iM, mitt tas se Ey = Soe rete “—, 25 = pe Isiah Ds Hae re i Hh i tee f ot (aN ih ] " * RITE aa nate ; sia nergy) aie as: oe TUS ‘i i) ats Bi 4 AM eheahs a4 Cay Ay hea 2 Rabete a hateniurs ee SS pan its Esty as ; ik Pee a oe 38) v5 4 waa Oi) pie fi Weer te vAyers Ax } = Ses CES qouk ATING pore. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 134 THE NATIVE TRIBES OF EASTERN BOLIVIA AND WESTERN MATTO GROSSO By ALFRED METRAUX SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 134 THE NATIVE TRIBES OF EASTERN BOLIVIA AND WESTERN MATTO GROSSO By ALFRED METRAUX UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1942 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. - - - - - = - Price 35 cents eA Pao 4 A ens EN, a ' | eevee i aN . i i i Lg (A olde spend) aap wy Jl 4 ona 2 : " i 7 rt eptnyt sts hls shy stor emia var a bss wf AE ioetag ice arserssoed lo iach nesta APN 7, Core / i e ‘ : ait a ee yy | * ; ad LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN InsTITUTION, Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., June 1, 1941. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled “The Native Tribes of Eastern Bolivia and Western Matto Grosso,” by Alfred Métraux, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stretine, Chief. Dr. C. G. Axsgor, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. ITI Eel Weegtne aartiMa AAMT FOS "4 j ~ ify amen ROWE waredentiin? iy fy oo . Agee oes ey Aden th ae ke ye OS) Xx’, “ e siryiey Ae “ee bephanegz pean a Pit werd it iiege geet) ci wy ha tirade’ ne ah ae Renee ‘pit ot Lite new potaiiding oA ti katt Bireonns Head so 7 34 4 on 4 4 bay ued, Kurds here | Ks re KA GO By. aah 4 a - Tie ee! ‘ q “f ‘ a dy whe if vis on og i wae ; A § : 0 * an ? i 7 S 1 ia 7 - iis ' i a “ oh a ” i i % ) { ' ait fi mY, Ala} ‘ 4 is, . * i : i t , 4 ‘4 hd o leg : , . ay Lay “4 i ae- , k ( ry Pb eae ae - Lire th / J ' ; La PAT t Site i i But f iv 1 } j ‘ 5 i mi ' ; , i ; 7 =% ‘ An¢ = J ‘ a vr ry , ji 1” A “ dt A ; sie - ni CONTEN,TS PAGE IMELOCUCTION ae teet & Ree BAN RR EES Oe a eee re ee es 1 SOUTER) SDH SE Er ae aly fate hl ooh pei AmB Selick a Re ee ee. rh dsr gh gray lynne? 4 iim amibdivinions and Nistory 20 os i2. * = TAr ee ee A Subsistence semis martes cy seers ne Be eS en ee re 3 ee pe eee ae ne a 5 YS UOTE, AS a se en ee etait oR eve feed f at Sig oh Se 7 PDTERSTAT CIAO OL OTMICT tae se aes eee ee he eee en a ee a eles en i SRER HOD ONUTGLOnIe nel ER asthe Ch ee et Shee Ce eee eee 7 LANs ES aU BE Or IG SSI en ae wal el ieee, Sp re loner resin Md Shei shy tite 2 Doe tuys 8 Ponnenoreaninn ion. 22h ria sak ey Sree tae oe ee 9 Prienencle ne yan aaetie, WA: eRe Wen oF OS See ee ee ee ee 9 Eshhetieandgrecreational activities... - 0 = 2222 Se) ee ee ee wal TSU INGO VOT a, 8 tea lek ue a a) ie sk a Ne eae eal Ae hey Ek Pampa 12 PUCMICOKULOlAnGvetiquelle: 22. © 2-32 552 Se See nee 14 RelerenCesseean en Sonn te a Se ee gee he PS Rees ieee 15 Wosetenyanda@ nimianie en sorte A See SoM nee ae enenae 15 pribalydivisionsrand: bistorys 5-222 === 2 255. Sas she ee eee 15 DUSISLE Ce semen rine ee we ee Et Eee ke eee 19 IOUSESenemnom wetthe. Nai a ete See EE ee eh es eh ee ee ee ee 20 IDTessra dead OrMmmMmentse os A aL aes at SE ee ee A ee cee 21 MIERRRIAS PICMG UG ees nis Se een ae ee ee eee ee 21 MIANUIRAC HITCH eee ook ks ee es eS A eee eae 22 SRen Ore sniZn tO 2%: Sov Se noe on ae es oe ee eee 24 CR Cle Sees ho = epee 2S a RA See ne 24 [SEL Se CORIIL 0 Si alec lt el pe eRe eae Rs tes ad ebay ch 24 MytMOLGD y anGteTAbOre 225228 2 ee eee eee a ae 26 HMsuneticzand wrecreationalisctivitiess___=* 32 52D se ee tee ee 27 TREN TENN OCC) Ss wa ES ts ha a eng ce Bh banned ow Pek oD a 09 a en spe tela EM a 27 TGS 1) eRe ent a Ss Ai ne Pet eo Ae Pe 2 i ee eee ne ae ee 27 RGLETEM COS Meee ARP Une BE Oe OSs Tr Reece eee ee eee ee ee ee 29 aN SOUS ETS Wate] Utz 025 0 if cs a a ROR 95 all as Bd oP Vl dee oa WP 29 LEVEN ELGGTECG E.'s 2) Maayan Reale pete aR ae Bw ull eee Ae LY 30 (lhe driknnancspea king peoples™ —.- 205222 Sees tae See 30 mibalndivisioneen 2 ee tee 6, es epee th ie: a eS > le arene a 30 PEWS Ova Se pst I lat A ad ee SOE SP het i et ek ad ee 33 SILL DSP SURAT op 42) Sa allen yo oa ae a eae 28 8 Le ly 5 ao ok te Mel Man 34 Eiourcr anicmvallapess® S92)... 22 on a7 ee ip yee 37 Preanysitel SAConnmen tsa) th es 27) a A A ee eee 37 SILT ONS) 00. 117 CO. wees at Me el ea CN NR Naren pel ay 38 Le Kees palit G2 APN 225) = ata deh Sel cep Ope ee eee Yoel i ee tap teay tefl yoad be 38 Sopinkanagooltical organization. .o-82.-- tele toe e ee eee 39 TEASE) el RS Sh ea peeled Pdtv lrg ante ean A eg tonne Mls se 40 Bethe tierand recreational activitiesss) oar awe robe cre See. 41 TiC eee oe eee Se ey eae Em enone soe Beene 42 PE QVET GTA CS 2 1. 2a all ale alah he 5 erg te ae Ry ihe bc Eat, hae ae 45 VI CONTENTS PAGE her Southern Panoans: s-s0.20 soe es6 2 ae a eee ee ee eee 45 TMEV SOUtHeASbeRM WAIN OATS ss oe ee ere 45 AB pfoyallthinsionolspe nao bOI Ate pe oe ee eo SS 45 Siibsistemee@: ss. ek = Seed ee ee ee ee 46 Villages and:houses. 2222 "4: #292 ee es ee 47 Clothing. nec i ee ee ae 47 Transportation 2 2.23225. 6 5024 ee ee 48 Manufactures: ©2228 2 ccs 25 Eee ope eee a oe 48 Social customs 2-3-2 22252 52 ee ree ee 49 Religious customs. 2) 2222 so Se ay re 50 The Southwestern. Panoans. 2) 224222252 oe eS ee ee ee 50 Derribo sul clusyass1 Oras eT Cle EIS G OT yee ae 50 Subsistence = cee ee ee 50 IIGUBSEB. ohm Be oe a ae a ee oa ee 51 Dress*and: adornments. 22 see! See ee a ene a mene ee 51 Transportation oqo a2 assco- 2 ee Sees Soe eee ee 52 Mantfactires.20 62 8 - oe A ee ae eee. 52 Political organization = 2522 36S oa a oe oe 53 Hiness.and deg thie s2 22a teks ca Re ee ayes 2 ae 53 Musical instruments_-______- Fo oh EEE el ale 53 References. 24.2 =o s2 ea ee te Seine or 53 mane. Mojoand ‘Bares... 2 oe 22 Be He Sk a ae a 53 Teprihy aul GW LSTOTIS oa ss ee ee re ee rae ean a 53 ISGORY oe eS ee eee a ye ee 56 Subsistence 2 fo Sys ee te sw ee 58 MET US pea Eee te a i a 63 Dress'and adornments. .: 2-2 ul 4 See ie eee 64 Wransportation. 922-062 228 22) 6 se ee eo 66 Manufactures 2 2. 226 AS eet eee ae ee 66 Social organization. 2-25.36 3-25 52020 35S ee ok ee 69 Whe Cy Clone a. kek ke ne A ed Ne 70 Eethetic:and recreational activities=2] ==) so 2) ss se 71 Religionees- = — hoc. ee ee ea ae 74 ShHameanismae: 2 = Sec 5 LR oe ak miele ear eee we Sei lee Lod ae 76 LIQUIEtteS S28 yo aa a ee eee ER? ead a Sees eel ah ea 78 Commercial relations... . Ue ct te Se ets Sie es en, a 78 Unclassified tribes of the Province of Mojos._-__________..__-.-_--- 79 DRETOT OTC OR ea te al 1 part ese Be LL Nk 80 Tecearraie ern as ae a cae ea 80 REECE ETI CGS en kc lke? he Ge ie A 81 TNE ICE fa cay a Ba SRM Ie Ma ag he NY SR Rs SOE A i is 81 HRELCTONCOSS a3 002 OOo en We Re sh Oe 82 OPV UIE Ty hot 0 a ee ga 82 Reherences <5... 5 Pe ge ee 83 NOMI ee ae i La 3 a ae a 83 HUCTET ENCES ooo. 2 ees, ie ee 85 Chapakuran tribes of the Guaporé River Basin.__________.___________-- 86 ‘iribalidivasions andi history. o.oo le oe ne ee eee oe 86 SUIDSISUEN CG en ett eA a. at ye eo oe eee Ae, oe eC Pat: 88 MUS RES ANG VhOURES £2. Ue ve ee ee ee ee ee 89 DressyandsaG@ornments = 26 Ss es ee ee eee 89 PUPARADOTEALION: 56 <2 2 ooo se ee Os ae ee 90 CONTENTS vil Chapakuran tribes of the Guaporé River Basin—Continued. PAGE Miami fa CGumes aes sosy Spt) ps Sy. ha tpterya aT sn ohh Ae peel bee mel bps Sere se voters, 90 SOCIMINONZAMIZ AL IOMs at ae 5s ee ee De Ea St = x aha 92 MEDC Oe ee 2 Soe oe eee aS nt Slain tn 92 Hepiemerind recreational activities- =... 2+... ... seme: 93 SHAMANISM eee soo Boe RSE 2 ee oe Se a ee ee oe 94 NMythology:and learning 2437) tse. 2) ve Sie Es ylgy pend sppelin' oes 95 NBIPREMGGS Se fe kee eee oie 2 eee ec ees 95 Reaves Cer asernte ste — == ale ee ee 95 inibalkdivisionsrande history .- -22 2 22. 32s See pera 95 Subsistencesas. 22. 2 oe Ahn elt ie ie tay celal Sue ae Bh 100 ERO USER meee eps arate ok oye eb LN A 2 Ree hy eee ye ae 101 DressranqGesGornments= =: 22 222222 sea et ee ee ee 101 RIEREOT SOG GR UIOT 2a je rey Ss ee a a ee 102 IViEIMIRCuUTeS = Se ee Oe he ee 102 Roliticalyand social organization=-.-.=..22-2.— 0s See 104 BP ORG VG lek ae ote ne ee yo ee ee 104 KGrppaten ISTH = sewer, Ee oe ne oe eee ae 106 Eepueticvand recreational activities:......-_..--4.-.---.224 MEAs a2 106 Veligloniee= = ae Soe oe 2 ees a ee oath aie ie tae 107 EUR 82 8 pe Se pee yey se ce pee 108 aves bcs ene en ee eS ee ee ee eee 109 Lore and learning_-_-_-- pe ee ee ea OD ie Ee eee 110 Pir eube oer ee meee oe Ae ee eee i. 2d eens 110 Referencegs astm 2s oes 2 oe oe ee ee 110 3. Eee EE eee EAI SINC HIE A pe MP: <]2 Foye a) we epee pene ee 5 oes Ope 110 nipaliaivisions;and history. =. =.525 2255 2 ee a esa 110 RPE RS eps A a A ee Ee ei 111 (CALVIN iL PYE VS 2S Be A eS UR. 2 Bl Ok” SP RE eteeeade VE poe MOAR Oca NEN oP 112 PEP OUSCM ee ees ea 2 2 ead FO = eee a Shey ae ee 112 PReMArOnhailOnb.s 2 7 St. oo.) Fa ee kU Sea Se bre aan 112 MManauiacniiess 22 tte Sg Ne oS Le ee ena 112 fe. cyclet 2. 28e2 2 Sue Cy ok ee hc ee ey 113 Leal tole ees S 27s ene oe ee ee See ne eee er Bey 113 Esthetic:and recreational activities... ..-2 +22. 25 8.522 ase 114 Retercmees 228 ii oS Se 5 ts ote ay Senet Nie re pe Ba ha 114 The Chiquito and other tribes of the Province of Chiquitos_____________ 114 The linquistic families of the Province of Chiquitos.__._._________- 114 The Chiquitoan linquistic stock and its dialects_____.__-___----_-_--- 115 Psererences The Xavifia and the Movima were the only tribes in the area to support pots over the fire on three clay stumps, a device com- mon among Indians of the upper Amazon and northwest Brazil. The — 5“Todo género de carne volatil terrestre, y el peje acuatil, lo comen asado, y no cocido, por carecer de ollas, y el modo es después de desplumada la ave y quemado el pelo del animal y escamado el peje, lo envuelven en hojas de arboles, forman fosa en la tierra que supla de horno, y cargan lefia; hecha la hoguera asan y cuecen la vianda’”’ (Relaci6n y descripcién de las misiones y conversiones de infieles . . ., 1886, p. 4). MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO BY Tiatinagua gave bones to children, who broke them to extract the marrow. Any surplus of meat was roasted and smoked on a rectangu- lar babracot and kept for several days. Instead of salt, the T?atinagua added the ashes of maize stalks to food. The Araona usually cooked their food for a whole night, whereas the Ziatinagua ate it half raw. When traveling, the Araona ate maize flour mixed with roasted and ground Brazil nuts. They also ground dry fish into a flour which they stored for the rainy season. HOUSES AND VILLAGES The Avaona lived in large communal huts, averaging 60 feet (18.2 m.) long by 20 feet (6.1 m.) wide, that sheltered as many as 20 families. The wooden frames of the huts were lashed with missa fibers and covered with thatch of jatata leaves that were so skillfully imbricated that they were not only waterproof but also endured for many years. The Araona spent their nights, however, in small conical cabins that were tightly closed to keep out mosquitoes and vampire bats. In the seventeenth century, among the Maropa, from 100 to 200 people were quartered in a single hut (Recio de Leon, én Maurtua, 1906, vol. 6, p. 244). Tiatinagua and Chama houses were more temporary, being either simple windbreaks made of a single row of large leaves stuck into the ground or flimsy vaulted structures made of stalks of Gyncrium saccharoides, covered with leaves and branches. The ground plan and size of a hut depended on the number of families using it. Nor- denskiéld (1905, p. 291) saw a Ziatinagua hut with an oval ground plan that was 60 feet (18.2 m.) long and 9 feet (2.7 m.) wide, and sheltered 8 families. Some Araona villages had up to 200 inabi- tants, others an average of 60. The Araona, Chama, and Tiatinagua slept on the bare ground, which they sometimes covered with soft sand. A stone or log served as a pillow. The Avaona also used pieces of bark as beds and seats. From the roof of an Araona hut hung wooden hooks from which they suspended their bags. Arrows were leaned against a tree stump. DRESS AND ADORNMENTS If the occasion required it, all 7akanan men dressed in long sleeve- less shirts made either of bark cloth or of cotton and generally dyed with rucu. Armentia (1887, p. 61) mentions a sort of loose cotton belt that Avaona men wore. Women wrapped a bark or cotton loincloth around their waists and often threw a square shawl over their shoulders. Avaona men, women, and children wore shell nose ornaments, which among the Ziatinagua were crescent shaped. The 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 Takanans also inserted feathers or animal teeth in the perforated nasal septum. Some Z%atinagua wore a little wooden plug in each corner of the mouth. Necklaces were commonly made of seeds and nuts, often trimmed with feathers, and sometimes of snails, animal claws, and bones. The most popular Araona man’s necklace was strung with wild boar teeth, whereas 7%iatinagua men preferred monkey teeth. All Zakanans arrayed themselves in beautiful feather headdresses. The Araona stored their feathers in bamboo joints; the Tiatinagua kept them in conical baskets folded with bark cloth. They exposed feathers to smoke to prevent them from being eaten by moths. The Araona wore their hair in a queue, and washed it with a soapy fruit of the susuyo. The Z%iaténagua combed it with a stick. The 7iatinagua did not paint designs on their bodies but smeared rucu on their faces, arms, and legs. Farabee (1922, p. 156) states that the Tiatinagua flattened their children’s heads by tying a board on their foreheads. TRANSPORTATION Tiatinagua women used a large carrying basket with a tumpline. Babies, supported by a sling of bark cloth, straddled their mothers’ hips. The Zakanans traveled on water either in dugouts or on rafts. Tiatinagua dugouts were 33 feet (10 m.) to 50 feet (15 m.) long and 15 inches (38 cm.) to 28 inches (70 cm.) wide. According to Farabee (1922, p. 154), the Ziatinagua “cross the rivers on balsas, made of two logs fastened together by chonta palm pins driven through them.” Pauly (1928, p. 127) mentions Araona canoes made of Brazil-nut tree bark shaped by heating, which were punted with bamboo sticks or regular paddles. MANUFACTURES Bark cloth—The Takanans prepared bark cloth by detaching large pieces of bark from matapalo, mamani, and bibosi trees, then vigorously hammering the fibrous layers with a grooved wooden mallet. The patches thus obtained were washed several times, thor- oughly wrung, dried, and then sewn together with a needle. The Araona used bone needles with large eyes. Spinning.—The Tiatinagua and Chama had Bakairi-type spindles, i. e., spindles that rotated by themselves after being set in motion. The Ziatinagua made whorls of potsherds, although they had prac- tically no ceramics; the whorls of the Chama were of stone. The distal end of the spindle turned in a shell. Weaving.—The only Zakanan loom described in our sources is a specimen obtained by Nordenskidld (1924 b, map 26) at Tumupasa. MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 39 The method employed is more aptly described as plaiting than weav- ing. The loom consisted of two horizontal sticks around which a thread was wound in such a way that the separate strands were crossed around a series of mesh sticks. The cloth was formed by recrossing and tightening the threads with the fingers. A similar method was found among the M/oseten, the Leko, and several tribes in the Guianas. Basketry—Our knowledge of basketry is limited to the illustra- tions published by Nordenskiédld (1905, figs. 26-80). The T%atina- gua had rectangular baskets of Gynerium saccharoides stalks bound together with fine threads. They also wove (probably twilled) carrying baskets and circular fire fans of bast. Some ovoid wicker baskets were woven of tough fibrous strips. The Chama kept their feathers in a mat which they rolled into a conical bundle and covered with bark cloth. Pottery.—Neither the Tiatinagua nor the Chama had much pot- tery, thus contrasting sharply to the Haviia who, though decadent, still manufactured beautiful vessels with painted ornaments and a resin glaze. The Avaona made many kinds of pottery, ranging from huge jars to small vases, which they carried on journeys. The Zakanans seem to have made containers both of gourds (Lagenaria vulgaris) and calabashes (Crescentia cuyeté). Weapons.—Tiatinagua bows were of palm wood 61% feet (2 m.) long. They had a flattened, rectangular cross section and a fiber bowstring. Hunting arrows had lanceolate bamboo heads or sharp chonta tips, one side of which had one or two rows of barbs. Fish- ing arrows had either a simple jagged point or three plain prongs. Arrow feathering consisted of two half feathers set spirally to the Gynerium shaft and bound tightly with cotton thread smeared with wax. Arrows often were trimmed with feathers or animal hair or had a binding placed carefully around the butt. The absence of bird arrows among the Z%atinagua is worth mentioning. In shoot- ing, an arrow was held between the thumb and the index finger, and the string pulled with the other three fingers. Miscellaneous implements—Takanan knives were of hard chonta (Bactris ciliata) wood. Axes were deeply notched near the butt end and lashed to a wooden shaft; two wooden splinters reinforced the binding. Avaona stone axes were glued with resin as well as lashed. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Each Z%atinagua group consisted of from two to eight families who lived together in a communal hut under a chief. Any Araona man who had many relatives and a strong will could become a chief. 404903424 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 124 He found ready followers among destitute families who were the more submissive as a chief was also the high priest of his community. His subjects were obliged to work hard for him. At his death, a chief was succeeded by his favorite son, but the group often split if the new chief’s brother did not want to recognize his leadership. Another source, however (Créqui-Montfort and Rivet, 1921-1922, vol. 18, p. 99), stresses the fact that authority rested with the oldest man in the community, who was called Baba jiodi. One of the Araona villages visited by Labré (1889, p. 499) was ruled by two chiefs, each of whom had several families under his orders. Father Fidel (quoted by Church, 1877, p. 97) states that the Takanans had two chiefs, one for peace and one for war. Economic organization.—Work which required some cooperation was undertaken for a man by his friends and relatives if he were willing to repay them with food. LIFE CYCLE Tiatinagua women were delivered in the forest, assisted by two other women, one holding the pregnant woman on her lap, the other receiving the baby. The Araona had a small number of traditional names which they bestowed on their babies several months or even several years after birth. The couvade is reported among the Maropa and Araona. At puberty, 7atinagua boys had the frenum of the penis cut with a bamboo knife; girls had the hymen slit by a woman using the same instrument. At about the age of fifteen Avaona boys went through an ordeal which strongly suggests the existence of a specific complex of initiation rites. The priests temporarily blinded them by putting a powder, made of a poisonous creeper, into their eyes. The initiates were then taken to the local sanctuary where their sight re- turned as soon as their eyes had been washed with the priests’ saliva. The Kavifia married at a very tender age; girls were sometimes wed to a boy or a man before reaching puberty. Mothers were said to deflower their daughters by artificial means to prepare them for married life. Avaona children were married at the age of nine or ten, but the marriage was consummated only after puberty, when a feast was celebrated. The Jiatinagua groups were exogamous. Araona men could marry only Kavifia women and vice versa. Polygyny was the privilege of Araona and Tiatinagua chiefs, who might have as many as four wives. Among the Z7%atinagua these unions were based on mutual consent and were easily broken. Any woman who was not satisfied with her husband or his people was at liberty to return to her own group. It is rumored that the 7%aténagua threw incurable or helpless people MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 41 into the river. The Avaona sometimes hastened the funerals of ailing persons and thus might bury their relatives alive. As the dead were interred in a squatting position, with a rope around their necks, the haste can be explained in part by the desire to avoid rigor mortis. The dead were buried in the huts where they had lived. The T%a- tinagua placed their dead in an extended position in graves in the forest. All the deceased’s possessions were put in the grave. After a death, the Kaviia changed the place of the house door to confuse the returning soul. A widower could marry only a widow, and vice versa. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments.—The Araona had bone flutes, probably quenas or end-flutes with three stops, which women played during religious ceremonies. Kaviiia panpipes were composed of a double row of tubes (eight and seven tubes) fastened together by a strip of bamboo “wound like a band a couple of times around the entire instrument;” each pipe was further attached by a thread. Aymara and Yurakare panpipes had the same type of ligature (Izikowitz, 1935, p. 388). Huge bark trumpets, joined together like the tubes of panpipes, which were found among the Mojo and the /tonama, also were in use in the Mission of Cavina. Games.—The Araona played ball by striking the ball with their stomachs which they protected with bark belts. Stimulants.—None of the Takanan tribes is known to have brewed any fermented drink, though they prepared mushes that could easily ferment. This lack of true alcoholic beverages is a curious excep- tion in an area where most tribes enjoyed several kinds of beer. The Araona chewed coca mixed with motacu palm (Attalea hum- boldtiana) or chameiro (a creeper) ashes; they kept the mixture in special wooden bowls. Several Zakanan tribes raised tobacco but did not smoke it. RELIGION Gods and spirits—The main god of the Araona was Baba-buada, a wind god invested with the dignity of the creator. He was re- sponsible for the change of seasons and set the time for sowing or harvesting crops. Next to Baba-buada were many inferior gods or spirits: Juti Mara Edutzi, or Izeti Mara Edutzi, the Sun God; Baba Tsutu, the Jaguar God; Ageve Edutzi, the God of Health; Zia Edutzi, Zia Tata, or Zia-baba, the Maize God; Cuati Edutzi, the Fire God; Etesi Edutzi, the God of Houses; Ilari-Edutzi, or Baba-guaro, the Wild Pig God; Baba-farara, the Thunder God; Edutzi-yama- iba-pugia, the God-who-protects-against-alligators; and Capuari, 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 the Death God. These deities were represented by material symbols, such as carved pieces of wood decorated with feather mosaics, and manufactured objects, including spears with wooden heads, arrows and axes, pots, or small black pebbles. The pebbles were kept in little baskets. The carved wood idols represented the Wind, Sun, and Moon Gods; the pebbles represented the Deities of Food, Maize, Yuca, and Bananas. The image of the god Epymara (the Father of the Gods?) was an elliptic piece of wood.’ These idols were placed in square temples located in the middle of the forrest. Tem- ples also were discovered among the 7%atinagua (Guarayo) of the Abunad River. The interior of a temple was divided into two com- partments; one for the symbols of the god, and the other for the dance paraphernalia. Women and children were not allowed to view these sacred objects and were barred from ceremonies. Immediate blindness was the penalty for indiscretion. Each god had a yanacona or special servant who took care of his image and carried it with him when he traveled. These servants or priests had to observe celibacy. The head priest was the chief of the village. Great feasts were celebrated for the gods at sowing time and before the harvest. The members of each family circle chanted prayers almost every night to ask the gods for favors. The Pamaino and Saparuna Indians placed in the temples the largest maize cobs which they harvested and left them there for a whole 8 (Exploraciones y noticias hidrograficas de los rios del norte de Bolivia, 1890, p. 11). “Los idolos adorados de la tribu son de tres clases. ‘Tres trozos de madera de chonta, labrados con finura, adornados con bellas plumas y de una vara de altura, ofreciendo estos trozos en su base una especie de mango, forman la primera gerarquia 6 clase. La segunda que los Copas llaman la guardia, son 10 lanzas de igual madera, de 2 varas de largo bien pulidas y terminadas en una punta hecha de otra madera muy fina. La tercera clase de divinidades esté formada por muchas piedrecitas cuya procedencia no pudimos averigular. Los idolos primeros son dioses de los Vientos, de las estaciones, el Sol y la Luna. La clase tercera son dioses de los alimentos, el maiz, la yuca, los platanos, etc.” ™The first description of a Takanan idol appears in a document of 1678: “entraron en el adoratorio y casa del idolo, y le sacaron y hicieron pedazos, arrojandole por el monte, y que por los fragmentos se reconoci6é ser de la semejanza de un hombre, la armazén de madera, y perficionado con barro negoo....’ (Informacién sobre el estado de las misioénes, in Maurtua, 1906, vol. 12, p. 17). Another image destroyed by missionaries in the region of Apolobamba was: “una cabeza de hombre fabricada de madera, sin m&s miembros que el pescuezo, el que en fuerza de una rotunda espiga fijaba en un platén, en cuyo medio habia un vaso para colocar dicha cabeza de primoroso artificio”’ (Relacién y descripcién de las misiones y conversiones de infieles, .. . 1886, p. 7). In a temple that later was transformed into a Christian chapel, the missionaries saw ip 1678, “un bulto grande de la semejanza de persona humana, y 4 su lado sentada una figura de una culebra grande, y en la pared muchas figuras de demonios, monos y otros animales, que hicieron todos pedazos’ (Informacién sobre el estado de las misi6nes, etc. ; see Maurtua, 1906, vol. 6, p. 20). Spanish missionaries found in an Araona temple feather works, spears, and many other sacred objects. One of the numerous baskets stored in the sanctuary contained four bronze images of Peruvian make, a metal disk, and a fringe symbol of power among the Incas. (See Maurtua, 1906, vol. 12, pp. 21, 31, 58-59.) METRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 43 year. During the feast which took place on that occasion, the male population gathered in the temple to drink. Although it is impossible to evaluate the accuracy of Father Armentia’s account (1887, pp. 63-66), it seems evident that the Araona were strongly influenced by Jnea culture, as shown, for in- stance, by the existence of a maize god with a Quechua name. If we may rely on the testimony of several Spanish explorers of the seventeenth century, actual Peruvian idols and objects were kept in the temples of the Zakanan Indians. Nordenskiéld (1924 a, pp. 288-805) collected a great many Kaviiia and Zumupasa myths and tales that throw some light on religious beliefs. It is rather puzzling that this mythology fails to mention the great gods of the Araona, although the Kavifia and Araona are practically the same tribe. This myth material shows, however, that many Avaona gods were merely lesser deities or spirits that watched over animal species and lacked real religious importance. The Kavifia and Tumupasa distinguished two different kinds of spirits: the Ishausa, or nature spirits, and the Chokfhua, or ordinary ghosts. There were a great many Ishausa, each differing in appear- ance and in power. The myth texts imply that every animal species was represented by a special spirit who acted as its protector. These spirits either resembled ordinary men or had the appearance of a huge animal of the species represented. The alligator spirit had a double tail; the turtle spirit was a gigantic turtle; and the frog spirit was a huge frog. The wild-hog spirit was fond of kidnapping people in order to enjoy their company; the monkey spirit prevented excessively eager hunters from destroying his people. The master-of- the-partridges was a serpent who once had made a bargain with a hunter that the latter should be allowed to kill as much game as he wished if he spared the partridges. It was only after the serpent had been killed by mistake that animals became as elusive as they are today. The jaguar spirit was as big as a cow and had a black neck and black feet. Some spirits made their abodes in trees, which consequently could not be felled without danger. There were also spirits in the streams who kidnapped and ate women. Rubber trees were inhabited by spirits who punished those who tapped their sap unless forced to do so by white people. Meteorolog- ical phenomena were caused by spirits. For instance, the wind was a small boy who would throw a rubber ball and cause thunder. The Tiatinagua believed in two spirits. Isotiga, who had the ap- pearance of a white man, was good and made the plants grow. Tkwiki, a small black man, was quite harmless, but, in spite of this, was strongly disliked by the Indians, who shot at him. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 Shamanism.—Araona priests were also doctors and knew a great many drugs, which Armentia lists (1887, p. 65) under their native names. With some tobacco in their mouths, they sucked the blood of persons who had been bitten by serpents. The treatment of any disease consisted in sucking and even biting the body of the patient and then rubbing it with a mixture of powdered tobacco, coca, herbs, and snake teeth. Shamans carried this powder in a piece of bamboo and chewed it before using it. Besides using the magic mixture for curing, a Shaman might spit it toward the sky or into a river if he feared a storm or a flood. Mythology and learning.—The Kavifia described the sun as a man who, although married to a jaguar woman, stole the wife of a spirit. The second wife bore a baby that was so hot nobody could hold it. The sun had sexual intercourse with the moon, who stole vegetables from his garden. The Kavita personified fire as a woman who was insulted when any pregnant woman urinated on a fire. Once, when insulted in this manner, she withdrew her assistance from mankind for a long time. Later, she gave some fire to a man whom she liked. The widely spread story of the flying human head is reported among the Kavita. After killing animals and men, the head was supposed to have gone to the sky and was probably identified with meteors and comets. Eclipses were interpreted by the Zwmupasa as short periods of mourning, when the sun painted his face with genipa. The spots on the moon, a woman, were thought to be genipa marks put on her face by astar who had invited her to a beer party. In a Tumupasa tale, the frog spirit owned fire. When an old man asked him for some, he consented only on the condition that nobody else was to use it. The first time the fire was stolen from him, the frog managed to put itout. Later, the frog was killed, but was resur- rected under several disguises: a woman, a fish, and other forms. In spite of these ruses, he was killed every time he attempted to regain his fire. Finally the frog succeeded in poisoning the beer of his adver- saries, the old man and his wife. The only recorded tale of the Maropa Indians is the story of a boy who married a doe who had transformed herself into a woman. Later, she deserted her husband to resume her former shape. The Araona kept some record of their history by means of maize cobs representing the fields which they had cultivated in the past and the settlements in which they had lived. They also calculated time with pebbles, each of which stood for a month. MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 45 REFERENCES Armentia (1887, pp. 50-68 and passim; 1902 a; 1902 b; 1906), Bolivar (1906, pp. 210-223), Brinton (1892, pp. 45-59), Cabello de Balboa (1906, pp. 1438-146), Cardfis (1886, pp. 292-293), Chandless (1866), Church (1877, pp. 96-97), Créqui-Montfort and Rivet (1921-1922), Descripcién de las misiones de Apolobamba (1771, pp. 15-16 and passim), Descfipcion del territorio de las misiones franciscanas de Apolobamba (1905), Exploraciones y noticias hidro- graficas de los rios del norte de Bolivia (1890, passim), Farabee (1922, pp. 154 161), Fawcett (1911, passim), Giglioli (1906, pp. 226-227), Gili (1902), Groeteken (1907), Guillaume (1890), Hassel (1905, p. 40 and passim), Heath (1883), Izikowitz (1935, passim), Junta de las vias fluviales (1902, pp. 99-101, 107), Labré (1889), Maurtua (1906, vols. 5, 8, and 12, passim.) Nordenskidld (1905; 1924 a, pp. 160-167, 264-324 ; 1924 b, passim), D’Orbigny (1889, vol. 1, pp. 374-881), Pauly (1928, pp. 119-136, 147-149), Recio de Leon (in Maurtua, 1906, passim), Reeves (1910), Relacién histérica de las misiones franciscanas de Apolobamba (1903), Relacién y descripcién de las misiones y conversiones de infieles (1886), von den Steinen (1899), Stiglich (1908, pp. 308-495), Teza (1868), Weddell (1858, p. 456). THE SOUTHERN PANOANS The Southern Panoans are divided into two groups: the South- eastern Panoans, which consist of the Pakaguard, Karipund, Chakobo, Sinabo, and Kapuibo,; and the Southwestern Panoans, which include the Arasa, Atsahuaka, and Yamiaka. These two Panoan groups are separated by Zakanan-speaking people. THE SCUTHEASTERN PANOANS TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY The Pakaguara (or Pekavara) lived on both sides of the Beni, lower Madre de Dios, Mamoré, upper Madeira, and lower Abunda Rivers. Formerly they extended farther to the south, for the Mis- sion of Santiago de Pacaguaras on the Madidi River, above its junction with the Chunini River, consisted of Pakaguard. Accord- ing to Armentia (1887, p. 42), there were groups of Pakaguard at Sinusinu, San Lorenzo, Biata, Mamorebey, Jenechiquia, and Jene- suaya. Orton had three subgroups, two of which were exterminated by the Araona in 1885. The southernmost Pakaguard were pushed toward the north by the 7akanan tribes. Créqui-Montfort and Rivet (1913 b, p. 21) regard the Chakobo, Sinabo, Kapuibo, and Karipund as subtribes of the Pakaguard. The Kapuibo resided along the Biata River, a tributary of the Beni River. The Chakobo were split into small units scattered 3 days’ walking distance northwest of Exaltacién, between Lake Rogoaguado and the Mamoré River. In 1908 Nordenskidld visited a village north of Lake Rogoaguado. In 1887 two groups of Chakobo were on the Ivon 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 River, one comprising six families and the other four. The Sinabo (Gritones) inhabited the region called Los Armendrales, near the first rapids of the Mamoré River, and along the Bolivian side of the