con tanta pompa. Si
es el entierro por el gran zines? no lo entierran hasta despues de dos
dias que ha muerto, porque todas las nuebe nagiones que tiene todas
hazen estas ceremonias, y enterrado hazen otras ceremonias seme-
jantes a estas, y otras, como ponerle el mundo delante de la puerta
que lo forman plantando un asta mui alta, y en la punta una bola
grande de zacate. Le ponen las lunas, a sefalandolas con unos palos
altos formando una, 6 delante de todo esto vailan diez dias y diez
noches, y luego se ban cada uno a su cassa.

Esto no lo he visto todo, pero e visto que ya estauan juntas todas
jas nacgiones para hazer estas ceremonias, y vi todas estas ynsignias.
Vi el ataud, tan grande como un carro. Quizo la diuina prouidencia
que estando para morir pidiera el ser xptiano. Hizele confesar los
misterios de n™ Santa Feé, Bauptizele en su cama delante de muchos
Yndios y delante de quien hauia de quedar por winesi?. Todos que-
daron muy contentos y se admiraron muy mucho que se huuiera
dejado bauptizar por algunas cismas que el demonio tenia leban-
tados que nosotros matauamos la gente con el agua que les echabamos
en la cabeza. Boluio el S'. por su causa dando le entera salud con
manifestar la eficazia del santo sacramento de el bauptismo.

El hauer cobrado el gran ainest entera salud ha sido confusion
para todos, y bien para sus mifi™* para que no les ynpidieran el
fructo que se puede hazer. En ellos el gran aimesi todos los dias

260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

esta alabando el santo secramento, diciendo que no solo cabré salud
sino que luego que lo reciuio se sintio mejor, y ahora con mas fuerzas
de las que antes de caer enfermo. Teria el S*. se las conserbe para
pelear contra el mundo, demonio, y carne y le haga mui buen xptiano,
que me ha dado palabra de no hazer otra cossa mas de lo que le dijere.
Me ha dicho que quiere mucho los Espafioles y que se olgara que
estubieran aca muchos, pero con circunstancia que an de traher
sus mugeres.

Quisiera, Ex™ S"., que con alguna cosa se agasaxara este porque es
la cabeza principal de toda esta prouincia. El que hasta ahora se
ha procurado agasaxar, con hazer le gouernador, y darle el baston
no es mas que caddi sujeto con los écho de estas nuebe naciones a
el gran winesi, y por mucho que se agaSaxe a este ha de ser ymposible
que el deje de reconocer a el xinesé por su sefor. Yo se que el bendra
bien que se agaseje mas a el xinesi que no ael mismo. Haciendolo
de esta suerte todos los demas caddises que daran mui débligados
por reconozer no hauer reconocido étro mayor que a el wines?.

Confio con la gracia de el S". que en pudiendo los ministros hablar
la lengua con perfecion, y con el arrimo, y resguardo de los Espafioles
se ha de desterrar toda la zizafia que el enemigo mortal de nuestras
almas tiene sembrada en esta tierra, y se ha de plantar la feé con
mas perfeccion que en otras partes, en particular teniendo el amparo
de n° Catholico Rey, y de Vé que con tanto ardor y fuego diuino
procura que esto se fomente, embiando ministros, y todo lo demas
que Vé, conoze ser nececario por ser cosa mas meritoria y del seruicio
de Dios n™° S". mas 4ccepto que no se pierda lo que ya esta empezado
no lo permita el S'. Digo lo todo esto por que el demonio ha de
poner muchos estorbos con diferentes lazos y que no se efectue esta
causa de el altissimo.

Ex™? S"., bien pudiera con las noticias que tengo correr mas la
pluma en todo lo que hasta aqui tengo apuntado en particular de
sus ceremonias, ritos, y abusiones que son tantas las que hasta aqui
he visto y reconocido que sin éxageracion pudiera llenar media mano
de papel. El tienpo no me ha dado mas lugar para concluir con
todo, pero lo mas éxenccial es lo que tengo referido hasta aqui. Si
Vé. me permite que emplie mas las noticias con mas extencion, estoy
mui prompto a éxecutar su horden. Saue él S*. que nada me muebe
de todo esto sino el zela que tengo que ningun alma se condene,
y que estos pobres miserables mueran con el santo bauptismo que es
cierto que seria grande lastima que esto se perdiera por falta de
fomento porque hasta ahora no se ha sauido ni se saue con certi-
dumbre verdadera que hay étrog ynfieles mas politicos, y mas bien
poblados que estos y los que estan cercanos a ellos, porque todos
siembran. No les falta que comer. Nunca desamparan la tierra, y
sus Cassas aunque se vaian a la guerra con sus enemigos.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 261

Es gente trabajadora aplicada a qualquier genero de trabajo. Si
y6 huuiera tenido en este afio y tres messes que estoy con ellos algunos
cazcabeles, nabajitas, quentas de abolorio y de alguna ropa azul que
ellos aprecian mucho, y alguna trezadillas, y otros trastitos que darles
pudiera tener un conbento formado de los materiales mejores que se
pudiera podido hauer echo de las cossas y hay aca. Y asi digo que
sera mui conbeniente que los mif'®* tengan algo de estas cositas, y que
uno solo no lo tenga porque son de un natural los Yndios que no tienen
amor sino 4 aquel que les da. De tal suerte lo que dizen que solo el
que les da es bueno y los demas son malos, y para administrar el santo
gacranento de el bauptismo no an de querer receuirlo sino por aquel
que les ha dado mucho. Ni los mifi'®* podran valerse de ellos para
cossa alguna ni nunca se podra hazer nada én fomentar las misiones,
y yO & este afio y tres messes que estoy en esta tierra, y diez que
empeze esta mision de Vé. del Sant™? Nombre de Maria me he
quedado sin trapito ni cossa alguna, solo haciendo pedazos de mis
pobres trapos, para dar a algun Yndio que me ayudase. Hazer lo
que el S*. gouerna’ puede ynformar a Vé. de esta su mission.

Mas de todo lo dho no puedo dejar de dar esta breue noticia por
estar mesclado en ella muchas abusiones que nonbrarlas cada una de
por si hauiase de menester mucho papel. Es que en diferentes tiempos
de el afio hazen estos ynfieles algunas fiestas festexando los caddises
a el gran xinest acordandose de sus victorias que an tenido sus ante-
pasados, y por estas fiestas se suelen conbidar unas nagiones 4 otras
rindiendo los capitanes, arcos y flechas, y otras cossas que ellos apre-
cian, a el capitan, o xines?. Aqui en entonzes se haze la fiesta. De-
lante de este estan tres dias y tres noches bailandolo y por festejo,
y gala. Tiene el que todos los que an benido coman bien, y el quedarse
sin comer todos las tres dias, y sin dormir en las tres noches, y no
solo deja de comer y dormir mas ni beber, ni tomar resuello, sino
siempre meneandolo de una parte a otra como si haciendo el son de el
vaile. En estas juntos y fiestas suele hauer mesclado algunas super-
sticiones. El concurso que se junta es muchisimo porque hombres,
mugeres, y nifios todos bienen 6 van a la fiesta, porque se da mucho
se comer.

Confio con el S'. que en sabiendo la lengua los mifi'®* évangelicos
han de hazer mucho fructo por ser junta de diferentes naciones que
solo por estas fiestas se juntan en una parte que es a donde si haze
esta fiesta ahora sea en esta prouincia de los Aseney 6 sea la fiesta en
otras prouincias comarcanas a esta, éncomiendo que de ningun modo
ningun mifi evangelico se asiente en el lado de el caddi, 6 xinesi
que estan vailando. Lo primero que pediran ha de ser esso, porque
se precian mucho detener alguno que ellos conogen ser de su estima-
cion para que vean y sepan la estimacion que hazen de ellos. Todos

262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

los demas digo que no conuiene no por lo dicho, sino porque Dios
no lo quiere, y no es de su agrado que esten alli y miren aquello para
sacar motiuo de todo para que despues les pueda desengafiar de lo
que conociere ser malo y contra el culto y reberencia que se deue,
& Dios n° S'. Esta mui bien mas estar a el lado de el caddi es dar
a entender que es menos que el y que dan sujecion a el, y puede ser
causa que no les tengan la reberencia que se deue. Mas de todo esto
es por lo sobredicho, alientense.

Todos los mis y consuelense, lo primero por ser la lengua de
todas estas naciones facil de aprender y todos los ynfieles de esta
parte mui dociles. No se desconsuelen aunque bean algunos tan
obstinados que no que eran receuir el santo bauptismo. En dos
me ha acontecido a mi que no fue posible poderles reducir a que
reciuieran el santo bauptismo y asi se murieron sin el. Algunos
cassos an subcedido que es menester mucha prudencia en ello que
por alguna cosa indiferente se deje de hazer algun fruto. No digo
lo que puede ser porque solo conbiene lo sepan los mifi™®* que pasaran
a estas partes que con el exercicio y practica lo bendran 4 conocer
algunas crueldades han hecho los Yndios que ha sido matar las madres
a sus hijos regien nacidos por no quererlo su padre, y hechando
fuego en una casa dejaron quemar dos nifios chiquitos diciendo
que no hauian de seruir para nada. Ex™. S'., segun tengo noticias,
en la enfermedad que el S*. embio en este afio de 1691 en todo el
mes de Marco habran muerto en todas las naciones amigas Ilamadas
Texias como tres mill. La enfermedad dio mas de vecio a unas
prouincias que a otras 4 esta. Ya tengo dicho que habran llegado
como atrecientos en otras mas, y en otras menos.

Tengo noticias que los Cadaudachos estan con esperanzas que los
francesses an de boluer porque les dejaron dicho quando se fueron
que hauian de boluer quando bolueria el frio, y que hauian de boluer
muchos para poblar de una vez la tierra. Esto no es mas que dichos
de Yndios aunque se puede rezelar por algunas razones que ellos
dizen como es dejarles dicho. Hauian de boluer tan bien por sus
conpaneros que hauian quedado por aca. De estos no se otra cosa
mas sino que en el mes de Febrero estubieron nuebe o diez en una
fiesta que hicieron en una prouincia cercana de esta, como treinta
leguas que se llama la prouincia WVacaos.

Ex™. S"., biense que mucho de lo que relato no me ymporta a
mi. El hauer puesto algo de cuidado en ello, no ha sido mas que
por de este que tengo de dar almas a el St. aunque sean muchos los
han muerto en todas estas naciones no faltas mies para quantos
vinieren por la sangre de el S*., y por el Santisimo Nombre de
Maria postrado a sus pies le pido todo amparo y aiuda, su Mag’. le de
mucha salud P*. que sea amparo de obra tan de el agrado de el S".

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 263

Para sacar este borron al lo me ha motiuado el pedirmelo el S*.
Gou'. D". Domingo Teran diciendome seria gusto de Vé. le diera
algunas noticias. Vé. perdone por amor de el S’. las falsas que como
corto en la lengua castellana no he podido poner estos renglones
con mas perfecion. Y6 soy Catalan y mui seruidor de Vé.

Reciua Vé., este breue conpendio y con todo rendimiento suplico a
Vé. sea su padrino. Mucho tenga Vé. en que dilatar su vida y n°
S". le prospere como desea este su capellan de esta su mision del S™
Nombre de Maria, oy a los 15 de Ag**. de este dichosisimo ano de
1691.

B. los pies de Vé. su mas rendido capellan que mas le ama en el
amor de n*° dulcisimo Jesu.

Frai Fran® de Jesus Maria.

Suplico a Vé. por amor de Dios me ymbie un lienzo de dos varas de
alto de el dulcisimo Nombre de Maria para esta mision de Vex*.

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LETTER OF FRAY FRANCISCO HIDALGO TO THE VICEROY OF MEXICO
DATED NOVEMBER 4, 1716
Bx S*)

La ocassion de escrebir esta a la grandeza de V. Ex.‘ pareciome
obligacion precissa, lo primero, porque el ex.™° S™ Virrei, su ante-
cessor me llamo a essa corte para proponerme la entrada de los tejas,
el tomar relacion de la tierra, y sus distritos, el que los Yndios de
esta nacion me pedian por su ministro; por auerlos conocido anti-
guamente que me halle en ella, y auer persistido dichos Yndios en
esta peticion desde antiguo q’ dicha tierra se despoblo, quedando yo
desde que me sali pactado con el cap" Principal, que ya murio, de
volber con ministros; en cuya demanda hallandome ya con tal obli-
gacion; hize con mis Prelados, y superiores, con su Mag? Catholica, y
con el excelentissimo §" Virrey Duque de Alburquerque todos los
empefios possibles, que por incidentes que acaecieron, todo quedo en
blanco, sin darse passo a nada. Viendome que todos los medios,
que avia tomado fallaron; me ocurrio un buen discurso. Conocia
que esta tierra y la demas adentro las iban probando los fran-
ceses, slendo conocidas tierras de su Mag‘ continentes a el seno Mexi-
cano; y que con gran fuerza se iban apropinquando a lo immediato
de essas fronteras de nueba espafia: discurri el escribirles dos cartas
en diferentes ocassiones que una de ellas Ilego a manos de ellos, por
ver si podia recebir carta de ellos, y remitirla a esse superior Gobierno.
La respuesta fue el venir dos francesses a essa corte, con cuyo informe
y los que su excia justifico de diferentes personas: determino el que
se diesse passo a esta conversion con una mui corta probidencia de
25 hombres, mandando se pongan quatro missiones, inviando los Re-
ligiosos por parte de el collegio de la SS™* Cruz de Queretaro, sin
darles ningunos probidencias para su manutencion, y mandandome
dicho ex.™° St. le diese quenta de la tierra y le informase de todo.
estos son S'. ex.™° los motibos, que me assisten para tomar la
pluma en la mano, y darle relacion de toda esta tierra de la politica
de los Yndios, de su falsa Religion, de los distritos que coge esta
nacion, de los frutos que la tierra contiene y de los medios que se
pueden dar, para que toda esta tierra se haga un Reyno mui Poblado,
y de muchos intereses espirituales y temporales. El dia 21 de enero
salimos del collegio de la SS™ Cruz de Queretaro cinco sacerdotes,
y aviendonos incorporado en el Saltillo con la compafiia de mili-
tares, siguiendo nra derrota llegamos el dia 28 de Junio a los

299671—42——_18 265

266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

umbrales de la prouincia de los tejas de este afio presente de 1716 a
donde aviendose hecho todas las buenas cortesias, y buena acogida
entre dichos Yndios a n™* Espafioles como ya de todo y de la possitura
de las quatro missiones se dio quenta a esse superior Gobierno: resta
ahora el darla de los experiencia y noticias que se han adquirido en
la estada de dicha tierra, que por ser ellas tan necesarias: tendra a
bien V.Ex* el atenderlas: para que del conjunto se infiera una buena
consequencia. Esta nacion Assinay que llamamos tejas, o texias, con-
tiene muchas parcialidades, llega asta el Rio del méssuri, segun noti-
ciasde los Yndios cogen los Rumbos de norte y leste contienen mayores
y menores poblados, por la vanda del Norte se contiene mirando desde
essa corte al dicho Rumbo estas quatro missiones de diferentes par-
cialidades, que haziendo el rostro desde esta primer mission de S.
Fran. de los Texas, unas caen a les nordeste que son las dos primeras,
otra a leste en distancias competentes, y otra al nordeste. Siguiendo
la cordillera del Norte a cinquenta y tres leguas mas o menos, caen
las parcialidades de los Cadodachos, Nazoni, Nacitos, Nadzoos: mas
adentro vecinos al Rio del Missuri, caen la Poblacion grande del
caynio, tobacana y otras. por la parte del oriente, la poblacion del
Nachitoz, que andan empoblarla los franceses, y otras que van a im-
mediar con el poblado de los franceses que estan al desenboque del Rio
del Missuri, para entrar a el Rio de la Palizada. Cae esta primer mis-
sion de mi P*. §. Fran. a 33 grados de Altura de polo en linea recta
al norte, y se mira a querertaro linea recta al sur, que se halla en 21
grados. Es esta gente placentera, alegre, de buenas faciones cari-
aguilefias, y amigables con dos espajioles. Siembran Maiz, frixoles,
mirasoles diformes de grandes, que es la semilla del porte del mesmo
Maiz que la comen en diferentes potajes que hazen con el Maiz y
frixol, ay Calabazas, melones, Sandias; cogen cantidad de Nuezes
encarceladas, y bellotas para el gasto de su afio. Es toda la tierra
poblada de diferentes Arboledas, Robles, castafios, pinos, Alamo,
Nisperos, ciruelos, y otros muchos que no conozco. Tiene la tierra
cepas de vnas silvestres, Granadillas del Piru, Morales, moredas, zar-
zamoras de dos Generos, lino, cafiamo en partes, que ay en esta primer
mission: y por parte del camino en grandes cantidades, contiene
muchos ojos de agua, Rios grandes y pequefios, es toda la tierra
por lo que esta reconocido mui montuosa, y contiene muchas placoletas,
vagios, y clenegas a donde estan poblados los Yndios, no se halla en
ella parajes competentes para Juntar los Yndios a poblado: sino es
que se tome la forma de romper y limpiar los montes. Tiene lagunas en
donde se crian diferentes pescados, y tambien en los Rios. Ay Muchas
gallinas de la tierra, Benados, y en tiempo de frio Muchos anceres
y patos. El Ganado de cibola lo tienen para el Rumbo del poniente y
Norueste poco mas de dos dias de Camino: tienen sus enemigos a la

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 267

vista, y son llanos mui grandes en donde esta nacion Assinay todos
los afios tienen sus guerras von los dichos por comer la carne, y por
la enemistad antigua que ay entre unos y otros. Es toda esta Nacion
por lo que esta de presente reconocido, Ydolatra, tienen cassas de Ado-
racion y el fuego perpetuo, que no lo dexan apagar, son muy abu-
cioneros, y en los Bayles que hazen, el Yndio, o Yndia, que se
embriagua con el peyote, o frixolillo, que de propossito lo hazen,
creen todo lo que les dizen han visto: tiene Ydolos Mayores y me-
nores, reconocen a el Demonio, y le dan sacrificio entendiendolo, que
es su Dios verdadero, y en las pinturas que hazen lo ponen Cornuto
con cara de fuego y con otras facciones, que da bien a entender su
crecido engaiio. No hemos podido conseguir de ellos, aunque al
principio consintieron, el poner sus cassas Juntas a la Yglesia. Y assi
no ay doctrina christiana, lo primero por la gran renuencia que ay en
ellos de todo lo christiana, y por las grandes distancias que ay en las
cassas de unas a otras, y por otros motibos y razones que ellos tienen.
La repugnancia a el Baptismo desde la vez passada es mui conocida
por que han hecho juicio, que el agua los mata: algunos se han bap-
tizado que han muerto de parculos y adultos. Si sacan lumbre de
sus cassas no lo quieren consentir por que entienden que se ha de morir
alguno de la casa. Las cassas son de zacate bien crecidas y altas y
otras de mediano porte, y otras mas menores de el modelo de media
Naranja, y en ellas viven muchas familias respectivo, tienen el Maiz
en tapancos y desvanes, y en cestas grandes de otates, ponen todo su
Maiz desgranado, en otras los frixoles, vellotas, y Nuezes. Hazen Ollas
mui grandes para hazer los atoles, tener el agua y todos portes, y otras
vacijas para su servicio. Hazen petates mui curiosos de otates; que
pueden seruir en los estrados de las s‘** con diferentes colores; peta-
quillas de lo mismo mui curiosas, y del otate otras cossas menudas que
sirven de Zedazo para limpiar y cernir lo que comen. Es esta tierra
por las plagas que tiene en tiempo des estio y por las que ay de Perros
ladrones, y Nozcones dificultosa de criar ganados menos cabras y
obejas; por que la vez passada murio todo lo de este genero, y oy el
criar son con muchos afanes. Criar cantidad de caballadas, no se
puede por lo montuoso. Lo que se puede criar son chicorros de Ganado
Mayor y de cerda y algunos caballos. Siembran estos Yndios de
comunidad sus tierras con acadones de palos, y hazen mucho aprecio
de los agadones de hierro: hazen las casas de comunidad y tienen
hachas de diferentes portes, que adquieren de los franceses. Siembran
tabaco todos las Yndias son mas atareadas al tradajo que los hombres.
Lo demas del tiempo gastan en passearse, y trazar de sus Guerras:
que ordinariamente son por el invierno las guerras de estos Indios.
Para las dos funciones dichas reconocen los Yndios superior: en lo
demas cada uno es duefio de su Voluntad. Las cabelleras de sus enemi-

268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 182

gos ponen por trofeo y triunfo pendientes de unos carrizos a la entrada
de sus puertas. Entierran sus difuntos y bafiados primero los entierran
con los triunphos, que han hecho, con las gamucas que tienen, y todos
sus parientes le ofrezen, y les ponen de todas sus comidas, y cueras
de cibola. Las cabelleras para que sus enemigos les vayan a servir a
la otra vida, la comida de matalotaje para el camino, y las gamuzas y
demas trastes que tiene para tener que vestir. Mucho estiman la ropa:
pero poco les sirue lo que su Mag*. Les ha dado, porque luego los
reparten a otros sus amigos. Esta toda la nacion mui unida conti-
nuamente se vissitan unos a otros, es el Gentio quantioso y se dilata
por los distritos que tengo ya alegado arriba: No se puede por las
cortas fuerzas que han reconocido en nros espafioles tratar de ponerlos
Juntos en pueblos, y la tierra no ayuda para lo dicho nada por lo mon-
tuoso, y demas cossas que le circunvalan: es preciso se considere este
punto bien, y a mi corto entender para que todo con el discurso de el
tiempo tenga buen exito, esta mi proposicion: necessita de reconocer la
tierra de los llanos, que miran al norueste dos dias de camino desde
esta mission poco mas, en donde juzgo cae el Rio de la SS ™ Trinidad,
segun noticias de estos Yndios. Donde discurro son los temporales,
como en esta tierra por lo immediato, en cuyos espacios se podran criar
caballadas, Ganados Mayores y menores: y se podra ir poco a poco
sacando esta gente con los agasajos y buenas correspondencias, que se
tubiere con ella: y sirua de freno la fuerza que se les pussiere. Final-
mente el tiempo lo allana todo; y las experiencias que se iran cogiendo
iran dando maior methodo, a lo que se debe obrar. Fuera de esta po-
blacion, se necessita que V.Ex*'* de passo a que se puebla la vahia del
espiritu Santo, y por lo que yo tengo reconocido por entre los dos Rios de
San Marcos y del espiritu Santo antes de Juntarse para entrar en dicha
vahia ay espaciosos y grandes llanos, y grandes conveniencias para
hazerse grandes poblados de espafioles, el temperamento mas benigno
que el de el puesto, porque caen grandes elados por el invierno, que
en esse tiempo lo reconoci, y del puesto tengo noticias ‘es enfermo
por los muchos franceses que murieron, y con muchas plagas que se
dize ay en ella; y con la que le circunvalan de Naciones de Yndios
enemigos assi dentro de las Ysletas de la dicha Vahia como en los
contornos, que todas estan haziendo un cuerpo. Entrando a reconocer
el Rio de S. Marcos mas ariba de las ajuntas con el Rio de el espiritu
Santo: reconoci una espaciosa laguna, que hizimos juicio, que es
desague del Rio de S. Marcos, y echa las olas a poco viento como la
mar. Llamanlos Texas, Sapinay la prefiada. Entrando mas para dichas
ajuntas reconocimos el cerrito colorado, que por la vahia antiguamente
se reconocio a las margenes del Rio Colorado, o de el espiritu Santo.
Ay cintas de montes en partes, y en los Bordos de los dos Rios muchas
maderas para edificios. En estos Ilanos que lindan con la laguna pre-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 269

fiada se puede poner la poblacion, y Juzgo que en un barco se puede
ir por el Rio arriba, y desembocar en la laguna y roconocerla con las
conveniencias que ofrezen aquellos parajes, y por aqui se diese prin-
cipio al primer poblado de espafioles para el comercio de toda la tierra
y a todo rigor para el de la tierra adentro de los Texas. Estara esta
poblacion en lo todo un buen medio para darse las manos a las fron-
teras del Rio del Norte donde esta el Presidio y Misiones, y para esta
tierra de los Texas, y que por esse puerto de dicha vahia se va ya con
mas fuerza poblando toda la tierra, y se le escuse a su Mag.’ maiores
gastos de los fletes que se tiene por tierra, y maiores dilaciones en los
socorres. Y Juntamente sirue de resguarder el puerto; y de ir suje-
tando los Yndios de esse contorno, y que se allanen los passos y se
pacifique la tierra. Tengo arriba advertido, que solo limpiando los
montes, se puedé poner Jas missiones en la forma que tengo relatada,
y solo se previene este punto porque de despoblar esta tierra para
poblar los Ilanos, la problaran los franceses (por parte de francia)
que assi se le propuso a su antecesor de V. Ex.** por parte de francia
los franceses que fueron a essa corte. Sobre estos puntos de jurisdi-
cion y sobre las conveniencias de los pobladores, y militares, y la
sujecion de estos Yndios pide mucho acuerdo, porque a poca diligencia
segun la acceptacion que hazen de los franceses, (a pocas diligencias)
se harian de la parte de francia. Y el methodo que lleban en poblar y
fundar missiones es mui distincto que el que nosotros los espafioles
llebamos. Solo quitandoles el puesto de Nachitoz tenia reparo estos
embarazos: y controversias. Como informara de todo el cap" Do-
mingo Ramon en la entrada que hizo al Nachitoz como mando hazer
una cruz y lebantar altar a dos franceses que estan alli de retar-
guardia, y se celebro el S.*° Sacrificio de la missa, entrando con la
insignia R.' y por estar enfermo, passo su H.*° Diego Ramon por
canoa Rio abajo a rreconocer las poblaciones de la Palizada, y de
alli a rreconocer la mobila. Passo a darle a vexcia una noticia. No-
ticia que tengo adquirida de los franceses. para mas esplicacion dare
quenta a V. Ex.* los Rumbos que Ileban los Rios. El Rio de la Pali-
zada tiene sus corrientes de Norte a sur, y los dos Rios el de los
Caddodachos que es el mesmo a donde estan mas abajo los indios del
Nachitoz, y los dos franceses: y el Rio grande del Missuri tienen sus
corrientes de poniente a oriente, y desembocan en el sobre dicho Rio de
la Palizada entran de la vanda de aca de lo que nosotros intentamos
poblar, y que francia no se someta mas adentro para nuestras fronteras
de el Nuebo Mexico, parral, y Mar del sur, que cae la prouincia de
Sonora. Advertido esto dire las noticias, que tengo del Rio del Missuri:
en el desemboque de dicho Rio estan dos missiones de PP* de la
Compafiia franceses, pobladas con los Yndios Yilinois, y con poblazon
de franzeses; tienen la mayor parte del Rio arriba sondeado com-
ercian con los Yndios Caynigua, Panni, que son Yndios blancos:

270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

comercian en Ropas, escopetas francesas, abalorios, y otras cossas:
tienen los por suyos, no los han poblado, pero intentan el Poblar
todo esse Rio: me han informado que desde los Yllinois a los Indios
Panni Rio arriba ay ciento y cinquenta leguas: a estos Pueblos de
los Panni se juntan tres brazos de Rio, que hazen el Rio del Missuri
opulento de Aguas y tan grande dizen es como el de la Palizada.
Estos Yndios son fronterizos con los Apaches, y tienen Grandes Gue-
rras con ellos, y se han reconocido los Panni Mayores Guerreros que
los Apaches: y les han cogido grandes presas, que venden a los
franzeses y estos los compran y tiene los por esclavos. Salen los
dichos tres brazos de Rio de una grande cerrania que linda con la Mar
del Sur de mucha cantidad de ojos de agua. En el brazo del medio
adentro, dizen esta una gran ciudad, que afios passados reconocio un
clerigco frances, y otros seglares de que dieron cuenta al Rey de Fran-
cia, y se han hecho despues varias entradas por los franceses por el
mesmo Rio aRiba, y he sabido averse perdido ultimamente dos o tres
ahos ha supe entraron ciento y cinquenta franceses, y No he tenido
Razon de lo que les ha sucedido. Esta gran ciudad no Ja habitan
Yndios, sino gente blanca, que o han de ser tartaros, o Japones: y de
la otra banda de la zerrabia, dize la Relacion nouissima francesa, que
desde la cima de la serrania se ve la costa y mar del sur y muchas em-
barcaciones. De esta gente blanca refiere el Pe. Fr. Ju°. Torque-
mada en su Monarchia indiana, y las diligencias que por mar y tierra
se mandaron por el excellentissimo §."_ Virrey de Mexico hazer en
aquel tiempo con todo este conjunte de noticias vea Vex.°'* en que
estado nos van dexando los franceses: por las espaldas se nos van
entrando con silencio: pero Dios ve las intenciones. Exce™ S". todo
esto pide un Gran reparo, y si fuera possible aunque se quitaran al-
gunos Presidios de la Vizcaya y reparar este tan gran dafio que se nos
entra por nras puertas. Mobera mas a emprender esta impresa el
dote que dios ha puesto en esta tierra, para que con el tiempo ella se
pueda costear por si: Por algunos de los que hizieron esta ultima
entrada han reconocido en estos Payses, que tienen la inteligencia
en metales: que es toda esta tierra de Minerales, y no se reconoce otras
piedras, sino los de metales, y las aguas nacen todas de minerales: no
se ha podido hazer la experiencia por hallarnos mui atrasados con
enfermos y otros accidentes que han acecido, por cuya causa esta sus-
pensa la materia. Para el establecimiento de poner los Pueblos, y
Juntar los Yndios a mejor forma de poblado: seruiran Yndios chris-
tianos, que sepan la lengua castellana y los de esta nueba espafia.
Y para beneficiar las minas espafioles que tengan curia en
metales. y para los cafiamos, y linos beneficiarlos se de
passo despues y pedirle y informarle a Su Mag? la gente de espaiia
que fuere mas al propossito, y lo mismo las vifias: supuesto el bene-

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 47 |

placito de Vex °'* y de ese superior Gobierno. Y lo mismo digo acerca
de beneficiar las sedas, pues ay tanto moral y moredas en esta tierra.
Estos Yndios 7hejas no nos dan ningun seruicio, solo se contentan con
vissitarnos. Las necessidades que padecemos en lo necessario que hemos
menester de seruicio, ymantenimientos. Las referimos a dios que assi
lo ha ordenado, y Juntamente ceda todo en la mayor honrra y gloria
de Dios, por cuya soberana Mag?! los hemos padecido. Escusome de
reproducir mas noticias acerca de la entrada del Nachitoz, lo poblado
y distritos de tierra del camino: y lo demas de noticias que rep*,
adquirira de la entrada de su H. el Alpherez a la palizada y
mobila: que esso le toca oficio el darlas. Lo que discurro no reco-
nocera ahora el dicho Alpheres Diego Ramon es el desemboque del Rio
del Missuri a donde ay poblacion de franzeses, y de los Yndios
Yllinois como ya arriba he relatado a la Grandeza de Vex.*!* importa
hazer tambien este reconocimiento, y ponerles frontera para que no
passen Rio aRiba a descubrir a la grandeza de poblados, que pretenden
poblar. Toda su comunicacion es por los Rios: y poniendoles frontera
aqui Junto a los Yilinois, en el Nachitoz, y en la vahia de el espiritu
Santo: quedan circunvalados los franceses, que estos tienen tambien
a los Yngleses de la nueba Carolina rodeados. Y aunque el poblado
de Panzacola tienen los franceses a espaldas, es muy preciso el con-
servar aquel puerto y fortificarlo mas con un buen castillo y muralla
aunque se gaste en esto mucha hazienda Real; que como esta ahora de
ofrecerse Guerras con franzia a poca diligencia lo ganaban los fran-
ceses: y assi lo he oido decir a ellos, y en estas guerras passadas hu-
biera perdido espafia este puerto, y los Yngleses lo ubieran ganado, si
los franceses de la mobila no ubieran dado diferentes ayudas de costa:
el Puerto de Panzacola es el mejor puerto que de Varra a varra tiene
nro Rey Catholico en las Yndias, para resguardo de muchas armadas:
como se lo oy decir al cosmografo de su Mag 4 en tiempos passados que
se fue a rreconocer por la mar. Con todas estas prebenciones assegura
Su Mag? un Gran Reyno en estas dilatadas prouincias con grandes
riquezas. Dios nro S*. conserue la vida de Vex*'* por muchos afics
para la propagacion de las §.** fe, y aumento de la R*. corona. Es fha
en esta Mission de S. Fran°? de los tejas oy 4 de Nobiembre de 1716
anos.
Siervo de Vex *# que B.S. M.
Fr. Fran°°. Hipatco.

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EXTRACTS FROM THE CRONICA DE LA PROVINCIA FRANCISCANA
DE LOS APOSTOLES SAN PEDRO DE MICHOACAN BY FRAY ISIDRO
FELIX DE ESPINOSA, PUBLISHED UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF DR.
NICOLAS LEON (PP. 419-442)

CAP. IX.

DESCRIPCION DE LA PROVINCIA DE LOS TEXAS, COSTUMBRES DE LOS INDIOS,
Y LA VARIEDAD DE SUS RITOS, IDOLATRIAS, Y SUPERSTICIOSAS CEREMONIAS.

La Provincia de los Assinais, vulgo Texas, se halla en distancia de
mas de quinientas leguas de la Ciudad Imperial de Mexico, por el
camino que han frequentado hasta aora nuestros Espafoles, y por linea
recta, respecto de dicha Ciudad, caé al rumbo de Nornordeste, y se halla
en altura de Polo el sitio de las primeras Missiones, de treinta y tres
grados y medio, y algunos minutos. Contiene muchas parcialidades
esta Nacion Assinai, que por evitar confussiones, no las nombro en su
proprio Idioma, y se estiende por los quatro rumbos principales, en
distancia de mas de cien leguas por cada viento, hasta las orillas del
Rio Missuri, que desemboca en el de la Palizada, tirando las lineas del
Norte, en que ay muchas Naciones politicas, que siembran; y de una
g esta poblada por el Rio Missuri corriente arriba, hai noticia de la
Nacion Arricara, G son quarenta y ocho Pueblos, en termino de diez
leguas; y de tanta multitud de Naciones, solo se han sujetado al
Dominio del Rey Catolico las que tuvieron la dicha de seis Missiones,
4 se plantaron en los afios de 16. y 17. Es toda esta Gente placentera,
alegre, de buenas facciones por lo comun, y muy amigable c6 los
Espanoles. Tienen politica para hacer sus siembras de maiz, frisoles,
calabazas, melones, y sandias; y siembran tambien cantidad de Gyra-
soles, que se dan muy corpulentos, y la flor muy grande, ¢ en el centro
tienen la semilla como de pifiones, y de ella mixturado c6 el maiz, hacen
un bollo, § es de mucho sabor, y substancia. Cogen cantidad de Nuezes
encarceladas, y de Bellotas, para el gasto de su afio. Toda la tierra
esta poblada de diferentes Arboledas, como son Robles, Pinos, Alamos,
Encinas, Nogales muy gruessos, que dan la Nuez encarcelada; y otra
especie de Nogales de Nuez pequefia, y mollar, de 4 se abastecen los
Indios. De los Arboles frutales, fuera de las Nueces, hai Nisperos,
Ciruelos, Parras sylvestres, y muy gruessas, y entre ellas Uba blanca,
que parece moscatel, y solo les falta el cultivo para ser ta buenas como
las domesticas.

Hai multitud de Morales, y Moredas, Zarzamoras muy gruessas,
y muy suaves, Granadillas como las de China, en abundancia, y

273

274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 132

muchos Castafios, aunque es pequeiio el fruto q dan, como el de una
bellota de las blicas. Los pastos, y tierras son en todo parecidas a las
de la Florida, que es tierra continente cé la de Texas; y todo lo q se leé
de aquella Provincia en su amenidad, y fertileza, se puede adaptar 4
esta otra, con poca diferencia. Por la mayor parte es tierra llana,
aunque en partes muy montuosa, y no se hallan serranias por todo
Texas, pues solo se encuentran algunas listas de lomeria, tirando al
Norte. La piedra anda siempre muy escasa, y se halla solamente en
algunos respaldos de Arroyos secos, conque no es facil el fabricar de
calicanto, aunque se quiera. El temperamento es muy parecido al de
Espaiia, pues comienza 4 llover desde Septiembre, y duran las aguas
hasta Abril; y los quatro meses restantes, son muy excessivos los calores,
y muy raros los aguazeros de este tiempo; y como para lograrse las
simenteras, ha de ser con el beneficio de las aguas del Cielo, en
siendo escasas, lo son tambien las cosechas. Tiene toda la tierra
Rios, y Arroyos perennes, y abundantes, y muchos ojos de agua;
pero en el Verano corren tan profundos, que no dan lugar para
sacar sus aguas en assequias; y como la tierra es tan montuosa no
descubre lugares cOpetentes para poder co la industria regarse; y
esta ha sido en todos tiempos la mayor dificultad para q se congre-
guen los Indios. Hai muchas Lagunas en q se cria abundantemente
el Pescado, y estas no son continuas en algunas partes, sino que
se forman de las crecientes de los Rios, y Arroyos, por el Invierno;
y quando calienta el tiempo, se van los Indios 4 ellas con sus
familias, y se mantienen algunos dias, de pescado, y llevan para sus
casas muchos Pezes assados en Ja lumbre, de que participé alugnos,
y entre ellos el Pez que llaman Dorado. Lo 4 mas abunda en
aquellos Montes, son los Ciervos, 6 Venados, de que tienen su continuo
bastimento los Indios, y juntamente con los Pabos de la tierra, 4
que se juntan por el Invierno muchas Abutardas, Grullas, y en
todo el afio Perdices, y Codornices, en abundancia.

No viven estos Naturales en congregaciones reducidas 4 Pueblo,
sino q cada parcialidad de las quatro principales, en q se plantaron
las Missiones, estan como en ranchos, dispersos unos de otros, siendo
de esto el principal motivo, el que cada familia busca paraje com-
petente para su siembra, y que tenga agua de pie para su gasto,
y para bafiarse, que es en todos ellos muy continuo. Las casas for-
man de maderas, con latas muy flexibles, y muy altas; y el modo
que tienen para fabricarlas, es de esta suerte: Los duefios de la Casa,
quando ya quieren renovarla, avisan 4 los Capitanes, que llaman en
su idioma Cappi; y estos, sefialado el dia, ordonenan a los Pro-
curadores, que llaman Tamas, que corran todas las Casas, dando
aviso para que acudan & la fabrica. Suben los dos mandaderos en
sus Caballos, que tiené ya todos los Texas muchos, desde la primera

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 275

entrada de los Espanoles; y llevando en una mano tanto numero de
palillos, como han de ser las latas para la Casa; van corriendo la
posta, y en cada rancho dan uno de aquellos palillos, para @ el que lo
recibe tenga cuidado de cortar su lata, y llevarla limpia, hasta
clavarla en el hoyo que le toca. A otro de la Casa, le encarga los
varejones correspondientes para irla texiendo; y la correa, que es
de cascara de Arbol, y tan fuerte, q por delgada que sea, no se rompe
&dos manos. A las Indias, una, u dos de cada casa, les encomiendan
el llevar cada una su carga de zacate, que es mas crecido que los
mayores trigos, para cubrir todo el enmaderado. Hecha esta pre-
vencion, se van los Tammas 4 dormir al sitio donde se ha de fabricar,
donde los regalan los Caseros; y quando salta la Aurora, comiézan 4
dar voces para concovar la gente prevenida. AJ ir rayando el dia, van
viniendo los Capitanes, y toman sus assientos, sin poner mano en toda
la obra, mas que con authorizarla. Salido el Sol, a la primera voz que
da el Mandon, va cada uno corriendo con su lata ombro, y la pone en el
hoyo que antes tenia hecho. En medio de las latas, que estan puestas
en figura circular, clavan un madero muy alto, con horquillas, para
figura circular, clavan un madero muy alto, con horquillas, para
subir por él; y puestos en lo alto dos Indios, sobre una pequefia cruz
de dos maderos, tirando cada uno un lazo, prenden la lata por la
punta, en correspondencia una de otra; y assi las van atando, como
quien forma una media naranja.

Despues van armando las latas con varejones, todos 4 un tiempo, y
con tanta destreza, que subiendo cada uno por su lata, no tarda una
hora en formar la escala de abajo arriba. Entran otros de refrezco
cubriendo la casa de zacate, del gruesso de tres quartas, comenzando
a ponerlo de abajo arriba, al contrario de las casas pagizas, que
usan los Espafioles; y con tanta velocidad, 4 poco despues de medio
dia, estan coronando el Xacal, formando del zacate bien atado, la
figura que les sugiere su imaginativa. Concluida la fabrica, cortan
por el pie el horcon dél medio, y queda figurada la vivienda en el
ayre. En todo este tiempo andan los Mandones cé sus varas de dos,
6 tres ramales, frezcas, y correosas, avivando la géte; y el hombre.
6 muger que llega tarde, despues de aver comenzado la obra aunque
traiga el material que se le avia encomendado, lo sale 4 recibir;
y si es hombre, le da por los pechos quatro, 6 cinco, varazos; y si es
muger le descubre la espalda, y hace lo mismo; y esto es, sin ex-
cepcion de personas, pues si su misma muger, 6 hermana caé en la
falta, lleva su penitencia; y ninguno hace duelo de ello, antes se
quedan riendo. En todo el tiempo que trabaja el Pueblo, todos los
duefios de la Casa estan ocupados en disponer la comida para todos,
teniendo antes prevenida mucha carne de Venados, 6 Ciervos, y
muchas ollas de maiz molido, que en estas Indias se llama Atdéle,

276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

y van repartiendo desde los Capitanes hasta el ultimo, c6 abundancia,
orden, y concierto, porque tienen cajetes de barro mayores, y menores,
para dar & grandes, y pequefios; y con esto se disuelve la junta,
y se va cada uno 4 su casa muy contento. La diferencia que hai
en fabricar estas Casas es, que para los Capitanes, y principales, se
ponen mas latas que las ordinarias, y assi son mucho mayores;
pero no se exime, aunque sea el Capitan principal, de darles de comer
4 todos los q cécurren; antes si es cd mas abjindancia el banquete,
y se previene cd mas tiempo, para quedar sobre todos mas ayroso.

Las sementeras, que hacen los Assinais, son tambien de Comunidad,
y comienzan la primera en la Casa de su CHENEsI, G es su Sacerdote
principal, y el @ cuida de la Casa del Fuego, que despues hablaré
de ella en su lugar. Despues va a sembrarle al Capitan principal,
y se vin siguiendo todos los demas por su orden, segun lo determinan
los Capitanes en sus juntas. Lo que hacen los Indios juntos, es
solo limpiar la tierra, y dejarla cabada cosa de una quarta, que al
principio hacian todo esto con Azadones de madera de nogal tostado,
y despues con Azadones de fierro, § han adquirido de los Espanoles,
y de los Franceses, que estan en Nachitos. Acabada esta funcion en
dos, 6 tres horas, los duefios de la casa les dan su comida con toda
abundancia, y se mudan 4 otra parte para hacer lo mesmo. El sem-
brar el maiz, y frisoles, con las otras semillas, toca & los Caseros;
y de ordinario, quien lo hace, son las Indias viejas, que por ninguna
manera permiten el q les ayude alguna India prefiada, porque dicen
se ha de malograr la cosecha. Dos siembras tienen cada dfo: la
primera, 4 fines de Abril, que es quando alla cessan las aguas, y
entonces siembran el maiz pequefio, que no sube la cafa una vara
de altura; pero desde el pie hasta la punta esta cargada de mazor-
quitas muy granadas, y muy pequefias. A fines de Mayo lavantan
esta cosecha, ¢ les sirve de mucho alivio, quando el afio ha sido es-
teril; y en la misma tierra, limpiandola de nuevo, hacen la siembra
grande, que no dura para llegar 4 maduréz mas que hasta fines de
Julio, como yo lo experimenté los afios que assisti en aquellas Mis-
siones. El] frisol siembran con mucha curiosidad; y para que se
enrede, y esté libre de animalejos, y de la humedad, le ponen 4 cada
mata su carrizo clavado en tierra, y assi se carga mucho mas, y
no les cuesta trabajo al recogerlo, porque lo arrancan con el carrizo,
y todo junto lo conducen & sus casas. Tienen en sus viviendas
hechos canastos de otatilllos muy grandes, en que recogen el maiz
desgranado, y el frisol; y para q no entre la polilla, le van echando sus
capas de ceniza bien cernida, y cubren los canastos para libertarlo
de los ratones.

Son estos Indios tan providos, que de las mejores mazorcas del maiz,
dejandole la hoja, hacé unos atados como trenza, y la cuelgan en un

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY PA |

palo co horquetas dentro de la casa, en parte que le esté dando el
humo; y para esto separan la cantidad que necessitan para sembrar
dos afios, porque si fuere esteril el primero, no falte semilla para el
segundo; y de esto, no tocaran & un grano, aunque les falte del todo el
maiz que tenian para el gasto, y mas aina van 4 buscarlo, haciendo sus
cambios en otras rancherias, que lograron cosecha mas abundante. En
los afios de esterilidad, suplen la falta de mantenimiento cé la caza de
Animales, y Aves diversas, y con buscar Pescado en los Rios, y Lagu-
nas; y para hacer sus poleadas, muelen una semilla que da el carrizo, ¢
mas es otatillo hueco; y bien tostada la semilla, que es como granos
de trigo, suple por el maiz en sus comidas. El Ganado de Sibola
esti distante de los Texas mas de quarenta leguas; y para hacer
provision de zezinas, van todos los Indios bien armados; porque en esse
tiempo, si se encuentran con los Apaches, se matan inhumanamente
unos 4 otros. En estas ocasiones, que de ordinario es por el Invierno,
suelen matar muchos Ossos, que hai por la parte del Norte, y traen
muchas pellas, embueltas en heno, cargadas en sus Caballos; y despues
de derretidas conservan la manteca en ollas, para sus guisados de todo
el alo. Estos Ossos se mantienen de nuezes, y bellotas, de que abun-
dan todos aquellos Payses, y solo se véén en Texas, y sus cercanias,
quando ha sido poca la nuez, y bellota por la parte del Norte, por los
muchos, yelos, y nevadas, como sucedié el afio de 22. que fue la primera
vez que los alcancé 4 vér vivos, tan cerca de la Mission donde estaba,
que sin q sirva de jactancia, acompafiado de muchos Indios, que con
sus Perros tenian subidos dos Ossos en los Arboles: & tiro de escopeta
cayeron dos de mi mano, con vala rasa, y otro que venia solo por una
vereda, teniendo un roble por resguardo, acerté 4 darle en la cabeza;
y de todos ellos, hicieron su particid los Indios, y me dejaron provi-
décia de manteca para muchos dias; y es cierto, G para guisar qual-
quiera cosa, no hace falta con ella otra grossura.

CAP. Xx.

PROSIGUE LA MATERIA DEL PASSADO, SOBRE LAS SUPERSTICIONES, &
IDOLATRIAS DE LOS ASSINAIS

Aquellos Infieles, con quienes anduvo prodiga la naturaleza, hacien-
dolos de buena disposicion, y de hermosas facciones, si con sus cos-
tumbres degeneran, siendo en lo interior disformes, son, de Sentencia
de Clemente Alexandrino, semejantes 4 los Templos de los Egypcios.
Estos resplandecen en las paredes de piedras muy pintadas por de-
fuera, y en toda la fabrica se encuentra mucha cultura, y adorno; pero
si se registra lo interior de los Templos, no se encuentra Dios, aunque
se busque, sino un Cocodrilo, una Serpiente, i otra bestia, 6 fiera
indigna del Templo, y mas 4 proposito para tener su habitacion en una
inmunda gruta. Tales son todos aquellos, que haciendolos Dios de

278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

buenas facciones, no resplandece en sus almas la hermosa Imagen de
Dios, que como sus criaturas tienen; porque no le adoran, ni conocen,
sino que en su lugar tienen Leones, Ossos, Simias, y otros inmundos
Simulacros de los demonios, 4 quienes adoran, y dan culto en su cora-
zon. De esta calidad contempla mi compassion 4 los Indios Assinais,
y otras muchas Naciones, q hai por aquella parte del Norte; pues
todas, por lo general, son de muy buena disposicié corporal, y mucho
mas blancos que los Mexicanos, y Tlascaltecas, naturalmente politicos,
y de buenos entendimientos; pero todas estas prendas las desfiguran
por las muchas idolatrias, y supersticiones, cO que los tiene ilusos el
demonio, originadose de Padres 4 Hijos la falsa creécia de sus herrores;
pues hasta los Nifios pequefios, luego que les despunta la razon, estan
instruidos en las falsedades de sus mayores, que me causaba admiracion
el oirles razonar todos los Ritos, y supersticiones en @ los avian criado
sus Padres. En toda esta numerosa Nacion de los Assinais, 4 tienen
con el mismo Idioma mas de catorce, 6 quince Parcialidades, se tiene
creido, que ay un Capitan Grande alla en el Cielo, 4 quien llaman
Cappi, 6 Ayo, que es lo mismo, q el Capitan de alli arriba; y dicen, 4
este lo crié todo; y para q se vea lo inconsequente q proceden, lo
cuentan en esta forma. Dicen, que en los principios del mundo huvo
una sola muger, y q esta tenia dos Hijas, la una doncella, y la otra que
estaba en cinta, sin sefialar ni para la Madre, ni para la Hija, hombre
alguno de quien pudiessen procrear. Un dia, que las dos Hermanas
estaban solas sin la Madre, y la prefiada estaba recostada en el regazo
de la doncella, que la espulgaba, se la arrebataron de delante; y fue
assi el sucesso:

Aparecié de repente un Hombre agigatado, y descomunal, de feroz
aspecto, y con unos cuernos, que no se véian de altos, y 4 este le
aman Cappaga, diablo, 6 demonio; y acometiendo 4 la prefiada, la
desgarro cO sus ufias, y masticandola, se la engull6: entretanto, la
doncella se subié & la copa de un Arbol muy alto; y quando acabé
el diablo de comerse a la Hermana, levanté los ojos 4 buscar 4 la
doécella para hacer lo mismo, y forcejaba por subir; mas no pudiendo,
comenz6 con dientes, y ufias a querer cortar el Arbol. Yo les replicaba
quido me contaban esto, quo como siendo tan grandes los cuernos,
g se perdian de vista, no alcanzaba con ellos?) Y nunca sabian dar
respuesta. La doncella, viendo el aprieto en que estaba, se dejo
caer en un charco profundo de agua, que estaba al pie del Arbol,
y zambullendose en él, fue 4 salir muy lejos, y se escapdé hasta
déde estaba su Madre. El] descomunal gigante comézd 4 sorver la
agua para agotarla, y hacer pressa de la doncella; pero se hallé
burlado, y se fue de aquel puesto. Did noticia la doncella 4 su
Madre de todo lo sucedido, y fueron juntas al sitio donde
avia muerto la otra, y registrando el rastro de la sangre, 4

SWANTON ] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 279

desperdiciaba el diablo al masticarla, encontrd en una casca-
rilla de bellota una gotilla de sangre, y cubriendola cé
otra media cascara de lo mismo la abrigd en el seno, y se la evo
A su casa. Metidla en una tinagita, y bien tapada la boca, la puso
en un rincon; & lo noche sintid ruido, como q roian la tinaja; y yendo
& registrarla, hallo, que de la sangre se avia congelado un Nijfio, tan
pequefio como un dedo, Bolvié a taparla, y oyendo el mismo ruido
la noche siguiente, hallé @ avia crecido hasta la estatura de Hombre
grande: quedé muy gustosa, y le hizo luego su Arco, y sus flechas,
y pregunto por su Madre: dixeronle como se la avia comido el diablo,
y salid 4 buscarlo; y quando lo encontro, con la punta del Arco lo
tird tan lejos, G no parecid mas. Vinose can su Abuela, y Tia, y les
dixo, que no era bueno estar en la tierra, y se subid con ellas al
CacHaoaro, que assi llaman al Cielo; y desde alla esta desde entonces,
governando todo el mundo; y esta es la primera deidad que recono-
cen, y & quien ofrecé cultos, y temen q les puede premiar, y castigar en
lo bueno, y malo que hicieren.

Tienen con el Fuego particularissimas abusiones, y le tributan
culto. Para esto ay una Casa destinada, en G siempre hai fuego
perpetuo, y tienen destinado un viejo, que tiene cuidado de cebarlo,
y este es el Cuenzst, 6 Sacerdote grande de ellos. Dicen, G en apa-
gandose, se han de morir todos. Esta Casa, q el afio de 1716. por
Diciembre renovaron, esta entre los medios de los NaicHAs, y AINAIs,
y es comun & ambos Pueblos, y dicen ser la Casa del Capitan grande.
Es rotunda, capaz, pajiza, y tiene dentro un docel con estéras for-
mado, y en el assiento de la cama tres petates, dds de ellos muy
pequefios; y 4 un lado de la puerta sobre tapextles otras estéras em-
bueltas 4 rollo. Delante de la cama un banquito c6 quatro pies, y
quadrado, de una pieza, algun tanto levantado sobre tierra; y sobre
el banquillo suele aver tabaco, y pipa con algunas plumas, y tiestos
de barro, q demuestran ser incensarios 4 nutren de cebo, y tabaco.
El fuego, o foguera, la forman siempre, de quatro troncos muy largos,
y pesados, que miran a los quatro vientos principales: la lefia le
trae menuda, y esta en pyras de la parte de afuera. Aqui se juntan
los Ancianos 4 sus consultas, y bayles para las guerras, y faltas de
agua para los sementeras, 4 ordinariamente salen fallidas sus supli-
cas, y todo fabulas. La ceniza de este fuego, se va amontonando
afuera; y quando hacen traslado de huessos de los enemigos, que han
muerto, los sepultan en estas cenizas. Cerca de esta Casa hai otras
dos pequefias, a distancia de poco mas de un tiro de escopeta; y
\laman las Casas de los dos Conrnicrs. Estos, dicen, son dos mucha-
chos, 6 nifios pequefios, q embid desde el Cacwao ayo, 6 el Cielo, su
gran Capitan, para q consultassen sus dudas con ellos; y fingen, que
estuvieron en estas Casas, hasta que avri poco mas de dos aiios,

280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

segun unos (y fue al tiempo que se hallaban en Mexico dos Religiosos
de la Cruz, negociando la entrada 4 los Texas) 6 segun la India
Interprete quido los enemigos YosuaNEs quemaron estas Casas,
dicen, los vieron subir por el humo arriba, y no han bajado mas.
En estas casillas estan dos petaquillas como de tres quartas cO sus
tapaderas de carrizo pintado, y curiosas, levatadas sobre uno como
Altar de madera, c6 quatro horconcillos.

