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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
~--BULLETIN 142

‘THE CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF
THE CAHITA INDIANS

By
RALPH. L. BEALS

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
|| S BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
\ th BULLETIN 142

THE CONTEMPORARY CULTURE
THE CAHITA INDIANS

By
RALPH L. BEALS

UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1945

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C. = Price 50 cents

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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INsTITUTION,
Bureau oF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D.C., May 1, 1943.

Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled
“The Contemporary Culture of the Cahita Indians,” by Ralph L.
Beals, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the
Bureau of American Ethnology.

Very respectfully yours,
M. W. Stirtine, Chief.

Dr. C. G. Axpzort,

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

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Smithsonian Institution
Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Buutetin 142

Tue CoNTEMPORARY CULTURE OF THE CAHITA INDIANS
BY
Rate L. Beats

ERRATA

For footnote !#, read: !Redfield’s other studies in Mexico have not
been one-man affairs, and in some instances deal with comparable

numbers.

Page x.

Page x1. In footnote !*, for Navahoa, read Navohoa.
Page 243. Right-hand column, 10th line from bottom, for Yaqqi, read Yaqui.

Cai.

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SURAT:

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SAG aH

CONTENTS

PAGE
Ein Gee RT TS ee Sea Ci ee ee. eC os eee eee a IX
a EROCU CLO tree OUI EIGN Pat), NO OR ne et 1
SHER OASISHOMMETC Mees LEE EHO Dy. sop ANAL) _ FCA OA RN i 5
Lp ai, OU RG see ee ae ee ee eee ee ee 5
ame aiGaaomesticvanimalsuswe ae at See a ee 10
Gatherine food supplies... 222. 3-0 yS see eee. BAR 10
bln Grip yO W Ondon Ivar Oth. Sas 61008 el os or alee Tee ieee ae iil
Luvciniting An Tg ke Speen Sa a er eer 14
Food’ preparation and storages. 2/02 SP oebek Pe. 228 a ee ee 15
(Sry v SPW CT OSS TT) TP a a ei oe hae ere eee ee SD 16
Dyunestnied) coleprigionee? MiG... 22 ok toe ee ee 16
Uitgilime bon anarnirrmisiini ge, SAS OL Wn. ne ee 20
IMAMULAGtUTes ry Rte coi, A. Aare) Peathe ees os... Let ee 22
COIS MGL Wea DONS mist emmme O88 ite ee on i 22
Hroominwenyiet 2: Sve uee SL Seca SoS sate 23
Basketryiand other weaving... .-2-------- spe sche dope oadasen-- 36
Mresscanclornament ances. 2. TAGE 2 eRe re Ce OTE. 2 oe 37
IPGELETIIV OL COUT AADUOL woot DU Gee tee 8 ae 39
Se eM CSSTIT POON, 2c, Peta OO ae eg 41
Mitisicalfins trumentsMm.,. 42 t-wOr Pie ee ee 41
Ganisportation wad travel. SY) Bons Pee ae ee 43
Ct EEO uae See heed a 44
Pn mECUOLIMEN SMOKING. 22.8.2 6 ete See SP a a ot 44
REELING pent re Ok Sh es et ie i i ee oe 45
ERERLORG REC UMSCSMMINe MMI UEONO. coo ey 47
External relations and geographical knowledge- ----------------------- 47
carmimenibiciowieneents (Or uA BEE ok ook eee nee eee uaas 49
rave amd wwoslGnl ec 1OF Og WR S22. eee soe 49
ar per MPR err t UME L IPE: PRNTIEPOCUV OME 0 oo og 0 Le es ee 50
BEMnL SHNeCtSIOlniEueine FM PORTE 4226. oo ca ee ere See 55
BinGHEO Sena CGS Seta et oe en aoe oer Se 55
Cirevand rearing: of children. - - — <3 ap i a eoreeca 57
PALATE NAO) IER 2 ot a oo ee ona NT
Education and pastimes__--_-__--_-- Paar rerMn NN aR RIN PITS 8 ES Oe 58
Numuinevand, adolescent, Mites... 2-2 jen ee ee gat eee 59

PCIGS HLL GTS MAYO CMO ne oe ee ee ee 60

(MIG TEEPE TSS 2 SESS ga 2 a ae a oe eR SE Sy) 61
Death beliefs'and customs..__._.....----- 9 Sa 66
Bebaviors, attitudes) and mannerisms. -_._..--...~--.2.-.+=—---- 82
POMPE AMOR GATTI ZAG DE PON 6 poco at ee ee ea = 83
Pigitngr 2 GATT s Si rire ne Se mesma ke eee ee 90
Ideas of the world and the universe____--__------------ ate MS “eth 90
Niarorre lvinds Ory a Zatlon. =. 22 ee Sasa = 91
Vicrtere him ener 2 aa eee ee Oe Be See 94.

pei cieee MONE UAP\a) Bisisae “Woy. ee ES eee Be te 98

Bes tenOs ered: Seria thot ce. 6 eee ee Se ee ee 103

VI CONTENTS

Religion—Continued. PAGE
Yaqui religious organization. - -__--_---_-----=----=-=-===---==== 107

The church officers. 23 3) saan sea a ee 107
Matachini. .....222. 2 70-2 ee 8 2 8. eee Ut

Marise0s.. 2-22) 230) eee oe ee eee 112
NiesterOs. =... 22s ee ee oe 115

The integration of Yaqui organization... -.-=s22 eee eee ali try

Mayo fiesta dancers’and musieiaus—o2 225555 2522225255255 22 see 119
Yaqui fiesta dancers and musicians——- -=---=--=-222222--=-22----- 126
Coyote dantcer 22252 Se en oe 131

Mayo fiestas 20 foo rcs re enact isiiaisseeee ee 132

San Jusm fiestas. 020 nse ee eee 134

The fiestas of Christ and the Virgins 22" 2 2" ees 144

Recent ¢hanves in fiestas 2 oso ssi fir 2s rise 161
Velacién:of San Joss srr oe eee 162

Yagil fiestas (29 "52225 esos aise ioc S 2. 165
Fiestas of Christ and the Virgine ss 992252555232 168

San Juan fiestas {sie on ici eee eee 185

Vows; miscellancous belieis) 2225222222 252--02 Saber 188
Circuits, directions, ritual numbers, and other ritual________-_____- 189
The “religion of the woods”? 22 - 2222262222 190
Diseuse and Guringe 22222 iris ieee 191

Witches and wizards 25002" 2>0 2cli of oS lee 196

Dress 90 i iii cae eee 198

The horned water serpent and other beliefs_-_-.-------_------ 199
Development of modern religion and ceremonials_-_____-_-_-------- 202
Rhythms of activity and the adjustment to white culture____________-_- 207
Mayo pacifism; Vagui nationalism: =o 2225222525 22222e6eeeee 211
ales and stories oso eee 215
The first Pe0ple eee eee 216
The making of the world 292" o2 if oli lili eee eee 216
The first CONQUGSHL 6 Son nr eee 218
"The giant hatvest- eee 218
Coyote ard the Bulle ri eee 219
The Tguaua and the Coyote-- 222 fos frit eeeee eee 219
The story of Tirtie and Coyotes ior ii isi eee 219
Coyote and the" Betsss rr Eee 220
The Snaké'and the Vipera i SESS 221
The marfiage of Indian-and Wiitel:- 52522. -__ 2 Se ee 221
Yomomtlt i sa ee ree 223
Turtle’speaks) Yaqui =.=. aos pe aeaaMaaial oye) 8 8 ek 224
Saint: Peterandi the:Giamt ee eee 224
Bibliography 22 ee en Seen oo eee 225
GIGSSAT Yoo e ee ee ern oo lc eee 227
Explanation of plates_________ bt tan esesb~ ~~~ - S020 On 230

COON DOP ON

CONTENTS Vil

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES
(All plates at end of book)

. 1, Lower Yaqui River. 2, A Mayo field.
. 1, An echos cactus fence. 2, Corner of adobe house.

1, House and kitchen. 2, Mayo house and ramada.

Mayo ramadas.

1, A Mayo kitchen. 2, Thatch-roofed house.

1, A Mayo house cross. 2, Mayo father and children. 3, Mayo bake oven.
1, Mayo woodenimplements. 2, Mayo musical instruments and dance wand.
1, Spinning maguey fiber. 2, Mayo clown.

?

. 1, Mayo woman weaving. 2, Mayo woman using the bow to prepare wool

for spinning.
1, Mayo harp. 2, Mayo violin.

. 1, Man playing harp. 2, Mayo clowns.
. 1, Ocoroni stick dice. 2, Ocoroni dance crown. 3, Ocoroni rattles.
. Mayo masks and headdresses.

1, Graveyard at Cohuirimpo. 2, Graves at Cohuirimpo.
Ceremonial regalia.
1, Mayo Pascola dancers. 2, Yaqui Pascola dancers.

. 1, Mayo deer dancer. 2, Yaqui deer dancer.

1, Fiesta ramada. 2, Mayo fiesta.

. 1, Banners and cross. 2, Pottery bull.
. 1, Mayo church. 2, Mayo fiesta scene.

TEXT FIGURES

PAGE

(eAViEriOUst wooden) Implements. — 25.25 --2s2c24s55—4 5 oe ee eee 8
PO UteMie pastels see meee 8 ee See os eo eee 11
at) Wattle technique torthousetwalle_ 02_1. L500 8s_ UU). STS SE Se ore 17
AmaVertical phatchttorshouseswallsstst4s- _. 4 ea Se li na See 7
Th WWersical wattle dechniquer).. 3442-2222. 222 252d ee oy a ee 17
Gye Wet nogsiol JOMINe TOOL DEANS: <5 2— 8. 3.8 et ea 18
TREVOOMEO NOOK Se ee ee oS er ees nee 20
GeNGGUrG? WALEr DOttlesm sy. Semen oO Soe ee ee cee eee 21
Sa viavo: broadloom: tabrigsit > 2220. Oo). 408200 2 ees 24
1053 Vinyo; brosdloom fabricste 20. abuse). 220). eee See Reese 25
le Vin ONOOTOS: yet. ee 8 8 he De eo 29
teeerals Of weaville, teGhMIQues ....-. 2-220 25. 8 ee ee 30
AMIN IGGa TSC Mter se Sree ee oa oe Se ee a es 32
fammieeWwOVeM belts. 2566s 2c usu oe cable lee ee eee eee eas 33
Lb vinorstextleiproducte2n lt) c 62 ve Dee, Te See Ses 34
Pb tenlavG-pottehyypesa<4 = <en« 1,0. 24. gue eee ae eee eee 40
eo iap Ot. VaCUi herritOny= 2. 8.32253. 52 ee ee ee ee 5 Se ere 48
13. Arrangement of Yaqui village meeting... 2 --- ==. 2502.58. = 87
Deva C oO MatRChin wand... ---. 2 eee oe eee eee eee Ona 95
JO Mat sci dancetipures 00 0) Oller i MEO ay Byler Poe Soe ees 96
Ze] Mayorelowm sworguand, spear. i. 22 s2GLeLuluS. 20. ese ee ee 101
22a AOUUCOMmMmuUunity Oreanizabion (25 a2 ee eee ek ee eae 118
2oeAtranpement of household fiesia.s: 252282252222 72- 5245 1se Sse sce 131

vill CONTENTS

PAGE
24. \‘Planyotrchunchiandplazag=<)<. 2) 12200. Jae eee 135
2.52 Plan Ofawelactons umes. Le ee eee ee SEE A os 150
26: Pueblo ‘Vieja:church, Easter Saturdays. - 2. ee 159
27: Pitahayaohureh, Haster Weeks 2.2 222 222-l05.- Le eee 170
28. Vieam Viejo. church, Easter(Weekus it setelo A). 2b Sn -eeee 174
29. Vicam Viejo churgh,; Easter Saturday--ce) 5s. ---..--- ee ye eee lr
30:) Dance: of, Pilates ‘and fariscossewasee-«_ -- 2S. eee 178
31. (Entrance ofvbilatesiandsiansedues f—.* - S e eee 179
32. Dance ramada and cuartel, Vicam Viejo_.__------- ee ee ee 181
33. ‘Procession on/Paster Sunday. 2.22 _.. +3. 3 eee 183

MAPS

1. Territory of the Céhita, showing principal modern settlements__-_-__-_ 2

PREFACE

The first part of this study (Beals, 1943) was an attempt to recon-
struct the aboriginal culture of the Cahita Indians. This second part
is a general description of the contemporary culture of the Yaqui and
Mayo Indians, the sole surviving groups of Cahita. In the few cases
where informants or documents indicated different customs for the
period between mission days and the present, the data are included.
Where it has been possible to do so, and the matter has seemed im-
portant, the development of contemporary institutions has been
suggested.