Guaporé River. The Karipunda (Jaitn-av6) are among the Amazon- ian tribes mentioned by Acufia (1891, p. 45), who places them and the Zurina on the Puris River. Natterer met a Karipund subgroup, the Jakaria or Jacaré-Tapuiija, on the Abunda River, and another sub- group, the Shendbu (perhaps Sinabo), on the Madeira River above the rapids Cachoeira do Pao. The Karipundé had also a settlement near the famous rapids, Caldeiriio do Inferno. At the beginning of the twentieth century the few Karipundé who survived had retired along the Mutum Parand River, a right tributary of the Madeira River. Giglioli (1906, p. 219), on the authority of an Italian colonist, Landi, lists the Pamé or Pamandé Indians as a subgroup of the Karipund. Their habitat was the Caldeirao and Sao Lorenzo Rivers, both small tributaries of the Madeira River, and the banks of the Madeira between the rapids Caldeirao do Inferno and Girao. D’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, p. 262) estimates the number of Pakaguara at 1,000, Hassel (1905, p. 49) at 2,000. SUBSISTENCE The Chakobo described by Nordenskiéld had their settlement at the fringe of one of the forest islands so common in the extensive plains of eastern Bolivia. They had cleared a patch of land and cultivated the plants usual in the region. The staples, judging by the extent of their cultivation, were sweet manioc, bananas, and maize. They also grew sweet potatoes, papayas, two varieties of cotton—brown and white—and reeds (Gyneriwm saccharoides) for arrow shafts. Hunting methods have not been observed. Fish were taken with bows and arrows and with poison, but apparently not with nets. Manioc was grated on the prickly root of a palm. Wooden mor- tars were elongated troughs, placed at a convenient height above the ground; in these maize was ground with a heavy wooden slab which had two carved handles at the ends of the upper edge. Among both Chakobo and Pakaguard, troughs often accommodated several women who pounded their corn at the same time. The Chakobo had a rec- tangular platform babracot. They roasted maize or manioc flour in flat-bottom fire pans. The Haripwnd have often been described as inveterate geophagists, a habit which may be attributed to the pres- ence of salty earth in their country. The Chakobo made fire by twirling the shaft of a war arrow through a bamboo arrowhead placed on tinder. MGTRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 47 VILLAGES AND HOUSES Of the three houses which formed the Chakobo settlement observed by Nordenskidld, two were large malocas or communal huts and the third was a clubhouse. The huts were rectangular, had side walls and a gable roof, and were thatched with leaves of the motacu palm and of Heliconia. There was a small door at each end. The club- house, where men stored their weapons, drank, and even slept, espe- cially if unmarried, had an octagonal ground plan. The roof rested on eight wall plates surrounding the central ridge pole, which was supported by two vertical posts. As the sides were entirely open, nothing in the clubhouse could be kept secret, though access to these clubs was forbidden to women. The AHaripund men’s house was an open sunshade. Pakaguara houses had no side walls, being like tents, each with a very small door. The use of cotton hammocks was general among all these tribes. The Chakobo hooked their hammocks to house posts whereas other tribes tied them. HKaripund wooden benches, carved in animal forms, are highly praised by Acufia (1891, p. 145). The Chakobdo had small benches made of palm stalks nailed on tree stumps; these were reserved for men. CLOTHING Men went naked most of the time, with the penis—among the Karipuna, wrapped in a Heliconia leaf—fastened against the stomach under a cotton belt. Bark-cloth tunics were worn only on festive occasions; the Pakaguard dyed theirs red and violet. The Chakobo wore long bast strips around their arms and legs. The Karipund had tight fitting cotton bands, and, under the knees, rubber rings. Necklaces of black seeds were especially popular in all these tribes. For feasts, the Chakobo also wore a wide disk made of countless monkey incisors and trimmed with tucan feathers. Around their heads the Chakobo tied a bast band or strings of cotton or fiber from which feather tassels hung. These circlets served to hold feathers tucked over the nape. The Southeastern Panoans were dis- tinguished from neighboring tribes by a feather tuft or a reed or quill filled with colored feathers which was thrust through the per- forated nasal septum. They also inserted wild boar incisors, pieces of bone, or wooden sticks in their ear lobes. According to Father Armentia (1887, p. 43) the Pakaguard also pierced their lower lip.’ In all Southeastern Panoan tribes men cut their hair across the fore- 8 Giglioli (1906, p. 223), on the authority of an Italian traveler, states that the Karipuné had bone and wooden labrets. 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 134 head and wrapped it with a cotton band into a queue. The Karipund are said to have tied their long hanging hair with feather tufts. In all these tribes women lacked garments. Chakobo women coy- ered their pubis with only a Heliconia leaf fastened to cotton or fiber strings. Pakaguard and Karipuné women wore a small front flap or apron, which the latter decorated with feathers. Chakobo women’s ornaments were less conspicous than those of men. Women bored the nasal septum and alae for the insertion of feather bundles, but left their ear lobes intact. They wore seed necklaces, chonta finger rings, strips of bark wrapped around their arms and legs, and, occasionally, one or two feathers glued to their long, loose hair. They also decorated themselves with collars of monkey teeth and armlets of feathers or shell. Both sexes put rucu and genipa on their bodies, usually smearing it but, on rare occasions, making simple, geometric designs. They shaved the hair on their bodies, but only women removed the pubic hair. TRANSPORTATION The Pakaguard had a few dugout canoes, which accommodated about eight people, but these tribes used mainly bark canoes rein- forced along the sides with sticks and kept open by transverse braces that served also as seats. Karipwnd paddles had a plain handle without a crutch. MANUFACTURES Nordenskiéld (1922, fig. 58, 59, a and 6) illustrates two Chakobo baskets—a simple twilled carrying basket, rectangular in shape, and a box of sewed Gyneriwm stalks of the type common in the region. The Chakobo also used bags of bark cloth for storage. The Chakobo made plain pottery that often bore the imprint of the basket or banana leaves on which the vessel rested while being made. There were three types of vessels—jars, cooking pots, and clay pans with raised edges. Cotton was carded with a bow and spun with a spindle rolled on the thigh. The Chakobo had long bows with shoulders cut at both ends to hold the fiber string. The arrows, also very long, had two types of head, lanceolate bamboo blades and rods barbed on both sides. Two halved feathers, which were shaped by burning, were tied against the shaft and the wrapping was smeared with wax (“cemented feathering”). The arrow butts were strengthened by the insertion of a small wooden plug. The main weapons of the Karipund were bows of paxiuba-palm wood and arrows with shafts METRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 49 of ubé reed. According to Acufia (1882, p. 145), the Karipund of the Purts River used beautifully carved spear throwers. The Pakaguaré and Karipund had axes with stone heads glued directly to the round handle, without any socket or lashing, by means of the rosin of the massaranduba tree, which when dry, is as hard as cement (Giglioli, 1906, p. 225). For knives, the Aaripundé used the lanceolate blades of their arrows or sharp-edged river shells; the Chakobo used piranha teeth. The latter planed wood with wild pig jaws. SOCIAL CUSTOMS Nordenskidld’s Chakobo community consisted of nine married couples who seemed to be under the authority of the oldest man. Age was respected. The Pakaguard were said to be polygynous. After the birth of a child, a Chakobo father remained at home for several days. Small Chakobo children were spanked only when they defecated in the hut. Chakobo weapons and implements were characteristically undecorated. The only Chakobo toy recorded is a bull-roarer with a stick handle. Karipund bull-roarers were half a meter long. These were too sacred to be sold. The only Chakobo musical instrument was the panpipe. ‘The five pipes were not bound together, but were merely held in the hands. The Karipund had a drum consisting of a pot with a rubber mem- brane stretched over its mouth. While dancing, the Chakobo men put their hands on each other’s shoulders, brandished a short club with an oval blade, or played the panpipe. Etiquette required that visitors be formally received in the club- house, where, starting with the oldest man, they were offered beer. Each man first tasted the beer with his fingers and then drank. It was considered bad manners for guests to bring out their hammocks before they had been urged to do so. The Chakobo consumed enormous quantities of very thick manioc beer fermented by the addition of saliva. They did not smoke tobacco but, like the Yurakare, used it to kill Dermatomya worms. The Pakaguara counted by first doubling one fist into the palm of the other hand, then repeating “nata” as each finger was succes- sively straightened until the last, when they said “echasu.” The count was continued to 20 by pointing to each toe in succession while repeating “nata,” then “echasu.” Higher counts were accomplished by repetition of twenties. 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS Among the Chakobo both sexes were shamans. Cures were effected by massage and blowing on the patient. At death, a deceased adult was placed with all his ornaments in a sitting position in his hut, which later was burned. Women lamented and temporarily discarded their ornaments to demonstrate grief. The Karipund, if Keller-Leuzinger (1874, p. 124) was not mistaken, buried their dead in large urns within the huts. Bull-roarers were whirled during the funerary ceremonies. About Pakaguarda religion, Father Armentia writes (1887, p. 43) : They represent the divinity by the head of a jaguar, of a pig, or of some other animal. They conceal their idols and their rites from foreigners. They call God, Papa-Guara, and their priests, Rohaé. They celebrate feasts before sowing and harvesting. They never touch their crops before they have held an inaugural ceremony. D’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, p. 264) states that the Pakaguara believed in two spirits, a good one called Huara and a malevolent one called Yochina. The Karipund of the Purtis River had wooden “idols” that aroused Acufia’s admiration. THE SOUTHWESTERN PANOANS TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY Formerly, there was only one Southwestern Panoan tribe, the Atsahuaka, from which the Yamiaka later split to become a separate tribe. The Yamiaka (Haauieiri) lived on the Yaguarmayo River, near its junction with the Inambari River. At the beginning of the present century their total number was estimated to be 30 or 40. The Atsahuaka (Chaspa) claimed territory along the Carama or Atsahuaka River and the Malinowski River, both tributaries of the Tambopata River, and along the Chaspa River, tributary of the Inambari River. In 1904 there were only 20 Atsahuaka. The Arasa, or Arazatre, were found on the Marcapata, or Arasa, River, a left tributary of the Inambari River. They belonged to the Panoan stock though some of these Indians also might have used a Takanan dialect. ‘Their total number, according to Hassel (1905), was 500 to 800; according to Cipriani (1902, p. 175), only 20 to 25. SUBSISTENCE Collecting—The Yamiaka collected fruits in the bush and turtle eggs from the beaches (Cipriani, 1902, p. 178). Farming.—Both Southwestern Panoan tribes cultivated fields scattered widely along the rivers. The Yaméaka opened clearings MBTRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 5l by burning fires around the bases of trees and chopping away the charred wood with stone axes. Both cultivated bananas, yuca, sweetpotatoes, gourds, cotton, sugarcane, cayenne pepper, and maize. The Yamiaka also raised pineapples and papaws. Although the Atsahuaka grew cayenne pepper they did not seem to consume it. All crops except sugarcane were communally owned. Sugarcane re- ceived special care, and was often protected by an enclosure. Staples were bananas and, to a less extent, yuca and maize. Fishing—The Yamiaka were good fishermen, but the Atsahuaka lived in a region with only small streams and few fish. The Yamiaka used harpoon arrows with two removable elements, a head and an intermediate piece of wood between it and the shaft. Both Yamiaka and Atsahuaka drugged fish with poison. Hunting.—The Atsahuaka were skillful hunters, with a remarkable knowledge of animal habits and sounds. They stalked game with well-trained dogs. To reach monkeys, which seldom fell from the branches when killed, the Atsahuaka climbed with the aid of a bast ring attached around their feet and carried a long wooden hook. The Yamiaka did not eat chickens, which they received from the Whites, but raised them as pets. The Atsahuaka were surrounded with tame birds. Food preparation—The Yamiaka grated bananas on prickly roots. The Atsahuaka peeled sweetpotatoes with a flat fishbone. Both tribes cooked in clay pots or in bamboo joints and broiled game on rectangular babracots. If men had to fix the meal, they always roasted the food, whereas women boiled or roasted it. The Atsahuaka prepared a sour mead of honey. The Yamiaka brewed banana and yuca beer. HOUSES Atsahuaka huts were simple lean-tos covered with imbricated palm leaves, split along the midrib. Sometimes two opposite lean-tos were brought together so as to form a gabled roof. Each family had its own hut. The Yamiaka, like the 7akanan-speaking Tiatinagua, had flimsy, vaulted huts that accommodated several families. Originally the Yamiaka slept on the ground, but in more recent times they adopted platform beds or fiber hammocks (Cipriani, 1902, p. 175). DRESS AND ADORNMENTS Masculine dress consisted of a sleeveless shirt of cotton or bark cloth. Women wore a bark-cloth or cotton skirt and often a square shawl on their shoulders. Atsahwaka women often had a pubic leaf under the skirt. The Atsahuaka painted concentric circles with dots on 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 134 their garments. Their cotton fabrics were also decorated with brownish stripes along the edges. Every Yamiaka or Atsahuaka had a hole in the septum of his nose. Nasal ornaments included feathers or sticks and pendant objects, such as shells or silver coins. Some Atsahuaka inserted wooden sticks through the corners of their mouths. A few Atsa- huaka women placed sticks or feathers in their ear lobes; all women wore monkey-tooth necklaces. The Atsahuaka had beautiful parrot- feather headdresses, and a peculiar ornament described by Norden- skidld (1905, p. 803) as a cotton frontlet with fringes and feather tassels falling on the shoulders. Both Yamiaka and Atsahuaka painted themselves with rucu and genipa even in everyday life, facial patterns being mostly transverse stripes or dots, and body patterns being checkers or vertical stripes. Combs were of the composite type. TRANSPORTATION The Yamiaka used both dugout canoes and rafts. The Atsahuake needed no boats as their territory lacked navigable streams. Contrary to the custom of most Indians in the region, the Atsa- huaka supported ordinary burdens on their backs with a band that passed across their chests; children, however, were carried on the shoulders in a baby sling held by a tumpline. MANUFACTURES Basketry was little developed. The Southwestern Panoans manu- factured boxes and mats, made by sewing Gynerium stalks together, and wove a few oval wicker baskets. Atsahwaka and Yamiaka spin- dles were of the modern Andean type. When dropped, they turned in a Shell. Atsahwaka clay spindle whorls were characteristically conical. These two tribes had simple, unornamented cooking pots, the clay of which was tempered with pulverized potsherds. Bows and arrows were similar to those of the Takanan-speaking Tiatinagua except in such small details as the proportions of the several elements, the presence of a barb under the bamboo head, the method of binding, and the use of small feather ornaments. The Atsahuaka used rod heads which were barbed along one side only, whereas those of the Z%atinagua had barbs on both sides. The Yamiaka used simple fishing arrows which lacked barbs. The butt of an Atsahuaka arrow shaft was reinforced with cotton thread. Atsahuaka children hunted birds with multipointed arrows. ® According to the anonymous author of the article, Los Salvajes de San Gabfin, Yamiaka women perforated their lips and inserted pieces of bone. MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 53 Aitsahuaka fire fans were made of feathers inserted in a wooden handle. The Atsahuaka used agouti teeth as planes or chisels, the lower jaw serving as a haft. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Both Southwestern Panoan tribes had a chief who enjoyed a certain authority. The Atsahuaka showed a great respect for their cacique, even whispering in his presence. Families were monogamous. ILLNESS AND DEATH The Atsahuaka treated sick people by flogging them with a nettle (Urera sp.) and stepping on their bodies. When a person died, the Yamiaka destroyed a great many of the cultivated plants growing in his fields. They buried the deceased along with his property. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS The only Yamiaka musical instrument was a bamboo joint from which a dull and monotonous sound was obtained. Tribes speaking different languages often shared the same songs. REFERENCES Acutia (1891, p. 45), Armentia (1887, pp. 42-44), Cardtis (1886, pp. 290-291 and passim), Cipriani (1902, pp. 175-178), Créqui-Montfort and Rivet (1913 b), Exploraciones y noticias hidrograficas de los rios del norte de Bolivia (1890, pp. 13-14), Giglioli (1906), Grasserie (1890), Hassel (1905), Heath (1888), Herndon and Gibbon (1854, vol. 2, pp. 298-295), Hestermann (1910), Keller-Leuzinger (1874, pp. 120-125), Llosa (1906), Los salvajes de San Gabfin (1902), Martius (1867, pp. 415-416), Mathews (1879, pp. 57-60), Nordenski6ld (1905; 1922, pp. 79-111; 1924 b), D’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, pp. 262-264), Peru (1902; 1904), Rivet (1910), von den Steinen (1904). THE MOJO AND BAURE TRIBAL DIVISIONS The early literature describing the Indians of the ancient Province of Mojos, which extended from the Guaporé River to the foot of the Andes, does not distinguish the Arawak-speaking Mojo from the numerous tribes of other linguistic stocks, so that the original habitat of the Mojo cannot be bounded with exactness. Father P. Marban, the author of the “Arte de la lengua Moxa con su vocabulario y cathecismo,” Lima, 1701, in answering a query of his Superiors as to the number of languages spoken in the Province of Mojos, writes: Five are the different languages of that Province: Morocési, Manesono, Mope- siana, Jubirana, and Iapimono; but in spite of these several languages, there is one which is general, the Morocdési, spoken by three-fourths of the Province, though in several places the colloquialisms are different as well as many words, but this language is understood and it would not be necessary to learn the dialects. [Marbén, 1898, No. 1, p. 133.] 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 Morocési is the Mojo language, an Arawak dialect. According to Castillo (1906, pp. 294-302), one of the frst mission- aries among the Jfojo, the southernmost representatives of that tribe were the Suberiono, who lived in four villages on the Rio Grande (Guapay River), somewhat above its junction with the Piray River. These Suberiono, certainly related to other Suberiono (Suberono) living in the plains west of the Mamoré River, were mixed with 7’ore (Toro) Indians who spoke “the language of Santa Cruz,” i. e., Chiriguano. The Aracureono, a Mojo subtribe, had 10 villages of about 50 inhab- itants each on the Mamoré River above its junction with the Rio Grande. The Mojo subgroups on both banks of the Mamoré River and in the plains west of that river were: The Casaboyono, Guanapeano, Aperucano, Sebaquereono, Suberiono, Moremono, Satirnono, Apere- ano, Mayuncano, Siyoboceno, Cubuquiniano, Boseono, and Mubocono. The Punuhuana, the most important subgroup, inhabited the plains west of the Mamoré. The Aariguiono had three villages on the lower Securé River. Between them lived the Arebocono. The northmost group was that of the Mopereano, who were neighbors and enemies of the Canichana (Canesi) tribe. There were also some Mojo settle- ments on the Machupo River. The total number of Mojo was about 6,000 (Castillo, 1906, p. 294). They lived in some 70 villages each with an average population of 60 to 80 persons. Communities of only 30 to 40 were quite numerous, but those with 100 and even 200 people were exceptional. Eguiluz (1884) is one of the few missionaries who took the trouble to specify the languages spoken in the several missions of Mojos. The Indians of the Mission of Trinidad were the Mayuriana and others who spoke different languages, but most of them in 1696 had learned Mojo. Three groups of Indians, none of them belonging to the Mojo, formed the Mission of San Ignacio de Loyola, but the Mojo language was forced upon them and in 1696 was spoken by the Punubocanos. Several languages were in use in the Mission of San Francisco Xavier, but the Mojo language gained predominance rapidly, proba- bly because it was spoken by many Indians. In San José de los Maharenos, most of the Indians were Churima who had the same language as the Indians of San Francisco de Borja. In the latter there were, moreover, M/oporoubocono Indians whose language was different from that of the Churima (Churimana). Only in the Mis- sion of Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto was the Mojo language the most common. MOiTRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 55 From this list we see that though Mojo was becoming the official and compulsory language in all the missions except San Francisco de Borja, actually Mojo Indians were to be found only in Loreto, San Xavier, and perhaps in Trinidad. In 1767, the Mojo language was spoken in the following missions: Loreto (1,200 Indians), Trinidad (100), San Ignacio (1,200), San Xavier (1,500). It also had been spoken in the Missions of San Luis and San José, which had been destroyed before the expulsion of the Jesuits. Bauré was in use in San Nicolas, San Joaquin, and Concepcion (Hervas, 1800, pp. 247-248). Alcide d’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, p. 226) found in 1831 the Mojo language spoken in the same missions as mentioned by Hervas, but he lists Carmen de Mojos among the Bauré missions and does not mention San Nicolas. According to D’Orbigny, the Muchojeones of Carmen de Mojos were a subtribe of the Mojo. Hervas (1800, p. 248) regards the Ticomeri language as a Mojo dialect, but contradicts himself by stating that the “majena or max- iena” language of the Ticomeri was an isolated language spoken at San Francisco Borja. From the distribution of these missions and from the testimony of Father Francisco del Rosario (1682, p. 841), who places the “Mo¢os” east of the Moseten on the western tributaries of the Mamoré, it seems evident that the Mojo inhabited the southwestern part of the province which bears their name. Their numerous villages were scat- tered on nonflooded stretches near the upper Mamoré, Securé, Apere, and Tijamuchi Rivers. The Bauré (Mauré, Chiquimitica) occupied a fertile country along the Rio Blanco, where a village bears their name (Baurés). They also lived along the Itonama (San Miguel) River, along the San Simén River, and in the region between the latter and the Guaporé River. Missionaries described them as more civilized than the other Mojo tribes. They had large villages protected by palisades, cotton gar- ments, and regular chiefs (Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, 1781, vol. 8, pp. 112-113). Population.—Orellana (1906, p. 7) estimates their number in 1687 at 4,000, Marban for the same period at 6,000. Eguiluz puts the total number of Indians in the region of Mojos at 19,789 in 1696. In 1780 the population in the missions inhabited by Mojo and Bauré was as follows: Loreto, 1,313; Trinidad, 1,155; San Ignacio, 1,147; Concepcidn, 1,824; San Joaquin, 962. No figures are available for the other missions. In 1831, according to D’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, p. 226) there were 13,620 Mojo and Bauré. 404903—42——_5 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 134 HISTORY At the very beginning of the conquest of Paraguay, Mojos was the name of a fabulous country east of the Andes in the region of Xarayes, on the upper Paraguay River, where gold and silver were alleged to be as common as stones. The marvelous tales of this country came from Indians but were actually merely embellished descriptions of the /nca empire. The Spaniards, unwilling to admit that the El Dorado was the Andean Empire which they had already reached and conquered, convinced themselves that it lay in the unexplored regions to the east and explained its riches by the tale of an 7nca who had fled toward the mountains beyond the border of the empire and had created a new realm far more wealthy than the first. The Spaniards attempted to reach the land of the Mojo from two sides, Paraguay and Peru. The more serious of these expeditions were those organized by Irala and Nufrio de Chaves, who, starting from the Lake of Xarayes on the upper Paraguay, crossed Chiquito territory and reached the foot of the Andes. The Spanish viceroy, Don Hurtado de Mendoza made Nufrio de Chaves lieutenant governor of the Province of Mojos in 1560. Between 1539 and 1570, nine unsuccessful expeditions left Peru in quest of the land of the Mojo. Around the years 1580 and 1583, Lorenzo Suarez de Figueroa, gov- ernor of Santa Cruz, organized an expedition to the same region. Crossing the northwestern part of the Province of Chiquitos, he reached the land of the Chapakura and that of the 7imbu Indians, who may well have been Mojo, as the name 7imbu was applied to all Indians wearing the type of nose ornament characteristic of the Mojo, and as other references to T7zmbu Indians of Chiquitos seem to point to the Mojo, Another expedition sent by the same governor in 1595 under the leadership of Juan de Torres Palomino descended the Rio Grande (Guapay River) for 80 leagues and arrived at the country of the Motilones or Torococi (Mojo), but, because of the death of Lorenzo Suarez de Figueroa and perhaps also because the Spaniards were disappointed by the poverty of the land, it established no settlement. There is no doubt that the Motilones or Morococi (Morochossi) were Mojo Indians. All the data in the letter of the Jesuit Father, Hierénimo de Andidén, who accompanied the expedition (Annua de la Compania de Jesus, 1885, p. 80), apply to the Mojo: They wore silver labrets, had the alae of the nose perforated to insert silver rings, and lived in small houses built around a plaza where there was a cooking shed and a men’s house which served as a temple. From the Mojo the Father obtained information about the Xoboyono who had silver ornaments and about the Bauré (Mauré) who were “dressed and civi- lized people.” Father Andion is the first to refer to the feather mosaics of the Mojo: “Hallose un cuadro labrado de plumeria de colores muy finas y vistosas.” METRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 57 Juan Mendoza Mate de Luna, governor of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, also led an expedition to the land of the Mojo by way of the Rio Grande (Guapay River) in 1602 or 1603. He even founded a settle- ment on the Guapay River which he called Trinidad, but the colonists rebelled and deserted the site. In 1617 another governor of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Gonzalo de Solis Holguin, undertook the conquest of the Mojo. He left with a party of 75 white men from the town of San Francisco Alfaro, which was founded near the place occupied later by the Mission of San Xavier. He crossed the region of Chiquitos to the Tapacura (Chapa- kura), many of whom he persuaded to accompany him to the Zoro (Mojo) Indians. In the several narratives of the expedition he mentions spear throwers, men’s houses or dance halls (the drinking houses), and kitchens (distinct from the houses), all characteristic of Mojo culture. This expedition and another, by the same governor, in 1624 completely failed. The Spanish explorers ‘and soldiers, now convinced that the riches of the Mojo were fables, lost interest in the land and left its conquest to the Jesuits. During the first part of the seventeenth century, the Mojo ascended the Rio Grande (Guapay River) to obtain from the CAzriguano iron tools for which they traded cotton cloth. A party of these Mojo traders met Spaniards from Santa Cruz, accompanied them to the city, and established friendly relations with its inhabitants. Some years later the Mojo asked the Spaniards to assist them in a war against the Cafacure. The colonists accepted, hoping to acquire slaves. Father Juan de Soto, who accompanied the expedition (1660), recommended the land to the Jesuits as a promising field of action. In 1668, the Fathers José Bermudo, Juan de Soto, and Julian Allier made a short sojourn among the Jfojo to prepare them for future conversion, but found the Indians hostile and distrustful because they feared that once gathered in missions they would be sold as slaves. The Jesuits, however, were not discouraged by the secret op- position of the Indians. In 1675, Fathers José Castillo, Cipriano Barrace, and Pedro Mar- ban stayed with the Mojo for several years, learning their language and planting the first seeds of Christianity. The first mission, Loreto, was founded in 1684, Trinidad in 1687, and San Ignacio in 1689. Father Cipriano Barrace was killed in 1702 by the Bauré while trying to convert them.” 2 Abrégé d’une relation espagnole de la vie et de la mort du Pere Cyprien Baraze, de la Compagnie de Jésus, et Fondateur de la Mission des Moxes dans le Pérou; imprimé a Lima por ordre de Monseigneur Urbain de Matha, Evéque de la ville de la Paix (Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, 1781, vol. 8, pp. 77-118). 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 134 By 1715 there were 15 Mojo missions; Loreto, Santa Rosa del Chapare, Trinidad, San Xavier, San Pedro, Exaltacién, San Ignacio, San José, San Luis, San Borja, San Pablo, Reyes, Concepcién de Baurés, San Juan Bautista de Guarayos, and San Joaquin. Thanks to the industry of the missionaries and the good disposition of the Indians, the settlements became extremely prosperous. In 50 years the Jesuits brought about great changes in the native culture, giving the Indians horses and cattle and teaching them numerous new arts. The silver altars and beautiful carving made by the Indians for the churches still bear witness to the prosperity of the missions. When the Jesuits were expelled in 1767, the missions were turned over to curates and civil administrators. Thereafter, their decadence was so rapid that within a few years little remained of the Jesuits’ work. Some of the arts the missionaries taught have been retained, however, by the modern Mojo, who, thanks to the Jesuits, are able to cope with eastern Bolivian civilization. During the two last centuries, the Mfojo, ruthlessly exploited and mis- treated by the religious and civil authorities, rose on several occasions against the Whites. As might be expected from their social and religious condition, these rebellions finally took a messianic turn. In 1881, an Indian named Andrés Guachoco announced to the Indians — of the region of Trinidad that he was “an incarnation of God” and that the White race was doomed. He then exhorted them to expel the intruders from the country. This prophet owed his great power over the miserable natives to his talents as a ventriloquist. He would summon councils of chiefs and then pretend that through his power, God or the Virgin spoke directly to them. First he drew the Indians away from the Catholic priest and then led them against Trinidad, where they killed a score of Bolivians. The rebellion was easily sub- dued; Guachoco and other leaders of the movement were executed. His lesser followers were settled in two villages, San Lorenzo and San Francisco, near the Ichinata River (René-Moreno, 1888, p. 120, and Wegener, 1931 b, p. 94). The Mojo at the end of the nineteenth, and beginning of the twen- tieth century were in great demand as boatsmen and peons for the rubber companies, and fell victims to the atrocities committed in the Beni region. A great many were taken into slavery; others died as a result of the tortures to which they were subjected. SUBSISTENCE Collecting.—Like all the tribes of eastern Bolivia, the Mojo supple- mented their diet with wild fruits. We know through Castillo (1906, p. 803) that they greatly relished the fruits of the cachi palm. MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 59 Farming.