Dentro, registré con otro Religioso, aver en las petacas quatro, 6
cinco platillos, 6 vasijas de madera negra, como escudilla rotunda, y
todo muy curiosamente labrado, con sus quatro pies, unos de hechura
de Patos pequeiios, cd cabeza, y cauda de Pato: otros con cabeza, cauda,
y pies de Cayman, 6 Lagarto. Ademias de esto, muchas plumas de
todos tamafios, y colores; y unas martas de plumas de Pavos terrestres,
pluma blanca de pechuga suelta, y algunos emboltorios de penachos
de plumas, coronas de pieles, y pluma, y virrete de lo mismo, con
muchos huessecillos de Grullas, que sirven de flautas, 6 pifanos, y
otras de carrizo, laborcadas, y c6 sus agujerillos al proposito, y otros
muchos instrumétillos, que usan en sus mitotes, 6 bayles. Esta una
de estas casillas muy bien barrida, y cuidada, donde estan estas dos
petaquillas. La Casa del Fuego es la de los Arnais como la Parro-
quia, 6 Cathedral; y otra en los Narcwas, y otra en los Nacocpocuis,
y Nazonis; y de este fuego se llevo 4 aquellas Casas: lo ordinario es,
juntarse en Mezquita los Naicnas, y Arnats: y los Nacocpocuis, y
Nazonts en la otra Mezquita que hai en Nacocpocut, 4 sus particulares
Fiestas de el Ano. Todas las Casas, 6 las mas de ellas, se sirven de
el fuego de aquella principal Casa, no por q lo leven todos los dias de
ella, sino porque quando se fabricaron, se llev6 de alli, y lo céservan; y
si alguna vez se apaga, tienen por presagio de averse de morir toda
aquella familia; y lo traé de nuevo de la Casa de la Mezquita con
muchas ceremonias, que diré en su lugar. Al fuego lo temen mucho
§ se enoje, y le tributan el primer Tabaco, primicias del maiz, de la
carne que matan, y de todas sus cosechas: dan 4 entender q el fuego
los crid & ellos. Atique alucinados, tambien dicen, q salieron los Hom
bres del Mar, y se repartieron por toda la tierra: 4 estos Criadores
llama Nracappi, al Agua, y Fuego; mas siempre acuden al fuego en
todas sus funciones. Dicen, que en los principios avia en la tierra
muchos demonios q los mataban, y hacia muchos dafios, 4 eran agigan-
tados, y horribles: y tambien dicen ser ellos descendientes de Ossos,
otros de Perros, otros de Nutrias, y otros de Coyotes, 6 Raposas; y
preguntandoles la razon, respondian :

Que sus antepassados, viendo los males que les hacian estas Fantas-
mas, 6 demonios, se transformaron en dichos Animales; y con todo
esso, eran hombres, mugeres, y nifios racionales. Tienen estos Indios
mucha luz de la inmortalidad de la Alma, y la confiessan: y se conoce

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 281

esto, en los entierros, y honras funerales que hacen, en esta forma:
Amortajan el cuerpo difunto, bafiandole primero, cé las mejores ropas
que tienen, 6 con gamuzas nuevas; y teniédolo algunas horas en su
propria casa, donde hai, entretanto, muchos lamentos, le previenen
mucho pinéle, maiz, y de todo lo que hai comestible; y juntamente, si
es hombre, le aparejan su Arco, y fiecha, y cuchillo, con lo demas que
aca necessitaba; y si es muger, todos sus ministriles mugeriles de canas-
tillas, instrumentos de moler, y vasijas de barro; porque dicen los
han menester alla dode van. Y pregunitandoles adonde van las Almas
de los que mueren? Dicen, ¢ caminan luego que salen de los cuerpos
azia un lado del Poniente, y de all4 suben otra vez por el ayre, y passan
por cerca de donde esta el Capitan grande, que nombran Capp Ayo; y
de alli van 4 parar 4 una Casa, sita 4 la parte del Sur, que dicen
es la Casa de la Muerte. Y qué muerte sera sino la eterna? Alli
imaginan, 6 los persuaden sus viejos, q estan todos muy contentos, y
que no hai hambre, enfermedades, ni otras penas; y que se quedan todos
en el estado que los cogié la muerte: desuerte, G si una muger murié
estando en cinta, siempre esta alla ocupada; y si muridé con una cria-
tura & los pechos, allé la anda cargando; y 4 este modo otras erroneas
inconsequencias. Mas no dicen buelven marido, y muger 4 hacer vida
maridable. Pregunté con advertencia, si todos iban 4 este lugar sin
pena? Y me dixeron que si: menos los malos; y solo tienen por tales
4 sus enemigos, que estos van 4 la Casa del Trxtno, ¢ es el diablo; y
alla los castiga mucho: no tienen por dignos de el Infierno 4 los adul-
teros, sodomiticos, y concubitores, ni ladrones, sino solo concibé maldad
sensible, en quanto al corporal agravio: y assi todos los G quido mueren
se les hace su entierro c6 las fingidas deprecaciones de sus Santones,
dicen van al descanso, y se les acaba lo malo que hicieron: mas si no les
rezan, los lleva el diablo & su casa: mas de una, u otra manera, alld
van 4 dar.

Las honras, 6 funerales de los que murieron en la guerra, 6 ausentes
de sus casas, las hacé en esta forma: Combidan toda la gente para el
dia sefalado, y previenen bastante comida de lo que da el tiempo;
y distante como un tiro de piedra de la casa, disponen una pyra de
lefia menuda; y juntos todos, estan hombres, y mugeres dolientes tira-
dos en sus camas, muy desgrenados; y entrado un Capitan de los San-
tones, habla pocas razones con ellos; y luego comienza un Ilanto, mas
proprio le dirémos ahullido, 4 que corresponden las mugeres todas
plafiidoras. Salen hasta siete hombres fuera de la casa, y bueltos de
cara al Oriente, rezan sus oraciones, teniendo delante una basija
pequefia cd maiz molido, y mojado; y acabada la deprecacion del viejo
principal, toman de la ollita parte del maiz mojado, y lo esparcen &
los quatro vientos, y lo restante se lo comen tres de ellos, que sirven
de Padrinos del funeral, y bueltos adentro, renuevan el clamor los

299671—42——19

282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

dolientes. Sientanse todos los Capitanes por su orden, y los Padrinos
se assientan jito 4 los del duelo, y van ofreciendo & un viejo Santon,
tabaco, y arina de maiz; y tomandolo, da una buelta al fuego, que esta
en medio de la casa, reza su embolismo, y echa en el fuego algo del
tabaco, y harina, y buelve 4 entregarlo & los Padrinos. Passado esto,
salen dos, 6 tres Indios, y entrieg’ un Arco, y flechas 4 la muger, 6
Madre del difunto; y luego, desde los Capitanes, uno por uno, van
ofreciendo 4 los del duelo, ya seis, ya ocho flechas, segun el afecto de
cada uno. Siguense las mugeres, G van dando el pesame, y cdtri-
buyendo sus sartas de abalorio, cuchillo, 6 ropa; y de todo junto,
afiadiendo gamuzas muy buenas, y todas las alhajas que fueron del
difunto, hacen su emboltorio, y lo cubren con una estéra, q hace rollo;
y entretato, est& cantando un viejo, y otro mancebo, en tono muy
funesto, y 4 compaz; y uno de los Padrinos saca en ombros el embol-
torio: otro lleva fuego, y otro un manojo de zacate seco, y llegado 4 la
pyra prenden por todas partes fuego, y echan encima la estéra co todas
las flechas, y ropa, y las reducen 4 cenizas, sirviédo de doble de cam-
panas la confussa griteria de los dolientes, y amigos, miétras otros del
corrillo estén riendo, y chacoteando. Corona toda la funcion la co-
mida q reparté 4 todos, y acabada queda la compafiia deshecha. ‘Todo
esto dicen, es para que vaya la alma 4 la casa del descanso, 6 para 4
quando venga 4 vér su cuerpo, halle lo que se hizo con él.

CAP. 1,

OTROS VARIOS RITOS, QUE OBSERVAN CON MUCHA
PUNTUALIDAD ESTOS INDIos ASSINAIS

2

Desde que nace una Criatura, comienzan 4 exercitar con ella los
Santones diversas ceremonias, que parece querer remedar con ellas el
bautismo. A los seis, i ocho dias del nacimiento, avisan 4 uno de sus
Sacerdotes; y viniendo 4 la Casa, toma su particular assiento, y le
poné en las manos el recien nacido, & quien hace muchas caricias, y
le esta hablando 4 la oreja mucho rato: despues lo bajia todo entero
en una grande basija, y le pregunta & sus Padres, ¢ nombre se le ha
de poner; y de ordinario, el que le sefalan es diminutivo del g tienen
sus Padres: si es muger, hace este mismo oficio con ellas una vieja
decrepita, que es tambien saludadora; y de toda esta chusma hai
bastante copia, que tienen como repartidas sus feligresias; y para con-
cluir la funcion, les tributan sus regalos por modo de obenciones; y
aquel dia se come de lo que tienen, esplendidamente. Entre estas
Gentes dura el matrimonio miétras no desconforman las voluntades;
q entonces, se buscan ambos otro césorte. No se celebra con particu-
lares ceremonias la mutua entrega, aunque anteriormente se grangean
las voluntades de los Padres, o Hermanos de la Novia, con traerles

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 283

algunos Ciervos, 6 Venados, que les dejan & la puerta de su casa, sin
hablar otra palabra; y si lo meten adentro, y lo comen, es la sefial mas
cierta de que prestan su consentimiento; y no hai que esperar la espon-
tanea voluntad de la Novia, pues esta se refunde en el querer de sus
Padres: conque se juntan, como dice el Padre Acosta de los del Pert,
al modo de los Animales. En quanto 4 la fidelidad, algunos hacen
duelo si se les falta en ella, y castigan 4 sus mugeres con azotes; otros,
6 no hacen caso, o se hacen de la vista gorda; pues ordinariamente,
entre los mismos Indios hai poco reparo en q sus mugeres tengan
llanezas, y juegos cd los de su misma Nacion; y no se hace caso de
que hablen con toda libertad unos con otros, cé chanzas, y donayres
‘provocativos, antes lo celebran como si fuessen chistes muy agudos,
en q se conoce la mucha obscenidad en que viven sumergidos.

De la peste de Curanderos, y Medicos sylvestres, est’ contaminada
toda esta tierra, y estos son un mixto de abusion, y mentiras, con
mucha parte de brujeria, que hasta aora no se sabe si es formal.
Tienen estos mata-sanos particulares insignias, de plumeros en la
cabeza, y gargantillas curiosas de pieles de viboras, muy pintadas, y
en las casas su banco sefialado, 4 es mas alto que el de los Capitanes.
Para curar un enfermo, hacen una quantiosa hoguera, previenen sus
pifanos, y un abanico de plumas: los instrumentos son unos palillos
labrados, y con fizuras, al modo de un cascabel de vibora; y este palillo
puesto en hueco sobre un cuero, hace consonancia de nada menos,
que infierno. Antes de tocarle, beben sus yervas recocidas, cO mucha
espuma, y comienza & hacer su bayle sin mudarse de un puesto, y
acompana la musica de infierno, canto de cddenado, que solo alla tendra
simil la desentonada algarabia, G hace el Curandero; y dura la fun-
cion desde media tarde hasta cerca de la Aurora. Interpola el canto
para hacer sus crueles medicamentos; pues al triste paciente, que ya
lo tienen en parrillas con muchas brasas, que estan cebando debajo
de las camas, le comienza & chupar las entrafias, aziendole del esto-
mago, con los labios, q le pegan al espinazo, con la cabeza; y entre
tristes quexidos, da 4 entender el blando medicamento q le aplican.
Van los Medicos chupando, y escupiendo; y Ilevando prevenida san-
gre, 6 gusanos, los toman en la boca, y dicen los sacan del cuerpo del
enfermo. Lo cierto es, que le chupan la substancia corporea, de
quantas cosas apetecibles tiene, conque les pagan (viva, 6 muera el
enfermo) sus crueles curaciones, que duran mientras hai mucho que
comer, y que agarrar. A otros enfermos los sajan con pedernales, por
el higado, y les chupa en realidad la sangre: y lo mismo hacen cé los
picados de viboras, escupiendo lo que entre los labios aprietan; y esto,
atin es tolerable, pues surte naturalmente su efecto. Ellos adivinan
(segii dicen) si es de muerte el enfermo; y si es algun principal, hai
junta de Medicos, y cada uno hace empefio de hacer su desatino.

284. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 192

Bien es verdad, q entre tanto desvario, algunas curaciones puedé suce-
der naturalmente; por quato aplican yervas medicinales, de que
abunda la tierra, q es continente con la de la Florida; y en esto
tienen mucho conocimiento de ellas: pero los cantos, y bayles, no
pueden ser curacion de los enfermos.

La abundancia de bebidas amargas, que toman los Curanderos, fin-
giendo ser de provecho a los dolientes, es ilusion fantastica; pues
solo se reservo este modo de curacion, para aquel Divino Medico, que
para sanar nuestras dolencias, tomé 4 pechos la amarga pocion de la
hiel, y vinagre; y siendo su Magestad el desangrado, fuimos nosotros
los 4 logramos una salud eterna. Acontece tambien, ser el dolor, 6
enfermedad por algi tumor, 6 hinchazon; y 4 estate dolencia aplican el
madurativo del pedernal, y la ventosa de sus labios. Hacen creer
estos 4 toda la Nacion, que las enfermedades tienen origen de male-
ficio, G les hacen los Indios comarcanos de las Naciones Binats, Ars, y
Yacpoas, que abundan de mata-sanos, Estos (dicen los Asrnais) por
ser malevolos, 6 Brujos, vienen ocultamente, 6 envian desde sus tierras
la enfermedad § llaman AcuarIn: y para saber su ethimologia, es
una cosa aguda, 6 q tiene punta azicalada como saeta, y esta viene
disparada del Arco del que Ilaman Trxino, y nosotros lamamos dia-
blo, que la assesta al doliente; y para sacar esta punta, 6 saeta, que
dicen es como una aguja gruessa de color blanco, y pequefa, son los
bayles, cantos, y madurativos, que van insinuados: y antes de hacerlos,
invocan & los Curanderos Bipais, en su ayuda; y dicen, vienen &
socorrerlos en forma de Buhos, 6 Tecolotes, que el demonio les trahe
en semejantes ocasiones; y son en tres especies en esta tierra; y al
oir el éco del Buho, levantan la algazara, como si ya huviessen con-
seguido una victoria. Afiaden 4 este, otro desatino, de que el falso
Dios, que llaman Ywnict, viene movido de sus cantos, y deprecaciones,
& auxiliarlos. Son estos Curanderos el mobil de todas sus estratage-
mas, y embustes. Ellos recitan, 6 regafian entre dientes unos desati-
nados disparates, puestos de cara 4 un palo de los de la casa; y despues
tomando Tabaco, lo echan al fuego; y de la carne q trahen de Cybola,
parten una pitanza, y esta va & el fuego, y otros menudos pedazos
tiran azia los quatro vientos, 4 quienes hacen la salva en todas sus
funciones al chupar, arrojando una bocanada de humo a cada viéto; y
el primero es 4 lo alto al Capitan de arriba, que no es otro, que el
g cayo de lo alto en el abysmo.

Toca 4 estos Curanderos tomar Ja mensura para fabricar las Casas;
hallarse en la bédicion de las nuevas fabricas, y ser de los primeros
en todas las funciones de atragantarse. Siendo tata la copia de
estos embaydores, aun sin cortar la muerte alguna cabeza 4 esta
Hydra, le brotan 4 cada passo cabezas, en nuevos Ministros de la
mentira, que lo son unos Mocetones, que apenas llegan & los veinte
afios; y por aver quié quiera graduarlos, les sobra meritos para salir

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 285

muy peritos. Juntase muchos viejos de los Recitantes, 6 Santones,
con chusma de Cirujanos, y vestidos de fiesta con lo que tienen, dan
sus bebidas al nuevo Matasanos, y le brindan mucho tabaco, q junto
con las bebidas, le hace perder el juicio, hacer visajes, y caer en tierra
como un ebrio; quedalo, 6 en realidad, 6 en ficcion, y assi esta veinte
y quatro horas tenido por muerto, hasta que le d& gana de bolver
en si, suspirando; y cuenta lo que sono, 6 lo que le sugerié la imagi-
nacion; y dicé se fue muy lejos la alma. Despues comienza su canto,
y musica desconcertada, que va continuando por ocho dias, ayudado
de otro tal Cirujano, interpolando las mugeres concurrentes alarido
confuso; y entre estas canciones, dan assalto 4 las ollas, q nunca cessan
de atizar 4 la lumbre, festejado sus vientres, miétras el nuevo Medico
alegra con sus bayles, y cantos al cdcurso. Estos Medicos son muy
atendidos, y respectados de todos, y en su estimacion son los oraculos
de sus embaymientos: y en la verdad, no pudo el demonio, q es el
Cathedratico de esta fulleria, dexarles mejor patrimonio para desfru-
tar de los Asstna1s la mejor carne, las primicias de los frutos, y el
que les fabriquen sus casas, y acudan co presteza & sus siembras, q
es entre las miserias de estos Naturales, la mayor felicidad & que
aspiran. Entre los Nacocpocuss, que son tambien Assrnats, suele la
Medicina tener por remuneracion la muerte, quando, 6 no se acierta la
cura, 6 vuela la fama de ser maligno el Curandero; que entonces
los parientes del que murié & manos de sus ruines medicamentos,
estrenan en el Medico sus garras, dandole con un madero en las sienes,
sin darle lugar 4 que se cure. Son, en fin, estos Cirujanos, el mayor
obice 4 la conversion de muchos, que si no temieran sus amenazas,
recibieran con amor el Santo Bautismo.

Persuaden 4 los dolientes, que con la agua Santa del Bautismo se
les quita la vida; y quando 4 escusas de ellos se ha bautizado alguno,
suelen desampararlo, pretextando, que por averles echado la agua
Santa, avia tomado tito cuerpo la enfermedad, que no podia desvara-
tarlo todo su estudio. Muchos de estos desamparados, acudian &
buscar algun remedio entre los Espafioles; y por misericordia de
Dios, despues de deshauciados de los suyos, los vimos convalecer, y
cobrar salud perfecta. De todo finge el demonio; y de Medicos, 6
Cirujanos, hace que se gradtien sus discipulos de Astrologos. Por
el Mes, 6 Luna de Febrero, & quié laman Sacassi, se hace una jun-
ta general de todo el Pueblo; y aviédo prevenido caza de Conejos,
Gatos montezes, Venados, Pavos sylvestres, Tejones, y carne seca,
q guardan entre afio: y las Indias, su porcion de maiz remolido,
hecho arina, y otros, ministriles de bocolica, q da la tierra, comiézan
su funcion 4 la maflana, estando dentro de la Casa, donde concurren
todos los Capitanes, y Cirujanos viejos, y perftos: dos, 6 tres de estos,
passan la mafiana en apurar la Castna, 4 son hojas de Laurel reco-

286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULT. 132

sidas, y tocan sus tragadas los Viejos de la Mesta: y despues, bueltos
de cara i un madero de la Casa, hacen sus deprecaciones, dirigidas al
Capitan de lo alto; y tomando una ala de Aguila, que llaman Yeur,
hacen con ella sus cantos, y bayles, y la tiené muy compuesta: saludan
entretanto al fuego, cd echarle tabaco molido, y anda continuamente
de mano en mano la pipa de tabaco; y despues hacen demonstracion
de q aquella Aguila de quien son las plumas, sube 4 lo alto 4 consultar
con el Capitan que alla esta, el pronostico del afio; y aviendo los
viejos hecho su Almanaque 4 solas, y entre dientes, salen 4 manifes-
tarlo, 6 divulgarlo 4 lo publico: diciendo, v. g. que este Afio (como
me lo dixeron) de 718. feré muy abundante de nuezes, y bellotas; pero
no de maizes, por q faltarian al mejor tiempo las aguas.. El afo que
hai muchas garrapatas (y las hai todos los afios) dicen, que avra
abundancia de frisoles. En loviendo mucho por Marzo, y Abril,
dicen, seran por Junio, Julio, y Agosto, muy cortas las aguas: y salen
tan verdaderos sus pronosticos, que suelen perderse, por abundancia
de lluvias, las simenteras.

Por muchas cosas, que naturalmente suceden, pronostican futuros
contingentes. Si al tiempo q la gente anda en busca del ganado de
Cibola, 6 en demanda de sus Enemigos en la guerra acontece venir
muchos paxarillos pequefios, din por assentado vienen ya cerca
los ausentes: llaman & estos paxarillos Banrr. Quando salen a
la guerra, hacen juntas generales en casa de un Capitan, y dan bebe-
dizos 4 uno de los tenidos por mas valiente, hasta que pierda, 6
finja perder el juicio; y este, despues de un dia, y noche, dice,
vid donde estaban los enemigos, y si prevenidos, 6 no: y de aqui
presagian sus fingidas victorias. Hacen lo mismo en el camino,
quando salen 4 sus jornadas, y cd una cola de Zorra forma Astro-
labio, para vér los sucessos futuros: y todos sus bayles, depreca-
ciones, y loquelas & la lumbre, surten tan buen efecto, que el Afio
passado siendo el pronostico, de que vencerian 4 los Yojuanes sus
contrarios, salieron los de Naicha apocados, desbaratados, y con per-
dida de muchos que quedaron cautivos. Tienen por cosa assentada,
q si por el Invierno soplan la lumbre c6 algun aventador, 6 abanico
de plumas, que luego vendra tal nieve, 6 frio, q los acabara 4 todos; y
muchas veces viendonos a nosotros avivar la lumbre c6 alguno de
estos instrumentos, nos lo querian quitar de las manos, y decian que
eramos necios, 6 locos en hacer tal cosa; y que no temiamos, porque
estabamos cubiertos de ropa: aprentandoles con razones de su abu-
sion, decian, que era otra lumbre, 6 fuego el nuestro, por ser sacado
con pedernal, y fierro, y el de los Assinais con palos, estregado uno
co otro. Poco tiempo ha, que preguntanadoles la causa de no ausen-
tarse todos de sus casas en estas Missiones de Aznar, y Narcwa,
aunque sea el tiempo de la Cibola (como se ausentan los Nazonis, y

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 287

Nacocopocuts) me respondié un Santon, que por no dejar perecer el
fuego, si le faltasse el nutriméto; y ques los Nazonis, y Nacocdochis
tenian otro fuego diverso, q sacan de dos palillos, estregando uno con
otro; y este fuego en virtud, dejaban en sus casas colgado; y por esso
no se moria: mas los Ainats, y Natcwas, tenian fuego de sus ante-
passados; y esta tradicion conservan hasta aora.

CAP... XU,

EN QUE SE INCLUYEN OTROS RITOS, Y SE DESCRIBEN LAS FUNCIONES PUBLICAS.

Para comenzar 4 comer del maiz nuevo, Ilaman de cada casa uno
de los Santones; y mientras, arrimado 4 un poste de la casa, martaja
entre diétes sus deprecaciones, se corta alguna porcion de los nuevos
frutos: parte se assa, y parte se muele en los morteros para atdles;
y acabada la deprecacion, presentan de aquellas viandas al Anciano,
que echando particulas de la pitanza al fuego, se echa 4 pechos lo
restante, que suele hacer pausa para concluir, por ser la porcion con-
siderable; no faltan a esta funcion conocidos, y familiares, assi de
la parentela, como de casa del Santon; y todas juntos quedan ya
dadas estas primicias, con salvo conducto para dar, y comer quato
gustaren. Tienen dichos Santones, muy assentada entre estos In-
dios, la creencia, que si antes de hacer ellos su depreccacion, alguno
grande, 6 pequefio, corta de las simenteras elote, i hoja de la cafia
del maiz, sin duda sera mordido de culebra: y hasta 4 los Perros
alcanza esta cOminacion, 6 entredicho; y assi, para que no coman del
maiz, les atan la una mano, 6 brazuelo al cuello, y andado en tres
pies, andan de hambre & la quarta, por que no alcanzan 4 los eldtes,
de que son aficionados en extremo. Y como tal vez, por accidente,
acontece picar 4 alguno una vibora, aviendo comido, antes de la
referida diligencia, confirman con este acaso, ser cierto el fingido
embaymiento. Antes de salir 4 cazar Venados ponen en un poste de
sus casas pajizas, una cabeza de Venado seca, con cuello, y hastas,
y estan deprecando 4 su Cappr Ayo, les ponga 4 las manos la pressa;
y 4 pausas, de tabaco molido, q alli previenen, echan parte al fuego;
y hecha esta diligencia, (que dura mas de hora) ponen 4 la puerta
del Xacal dicha cabeza; y con otra en la misma forma, van al campo
a cazar, envijandose de tierra blanca el cuerpo desnudo; y en aviendo
hecho caza, parten al Venado muerto, y le estan algun tiempo ha-
blando al oido (no sé qué enigma encierra esto) y cargan con él para
casa, arrojandole de golpe cerca de la puerta, mientras los caseros
hacen anotomia de él; y observan, q el G lo mata no lo come, sino es
q otro le combide, o no tenga otra cosa conque saciar su vientre.

Antes de comenzar la simentera, se di aviso 4 todas las mugeres
para prevenir sus comidas en dia sefialado; y se juntan todas,

288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULI. 132

ancianas, mozas, y nifias; y de corteza menuda del carrizo, q esté para
este dia prevenida por una Vieja, que es la que capitanéa esta fiesta,
forman dos, 6 tres estéras, y las entriegan 4 un Indio Capitan, quien
las ofrece 4 la Casa del Fuego, para q aquel afio aya buenas cosechas:
y concluye la funcion con comer juntos lo que en particular traian
de sus casas 4 este intento; y assi se disuelve la junta. Tambien hai
junta general de hdbres, y mugeres, en casa de un Capitan, donde hai
casa pequefia del fuego, y alli cortan madera para hacer azadones,
que es de nogal negro, limpian un espacio de tierra, como tiro
de piedra en circuito, recojen mucha lefia, que dejan hecha pyra; y de
Venados assados, harina de maiz, y otras cosas comestibles 4 traen
prevenidas, reparten gustosos, y se van para sus casas muy festivos.
Del primer corte del tabaco (q nunca dejan llegar 4 sazon) anda
muy diligente un Tamma, g es mandon, 1% oficial entre ellos, reco-
giendo las primicias, que entrega 4 un Capitan, 4 quien toca repeler
las tempestades con sus conjuros, hacer suplicas para las lluvias, y
ser el primero en bédecir 4 su usanza los nuevos frutos; y 4 este,
respectan mucho, y cuidan de assistirle 4 su simentera. Funcion
despues de las cosechas, es una junta entre los Indios, la mas celebre,
y de mayor cécurso, porque solo quedan uno, ti dos en las casas 4
cuidarlas, de las viejas, 6 enfermos. Dase aviso por los Mandones,
algunos dias antes, para gd vengan de todas las familias los que han
de ofrendar en la fiesta. Concurren primero, seis dias antes, los
hombres, 4 casa de un Capitan (que es donde hai Mezquita pequefia,
y donde antes tenian despejado el sitio) y estando dentro solos los
viejos recitantes, y los que les ministran sus bebidas de Cazina tibia,
y espumosa, ordena el viejo, ¢ hace oficio de Cuensst, 6 Sacerdote,
salgan por todos vientos 4 cazar Venados los mozetones, y gente
fuerte, assegurandoles los cogeran breve, por quedar él haciendo
suplicas, con los viejos, 4 su Capitan de arriba, 6 Cappr Ayo: y si
cazan dos, 6 tres, todos vienen 4 dicha casa; y lo mismo hacen los dias
siguiétes; y excepto las entrafias, y cabeza: lo restante de carne, se
prepara astada para la futura funcion. Venido el dia de ella, sacan
todo lo mejor q tienen de ropas de bayetas, que guardan intactas, &
este intento, gamuzas muy tiernas, y con fluecos orlados de cuentecillas
blancas, y otras gamuzas muy negras, curiosamente salpicadas de
dichas cuentas, pulseras, y gargantillas, que solo este dia, y en dias
de funcion les sirven; y van concurriendo 4 la Casa dicha, donde
la tarde antes estan prevenidas las cosas necessarias 4 la fiesta.