The basic interest, both in field work and in presentation, has been
ethnographic. Consequently, there is a minimum of the “social
anthropology” which Robert Redfield has so successfully developed in
Mexico. Much that is significant for study of the interaction between
the Indian and Mexican cultures of the area will, nevertheless, be
found in these pages. Indeed, social problems are so obvious, so
omnipresent, and at the same time so interesting that it is impossible
to ignore them completely, however concentrated one’s purpose may
be on ethnology. Although in the United States similar problems
may exist, they are those of a dying culture which has only minor
relations with the dominant civilization. In Mexico one is dealing,
not with two cultures of which one is dying, but with two cultures
which are each functioning entities. The white and Indian cultures
of Mexico have profoundly influenced one another in many regions,
but they have not yet merged. Nor is it certain that the European
culture is to be wholly dominant in the final synthesis. In content,
of course, much of the final culture of Mexico will be Euro-American.
But its patterns, its habits of thought, and its organization will prob-
ably be profoundly influenced by the Indian cultures. For this reason,
the social aspects of Mexican Indian cultures are impossible to ignore
entirely.

Because of the dominantly ethnological interest which motivated the
field studies, less effort was made to probe current attitudes of the
community than some might think desirable. The task of picturing
the Cahita is much greater than Redfield encountered at Tepoztlan,
for the isolation is less, the numbers nearly 20 times as great, the local
differentiations greater, and the populations more mobile (Redfield,

Ix

x PREFACE

1930.) In the Tepoztlan study Redfield was interested in the aborig-
inal culture elements only in so far as they were integrated into the
composite whole of modern Tepoztlan culture; this study is pri-
marily concerned with the greatest possible segregation of these ele-
ments, and less with elements of Spanish origin which lack an
aboriginal coloring. The “social anthropology” of this paper is a
by-product of the study, just as the ethnology of Redfield’s work is a
by-product of his study, and the final part of it represents a summary
of the social observations made, fairly systematically, but incidentally
to the ethnologic study. Were the field work to be done today, my
approach and interests would give more emphasis to social problems.

The ethnologic problems proved quite complex. Not only have the
Cahita been in contact with whites so long that virtually all memo-
ries of aboriginal days have vanished, but they apparently maintained
themselves with a fairly stable hybrid culture up to recent times when
this hybrid itself started a period of rapid modification. It is neces-
sary, therefore, to view Cahita culture in three layers: the contempo-
rary culture, the culture of post-mission, premodern times, and the
aboriginal culture. The aboriginal layer has been dealt with already.
For the later periods one must depend entirely on the evidence of the
contemporary population, for virtually nothing of a descriptive na-
ture has been written on the Cahita except by the early missionaries.

In securing contemporary data some difficulty resulted from the
fact that the Cahita in general and the Mayo in particular are not
inclined to be communicative. They have for whites a profound dis-
trust which is difficult to overcome, and perhaps a greater naiveté of
outlook than most of the Indians of the United States. They also
lack appreciation of the differences between their own cuiture and that
of the Mexicans. Questions are frequently met with the response
that of course they do just as the yéris (whites) do, entirely over-
looking significant differences in detail. On some of the more inter-
esting aspects of culture dealing with religion, and particularly with
witchcraft and curing methods, it is difficult to secure information,
partly because witches are still murdered among the Mayo and exe-
cuted among the Yaqui, and partly because of the scornful attitude
of the Mexicans.

The basic field work was done in the winter of 1930-31 and the
early part of 1932. About 5 months were spent in the Mayo coun-
try during the first visit and a few days at Potan among the Yaqui.
Practically all of the Mayo towns and villages in the neighborhood
of the Mayo River were visited, but most of the material was col-

1a An important Mayo settlement occupies the old site of Nayohoa and is often referred
deal with comparable numbers.

PREFACE x1

lected within 20 miles of Navojoa ™ and, unless otherwise attributed, is
from the district of Navojoa. A museum collection was made on this
trip. In 1932, 3 weeks were spent in making a reconnaissance of the
territory between the Mayo and Sinaloa Rivers. An unsuccessful
effort was made to discover any remnants of the more southerly Cahita
tribes which might still exist. Some 3 weeks were again spent in
Navojoa with the Mayo, a like period with the Yaqui of Pascua Vil-
lage, Tucson, Ariz., and a month in the Yaqui villages of Vicam and
Vicam Station (inhabited by villagers from Cocorit), with visits to
other villages. ‘The late Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons accompanied me for
about 4 weeks in Mayo and Yaqui territory in 1932. She kindly made
her notes available to me. <A further trip to the Yaqui River and to
Pascua Village was made in the winter of 1937. It should be borne in
mind that the use of the present tense refers in the main to the period
from 1930 to 1932.

It is not feasible to give a complete list of the informants, as their
numbers are considerable, and frequently it was undesirable to attempt
to ascertain names. Often a casual encounter at a fiesta or in some
distant rancho would produce extremely profitable leads and infor-
mation when it could hardly be said that I worked with the individual
asan informant. It rarely proved feasible to use the same informant
long, particularly with the Mayo. Exceptions were Maria Ontivera,
of Tetanchopo, and Ignacio Jusacamea, of Chibuku, and the latter’s
wife and son. Much of the information was secured by observation,
and checked where necessary by asking questions of house owners or
of bystanders at fiestas and other social events. The Mayo especially
were quite willing to give casual information though they would re-
fuse to work consistently, becoming distrustful and restless. More
than 100 Mayo houses were visited and entered for stays of varying
length, and houses and neighborhoods where friendly relations could
be established were revisited frequently. For the Yaqui, the prin-
cipal systematic informants were Guadalupe Flores and Lucas
Chavez, of Pascua Village, Tucson; Jorge (my best informant, who
concealed his surname) and Andrés Valenzuela, of Bacun; Marcelino
Palofox, of Vicam; and Sunovio, of Raun (?); the latter four all
resident in Vicam Station.

The Yaqui study is incomplete, although the main outlines are
clear. But a detailed study of Torin, Vicam, or perhaps Potan is
needed if the contemporary culture is to be thoroughly understood.
The valuable study of Pascua Village made by Edward Spicer (1940)
is hardly representative of conditions in Mexico. It is expected that
current studies by Spicer will supply additional material. Studies
could profitably be made of the down-river Mayo of Echojoa, Huperi,

1a An important Mayo settlement occupies the old site of Navahoa and is often referred
to as Pueblo Viejo.

XII PREFACE

and Santa Cruz, as well as of two or three villages on the Fuerte River
such as Mochicahui, Charay, Tehueco, and perhaps one of the more
Mexicanized hill villages such as Capomas. Until such detailed in-
vestigations are made, Cahita ethnography must remain incomplete.
The differences between Yaqui and Mayo, while to some extent due
to unequal preservation of the cultures, are sufficient to make it
necessary to differentiate between them throughout the paper.
Where material is not specifically assigned, it applies so far as I
know to both Yaqui and Mayo.

Throughout the paper Cahita terms are not italicized. Spanish
terms are italicized unless the word is used in English speech or has
been incorporated into Cahita with some modification in form. The
phonetics of Cahita appear simple and are frequently written in Span-
ish orthography. Some Yaqui write the language with fair facil-
ity on the typewriter. It might have been better to maintain this
system, particularly as so many words, especially place names, appear
in local Spanish speech and literature. Nevertheless, I have made
some adaptations in orthography within the limits of the ordinary
printer’s type font. The system is as follows:

All consonants have approximately the same values as English except that 7
and r often are difficult to distinguish.

An exception is c, which is equivalent to English initial ch.

Vowels are given Spanish values.

Doubled vowels, or vowels not separated by consonants are separated in pro-
nunciation. An exception is ai, which is pronounced as the open i of English
bite.

A raised period (° ) denotes lengthening of vowels.

A raised comma (’ ) denotes.a glottal stop.

Place names in local Spanish usage are given in the Spanish orthography.
The chief differences are: ch=c, j=h, gua=wa, and guay=wai.

Both the field work and the writing of the paper as well as most
of the historical and comparative work were done as a Fellow in
the Biological Sciences of the National Research Council of Wash-
ington, D. C. Field expenses were paid by the University of Calli-
fornia. The work was under the direction of Prof. A. L. Kroeber,
of the latter institution. The acknowledgments made in the preface
to the first part of this study (Beals, 1943) apply with even more
force to the present paper.

Dr. Edward Spicer very kindly read an early draft of the manu-
script, and made many suggestions and criticisms. A few of these are
acknowledged in footnotes, but the many others are acknowledged
here. I have attempted no comparison with Dr. Spicer’s excellent
work on Pascua Village at Tucson (Spicer, 1940). As Dr. Spicer is
engaged in a community study on the Yaqui River, it seems best to
let all comparisons await completion of his work.

THE CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF THE CAHITA
INDIANS

By Ratru L. Brats

INTRODUCTION

The Yaqui and Mayo today are found not only in their original
homelands along the lower Yaqui and Mayo Rivers, but all the way
from southern Arizona to central Sinaloa. Probably several thou-
sand Yaqui live in the United States, where some of them have lived
more than 40 years. Yaqui are frequently encountered also through-
out northern Sonora and, indeed, may be found today almost any-
where in the Republic of Mexico. The Mayo are less widely scattered.
They have moved up the Mayo River and into the Cedros and Alamos
Valleys, but their main expansion is into the valleys of the Fuerte
River. Groups live also on the Ocoroni and Culiacan Rivers.

The Yaqui and Mayo originally numbered approximately 30,000
each, the Yaqui perhaps a few more. (See Beals, 1943.) Today, if
the widely scattered groups are considered, they are perhaps equally
numerous, although the numbers in their original habitats have de-
clined. Later figures are of little reliability. The census figures in
Mexico up to the last census were notably incorrect for the Indian
population, and the 1930 census leaves the Yaqui towns a blank.
Hardy, about 1825, said local estimates of the Yaqui and Mayo were
between 40,000 and 60,000 (Hardy, 1829, p. 428). Velasco in 1850
gave 5,501 Yaquis on the river and estimated that 6,000 more were
scattered through the State, a total of 11,501 (Velasco, 1850, p. 54).
McKenzie in 1889, after the bloody wars of Cajeme, gave 10,000 Yaqui
and 15,000 Mayo (McKenzie, 1890, p. 299). Hrdlitka a few years
later estimated Mayo and Yaqui at 20,000 each (Hrdlicka, 1908, pp.
6-7).