—The Mojo were proficient farmers, who cultivated yuca (sweet manioc), maize, sweetpotatoes, pumpkins, gourds, beans, pea- nuts, arracacha, cayenne pepper, papayas, bananas, sugarcane, tobacco, and cotton. Eder (1791, p. 99) mentions the use of poisonous manioc for food in the Province of Mojos, but his statement is not verified by other sources. The Mojo and Bauré cleared fields in the forests, which were not flooded during the rainy season. At the end of August they first de- stroyed the underbrush, then cut the base of large trees by alternately charring and hammering the wood with stone axes. They waited until a strong wind blew down the undermined trees, or else felled selected trees, which knocked down all the others. The dry trunks were burned and their charred remains left on the field to protect young maize stalks. The Spaniards who penetrated the country with Solis Holguin were amazed at the size of the Mojo fields, which were crossed by wide roads. In one field they counted from 400 to 700 “percheles” (probably the forked sticks used to support maize) in a single row. The patches planted with yuca were especially large and carefully weeded. Peanuts were sown preferably along the sandy beaches. Even in the premissionary era the M/ojo raised a little sugar- cane, which they ate as a delicacy. Planting began early in October when the Afojo dug holes about 3 feet (1 m.) apart with sticks and placed 10 to 14 maize grains in each. The maize was ready for harvest in 2 months. Yuca was planted in September or October, when three or four cuttings, each 6 inches (15 cm.) tall, were buried in separate holes, and was ready to eat in February. The Bauré are said to have cultivated on communal ground the plants from which they made their drinks. Hunting—Two sharply contrasting types of hunting occurred among the Mojo, the one characteristic of the jungle, the other of the open plains. In the first, individual hunters stalked monkeys and birds in the gallery forests along the rivers. In the second, large groups of men, led by the cacique, whose authority was absolute for the occasion, hunted deer herds communally. They pursued the animals with dogs, which were trained to obey the command of the hunters, or drove them with grass fires toward ambushes. During the floods a very profitable M/ojo hunting method was to surround an island on which game had taken refuge. A few hunters took vantage positions on high places while others surrounded the island in canoes. Groups of Indians with trumpets, drums, and packs of dogs invaded the island from several sides making as much noise as possible. The panic-stricken animals, especially deer, ran to the shore to escape by swimming, but were killed by the boatmen, 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 who struck them with sticks, lassoed them, stabbed them, or jumped on their backs and drowned them. Mojo hunters, wearing white shirts and headdresses in the shape of a bird common in the plains, stalked herds of deer. They advanced slowly on the leeward side, imitating the bird until they were suffi- ciently near to shoot with bows and arrows or blowguns. They might also arouse the curiosity of deer by approaching them in disguise, then raising an arm or a leg to attract their attention. The Mojo hunted rabbits by setting fire to the bush and forcing them to take refuge in burrows from which they were dug out. The Mojo attacked jaguars either with two spears or with bows and arrows, which they shot in rapid succession until the animals fell. The - killing of a jaguar brought unusual honors to the hunter and was celebrated with dancing, drum beating, and other ceremonies (see p. 74). The safest means of taking a jaguar was to lure him to the river bank or into the water by imitating his call with a calabash megaphone, and then to shower him with arrows from a canoe. They also treed jaguars with dogs and shot them with the blowgun. After acquiring iron, a lone hunter armed with two iron spears would not hesitate to attack a jaguar. After the Mojo acquired horses, a new hunting method was to lasso game, even jaguars, drag it behind their horses, and then, dis- mounted, to tie it up. Traps and snares are mentioned, but are not described. All those who had partaken in a hunting expedition received an equal share of the game. The Bauré also caught jaguars in pits covered with twigs to make them look like ordinary ground. A jaguar caught in this way was killed by the chief. Bird hunting—The Mojo shot birds, especially ducks, with blow- guns from blinds built where the birds roosted at night or during the heat of the day. To take ducks, they also threw gourds on a lagoon. When the ducks had grown accustomed to the gourds, the fowler covered his head with a gourd and approached the ducks, which he seized by the feet and pulled under water to twist their necks. Fishing.—Throughout the large Plains of Mojos, which are crossed by countless rivers and flooded a large part of the year, fishing was the most productive economic activity. Recession of floods left mil- lions of fish stranded on the dry land or concentrated in small pools, where the Indians killed them at leisure with cudgels and spears. Most often, however, they used bows and arrows, for at times fish were so numerous that it was impossible to miss them. At times, fish even came in shoals so large that when the fish jumped, many MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 61 fell into the canoes of the Indians. Another method was to at- tract fish at night by fixing torches to the prows of canoes and spearing them with a trident. The Mojo drugged fish with a creeper called coropi (Paullinia pinnata), which they beat into shreds and threw into the calm water of a lagoon. They knew of another more powerful creeper, but be- lieved that they could use it effectively only after a period of fasting. Nets were introduced among the Jojo by the missionaries, but the Indians found them of little use, for the rivers were full of branches and trees which tore the meshes. The very abundance of fish, in fact, made the European method of handling nets quite inappropriate. The Mojo had developed several devices for catching large numbers of fish. For instance, they made a barrier of weeds in a lagoon and pushed it against the shore, where they caught the trapped fish with their bare hands. Eder (1791, p. 306) describes another fishing method which never has been mentioned in any other part of South America: They take a long canoe or they tie the prow of one canoe to the stern of another. They fix spars along one side to which they attach an ox hide like a wall. With this equipment, they silently descend a river to the places where fish are abundant. When they arrive they strike the water with sticks and with their feet pound the bottom of the canoe. The fish sleeping near the shore jump . . . but hitting the hide, fall into the canoes in such numbers that the Indians have to remove the skin lest they capsize. When swarms of small fish migrated, the A/ojo Indians stood near the shore or a sand bank “provided only with the covo, a sort of conical basket, without bottom, carefully made of laths of a heavy palm wood joined by plait-work.” They threw these baskets at the passing fish, which they took out through the small opening at the top (Keller-Leuzinger, 1874, p. 84). The Mojo also built weirs across the outlets of lagoons and placed a fish trap in each opening of the weir. There is no evidence of the use of fishhooks before the missionary period. Cooking—Yuca tubers were boiled or roasted in ashes. The reference to bitter manioc (infra), which may apply to the Mojo, states that it was grated, dried in the sun, and roasted in an earthen pan. Bitter manioc tubers were also sliced thin and dried in the sun. Pumpkins and bananas were baked, but sweetpotatoes were boiled; arracachas were eaten raw. Large animals, such as monkeys, were roasted without removing their skins. Alligator tails were cooked in the fire until the skin was entirely charred. Birds were put under hot ashes until all their feathers were burned, and then roasted on a spit. Often, however, they were boiled in water without being dressed, and with quills stall 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 134 remaining in the skin. The Mojo even ate the grains contained in the birds’ craws. Like many other Indians, the Mojo were not par- ticular about the preparation of their food. They ate cow intestines which were scarcely cleaned; bats, which they threw into boiling water until they had softened to the point of melting; and fish, which they roasted without removing the guts or scales. The Mojo saved fish scales and bones for times of scarcity, when they were roasted and pounded into a flour and mixed with other foods. Small fish also were roasted, pounded, and eaten with maize flour. Like the mestizoes, they dried thin strips of beef on the backs of their horses. They enjoyed chewing pieces of meat which had been soaked in fried beef grease. They relished a certain worm(?), which they collected during May and June. They crushed these worms with their fingers, dried them in front of their houses, and boiled them until they formed a blackish mush. They also ate ants, which they boiled and sometimes added to worm mush. Ostrich eggs always were boiled hard and eaten even though they had been half hatched. While eating, the Mojo sat on the ground around a large dish of food. Meat was served on mats. The only condiment was the ash of certain plants mixed with cayenne pepper. Mineral salt was traded from the Moseten. Domestication.—At the beginning of the seventeenth century the Mojo reared native ducks, but had not yet received chickens, which later were so numerous in their villages. They ate ducks or chickens only on special occasions, such as the end of a drinking bout or when a man wanted to treat friends who had helped him till his field. Like many tropical Indians, the Mojo changed the natural color of the wing and tail feathers of the tame parrots to red by plucking them and filling the wounds with the blood of a frog (Rana tinctoria?) and then coating the bird’s skin with wax (tapirage process). The new feathers grew in a bright red color (Eder, 1791, p. 152). The dog was found by the Jesuits among the Mojo. Its resemblance to the Spanish greyhound suggests that it had been received from the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, with whom the J/ojo had active trade rela- tions, or from Indians in closer contact with the Spaniards. These dogs were extremely well trained for hunting and, though they had individual masters to whom they were much attached, obeyed any person during the collective hunting expeditions (Castillo, 1906, p. 332). Cattle were introduced among the Mojo by Father Cipriano Barrace at the end of the seventeenth century; horses were brought soon after- ward. Fifty years later the Mojo had become excellent horsemen and were as skillful as the gauchos with the lasso. They rode bare- METRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 63 back, without a bridle and bit, guiding their horses by a thong at- tached around the animal’s lower jaw. At the time of the expulsion of the Jesuits, in 1767, there were in the Province of Mojos 54,345 cattle and 26,371 horses. Cattle increased to an immense number and thousands of bulls and cows roamed through the plains and in the forests. In spite of favorable conditions, the Mojo did not become herdsmen like theGoajiro, and even now they do not utilize milk for economic purposes. Wild cattle became a favorite game for native hunters. HOUSES Some Mojo villages must have been unusually large, even allowing for exaggeration in the Spaniards’ claim that they had 50 to 400 houses each (Maurtua, vol. 9, p. 165). Perhaps kitchens and drink- ing-houses or “temples,” which were separate buildings, were enu- merated along with true houses. Marban (1898, p. 132) estimated that each village had only 30 to 100 persons, only a few having as many as 200. Floods, which cover the Mojo plains during the 4 rainy months, often forced the Indians to build villages on elevated land. These mounds, now covered with potsherds and studded with burials, were not made artificially, although refuse increased their height. If, as was usually the case, Mojo settlements were built along river banks, when flood waters invaded their houses the Indians erected platforms and covered them with soil on which to build cooking fires. Some villages were near lagoons, a considerable distance from the rivers. The villages were connected by large causeways, 9 feet (2.7 m.) wide and about 2 feet (0.6 m.) high, the remains of which Nordenskidld (1913 b, p. 225) discovered near Mound Velarde and Mound Hern- marck. These broad roads impressed the first Spaniards who entered the region of Mojos, for three men could ride abreast on horseback on them (“entrando por una calle or calzada que ellos tenian para division de las sementeras, que cavian tres hombres de a caballo por ella”) (Maurtua, 1906, vol. 9, p. 170). Bauré villages were surrounded by palisades with loopholes for archers, and a ditch; for further protection pitfalls were concealed in the paths. Mojo dwellings were round; cook houses were rectangular with open sides. Dwellings were about 15 feet (4.5 m.) in diameter and of equal height. Walls were of wattle and daub, about 3 feet (1 m.) in height; the conical, thatched roof was supported by a center post. 1 But Juan de Limpias (Maurtua, 1906, vol. 9, p. 170) declares that he visited a vil- lage with 400 houses, 90 kitchens, and 9 “drinking places’’ and another village with 60 or 66 houses, 33 kitchens, and 5 ‘‘drinking places.” 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 The doorway, which was so low that one had to crawl in, was closed by a skin or by reeds fastened between parallel sticks. These houses served as a refuge against mosquitoes. Houses were often grouped around a large central plaza. In each hut were six or seven cotton hammocks, wooden benches, mats on which women sat, and large jars for storage of small objects. Under Jesuit influence the 1/070 adopted gabled houses, with a thatched roof of motacu palms and walls of reeds. Today only children sleep in hammocks whereas adults use ox skins as beds. DRESS AND ADORNMENTS Long cotton or bark-cloth shirts, often elaborately decorated, were used by Mojo men in the premissionary era, but apparently this gar- ment became longer and was more consistently worn after the Fathers insisted on modesty. Men fastened their shirts around the waist with string and in more recent times with a cotton belt decorated with red, blue, or yellow stripes. Men wore a short silver tube through the septum of the nose, two small silver or tin nails through the alae, a silver labret in the lower lip, and two round tin nails in the ear lobes. They also hung three or four strings of beads from the ears. The Mojo obtained metal for making these ornaments by trading cotton cloth to the Spaniards in Santa Cruz for silver cups and pieces of tin, which they cut into pieces of the desired shape. Before Euro- pean contact, native Mojo labrets were probably made of rock crystal like those of the Bauré. Men tied up their long hair with cotton strings which they hid under strips of bark, and fixed beautiful parrot feathers between the threads. Feather headdresses varied from a few feathers attached over the forehead to gigantic diadems of bright tail feathers, trimmed with small feathers of various colors, and mounted on a basketry frame covered with a mosaic of short feathers. One of these headdresses, which was still worn at festivals a few years ago, consisted of 300 tail feathers, plucked from 85 birds, mainly tocho (Ostinops decumanus Pall.), ara (Ara militaris L.), and other kinds of parrot. These feathers, to which were attached the wing-shells of multicolored beetles, were fixed to a basketry hat and to a row of bamboo splinters to form a large semicircular screen over the nape. The ends of the long tail feathers were covered with pieces of bird skin (Wegner, 1931 b, p. 96). They also had silver circlets and bracelets. Heavy necklaces of small shell disks, seeds, and jaguar or monkey teeth were worn around the neck or over the shoulders. A silver or tin plate or, if one were poor, a shell, was suspended over the chest. The Mojo girded themselves with belts fringed with strings of beads MaiTRavx] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 65 and silver tubes. When dancing, they covered their buttocks with a large net to which deer hoofs and shells were attached. In aboriginal times, a woman’s costume consisted only of a narrow loin-cloth, probably similar to that of the Paresst. Girls went about naked until puberty. The missionaries forced women to adopt the men’s shirt, but theirs were longer and not slit along the legs. Women also wore thick necklaces, bracelets, and ear pendants of beads, and, during festivals, covered their shoulders with a netlike shawl or collar, made of metal tubes and beads, from which hung bells, medals, and crosses. Women tied their long hair with cotton thread and trimmed it with ribbons. They washed their hair with the crushed fruit of a palm.” Genipa and crushed rucu seeds were mixed with water and palm- nut oil for body paint. At drinking bouts men and women displayed a great variety of body paintings. Some were entirely covered with genipa, others smeared the body half black and half red. Most of them were decorated with artistic patterns, similar to those on the pottery, which their wives traced on their heads or bodies. Even at the end of the missionary period, men still rubbed their bodies with rucu and the women stained their hands and feet with genipa. Eder (1791, p. 217) states that the Indians (he does not name the tribe) of the Mojos region tattooed themselves with thorns or fish teeth, used genipa juice for pigment, and tattooed designs on their faces and arms representing “alligators, monkeys, and fish.” This is the only reference to tattooing. 1437.9 primero se peinan muy bien, porque tienen el cabello muy largo y tienen mucho cuidado de criarlo, lavanlo con fruta de palma mascada; despues de peinado lo atan con muchas varas de hilo, el cual los hombres cubren con una corteza de cafia y las mujeres dejan descubierto, en este hilo clavan los hombres un plumage muy curioso de las mejores y mas hermosas plumas de los pajaros que matan, especialmente de loros y guacamayas que tambien suelen criar para este fin. En la cabeza suelen ponerse los hombres un cerco de plata muy resplandesciente, de las orejas cuelgan dos, tres o cuatro hilos de chaquira de la mejor color y mas estimable entre ellos, en las ternillas de las orejas de donde penden las chaquiras ponen dos clavos de estafio muy lucidos, planos y redondos. En las narices en cada de las ternillas de las ventanas ponen otro clavo no plano pero redondo tambien. La ternilla de enmedio atraviesa una varita de plata como de una cuarta de largo y otra mas gruesa y mucha mas larga, cuelga del labio inferior y para todo eso tienen agujereadas esas partes. Para el cuello hacen de caracoles muchas sartas de lentejuelas muy curiosamente labrados y de esas que no pesan poco se ponen mucha cantidad; otros se ponen collares de dientes de monos y otras frutillas de la tierra. Encima de esto en el pecho, ponen muchas sartas de chaquiras y pedazos de estafio que ellos estiman en mas que los caracoles. Encima de todo cae la patena de plata que cuelga del cuello y cada uno procura que la suya sea la mejor, pero no hay caudal para mucho. El que no la tiene de plata se la pone de estafio y si de esto no hay, 6 no se pone nada 6 se pone una concha; las mujeres no usan estas patenas sino muchas sartas de chaquiras en el pecho y en las mufiecas, y en las espaldas todos los cascabeles que pueden. A modo de tahalies ponen tambien los hombres muchas sartas de caracoles mezclados con dientes de tigre, lo mismo usan en la cintura, sin6é que la parte de la cintura que cae 4 las espaldas entretejen chaquiras grandes y cafiutos de plata.” (Marban, 1898, pp. 148-149.) 