Es de noche, por la Luna creciente de Septiembre, y 4 prima noche
ya esta dentro de la casa el concurso de viejos Santones, Medicos, y
Capitanes del Pueblo, los domesticos, y oficiales que se necessitan; y
los demas que van llegando, se alojan 4 la parte de afuera por sus
familias: donde forman luminarias, assi para alumbrarse, como para

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 289

el frio, comienza ya 4 sentirse. Despues de recitar entre dientes dos
de los viejos sus oraciones, puestos en pie por mas de hora, toman
tabaco, y echan al fuego, q est& en medio de la Casa, y de la carne
assada alguna partecilla; y sentados en sus bancos, dan al resto de
carne prevenida, un assalto entre todos los Capitanes, Medicos, y
Ancianos, y van interpolando sus bebidas de Azebuche recocido, q
les din en un Vaso de barro hasta tres y quatro porciones, y descansan
en sus bancos, sentados por su orden, tomando pipas de tabaco, que
corre por todos, cebandola 4 pausas; y arrojan de la primera bocanada,
humo, primero 4zia arriba, luego azia la tierra, y despues 4 los
quatro vientos: entretanto, junta toda la gente, se va aproximando la
media noche, y cerca del Galicanto, comienza un pregonero 4 llamar
por su orden de todas las familias, van entrando de tres en tres una
muger de cada casa, y entriegan una olla pequefa, 6 canastilla de
maiz hecho harina, muy remolida, y algunas bolas, que llaman Basan,
hechos 4 modo de alfajor duro (y se componen de maiz tostado,
y semilla de Gyrasoles) y van los mayordomos depositandolo todo
en dos canastos grandes de por si; y por este orden van llamando,
y ofreciendo todas las casas, y familias. Esto concluido, se reparte
aquella ofrenda entre viejos, Capitanes, y Oficiales del Pueblo: y
pausa algun tiempo la funcion, mientras unos mozetones duermen,
y otros en chusma cantan con sus instrumentos para espantar el suefo,
porque hai en no dormir aquella noche, mucho esfuerzo.

De media noche en adelante, esta de vigilia, 6 centinela, un Indio de
los mandones, observando quando las Cabrillas se ponen perpendicu-
lares en el Cielo, respecto del sitio de la Casa, (llaman 4 estas Estrellas
las Sanatss: esto es, las mugeres, porque les finge el demonio, que las
siete Estrellas son gente) y entonces avisa al viejo Santon principal,
que va con otro tal, 4 un circulo, g tienen formado de carrizos verdes,
clavados en la tierra, y una gran foguera, que atizan continuamente,
tres, 6 quatro mozetones; y sentados en cabezera los dos Ancianos, que
sirven de Maestros de Capilla: siguense por su orden, 4 la mano
siniestra, las mugeres ancianas, en primera ala, 6 fila, detras las casadas
mozas, y solteras; y arrimadas al circulo las de menor edad, y las
nifias enfrente de este circulo: 4 la parte del Levante esta una enramada,
eon hoguera dentro, donde salen uno en pos de otro, tres viejos, con
lo mejor g pueden, de vestidos, 6 cibolas curiosas, y comienza el canto de
los del circulo, viejos, y mugeres, mientras con gran pausa, passo 4 passo
baylando, se acercan los tres viejos al circulo; y luego que entran, pausa
el canto de dentro, y el viejo delantero hace un razonamiento de pura
algarabia, en v6z apresurada, y alta, sin decir razon concertada; y al
punto presentan delante, sin lenvantarse las Indias, ollitas de harina
de maiz, y bollos de varios granos, cada una la suya; y prosigue el
canto de los de adétro, y los viejos se buelven en silencio: mientras, los

290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULT, 122

mozetones 4 carrera cargan al sitio frontero con las ofrendas. Esto
mismo repiten passada una hora, poco menos, y solo el canto, y musica
de los dos viejos, y mugeres, es mas continuado, aunque passan algunos
ratos, hasta que llega la Aurora, que entonces avivan mas los unos, y los
otros, con musica de guaje, 6 calabaza con piedrecillas dentro, conque
forman el sén, y acompafian con voces. Luego que va amaneciendo,
cessa este canto, y reparten entre estos cinco viejos lo que se ha congre-
gado de las ofrendas. Passada esta cantilena, mudan de jornada,
esperando todos la venida del Sol de aquel dia, embian algunos mozos,
y muchachos que andan en el monte proximo, como Ilamando, 6 dando
voces al Sol, para que apressure su venida; y luego al punto que
comienza 4 rayar, salen todos corriendo c6 algazara, muy festivos; y
parece, que, o le din gracias por la passada cosecha, 6 le convidan
para que assistan & sus carreras, 4 comienzan luego, estando en ala
todos los de una estatura, 6 edad; y dando sefial de partirse, todos co-
rren 4 quien mas puede, y dan buelta 4 un Arbol, @ estara mas que tiro
de Escopeta, y buelven adonde salieron, y contintian dos, y tres bueltas,
hasta q serinden; y & su proporcion los muchachos, y nifias hacen
despues lo mismo.

Kstan todos los parientes muy atentos 4 quien aventaja, y este lleva
los lauros de fuerte; y por los G quedan traseros, 6 cansados, sin perfi-
cionar la carrera, levantan sus mugeres, y parientes, un doloroso Ianto;
porque dicen, q aquellos quando salgan 4 la guerra, por poco agiles,
quedaran, 6 presos, 6 cautivos, 6 muertos de sus enemigos. Dura esto
como mas de hora: despues, teniendo un madero enterrado, y en hueco,
y cubierto de verdes ramas por cima, eligen ocho Indias robustas, que
sentadas & proporcion con unos maderos, & dos manos, forman atambor
del madero hueco, al compaz de la calabaza, que tocan los viejos, y los
cantores, y cantatrices, G seran mas de veinte; y toda esta musica es,
para el bayle, que hace todo el concurso, ancianas, mozas, hombres,
nifios, y nifias: puestos 4 circulo, los hombres en parejo de las mugeres,
de cara, sin dar saltos mas que con los pies, & un tiempo; y en esta
honrada friolera cdsumen el tiempo, hasta medio dia, que bien fati-
gados, y somnolentos, parte cada uno para su casa 4 tomar descanso
de el penoso entretenimiento.

En las ocasiones, que estos Indios aleanzan victoria de sus con-
trarios, traé las cabezas por despojo, y las tienen juntas en un Arbol,
pendientes, hasta que con decurso de tiempo, determinan darles sepul-
tura. Para esto, se cOgregan una noche sefialada, hombres, y mugeres,
en el sitio donde estan las calaberas, forman varias fogueras; y prepa-
rados los instrumentos lugubres y funestos, se disponen los Cantores,
y Capilla, tiznados de carbon; y assentados en tierra, con voz muy
triste, 6 inclinada la cabeza, cantan & compaz, y cubiertos de pieles de
pies & cabeza, baylan, sin moverse de un lugar, las mugeres en ala, y

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 291

& parte los hombres; y dura esto, la mayor parte le la noche: siguese
despues, G un decrepito anciano, con otros mozetones, al rededor del
Arbol donde estan las calaberas, can una flecha en la mano, puestos 4
uno de los vientos dan una voz 6 alarido: passa assi 4 los otros vientos,
y hacen lo mismo: y de quando en quando disparan una escopeta azia
las calaberas, y levantan al traquido confussa vozeria todos juntos.
Llegada la mafiana, se envijan de tierra blanca los rostros, y brazos, y
llevan 4 sepultar las calaberas al Cenizero, G est’ immediato & la
Mezquita del Fuego, en que gastan en varias ceremonias lo restante del
dia: toda la funcion parece cosa de Infierno, assi en los cantos, como en
el aparato g se representa: y ofrecen 4 las calaberas pinole molido, y de
otras cosas comestibles, q en lugar de los muertos consumen los vivos,
despues de hechas sus deprecaciones, y supersticiosas ceremonias.

Tienen estos Indios una fiesta por los principios de Mayo, muy
parecida 4 la que usan algunas Aldeas de la Europa; pues segun
refiere el Thesoro de la Lengua Castellana, suelen los mozos Zagales,
el primer dia de Mayo, poner en la Plaza, ti en otra parte, un Olmo
desmochado, con solo el remate vestido de hojas, y se festejan en él
con varios juegos, y carreras, diciendo aver celebrado el Mayo. A
este modo los Indios Texas, para celebrar esta funcion del Mayo,
previenen un Pino muy alto, delgado, y muy derecho; y despues de
averlo descortezado, dejando solo el remate, lo clavan en la tierra en
medio de un campo muy llano, y forman dos veredas muy dilatadas,
limpiando el suelo para correr con mas ligereza, y estas vin 4 rematar
por detras del Arbol, formando circulo; y juntos innumerables In-
dios, al salir del Sol, comienzan unos tras otros 4 correr por las
sendas, escogiendo para esto los mas robustos, y ligeros; y el q sin
pausar di mas bueltas al Mayo, esse es el que victorean, y el q se
lleva entre todos los aplausos. Despues de bien cansados, toman
todos generalmente su resfuerzo, que llevan prevenido las Indias; y
este dia es muy celebrado de todos, porque sirve de ensaye, para saber
correr quado pelean con sus enemigos.

CAP. XIII.
POLITICA, y PROPRIEDADES NATURALES DE ESTOS INDIOS

Ya gq hemos expressado la multitud de errores con 4 viven aluzina-
das estas Gentes, sera razon mezclar algunas propriedades buenas,
que les assisten, y de la Politica conque se goviernan. Son por lo
general los Indios Assinais, naturalmente vivos, perspicazes, ami-
gables, altivos, y de no bajos pensamientos. En las facciones bien
dispuestos, corpulentos, ligeros, y robustos; y prontos para las ex-
pediciones belicas, y de gran corazon. Con sus amigos conservan
una paz inalterable, y con sus enemigos nunca din treguas, ni ad-
miten cdcordia. Tienen todos los Pueblos su principal Capitan, y

292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

este es perpetuo; y hereda el oficio uno de sus Hijos, 6 el Pariente mas
cercano; y en esto no se ofrece litigio, ni controversia. Si sucede
morir el Capitan principal, dejando solo un Hijo pequefio, 4 este lo
reconocen por cabeza; y mientras duran los afios de su minoridad,
le ponen un Ayo de los Caziques, que suple sus veces, y trae 4 todas
las juntas al Zagalejo, y le din el primer assiento, que de ordinario
mientras los grandes hacen sus consultas, se esti: durmiendo, 6 tra-
veseando. Fuera de estos Capitanes, eligen todas las parcialidades
uno, que sirve de General en la guerra, y 4 este obedecen quando salen
4 la Campafia, sin faltar un punto de sus ordenes; y aunque ayan
caminado todo el dia sin tomar alimento, ni aun refrezcan la lengua
al passar por los aguajes, hasta ¢ el Capitan hace alto, despues de
explorar si hai algunos enemigos cercanos. Despues de aver con-
seguido alguna victoria de sus cétrarios, vi remitiendo la gente q
llevé consigo, y 41 se queda con otros Indios esforzados, defendiendo
la retaguardia. En estas guerras de unos Indios cé otrés, usaban
antiguamente de los Arcos, y flechas, con sus adargas; pero ya en
estos tiempos, han adquirido tantos fusiles, con la vecindad de los
Franceses, que saben manejarlos con destreza, y les sirven en la
guerra, y quando esta en sus Pueblos para la caza; y siempre andan
cargados co su Escopeta.

En tiempo de calores andan los hombres con solo un cendal, que
los cubre por delante, sin otro vestimento; y en tiempo de frio, andan
abrigados con pellejos de Cibolas, muy bien pintados, y curtidos. No
usan el cabello largo, porque todos se lo cortan 4 cercen, y les queda
como de dos dedos, muy parejo, y bien assentado. Gustan mucho
los hombres de traer colgadas algunas curiosidades en las orejas; y
quando adquieren zarzillos, abalorios, y gargantillas, se los ponen
en sus fiestas en los cuellos, mufiecas, y rodillas; y el rostro se tifen
co bermellon, y unto de Osso, para que quede mas terso, y rosagante.
En medio de la cabeza se dejan criar una trenza delgada, como los
Chinos, y en ella se atan con curiosidad algunas plumas de las mas
exquisitas, y cd esto les parece, que cada uno est&é como un pimpollo.
Quando vefan algunas plumas de los Gallos de Castilla, que nosotros
criabamos, no paraban hasta coger la mejor pluma de color, y la
guardaban en un cafiuto, para salir cd ella en sus lucimientos. Por
el contrario todas las mugeres, en todo tiempo del afio se visten con
mucha honestidad, pues hacen de dos cueros de Venados curtidos
su vestidura, hasta la garganta del pie, enteramente cubiertas; y
estas gamuzas son muy negras, y de lustre, q solo alli las saben
teflir, y parecen un paiio fino; y para darle mas gracejo, bordan todas
las orillas con cuentecillas blancas muy pequefias, que se dan natural-
méte en algunas yervas, y abujerandolas sutilmente, las cosen con
facilidad en sus gamuzas. De otra gamuza grande, bien tefiida,

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 293

abierta por medio, quanto quepa por la cabeza, cubré el pecho, y
espalda hasta la cintura, y en todas las orillas la cortan como flueco,
conque queda el trage muy vistoso. El cabello traen siempre atado,
muy peynado, y compuesto, y de él forman una trenza, que despues
recogen, atandola curiosamente al celebro, con un cordelillo muy en-
carnado de pelos de Conejo, que tifien al proposito, con una yerva que
se d4 en toda aquella tierra. No tienen todas estas Indias mas que
una raya en medio del rostro; pero se labran con mucha curiosidad
los pechos, y los brazos; y esta labor de la espina, se hace quando son
nifas tiernas.

Todo el trabajo de la Casa carga sobre las pobres mugeres, pues
ellas son las G muelen el maiz en sus morteros, que tienen de madera,
muy curiosos, ellas ponen 4 cozer en ollas muy grandes, la carne,
que cazan sus maridos, y de su mano Jabra de barro todo quanto han
menester para su servicio manual: ellas recogen las cosechas, las lim-
pian, y guardan con mucho asseo; y en tiempo de frio salen 4 los
Montes 4 recoger Nuezes, y Bellotas para todo el afio; y son tan
providas, que 4 qualquier hora del dia, G lega un huesped 4 su
casa, al punto le ponen en las manos una escudilla grade de comida,
de lo q se previno con abundancia por la mafiana. Son, en suma,
estas pobres Indias de Texas, de buenas facciones, y de color mas
blaco, que pardo, naturalmente honestas, y siempre inclinadas 4 lo
bueno; pues quitadas algunas ancianas, que estaban recosidas en
supersticiones, toda la géte moza, ofa con mucha atencion todo lo
que se le proponia por los Ministros Evangelicos, assi para ser
honestas, como para no dar assenso a las fabulas en que las avian
nutrido sus Santones. Es cierto, q todas estas gentes, por no aver
rayado en ellas la clarissima luz del Evangelio, viven entre sombras
de muerte, ofuscada la vista de sus almas c6 supersticiosos errores;
pero quien se hiciere cargo de G Gentes tan racionales como nuestros
antiguos Espafioles, antes de la venida del Apostol Santiago cometian
mayores abominaciones; y que en estas, y mayores, incurrian los
que se preciaban de Sabios entre los Areopagitas, en lugar de tener
enojo contra estos pobres Gentiles, veré con toda claridad, que
respecto de la barbaridad de los Gentiles que huvo en aquellos tiem-
pos en Europa, y la q despues se descubrio en esta America, puedé
tenerse por menos engafiados con las falacias del demonio los Indios
Texas; y por consiguiente, que estan mas capaces de enterarse en
todas las verdades Catolicas; puesto, que son de aquellas Gentes
que menos atropellan la ley natural, y que positivamente no re-
pugnan lo que se les propone para su eterna salvacion. Dotd el
Sefior & estas Gentes, de entendimiento despejado; y teniendolo muy
perspicaz para discurrir en cosas materiales, es facil, q ilustrados.
levanten sus pensamientos 4 lo eterno.

294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 132

Con las Naciones circunvecinas mantienen estos Texas una paz
inviolable, y se guardan unos 4 otros sus fueros, sin que se dé caso,
que motive & rompimiento; pues quando sucede, que algun particular
hace algun dafio, 6 les roba algun Caballo de los muchos q tienen,
remiten 4 aquella parcialidad uno de los principales can la noticia,
y al punto hacen junta los Caziques, y mandan al delinquente, que
traido 4 su presencia buelva lo q avia tomado, y la dan una repre-
hension muy acre, amenazandole, que para otra vez que se desmade,
6 lo desterraran de su Pueblo, 6 haran con él un exemplar castigo.
Entre si mismos observan mucha rectitud en la justicia; y quando
unos 4 otros se han usurpado alguna cosa, no toman la demanda los
particulares, sino que dan su querella al Capitan principal; y este,
con parecer de los otros Capitanes, y Ancianos, hace que se dé satis-
facion muy cumplida, y deja las partes bien compuestas, sin que
les quede motivo de disencion en adelante. En lo que mas descubren
su politica es, en las embajadas, G embian de unos 4 otros Pueblos,
especialmente quando se quieren convocar para la guerra; y el que
va de Embajador, le reciben los Capitanes con mucha honra, y le
dan assiento principal, tratandolo cod mucho regalo del que ellos
usan, mientras confieren la respuesta, que han de dar; y son tan
puntuales en lo que dejan pactado, que no faltan un dia del plazo
seflalado, en que se juntan todos para marchar en busca de sus
enemigos, q los mas declarados son los Apaches. En ocasiones, que
de quarenta leguas vienen 4 los Texas los Cadodachos, q caen 4 la
parte del Norte, remiten un mensajeto por delante, dando aviso de su
venidas; y luego les previenen hospedage, y dan aviso 4 todas las
Casas del Pueblo, para 4 prevengan el bastimento necessario, que
cada uno da con mucha liberalidad, y salen con su Capitan todos
los Caziques 4 recibirlos algunas leguas antes del Pueblo, todos
vestidos de gala, 4 su modo; y despues de llegar 4 sus Casas, les
hacen bayles, y festejos, y unos 4 otros se presentan sus dones de
lo q abunda en sus tierras; y co esto se renueva las amitades, y
hacen pacto de defenderse unos 4 otros de sus enemigos.

Esta misma politica usan con las Naciones que caen 4 la parte
del Sur, y viven muy cercanos 4 las Playas del Seno Mexicano,
que acostumbran venir por auxiliares de los Texas en tiépo de
guerra; y para tenerlos gratos, los hospedan todos los afios despues
de las cosechas, que es el tiempo en que vienen muchas familias de
hombres, y mugeres, 4 visitar 4 los Assrnats; y es el tiempo en q
comercian unos con otros todas aquellas cosas de que carecen en
sus Pueblos. Con los Indios que estin sugetos 4 los Franceses se
conservan con mucha amistad, y quado de una parte 4 otra se visitan,
son mucho mayores los obsequios, y el aparato conque los reciben;
porque estando tan industriados de los Franceses sus Indios en

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 295

ceremonias politicas, procuran nuestros Indios no dejarse vencer
de ellos en carabanas, y cortesias; y no les rindé parias en mostrarse
valientes, y guerreros; y para esto hacen alarde de manejar las esco-
petas con destreza, y de correr en sus Caballos con suma ligereza;
pues aunque los NacuirocHEs tienen mas abundancia de fusiles, 4 los
Texas, son muy contados los Caballos q tienen; y assi marchan &
pie, y los Texas todos montan a Caballo, con tanta destreza, 4 llevando
sueltos los pies, corren con suma velocidad, y goviernan la bestia
con solo un cordelillo delgado, que les ajustan en lugar de freno en
la boca, que los campistas Ilaman barbiquejo. Con nuestros Espafiles
se han mostrado siempre afables, y carifosos; y aunque por sus in-
teresses se carea mucho & la amistad de los Franceses, no tienen con
ellos aquella intimidad que muestran co los Espajioles, en quienes
es mas lizo el trato, y menos interessado el commercio, como conocera
sin passion, quien libre de ella, huviere estado donde comercian los
Indios con ambas Naciones. El amor que estos Indios Texas han
mostrado siempre 4 la Gente Espafiola, no es necessario dar para
ello mas pruebas que las mismas experiencias de los q algun tiempo
han vivido entre ellos; pues no hé visto hasta aora alguno, ¢ despues
de salir de aquella tierra, no se haga lenguas del mucho agasajo de
aquellos pobres Indios.

Muchas otras cosas pudiera conglomerar sobre este assunto; pero
escusando proligidad, porque no parezca passion lo que es realidad,
quiero concluir con una accion del todo politica, y digna de
estamparse en los moldes, de que fui testigo ocular; y passé en esta
forma: Estando yo de Presidente en la Mission de la Concepcion
Purissima de los Texas el afio de 1718, con ocasion de entrar por
Governador de aquella Provincia el General D. Martin de Alarcon,
se le did aviso 4 los Indios, y se juntaron todos para hacerle el
recibimiento, muy festivos, y gozosos. Llegaron 4 encontrarse con
el Governador, que estaba ya prevenido de dejarse recibir 4 la usanza
de los Indios; y un tiro de escopeta antes de la Mission, lo apearon
del Caballo los Capitanes, y uno le quitaba las espuelas, otro el
espadin, otro el baston, y luego lo cargé en ombros uno de los Caziques
principales, y otro lo iba sosteniendo de los pies, levando el Caballo
de diestro uno de los mismos Indios; y assi llegé cargado 4 la Mission.
Tenian ya dispuesto el assiento con muchas Cibolas curiosas, que
servian de Alfombras; y antes de sentarlo le labaron la cara cé
mucha suavidad, y limpieza, y le dieron la pipa de paz con tabaco,
que es la ceremonia, conque declaran & uno por Capitan General de
todos ellos. Despues le hicieron un parlamento en nombre de toda
la Nacion, y le dixeron, que de alli 4 dos dias vendrian 4 darle la
obediencia todos los Pueblos. Convocados, al tercer dia se junté
una multitud copiosissima de hombres, y mugeres, de las quatro

296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

Missiones, con sus Capitanes; y entrada la noche, se encendieron
muchas luminarias, y pusieron en un Portal assiento muy bien
esterado, para darle al Governador la envestidura: pusieronle en la
cabeza una pluma muy curiosa; y sentado, conmenzaron 4 cantarle
en dos Coros, hombres, y mugeres, con sus pifanos, y atabales; y
despues successivamente, en nombre de cada Pueblo, le hacian un
razonamiento en su lengua, y le iban ofreciendo pieles muy bien
curtidas, y muchos canastos de cosas comestibles; y duré esta funcion
hasta mas de media noche, con tanta alegria, que querian los Indios
amanecer en ella: pero 4 instancias mias, les persuadi, que prosiguies-
sen ellos en su fiesta, y nos dejassen ir 4 descansar, como lo hicieron;
y en nombre del Governador les hice en su lengua un parlaméto,
agradeciendo su obsequio, y prometiendoles los favorecerian siépre
los Espafioles: conque quedaron todos muy gustosos, y prosiguieron
cantando hasta el dia siguiente.

CAP. XIV.

EMPLEO QUE TUVIERON LOS MISSIONEROS EN ESTOS PRIMEROS TIEPOS; Y LAS
MUCHAS PENALIDADES, QUE SE LES FUERON OFRECIENDO

Muy desde los principios comenzaron los Missioneros 4 sustentarse
con el pan de lagrimas, y de tribulaciones; pues lo mismo fue llegar a
aquella Provincia, ¢ experimentar innumerables trabajos en ella. El
primero fue, que de veinte y cinco Soldados, que entraron para escolta,
siete de ellos hicieron fuga, y nos desampararon, llevandose de camino
algunas bestias de las @ servian & los Religiosos. Sefialado el sitio
para cada Mission, y compartidos los Religiosos, quedaron solos, com-
poniendo su vivienda pajiza; y como las providencias para el manteni-
miento no se llevaron por delante, al primero dia comenzo la absti-
nencia; y sin ser Quaresma hacia el plato una poca de legumbre de
verdolagas, cogidas de las simenteras de los Indios, con solo el condi-
mento de un poco de sal, y pimientos. Solian traer tal vez los Indios
un poco de harina de maiz, y frisoles, con otras frutas, que servian
para divertir, mas que para sustentar la hambre. Raras veces se
alcanzaba un bocado de carne, y llegé ocasion en que una Cabra, que se
avia enfermado de una pierna, se la hicimos cortar, y con lo restante
nos mantuvimos mas de una semana. EI chocolate, que suele ser el
suple faltas de la comida, fue con tanta escazés, que entre cinco Reli-
giosos, que eramos de este Colegio de la Santa Cruz, solo tuvimos q
partir dos arrobas; y dejando de lamentar necessidades, para adelante,
q fueron mayores, voy 4 lo principal, q es dar noticia del empleo
Apostolico de los Missioneros. Aunque todos, unos mas, y otros
menos, tenian sus penalidades, vivian muy gustosos, y no se les
passaba dia sin celebrar el Santo Sacrificio de la Missa, pidiendo a
el Sefior la conversion de aquellas Gentes.

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 297

Como los Indios viven tan dispersos, todo el empefio de los Missio-
neros era, persuadirlos 4 que se Juntassen; y aunque daban esperanzas
de hacerlo en levantando sus cosechas, eran tantas las dificultades que
se ofrecian para efectuarlo, que en veinte afics no pudo lograr
ninguno de los Ministros el consuelo de tener todos los de su Pueblo
juntos. Mudaronse las Missiones 4 parajes mas espaciosos, con el
designio de congregar los Indios; pero no ofrecia el terreno toda
aquella capacidad, que era necessaria para cerca de mil personas, que
avia en cada Pueblo. Todos los mas dias venian los Indios 4 visitar &
los Padres; y como ya sabian mucho de la lengua del Pais, los pro-
curaban ir desengafiando de sus errores, y les persuadian la suma
importancia de recibir el Santo Bautismo, confessando la verdad de
un Dios Trino, y Uno; y haciendoles conocer la mucha ceguedad en
que avian vivido; pero todo esto lo tomaban como cosa superficial;
porque estan tan creidos en lo que heredaron de sus mayores, que es
menester todo el auxilio Divino, para arrancarles del corazon aquellas
vanas credulidades coque se criaron desde nifos. En una ocasion q
estuvo un Ministro hablando muy de espacio cé uno de los principales
Maestros de sus errores, quando ya estaba en la lengua muy perito, lo
Uegdé 4 convencer de tal suerte, no teniendo ya razones para evadirse
de las verdades Catolicas, que se le proponian, confessé de plano, que
sus observaciones, no tenian mas fundamento, que el averlas heredado
de sus mayores; y que él, y los demas tenian buen corazon, y desseaban
entender bien lo que los Padres les proponian, que entonces abririan
los ojos, y seguirian el mismo camino que los Ministros ensefaban.
En las mugeres se encontré mucha mas docilidad para ser ensefiadas
en la verdad de nuestra Santa Ley; y assi fueron muchas las que
estando ya algo ilustradas, lograron el Santo Bautismo en el articulo
de Ja muerte; dandoles 4 entender lo que les faltaba para su digna
recepciO; y murierd muchas, dejando bien fundadas esperanzas de
aceptar este singular beneficio de Dios, sin ficcion alguna. En los
parvulos se cogid & manos llenas el desseado fruto, pues todos los que
morian, raro se fue sin el Santo Bautismo.