At the present time, I estimate there are 1,200 men living on the
Yaqui River, including those in the Sierra de Bacatete. In 1932
there were between 700 and 800 men on the army pay rolls receiving
the equivalent of a subsidy. As there are believed to be about 3 women
to each man, probably 4 children may also be estimated, or a total of
8,400. Estimates of resident Army officials in 1982 were between
7,000 and 9,000. This does not include the Yaqui living away from the
river, in Arizona, or in the Mexican Army; they would at least double

1

2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 142

the figure. The Mayo cannot be estimated so well, but including mixed
bloods living as Indians, there must be nearly 20,000 on the Mayo
River alone and nearly as many on the Fuerte.

TERRITORY Of
THE

CAHITA

v
SHOWING PRINCIPAL
MODERN SETTLEMENTS

wap =

Map 1.

The history of the first white contacts has already been given
(Beals, 1943). The founding of many Yaqui and Mayo towns still
in existence seems to coincide with the establishment of missions in
the early seventeenth century, although data are inadequate. Par-
ticularly on the Yaqui River, there is reason to believe some towns
have changed location by several miles. Of the Sinaloa River towns
in existence or on fairly modern maps, Mocorito, Chicorato, Bacubirito,
Bamoa, Nio, Guasave, 'T'amazula, and Ocoroni bear the same names
as Indian towns or tribes. No longer existing are Ures, Cubiri,
Lopoche, Deboropa, and Matapan. (See map 1.)

BnaLs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 3

Fuerte River towns dating from mission times or before are Mochi-
cahui, San Miguel Zuaque, Ahome, Tehueco, Choix, Huites, Yecorato,
Vaca, Sivirijoa, Charay, San Miguel, and San Lorenzo. Orozco y
Berra (1864, p. 3382) says the Fuerte was divided in 10 partidos
(districts), Sinaloas and Hichucios (Huites?) occupying Vaca, Toro,
and Huiris; the Tehuecos, Tehueco, Villa de Montesclaros, Sivirijoa,
and San José Charay; the Zuaques, Mochicahue and San Miguel
Zuaque. Hardy (early nineteenth century) assumed all Indian towns
on the Fuerte were Mayo. He gives Toro, Baca, Chois, O’mi
(Ahome?), San Miguel, Charac, Sivilihoa, and Tehueco (Hardy, 1829,
p. 438).

Between the Fuerte and Mayo Rivers are the Mayo towns of Masiaca
and Bacavachi. Concerning the latter, Pérez de Ribas (1645, p. 175)
says the Bacabichis settled with Tehuecos. This probably is the
origin of the name.

On the Mayo River, Conicari, Tepague, and Macollague are little
more than names, although still shown on maps. Camoa, Tesia,
Navojoa, Cohuirimpo (moved to San Ignacio), Echojoa, and Santa
Cruz (now abandoned or dispersed into rancherias) date from mission
times. Pérez de Ribas (1645, p. 239) mentions eight original towns.
Perhaps of later origin are San Pedro, Bacobampo, Rodeo, Huata-
bampo, and Huperi, as well as some of the many small villages or
rancherias. Some of these towns are now largely Mexican.

Velasco (1850, p. 62) gives Macollague in the Sierra, Conicari,
Tecia, Nabajoa, Cuirimpo, Guitahoa, Echojoa, Santa Cruz, and
Masiaca. Hardy (1829, p. 438) gives Tepague, Conecare, Camoa,
Tesia, Navajoa, Curinghoa, Echejoa, and Santa Cruz de Mayo.
Hernandez (1902) reproduces a map of 1757 showing Camoares,
Cedros, Guadelupe, Camoa, Tesia, Nabajo, Corimpo, Hehnchajoa,
and Santa Cruz. Hrdlitka (1904, p. 59) mentions Macoyahui, Coni-
cari, Camoa, Tecia, Navojoa, Cuirimpo or San Ignacio, San Pedro,
Echojoa, Huatabambo, and Bacavachi. These data indicate that the
existing settlements are at least two centuries old.

The earliest mention of Yaqui towns is by Pérez de Ribas (1645,
pp. 310, 312, 331), who states that, from mountains to sea, there were
originally 11 pueblos, of which Torin was the sixth and largest. He
also mentions Vicam. Alegre (1841, vol. 2, p. 140) says Forin was the
uppermost of the Yaquitowns. Ifhemeant Torin, he erred. Velasco
(1850, p. 64) gives Cocori, Bacum, Torin, Bicam, Potam, Rahum,
Huirivis, and Belen, while Hardy (1829, p. 438) mentions Cocori,
Bacum, Torim, Bican, Potan, Raum, Guiraquis, and Belea. The
Hernandez map of 1757, gives Tecoriona, Comoriopa, Colorin (Co-
corit?), Bacum, Torin, Bican, Potan, Raun, and Belan (Herndndez,
1902, map).

4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 142

The Yaqui wars need not be entered into in detail: that is a task for
the historian. Nevertheless, a brief summary is perhaps advisable.
After the entry of the missionaries, the first serious rebellion was in
1740. This outbreak was joined by the Mayo. It was caused by
Jesuit intrigues to prevent the removal of officials who were abusing
their power. The two tribes took an important part in the Wars of
Independence, but, disappointed in the results, rose in 1825 under Juan
Banderas. A brief peace was followed by wars in 1826 and 1882.
If Hardy’s (1829) estimate is correct, only failure to recognize his
strength prevented Banderas from, temporarily at least, expelling
the whites from most of Sonora and Sinaloa. After this period, the
Yaqui and Mayo took part in various civil wars, particularly in the
bloody struggle between Gandara and Urrea, and joined the French
in the intervention. In October 1865, the Mayo of the Fuerte rose.
In none of these struggles were the Indians unified; often they fought
on both sides or, if in an independent revolt, against their own people.
In 1875 the Yaqui and Mayo rose under Cajeme and continued to
struggle intermittently until the capture of Cajeme in 1887. Although
the Mayo have taken part in various revolutionary movements since
then, this seems to have been their last serious rising, and in 1936
a Mayo was elected governor of Sonora.

The Yaqui were not so easily pacified. They rose under Cajeme’s
successor, Tetabiate, with whom peace was signed in 1897, but in
1899 another revolt broke out which was not really ended until the
death of Tetabiate in 1901.2 Since 1901 there seem to be no reliable
historical records readily available. After 1902, when Hrdlicka
(1904, p. 70) records an outbreak, the Yaqui appear to have been
comparatively quiet until 1910. The country during this period was
occupied by Diaz forces operating under a repressive policy. Ruins
of their forts are still to be seen. Since 1910, when the Yaqui joined
the Madero revolution, they have joined various movements or have
supported the government, often fighting on both sides. Except in
recent years, the country has rarely been completely quiet, and be-
tween 1910 and 1920 the Yaqui country was twice virtually swept
clear of whites, and the region for many miles around is still deso-
lated. The last serious outbreak was in 1929, when the Yaqui joined
the last important revolution. The government at that time adopted
a lenient policy which may end the Yaqui problem, although there
are still many irreconcilables and some have refused to leave the
shelter of the hills. The Yaqui are now concentrated mostly on the
north bank of the river and have abundant lands. They have re-
ceived some help in tools and livestock, and as irregular soldiers a num-
ber of them are paid a stipend.

2 Summarized from Hernandez (1902, pp. 112 et seq.)

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 5

The Yaqui were rarely completely peaceful between 1740 and 1902.
Between these dates guerrilla warfare or open war alternated with
brief armed truces. The military situation reflected changes in policy
which vacillated between leaving the Yaqui entirely alone and trying
to enforce Mexican authority over them (and seize their lands and
salt works). The Mayo situation was evidently similar up to the
death of Cajeme, although the more peaceable character of the Mayo
permitted a slow infiltration of Mexicans. The battle cry through-
out has been not so much land as self-government. Informants in-
sisted that self-government and the expulsion of the Mexicans from
their towns were the objectives of Yaqui uprisings and participation in
revolutionary movements.

THE BASIS OF LIFE

AGRICULTURE

Only to a very slight degree does modern agriculture follow aborig-
inal patterns. The benches and bars along the rivers are still watered
by floods, but the rivers have been restricted somewhat by levees, and
most agriculture depends on irrigation, almost certainly an introduced
technique (pl. 1, fig. 1). In many canals the entry of the water de-
pends on the height of the river, although weirs of stakes and brush
are sometimes made to divert the waters. In clearing land, the Mayo
and, much less frequently, the Yaqui usually leave some of the larger
trees—mesquite, guamuchil, hito, and the pitahayas—standing (pl. 1.
fig. 2.) Other large trees are often girdled and left to die. Stumps
are imperfectly removed, burning alone being used to destroy them;
that is, they are not pulled—perhaps a survival of milpa technique.
Land to be irrigated is usually bordered by high banks so the field
may be heavily flooded, an approximation of the effects of river
flooding. Most crops are not irrigated after planting; garbanzos
(chickpeas) are an important exception.

Away from the rivers, as at Bacavachi, flooding depends on divert-
ing a local arroyo. One good rain floods the fields, but a second heavy
rain after planting frequently necessitates complete replanting of all
village lands.

Fields (wasa) are usually fenced, barbed wire now being custom-
ary. Thorny brush is piled over the wire to keep out goats; probably
before wire was available, brush fencing was general; it is still seen
occasionally. At Masiaca (close to Sinaloa), echos cactus fences are
used. These are extremely common farther south. Sections are cut
and set in the ground, where they quickly form an impenetrable bar-
Tier (pl, fie. 1).

530583—45——2

6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 142

Mayo land ownership now conforms to Mexican standards. Some
fields are owned outright; others are held for use only, failure to culti-
vate them making them open to appropriation by others. Before
the Diaz “reforms,” lands were regarded as belonging to villages.
At marriage a man was given lands by the kobanaro (village
chief). At death, these reverted to the village for reapportionment.
Others say land was formerly cleared wherever one wished to plant.

Many crops are planted twice yearly, once in early spring or winter,
and again during the summer rains. The best grains or seeds are
kept for the next planting, but seed from a spring planting is not
used for summer, and vice versa. Some people take the first two or
three ears of corn, the first watermelons, or the first squashes to
church and present them to the Virgin.

Two particular pests are a small bird, mé-’el (represented in the
matachin dance of the same name performed on the day of San José
or near Easter), and a small gray, white, and black bird, with a white
collar, which attacks ripening wheat and vegetables. A largish yellow-
breasted bird, vicorim, attacks garbanzos. Boys stay in the fields to
drive it away. Two water birds, sivaréi (unidentified; a duck?) and
cranes (kortie), attack fields in flocks. They are killed and eaten.
Small parrots sometimes do considerable damage.

The principal Mayo crop is maize (baci) of which there are three
varieties. Maiyobaci, a large, white, half-sweet corn, is most common.
A small-grained corn for pinole and a very small-grained brownish
corn are also grown, both bearing several ears to the stalk. Other
colored corns are not planted. Occasionally, ears of red, pink, yellow,
blue, and purple-streaked grains appear. Kept for remedies, espe-
cially for kidney troubles, they are cooked with corn silk in water.
Colored ears are placed in the door of the goat pen if the female is
sick after dropping its young. There is no special use for perfect
ears or double-pointed ears (na’avara, “twins”).

Maize is planted in August for harvest in November or December
and in January and February for harvest in June. Maize is usually
planted in rows. Squashes are generally planted between the rows,
but, except in small gardens, beans are usually planted separately.
If beans are planted with maize, they are planted in alternate rows.
Some maize is eaten green. Mature maize for home consumption is
usually stored on the roof of the ramada, frequently unhusked, and
is shelled as needed. Maize for sale is shelled by rented machines.
Husks are often stored for tamales or cigarette wrappers. Maize
stalks are cut and stored in piles or on roofs for fodder. Occasionally
stock is allowed to graze the standing stalks.