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 TRANSPORTATION We have seen that Mojo villages were connected by wide cause- ways, some of which were sufficiently high to remain above water during the flood. In the dry season the ditches from which the soil had been taken to make the embankments constituted canals which the natives navigated in their canoes, especially at harvest time when they brought home their crops. Nordenskidld (1924 b, pp. 185-188) followed one of these canals which is 2,000 m. long and from 6 to 7 m. wide, and connects the Mamoré River with the Iru- rupuru River. He also mentions a canal, 5 km. long and 2 m. wide, between the Chunano and San Juan Rivers, from which another canal, 50 m. long and 5 m. wide, leads to the Itonama River. By following rivers and canals from this point, the traveler will finally reach Baurés. The dugouts of the Mojo are not described; those of their descend- ants have a sharp bow and a flat stern. They are propelled with 5-feet Jong crutched paddles decorated with incised designs. Eder (1791, p. 75) also describes balsas or reed rafts with upturned prow and stern, on which the Indians—he does not say which—took long trips. Some Indians made floats by blowing air into an animal skin, but there is no evidence that this device was known before the European era. The pelota, or bull-boat, was also known to the Mojo—at least in the eighteenth century. An ox hide was stretched over a frame of reeds or rods and the sides were folded to stand 6 inches out of the water. Goods were piled upon the raft, which was towed by a swim- ming Indian, but sometimes a paddler sat in the bull-boat. They built bridges over narrow streams by lassoing bamboos or slender palm trees and bending them until they touched the ground on the opposite side. They attached transverse sticks over the arch so that women and children could climb to the other shore, as on a ladder (Eder, 1791, p. 75). MANUFACTURES Bark cloth—To make bark cloth, the Mojo detached from bibosi trees large pieces of bark, sometimes 12 feet long and 3 feet wide, which they beat over a log with a grooved wooden mallet. A fter- ward they washed the cloth, wrung it out to remove the sap, and dried it in the sun. Basketry.—Of Mojo basketry Eder writes (1791, p. 315) : They weave very elegant mats with very thin reeds which they stain before- hand so that they obtain a splendid variety of figures [flowers?]. With the Same reeds or with palm leaves they make baskets, hats and bags which charm the eyes by the vividness of their colors and are eagerly purchased by the Spaniards. MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 67 The Mojo, like the other tribes of the region, also seem to have made boxes of reeds twined together with cotton. Judging from the basketry of modern Mojo, their ancestors, like the Guiana Indians, made flat circular trays, carrying baskets with hexagonal weave (lattice type), and round telescope baskets. Spinning.—The Mojo spun cotton in the same way that so many modern tribes of eastern Bolivia do. Women sat on the ground, rested the distal end of the spindle between the large and second toe of the left foot, and rolled the spindle with the right hand along the right leg. The skein was held with the left hand. Weaving —Mojo textiles were of cotton. The two varieties of cotton, one white and the other reddish, they used undyed to produce patterns on their fabrics. The Mission Jojo were such expert weavers that they were able to reproduce any European weave which the Fathers gave them. Eder (1791, p. 312) is probably mistaken when he says that their loom was a pair of sticks tied crosswise (“atque filamenta super benis lignellis in crucis formam compositis tendebant, et simplicissimo hoc textrinae adparatu rem omnem perficiebant”). Modern Mojo and Bauré have the Arawak or vertical loom. Wood carving—Wood carving probably was practised by the Mojo before their contact with Europeans; it is improbable that they could have developed spontaneously the skill for which the Jesuits praise them. The first Spaniards in Mojo country stated that they saw “wooden fish and painted birds” among these Indians (Maurtua, 1906, vol. 9, p. 176). With a simple knife they carved perfect reproductions of images for the churches. Feather work—According to Eder (1791, pp. 308-309) feather work was the Mojo’s greatest artistic accomplishment. Down was plucked from the breast and from under the wings of brightly col- ored birds and sewed on cloth so skillfully that it resembled natural plumage. By combining different colors, the Mojo made mosaics representing quadrupeds, birds, or men throwing darts or fishing. When dancing, they held these feather pictures in their hands as if they were small shields, and shook them. In fact, under the direction of their supervisors they made images and altar ornaments of feathers which you would have thought had been painted if you had not touched them with your hands. Pottery—tThe missionaries praised Mojo pottery, which included jars, bowls, dishes, and cooking pots. The best had painted motives which, according to Marban (1898, p. 150), were “taken from the spots of animals.” In mounds in the Mojos region, Nordenskidld discovered pottery vases with painted geometric designs (1913 b) which were undoubtedly made by the ancestors of the Mojo. Clay / 68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 134 was tempered with the ashes of spongi (Parmula Batesti) containing small spiculae, which gave to the material a remarkable resistance. Pottery was made by women.” Weapons.—Mojo bows were about 5 feet (1.5 m.) long and were made of chonta wood decorated with feathers and wrapped with colored threads. Arrows were tipped with a lanceolate bamboo blade or with a rod to which a bone head or the spike of a stingray was fastened with wax. War arrows often had a hollow nut shell which whistled when flying through the air. Arrow feathering, judging from Eder’s plates, seems to have been of the Peruvian cemented type. Mojo archers could hit targets at a distance of 60 feet (30 m.). They shot with such power that their arrows pierced the gunwales of canoes. The Mojo used the spear thrower for hunting and war. A picture in Eder’s book seems to show the spear thrower as a narrow board with a hook to engage the butt of the dart, but Eder (1791, p. 287) describes it as a “tube” (capsulae), which must mean a halved sec- tion of bamboo. Whatever its type, the spear thrower was discarded soon after European contact. The Mojo blowgun was, like that of the Huari, a long bamboo tube, straightened by heating it over a fire. Blowgun darts were thin palm splinters, the butts of which were wrapped with a cotton pad to receive the impact of the air. As they were dangerous to handle, being poisoned, they were kept in a bamboo quiver. The poison (undoubtedly curare) used on blowgun darts was extracted from a creeper, coropi, which seems to have been the same as that used for drugging fish. The creeper was shredded, the fibers sprinkled with hot water, and the decoction was slowly filtered through cotton and then boiled on a slow fire until it became quite thick. The mass was then made into a cake and dried in the sun. To use the poison, it was moistened with tobacco juice and the darts were then dipped in its melted surface. Arrows and darts thus coated with poison were exposed to the sun. Spears were adopted after European contact; but slings and bolas, which Nordenskiédld (1924 b, p. 65) thought had been intro- duced by the Whites, were used by the Mojo before they had even heard of the Spaniards. The several reports of the Solis Holguin expedition mention spear throwers, slings, and bolas (“ayllos de tres piedras atadas en triangulo como los de Peru” and “lives, que suelen maniatar 4 uno y derriaballo, y que los Toros heran sus armas es- 8 Castillo (1906, p. 320): “estas mismas (mujeres) labran tinajJas y todo lo que es de barro que lo hay muy bueno, se puede ofrecer dandole muy vistoso barniz y gracia en la hechura;.. .” MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 69 tolicas” (Maurtua, 1906, vol. 9, pp. 147 and 164)). By the end of the eighteenth century, the Mojo used bolas of lead, like those of modern gauchos. Clay pellets bristling with poisoned thorns were used as missiles for slings. The only weapon of defense known to the Mojo and Bauré was a shield made of reeds firmly twined together with cotton threads and trimmed with feathers. Tools.—Since there is not a stone of the size of a pebble all through the plains and forests of the Province of Mojos, the Indians had to import the stones for their axes. A few stone axes were found by Nordenskiéld in his excavations on the mounds of Mojos. Metallurgy —tThe silver or tin ornaments—diadems, bracelets, disks, tubes—of the J/ojo were made of pieces of metal which they cut from the bowls and dishes traded from the Spaniards. Their only tools were knives, scissors, and stone hammers. They did not smelt ores, but occasionally melted down the purchased silver or tin. Silver disks were tempered to harden them. All metal objects were painstakingly polished. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Information on Mojo social organization is almost entirely lacking. According to Orellana (1906, p. 7), our most ancient source, each community had a chief who was elected every year and whose au- thority depended on the good will of those under his rule. This statement must be accepted with some reservation as it does not tally with the few data we have on the’ social organization of the Bauré, whose culture did not differ considerably from that of the Mojo. The Bauré chiefs, called arama, formed an aristocratic caste, for a chief’s first wife had to be the daughter of some other chief and only his son by a noble mother was eligible to succeed him. Chiefs did not work and were provided with food and drink by their subjects. They enjoyed great power and even could impose a death sentence. Some control upon a chief’s authority was, how- ever, exercised by old men who represented the community and reminded him of his duties. Chiefs saw to it that peace was not dis- turbed and there is an instance of a chief who thrashed two murderers without their daring to resist him. During a war or hunting expedi- tion chiefs assumed unrestricted power. Chiefs also decided when a village was to be moved to another spot, and it sufficed that some mis- fortune had befallen one to cause the shifting of a community. A few scattered remarks in our sources seem to allude also to the existence of a servile class. These were probably prisoners who were often sold to other tribes or to the Whites. 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 134 Disputes between individuals were settled during drinking bouts by a conventional wrestling match. A man who-felt wronged chal- lenged the offender; then, gripping his hair or ears, tried to throw him to the ground; if he succeeded, the quarrel ended and harmony was restored. A murderer sought refuge in another community. Each man was the undisputed owner of the objects which he manu- factured for his own use. Canoes, built cooperatively but evidently owned individually, were borrowed freely by anyone needing them. LIFE CYOLE Childbirth—Acording to Eguiluz (1884, p. 10), a woman who practiced abortion or suffered a miscarriage was drowned by the in- habitants of her own village, who feared dysentery. On the other hand, Eder (1791, p. 361) complains of the frequency of abortion among Mojo women. The foetus generally was expelled by pounding the abdomen with stones. Infanticide was a common practice. Women were delivered in special huts outside of the village, as- sisted by a midwife; a duck was sacrificed and the spirits were pro- pitiated by conjuration and the playing of a flute. If the delivery was difficult, toads were attached to the woman’s bed, but these were sprinkled with chicha and set free a few days later. If the baby had some monstrous deformity, it was killed. If the mother died during or after childbirth, her child was buried alive with her, because it was thought that a child could be fed only by its mother. If twins were born, the second was believed to be the child of a spirit. This evidence that the mother had had intercourse with a supernatural being gave her great prestige. Twins were allowed to marry only twins. On the other hand, some missionaries state that one of the twins was buried alive, face downward. A woman was not confined long after birth and soon resumed her customary activities. Marban (1898, p. 156) mentions a few punishments inflicted upon children: A little girl was tied to a post; other children were hit with the fist. Puberty.—There is no mention of a special ceremony celebrating a girl’s attainment of puberty, but menstruant women had to retire to a platform lest their very presence cause the plants and trees to dry up. Marriage-—The most desired attributes of a wife were that she be fat, active, a good weaver, know how to brew good beer, and be able to take care of her husband’s hair. Women preferred men of a dark complexion, who were skillful hunters and fishermen and also proficient tillers. A boy and a girl who were engaged ate from the same dish during the few days preceding their marriage. Unless both had a good appetite, which was interpreted as proof of mutual MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 71 consent to the union, the marriage did not take place (Marban, 1898, p. 158). A marriage, at least in the missions, was celebrated with- out any ceremony. The bride merely went to live in her husband’s house. In the “Lettres édifiantes et curieuses” (1781, vol. 8, p. 87), however, it is stated without indicating the tribe in question, that the Mojo Indians followed their wives after marriage—a clear allusion to matrilocal residence. Polygyny existed, but was rare. Infant betrothal is reported for a few unspecified tribes of the region. Castillo (1906, p. 334) cites the case of a man married to both an older woman and her daughter. An adulterous woman was severely punished by her husband or even by her relatives, one of the main reasons for this being the belief that a wife’s delinquency injured her husband’s success in hunting or even endangered his life. The lover, however, was unmo- lested until the offended husband, in the turmoil of a drinking bout, would pick a fight with him, tear off his ornaments, and thrash him. Conjugal ties were lax. Missionaries complained that the Indians divorced “for a harsh word, for an affront, because the wife did not answer her husband, because the man refused the drink or the food served by his wife, because of jealousy or any other slight cause” (Orellana, 1906, p. 11). Funeral customs.—Our sources are silent on the funeral customs of the Mojo. We only know that they buried their dead in shallow graves and that they placed bows, arrows, maize, and beer over the sepulcher. Nordenskidld’s excavations (1913, pp. 214-244) in the mounds of the Mojos regions have shown that the usual form of interment was secondary urn burial, except, perhaps, in the culture represented by the lower layer of Mound Velarde. In the upper stratum of the same mound, in Mound Hernmarck and Masicito, funeral urns were covered either with another urn or with a tripod vessel. Eder (1791, p. 20) says that two tribes of the region—he does give their names—believed in the transmigration of souls: those of good people went to a place where they feasted and made love, whereas those of wicked men turned into jaguars, wild pigs, and other animals. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Dances.