Para que estos no malograssen tan soberana dicha, tenian los Mis-
sioneros hecha lista de las casas, 6 ranchos de los Indios, con el
numero de adultos, y pequefios, y el nombre de los sitios; y quando
Hegaba algun Indio 4 visitar 4 los Padres, le preguntaban c6 curiosi-
dad, si estaba buena toda su familia; y en sabiendo q avia algun
enfermo, mostraban que lo sentian, y que irian luego 4 visitarlo; y
esto lo hacian, no solo por el consuelo de los mismos dolientes, sino
principalmente por catequizar al enfermo, y persuadirle 4 que reci-
biesse la saludable agua del bautismo; y aunque costaba dificultades,
por ¢ muchos les persuadian que aquella Agua Santa les quitaba la
vida, los desengafiaban cé eficaces razones los zelosos Ministros, y los

299671—42-—20

298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 192

enfermos movidos de lo Alto, recibian voluntariamente el Bautismo; y
los mas, morian despues de averlo recibido. Suele, 4 tiempos, aver
enfermedades generalméte entre estos Indios; y la mas comun que se
lleva 4 muchos, es la dissenteria de sangre, que les proviene de q en
todo el Invierno acostumbran echar debajo de las camas muchas
brasas ardiendo, para templar en parte el mucho rigor del frio, te-
niendo las camas en alto; y no bastando los pellejos de Cybolas para
calentarlos, suplen con el fuego lo que les falta de abrigo; y esto es
ocasion de gG los mas adolezcan de dicha enfermedad; y si no fre-
quentaran bafarse en todo el afio, an quando esta nevando, fueran
muchos mas los § muriera por tener la sangre requemada. En ocasion
que corre esta epidemia, no esperan los Misioneros 4 ser Jlamados,
sino que en diciendo Missa, montan en un Caballo, y van visitando
todas las racherias; y aunque les cueste mucho trabajo, no se buelven
4 su Mission sin aver bautizado los moribundos; y si han encontrado
resistencia, repiten otro dia la visita, clamando al Cielo para que les
ebra los ojos de la alma; y el Sefior, movido de su piedad, y de que
aquellos pobres fon precio de su Sangre, facilita reciban el Bautismo.

Las muchas penalidades, que esta importante diligencia ocasiona-
ban en los Ministros, se viene 4 los ojos, con solo hacer reflexion, de
que los ranchos de los Indios estan tan separados, que algunos distan
de la Mission seis, y siete leguas por cada viento, aunque otras estan
en mucha menos distancia; pero no es dable, aunque uno fuesse co-
rriendo, visitar la mayor parte en un dia; y mucho mas, por ser
necessario detenerse largo tiempo en catequizar los moribundos, y
convencer a los sanos, para que no le impidan al enfermo su sal-
vacion eterna. Para aliento de sus Ministros, y premiar su zelo, obro
el Sefior cosas bien raras, que de muchas, solo apuntaré algunas pocas.
El primer afio que se plantaron las Missiones, enfermo el Capitan
General de los Indios Texas, y en su misma Casa, al mismo tiempo,
otro Capitan, parfente suyo. Eran ambos ya muy ancianos, y tan
estimados de todo el Pueblo, que reconociendo estar cercanos a la
muerte, se congregaron para assistirles multitud de hombres, y mu-
geres, yendo unos, y viniédo otros, sin que faltasse el concurso de
dia, ni de noche: da tal suerte, que estaba el sitio de la Casa cercado
de barracas con mas de quinientas personas. Tuve yo noticia del
grave peligro en q estaba el Capitan; y subiendo a Caballo, por estar
distante mas de cinco leguas, fui 4 verlo, con el pretexto de saber de
su enfermedad, y por consolar al Pueblo, que estaba muy contristado,
aunque mi principal designio era, que no muriesse sin bautizarse.
Luego q le vi, le di & entender en su idioma, lo mucho que sentia el
que me faltasse, porque nos queria mucho 4 los Religiosos; y de
camino le fui suavemente proponiendo la necessidad del Santo Bau-
tismo para salvarse, y lo que debia creer, para q surtiesse su efecto,

SWANTON] CADDO HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 299

detestando los errores de sus antepassados. A todo me did grato
oido, y me pidid tiempo para responderme. Cinco dias repeti la
visita, y al cabo de ellos, mand6 traer Agua en una basija, y delante
de los que assistian, bajé la cabeza, y me pidid que lo bautizasse, lo
qual hice, aumentando con la agua de mis ojos, la de la basija.

A este Capitan, que por las circunstancias de su bautismo llamare
dichoso, le puse por nombre Francisco; porque desde que comenzé
a catequizarlo, invoqué en mi auxilio el de mi Serafico Patriarca; y
espero, que con tal patrocinio, se lograria aquella alma. En lo
humano me sirvid de consuelo, el que antes de morir did muchos con-
sejos 4 su hijo, y le encargo cuydasse mucho de los Padres, y que ellos
sabian la verdad, y venian 4 buscarlos de tan lejas tierras: con otras
razones, que daban 4 entender avia hecho efecto en su alma el Santo
Bautismo. YA bautizado el Capitan principal, todas mis ancias eran,
porque lograsse la misma dicha el otro enfermo, pues advertia, que
aquel viviente esqueleto, estaba ya para derribar en tierra los huessos.
Teniale ya catequizado, y me pedia treguas, dilatandolo para quando
se viesse mas 4 lo ultimo. Un dia, que por estar el Sol muy claro, y
Ja mafiana muy serena, salid 4 que lo bafiasse su muger, sentado al
Sol en un banquillo, me parecio ocasion oportuna para q se labasse
su alma, quando le bafiaban el cuerpo. Lleguéme 4 él, y con mucha
suavidad le dixe en su lengua, que si queria labarse su alma, como
se lababa el cuerpo, no era menester otra cosa mas q dar credito a
lo que le tenia dicho; y en breve Je repeti de nuevo, admitiendo de
voluntad el labatorio Sante; y me respondid, que lo hiciesse. Su
muger, ignorante de lo que yo intentaba, no queria darme la basija
cdque lo estaba bafiando; pero él, seriamente mandd, me la entre-
gasse lena de agua; y bajando la cabeza, me hizo sefial se la bafiasse,
diciendole lo que le avia ensefado; y con el nombre de Francisco, lo
bautizé muy 4 mi satisfacion, y le expliqué despues como avria
quedado su alma si avia creido lo q yo le avia propuesto. A dos,
6 tres dias, con diferencia de pocas horas, murieron mis dos Francis-
cos, y fueron muy llorados del Pueblo, q gast6 ocho dias en hacerles
sus funerales exequias.

Entre los Indios, que conservan mas autoridad entre los Texas;
y atin son primero @ los Capitanes, son sus Sacerdotes, 4 quienes
llaman CuHenrsit. El primero de estos, que es el que cuida la Casa
del Fuego, y tiene cerca su casa, para q nunca falte 4 la llama nutri-
mento, era el mas opuesto 4 los Sacerdotes de Christo, y el 4 impug-
naba con acrimonia el Santo Bautismo, persuadiendo 4 los enfermos,
que aquella Agua que los Padres Ilamaban Santa, les abreviaba la vida.
Su mismo nombre daba 4 entender ser en todo cdtrario 4 los Espafioles,
pues se Namaba Sata Yarxa: Sata, 6 Satan, y4 sabe el Erudito, que
es contrario; y la voz YaExa, quiere decir Espafiol; y todo junto sin

300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 132

violencia, el contrario de los Espajioles; como lo era en realidad,
oponiendose siempre 4 los Ministros Evangelicos. Este fingido
Sacerdote enfermé de muerte, y llegando 4 mi noticia el peligro
de perderse aquella pobre alma, formé concepto, de que el reducirlo 4
que se bautizasse, era empressa del brazo poderoso de Dios; y que
necessitaba de especialissimos auxilios, y socorros del Cielo. Era dia
de la Conversion de 8. Pablo, y acordandome de lo que hizo el Sefior
con este perseguidor de los Christianos, desconfiado de mis fuerzas,
me vali de mi humilde Compafiero, que lo era 4 la sazon el P. Fr.
Gabriel de Vergara, Hombre por sus virtudes venerable; y para
alentarlo 4 la empressa, le mandé por santa obediencia fuesse 4 la
casa del enfermo, que distaba mas de tres leguas; y procurasse des-
engafiarle de sus muchos errores, y persuadirle, que la unica puerta
para entrar en el Cielo, es la de el Santo Bautismo. Obedecid el
humilde Religioso, y comenzd cd grande prudencia, y maduréz
4 desbaratar la dureza de aquel corazon empedernido. Concibié
esperanzas de lograr su inlento; y repitiendo la visita, 4 fuerza de
baterias amorosas, y persuaciones, hijas de su espiritu, libre, y espon-
taneamente pidié el Bautismo; y 4 instancia de el zeloso Ministro,
el nuevo Pablo (que assi se Ilam6) hizo juntar los Indios, y les dixo
claramente, que todas sus cosas eran mentiras; y que solo era verdad
lo que el Padre decia. Sea Dios alabado eternamente.

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SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE

The following material bearing on “Caddo customs of childhood”
was obtained by the late G. A. Dorsey in 1905 from the informant
White-Bread mentioned elsewhere, but was overlooked in the prepara-
tion of the above material:

The lodge is always placed so that it faces the east. This is done that the sun,
as it arises out of the east to shine upon another day and bless all things, may
bless the inmates of the lodge. When a child is born it is carried to the door of
the lodge and held there as the sun rises that it may see the child and bless it.
Then, if the child be a boy, the father places a tiny bow and arrow in his hands
that it may grow to a good hunter and ward off dangers. Before the child is born
a bright fire is kindled and kept burning for ten days and nights after the birth to
keep away evil. There is a great animal with wings who eats human beings,
especially babies, but the animal cannot come near the light. A greater monster
than this is the cannibal person. In every tribe there are some of these wicked
people. They look like anyone else, but at night, when it is dark, they set forth
and steal human children to eat. Like the animal who eats human beings, they
cannot go near the light, and so people keep the fire kindled to frighten them away.
Then, too, the fire is related to the sun, because it gives heat and light, and so it
gives a blessing to the child.

At the end of the tenth day the mother and father carry the child to the river,
and all bathe. After that the fire is allowed to smoulder, but it is not put out
entirely until after the child is two years old. From that time until the child is
eight or ten it is allowed to play and grow inits own way. Then the grandmother,
or some old person, calls the child into the lodge and, telling it to sit still and
behave, she teaches it. If the child is a boy, she tells him how to take care of
himself so that he will grow up to be astrong man. She tells him how to act that
he will gain the good will of the tribe, and she tells him stories about boys who
would not listen to the teachings of their grandmothers, and the trouble that they
caused when they grew to be men. And she tells them about boys who have
listened to their grandmothers, and how they grew up to be great and wonderful
men. ‘Then she tells the boy to go to the river every morning to swim and bathe,
no matter how cold the water is. He is taught to say his prayer to the water:
“Grandfather, make me strong to endure all things, that heat and cold, rain and
snow may be as nothing to my body.” As he returns to the lodge he is taught
to pick up a stick and carry it to the fire, saying: “‘Grandfather, help me to live
and become a good man, and to help others to live.’”’ To the rising sun he is
taught to pray: ‘Grandfather, protect me, keep me from dangers and give me
a long life and success.”

At another time the boy is taught that there are many bad and dangerous
places on the road leading to the spirit-land, and that he will be caught in some of
these places if he does not heed what is taught him. She says, ‘“‘There are six
bad places on the way to the spirit-land. The first place is where the dogs stay.
If you whip or mistreat or kill a dog, the dog, when it dies, goes to its people and
tells what you have done. When you die, you have to pass the place of the dogs,
and the chief of the dogs goes and sits by the road and waits for you. When you
come he tells you to look for fleas on his head, and when you find one he tells you

307

308 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE

to bite it. When you bite it, you become a dog. Then he takes you to where the
dogs stay, and there they mistreat you as you mistreated them on earth. They
keep you there and never let you get away, so that you cannot continue your
journey. For this reason we place a bead on the little finger of a dead person, so
that he may bite it instead of the flea and so fool the dog and escape him. Along
the road there is another place where you hear some one calling you. If you form
the habit during life of standing about talking about people, you will turn your
head and wait for the person who is calling. Then you will stand and say mean
things about some one until! you forget that you are going on a journey and become
a tree by the road side. If you learn to go through life attending to your own
affairs, you will not pay any attention to the voice, but go straight ahead. Soon
you will come to a place where there are two large rocks pounding each other.
You will have to pass between these rocks. If you listen well to all that you are
told, and remember that you were told about the rocks, you can pass through.
If you forget what you have been told, you will be crushed by the pounding rocks.
Next you will come to a stream of water that looks very small; but it is not small,
for the banks stretch away, and it becomes a great river. If you are quick to do
all that you are told in this world, you will reach the stream when the banks are
close together and you can jump across; but if you are slow to do what you have to
do on this earth, you will reach the river after the banks have spread and you will
be too late to jump across, but will fall into the water and become a fish. As you
journey on the other side of the river, should you get across, you will come to
persimmon-trees. If in this world you want everything you see and always try
to get things that you do not need, just because some one else has them, you will
stop under a tree to gather persimmons. Then you will wander to the next tree
and the next, until you lose your way and forget that you are onajourney. Then
you will become a raccoon and live forever among the trees. Should you escape
the persimmon-trees, you will soon meet a person along the road. He will ask
you to help him do some work. If you are forgetful in life and begin one thing
and do not finish it, but go off about something else, you will forget that you are
on a journey and you will stop and help this man. You will work until you are
nothing but skin and bone. Then you will die, but you will soon come to life
only to work yourself to death again. Then you will come to life again, and so
on. Thereisnoend. This is the last danger that you meet on the way.”

After the boy has been taught about all the dangers that beset him on the way,
and entreated to follow closely the teaching of his elders that he may escape those
evils, he is taught what is in store for him when at last he reaches the end of his
journey. All this is done to encourage him to lead a good life and grow up to be
a goodman. [Dorsey, 1905 a.]

INDEX

Aays, mentioned in De Soto narratives,
8

Abel, Annie H., editor ‘‘Report from
Natchitoches in 1807,” 73-74
Acolapissa, attack on Natchitoches, 52
eating customs, 174
location of, 51
Natchitoches’ stay with, 135, 141,
155, 158
temple, 216
Adaes, mission for, 54
welcome to Spaniards, 63
See also Adai.
Adai, character of, 125
claims to land sold by, 84-85
discussion of, 7
inclusion in Caddoan stock, 6
jugglers, 59
La Harpe visit to, 56
location, 7, 75
mentioned by Mooney, 14
mission attacked by Lt. Blondel, 58
Nadaho identified with, 9
Natao identified as, 50
population, 21-22, 23, 25
Sibley on condition of, 75
sorcerers, 59
speech of, 75
‘*Adaise,”’ village of, discussion of iden-
tity, 85
Adaizan, synonym for Adai, 6
Adaize, mentioned by Sibley, 74, 75
See also Adai.
Adayés, mentioned by Bienville, 55
See also Adai.
Adornment, personal, 140-148
hair dressing, 141-142, 147-148
ornaments, 145-146
painting of body, 144-145
removal of body hair, 141, 158
tattooing, 142-144
war paraphernalia, 147
Agriculture, 106, 107, 114, 117
ceremonies in connection with, 128—

130

communal planting, 127, 128-129,
130, 173

crops, 127, 128, 130, 131, 182-133,
134

cultivation, method of, 127, 129

implements, 127, 129, 130, 131, 156

orchards, 182-133

original cultivated plants, 131

women employed in, 127, 129
Aguayo, Marquis de San Miguel de, 158

expedition into East Texas, 59-65

on population, 18, 22, 25

on trade, 198-199

Aguirre, Captain Pedro de, escorts friars
to Texas, 51-52
Ah-de-bah, Caddo assistant chief, 96
Ahiahichi, on Thevenot’s map, 38
“‘Ahijitos,’”’ mentioned by Morfi, 18
population, 18
Aiaichi, Marquette refers to, 38
See also Kyeish.
Aiche, mentioned by Sibley, 81
Sce also Eyeish.
Aijados, location, 38
mentioned, 36
Ainays, mentioned by St. Denis, 10
Ais, population, 20
See also Eyeish.
Alabamas, 82, 88
Alarcon, Governor Martin de, ceremony
for, 156, 157
expedition of, 56
welcome by Hasinai, 123, 180-182
Albadejo, Friar José, with Aguayo ex-
pedition, 59
Aliche, mentioned by Sibley, 76
See also Kyeish.
Allotment of land, among Indians, 111-—
112, 121
David’s plea for, 117
Almazdn, Lt., conference with Rerenor,

prep Fray Juan N., on population,
19, 2
Amaye, meaning of word, 8
mentioned in De Soto narratives, 8
Moscoso visits, 31
Amediche, identified with Namidish, 57
See also Namidish.
Amenities between tribes, 176-177
Anadarko, character of, 124
chiefs visit La Harpe, 57
condition in 1849, 99
condition of, at Brazos Reserve, 104
distinctive features, 147
houses, 152
interpretation of name, 26
José Maria, chief of, 96
land cultivated, 106, 107, 114
location, 12, 57, 75
Madargoes identified as, 96
mentioned by De Méziéres, 71
mentioned by Lesser and Weltfish, 13
mission for, 54
Nadaco identified as, 8
Nadacocos identified with, 10
Nadan identified with, 9, 11
name of city in Okla., 11
Neighbors’ visit to, 98
Nondacao identified as, 8, 32
Nondaco identified as, 8

309

310

Anadarko—Continued
opposition to northern tribes enter-
ing their territory, 88
peace treaty with Republic of
Texas, 97
population, 18, 19, 20
Sibley on condition of, 75
Stem’s report on, 100-102
See also Madargoes; Nadaco; Na-
dacocos; Nadan; Nondacao; Non-
daco.
Anastasius, Father.
Anastasius.
Angelina River, 60, 88
Animay, mentioned in De Soto narra-
tives, 8
possible identity as Hainai, 8
Annaho, identified with Osage, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
Antelope. See White Deer.
Apache, 116, 127
Caddo name for, 7
Canecy or Cannecy identified with,
55, 58
Querecho identified as, 35
... Teya identified as, 35
A’piatafi, delegate to messiah, 118
““Appalaches,”’ mentioned by Sibley, 82
Aranama, 145
Arapaho, 198
Caddo name for, 7
Ghost Dance held by, 118
names applied to Caddo by, 6
Arkansas River, 58, 115
Arkokisa, capture Simars de Belle-Isle,
59

See Douay, Father

Armstrong, William, on condition of
Caddo (1845), 97
Arrows, glue used in feathering, 154, 156
Arroyo Hondo, 67
Asenay, synonym for Hasinai, 4
Asinai, character of, 122
mentioned by St. Denis, 10
See also Hasinai.
Assinais, 66
See also Hasinai.
Assiniboin, 35
Assoni, synonym for Hasinai, 4
See also Nasoni.
Atayos, visited by Cabeza, 29
Attacapas, 66
Avoyel, 56
Houbiels identified with, 55
trade with French, 37
Ayays, location, 38
Aynay, chief of, 62
See also Hainai.
Ays Indians, mission for, 54
See also Eyeish.
Azinays, mentioned by De Méziéres, 71
See also Hasinai.
Badin, John Paul, 84
Bark, products manufactured from, 157
Barraqué, Mr., Indian sub-agent, 87
Barrios, Governor, 68
Basketry, 156-157

INDEX

Bastrop, village reported destroyed by
Caddo, 95 e
”?

Battey, Thomas
Caddo, 116
Baylor, J. R., Indian agent, 107
uprising, partial cause of, 108
Bayou Macdown, 84
Bayou Pierre settlement, 75, 84
Bayou Treache, 89
Bean, Peter Ellis, colonel in Mexican
army, 88
Bear, hunting, 137
uses of, 154
sia Le Sieur, on foods, animal,
on population, 21, 22
on reoccupation of Los Adaes, 65
Beds, description, 148, 149, 152, 153, 155
ie regarding fate of the soul, 203-
Belknap, Tex., 113
Belle-Isle, Simars de, 59
Berdaches, 162, 189
Bernardino, Texas chief, description of,
52
trip to Mexico City, 53
Bidai, Bidey synonym for, 9
captured Simars de Belle-Isle, 59
Moscosco visits, 32
Bidey, mentioned by Casafias, 9
See also Bidai.
Biedma, Luis Hernandez de, on de-
scription of Tula, 29
ork Soto’s encounter with Tula,
Bienville, Jean Baptiste Le Moyne,
Sieur de, expedition to Caddo coun-
try, 50-51
on Caddo tribes, condition of, 55-56
on Nakasa, 13
on population, 19, 20, 25
on tattooing, 143
on temples, 216
on tribes of Louisiana, 13
protest against occupation of Los
Adaes, 65
sends reinforcements to Natchi-
toches post, 55
writer of Manuscript Memoir, 55
“Big Moon cult,’’? 120-121
Big Tree, Kiowa chief, 116
Billy Wilson. See Wilson, Billy.
Biloxi Indians, 99
Bin-tah, Caddo Chief, 96
Bird-Appearing, prominent Kiowa, mur-
der of, 114
Bird’s Fort, 97
Birds, hunting, 135
Birth and infancy, 159-160
Bishop of Guadalajara, quoted on Texas,

missionary to

Black Coyote, delegat2 to messiah, 118

‘Black Pawnee,’’ Omaha name for the
Caddo, 122

Blain, agent, 111, 112, 113

Blane, César de, commander of Natchi-
toches post, 68

INDEX

Blessing, Indian form of, 120
Blondel, Lt., attacked Adai mission, 58
in command Natchitoches post, 56
Blue mountain, 109
Boggy Creek, 118
Boggy Depot, 96
Boggy River, ‘‘Ouachita’”’ identified as,
57, 58
Bois d’are, 37, 41, 188, 156, 192
Bolton, Herbert Eugene, on Aguayo ex-
pedition, 18
on De Méziéres expeditions, 70, 71,
72

on De Méziéres and lists of goods
for Caddo, 199-202

on designations, 4-5

on Gaignard expedition, 71

on Hainai, 11

on influence of French traders, 67—
6

8
on Nabiti, 11
on Nasayaya, 10, 11
on Noadiche, 11
on relations between Los Adaes
and Natchitoches post, 66
on Tejas, contact by Castillo, 36
Boneo, Governor, 68
Bordelin, Hypolite, 83
Boundary, between French and Spanish
territories, 66—67
between Indians and whites, of
trading posts, 97—98
between U. S. and Spanish terri-
tories, 73
Bowl, Cherokee chief, 94
Bows, 156
Brazos Agency, conduct of Indians, 104~
105, 106, 107
description, 105-106
education of Indians at, 105-106
land under cultivation, 104, 106-
107

0
location, 102-104
population, 19, 20
removal of Indians from, 109, 111,
112-113
Ross report on progress, 106
tribes at, 104
Brazos Reserve. See Brazos Agency.
Brazos River, Caddo name of, 16
Brooks, Col. Jehiel, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92
letter regarding Caddo land claims,

94
Brown, Capt. John Henry, 112
Bucareli, settlement moved to Nacog-
doches, 71, 72
Buckley, Eleanor Claire, on refounding
of Spanish missions, 61, 62, 63, 64
Buffalo, hunting, 1386-137
uses of, 154.
Buffalo Springs, 115
Burial customs, 203-210
conclusions regarding, 238
Burnet, Governor, on population, 19
Bushnell, David I., Jr., on “‘sickle,”’ 153
Bustillo, Spanish governor of Texas, aid
to French at Nachitoches, 66

dll

Butler, Pierce M., Cherokee agent, on
description of Cho-wa-wha-na, 97
ae Cataye possibly identified with,

identified with Hainai, 9, 11
mentioned by Casafias, 9, 171
Cachaymons, mentioned by Iberville, 50

See also Cahinnio.
Cadadoquis, discussion of, 43
Tonti’s visit to, 48, 44
Cadaudakioux, mentioned by De Mé-
ziéres, 71
See also Kadohadacho.
Caddi. See Government: officials.
Caddo, character of, 122-127
connection with Southeastern tribes,
conclusions regarding, 234-239
culture traits surviving, 3
culture, woodlands, 196-197
designations, 6
historical significance, 2
wi a relationship with Iroquois,

morals of, 124
names given by various tribes to, 6
names given to various tribes by, 7
oratory of, 183
origin legends, 25-29
physical characteristics, 122
paety of information concerning,
—3
tribal sign, 146
See also Caddo tribes; and individ-
ual names of tribes.
Caddo Jake, informant, 11, 21
myth told by, 25-26
on clans, 165
on Natchitoches and Yatasi dia-
lects, 15
on rivers, 16
Caddo Killer, Osage chief, 85
Radio reservation, boundaries defined,
ih
Caddo tribes, complexity of division,
10-12
discussion of, 7-16
distinctions between, 146-147
enumeration by Lesser and Welt-
fish, 13-14
Mooney’s list of, 14
Caddoan stock, tribes included, 6
Caddoques, mentioned by Sibley, 74
See also Kadohadacho.
Cadillac, Governor Lamothe, 51, 52
Cadodacho, at refounding of mission, 62
French trade with, 67-68
gifts to, by Spaniards, 62
See also Kadohadacho.
Cadodakios, mentioned by Bienville, 55
See also Kadohadacho.
Cadodaquis, mentioned by Iberville, 50
mentioned by Joutel, 8
See also Kadohadacho.
Cahada, an Indian, 84
Cahaynohoua, mentioned by Joutel, 8
See also Cahinnio.

312

Cahinnio, 6
bread, loaves of, 131, 179
Cachaymons identified as, 50
Cahaynohoua identified as, 8
Caynigua identified with, 9
horses of, 194
location, 7, 12
population, 19, 25
town visited by Joutel, 41
welcome to Joutel, 179-180
Cajadet, an Indian, 84
Calumet ceremony, 179-180
Camberos, Padre, 69
Camp Cooper, 113
Camp Washita, 89

INDEX

Casafias de Jesus Maria—Continued
on labor, 162-163
on marriage, 161
on medicine men, 219-220
on Nabedache, 11-12
on Nabiti, 11-12
on ornaments, 145
on painting of body, 144
on platters, reed, 156-157
on pottery, 157
on punishments, 183
on red ocher deposits, 144
on shell ornaments, 158
on trade, articles of, 196
on war customs, 190-191

“Canabatinu,” synonym for Wichita, 10] Cassia, mentioned by Joutel, 9

Canadian River, Caddo name of, 16

See also Kichai.