’ Owing to difficulties in importing specimens into the United States at the time, no
attempt was made to obtain adequate identification of this or other plants.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS q

Wheat (badtwa, tirigo) is ordinarily planted from November to
January. Much is raised by dry farming. Seed is planted at the
bottom of deep furrows unless the fields are irrigated, in which case
the seed is broadcast.

Garbanzos, or chickpeas (karabanzan), are planted from December
to February, usually after a fall corn crop on the same ground.
Wheat, maize, and garbanzos are the principal cash crops.

Several varieties of beans (muni) are raised, but most are evidently
introduced, as they are termed by the native oa “muni” plus a color
term, Soar = Spanish: Muni rosa (pink bean); mini wisachi
(lead-colored bean; also called torokomtni) ; mini azwfrado, a half-
yellow bean; yori muni ojito and yori muni ofito negro (cowpeas or
black-eyed beans) ; serawi (tepary).

Barley and peas have Spanish names.

Squash (ka-man), watermelons (sakobari), and cantaloupes
(minérim) are extensively grown. A little chili (kékori) is planted
after the full moon nearest April 15, and occasionally tomatoes are
grown. Some native tobacco (makico) issown. Cotton growing (or
weaving) by Indians was unknown to informants, although it was
known aboriginally. Fruits are rarely planted.

All these planting methods are used also by the Mexicans. Tools
are usually a steel plow, sometimes a spike or disk harrow, rarely a
planter, and the coa, a sort of weed cutter, also used to hill up corn.
The latter has an iron or steel blade, about 2 inches wide and 6 inches
long, set at a 45° angle on a wooden handle. Wooden plows were
remembered by one informant, and the digging stick (huika) by an-
other, who said it formerly was used in planting.

Former threshing tools were a heavy club about 4 feet long and 214
inches in diameter, a crude pronged fork made by sharpening both
branches of a forking tree limb, and a wooden shovel (fig. 1, a-c).
The grain was beaten with the club on a hard floor. Wheat and
garbanzo straw was lifted on a fork and the grain shaken out. The
grain was winnowed by being thrown in the air with the wooden
spade. These methods are little used now, but specimens of the im-
plements were secured at Chihuahuita and their use with maize was
observed at Cedros.

Men do all agricultural work.

Ceremonial associations formerly occurred. Current practices were
described as follows by one informant:

After the rains and when the fields are irrigated people commence to sow with
pleasure. When the sowing is completed they make some promise so that God
will cause the fields to yield abundantly. If the crop is fruitful, they say God

has heard them and granted them good crops. Then on Palm Sunday they take
their palms to the church in payment for the crops given.

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLtL. 142

According to another informant, when new land was cleared by
burning, prayers were offered in the field to San Isidro. During

s

Scale ininaches

igure 1.—Wooden implements. a, Shovel used in handling grain, length 5 feet.
bo, Fork used for handling fodder or unshelled maize, length 3 feet 8 inches.
c, Club used for beating maize from cob; this and a and 0 are all made of
mesquite wood. d, Wooden bowl, diameter 12 inches; this and succeeding
items made of cottonwood. e, Wooden bowl, diameter 10 inches. f, Wooden
spoon for household use. g, Large wooden spoon for ceremonial cooking.
h, Wooden trough for mixing bread, dimensions 32 by 914 by 6% inches.
(Univ. Calif. Mus. Cat. 3, Nos. (a@) 3318, (b) 3317, (c) 3316, (d) 3246, (e) 3232,
(f) 8301, (g) 3241, (h) 3234.

sowing, a candle was sometimes burned to San Isidro in the fields at
night. Fires were burned at the four corners of the field on May 3
to prevent worms; cahuetes were also fired. After harvest, a fiesta

Bras] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 9

was given at the house. Ears of corn were placed about the house
altar, candles burned, and cahuetes (local pronunciation of cohetes)
tired. Two sheep were killed for the musicians, and girls danced
jarabes and the zapatia, as well as to “music of pascola.” Sometimes
there were pascola dancers.

There is a distinctive belief in the influence of the moon on crops.
Neither planting nor harvesting is begun until after the full moon
“so the plant won’t grow too high and not bear well.” (This is a
genuine local agricultural problem. When plants flourish too well
they “go to stalk” and bear lightly.) Fruit trees, especially oranges,
if planted 3 days after the new moon will take 3 years to bear; if 5 days
after, 5 years. This is probably a European idea.

San Juan is called the owner of seeds, but there is no direct cere-
monial expression of this idea, unless his fiesta is really a harvest fes-
tival. Wheat, maize, garbanzos, beans, peas, watermelons, melons,
mesquite, hito, guamuchil, echos, and pitahaya belong to him.

Among the Yaqui a man plants where he wishes, merely advising
the kobana’u of his intention to sow a particular spot. (This un-
doubtedly has changed in the last decade.) Three kinds of maize
are sown: a white maize, baci bwé’u (large maize), baci ilici (maize
small), and baci séwa (maize flower, or pinole maize). Formerly a
large yellow maize was also planted. Maiyobaci is unknown. The
double ear (gogénim) has no significance or use. Red ears occur
occasionally and are kept for remedies.

Several varieties of beans (mtini) are planted: yori muni (white
man’s beans, the cowpea or black-eyed bean),* siki mini (red bean),
tdsaimtini (white (?) bean), the tepary, and a spotted bean called
garapatos (no Yaqui name).

Two varieties of squash are kutakiéma, a round, flattish thick-
skinned variety, and kiakama, a variety with a throat.

Makiico and papanto or yoemvivam are two varieties of tobacco
grown. Gourds for resonators or rattles (bile au’késim) yield poorly
on the Yaqui River and are mostly imported from the Mayo. Wheat
and garbanzos are the two most important Spanish introductions, as
among the Mayo.

Planting and harvesting begin in the waning phase of the moon.
For watermelons only, after the seed is planted, a cross is scratched
in the earth over each hill. Answering a direct question, one inform-
ant said “they say” that the ancients took San Isidro to the fields.
There are no prayers, censing, or other ceremonials at present.

The Yaqui also say San Juan is the owner of the seeds and that
he harvests them at his fiesta, June 24, when the harvest is in full

4The Yuma name is also yori mini. Evidently they borrowed the black-eyed bean
directly from the Yaqui rather than from the Spanish (Forde, 1931, p. 109).

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 142
ah

swing; “San Juan sime tacupatéa sakébarim cipa,” San Juan is har-
vesting watermelons. Pitahaya, echo, tuna, maize, mesquite beans,
and garambuyo seeds were specifically mentioned as belonging to San
Juan.

First fruits are frequently taken to church. Mention is made of
taking a wagonload of watermelons at a time to church.

Yaqui planting and harvesting methods are similar to those of
the Mayo, although modern methods are more often used.®

TAME AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS

The domestic animals of the Cahita are dogs, cats, burros, horses,
mules, cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, fowl, and turkeys. There is little
difference between the Mexican and Indian patterns in handling or
using animals, and in saddles, harness, dairy methods, and the like.
The only native names for animals are dog (ctu) and pig (k6wi).
The latter may be a corruption of Spanish coche, but is more likely
a transference of the native term for the peccary, hiya kéwi (woods
pig). Neither pork nor lard is used by most Cahita, who say pigs
were once people. Pigs are sold to the Mexicans. Turkeys (weko-
lote, ké-buri) are little raised, but fowls (tétori) and house cats (misi)
are common. A small boa (kurivesi, corua) 6 to 8 feet long, formerly
was often kept about houses to catch rats and mice. A story that a
boa once ate a small infant is told to account for the abandonment of
the practice. The small local variety of parrot (papagayo) is kept
as a pet by both Cahita and Mexicans. Mockingbirds are kept in
cages,

Domestic animals are sometimes treated by cwranderos and there are
some special, evidently magical, remedies which will be discussed in
the proper place. Animals are castrated only after the full moon,
“because then they will not bleed so much.” This evidently is part of
the same belief involved in planting by the moon.

GATHERING FOOD SUPPLIES

Wild food supplies are little gathered, although the Yaqui are
forced at times to rely on them during their wars. Mesquite is only
resorted to in an emergency; it is ground on a metate and made into
pinole. It is generally considered an inferior food. The only wild
foods still gathered eagerly are pitahayas and tunas, both cactus fruits,
and the maguey.

The pitahaya and tuna ripen in August. The pitahaya fruit is
gathered with a long cane spear with a point of heartwood of mesquite

5 Useful additional details and pictures are given by R. A. Studhalter (1936, pp. 114
et seq.).

Busts] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 11

or ironwood, to which is usually tied a crosspiece to act either as a
hook or to prevent the spear point from entering the fruit too far
(pl. 7, fig. 1). Fruit is placed in a special container (wakal) sus-
pended from the shoulder. The wakal is a cylindrical receptacle of
cane splints twined together with mesquite bark. The bottom is
woven of mesquite-bark strips. Bailing wire is superseding bark.
A strap passes over the shoulder (fig. 2).

fi ooo)
a

q ATT Im
eT Z
a at a

il

sninses!.

Figure 2.—Carrying basket, or wakal,
used in gathering pitahaya fruit.
Made of split canes twined with mes-
quite-bark strips. The bottom is made
of mesquite-bark strips interwoven;
the carrying strap is of canvas. Di-
ameter, 10 inches; height, 1014 inches.
(Univ. Calif. Mus. Cat. 3, No. 3245.)

hy
U

The Yaqui use the echos fruit also, scooping out the interior and
placing it in a receptacle as it is gathered.

Some fruits and seeds still gathered are:

aki pottan, ripe pitahayas (aki, pitahaya fruit).

sayamme, salas (root) ; possibly same as sawa, a root resembling a sweet-

potato. It isa mainstay in war times among the Yaqui.

hito, a tree; the nut is used.

baktiem, greens of wild land plants.

wé’e, greens of water plants.

HUNTING

At the present time relatively little hunting is done by the Mayo.
Bows and arrows are used to kill rabbits, birds, and other small game,
and in outlying districts men may still be seen carrying them to and
from work in the fields. Small boys also have bows and arrows, and
do a good deal of hunting for small game. Deer hunting with bow and
arrows is very rare. Most large game hunting is done with rifles, and
as the Government has confiscated most of these, hunting has declined.
Some trapping for skins is done with modern steel traps. Possibly

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 142

aboriginal is a rope snare set in runways for deer and peccary. Bees
are followed and their nests raided, the honey often being sold in the
local markets.

Gophers are trapped in an ingenious manner (Beals, 1943, fig. 1),
but primarily to protect the fields, not to secure food.

The bones of deer and other wild animals must not be given to dogs
or cats or the hunter will lose his luck. Bones, including deer antlers,
are burned, and the ashes are sometimes used to coat the comal on
which tortillas are cooked. If the hunter throws bones or meat to dogs
or cats, the deer will know it. Even if he goes hunting far away, he
will have no success, nor will anyone who accompanies him. The same
is true if he wastes or throws away meat. There is no similar re-
striction with domestic animals that “are able to look at people.”

The bezoar, or stone from deer intestines, is very lucky for a hunter.
One must “know how to carry it,” for it is very dangerous, particularly
insummer. The stone is said to contain a tiny snake, the head and tail
of which are sometimes visible. Its vibrations make “electricity,”
giving strength and power to the owner so that he can break strong
sticks and iron bars with his hands. At the same time, in summer it
attracts lightning.

Deer hunting formerly had a strong magical background. All ani-
mals of the woods have leaders (also called owners, devils). ‘The head
chief of the deer, kambtha, keeps deer from being caught if the bones
have been thrown to dogs. His permission is necessary to kill deer.
Kambtha sometimes appears as a deer with a black muzzle or face.
One cannot kill him even with a rifle. When one starts hunting, he
says to kambtiha, “Give me permission to kill such and such an animal
so that I may have meat to eat,” or he may say, “wari inacai huyapa
ayutuit amanet autondki masim hittoyembéme,” freely translated as
“Let us go to my father, chief of the woods, to bring back deer. Let
us ask there.”