—Dancers wore splendid headdresses and often were dis- guised with bird or monkey skins. Many held pieces of cloth cov- ered with feather mosaics in their hands. Dancers formed two lines facing each other, then, stooping forward, moved to and fro, playing flutes and shaking rattles. At times they stamped on the ground to make their anklets of nuts jingle. The steps followed a two beat 404903—42—6 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 134 pattern. Extravagantly dressed clowns, each carrying a drum slung over his shoulder, danced apart from the main group. These jokers were entitled to all kinds of favors. Men and women danced in separate groups, each singing songs. Girls, holding each other by the hands, performed a posture dance while entoning the refrain to verses chanted by a man beating a small drum. Each community gave an average of 10 or 12 feasts a year, but its members were frequently invited to those organized by the other vil- lages of the region. The joyous event was announced the day before by the beating of wooden drums, a large and a small one. The guests gathered in the dancing hall, or “temple” (bebedero), where they sat on carved wooden benches or in hammocks placed around the huge partially buried chicha jars. During the party, men boasted of their past deeds or challenged their offenders. A few years ago modern Mojo still performed strange dances at church festivals. How far these represent survivals of their old culture and how far they contain elements taught by the Jesuits, is difficult to determine. The most famous of these dances was that of the macheteros, or sword men, who brandished their wooden weapons in front of the altar before laying them with their diadems down before the crucifix in sign of submission. The Mojo had another dance in which people holding chickens on their heads stamped the ground in front of the altar. Musical instruments.—The Mojo were good musicians. There was no kind of instrument brought from Europe [says Eder, 1791, p 813] which they could not play or blow, to the astonishment even of the military commanders. They made string and wind instruments themselves and played on them with harmony and charm all sorts of pieces composed by our best musicians. Native Jfojo instruments listed by the missionaries included fruit- shell jingles attached to the ankles, jingle rattles of deer hoofs, and shells hanging from the lower edge of nets worn around the waist. Gourd rattles were filled with pebbles. They were, with the drums and trumpets, the most sacred instruments. The “large drum” beaten with a single stick was perhaps the hollow-log drum. Small drums, which the mission Indians slung over their shoulders when dancing, had been acquired from the Whites or copied from European drums. Such drums, still used quite recently, were made of a piece of bark or a hollowed palm stump. Both ends were covered with jaguar or deer skins. The favorite instrument of the Mojo was the panpipe, which con- sisted of a single row of reeds held between two sticks, and was suspended on a cord around the musician’s neck. MBTRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO a3 It is impossible to know from Eder’s description (1791, p. 3384)* whether the instrument composed of an elongated gourd and a flute was a simple trumpet or a clarinet (Izikowitz, 1935, p. 256). The funnel-shaped Mojo bark trumpets were probably identical with the spiral, twisted bark trumpets of the Guiana region and served the same purpose. The civilized Afojo retained this instrument but had transformed it into a gigantic panpipe by joining together 11 bark trumpets of various lengths. The individual trumpet consisted of two layers of bark or leaves, one twisted longitudinally and the other at right angles with this, or rather in spirals. In this way the tubes became quite firm. They were slightly conical and in the upper narrower aperture there was a mouth piece of reed which was carved to suit the shape of the mouth ... The instruments were joined by means of a transverse lath, precisely as on the panpipe. [Izikowitz, 1935, p. 225.] Games and sports.—The national sport of the Mojo was a ball game, in which the ball was struck with either the feet or the head. When the feet were used, the two contesting teams were 25 feet (7.6 m.) apart, but when they butted with the head the interval was about 42 feet (13 m.). The balls were of rubber, made by first coating a clay ball with liquid rubber, and then dipping it in water to dissolve out the clay. After this, they blew air into the ball, wrapped it with a flat piece of rubber, and smeared it with several coats of liquid rubber. The finished ball weighed about 25 pounds. Football players protected their legs with bandages. The missionaries introduced among the Indians a great many Euro- pean games and sports, such as horse racing in which novice riders provided a comic element. Eder (1791, p. 340) mentions a game which is perhaps genuinely Indian: one man attempted to eat a certain amount of hot corn on the cob before his competitor could run to a goal. Drinks.—Maize beer was made of slightly roasted grains pounded in a mortar, sprinkled with water, and then briefly roasted a second time in pans. After this, many women gathered around the bowls and spent the night chewing part of the maize flour. The flour, now soaked with saliva, was boiled for 24 hours, and the broth was trans- ferred into large jars to ferment. The best chicha was that covered by a thick layer of fat. Marban (1898, p. 188), however, remarks that the maize beer was not very popular in his day and that the Indians brewed chicha of boiled yuca tubers which were crushed, strained through a sifter “of bark strips,” and then allowed to fer- ment more or less according to the degree of strength they desired. In his excavations of Mound Velarde and Mound Hernmarck, Nor- 4%“Pro basso, ut vocant, germina adhibent instrumenta: pumum curcubitis oblongis aut rotundis constat; illas more tubarum, has inserta fistula inflant.” 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 134 denskidld (19138 b, figs. 35 and 40) found vessels with perforated bottoms which were perhaps used in the preparation of chicha. We know that the Mojo “covered their beer jars with a perforated dish and that they placed on sticks vessels with holes which they filled with chewed yuca. They poured over it water which trickled drop by drop” (Castillo, 1906, p. 328). Sometimes poisonous manioc tubers were treated and added to maize chicha. Fermented drinks also were made from all kinds of fruit, especially pineapples. Chicha was served in gourds which, on solemn occasions, were trimmed with feathers and decorated with figures. When on a long journey, these Indians always took as provision a pot of the fermented yuca mass, which they mixed with water to prepare a stimulating and nourishing beverage. RELIGION The few data on Mojo religion in the missionary accounts indicate a fairly complicated religious system and a well organized cult. The Mojo believed in a great many deities some particular to one village, others common to all of them. Some of their gods were married ; others were single. Hach one had distinct functions and activities. Some presided over water and fish, some over clouds and lightning, some over the crops, some over war, and some over jaguars. [Hguiluz, 1884, p. 10.] The tutelar deity of the Moremono subgroup was a star called Arayriqui. Gods were so intimately associated with the territory in- habited by their worshipers that the Indians were always loath to migrate lest they be deserted by their protective deities. Eder (1791, p. 243) gives these several deities the collective name of acsane, which may be translated as “spirit.” There were acsane of the forests, of the rivers, of the lakes, and of other things, but the most powerful acsane were those of the dead. These acsane caused the copaiba trees (Copaifera officinalis Lin.) to creak at night when they rubbed themselves against the bark to cure wounds suffered in fights. The Mojo was so terrified of the Jaguar Spirit that shamans easily persuaded people to bring them offerings of meat and food. If somebody was killed by a jaguar, all his belongings were exposed in front of his hut and thenceforth were regarded as the rightful property of the animal. Those who had been wounded by a jaguar acquired high prestige and generally became shamans. A hunter who killed a jaguar took the name of the slain animal which was revealed to him by a shaman; he also had to observe a special ritual and subject himself to a series of taboos. He had to fast, to cut off part of his hair, and seclude himself in the temple where the heads of the jaguars were kept and worshiped. The cere- monies ended with a drinking bout, during which the priest or shaman METRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 15 made a libation to the deity on behalf of the killer. The victory over the jaguar was credited to the god. The rites observed after killing a jaguar were not, however, always so strict. Father Marbin (1898, p. 154) tells us that when any Indians of his village shot a jaguar, they were washed in the river by women and then they fasted. A jaguar’s body was not taken to the village, because it might cause an epidemic, but was eaten on the beach by the chief and other people who stayed away from the village beating drums and drinking for many days. Trees were under the protection of the Rainbow, who, in Mojo mythology, was the Sun’s wife. Eder (1791, pp. 249-250) tells us that the Mojo once refused to obey the missionaries when ordered to cut certain tall trees, fearing to be drowned as a punishment for their sacrilege. Lake Origuere in the Mojos region was shunned by the Indians, who believed that a gigantic fish resided there who would capsize the canoes of trespassers and have them devoured by smaller fish. Sacred buildings and cult——Each village had huts, which the mis- sionaries called temples or “drinking-places” and which were reposi- tories for human skulls belonging to the warriors (it is not stated whether the skulls were from members of the tribe or from enemies) and for jaguar heads, which were decorated with cotton. The ritual of the temple cult consisted mainly in offering food or beer to the deities. About the time of the new moon the priests, at break of day, conducted the people in silence to some high place, where, when they were assembled, they uttered loud cries, to soften the invisible and malignant powers of those in whom they stood in fear. They thus passed the whole day, fasting; when night approached, the priests cut off their hair and adorned themselves with red and yellow feathers, in token of joy that the propitiation had been effected. Jars of liquor were brought as offerings to the gods; they drank immoderately themselves, and gave the rest to the people, who drank and sang and danced through the night, and generally concluded the meeting with quarrels, wounds, and not infrequently, with deaths. [Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, vol. 8, p. 90, translated by Southey, 1829, vol. 3, p. 203.] In the cult of the Jaguar Spirit, people, carrying offerings of food or chicha, gathered in front of the temple. The priest entered alone and invited the Jaguar Spirit to come by playing a flute. After a while he returned and announced that the Jaguar was eating, and then gave the signal for everybody to rejoice and drink. Some- times the priests appeared bleeding, their clothes torn off, as if they had been fighting with the Jaguar. Father Francisco del Rosario (1682, p. 837) gives a brief account of the religious ceremonies of the Mojo which may contain certain elements of truth. The Jojo, he says, placed in their temples crudely 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 194 carved posts which represented their gods. Around them they kept stuffed serpent skins. Men gathered in these temples but women were carefully excluded. There, divided into two groups, they sang. They beat a large wooden drum to announce the presence of the deity to which they sacrificed a duck which had been killed on a wooden bench in the plaza. During the ceremony an Indian stood outside armed with an ax, and, at a given moment, ran along the paths around the village striking the trees with his weapon. Every day at dawn the priests chanted to the accompaniment of a gourd rattle in honor of the moon. Priests prayed sitting on their benches, with lowered heads. Sometimes two priests would alternately recite a long invocation. Like so many Arawak tribes of the region of Guiana and cen- tral Brazil, the Mojo had ceremonies in which they played trumpets and other musical instruments thought by the uninitiated to be the voices of the spirits. Neither women nor children could look at the players lest they be devoured by alligators. The spirit impersonators formed a procession called the “jumping of the alligator.” * In front walked two men decorated with feathers, shaking gourd rattles and imitating the coo of pigeons by blowing into whistles made of hollow nuts. Behind them came four men who made barking noises with gourds. Then came 12 men, each blowing a trumpet 9 feet (2.7 m.) long, that was carried by another man. Magical observances—The Mojo fasted before going on a trip or to war to procure good luck, before building a house to prevent a beam falling on them, and before hunting to insure getting an abundance of deer and to avoid being wounded by an arrow (Mar- ban, 1898, p. 152). Women refrained from eating meat or any salted dish while their husbands were hunting lest the wounded deer should not die (Mar- ban, 1898, p. 153). Those who built a “drinking-house” (dancing hall or temple) had to refrain from eating fish. Food which was dropped was said to belong to spirits. The Mojo attributed great importance to dreams and drew augurs from the flight of birds. SHAMANISM Shamans were chosen by the supernatural powers in two different ways. Persons who had been blessed by a vision or had suffered an accident which deprived them momentarily of their senses were called tiarauqui or seers and enjoyed the highest prestige. To obtain this title, they underwent a year of severe abstinence, at the end of which 15 “Saltum crocodile” (Eder, 1791, p. 337). MNTRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO ra the juice of certain pungent herbs was infused into their eyes “to purge their mortal sight, and therefore they were called Tiharanqui . . . they who have clear eyes.” The comocoi were those who had escaped after being attacked by a jaguar or an alligator. One who had been consecrated by the claws of a jaguar observed complete chastity for 1 or 2 years and refrained from several foods, particu- larly fish and cayenne pepper; a violation of these taboos exposed him to the vengeance of the jaguars. Eder does not distinguish different kinds of shamans and calls all of them “motire.” Castillo (1906, pp. 352-353) draws a clear distinction between the “medicine men who cured diseases and were blessed with the power of seeing and extracting invisible serpents” and the ceremonial priests “who were encharged of the sacrifices and prayers and fasted on behalf of the whole community.” There were also women shamans who acquired their power in the same way as men. The first missionaries to the Province of Mojos recorded two cases in which women became shamans as the result of visions. One woman, victim of severe indigestion caused by overeating fish, swooned and saw lights. The shaman consulted said that she was possessed by the spirit Vire and that she would die unless she were washed from head to feet with fish broth, which the god hated. After being treated, the woman became a successful shaman. Marban (1898, p. 154) mentions a girl who cried hysteri- cally because “a god” had appeared to her. Her parents, however, rejoiced greatly over the event, fasted, and then celebrated the oc- casion by a drinking party. Female and male shamans treated patients in the same way. Some women went around the villages announcing impending disasters unless the people performed sacrifices over which they presided. Shamans maintained close contact with the spirit world. When- ever they had to speak with spirits on important business they drank a decoction prepared from a plant called “marari,” similar to our vervena, which produced a mild trance, though our sources only state that they suffered from insomnia and severe pains. Mojo con- sulted their shamans in order to discover a thief or to learn how to deal with a spirit that tormented a sick person. When a shaman was called by a sick person, he first tried to discover from the bad spirit itself what kind of offerings it wanted. If efforts to placate it failed, he rubbed the skin of the patient and applied ligatures to force the disease to a place from which it might be extracted by sucking. After sucking, a shaman generally exhibited feathers, stones, leaves, or worms, which he claimed to be the material cause of the ailment. He also gave the sick person a new heart which 78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 had the form of a stone. As part of his treatment, a shaman also fasted and blew tobacco smoke on the patient. When a serpent was believed to have caused disease, the patient’s entire body was rubbed with foam made from certain roots (Marban, 1898, p. 153). Mythology—Kach community claimed to have come out of a nearby lake, hill, or field, and regarded the place as sacred. A myth recorded among the Mojo recently (Pauly, 1928, p. 160) probably contains references to the creator and perhaps also some ele- ments of the Trickster cycle. The gluttonous Moconomoco, father of men, ate all the seeds and drowned in ariver. When the eagle told the famished men where Moconomoco’s body was, they pulled it out of the water and the “hornero” bird opened its stomach, where all the seeds were found and recovered. Lore and learning—Several constellations were named after ani- mals: jaguar, alligator, bear, and soon. They also had a myth about a celestial ostrich, who greedy for the food on earth, had its tail feathers pulled by another animal at the very moment it was about to jump from a hole in the sky. Partial eclipses were interpreted as ailments of the Sun or the Moon, and the total disappearance of these luminaries as their tem- porary death. They also believed