Canadians, with St. Denis expedition, 53 | Castafieda, Dr. Carlos, on Bernadino,

Canecy, identified with Apache, 58
Cannecy, mentioned by Bienville, 55
See also Apache.
“Canoatinno,”’ Hasinai

against, 195
See also Wichita,
Canoes, dugout, 158
“‘Capiché,’”’ mentioned by Tonti, 12
possible identity, 13
temple, 216
Tonti’s visit to, 42
Cappa, mentioned by Joutel, 9
See also Quapaw.
Cardenas, Alonzo, 62
“Carody,’ Caddo chief, mentioned by
Sibley, 82
Carving, 159

expeditions

Texas chief, 52

on drum, 156

on hostility of Indians to missions,
47, 49-50

on Indian fair, 193

on Ramén report on Texas, 48

on St. Denis’ visit to Hasinai, 51

on pi expedition to Texas, 46,
4

on Texas, location of, 52
on trade, 195
on trade route of Juan Sabeata, 36—

on welcome to Alarcon by Hasinai,
181-182

on welcome to Ramén by Texas
Indians, 183

Casafias de Jesus Maria, Fray Francisco, | Castafieda de Nagera, Pedro de, on

authority, 2
enumeration of Caddo tribes, 9-10

origin of the Teya, 35
on Teya Indians, 33-34

letter and report of, to the Viceroy | Cauddachos, mentioned by Casaiias, 9

of Mexico, dated August 15, 1691
(original text), 241-263
missionary to Hasinai, 47
on agriculture, customs regarding,
12

on benches, 155

on burial customs, 207-208

on Caddo councils, 172

on character of Caddo, 122

on chenesi, functions and activities,
218

on communal institutions, 173

on designations, 4

on diseases, 226

on epidemic among Caddo in 1691,
1

on feasts, 173-174

on feasts honoring xinesi, 226-227
on fire worship, 216-217

on foods, animal, 135, 136

on foods, vegetable, 1383, 1384
on God, belief in, 210-211, 212
on government, 170, 171, 172
on hair dressing, 142

on Hasinai population, 17

on houses, 1538

on hunting, buffalo, 1386

on killing of children, 160

See also Kadohadacho.
Castillo, Diego del. See Martin, Her-
nando.
Cataye, identified possibly with Cachae,
10

identified possibly with Caxo, 9, 10
synonym for Hainai, 11
Cavas Indians, rancheria of visited by
De Leon, 41
Tonkawa, probably related to, 41
Cayce M., calumet ceremony, 179-
Cavelier, Sieurs, 40, 43
Caxo, synonym for Hainai, 9, 11
See also Cataye.
Cayacaillé, 84
Cayaminchy River, identified as Kia-
michi River, 71
Cayas, province in Ark., 29
Caynigua, mentioned by Casafias, 9
See also Cahinnio.
Cenis, mentioned by Joutel, 8
synonym for Hasinai, 4
See also Hasinai.
Cenoa, mentioned in DeSoto narra-
tives, 8
possible identity as Hasinai, 8
Ceramics. See Pottery.

INDEX

Ceremonies, at erection of houses, 149-
152, 153, 178, 181
festivals to train youths for war,
233, 238
first-fruits, 227-228, 238
forecasting, 232—233, 238
harvest, 140, 228-232, 238
in connection with agriculture, 128-
130
leave-taking, 97
May Day, 233, 238
on meeting strangers, 176-183, 237
religious, 226-234
Chaganon, synonym for Shawnee, 43
Characteristics, physical, mental, and
moral, 105, 234
discussion of, 121—127
Charlevoix, Pierre F. X. de, on Natchez
attack against Natchitoches post, 66
Chaye, mentioned by Joutel, 9, 13
See also Choye.
Chenesi, 218, 214
functions and activities, 217-219
synonym for zinesi, 171
Cheocas, Hainai, chief, 18, 62, 198-199
Cherokee, 199
Bowl, chief, 94
Caddo in Texas unite with, 94
first visit to Caddo country, 82
mentioned by Sanchez, 88 .
Cheyenne, 198
Caddo name for, 7
Ghost Dance held by, 118
names applied to Caddo by, 6
Chickasaw, 199
Caddo living with, 107
clans, 166
protest against wild Indians, 100
severe treatment of Yatasi, 12, 57
Childbirth, 159-160
Childhood, customs connected with, 307-—
308
Children, killing of, 160, 161
naming, 160
suckling, period of, 160
training, 307-309
Chitimacha, St. Denis’
against, 51
Choctaw, 199
attack on Caddo, 82, 85
Caddos living with, 95, 107
enemy of Kadohadacho, 74
leave-taking, method of, 97
name applied to Caddo by, 6
St. Denis’ visit to, 51
Yowa’ni, a band of, 14
Chouman, Choumay identified with, 9
Choiimans, Hasinai allies, 39
Choumay, mentioned by Joutel, 9
See also Chouman.
Cho-wa-wha-na, Caddo chief, descrip-
tion of, 97
Cho-wee, chief of Natchitoches, 96
Choye, Chaye identified with, 9
identified with Yatasi by Tonti, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 13

299671—42 21

expedition

313

Choye, Chaye identified with, 9—Con.
Tonti visit to, 42
village mentioned by Tonti, 13
Church, Samuel, farmer for Caddo and
Anadarko, 107
Cibolo Creek, Caddo name of, 16
Cicuye, identified as Pecos, 34
village visited by Coronado, 34
Cincinnati Gazette, on population, 18
Citizenship of Indians, 118
Civil War, effect on Caddo, 114
Claiborne, Governor, 73
Claims, to land bought from Adai, 84-85
to land bought from Natchitoches
Indians, 83-84
to land in Louisiana, discussion of,

document on (1886), 92-93
Clans, 163-166
Caddo Jake’s list, 165
Macarti’s list, 164
Mooney’s list, 165
relations between, 164-165
White Bread’s list, 164
Clay, products manufactured from, 157—
158, 159
Clothing, 140-148
conclusions regarding, 235
European materials, 140, 141, 147
feather, 157
for men, 140, 147
for women, 140-141, 147
textiles, 141, 158, 194
Coahuila, visited by Bishop of Guada-
lajara, 36
Coahuiles, contact with Texas, 36
See also Coahuilteco.
Coahuilteco, 145
trade with Hasinai, 193
trade with Tejas, 36
Coashutta village, 79, 80
See also Koasati.
Cocay, chief of Yatasi, 70
Coenis, La Salle visit to, 38-40
See also Hasinai.
Coffin, 155, 208
Colbert River, name of Mississippi, 39
College of Santa Cruz de Querétero,
rested province of Texas,‘54, 61,

College of Santa Cruz de Tlaltelolco,
Morfi professor at, 73
College of Zacatecas, 62, 68
Colorado River, Caddo name of, 16
Comanche, 124
Caddo name for, 7
pepsi on Brazos Reserve,
Iron Jacket, chief of, 107
names applied to Caddo by, 6
Naytanes identified as, 70
Comanche Agency, consolidated with
Wichita Agency, 117
Compti (Compte), 74, 83, 84
Cona, hostile to missions, 49
Teyas settlement, 34
Concho River, 36, 37
Conclusions, 234-239

314

Cooking, acorns, 133
animal foods, 185, 136, 174
beans, 132
bread, 131
corn, 127, 131
reed seeds, 133-134
Coombes, Z. E., teacher at Brazos
Agency school, 106
Cooper, Douglas, agent for Chickasaw,
109

Corn. See Foods, vegetable.
Cornett, Ed, murderer of Neighbors, 113
Coroas, village visited by Tonti, 44
Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, ex-
pedition in Caddo country, 32-35
on Querechos, 32
on Teyas, 32
Cortinas, Juan, captain, at fort at Con-
cepcién, 62
Cosmos, relations to, 210-234
Costales, Capt. Gabriel, conference
with Rerenor, 63
Creek, 199
clans, 166
convocation called by, 97
leave-taking, method of, 97
name applied to Caddo by, 6
Croix, Don Theodore de, 73
Crops, conclusions regarding, 234-235
See also Agriculture.
Cross Timbers, 99
Crow, 198
Crow Type, of relationship, 237
Cruzate, Governor, 37
Cuitaos, 36
Cujanes, 69
Culin, Stewart, on hoop and pole game,
175
Culture, material, 127-159
conclusions regarding, 234-236
similarity to that of Southeastern
tribes, 239
Custis, Dr. Peter, scientist, 77
See also Freeman-Custis Expedi-
tion.
Cutchates, mentioned by Sanchez, 88
See also Koasati.
Cut Finger, Caddo Indian, 81
Dacayo River people, Daquio identified
with, 9
Dances, 234
Daquio, identified as
people, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 8, 9
possible relation to river Daycao, 8
Darlington Agency, 119
Dastones, mentioned by Casafias, 9
See also Doustioni.
Datche, bayou, 77
Dauphin Island, 52, 55
David, James IJ., agent, on condition of
Caddo, 117-118
ee Edmund J., governor of Texas,

Dacayo River

Daycao River, identified as Trinity, 32
reached by De Soto expedition, 32
See also Daquio.

INDEX

Dean, Capt. James, 89
De Batz, A, drawing of temple by, 216
De Blanc, Louis C., 83, 84
Deer, hunting, 185-136
uses of, 154
Deformation, head, 31, 147
Delaware, 126, 127
Big Moon cult among, 121
Black Beaver Band, 121
condition of (1886), 117-118
Ghost dance, 118
land cultivated by, 117
mentioned by Sanchez, 88
population, 19, 20, 21
removal to Brazos Agency, 104
Stem’s enumeration of, 101
del Castillo, Diego, expedition to Ju-
mano country, 35
De Leon, Alonso, expedition to remove
Frenchmen from Caddo country, 41-42
foods, vegetable, mentioned by, 134
sie es country, expedition to, 44—

on Texas chief, 41
on Texas province, 42
visit to Texas Indians, 44
De Loubois, 66
De Marle, drowned, 41
De Marne. See De Marle.
De Méziéres, Anthanase, contract with
Juan Piseros, 200-202
death of, 72
expeditions along Red River, 70-72
Governor of Texas, 72
Lieutenant Governor of Natchi-
toches district, 70
vie? ee goods given to Caddo, 199-
on character of Adai, 125
on character of Caddo, 1238
on character of Eyeish, 125
on epidemic of 1777, 20
on Eyeish, 72
on instructions for traders, 202-203
on Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de
Guadalupe, 72
on Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de los
Dolores, 72
on Nabedache temple, 154, 216
on Navedachos, 72
on population, 18, 20, 21, 22
on skin tent, 153
on Texas, 72
on visit to Petit Caddo, 70
De Moranget, nephew of La Salle, mur-
der of, 40
Designations, 3-7
De Soto, Hernando, contact with Cad-
do, earliest, 29
death, 31
encounter with Tula, 29-31
expedition in Caddo country, 29-31
De Soto expedition, change in leader-
ship, 31
See also De Soto, Hernando; Mos-
coso, Luis de.
De Soto narratives, enumeration of
Caddo tribes in, 8

INDEX

315

De Soto Vermidez, Manuel Antonio,| Emory, Major, selected site for Texas
Indians, 109

Entreaty, Indian form of, 120

differences between eastern and| Epidemic, among Anadarko, 75

report on operations of French, 68
Dialects, 14-16

western Caddo, 11
Hainai, discussion of, 14
Kadohadacho, examples of, 15
Natchitoches, examples of, 15
Yatasi, examples of, 15
Diseases, 226
See also epidemic.
Dodge, an officer, 89
Dogs, as food, 134
jubines, 134, 137
Dorsey, G. A., on burial customs, 209
on childhood, customs of, 307-308
on origin myth, 28
Dorsey, J. O., on clans, 166
Dotchetonne, identified with People of
Bayou Dauchite, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
Douay, Father Anastasius, on European
intangibles found among Hasinai,
193-194
on European objects found among
Hasinai, 193
on Hasinai country, adventures in,
38-40
on Hasinai population, 16, 25
on Nabedache houses, 148
Douesdonqua, mentioned by Joutel, 9
See also Doustioni.
Doustioni, Dastones identified with, 9
Douesdonqua identified with, 9
in Kadohadacho region, 56
in Natchitoches group, 12
population, 21

temple, 216
See also Louchetehona; Souchi-
tiony.
Drums. See Musical instruments.

Duc de Linares, on Namidis, 11
Duck dance. See Dances.
Duho, wooden, 155
Dunbar, William, 85
Dupin, a trader, 202
Du Pratz, Le Page.
Pratz.
Du Rivage, exploring expedition, 58
Eating customs. See Feasts.
Education. See Schools.
Edwards, Bill, Caddo informant, on
terms of relationship, 166
Edwards, Larkin, 91, 92
land granted to by U.S. treaty with
Caddo, 91-92
Elie, Pierre, 84
Ellicott, Andrew, 85
El Loco, creek, 88
El Nuevo Reyno de la Neuva Montafia
de Santander y Santillana, 50
Elvas, Gentleman of, on De Soto’s en-
counter with Tula, 29, 30
on trade of Guasco, 37
Emet Indians, probably related to
Tonkawa, 41
rancheria of, visited by De Leon, 41

See Le Page du

among Kadohadacho, 74

at San Francisco de los Texas, 46

cholera (1867), 115

of 1691, 17, 25

of 1777 among Kadohadacho, Na-
soni, and Adai, 20, 71

of 1800, 20

-| Escanjaques, 36

Espinosa, Fray Isidro Felix de, 52, 58,
60, 62

authority, 2

extracts from the Cronica de la
Provincia Franciscana de los
Apéstoles San Pedro de Micho-
acan by, (published under the
editorship of Dr. Nicolas Leon;
original text, pp. 419-442), 273-
300

in charge of Concepcién, 54

on agriculture, customs regarding,
128-129

on Soe ag between tribes, 176—

on basketry, 157

on belief in God, 211

on burial customs, 204-205

on character of Caddo, 122-123

on chenesi, functions and activities
of, 217-218

on clans, 164

on clothing, 140-141

on coarse cloth, 158

on erection of houses, ceremonies
accompanying, 149-151

on European influences, 197

on feather articles, 157

on ae to train youths for war,

on fire worship, 213-214

on first-fruits ceremony, 227-228

on flutes, 156

on foods, animal, 134-135, 138

on foods, vegetable, 132, 133-134

on forecasting ceremony, 232

ae pace represented by animals,

on government, 171

on hair dressing, 142

on harvest ceremony, 228-229
on hunting, bear, 136-137

aa a) rites connected with,
on marriage, 161-162

on May Day festival, 233

on medicine men, 220-222

on myth, cosmogonic, 211

on naming ceremony, 160

on ornaments, 145

on painting of body, 144

on pottery, 157, 158

on rasp, 156

on tattooing, 143

on temple furnishings, 158, 159

316

Espinosa, Fray Isidro Felix de—Con.
on temples, 213-214
on theft, punishment of, 183
on vessels, wooden, 155
on war customs, 191-192
on welcome to Alarcon by Hasinai,
180-181
on welcome to Ramén by Texas
Indians, 182
on women’s work, 163
speech at refounding of mission, 61
Espfritu Santo, mission, 68, 69
European influences, discussion, 197-—
198
Expeditions, military, Indian assistance
to Federal and State troops, 107, 114
Explorations, French in Caddo country,
88-41, 42-44, 50-55, 56-59
Spanish in Caddo country, 29-38,
41—42, 44-50, 52-54, 56, 59-65,
70-72
United States, in Caddo country,
76-82

See also individual names of ex-
plorers.

Eyeish, character of, discussion, 125-126
description of by De Méziéres, 72
distinctive features, 147
Hais identified as, 8
“Hauydix” synonym for, 10
Haychis identified as, 8
location, 7, 76
mentioned by Casafias, 10
opposition to northern tribes enter-

ing their territory, 88
outsiders among (1716), 55
population, 19, 22, 23, 25
Sibley on condition of, 76
speech of, 76
vocabulary given to Sibley, 81
See also Aiaichi; Aiche; Hais.

Fair, Indian, 37, 193

False Washita, 107, 109, 112, 115

Fans, 146, 157

Feasts, 173-174

Bee meets, products manufactured from,

Fernando del Bosque, 36

Festivals, to train youths for war.

Ceremonies.

Fire, method of making, 155-156

Fire Temple. See Agriculture: ceremo-

nies connected with.

Fire worship, 213-217

First-fruits ceremony. See Ceremonies.

Fishing, 1388

Flageolet. See Musical instruments.

Flood, of Red River, 89

Flour chief, 66

Flutes. See Musical instruments.

Food, for the dead. See Burial cus-

toms.
Foods, 148, 149, 150, 152, 178
animal, 134-139
bear grease, 137
buffalo, 186-1387

See

INDEX

Foods, animal—Continued

cooking, 135, 136

deer, 135, 1386

fish, 138

fowl, 135

of coast tribes, 139

of Naouidiches, 58

of Nasoni, 57

conclusions regarding, 234-235
vegetable, 127-184, 194

acorns, 133

beans, cooking of, 132

corn, drying of, 148
for seed, 129, 180-131
preparation of meal, 131
storage of, 152
treatment of, 131

fruits, 182-133

grapes, 132

La Salle brought from Hasinai
country, 40

nuts, 133

of Caddo, 74, 86

of Hainai, 60

of Nacono, 61

of Texas Indians, 45

Se Ea 127, 131, 182, 133-

reeds, seeds of, 183-134
storage, 130, 134
sunflowers, 132
tuqut, 134
Fontaine, Sieur, 66
Fontcuberta, Father Fray Miguel de,
death of, 46
Ford, Capt. John S., attackzon Com-
anche, 107
Forecasting ceremony. See’, Ceremo-
nies.
Foreman, Grant, on Caddo method of
leave-taking, 97
on condition of Caddo (1842),(95
on controversy between Bean and
Pope, 88
on peace negotiations
Texas and Caddo, 96
Fort Adams, 77
Fort Arbuckle, 100, 109, 110, 111
Fort Belknap, 104, 105
Fort Cobb, establishment of, 113
destruction of, 114
Fort Graham, Tex., 101
Fort Jessup, 89
Fort St. Louis, 40, 42
Fort Sill, council held at, 116
Fort Smith, 109
Franciscan. See Friars; Missionaries.
Franquis de Lugo, Carlos Benites, 67
Freeman, Thomas, accompanied by
Grand Ozages, 124
on origin myth, 27
surveyor, 76
See also Freeman-Custis expedi-
tion.
Freeman-Custis expedition, account of
activities, 76-81

between

INDEX

Freeman-Custis—Continued
meeting with Caddo chief, 77-79
members of party, 76-77
report, quoted, 77-81
Spanish hostility, 78-79, 80-81
French, establishment of post at Nat-
chitoches, 53, 54
gratitude for Spanish aid, 66
traders, influence of, 67-68
See also Explorations: French.
Friars, Franciscan, 44, 51-52, 59, 73
See also Missionaries.
Fruits. See Foods, vegetable.
Gagnier, Pierre, 83-84
Peed, J., expedition up Red River,

on the Great Cados, 71
Galisteo, Ximena identified as, 34
Galve, Sefior Conde de, Viceroy of New
Spain, 45
Games, 175, 237
Gappa, synonym of Quapaw, 87
Garcilaso de la Vega, on De Soto’s en-
counter with Tula, 31
on head deformation, 236
Garcitas River, 38
Garrett, Capt. C. F., 115
Gatschet, Dr. A. S., on designations, 6.
on Nabedache, 12
Gentes. See Clans.
George Washington. See Sho-e-tat.
Ghost Dance Religion, 210
effect on Caddo, 118-121
Gifts, to Indians, 61, 62, 81, 82, 178,
182, 198, 199-200
Gilbert, Captain, 112
Gil y Barvo, Don Antonio, 84, 85
Gonzdlez, Francisco, deserter, 50
Gonzalez, José, 66
Gorgets, shell, 158
Government, 170-173
conclusions regarding, 237
officials, 170-173, 174
ore Ozages, description by Sibley,
12
Sibley gifts to, 82
with Thomas Freeman, 124
Grappe family, 203
Alexis, 202
Frangois, 83, 84
assistant to Sibley, 73
land granted to, 91-92
Gray, George, Indian agent on Red
River, 87
on removal of Quapaw, 87-88
Great Caddo, 70
population, 20
Great Cados, Gaignard visit to, 71
peo Hon. A. B., letter to, 112-
uadatae) Caddo chief, speech quoted,

Guadalupe, Caddo name of, 16
Guadalupe River, 46
Guallo, Marquis de la, 65
See also Aguayo, Marquis de San
Miguel de.

317

Guasco, mentioned by Casafias, 9
mentioned in De Soto narratives, 8
met by Moscoso, 10
province visited by Moscoso ex-

pedition, 32
trade of, 37, 192
Guaza, mentioned by Casafias, 10
Guerra, Padre José, in charge mission of
San Francisco de los Neches, 61
with Aguayo expedition, 59
Guzman, Padre Augustin Patrén de, in
charge of Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de
los Dolores, 54

Hacanac, Lacane identified with, 32
mentioned in De Soto narratives, §
Moscoso visits, 32
possible identity as Lacane, 8

Ha-doon-cote-sah, Caddo warrior, 96

Hainai, Animay identified as, 8
Cachae identified with, 9, 11
Cataye, synonym for, 11
Caxo identified with, 9, 11
character of, 124
fire temple of, 214, 215
food of, 60
houses, 152
Ironeys identified as, 96
Marcy quoted on condition of at

Brazos Reserve, 104
mentioned by Lesser and Welt-
fish, 13
Nakanawan synonym for, 11
Neighbors’ visit to, 98
peace treaty with Republic of
Texas, 97
population, 18, 19, 20, 21
reception of Aguayo by, 60
Sibley on condition of, 76
synonym for Hasinai, 5
Hair, removal from body, 141, 158
Hair dressing, 141-142, 147-148
Hais, mentioned in De Soto narratives, 8
identified as Eyeish, 8, 32
Moscoso visits, 32
See also Eyeish.
Haish, mentioned by Lesser and Welt-
fish, 13

Halters, bark, 157

Harrington, J. P., on Teya identifica-
tion, 35

Harrington’s, Ter. of Ark., treaty be-
tween U. 8. and Quapaw signed at, 86

Harvest ceremony. See Ceremonies.

Hasinai, Asinai synonym for, 4
Belle-Isle rescued by, 59
Cenis identified as, 8
Cenoa identified as, 8
character of, 122, 123, 162
clan system among, 164
communal institutions, 173
De Méziéres expedition to, 70
description of chief, 41
epidemic of 1691, 17
ee against ‘‘Canoatinno,”’

1
French trade with, 67-68
geographic location of, 4

318

Hasinai—Continued
government, form of, 170-171, 172
houses, erection described, 149-152
idolatry, 219
Joutel visit to, 40
language learned by St. Denis, 51
La Salle’s explorations
38-40
location, 7
missions established among, 52-54
outsiders among in 1716, 55
peyote, use by medicine men, 121
physical characteristics, 122
population, 20, 22, 25
Querétaran missions among aban-
doned, 65-66
St. Denis’ visit to, 51
synonyms for, 4
tattooing, 143
Tonti expedition to, 42-44
trade of, 36-37, 192
welcome to Alarcon, 180-182
words recorded by La Salle, 40
See also Texas.
Hasinai group, population, 16-19, 25
tribes in original group, 12
Haso-dib-bar, Caddo chief, 99
“‘Hauydix.”’ See Eyeish.
Haychis, mentioned by Joutel, 8
See also Eyeish.
Head deformation, conclusions regard-
ing, 236
Hecketon, chief of Quapaw, 87
Hermaphrodites. See Berdaches.
Hernandarias, wounded by Tula, 30
He-sha-ke-he-ree, Osage chief, 85
Heusinger, Edward W., on difficulties
of missionaries, 48
on establishment of Spanish mis-
sions, 54
on Rub{f recommendations, 68
on Solfs’ visit to Zacatecan missions,
8-69
Hidalgo, Fray Francisco, affection of
Indians for, 53
authority, 2
Hasinai, ministry among, 52, 53, 54
in charge Mission of San Francisco
de los Neches, 54
letter of, to the Viceroy of Mexico,
dated November 14, 1716 (orig-
tnal text), 265-271
on burial customs, 203-204
on Caddo, character of, 122
on chenesi, functions and activities
of, 218-219
on fire worship, 216
on foods, vegetable, 132, 138, 134
on harvest ceremony, 231-232
on houses, 152
on idolatry, 219
on matting, 157
on pottery, 157
on trade, 196
on war customs, 190
Hidatsa, 198

INDEX

Hill, G. W., first agent for Brazos
Reserve, 106
on population, 19, 20
on settlement of Indians on Brazos
Reserve, 105
Special Agent, 104

among, | History, Caddo, 29-121

Hitchcock, Gen. Ethan Allen, 95
Hoes, wooden. See Agriculture: imple-
ments.
Horses, introduction of, 134
Hostilities, between Indians and whites,
108-109, 112
Houbiels, identified with Avoyel, 55
mentioned by Bienville, 55
Houses, 148-154
assembly house, 149
ceremonies at erection of, 149-152,
153, 173, 181
conclusions regarding, 236
description of Nabedache (Tejas)
chief’s house, 149
doors, placement of, 152
illustrations described, 153
out-houses, 149
photograph by Soulé, 153
sketch of by Eastman, 153
wattle walls, 153
See also Temples.
Houston, President Sam, 97
on Caddo in Texas, 94-95
Humphreys, Lt., member Freeman-
Custis expedition, 77
Hunt, P. H., head of Indian agency, 117
Hunting, 137-138
bear, 137
birds, aquatic, 135
buffalo, 136-137
conclusions regarding, 235
deer, 185-136
rites connected with, 136
turkeys, 136
weapons used in, 138
Iberville, Le Moyne d’, expedition up
Mississippi, 50
tribes mentioned by, 50
Idolatry, 56, 219 é
Iesh, Caddo name for José Maria, 96
I’ maha, 89
mentioned by Mooney, 14
Ineci, synonym for Nabadacho, 9
Infancy and birth, 159-160
Ingkanish, informant, 209, 210
Inies, mentioned by Sibley, 74, 76
See also Hainai.
Ionies, condition in 1849, 99
land cultivated by, 117
Stem’s report on condition of,
100-102
See also Hainai.
Iron Jacket, Comanche chief, 107
Ironeyes, mentioned by Robert M.
Jones, 96
See also Hainai.
Iroquois, linguistic relationship with
Caddo, 29

INDEX

319

Izard, George, Gov. of Ark., on removal | Kadohadacho—Continued

of Quapaw, 86-87
Jack Harry, delegate to messiah, 118
Jackson, President Andrew, 95
Jamison, Caddo agent at Natchitoches,

Jefferson, President Thomas, 73

‘‘Jenies,’’ synonym for Hainai, 114

Jim Ned, a Delaware, 99

Jones, President, 97

Jones, Robert M., Choctaw, intermedi-

ary between Republic of Texas and
Caddo, 96

José Maria. See Maria, José.