A hunting fiesta was formerly a prime necessity for a deer hunt of
any size, even for parties of three or four. If three or four persons
set snares for deer, they had a fiesta, sometimes before, sometimes after,
or both. Men giving the fiesta performed deer and coyote dances and
sang. If they killed five or six deer, they sang and danced all night.
If an individual sets a trap in the woods, he burns candles all night.

If the deer chief had a special liking for a person, he sent a small
deer (black, white, and gray with pinto markings, small hoofs—quite
different from the big burro deer of the coast). This deer talked to the
man, who took the deer as his “wife,” and did not take a “Christian
wife.” Such a man could command animals; he frequently slept alone
in the woods instead of returning to the village at night. Others, wish-
ing to kill deer easily, sought is permission ; if eet it, they encoun-
tered deer immediately.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF cAHITA INDIANS 13

The hunter must not allow his thoughts to wander. If, while in the
woods, he thinks of home, his friends, or some woman, a jaguar (y6-ko)
will appear andeat him. If he “doesn’t think” (1. e.,1f he concentrates
on the hunt) no misfortune will befall him.

The coyote (g6’1) is not hunted but is killed if it does damage around
the house. The coyote isa “devil.” It always appears or howls about
houses where a person is dying. So do the fox (aifyi) and owl.

Iguanas (wiktrim) are very healthful food, preventing sickness.
A snake or lizard (saka’4wi) and a large wood rat (tori) are eaten.
Kurties (crwz?), a large black snake with a cross on its head, is not
eaten.®

Unlike the Mayo, the Yaqui still hunt considerably. Deer are the
favorite game, the rifle the usual weapon, as the Yaqui are permitted
arms. Like the Mayo, supernatural sanctions play a large part in be-
coming a successful hunter.

As among the Mayo, charms are of value, particularly the deer
bezoar. A man carrying one will always kill deer. The bezoar loses
all its virtue if washed or cleaned in any way after removal from the
deer intestine. The stone may not be carried during the rainy season
or the carrier will be struck by lightning. An informant knew of one
case.

Most valuable is to “talk to the deer.” One who wishes to be a good
deer hunter goes into the woods until he meets a small deer which
appears to have a “honeycomb of the woods” (wasp nest?) between its
horns. This deer (ma-lici) says, “What are you seeking here?” The
hunter replies, “I am seeking deer to hunt.” Ma-lici tries to drive
the hunter away. If it fails, ma-lici says, “I am going to kill you.”
To this the hunter replies, “Until all my fingers are the same length,
you can’t kill me.” Ma-lici apparently has no adequate response, and
releases the hunter, who thereafter finds deer whenever he hunts.

Marlici is “governor” of the deer and hunters. Informants could
not reconcile him or his position with equally positive statements
that suawaka (see p. 99) is head of the animals. Some identified
mavlici with a small deer which, if shot and not killed, can throw
worms into the hunter so that he will die. Others gave the latter
animal the name of so’ltéla. The chief of all animals is the horned
toad.

Within the memory of living men hunting was more ritualized
and elaborate. Parties were led by men who knew the “secrets” of
the deer and, from descriptions, may have had shamanistic power.
The performance of deer dances and ceremonial gatherings of hunters
with songs and prayers to the deer “chief” have such a strongly
aboriginal flavor that they have been described at length (Beals, 1943,
pp. 13-18) as part of the ancient culture.

® Spicer suggests kurwes (rainbow) as an association with this snake.

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bouwn. 143

Mountain sheep (ydéci batum) are very rare now, but they were
never hunted because they might be magical, especially black-
and-white ones. Persons killing magical mountain sheep never re-
turned home and could not talk to people. Instead they lived in the
woods and ran away whenever they saw a human being.

Blowing on food to cool it causes bad luck in the deer hunt. All
informants still observed this rule. The tail of the deer is hung on a
tree or ramada facing the rising sun.’ Deer meat or bones must never
be fed to dogs. Bones are burned. One with all his fingers the same
length cannot kill deer. “But,” said informants, “who has all his
fingers the same length ?”

Formerly, a young man tied an iguana or wood rat to his belt. If
he met a young woman in the woods, he brought her home and married
her “because he had gone to the woods to bring back something.”

The Mayo formerly hunted deer, peccary, ocelots, wildcats, jaguars,
mountain lions, and badgers in large parties of 20 or 30 men armed
with bows, arrows, spears, and machetes. The hunters, when ready,
assembled at the house of the chief and asked his permission to leave.
The chief named messengers to notify nearby villages. Thus no one
molested the hunters in the woods or on the roads. The chief set a
day for return. If the party did not return by the day set, a search
party was sent out. If the delay was caused by disobedience, the
entire party was punished by the chief and the judge. The hunters
deposited all the meat in their knapsacks (mocilas) in the house of
the chief, who divided it among the entire village.

Men of unusual eyesight among the Yaqui followed bees from
watering places. The bee probably was a native species, as the “hive”
is described as a round structure a yard in diameter hung from the
tree branch.

Birds, such as the mockingbird, cardinal (wicalaéko), doves
(me-etai’1), parakeets, and others, are caught young and kept as pets
or sold to Mexicans. They are fed on toasted chickpeas and fruits.

FISHING

Fish are taken in the rivers and the ocean, at certain seasons.
Ocean fishing is mostly commercialized, fish going to canneries or
markets in Mexican towns. The Yaqui particularly are fond of the
excellent oysters abundant about the river mouth. Fishhooks, lines,
harpoons, weirs, and casting and dipping nets are used. Except for
a few seacoast dwellers, fish are not now an important Cahita food
source. For Yaqui ritual beliefs and practices within a generation, as
well as for further details on hunting and fishing, see corresponding

TToor (1937, p. 55) says it is called flower (sewa) and brings success. It may also
have curative and magical powers.

BHALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 15

sections in the study of the aboriginal culture of the Cahita (Beals,
1943).
FOOD PREPARATION AND STORAGE

Methods of food preparation and storage differ only in detail from
those of the Mexicans. The tortilla is the principal food. Maize,
after being soaked in lye or wood ashes, is ground on the metate, and
the dough is shaped into round flat cakes somewhat larger and thicker
than the Mexicans ordinarily make. These are cooked over a slow fire
and are somewhat more thoroughly baked than is the case with local
Mexican tortillas. Maize is also parched, ground dry on the metate,
and mixed with water to make atole. All other foods are usually
boiled in pottery vessels (the Yaqui use more metal vessels). While
the range of foods prepared is even less than among local Mexicans, it
includes some dishes not used by the latter.

Maguey (kt’u) is gathered and roasted in pit ovens, although it is
now rare. Maguey now comes principally from the hills and is sold
as a sweetmeat. The leaves are peeled from the stalk and the stalk
roasted. Tamales made from the ripe pitahaya are greatly relished.
A few Indians bake sweetened wheat-flour breads in Mexican type
domed or conical outdoor ovens. Sometimes sheep or goats are
roasted in the pit oven. Squash is eaten fresh or is dried in the
sun, by being cut either in half or sliced in long strips which are
hung on the ends of house or kitchen rafters.

Maize storage methods differ from local Mexican practices only in
detail. The storage place is usually a brush-covered ramada-like
structure often only a few feet from the ground (pl. 2, fig. 2). Maize
on the cob, frequently husked, is piled on these ramadas. What rain
falls drains through the grain, and the air quickly dries it after
storms. The ramada sometimes is high off the ground with an out-
flaring criblike pole structure around the edges. This type is particu-
larly common at Bacavachi. A similar small structure is often filled
with maize husks for wrapping native cigarettes or tamales. Squash
is frequently stored beneath the ramada. Beans, shelled maize, and
garbanzos are generally stored in large cane-splint baskets inside the
house. The house roof is a frequent storage place for maize or fodder
(plo, 12. 1).

Various foods are:

helites (quelites), greens (generic), garbanzo shoots and tips of squash vines

being favorites.

Kuvino, mescal, potent distilled drink made from maguey.

saktisi, pinole, ground parched maize.

saki, parched maize.

posori, maize dough boiled with beans.

taskari (tortillas), wheat-flour or maize-dough cakes cooked over a slow fire
on a flat clay dish (comal).

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunu. 142

posorimme, maize and beans boiled together.

kosido (cocido), bones and garbanzos, boiled together.

munbakki, boiled beans.

masobakki, boiled deer meat.

ninikébba, cooked tongue (nina, tongue; kébba, head).

hurinabo, tunas or prickly pears, fruit of the nopal.

cinam, fwigos, wild figs (?).

hinam bann4ri, atole of mesquite beans, péchita.

avarim sébva, toasted green maize.

kamam lébo, tender green squash.

waibasi buasi, ripe guavas. '

k6wi noxhi, tamales of peccary méat.

himai’i, blood pudding with herbs, cooked in stomach of an animal in the
earth oven.

waka noxhi, tamales of beef.

céa bérim, a bread of fruit of cholla cactus.

The wild plants gathered are given elsewhere (p. 11).

Following is a list of animals now eaten:

orizaba, ocelot.

tarikku, road runner.

haippa, turkey buzzard.

huri, badger.

sémmam, honeycomb.

hiya kowi, peccary.

maso, deer.

buerabvo, wild cat.

garabis, another short-tailed cat.
wiktri, iguana.

moci, turtle.

tori cikul, large wood rat; 20 or 30 are cooked in a large olla with maize.
ciwis, wild turkey.

subaum, quail.

Numerous other animals, such as wild ducks and raccoons, probably
are eaten, but were not mentioned by informants. Of domestic ani-
mals, the Yaqui eat all, including the burro and horse, but the Mayo
refuse pig, burro, and horse.®

HOUSES
TYPES AND CONSTRUCTION

Mayo house construction is less differentiated from the Mexican
than is that of the Yaqui. The Mayo frequently made adobe houses
where there is no danger of flooding. The better class of adobe houses
is to be seen on the north bank of the river on the stretches of mesa
near Navojoa. The adobe bricks are laid in courses, and exteriors
and interiors are often whitewashed over a coating of mud plaster.
Similar plastering is also done without whitewashing.

® Toor (1937, p. 54) says the Yaqui refuse eggs and chicken. This escaped me. Cer-

tainly they now raise few chickens, but the Mayo have many, as do the Yaqui of Pascua in
Arizona.

BALLS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 17

The most common Mayo construction is the wattle-and-daub type.
In all these (and some adobe structures) the roof is supported by
posts independently of the walls. The walls, whether of adobe or
wattle-and-daub construction, are filled in after the roof is erected.
The wattle construction is of pliable branches interwoven between
stout uprights in a wicker technique (fig. 3; pl. 3, fig. 2). The Yaqui

Ficurm 3.—Section illustrating wattle technique used for house walls.

frequently substitute canes for the pliable branches. Mud plastering
is applied over this wattle base, the mud frequently being mixed with
dung. Walled ramadas and separate kitchens are not usually
plastered.

Yaqui construction usually is technologically better than Mayo.
The workmanship is neater and there are several types of wall con-
struction rarely found among the Mayo. The use of mats for walls
is frequent among the Yaqui, but among the Mayo is mostly confined
to ramadas. The Yaqui wall entire houses this way, the mats being
held in place by horizontal poles on either side running between
the roof posts and fastened together with mesquite-bark strips or,

Figure 4.—Vertical thatch used for Figure 5.—Vertical wattle used for
house walls. For further details house walls and fences. For further
see McMillan (1936, pl. 10). details see McMillan (1936, pl. 10).

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 142

more frequently, with baling wire. Walls of other types are fre-
quently lined with mats by the Yaqui.