in a celestial jaguar who ate the Moon. Stars were said to be the children of the Sun and Moon and falling stars were dead stars. The appearance of a constella- tion, probably the Pleiades, “small parrots,” marked the beginning of the year (Eder, 1791, p. 56). ETIQUETTE Missionaries praise the hospitality of the Mojo. When a group of visitors entered a village, each was saluted individually and was given food and beer. Etiquette required that the oldest men drink last and that the gourd be given back to the one who had handed it. After a meal, a bowl of water was put in front of each guest, who washed his hands. The Bauré stretched a cotton blanket on the ground for the guest to sit on. A party of friendly visitors was expected to announce its arrival by blowing the trumpet. COMMERCIAL RELATIONS The Mojo maintained active commercial relations with their neigh- bors, a fact which accounts for the reputation which they enjoyed in distant regions. They probably were acquainted with metal before the Europeans penetrated near their border, which may explain the rumors about their treasure reported by the Indians to the Span- MATRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 79 iards. Mojo traders not only visited the Chiriguano, but went also to the country of the Moseten (Rache or Amo) from whom they purchased salt, beads, and knives (Marbaén, 1889, p. 140). UNCLASSIFIED TRIBES OF THE PROVINCE OF MOJOS It would be of little profit to science to list all the tribal names appearing in the official documents and in the Jesuit accounts of the Province of Mojos. Most of these are names of subtribes or of settlements of Indians known by more common designations. Frequently the position of these so-called “nations” is hardly indi- cated. The only tribes which should be mentioned here are those about which we have some positive information. The Ticomeri of the Mission of San Francisco de Borja spoke a language called Majena or Maxiena which was different from any language in the Province of Mojos (Hervas, 1800, p. 249). Castillo (1906, p. 301) places the Mujanaes (Mujana) northwest of the Mojo. They were an important tribe at war with the M/ojo, who accused them of cannibalism. The Tiboi, whom the Jesuits established in their Mission of San Francisco Borja, were remarkable for the shape of their heads, which they deformed in the manner described by Eder (1791, p. 219) : The Tiboi, a barbarous tribe, compressed the head and the face of a child soon after birth . . . between wooden boards placed on the sides, forcing it to grow lengthwise. When any part of the head grew beyond these boards, they bound it firmly with a bandage, so that it got the appearance of a lump on the head, which they again treated in the same way, thus producing a person as it were, with three heads and a very much compressed face. Hervas (1800, p. 249) gives a somewhat different account of the same procedure: They tied the heads of the newly born in such a way that it ended in a pyramid. The wrapping was around the skull, that is to say the part covered with hair. The Chiriba and Chumana (Chiman?) languages of the same Mis- sion seem to have been related (Hervas, 1800, p. 250). The Manesono (Mopeseano) were a small tribe of about 350 people living in the pampas west of Trinidad. They had a language of their own, but, when they were discovered, many of them spoke Mojo. The Subzrano are placed by Castillo (1906, p. 300) on the Securé (Chenesi) River, above the Mojo-speaking Mariquiono, who occupied the mouth of that river. The Canacure and Pasajeono were two tribes which, according to the Mojo, were to be found between the Mamoré River and the land of the Moseten. These were probably Zakanan Indians. 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 REFERENCES Adam and Leclere (1800), Altamirano (1891), Argomosa (1906), Castillo (1906), Eder (1791), Hguiluz (1884), Finot (1936, pp. 265-298), Garriga (1906), Gibbon (1854, passim), Hervas (1800, pp. 247-250), Informaciones hechas por don Juan de Lizarazu (1906), Izikowitz (1935, passim), Keller-Leuzinger (1874, pp. 142-169), Lettres édifiantes et curieuses (1781, vol. 8, pp. 77-119), Marban ~ (1701, 1898), Matthews (1854, passim), Maurtua (1906, vols. 9 and 10), Nordenskiéld (1913, 1924 b, passim), D’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, pp. 224-236; 1844, vol. 3, pp. 221-256), Orellana (1906), Pauly (1928, pp. 155-160), René-Moreno (1888), del Rosario (1682, pp. 887-844), Wegner (1931 b), Zapata (1906). KANICHANA The Kanichana (Canisi, Canechi, Kanisiana) Indians also repre- sented an isolated linguistic group. Before the Jesuits settled them in the Mission of San Pedro on the upper Machupo River, the Kani- chana had lived along the Mamoré River and around the headwaters of the Machupo River and along its lower course down to the Mission of San Joaquin. They had about 70 villages in the region between 13° and 14° S. lat. and 64° and 65° W. long. The Kanichana were visited in 1693 by Father Agustin Zapata, who estimated their number at 4,000 to 5,000. In 1695, the whole tribe gathered on the Mamoré River, wishing to build a large mission. Their request was satisfied a year later; a letter from Father Arlet (1781), written in 1697, describes the beginning of the Mission, to which 1,200 had voluntarily come. Even after a hundred years of disciplined life in the mission, the Kanichana retained their dignity and warlike disposition. They rose against the Bolivian authorities in 1801 and in 1820. In the last rebellion they killed the Governor and set fire to the building containing all the Jesuit archives. In 1780 the population of San Pedro was 1,860; in 1797, the number of Indians in the same mission is given as 2,544. According to D’Orbigny (1839 a, vol. 2, p. 244) there were still 1,939 Kanichana in 1831. Farming was less important in Kanichana economy than hunting and fishing; alligators were a favorite food. They caught them by passing a noose round their necks and dragging them to the shore, where other Indians killed them with axes, or else a man crawled toward the alligator holding a stick sharpened at both ends; at the moment the animal opened its mouth, the hunter, holding his stick vertically, thrust it into the alligator’s mouth so that it penetrated both jaws. The prey was dragged to the shore by means of a cord attached to the stick. The Hanichana had large canoes. Villages were protected by a system of fortifications. When first visited by missionaries, both men and women went naked, but once Christianized they were forced to wear cotton or bark-cloth shirts. MBTRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO Sl The Kanichana were armed with bows and arrows and probably had also spear throwers, judging by Father Arlet’s (1781, p. 41) reference to “long and sharp reed spears which they hurled with such skill and force that they hit a man at a distance of a hundred feet.” The Kanichana described the Amazons as women armed with spear throwers and bows and arrows. Girls fasted eight days upon reaching puberty, which was cele- brated by a drinking bout. Polygyny was widely spread and con- stituted one of the main obstacles which the Jesuits had to face when trying to convert them. The Hanichana were extremely warlike and scourged their neigh- bors, the Moré, Kayuvava, and Itonama. Missionaries always refer to the Kanichana as fierce cannibals. “When they captured prisoners in their wars,” writes Father Arlet (1781, p. 40), “they either kept them forever as slaves or roasted them to devour them in their banquets. They used as drinking cups the skulls of those whom they had killed.” Missionaries go so far as to state that they ate their own children! They were also greatly addicted to beer which they made of various fruits. During their drinking bouts they quarreled and fought against each other with the utmost violence. These drinking bouts were generally arranged as a reward for those who had helped a man clear his fields. The Kanichana believed in a bad spirit called Yinijama. Father Zapata (1906, p. 26) heard a version of the myth of the Amazons and of the pygmies among these Indians. REFERENCES Arlet (1781), Créqui-Montfort and Rivet (1914 b), Eguiluz (1884, pp. 33-34), Heath (18838, p. 683), D’Orbigny (1839 a, vol. 2, pp. 243-249), René-Moreno (1888, p. 452), Zapata (1906). MOVIMA The primitive home of the M/évima Indians was on the left side of the Mamoré River and along the Yacuma River. These Indians were settled by the Jesuits in the missions of San Luis and Borja, on the upper Maniqui River, a tributary of the Mamoré River. ‘The Mission of Santa Ana, near the junction of the Yacuma and Rapulo Rivers, also was formed with Mévima. Father Gregorio de Bolivar (1906, p. 218) speaks of the “Moymas” who lived down the Himana River (Mamoré River), and who were “naked people, vile and ad- dicted to witchcraft.” The main village of the Moymas was called Tumba. In 1709 the Mdévima killed Father Baltazar de Espinosa. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 134 Nordenskidld (1922, p. 76) states that a few independent Médvima still dwelled on the upper Rapulo River in 1908, and Cardts (1886, p. 290) reports that several Mévima families, which had escaped from Santa Ana, were settled on the Aperé (Mato) River. In 1749 there were 1,630 Movima in the Mission of San Luis and 1,800 in the Mission of San Borja. In 1767 the number of Mévima at Santa Ana as 2,000; at San Borja, 1,200; and at Santos Reyes, 1,200. In 1831 there remained 1,288. In aboriginal times the M/dvima were fishermen, hunters, and farm- ers, and, according to tradition, used spear throwers. Their arrows had feathers of the Arara type—the bisected feathers were held by narrow wrappings at short intervals—and wooden plugsto strengthen the butt of the shaft. The Mévima of the Yacuma River went in the dry season to the Mamoré River to sow beans and peanuts on the sandy beaches. They traveled in dugouts, 30 feet long by 16 or 18 inches wide. A Moévima evil spirit was called Canibaba Kilmo. A widower never attacked a jaguar lest it kill him. The last Mévima seen by Nordenskidld (1922, p. 76) were well-to- do agriculturists and stock raisers. They had abandoned all of their native culture except pottery cooking pans which were supported over the fire on three clay stumps. REFERENCES Balzan (1894, p. 27), Bolivar (1906, p. 218), Cardtis (1886, p. 290), Créqui- Montfort and Rivet (1919), Giglioli (1906, p. 226), Gonsalves da Fonseca (1826, vol. 4, p. 83), Nordenskidld (1922, pp. 76-77), D’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, pp. 250-253). KAYUVAVA The former habitat of the Kayuwvava was the western side of the Mamoré River, 15 leagues above its junction with the Guaporé River. These Indians were scattered in small settlements along the main course of the Mamoré River and along several of its small left tribu- taries from 12° to 13° S. lat. and between 65° and 67° W. long. The HKaywvava were discovered in 1693 by the Jesuit missionary, Father Agustin Zapata. They then lived in large villages, each with a population that varied from 1,800 to 2,000 inhabitants. Father Zapata saw seven such villages. Later they were concen- trated in the Mission of Exaltacién, on the Mamoré River, below its junction with the Yacuma River. In 1749 there were about 3,000 Hayuvava in the missions, in 1831 some 2,073, and in 1909 only 100. The ancient Aaywvava were good farmers who raised peanuts, sweet manioc, and maize. Their weapons were bows and arrows and chonta wood spears, which were tipped with a sharp piece of METRAUX] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 83 bone and trimmed with feathers. At the beginning of the present century little of Kaywvava culture remained, except that they still wore bark-cloth tunics and caught fish by throwing open-top, conical baskets over them in swampy places. This type of fishing basket has been reported among the Chunupi, Lengua, Taulipang, Makushi, Tembé, and Wapishiana. A Kayuvava basket which Nordenskidld collected (1924 b, fig. 53) was twined, each warp element consisting of two rods. Kayuvava men filed their incisor teeth, a custom rare in South America and perhaps attributable to Negro influence. The seven Kaywvava villages were all under the rule of a single chief. According to D’Orbigny (1839 a, vol. 2, p. 257), the Kaywvava believed in a good spirit, who was the protector of all things and was called Idaapa, and in a bad spirit called Mainajé. They closed the mouth and nose of dying people to prevent the soul from leaving the body. Men did not work when their wives were menstruating. In the Mission of Exaltacién the Kayuvava were divided into eight groups, corresponding perhaps to former subtribes. Near the Kayuvava and perhaps in a region occupied by one of their tribes or subtribes, Father Agustin Zapata found in 1695 a large village, “with streets and a central plaza.” When he arrived the inhabitants, dressed in luxurious cloaks and covered with feathers, were gathered in front of a “temple,” making offerings to the gods. The offerings consisted of rabbit, ostrich, and deer meat placed on trays around a fire which was never extinguished (Eguiluz, 1884, p. 34). REFERENCES Balzan (1894, p. 27), Créqui-Montfort and Rivet (1914 a, 1917-1920), Eguiluz (1884, p. 34), Giglioli (1906, p. 226), Gonsalves da Fonseca (1826, vol. 4, p. 82), Nordenskiéld (1922, pp. 77-78 ; 1924 b), Teza (1868, p. 133). ITONAMA The Jtonama (Machoto) Indians, who spoke an isolated language, had villages scattered along both banks of the Itonama River from the great lagoon, Laguna Itonama or Carmen, to the Machupo River. About 1720, a party of Cruzefios, led by their governor, passed through the newly founded missions in the Province of Mojos and attacked the Jtonama, who had been approached by missionaries and were about to accept their rule. This party captured 2,000 /tonama and distributed them as slaves among the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, an outrage for which the guilty officials were fined (Maurtua, 1906, vol. 10, pp. 43-48). | 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 134 Missionaries settled the Ztonama in two stations. The first was Santa Magdalena, established in 1700 on the Itonama River, but its population became so large that some of the Indians were moved in 1792 to San Ramon on the Machupo River. In 1767 there were 4,000 Ztonama at Magdalena and a few families in the missions of Loreto and Trinidad in the Province of Mojos. D’Orbigny (1839, vol. 2, p. 237) states that in 1831 the Ztonama at Santa Magdalena numbered 2,831, while those at San Ramon were 1,984, the total being 4,815. In 1914, Nordenskiéld (1924 a, p. 188) found only 300 of these Indians in the region of San Ramon. The recent /tonama, with a background of 200 years of Christianity, retained little of their aboriginal culture. They lived in large vil- lages near the rivers and were agriculturists, hunters, and fishermen. They roasted maize meal in large flat-bottomed pans with raised edges. Both sexes dressed in large cotton or bark-cloth shirts, often painted black, but originally women had worn a loin-cloth. Until puberty, children wore bands below the knees and above the ankles. Little girls had nothing but a string of beads around their waists. The Ztonama until recently still spun cotton by inserting the distal end of the spindle in a notched stick and rolling the proximal end ona log. They were the most famous weavers in the Mojos area. They made circular baskets, some of which had a hexagonal weave (lattice type) ; other baskets were twilled. They used bows and arrows and double-edged clubs. Like the Mojo, they had slings and bolas, probably long before European contacts, but the lasso was introduced in the eighteenth century when the Jesuits started cattle ranches in the Plains of Mojos. Child betrothal was such as deep-rooted custom among the Jtonama that even after a century of Mission life it was still observed. Imme- diately after birth, children became engaged and were often put to sleep in the same hammock. Girls were married when 8 years old. Itonama sexual morality was rather lax. At drinking bouts they exchanged wives and indulged in promiscuous intercourse. A mother would tie the feet of a newborn baby lest its soul follow its father. To protect the infant, a father would not swim in deep water. The infant’s navel cord was dried and used as a drug. The strength of marital ties grew with the number of children that a woman bore her husband; childless women could not expect much sup- port (Eder, 1791, p. 349). At festivals the Jtonama, like the Mojo and Kawijia, blew a sort of huge panpipe, which actually consisted of 11 bark trumpets, varying from 2 to 5 feet in length and joined together in the same Mirravx] TRIBES OF BOLIVIA AND MATTO GROSSO 85 manner as the tubes of a true panpipe. When played, these instru- ments “rested on the ground by means of a stick which was fastened along the longest tube” (Izikowitz, 1935, p. 225). In spite of their acceptance of Christianity, the Ztonama still re- tained some of their old religious beliefs and practices, especially an uncommon fear of ghosts (chokihua). They were firmly con- vinced that a deceased person’s soul remained in the neighborhood of his house, fields, and other movable possessions, and that it would vent its wrath on those who encroached on his property rights. The Itonama consequently refused to till land after its owner died, or to exploit a tree that had belonged to an ancestor.