Joutel, Henri, authority, 3
enumeration of Caddo tribes, 8-9
expedition in Caddo country, 40—41
on agriculture, customs regarding,

#97131
on burial customs, 206
on Caddo, character of, 122
on Cahinnio settlement, 164
Sea to train youths for war,

on first-fruits ceremony, 227
on foods, vegetable, 131, 182, 183
on hair dressing, 141, 142
on Hasinai hamlets, 163-164
on houses, 148
on hunting, 135-136
on Noadiche, 11
on population, 16-17, 19, 25
on reception by Cahinnio, 179-180
on reception by Kadohadacho, 178
on salt, 139
on tattooing, 143-144
on trade, 139, 194
on war customs, 184-188
on-women’s work, 163
Juan, Marcos, deserter, 50
Jubines, 134, 137
See also’ Dogs.
Jugglers, Adai, 59
Jumano, country explored by Hernando
Martin and Diego del Castillo, 35-36
location, 28
missions, request for, 37
synonym for Chouman, 9
Teyas, relationship to, 35
trade with Hasinai, 36-37, 193, 194
trade with Spaniards, 36— 37
See also Suma; Chouman.
Kadohadacho, agreement with Span-
iards, 70
Cadodaquis identified as, 8, 50
Cauddachos identified with, 9
character of, 74, 123-124
chief, description by Sibley, 124
chief meets la Harpe, 57
clans, 164
confederation, tribes comprising, 12
crops of, 74
De Méziéres expedition to, 70
designation, 6
dialect, examples of, 15
medium of ‘communication
among Caddo, 176

distinctive features, 146
enemies of, 74
epidemic, 74
famous for bois d’are, 192-193
Grand Ozages, description of, 124
hair dressing, 141-142
houses, 153
influence over other tribes, 74
La Harpe expedition to, 56-58
location, 7, 74
meaning of name, 5-6
mentioned by Lesser and Weltfish, 13
morals of, 124, 162
Nasoni formed one town of, 10
Neighbors’ visit to, 98
origin myth, 27-28
population, 19-21, 23, 25
St. Denis’ visit to, 51
Sibley on condition of, 74-75
tattooing, 143, 144
temple, 216
Teran’s visit to, 47-48
towns visited by Joutel, 40—41
trade, 197
traditionary tale, 74
warfare with Osage, 71
welcome to Joutel, 178
women’ Tonti accompanied by, 42
Yatasi living with, 10, 57
See also Cadodaquis; Cauddachos.
Kanoatino, 40
See also Wichita.
Kansa, 198
Kansas agency, Caddo at, 114-115
Karankawa, 145
berdaches among, 162
Keechies, Stem’s enumeration of, 101
See also Kichai.
Keres Indians, 34
Keychies, mentioned by Sibley, 74
See also Kichai.
Kiamichi, mentioned by Lesser and
Weltfish, 14
aaa River, Cayaminchy identified
as, 71
Kiawa, mentioned by Casajias, 10
Kichai, Cassia identified with, 9
characteristics of, 56
depredations on Caddo, 98
Ghost dance, 118
inclusion in Caddoan stock, 6
mentioned by Casafias, 10
population, 20
Quizi identified with, 9
removed to Brazos Agency, 104
threatened attack, 94
war expedition against, 188
See also Cassia; Keechies; Keychies;
Quichas; Quitchiaiches; Quitseys;
Quizi.
Kickapoos, mentioned by Sanchez, 88
Kinship. See Relationship.
Kiowa, 127
Big Tree, chief of, 116
chiefs, prisoners of State of Texas,

320

Kiowa—Continued
fight with Caddo, 114
names applied to Caddo by, 6
Satank, chief of, 116
Satanta, chief of, 116
Kiowa Agency, consolidated with Wich-
ita Agency, 117
Kiowa Apache, Caddo name for, 7
Ki’si, unidentified river, 26
Koasati, Cutchates identified as, 88
Freeman-Custis expedition visits,

Koch, Clara Lena, on Federal Indian
policy in Texas (1845-60), 102-104,
105-107

on Indian aid to U. 8S. troops, 107

Kullituklo, 85

Koroa, salt industry, 193

La Bahia, 64, 65

La Barre, Weston, on John Wilson, 121

on Peyote cult, 121
Labor, division between sexes, 162-163
Lacane, division possibly of Nacono, 1]
identified with Hacanac and Nacan-
ish, 32
mentioned in De Soto narratives, 8
province visited by De Soto expedi-
tion, 32
synonym for Nacanish, 8

Lac de Muire, 76

Lac Macdon, 75

Laffitt, Pierre, 85

La Gran Montafia, 67

La Harpe, Bernard de, expedition into
Caddo country, 56-59

on Naouydiche, 11

on population, 20, 21, 25

post erected at Nasoni village, 57
salt obtained, 139-140

La Junta, 37

Lake Bastiano. See Lake Bistineau.

Lake Bistineau, 77, 84

Lake Caddo, 94

Lake Macdon, 85

Lake Pontchartrain, 135, 141

location of Acolapissa on, 51
location of Natchitoches on, 51

Lake St. Joseph, Taensa towns on, 50

La Mothe, M. de, 53

Language, conclusions regarding, 234

La Salle, Réné Robert Cavelier, Sieur
de, explorations in Hasinai country,
38-40

murder of, 40

Lavaca Bay, 38

Lawrie Tatum, delegate to messiah, 118

Leavenworth, an officer, 89

Leeper, Agent, 112

wounded by Indians, 113

Legends. See Myths.

Leon, Dr. Nicolas. See Espinosa, Fray
Isidro Felix de.

Le Page du Pratz, Antoine S., on trade
of Avoyel Indians, 37

LeRoy, Coffee Co., Kans., 114

Lesser, Alexander, and Weltfish, Gene,
authorities on living Caddo, 13-14

INDEX

Lesser and Weltfish—Continued
enumeration of Caddo tribes, 13-14
investigation of Caddoan languages,

2

on Hainai dialect, 14
on relationship, terms of, 168
Lipan, 86, 95, 124
Caddo name for, 7
mentioned by Casafias, 10
Little Boy. See Show-e-tat.
Little Caddo, 70
population, 20
ee Kadohadacho, Gaignard’ visit to,
1
Little River, 80
Little Washita, 110
Lopez, Father Nicolas, on ambassadors
from the Texas, 38
Los Adaes, Presidio del Pilar de, 66, 67
abandonment of, 68
capital of Texas, 65
capital of Texas moved from, 69-70
provisions from Mexico, 64-65
relations with Natchitoches post,
St. Denis agreement to withdraw
from, 61
Spanish occupation, 63-65
Louchetehona, identified as Doustioni, 55
Louchetehonis, mentioned by Bienville,

See also Doustioni.
Louisiana, annexed to Spain, 199
belonging to France, 73
cession to Spain, 67, 68
claims to land, 92—94
French colony, 50
Purchased by United States, 73
Macarti, Cavallero, Commandant of
Natchitoches post, 27, 164
on Kadohadacho clans, 164
McCurtain County, Okla., 85
Mackenzie Basin Type, relationship
system classified with, 167, 237
Madargoes, mentioned by Robert M.
Jones, 96
See also Anadarko.
Maligne, 40
Manufactures, 154-159, 236, 239
See also individual items, such as,
Pipes; Musical instruments, etc.
Manuel, Father, 56
Manuscript Memoir (Bienville). See
Bienville.
Many, Col. James B., 88-89
Marcy, Capt. R. B., 100
on condition of Caddo at Brazos
Reserve, 104
on José Maria, character of, 124
surveyor of land for Brazos Agency,
102-103
Maréchal-d’ Estrées, le, 59
Margil, Padre, 53, 58, 62, 69
death of, 65
in charge Mission of Nuestra Sefiora
de Guadalupe, 54
in charge San Miguel de los Adaes, 64
with Aguayo expedition, 59

INDEX

Margry, Pierre, on bread, 131
on hair dressing, 142
on Nasoni feasts, 128
on tattooing, 143
on women’s work, 163
Maria, José, 98, 99
aversion to having lands surveyed,
102
character of, 104, 124
chief of Anadarkoes, 96
Jesh synonym for, 96
nephew killed in uprising, 108
plea for lands and security for
Caddo, 100
Marquette, Pére Jacques, 38
Marriage, 160-162
Martin, Capt. William, 107
Marto y Navaryete, Don Angel de, 27
Governor of Texas, letter from
Macarti to, 164
Martin, Hernando, expedition to Ju-
mano country, 35
Massanet, Father Damian, founder of
missions among Hasinai, 44, 45-46, 48
ministry at San Francisco de los
Texas, 45-46, 48, 49-50
on house of Nabedache (Tejas)
chief, 149
on matting, 157
on pottery, 157
on Teran expedition to
hadacho, 47
on Texas chief, 41-42
Matting, 156-157
May Day festival. See Ceremonies.
Maye, synonym for Amaye, 8
aes y Azcona, Don Melchor de,

Medical practices, 219-226, 238
Medicine Bluff, 109
Medicine men, 219-226, 238
costume of, 146, 157
Mendoza, Juan Dominguez de, leader
expedition to Jumano, 38
Mental characteristics. See
teristics.
Mesceal rite. See Peyote rite.
Methodist Episcopal Church, mission
school at Brazos Agency, 105
Miles, Col. Dixon S., on location and
character of Caddo, 100
Miller, James, Governor of Ark., 85
Miro, Don Estevan, Governor of La., 83
Missionaries, Franciscan, 53, 55
See also individual names of mis-
sionaries.
Missions, abandonment by Spanish,
49-50, 58
Espfritu Santo, 68, 69
establishment by Spanish, 44, 45-
48, 538-54 -
for Mexican colony, 64
French and Spanish cooperation to
establish, 52-54
hardships of, 48, 49-50, 67, 69, 72,
125-126

hostility of Indians, 47, 48, 49-50

Kado-

Charac-

o21

Missions—Continued
Jumano request for, 37-38
Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe de
Albuquerque de los Nacogdoches,
18, 54, 62, 65, 69, 70, 72
Nuestra Sefiora de la Assumpcién,
62
Nuestra Sefiora de la Purisima
Concepcién, 18, 54, 58, 61, 62, 65,
180, 181
Nuestra Sefiora de la Purisima Con-
cepcién de Acufia, 65
Nuestra Sefiora de la Purisima
Concepcién de los Hainai, 65
Nuestra Sefiora de los Ais, 65
Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores de
Benavente de los Ays, 54, 63, 65,
69, 70, 72, 125, 196
of east Texas, results of work, 65-66
placement of, 46
Querétaran, transferred, 65
refounding by Spaniards, 61-64
Rio Grande, 52
Rivera report on, 65
Roman Catholic mission opened
(1894), 121
Rubf’s recommendation to abandon
some, 68
San Francisco de la Espada, 65
San Francisco de los Neches, 18,
61, 65, 198
San Francisco de los Texas, 44, 46,
47, 49-50
San José de Aguayo, 66
San José de los Nazones, 18, 54,
San Juan Capistrano, 65
San Miguel de Linares, 54
ae Miguel de los Adaes, 63, 64,
San Pedro, location of, 11
Santisimo Nombre de Marfa,
48, 49
Sefior San Miguel de Cuellar de los
Adaes, 68-69, 70
Solfs, findings of, 68-69
Mississippi fort, commander, 51
construction, 50
Mississippi River, Caddo name of, 16
Mix, Charles, 105
Monclova, 41, 42, 44, 48, 62
Mooney, James, clans, list of, 165
enumeration of Caddo tribes, 14
flageolet collected by, 156
on clan rules, 165
on Ghost Dance Religion, 118-120
on houses, 153
on nose ornaments, use of, 146
on origin myth, 26-27
on physical characteristics of Cad-

do, 122
‘Moon Head.’”’ See Wilson, John.
Moral characteristics. See Characteris-

47,

ics.
Morfi, Fray Juan Augustin de, activities
of, résumé, 73
authority, 3

322

Morfi, Fray Juan Augustin de—Con.

death of, 73

on agriculture, customs regarding,
129-131

on Aguayo expedition, 60-61

on amenities between tribes, 177

on buffalo, uses of, 154

on burial customs, 205-206

on childbirth, 159-160

on clans, 164

on clothing, 140, 141

on diseases, 226

on erection of fort at Los Adaes,
63-64

on erection of houses, ceremonies
accompanying, 151-152

on equipment of warriors, 189-190

on Eyeish, character of, 125-126

on festival to train youths for war,
233

on fire worship, 214-215

on foods, animal, 139

on foods, vegetable, 132-133, 134

on forecasting ceremony, 282-233

on Franquis’ treatment of Indians,
67

on government, 171-172
on hair dressing, 142
on harvest ceremony, 229-231
on hunting, 136, 187
on Jocation of Texas proper, 12
on marriage, 162
on May Day festival, 233
on medicine men, 223-226
on myth, cosmogonic, 212-213
on Nabedache, 12
on naming ceremony, 160
on Natchitoches, 197
cn nose ornaments, 146
on origin myth, 27—28
on ornaments, 145
on painting of body, 144
on physical characteristics
Caddo, 122
on population, 17-18, 22
on rafts, 158
on sign language, 176
on smoke signals, 190
on tattooing, 143
on temples, 214-215, 216
on Texas Indians, character of, 123
on theft, punishment of, 1838-184
on war customs, 184, 190
writings of, 73
Morfit, Henry M., investigator of con-
ditions in Texas, 95
Moriere, Fazende, a trader, 202
Mortars, method of manufacture, 156
Mortuary offerings. See Burial customs.
re oN Luis de, successor of De Soto,
Mound building, 154
Mound, erected by Navedachos, 72
Muckleroy, Anna, on Indian attack on
Texas settlements, 94, 95
on population, 19, 20, 22
Murie, James, on Pawnee legend, 28

of

INDEX

oe instruments, manufacture of,
5
Muskogee chiefs’
95-96
Myth, cosmogonic, 211-213
origin, 25-29
ariel mentioned by Casafias, 9,
171
See also Nabedache.
Nabaydacho, mentioned by Casajias, 9
See also Nabedache.
Nabedache, character of, 123
houses, 148
interpretation of name, 26
location, 76
mentioned by De Méziéres, 71
mentioned by Lesser and Weltfish,
13
mentioned by Sibley, 74, 76
mission for, 54
Nabadacho identified with, 9
Nabaydacho identified with, 9
Nabeyeyxa possible synonym for, 10
Nowadishe synonym for, 12
population, 18, 19, 20
San Pedros identified as, 11, 124
Sibley on condition of, 76
temples of, 154, 216
Bare Ne roth connection with Nabiti,
1-1
location of, 11
Nabeyeyxa, mentioned by Casajias, 9
be ia possibly for Nabedache,
1

Nabiri, mentioned by St. Denis, 11
See also Nabiti.
i, connection with Nabedacho,
11-12

identified with Namidish, 9
interpretation of name, 12
location, 12
mentioned by Casafias, 9, 10, 171
Nacacahoz, mentioned in De Soto nar-
ratives, 8
visited by Moscoso, 32
Nacachau, identified possibly with
Naquiscoga, 10
mentioned by Casafias, 9, 171
Nacoz identified with, 9
Nacan, mentioned by Casafias, 9
Nacanish, Hacanac identified as, 8
Lacane identified as, 8, 32
Nacan identified with, 9
Nacono identified with, 9
united with Hainai, 11
Nacao, division possibly of Nacono, 11
mentioned by St. Denis, 10
mission for, 54
Nacassa, identified with Yatasi, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
Nachawi, interpretation of word, 10
Nachitos, annual present, 199
See also Natchitoches.
Nachoos, mentioned by St. Denis, 10
Nacitos, mentioned by St. Denis, 10
Nacodissy, identified as Nacogdoche, 8
mentioned by Joutel, 8

advice to Caddo,

INDEX

Nacogdoche, 88
character of, 123, 124
distinctive features, 147
fire temple, 214, 215
gifts from Spaniards to, 62
mentioned by De Méziéres, 71, 72
mentioned by Lesser and Weltfish,
13
mentioned by St. Denis, 10
mentioned by Sibley, 74
mission for, 54, 62
Nacodissy identified as, 8
Nazadachotzi identified with, 9
Neticatzi identified with, 9
outsiders among in 1716, 55
population, 18, 19, 20
Nacogdochitos Indians, Sanchez’ visit
to, 88
See also Nacogdoche.
Nacondiché, mentioned by Tonti, 43
See also Nacogdoche.
Naconicho, creek, 11
division possibly of Nacono, 11
Nacono, chief, account of, 60
divisions of, 11
food of, 61
gifts from Spaniards to, 61
identified with Nacanish, 9
Lacane, division of, 11
mentioned by Casajias, 9, 171
mission for, 54
Nacao, division of, 11
Naconicho, division of, 11
Nakanawan, division of, 11
welcome to Aguayo, 60-61, 198
Nacoz, identified with Nacachau, 9
mentioned by Casafias, 9
Nactythos, mentioned by Iberville, 50
See also Natchitoches.
Nadaco, associated with Hasinai, 11
character of, 124
identified as possibly Anadarko, 8
location of, 12, 57, 75
mentioned by Joutel, 8
mentioned by Sanchez, 88
population, 18
See also Anadarko.
Nadacocos, identified with Anadarko, 10
mentioned by St. Denis, 10
ie aie mentioned by De Méziéres,
1

See also Anadarko.
Nadaho, identified with Adai, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
Nadamin, identified with Sadamon, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
Nadan, identified with Anadarko, 9
mentioned by Casafias, 9
synonym for Anadarko, 11
Nadas, relation to Adai, 13
Tonti visit to, 42
village mentioned by Tonti, 13
Nadote chief, 68
Nadote village, hostility to Spaniards, 68
Naguatex, branch tribe of Namidish, 8
interpretation of name, 32
meaning of word, 8, 139

323

Naguatex— Continued

mentioned in De Soto narratives, 8,

11

Moscoso visits, 32

pronunciation of, 8

See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Nahacassi, identified with Yatasi, 9

mentioned by Joutel, 9
Nahouidiches, on La Harpe expedition,

See also Nawatesh.
Naichas. See Neches.
Nakanawan, division possibly of Na-
cono, 11
mentioned by Mooney, 14
synonym for Hainai, 11
Nakasa, Bienville’s visit to, 50
discussion of, 13
mentioned by Beaurain, 13
mentioned by Bienville, 13
tattooing, 143
See also Nataché; Natchés.
Namidis, interpretation of name, 12
mentioned by St. Denis, 10
Namidish, foods of, 127
location, 57
Nabiti identified with, 9
Naguatex branch tribe of, 8
Naviti identified with, 9
salt, 139
See also Amediche; Naodiche; Na-
ondiché; ‘‘Ouidiches.”’
Naming ceremony, 160
Nanatscho, white settlement at, 85
See also Nanatsoho.
Nanatsoho, chief of meets La Harpe, 57
Kadohadacho tribe, 6
Natsohos identified as, 8
Natsoos identified with, 9
Natsvtos identified as, 50
See also Natsohos; Natsvtos.
Nandacos, mentioned by Sibley, 82
See also Anadarko.
Nandakoes, mentioned by Sibley, 74, 75
See also Anadarko.
‘‘Naondiché,”’ 42
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Naodiche, visited by Joutel, 40
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Naordiche. See Namidish.
Naouadiché, mentioned by Tonti, 43
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
“Naoudiches,”’ food of, 58
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Naouidiche, meaning of name, 139
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Naovediche, mentioned by Tonti, 43
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Naouydiche, identified as Noadiche, 11
location, 11
peace with Kadohadacho, 57
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Naquiscoga, mentioned in De Soto nar-
ratives, 8, 10
Seti possibly identified with,

province visited by Moscoso, 32

324

“‘Naradachoes,’”’ mentioned in Cincin-
nati Gazette, 18
population, 18
Nasayaha, identified with Nasoni, 9, 11
mentioned by Casajias, 9, 171
Nasayaya, identified with Nasoni, 9, 10
mentioned by Casafias, 9
See also Nasayaha.
Nashtowi, delegate to messiah, 118
Nasitox, identified with Natchitoches, 9
mentioned by Casajfias, 9
Nasoni, character of, 123
feasts, 128
fire temple, 214, 215
food of, 57
oe one town of Kadohadacho,
houses, 148
Kadohadacho tribe, 6
La Harpe post erected at village, 57
La Harpe visit to, 57
location of, 12
mentioned by De Méziéres, 71
mission for, 54
Nasaya identified as part of, 10
Nasayaha identified with, 9, 11
Nasayaya identified with, 9
Nassoni identified as, 8
Nazones identified with, 9
ee ay and Nisohone identified
as,
not a true Hasinai division, 10-11
population, 18
town visited by Joutel, 40
with La Harpe expedition, 58
See also Nasaya; Nasayaha; Nasa-
yaya; Nasoui; Nassoni; Nasso-
nite; Nazones; Nazonis; Nisso-

one

Nasoui, identified as Nasoni, 43
Tonti visit to, 43
See also Nasoni.

Nassoni, La Salle, contact with, 39-40
mentioned by Joutel, 8
See also Nasoni.

Nassonite post, 67

Nassonites, mentioned by Bienville, 55
See also Nasoni.

Nataché, mentioned by Iberville, 50
See also Nakasa.

Natao, mentioned by Iberville, 50
See also Adai.

Natassee, Gaignard visit to, 71
See also Yatasi.

“‘Natchés,”’ discussion of identity, 13
mentioned by Tonti, 13
Tonti visit to, 42

Natchez Indians, aid of Texas Indians

against, 66, 71, 76, 124
attack on Natchitoches post by, 66,
71, 76, 124

INDEX

Natchez Post, 75
St. Denis’ visit to, 51
ae sar cag group, tribes composing,
Natchitoches Indians,
Chitimacha, 51
attacked by Acolapissa, 52
Bienville’s visit to, 50
character of, 56, 124
Cho-wee, chief of, 96
claims to land sold by, 83-84
clan system, 165
crop failure, 51
dialect, examples of, 15
eating customs, 174
interpretation of name, 26
La Harpe greeted by chief of, 57
La Harpe treated by medicine men,
59

attack upon

living with Acolapissa Indians, 135,
141, 155, 158

location of, 7, 51, 76

mentioned by Bienville, 55, 56

feet by Lesser and Weltfish,

3
Nactythos identified as, 50
Nasitox identified with, 9
Natchittos identified as, 8
Ouachita, part of, living with, 50
population, 21, 23, 25
St. Denis visits, 51
salt trade, 193
Sauto, head-chief of, 70
Sibley on condition of, 74, 76
temple, 216
Tonti’s visit to, 42, 43
Yatasi settled with, 10
Natchitoches post, 67, 70, 76, 82

Alarcon visits, 56
Bienville protects from Spaniards,

55

contract between De Méziéres and
Juan Piseros, 200-202

De Blanc, Louis C., commandant
of, 83

establishment of by French, 53, 54

Freeman-Custis expedition at, 77, 81

La Harpe ill at, 59

market at, 123

Natchez attack on, 66, 71, 76

presents, annual, to Indian tribes,
199-200

relations with Los Adaes, 66, 68

removal across Red River, 66

St. Denis commandant of, 59, 67, 76

settlers from Los Adaes come to, 69

Sibley, Dr. John, surgeon’s mate
for troops at, 73

Yatasi living at, 57

Natchittos, identified as Natchitoches, 8
mentioned by Joutel, 8

Caddo social organization similar| Natsohos, identified as Nanatsoho, 8

to, 236-237

clans, 166

religious beliefs of Caddo related to,
238, 239

White Woman, 173

mentioned by Bienville, 55
mentioned by Joutel, 8
See also Nanatsoho.

Natsoos, identified with Nanatsoho, 9
mentioned by Casafias, 9

INDEX

Natsvtos, mentioned by Iberville, 50
See also Nanatsoho.

Navasota River, 40

ep aronben described by De Méziéres,

mentioned by St. Denis, 10
See also Nabedache.
Naviti, identified with Namidish, 9
mentioned by Casajfias, 9
See also Nabiti.
Nawadishe, synonym for Nabedache, 12
Nawatesh. See Naguatex.

Naytanes, identified with Comanche, 70
mentioned by De Méziéres, 70
Nazadachotzi, identified with Nacog-

doche, 9
mentioned by Casafias, 9, 171
Nazones, identified with Nasoni, 9
mentioned by Casafias, 9
See also Nazonis.
Nazonis, mission for refounded, 62
See also Nasoni; Nazones.
Necan, identified with Nacanish, 9
Necha, identified with Neches, 9
mentioned by Casajias, 9, 171
Nechavi, mentioned by Casafias, 9, 171
Neches, Aguayo visit to, 60-61
fire temple, 214, 215
gifts from Spaniards to, 61
mission for, 54, 61
Necha identified with, 9
Nesta identified with, 9
Nouista identified with, 9
Neches River, 54, 61
Caddo name of, 16
Neighbors, Maj. Robert 8.
account of removal of Indians from
Brazos Agency, 112
murdered, 113
on cause of uprisings, 108
on condition of Caddo tribes (1846),

98
on population, 19, 20
on progress of settling Indians on
Brazos Reserve, 104-105
peace between enemy tribes nego-
tiated by, 98
removes Texas Indians to territory
north of Red River, 111-118
report of land cultivated at Brazos
Agency, 106-107
Special Commissioner to Texas
Indians, 98
surveyor of land for Brazos Agency,
102-104
Nesta, identified with Neches, 9
mentioned by Casajfias, 9
Netches. See Neches.
Neticatzi, identified with Nacogdoche, 9
mentioned by Casajias, 9
Nishkfa’/ntt. See Wilson, John.
Nisohone, synonym for Nissohone, 8
Nissohone, identified as Nasoni, 8
mentioned in De Soto narratives, 8
province visited by De Soto expe-
dition, 32.
See also Nasoni.

O20

Nadacao. See Anadarko.

Noadiche, found by Joutel, 11
Naouydiche, identified as, 11

rao mentioned by De Méziéres,

See also Nabedache.

Nondacao, identified as Anadarko, 8, 32
mentioned in De Soto narratives, 8
province visited by Moscoso, 32
synonym for Nadan, 11
See also Anadarko,

Nondacau, mentioned by Casafias, 10

Nondaco, identified as Anadarko, 8
mentioned by Joutel, 8

Nondako, Nadacao identified as, 32
See also Anadarko.

Nose ornaments. See Adornment, per-

sonal: ornaments.

Nouista, identified with Neches, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9

mee cine: identified as Nahouidiches,

5
mentioned by Du Rivage, 58
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe de Al-
buquerque de los Nacogdoches, 65
abandonment, 70
description, 69
difficulties of, 72
establishment, 54
refounding, 62
Nuestra Sefiora de la Assumpci6én, ar-
royo of, 62
Nuestra Sefiora de la Purisima Concep-
cién de Acufia, founded, 65
Nuestra Sefiora de la Purisima Con-
Capeioe de los Hainai, establishment,
4

refounding, 61-62
transferred and renamed, 65
Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores de Bena-
vente de los Ays, 65, 125-126
abandonment, 70
description, 69
difficulties of, 72
establishment, 54
Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores de los
Texas, Presidio of, 54
fortifications outlined, 65
Nuestra Sefora del Pilar de los Adaes,
65
Nuevo Leon, 55, 65
Nuts. See Foods, vegetable.
Nye, Capt. W. S., on Show-e-tat, 116
“Old Caddo village,’’ 12
Olivares, Antonio de San Buenaven-
tura, 51
on paint, green, 144
Omaha, 122, 198
clans, 166
name applied to Caddo by, 6
Onadakoes, mentioned by Neighbors, 98
See also Anadarko.
O’ Reilly, Governor, 203
Origin legends, 25-29
Orleans Territory, 73

326

Ornamentation, conclusions regarding,
236

Ornaments. See Adornment, personal.