Vertical thatch is much used by the Yaqui and is invariably mat-
lined. Arrowweed, cornstalks, or other materials are held upright
between 2 or 8 pairs of horizontal poles tied together with mesquite
bark or wire (fig. 4; pls. 3, fig. 1; 4, fig. 1). The same type of wall is
occasionally made by the Mayo.

Vertical wattling is much used by the Yaqui and resembles the
horizontal wattling technique (fig. 5). Fences are made of canes in
the same way. Most Yaqui house yards are fenced with cane fences,
which are rare and of inferior workmanship among the Mayo.°®

Yaqui and Mayo houses usually have one or more rectangular rooms,
each with a single door and no windows, except an occasional ventilat-
ing hole in some adobe structures (pls. 3,4). A ramada is generally
before the house, usually completely open but sometimes partly closed
with mats, wattle, or arrowweed walls. Cooking is usually done in
a separate structure or, sometimes, under the ramada. The kitchen
structures have a more or less rainproof roof in contrast with the
ramada. Kitchen walls are often made by filling in the space between
the roof supports with any convenient materials—cornstalks, arrow-

a

Figure 6.—Methods of joining roof beams. a, Ordinary method of wedging
unshaped ends into crotch of post. 6, Mortised joint for roof beams.
weed, cane, split pitahaya skeletons, or even brush and chunks of wood.
Sometimes the walls are made palisade-fashion by setting upright
posts in the earth, pitahaya skeletons being most usual. The entrance
is frequently provided with a gate or door, or else a row of stakes or
logs is placed across the entrance, low enough to step over but high
enough to discourage prowling dogs and pigs (pls. 3, fig. 1; 5, fig. 1).

House and ramada roofs are supported by uprights of forked mes-
quite or ironwood trunks set in the ground. Cedar, brought from the
mountains, is occasionally used. Crosspieces of mesquite or occasion-
ally cottonwood, sometimes roughly squared, run between the forked
uprights and support the rafters. These crosspieces are usually wedged

®»For a good discussion of Yaqui architecture with many illustrations, see McMillan
(1936), especially plates 9 and 10.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 19

firmly with blocks of wood. Two joining crosspieces are sometimes
roughly morticed in a lap joint but more often they are wedged into
the same crotch side by side (fig. 6). Mesquite rafters are preferred,
but where mesquite is scarce, anything convenient is used, especially
the skeletons of pitahaya. If the space to be roofed is too wide for
the rafters, additional supporting posts and crosspieces are placed in
the middle of the room.

The wood used in this construction is cut after the full moon. Then
the “water goes down,” the wood is drier, and worms will not eat it.

Up to this point the roofs of the ramada, kitchen, and house are
essentially the same. For the ramada a brush or arrowweed covering
over the rafters suffices. The kitchen roof is similar with an addi-
tional layer of grass covered with mud. House roofs are usually more
elaborate. Across the rafters, which are more closely spaced than
in the other structures, canes (occasionally sticks carefully cut) are
laid close together, and at their ends and in the middle are twined
to the rafters with mesquite bark or maguey-fiber cord. Above the
canes may be laid either brush or mats, sometimes brush on top of the
mats. The whole is covered with dried grass and mud to a thickness
of several inches. The mud is sometimes mixed with dung and is
always carefully puddled before being placed on the roof. The roof
often has a slight pitch, probably more accidental than planned.

There appears to be no distinction between the roof construction of
Yaqui, Mayo, and Mexican in permanent structures. These earthen
roofs leak somewhat during a heavy rain, and in this respect are in-
ferior to the thatched roofs in the mountains as near as Alamos or on
the Fuerte. Only two thatched houses were seen on the whole lower
Mayo, one having been built by a man who had lived in Alamos (pl.
5, fig. 2). In the hills, palm is the common thatching material, but
on the coast, grass is used. The Spanish term “jacal” is generally
used for these structures, but the word “capakari” was also noted.

On the lower Fuerte River, a peculiar type of house is common, es-
pecially about Ahome and between Ahome and the river. Its ground
plan is an oblong with rounded ends and with doors on both the long
sides (usually not directly opposite one another), wattled or “pali-
sade” walls, rarely plastered, and a thatched semi-gable roof. Some
have a ramada before one or both doors. Others were a transverse
half section only of this house, the open end being wholly or partly
filled with wattle or other construction. In general there is much more
use of thatch on the lower Fuerte and much less use of mats.

The Yaqui make a small temporary shelter of double lean-to
construction as described in detail in the first part of this study (Beals,
1943, p. 21).

In front of the ramada of almost every Mayo and Yaqui house is
placed a small cross, evidently more or less vestigial. The one cross

20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 142

I saw which was of undoubted antiquity, said to be from 75 to 100
years old, was nearly 9 feet high with some scrollwork ornamentation
carved on it (pl. 6, fig. 1). The only explanation for the crosses was
that they kept the house from being struck by lightning. They also
figure in some ceremonial connections. On the Fuerte River, crosses
before houses are rather rare.

UTILIZATION AND FURNISHING

The ramada is the workroom and living quarters of the family;
weaving and spinning goes on there. Usually, there are benches for
seats, and the edge of the ramada is frequently bordered with potted
plants and flowers, commonly on a rough bench out of reach of wan-
dering pigs. Mayo house yards are open, in noticeable contrast with
those of Yaqui houses, where the ramada is inside a high fence so
that no one can see what goes on about the house. A parakeet usually
lives under the ramada on a stick or in a cage. On poles, suspended
from the rafters by wires, are hung saddles, ropes, blankets, and har-
ness. Sometimes wooden hooks made from naturally bent sticks
are hung from rafters or posts to hold ropes or other
articles. They are barked and grooved at one end
to receive the cord (fig. 7). If the family makes
cheese, the product is laid on a platform of canes sus-
pended from the roof. The roof supports may have
bunches of cholla cactus tied to them to prevent cats
or rats from climbing up to the articles suspended
from the roof beams. Also hung from the ramada
is generally a cradle, a cratelike arrangement of
canes or straight branches, open at the top. (See
McMillan, 1936, pl. 9.) A large water jar set in the
Freure 7.—Wood- crotch of a tree trunk planted in the ground under

en hook usedfor the ramada is usual (pl. 5, fig. 2). A gourd water

hanging hopes dipper hangs near it. On the walls or posts always

and clothing hang two or three gourd canteens (fig. 8, a—c).

from roof beams — Beds sometimes are in the house but much more

or walls.

often are under the ramada. The customary type
is the tapeste, a word used also for a hanging shelf, made of canes,
palm-leaf ribs, or other suitable material twined close together at
the ends and middle and laid across two trestles or simply on two
logs. A mat, preferably of palm leaf, serves as a mattress, the
sleepers rolling themselves in blankets. The mat and canes are rolled
up together during the day and stand against the wall of the house,
and the trestles are stacked up or used as seats. Beds of this type
are somewhat rarer among Yaqui than Mayo. In poor families, a
mat or the bare ground suffices. In any case, there are never enough
beds to go around. A good many families have one or more beds

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 21

of Mexican style, a heavy framework in which are stretched crisscross
strips of rawhide. These are stood up at one side of the ramada
during the day (pl. 6, fig. 2). On the Fuerte River, the tapeste
type was seen only at Capomas.

The house proper contains little furniture. If any chairs are owned,
they are apt to be kept inside to be brought out for visitors. There
is usually, but not always, a small altar, a table decorated according
to the means of the family with a white sheet, a candle or two, and
some paper flowers. If a saint is represented, it is either by a picture
or, rarely, by a dressed wooden figure. The house altar is less fre-
quent among the Yaqui, and the saint is generally represented by a
picture. The Yaqui have less furniture in general, owing to the un-
certainty of their residence. One or more chests and a mirror com-
plete the usual furniture. In the chests are kept surplus clothing (if
the family possesses any), trinkets, valuables, heirlooms, and tocls.
Aside from the tools and clothes, the collection is usually of no value—
a pair of broken earrings, perhaps some notched rasping sticks or

Ai : ae
Wik i
“ b c d

Ficure 8.—Types of gourd water bottles, or canteens (a—c) ; d is an echos-burr
hair brush. (Univ. Calif. Mus. Cat. 8, Nos. (a) 3208, (b) 3202, (c) 3201,
(d) 3210.)

weaving tools belonging to some dead ancestor, and quaint objects
picked up during the owner’s life or kept as mementos because they
are no longer used. These things are rarely treasured, and no diffi-
culty was encountered in purchasing for a trifle a number of inter-
esting specimens. On the walls may be pasted some cheap prints or
pictures cut from magazines and newspapers.

The kitchen equipment is crude. The fireplace usually consists of
one or more horseshoe-shaped clay fireboxes about 6 inches in depth
and a foot across. (See McMillan, 1936, pl. 9.) Often these are on
the ground, but sometimes they rest on brick or adobe bases 3 feet or so
in height and large enough to afford resting places for two or three pots
not in use. Among the Mayo, cooking is done almost entirely in earth-
enware pots, of which each family usually has a fair assortment, but
usually the Yaqui use metal cooking vessels. Almost universal is a
granite or tinware coffee pot. Customarily there are a few enameled

530583—45—3

22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 142

cups and sometimes a tin or enameled plate or so. Spoons are common,
but knives and forks rare. Cooking spoons are made of wood with a
shallow round bow] in the plane of the handle (fig. 1, f,g). The small
utensils are stuck in crevices of the walls, hung on projecting points,
or placed on platforms of cane hanging from the roof, which also
contain what few items of surplus food there may be.

The metate is of slab type, generally set in the crotch of a mesquite
tree cut off and set in the ground. Sometimes it is used on the ground
or on a table. The mano is squarish in cross section and is not as wide
as the metate, so that the latter wears down in the middle leaving a
ridge on either side. The metate is often simply a boulder with one
flat side. It rarely is finished all over. Another crotched limb or small
tree trunk provides a place for a wooden bowl below the metate.
Wooden bowls are extensively used to mix foods (fig. 1, d, e).

Some families have large dome-shaped ovens of Mexican type made
of brick or adobe in which some baking is done (pl. 6, fig. 3). In such
cases large, elongated, legged wooden mixing troughs are used to mix
the dough (fig. 1, 2). Similar but legless troughs are used to wash
clothes. They are set on a slope and the clothes are beaten on them
by hand. Water is poured over the clothes from a receptacle at the
side. These troughs are sometimes raised on adobe bases, with a trench
to carry off excess water. The clothes washing place is usually some
distance from the house.

Following are names of household implements :

bali, water gourd.

wéka, gourd dipper.

mata, metate.

matakukari, mano (muller).

atésa, wooden trough for washing clothes.

wakora, comal, half lenticular clay dish for cooking tortillas.

puratos (platos?), small plates or bowls.

tinajitas, small-mouthed ollas.

kahéte (cajete?), straight-sided bowl.

sotori, any large olla.

An important adjunct to most houses is a notched log ladder used
to reach the roof for repairs or to reach the raised storage places,
whether on the roof or a special ramada. In one case its use was noted
as a stile to cross a fence.

MANUFACTURES
TOOLS AND WEAPONS
In outlying districts, bows and arrows are still widely used for
hunting purposes. Children as well as men carry them, the only differ-
ence being in the size and quality of workmanship. The craftsman-

ship is in no case good, and the bows are very unimpressive. Garam- '
buyo (kumbumtebwane) wood is used. (Kita wikam teydne, “wood

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS D3

shooting weapon let us make,” 1. e., let us make bows.) An adult’s bow
is about 5 feet long, only slightly curved when unstrung. When strung,
the curve is greatest at the ends. Strings are of maquey fiber, twisted
rawhide, or sinew. They are loosened or tightened by twisting the
ingenious knot. Arrows are long, usually of cane, with a foreshaft
6 to 8 inches long, of hardwood or telegraph wire inserted into the
shaft, the joint being wrapped with sinew. Only arrows used for hunt-
ing big game are feathered, three feathers always being used, split and
tied with sinew (Beals, 1943, pl. 2, 0; fig. 3). Stone points evidently
were known aboriginally ; the Buelna dictionary gives Vicam, the name
of a Yaqui town, as meaning “black stone for arrow points” (Buelna,
1891, p. 181). Cane spears with hardwood foreshaft are used for
hunting peccary.