Orobio y Basterra, Don Prudencio de,
67

Orreilli, Sefior Conde de, 199
Osage, 43, 81, 82, 198
Annaho identified with, 9
Big Moon cult among, 121
enemy of Kadohadacho, 71, 74, 78,
79, 85
leave-taking, method of, 97
name applied to Caddo by, 6
Osage orange. See Bois d’arc.
Ouachita, Bienville’s visit to, 50
description of in 1699, 50
population, 21
temple, 216
Tonti’s visit to, 42
Yesito identified as, 50
Ouachitas River, identified as Boggy
River, 57
Ouasita. See Quachita.
Ouchita, in Natchitoches group, 12
“‘Ouidiches,’’ Father Anastasius men-
tions, 41
See also Namidish; Nawatesh.
Padilla, Juan Antonio, on Caddo tribes,
distinctions between, 146-147
on condition of Caddo, 86
on Eyeish, character of, 126
on foods, animal, 134
on houses, 152
on Kadohadacho, morals of, 124
on Kadohadacho trade, 197
on nose ornaments, 146
on painting of body, 145
on physical characteristics
Caddo, 122
on population, 18, 20,22
Painting, 159
Painting, body. See Adornment, per-
sonal,
Paints, 144, 145
Palmer, Dr. Edward, specimens for
U. S. National Museum, 154, 158
Palo Guacho, 63
Panis, 77, 78, 81
Parker, William B., letter to School-
craft, 28
on houses, 152
Parsons, Dr. Elsie Clews, authority on
modern Caddo, 3, 14
on burial customs, 209-210
on clans, 166
on games, 175
on hunting, bear, 137
on marriage, 162
on present government, 173
on relationship, terms of, 168
on reijigious ceremonies, 234
on war dance, 192
Patroon, 63
Pauit, 36
Pawnee, 38
Caddo name for, 7
inclusion in Caddoan stock, 6

of

INDEX

Pawnee—Continued
eae on Caddo religious beliefs,
legend of, 28
names applied to Caddo by, 6
“Pawpaw People,’’ 26
Pearl River, 51
er: K. M., Governor of Texas, 102-
Pecan Point, 85, 88
Pecos, Cicuye identified as, 34
Pecos River, 102
Caddo name of, 16
Pénicaut, leads Natchitoches to St.
Denis, 52
on burial customs, 208, 238
on clothing, 141
on eating, 174
on fire making, 155-156
on fishing, method of, 138
on foods, vegetable, 133
on hunting, 135
on St. Denis, 51
on tattooing, 142, 235-236
on temple, Acolapissa and Natchi-
toches, 216
on war customs, 188-189
on war paraphernalia, 147
People of Bayou Dauchite, Dotchetonne
identified with, 9
Pequefios Cados, annual present to, 200
See also Petit Caddo.
Perrier, 66
Petit Caddo, De Méziéres expedition
to, 70
trading depot, 67
Petrullo, Vincenzo, on John Wilson,
120-121
Peyote cult, 120-121
Peyote meeting, 210
Phillips, Rev. John W., mission school,
effort to establish, 105
Physical characteristics.
teristics.
Pichardo, José Antonio, on interpreta-
tion of Natchitoches, 26
Pipes, 158
Piseros, Juan, contract with De Mé-
ziéres, 200-202
Pita, Friar José, with Aguayo expedi-
tion, 59
Plains culture, 197—198
Plains people, description of, 33-34
Planting. See Agriculture: communal
planting.
Platters, 214, 215
Plummer, Captain, 112, 113
Ponca, 198
Pope, John, Governor of Arkansas, 88
Population, 16-25
Porter, Peter B., on population, 20
Pottery, 157-158, 159, 239
Pouch, tobacco, 158
Powell, J. W., on designations, 6
Pow-iash, second chief of Caddo, 98
‘Prairie des Ennemis,’’ 20
Gaignard’s visit to, 71

See Charac-

INDEX

Priest. See Chenesi.
et oe Caddo village,’’ Nasoni town,
1
Protestant Episcopal Church, mission-
ary work among Caddo, 117
Prudhomme, Emanuel, 85
Pueblo Indians, Teyas settle near, 35
Punishments, 150-151, 183-184, 237
Quanouatins, mentioned by Tonti, 43
See also Kanoatino; Wichita.
Quapaw, Big Moon cult among, 121
Caddo name for, 7
Caddo relation with terminated, 89
Cappa identified with, 9
clans, 166
Gappa synonym for, 87
I’miha, a band of, 14
leave-taking, method of, 97
mentioned by Casajias, 10
mentioned by Joutel, 9
names applied to Caddo by, 6
removal to Caddo country, 86-88
removal to Okla., 89
Tonti’s visit to, 42
treaties with United States, 86, 89
Querecho, 32
customs, 33
description, 33
identified as Apache, 35
Querétaran. See Missions, Franciscan.
Quichas, mentioned by Sanchez, 88
See also Kichai.
‘“‘Quidehais,’”’ on La Harpe expedition, 58
See also Kichai.
Quirix, province of Keres Indians, 34
Quitchiaiches, mentioned by Bienville,

See also Kichai.
Quitseys, mentioned by De Méziéres, 70
See also Kichai.
“Quitxix,” synonym for Kichai, 10
Quivira, province visited by Coronado,
33, 34, 35
Quivira Society, Morfi’s Historia pub-
lished by, 73
Quizi, identified with Kichai, 9
mentioned by Casajias, 9
Rafts, 158-159
Rambin, Andre, 84
Ramén, Capt. Don Diego, 158
expedition to establish missions
among Hasinai, 53-54
expedition to Natchitoches post, 54
on Hasinai population, 17
rae eae by Texas Indians, 182-

report from Texas, 48
Spanish withdrawal from Caddo
country, 58
eon: Donia Maria, wife of St. Denis,
5

Rancheria Grande Indians, 59

Ranjel, on De Soto’s encounter with
Tula, 29, 30

Rasp. See Musical instruments.

Rattles. See Musical instruments.

327

Raw materials, bark, 157
bear, 154
bird bone, 156
buffalo, 154
clay, 157-158
deer, 154
feathers, 157
reeds, 156-157
shell, 158
stone, 158
wood, 155
Reception of Spaniards and French, 30,
38-39, 43, 57, 60, 177-183
Rector, Elias, on allotment of land
among Indians, 111—112
selected site of Texas Indians, 109-
111
Superintendent of Indian Affairs
for the Southern Superintend-
ency, 109
Red Bear, Caddo chief, 95, 96
Red ochre, deposits of, 144
Red River, Caddo name of, 16
location of Caddo tribes, 31, 32
Reeds, products manufactured from,
156-157
Reichie River, identified as Keechi, 108
Relacion del Suceso, on Querechos and
Teyas, 33, 35
Relations to the cosmos, 210-234
Relationship, terms of, 166-169, 237
See also Crow Type; Mackenzie
Basin Type.
Relationship system, tribes with clans
having, 168
Religion, beliefs, 210-219, 238-239
chenesi, functions and activities,
217-219
idolatry, 219
Religious ceremonies.
religious.
Removals, Caddo to Texas, 89, 94-96
from Kansas to leased district near
Fort Cobb, 114-115
from Texas to territory north of
Red River, 109, 111, 112-113
Quapaw to Caddo country, 86-88
Quapaw to Okla., 89
to Brazos Agency, 104
to Colo., 114
to Kansas agency, 114
Rerenor, French commandant at Nat-
chitoches, 63
truce with Aguayo, 63
Rio Grande del Norte, Presidio, of, 51
Rio Grande River, 59
Ripperdé, Baron de, 69
Rivera, Gen. Pedro de, report on east
Texas missions, 65
River names, 16
Riviére de l’Ours, 57
Riviére des Ouachitas, 57, 58
Robbins, Harrington, and Freire-Mar-
reco, on bois d’are, 37
Robeline, La., 64
Rodelo, Nicolds, deserter, 50

See Ceremonies,

328

Rodriguez, Father Joseph, Missionary
to Nacogdoches, 62
Rodriguez, Juan, chief,
Grande Indians, 59
guide for Aguayo, 59
Ropes, bark, 157
Ross, Capt. Shapley P.,
Brazos Agency, 106, 113
on peers at Brazos Agency, 106-
1

Rancheria

agent for

plea for schools at Brazos Agency,
105-106
Rubf, Marques de, inspection of East
Texas, 68
recommendations as to government,
68, 69
Runnels, H. G., Governor of Texas, 108
Rusk, T. J., 95
Sabeata, Juan, information from San
Francisco de los Tejas, 46
missions, request for, 37
notifies Spaniards of French enter-
prise, 41
trade with Hasinai, 36-37, 193
Sabine River, 63, 67, 75, 76, 79, 82
Caddo name of, 16
Sacahayé, identified with Soacatino, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
Sadamon, Nadamin identified with, 9
St. Cosme, 51
St. Denis, Louis Juchereau de, 63, 67
activities, 1705-1714, 51
attack on Natchez Indians, 66, 76
Chitimacha, expedition against, 51
commandant of Natchitoches post,

commander of Biloxi fort, 52
commander of Mississippi fort, 51
commander under Ramén on ex-
pedition to Hasinai, 53
controversy over moving of Natchi-
toches post, 66
cross of St. Louis received by, 59
death of, 68
enumeration of Caddo tribes, 10
escape from prison, 55
establishes missions among Hasinai,
52-54
expedition to Caddo country with
Bienville, 50-51
expedition to watch Spaniards, 51
imprisonment, 55
marriage, 53
merchandise seized, 55
nick-name, 76
on foods, vegetable, 132
on salt trade, 139
organized trading company, 54-55
truce with Aguayo, 60, 61
wife rejoins, 55
St. Denis, Louis de, succeeds his father, 68
St. Francois, sent to Hasinai, 57, 58
St. Jean Baptiste aux Nachitos, 59
Salinas Varona, Capt. Gregorio, 47
relief party to missions, 49
Salt, places found, 139-140
trade, 37, 42, 139

INDEX

Sana Indians, 59
San Antonio de Béjar, 59, 65
new capital of Texas, 69-70
San Antonio River, Caddo name of, 16
San Carlos, 46
Sanchez, Father Benito, in charge of
Mission of San José de los Nazones, 54
missionary to Nazonis, 61, 62
on character of Caddo, 123
on condition of Caddo tribes, 88
on hair dressing, 142
on nose ornaments, 146
on painting of body, 144
on population, 19
on trade, 197
Sandoval, Governor, controversy over
moving Natchitoches post, 66-67
imprisoned, 67
San Francisco de la Espada, founded, 65
San Francisco de los Neches, establish-
ment of, 54
refounding of, 61
transferred and renamed, 65
San Francisco de los Texas, 44, 46, 47
abandonment of, 49-50
San Francisco de Valero, town to be
formed, 61
San Francisco Xavier, valley named, 44
San José de Aguayo, 66
San José de los Nazones, establishment
of, 54
refounding of, 62
transferred and renamed, 65
San Juan Bautista, 51, 53, 55
San Juan Capistrano, founded, 65
San Luis, council held at, 70
location and description of, 70
San Marcos River, 53
San Miguel Arcangel, river named, 46
San Miguel de Linares, establishment
of, 54
San Pedro Indians, character of, 124
distinctive features, 147
houses, 152
identified as Nabedache, 11, 124
See also Nabedache.
San Pedro Mission, location, 11
Santa Adiva, 173
Santee, 198
Santisimo Nombre de Marfa, 47, 48
destroyed by flood, 49
Sauer, Carl, on Jumano, 29, 35
Sauto, head-chief of Natchitoches, 70
Satank, Kiowa chief, 116
Satanta, Kiowa chief, 116
Savanos, mentioned by Sanchez, 88
See also Shawnee.
Scalp dance. See Dances.
Sealping, description of, 186
Schoolcraft, Henry R., on origin myth,
28
on population, 19, 20, 21, 22
quoted communication from Marey

to, 104
Schools, 105-106, 117
Scott, Captain, on John Wilson, 119
Se-hia-ah-di-you, wife of Ah-de-bah, 96

INDEX 329

Se-kit-tu-ma-qua, Delaware interpreter,
110
Sefior San Miguel de Cuellar de los
Adaes, 65
abandoned, 70
description of, 68-69
location, 64
refounding, 68, 64
Severalty Act, allotments
Caddo, 121
Caddo given citizenship, 118
She’chidi’ni, traditional Caddo village,
27,
Shanklin, Henry, agent in charge Wich-
ita Agency, 114
on removal of Caddo from Kansas
to vicinity of Fort Cobb, 114-115
Shaw, Jim, interpreter at Brazos
Agency, 106
hawnee, mentioned, 117
Stem’s enumeration of, 101
with Tonti expedition, 42, 43
See also Chaganon.
Shell, ornaments made from, 158
Short-Man, informant, 210
on burial customs, 209
Show-e-tat, Caddo chief, account of,
115-116
Shuman, synonym for Chouman, 9
Shumano. See Jumano.
Sibley, Dr. John, activities of, résumé,
73-74
death of, 83
gifts to Indians, 81, 82
Indian agent for Orleans Territory,
73

made to

on condition of Adai, 75
on condition of Anadarko, 75
on condition of Eyeish, 76
on condition of Hainai, 76
on condition of Kadohadacho,
74-75
on condition of Nabedache, 76
on condition of Natchitoches, 76
on condition of Yatasi, 75
on epidemic of 1800, 20
on events in Caddo country, 81-82
on Grand Ozages, character of, 124
on Hainai, character of, 124
on Kadohadacho, character of,
123-124
on Kadohadacho chief, character
of, 124
on Natchitoches, character of, 124
on origin myth, 27
on population, 18, 20, 21, 22
on salt, 140
peace between Caddo and Choctaw,
85
surgeon’s mate for troops at Nat-
chitoches, 73
writings of, 73
Sibley, Major H.
land of, 102
“sickle,” 153
sign language, 176
Sims, C. H., 94

H., Caddo occupy

Siouans, clans, 166
Sitting Bull, Arapaho leader of Ghost
Dance, 118
Skunk dance. See Dances.
Sloan, Indian agent, 98
Smoke signals, 190
Soacatino, mentioned in De Soto nar-
ratives, 8
province visited by Moscoso, 32
Sacahayvé identified with, 9
Social organization, similarity to Nat-
chez, 236-237
Social usages, 159-210, 226-238
Society of Friends, missionary work
among Caddo, 116
Sodo Creek, 74
Sodo Lake, La., Caddo name of, 16
traditional place of Natchitoches
origin, 26
Sohano, John, 83-84
Solis, Padre Gaspar José de, authority, 2
on burial customs, 204
on character of Caddo, 122, 123
on childbirth, 159
on clothing, 141
on conditions at Zacatecan mis-
sions, 68-69
on designations, 4
on diseases, 226
on dogs, 134
on Eyeish, character of, 125
on foods, animal, 135
pari vegetable, 131, 132, 133,

on houses, 152
on hunting, 137-138
on marriage, 160-161
on Nabedache “queen,” 172-173
on ornaments, 145
on painting of body, 144
on physical characteristics
Caddo, 122
on trade, 196-197
on war customs, 189
visit to Zacatecan missions, 68
Sorcerers, Adai, 59
See also Medicine men.
Souchitiony, Bienville’s visit to, 50
See also Doustioni.
Soul, beliefs regarding fate of, 203-210
Southeastern tribes, connection of
Caddo with, conclusions regarding,
234-239
Sparks, Captain, member Freeman-
Custis expedition, 77
Spier, Leslie, on relationship, terms of,
166-167
Spoons, 154
Squirrel, delegate to messiah, 118
Staked Plains, reached by Coronado, 32
Stamelachee, Choctaw leader, men-
tioned by Sibley, 82
Stanley, J. M., list of paintings of
“‘Caddoes,”’ 96
visit to Caddo, 96
Stanley, Lt., 111

of

330

Stem, Jesse, census made by, 19, 20, 101
murdered, 102
report on condition of Caddo,
100-102

INDEX

Teran de los Rios, Domingo, expedition
to Kadohadacho, 47—48
expedition to Texas, 46-48
return to Mexico, 48

Special Agent for Indians in Texas, | Teton Dakota, 198

100
Stony Creek, 75
Stroud, Col., head of Texas delegation,

Tewa, obtained bows of bois d’are, 192
Texas, meaning of word, 4
pronunciation of, 4
synonyms for, 4

Sturm, J. J., Farmer for Brazos Agency, | Texas Indians, character of, 124

108
on white attack on Indians, 108
Sugar Creek, mentioned, 118, 119
Sugar Tree Creek, 110
Sulfur Creek, 88
Sulphur River, 57
Suma, 29
Superstition. See Religion: beliefs.
Tachies, mentioned by Sibley, 74, 76
See also Hainai.
Tadivas, mentioned by Casafias, 9
not identified, 10
Taencas. See Taensa.
Taensa, location, 42, 50
religious beliefs of Caddo related
to, 238, 239
Tonti’s visit to, 42
Talapoon, guide and interpreter Free-
man-Custis expedition, 77
Tanico, identified with Tunica, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
See also Cayas.
Tanquinno, identified with Tunica, 9
mentioned by Joutel, 9
Taouayaches, identified as Wichita, 70
mentioned by De Méziéres, 70
Tarrant, Captain, 95
Tattooing. See Adornment, personal.
Tatum, Lawrie. See Lawrie Tatum.
Tawakoni, 94, 112
depredations on Caddo, 98
houses, 152
inclusion in Caddoan stock, 6
La Harpe’s visit to, 58-59
pp ealiates at Brazos Agency,
population, 19, 20
removed to Brazos Agency, 104
Touacaro identified with, 58
Tuacanas identified as, 70
Wichita Confederation, member of,
59
Tchetimachas, 55
See also Chitimacha.
Techan, synonym for texas, 4
Tejas, mentioned by Sanchez, 88
opposition to northern tribes enter-
ing their territory, 88
trade with Coahuilteco, 36
See also Hasinai; Texas.
Tejas, synonym for texas, 4
Tejias, synonym for texas, 4
Temples, 151, 152, 153, 213-217
furnishings, 155, 157, 158, 159
on mounds, 154
Tent, skin, use during hunting trips,
153-154

chief of, De Leon’s description, 41
De Leon’s visit to, 44-46
description of by De Leon, 42
description of by De Méziéres, 71, 72
food of, 45

Massanet meets chief of, 41
population, 18, 19, 20

province of abandoned by Spaniards,

reason for designation as, 4
removals to Oklahoma, 109, 111,
112-113
send ambassadors to Mendoza ex-
pedition, 38
Vigotes, chief of, 70
women, description of, 122
Texas Rangers, Indians, assistance to, 114
Texas, Beperue of, accessioned to U.S.,
9

peace negotiations with Indians, 96,
97
peace treaty with Caddo, 97
reaction to movement of Caddo
into, 94-96
white uprising against Caddo, 108
Texias, synonym for texas, 4
Textiles, 141, 158
Teyas, contact with Pueblo Indians, 35
Coronado encounter with, 32
customs, 33-34
description, 32, 33
dress, 33
identification, difficulty of, 34-35
identified as Apache, 35
location, 32
relation to Jumano, 35
Teysas, synonym for texas, 4
Thevenot map, mentioned, 38
Thomas, Gen. G. H., 112, 113
“Timber Hill,’ Caddo village, tradi-
tional, 27
Tinhiouen, chief of Kadohadacho, 70
Tissenet, M. de, 55
Toaa Indians, rancheria of visited by
De Leon, 41
Tonkawa, probably related to, 41
Tobacco. See Agriculture: crops.
Tohaha, visited by Cabeza, 29
See also Toaa.
Toho, visited by Cabeza, 29
Tomoc, chief of Natchitoches, 83
Tongs, wooden, 156
Tonicas, 66
Tonkawa, assistance to Texas Rangers,
114
Caddo attack upon, 114
Cavas probably related to, 41

INDEX

Tonkawa—Continued
De Méziéres expedition to, 70
Emet probably related to, 41
land cultivated at Brazos Agency,
106
mentioned by Casayias, 10
Moscosco’s soldiers visit, 32
names applied to Caddo by, 6
removed to Brazos Agency, 104
Toaa probably related to, 41
Tonti, Henri de, expedition to a
country, 42-44
identified Choye with Yatasi, 9
on experiences in Hasinai country,
42-44
on Kadohadacho woman ruler, 173
on tattooing, 143
on temples, 216
on trade, 195
Torches, cane, 156
Torrey brothers, trading post estab-
lished, 97
Torreys’ Trading House, 98
Touacaro. See Tawakoni.
Towaccarros, Stem’s enumeration of,
101
See also Tawakoni.
Towash, 100.
See also Wichita.
Town sites, deserted, description of,
79-80
Trade, 192-203, 238
articles of, 37, 53, 67, 86, 88, 123, 124
between Avoyel and French, 37
between Coahuilteco and Tejas, 36
between Jumano and Hasinai,
36-37
between Spaniards and Jumano,
36-37
bow wood, 138
by missionaries, 55
conclusions regarding, 238
contract between De Méziéres and
Juan Piseros, 200-202
English forbidden, 202, 203
French with Hasinai, 53
French at Natchitoches, 196
French with Indians, 53, 67-68

in bows, 192-193
in European commodities, 193,
194-203

In European intangibles, 193-194,
196

in horses, 194—195

Joutel with Hasinai, 194-195

Natchitoches, 196, 197

of Guasco, 37

political motive in, 198-203

pre-Columbian, 192

Ramén on, 195

routes of, 67, 193

St. Denis on, 195-196

St. Denis with Hasinai, 53

salt, 37, 42, 1389, 193

Tonti with’ Hasinai, 195
Traders, influence of French, §7-68

instructions for, 202-203

331

Trading company, established by St.
Denis, 54-55
Translations, explanation concerning, 3
Travis, Mathias, trading house estab-
lished by, 97-98
Treaties, between Caddo and U. &.,
89-92
between Quapaw and U. 58., 86, 89
between Republic of Texas and
Indian tribes, 97
Trinity Bay, 59
Trinity River, 44, 55, 58, 59, 65, 71, 72,
97, 98, 99
Daycao identified as, 32
Truce, between French and Spaniards
in province of Texas, 58, 60, 61, 63
Tuacanas, mentioned by De Méziéres, 70
See also ‘Tawakoni.
Tula, province in Arkansas, 29
Tula Indians, mentioned in De Soto
narratives, 8
population, 19
relationship with Caddo, 31
synonym for Cahinnio, 7
warfare, methods of, 29, 30, 31
Tunica, 38
mentioned by Casafias, 10
salt industry of, 193
Tanico identified with, 9
Tanquinno identified with, 9
with St. Denis expedition, 53
Turkey dance. See Dances.
Turkeys, hunting, 136
Twiggs, General, 105, 113
Twin children, belief in, 217-218, 238
United States, assigns reservation in
Texas, 102-109
leases land from Choctaw and
Chickasaw for Texas Indians, 109
Upper Natchitoches, Kadohadacho
tribe, 6
Upshaw, Col.,
, 95, 99
on condition of Caddo in 1842, 95
Urrutia, Joseph, deserter, 50
Uzutiuhi, Tonti’s visit to, 42
Valentine, Joseph, 84-85
Vallejo, Father President, 68
Van Dorn, Major, fight with Comanche,
107

Vergara, Padre Gabriel, 61, 62
in charge Mission of Nuestra
Sefiora de la Purisima Concep-
cién, 54
with Aguayo expedition, 59
Vermtidez, Manuel Antonio De Soto.
See De Soto Vermtdez, Manuel
Antonio.
Vigotes, chief of Texas Indians, 70
Villa de Bejar, 58
Waco, 94, 116
depredations on Caddo, 98
houses, 152
inclusion in Caddoan stock, 6
fond oles at Brazos Agency,
10

Chickasaw Indian agent,

population, 19, 20

3d2

W aco—Continued
removed to Brazos Agency, 104
Stem’s enumeration of, 101
War, 184-192
customs, conclusions regarding, 237
paraphernalia, 147
preparation, painting of body, 144
War dance. See Dances,
Warfare, of Teyas, 34
of Tula, 29, 30, 31
Washita River, Caddo name of, 16
Washita Valley, 126
Weltfish, Gene. See Lesser, Alexander,
and Weltfish, Gene.
White Bread, informant,
164-165
on customs of childhood, —
on relationship of Caddo tribes, 15
White Chief, guide of St. Denis, 50
White Deer, prominent Caddo, 117
White Moon, informant, 210
auoied on relationship, (ely us
White Woman, 173 ed a
Wichita, 38, 56 le
assistance to Texas Bharees 114 :
Caddo living with, 107
De Méziéres expedition to, 70
depredations on Caddo, 98, 99
Ghost dance, 118
houses, 153
inclusion in Caddoan stock, 6
influence on Caddo religious beliefs,
238

on clans,

inhabitants of Quivira, 35
mentioned by Casajias, 10
names applied to Caddo by, 6
Taouyaches identified as, 70
traditions on tribal movements, 29
Wichita Agency, 114
Kiowa and Comanche Agency con-
solidated with, 117
Wichita Confederation, Tawakoni mem-
ber of, 59
Wichita Mountains, 109, 112
Wild Horse Creek, 100
Williams, Indian agent, 98
Williams, Col. L. H., interpreter, 99
Williams, George, assistant interpreter
at Brazos Agency, 106
Wilson, Billy, delegate to messiah, 118
Wilson, John, leader Caddo Ghost
dance, description of, 118-121
Women, artistic ability, 159
aquidau, wives of officials, 170
childbirth, 159-160
clothing, 140-141, 147
drummers, 156
duties at erection of house, 150
hair dressing, 142
industry of, 123
Kadohadacho ruler, 173
marriage, 160-162
Nabedache ‘“‘queen,” 173
painting of body, 144
physical characteristics, 122

INDEX

W omen—Continued
pottery industry, 158, 159
relationship, terms of, 168
tattooing, 143-144
wives exchanged or bartered, 161
work of, 163
Wood, products made from, 155-156
Wortham, James, 115
Xacatin, synonym for Soacatino, §
Ximena, identified as Galisteo, 34
village visited by Coronado, 34
Xinesi. See Government: officials,
Xuacatino, synonym for Soacatino, 8
Yatacé, mentioned by Bienville, 55, 56
See also Yatasi.
Yataché, mentioned by Iberville, 50
Tonti’s visit to, 42
village mentioned by Tonti, 13
See also Yatasi.
Yatasi, 70
agreement with Spaniards, 70
Chickasaw, severe treatment by, 57
chief of, 70
Choye identified with by Tonti, 9
conflict with Spaniards, 75
crops, 75
decimation, amount of, 57
dialect, examples of, 15
discussion of, 13
divisions of, 10-11
in Kadohadacho region, 56
living with Kadohadacho, 57
location, 7, 50, 75
mentioned by Lesserand Weltfish, 13
Nacassa identified with, 9
Nahaceassi identified with, 9
Natassee identified as, 71
Natchitoches, living with, 57
part settling with Kadohadacho, 10
part settling with Natchitoches, 10
population, 21
Sibley on condition of, 75
speech of, 75
temple, 216
trading depot at, 67
See also Yatacé; Yataché; Yat-
tassees.
Yatasse, annual present to, 200
Yatay. See Adai.
Yattassees, mentioned by Sibley, 74, 75
See also Yatasi.
Yesito, mentioned by Iberville, 50
See also Ouachita.
Yguanes, mentioned by Sanchez, 88
Yojuane Indians, 52, 214, 215
Yowani Choctaw, mentioned, 14, 89, 124
possible identity of Yguanes with,
88

Yuganfs, character of, 124
distinctive features, 146-147
mentioned by Padilla, 18
population, 18

Zacatecan, missionaries, 53, 54
missions, 66
See also individual names of mis-

sions; College of Zacatecas.

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