The wrist guard of skin is now rare, but the quiver is still carried.
It is of peccary or other skin with the fur on the outside, and often
quite short; the longest seen did not cover the feathered part of the
arrows. It is slung over the shoulder with a cord, usually of maguey
fiber.

Most tools are either European or copies of European tools. Knives,
axes, hatchets, hammers, saws, and the inevitable machete, all entirely
Kuropean, are the principal tools not mentioned in other contexts. But
the saw, hammer, or plow may have a home-made handle. Planes
usually are made of hardwood, only the blade being purchased. The
sewing machine is ubiquitous among the Mayo. Scissors and needles
are in the possession of all.

Hrdli¢ka (1904, p. 66) says the Yaqui bows occasionally were
strengthened with sinew wrappings. He describes them as fiat, slightly
arched, and about 5 feet long. His illustrations closely resemble the
present-day weapons. He says the arrows were of reed with hardwood
tips and three feathers, if any.

LOOM WEAVING

Practically the only weaving done by the Cahita at present is found
among the Mayo and is confined to three classes of articles: blankets,
sashes, and bags. The first two are of wool, the last of maguey fiber.
The methods of weaving wool and maquey fiber are distinct.

The blankets are of two types called locally cobzjas or blankets, and
serapes, the difference being in the type of design and, to some extent,
in the quality of the weaving. The blankets are woven mostly for
home use, the serapes for sale almost entirely to local Mexicans or tour-
ists. Nevertheless, the latter are distinctly Indian in design and weav-
ing (fig. 9, a-c; 10, a, b).

The blanket (cobzja) is almost always in stripes, sometimes very
narrow, or in quadrangular lining. Some have a fine design resulting
from the method of weaving. There is no center design and usually

24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 142

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FieurE 9.—Mayo broadloom fabrics. a, b, and c, Three Mayo serapes, one-quarter
only, showing design. d, Mayo cobija of unusually fine quality, one-quarter
only, showing fine woven design. (Univ. Calif. Museum Cat. 3, Nos. 3245, 3424,
3335, 3333. )

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Bravs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 25

INCHES

L) White EES Brown
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Figurp 10.—Mayo broadloom fabrics. a, Serape, one-half shown. The checkered
background is unusual. b, Serape, one-quarter shown. c, Cobija, one-quarter
shown. (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat. 3, Nos. 3426, 3332, 3334.)

26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

only a narrow end border, if any (fig. 10,¢). The blanket usually is
less tightly woven than the serape, but not always. Some of the best
blankets are woven with a finer thread and are tighter and heavier
than the serapes (fig. 9, d@). The serape is usually woven with end
borders and always with side borders, the two frequently being of
different designs. The background tends to be of solid colors, spotted
with small designs in colors, and with a more or less elaborate center
design, roughly in diamond shape. The backgrounds are sometimes
quadrangular, that is, built up of square blocks of contrasting colors;
still more rare are large fretlike designs. Practically all common de-
signs may be analyzed as being built up of isosceles triangles, except
for the side borders. The latter commonly contain zigzag elements
running the length of the piece, although they also may be built up
of triangles. A few floral designs are made, and sell at about double
the usual prices. One badly made design was seen showing the Mexi-
can eagle in the center; and it is said that such designs formerly were
more common. It is claimed that the designs of 30 or 40 years ago
were different and the weaving much better, but I saw no pieces which
would substantiate this opinion. There are a few early references
to this effect, however. The Yaqui do practically no weaving, although
earlier it must have been common. Hrdlitka (1904, p. 65) notes that
Yaqui manufacture of cotton and woolen fabrics had declined greatly
at the time of his visit over 30 years ago. He mentions a belt and a
white serape, the latter with one or two broad stripes in pale blue,
natural brown, or black. The colors, but not the design, suggest Mayo
work.

There seems no great specialization in designs. In several houses
I saw a number of blankets and serapes made, and while there existed
differences in quality between families, there seemed to be no emphasis
ona particular design. It is difficult to find two identical blankets, in
spite of the fact that the designs are all recombinations of a rather
limited number of elements. A few towns showed some specialization.
Bacavachi makes large numbers of excellent serapes and only a few
blankets, these of unusual quality. Masiaca makes no serapes to
speak of but many poor-quality blankets. Elsewhere, weaving is
by no means so general, and differences in quality seem to be between
individual families. :

Few weavers know names for the designs used; those who do
usually call them all “flowers.” One informant, an old weaver, gave
specific names for a number of designs and could probably have given
more had it been possible to show her blankets. The same informant
claimed that very fine light wool was woven in her childhood. The
names and phrases that she used follow:

kamabacim, pumpkin seed.
ayawibacim, crooked-neck squash seed.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 27

puséra, eye.

saka’awim, scorpion.

kwéyo, center design.

culebrillo, snake (native term forgotten). A border design.

pluma, feather (native term forgotten). A border design.

sérka puséra, blanket with eyes. An all-over design.

pasa, border of blanket in mixed colors.

sérka, blanket.

pisarum, serapes.

séwam amaho'wa, making flowers.

listam amaho'wa, making stripes.

Pisaru amamhih6oa, beginning the serape.

séwam amamndate, beginning the weaving with flowers.

nasukiku kwe yoéta honata serapim, beginning to weave serapes with flowers

and center design.

sewate amamnate (amamhoa), making the flowers.

arahihoa huhamut, the woman knows how to weave.

ama’awe ania huatekilia, the woman keeps at her business.

The average blanket or serape takes about 2 months’ work for a
single woman, but generally several women and girls in a household
work at the spinning and weaving. One woman usually does most
of the weaving, being relieved of many common household tasks.
Very little weaving is done in winter when days are short and often
cold. In every blanket the design is determined to some extent by
the colors of the wools available, as natural colors are extensively em-
ployed. ‘The design is worked out on the loom as the blanket is woven
without the use of a pattern. In the hands of an unskillful operator
this brings some unpleasant results.

Most families doing much weaving have their own flock of sheep
or goats (goat hair is used also). However, few weavers produce
enough wool. The necessity of procuring additional wool and wools
of special shades leads to a certain amount of trading. This trading,
and generally the selling of the blankets in town, usually Navojoa, is
performed by the men and is their only share in the business.

The preparation of wool (kabarabéba) is done by women and girls.
At present the most common method of preparing the wool for
spinning is to beat it with a pliable switch or stick (pl. 7, fig. 1). This
stick is cut from a special shrub and peeled. The wool is first
picked over by hand; tangles, burrs, or portions of the fleece of a
different color are cut out with scissors. The wool is then piled on
swept hard ground or on a goat skin, and beaten. This takes some
time. A special movement seems required, the switch being drawn
toward the operator and shaken lightly after each blow to disentangle
it from the wool. As it is beaten the pile flattens out and the edges
are folded back to the center with the stick. When the wool is
sufficiently fluffy, it is piled in a basket to await spinning. There
is no carding of the wool.

28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY _ [Bute 142

Another method of preparing wool, which is still in use occasion-
ally, particularly in outlying villages, is with a bow. The edge of
the pile of wool, which has previously been picked over, is laid on the
string of a small, specially made bow. The string is then plucked.
The vibration loosens the fibers and at the same time draws the whole
mass forward slightly so that without further arrangement the entire
pile may be prepared for spinning by simply plucking the bow
(pl.9, fe.)

The wool is spun with a spindle of wood (malacate, hikuri).° The
pottery whorl is unknown either to the Mexican or Indian population.
The whorl used is a round wooden disk near the lower end of the
spindle. This is usually light, but for fine thread such as that used in
making nets, it is often thicker (pl. 7, fig. 1). At Bacavachi these
spindles are all made by one family and purchased by the others.
The lower end of the spindle usually rests in a fragment of broken
pottery on the ground or simply on the bare ground and is twirled
with the fingers of the right hand. The wool rests in the lap or in a
basket and is fed with the fingers of the left hand. The operator
usually sits on a low chair or stool. The thread (hui’i) is allowed to
slip over the end of the spindle until a sufficient twist is given to a
section about a yard in length. This is then wound on the spindle
above the whorl] and the operation repeated.

The thread is first spun rather loosely and then wound in large
balls. It is subsequently given an additional twist, reducing its
diameter about half. The irregularities and lumps in the thread are
removed in the second spinning by pulling them apart with the fingers.
For very fine thread a third spinning may be given, but this is rare.
If the wool is to be dyed, it is now formed into skeins. If it is not
to be dyed, it may either be wound in balls or hung up in skeins
after being washed.

The natural colors of white, black, and various shades of brown and
gray predominate in the blankets and serapes. The dyed colors are
blue, pink, green, and yellow. Of these, only blue is used to any
extent. It is also the only color always made from native dyes; the
others usually are purchased. In fact, colors other than blue are so
little used that a little commercial yarn of the required color is often
bought. Blue, as well as a lustrous black, is produced from indigo
(cihu), which grows wild in the region. The shade is varied by dilut-
ing the dye. The entire plant is gathered. The pods are plucked
off with the fingers, dried in a short time, and boiled in urine with
a little water. The cooked mixture is then diluted. Knowledge of
what plants were used for other colors is apparently almost lost, and

1 A. L. Kroeber points out that “hikuri’” equals Huichol “hikuli,’ the Huichol name for
peyote.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 29

I was unable to discover any except that a root figured in the making
of yellow. All were boiled in urine. |

The loom (hidtori) (fig. 11) is made of four posts set upright in
the ground, called batiri. Two crosspieces (paisa) are held on oppo-
site sides of the posts and the warp is wrapped about these. Tension
on the warp is increased by pushing one bar farther down than the
other. As the work advances, the working point is kept at the same
place by sliding the warp around the crosspieces. The weaver sits

—SSSe
A Scale ininches

I'ieurRE 11—Mayo looms. A, Belt loom, used for weaving magwey fiber. The
partially finished fabric is shown at a, the lower loom bar at 6. The upper
loom bar, g, is lashed to a house beam. The batten is shown at ce, the shuttle
at d, the heddle at e, the shedding bar (which should be inserted above e) at f,
the upper loom bar at g. A leather strap with loops at either end is slipped
over the ends of b and passes about the weaver’s thighs. The strap was difli-
cult to buy at a reasonable price and was not collected. (Univ. Calif. Mus.,
Cat. 3, No. 3823, a—g.) B, Broadloom with unfinished serape. The circular
warp goes about two loom bars. The spreader, shown in miniature at e, is
pinned behind the working edge at a. The batten is shown at 6. Above the
batten should be a heddle and shedding bar as on the belt'loom. (Univ. Calif.
Mus., Cat. 3, No. 3324 a-—e.) .

on the ground or on a mat or skin before the lower of the two cross
bars (pl. 9, fig. 1). When not in use, the entire apparatus except the
upright posts may be rolled up and put inside the house.

The warp is circular but not continuous. That is, the warp threads
go about each of the loom bars and the ends are tied together, but
each warp thread is separate. ‘Two planes are thus formed by the
warp, the work being done in the upper plane. The warp of the

30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 142

border is usually a different color from that of the remainder of the
piece. In certain types with self-design, the warp colors are alter-
nated throughout.

When the warp is set up, a round rod (na-b), usually of cane, is
inserted across the warp, the threads passing alternately over and
under it. The heddle (cédma) is next set up. A light rod is laid
across the warp and a string tied to one end, which is then wrapped
round and round the rod, picking up one or more warp threads on
each circuit, according to the design intended. In the normal set-up,
one heddle is used, and every other warp thread is picked up by a
loop of the string, the threads being those which pass under the cross

Ficure 12.—Details of weaving techniques. a, Method of joining weft threads
about the warp. The lewer weft illustrates method of diagonal joining to
produce effect in b. 06, Diagram showing way fabric is built up in sections with
diagonal joining. c, Method of joining sections of different colors.

bar (nab). This makes it possible to reverse the sheds. <A light
rod laid across the top of the warp between heddle and nab is used
as a support for the other three fingers while the heddle is operated
by lifting between thumb and forefinger. The sword (sasapaiyéka)
is used not only as a batten but is inserted in the shed formed when
the heddle is lifted. It is then turned on edge to permit the insertion
of weft threads or the shuttle, if one is used. The previously inserted
weft is not pounded down with the batten until the sheds have been
reversed. The shuttle is a stick about 16 inches long around which
the thread has been loosely wrapped in a figure 8. It is used only
for the background or for large patches of color, small design ele-

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 31

ments being worked in with the fingers. Sufficient thread is unwound
from the shuttle for each pass through the warp. The weft thread
is not usually drawn tight but laid loosely in place and pulled down
with the fingers before reversing the sheds.

The designs are in a type of tapestry technique, the weft threads
of any design element being turned back around the warp thread
coming at the edge of the design, the thread of the next adjoining color
being turned about the same warp thread (fig. 12, ¢). Even in
banded blankets or in serape backgrounds the entire width of the
piece is not worked at one time but is woven in sections, the weft
elements being advanced 4 to 8 inches in one section before the nex
section is woven. These sections are visible if the blanket is held
to a strong light (fig. 12, 6). At the edge of each section the weft
threads are turned about the warp; as each weft is inserted, it turns
about a different warp from the preceding weft, but the correspond-
ing weft of the next section is turned over the same warp (fig. 12, a).
When the blanket is cut off the loom, about a foot of warp remains
to form a fringe which is sometimes tied or braided. The width of
the work is kept uniform by pinning the edges of the finished work
into a cane which is later unpinned and advanced behind the work
edge of the fabric. Weaving with more than one heddle is rare, but
one such set-up was analyzed. In this case three heddles were used
in combination with the separating bar (na-b) to give four possible
sheds. The design was of fine stripes in which diamond-shaped figures
appeared. The weft consisted of alternate series of four black and
four white threads, the warp alternating two brown and two white
threads. The weft for this blanket was pulled tight and hammered
down harder than usual. The arrangement of heddles and separating
or shedding bar gave the following combinations, considering the
warp threads from left to right as a, b, c, and d, in groups of four.
The shedding bar put a and d down, 6 and ¢ up; the first heddle put
c and d down, a and d up; the second heddle 6 and ¢ down, a and d up;
the third heddle a and 6 down, ¢ and d up.

It is interesting to discover that the only early detailed account
of weaving for northwest Mexico, ascribed to the Opata, could be used
almost word for word to describe modern Mayo weaving. This indi-
cates that the method was general in the region.

They weave their thread with sufficient ingenuity and in different manners ;
the [work] resembles, in point of design though not in fineness, the table cloths of
Germany, for which said similarity [pieces] are called “alemaniscos”; . . . But
let us see the manner, which is this: first they thrust in four stakes in proportion
to the length and breadth the woven piece is to have, more or less distant one
from the other. To each pair of these [stakes] which determine the width they
fasten a long smooth stick about half a yard from the ground. This done, the

warping begins. [Two] women place themselves one in front of the other be-
tween the two stakes on which are fastened the said rods. They pass a clew

E23 Violet Black Ground

SGRed MMPink
Figure 13.—Sash worn by men (partial view only) showing el aborate conventionalized floral design (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat.

ZZAGreen

E==5J Yellow

Scale in inches

BUREAU

3, No. 3428).
(Similar but not illustrated are: No. 3837

No. 3338, Black ground

Colors of stripes are successively magenta, green, magenta, blue,

, 11 cm. wide, 2.68 em. long, dark brown without pattern.

with cross bands each consisting of 3 narrow stripes.

OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

No. 3340, Black ground

Colors of stripes in alternate bands are magenta, yellow, black,

green, magenta, green, magenta, green, repeating the series several times.
magenta, blue, black, magenta, yellow, followed by bands of blue and magenta stripes.)

with alternate cross bands of 8 and 7 narrow stripes.

yellow, blue, magenta,

[BULL. 142

of thread about these rods, and pass the
clew from one to the other the times
which are necessary for the number of
threads which the warp must have.”
[The warp being] finished, the weaver
places herself before the example which
she wishes to copy, and intercepts or
catches by means of double threads the
threads counted in accordance with the
example. These double threads are fast-
ened to small rods of equal length, mak-
ing a certain sort of heddle, by means of
which they are able to raise the division
of the threads which they wish... To
fasten further the said divisions, they
put in each a broad stick well smoothed,
like a sword blade, two, three, or more in
accordance with the complexity of the
weave. [There is evidently some confu-
sion here.] These broad sticks are
turned on edge with the heddle to make
a place for the weft. This is inserted by
means of a light small rod or twig with
the weft coiled on it, serving as a shuttle.
[The weft] is tightened with a heavy
stick with points on both ends, and thus
they proceed until their work is finished.
Doc. Hist. Mex., 1853-57, 3° ser., vol. 4,
p. 550.]

Among the Mayo the making of
sashes (hikési) is done on the same
large looms as are used for blankets.
There are no special sash looms, but
the tools used, such as spreader and
batten, are naturally all much
smaller. The batten for sashes is
wider than the fabric, which is not
the case with blankets (pl. 7, fig. 1).
The belts are usually of plain solid
colors, sometimes with stripes run-
ning the short dimension of the
fabric. The making of these
amounts to a village industry at
Masiaca, but they are rarely made
elsewhere and then usually to order.

11This differs slightly from Mayo warping,
which is circular, but not continuous.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 33

Another type of sash has an elaborate floral design worked in the same
tapestry technique used for blankets. Floral sashes are said to be
made mostly in Ahome, a fact I was unable to verify, but I bought one
specimen made not far from Navojoa at Chukarit (fig. 13). The
Yaqui formerly made sashes also (Hrdliéka, 1904, p. 65).
The sashes are said to prevent
SY RS rupture when lifting heavy weights,
J but in spite of this alleged virtue,
they are rapidly being displaced by
leather belts. Wider and longer

SS :

; ~~ KK 8 woven bands faced with canvas at
Tnink wig each end, are used as latigos for
Pe MN packing mules or burros (fig. 14).
BS

Maguey-fiber weaving among the
Mayo is almost entirely a man’s oc-
cupation, the women merely stitch-

: ing together the sides of the bags

which are made from the woven ma-

| terial. At Masiaca, bag weaving is

a regular occupation of many of the

Figure 14—Portion of wide woven Ty dians, possibly owing to the close-
belt, 19 em. wide, 2.05 m. long. : ;

When faced with canvas at each ess of the hills with more abundant -

end, similar belts are used as pack Supplies of raw material. Some

latigos. (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat.3, work in maguey fiber is also done

No. 3336.) on the vorth bank of the river,
where the gravelly mesa soil supports a considerable number of maguey
plants.

There is some specialization. At Masiaca some men do nothing
but gather the leaves of the plant and extract the fiber. Others only
spin and weave. In extracting the fiber the leaf is impaled at its butt
end on a nail on the under side of a 6-inch log set in the ground at a
45° angle. It is then brought around the end of the log and laid on
the flattened upper surface. The pulpy part of the leaf is scraped
away with a simple tool made of a steel blade set in the angle of a
conveniently shaped tree branch. When the pulp has been scraped
away, the fiber is laid in the sun to dry.

Spinning is always done by two men. The instrument which is said
to be the older is a pendulumlike piece of heavy wood under a foot
in length, which rotates on a small rod passing through a hole in the
lighter end. The thread is started with the fingers until it can be tied
to the projection on the lighter end. One man then twirls the instru-
ment in his hand, walking away from his helper, who feeds the fiber
into the thread. Rawhide ropes are twisted with the same instrument.

A more modern instrument is a rod with a flywheel set between two

A > \ ° = ee .
) bs . ?
Saket TAs ANS

ENS rs

MONIT

34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

posts. The specimens secured were all of wood, but the majority in
use at present are of metal. The rod is rotated by a cord drawn around
it and pulled under tension. When the end of the cord is reached, the
tension is released and the cord rapidly returned to the previous posi-
tion for another pull. The thread is attached to a hook at one end of
the rod and the fiber is fed into the thread by another person walking
backward away from the instrument and carrying a bunch of maguey
fiber under his arm (pl. 8, fig. 1). ;

7 A]
K< K

PSAOY
KAS

INCHES

b

i
Hi
%
%
|

FIGURE 15.—Minor textile products. a, Hat of wheat-straw braid with detail
showing variation in weave of braid. b, Hat of palm-leaf strips with detail
showing weaving. c, A cane-splint basket with detail to show multiple warp
and weft elements (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat. 3, Nos. 3165, 3164, 3182). d and e,
Two hats of palm fiber, e showing the inner weave, d@ the partially completed
outer weave (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat. 3, Nos. 3291, 3292). f, A girl’s purse of
sheepskin with shell and bead embroidered decoration (Univ. Calif Maus.
Anthrop., Cat. 3, No. 3192). g, Bag of maguey fiber with detail showing simple
weave. The material is woven on qa belt loom such as that illustrated in figure
11 (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat. 3, No. 3166).

The thread made by this method is always doubled and twisted a
second time. For cord or rope a heavier thread is made and then
doubled one or more times. All native rope is two or four ply, or
occasionally eight ply.

Magquey-fiber weaving presents some differences from wool weaving.
The warp is set up horizontally on 2 rods tied to 4 uprights like the
wool loom, but the warp thread is continuous. Also, instead of being

Bats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 35

circular, it forms a figure 8 when wrapped. Sticks are inserted to
preserve the sheds thus formed, and an end or loom cord is bound in.
One loom stick is then bound to a rafter of the house or ramada, and
a belt, in which the weaver sits, is looped over the ends of the other
stick. A heddle of the type described above is set up and the weaving
process proceeds upward until about half the fabric is woven (fig.
11, A). Then the entire loom is reversed and the weaving again pro-
gresses upward as far as it can. The fabric is then removed from the
loom and the 2 woven sections cut apart, each one being the requisite
size to make a maguey-fiber bag when folded and sewed along two sides.
The average weaver makes about 12 strips or 24 bags, approximately
12 by 18 inches, every day (fig. 15, 7).

Ordinarily these bags have only a stripe of color on each side, which
is made by introducing a few turns of colored thread into the warp.
Sometimes a checkerboard pattern is produced by using different colors
in both warp and weft. Common colors are red, green, and some-
times blue, made from commercial dyes.

Lashing the loom to the rafter makes it necessary for the operator
to sit or stand directly in front of the crosspiece. If he does not, the
tension is unequal and the weaving crooked. This necessity would be
obviated if, as in most Aztec looms, the top crosspiece or loom bar were
suspended from a single point. Since this attachment would be even
simpler than the present method, it is surprising that it has not been
introduced. ‘The tools used are the same as for the wool loom.

Other common products of maguey fiber are rope, cord, saddle pads
of matted fiber stitched together, woven cinches, latigos, and other
belts made on the same type of loom. It is significant that men do
all the maguey-fiber weaving, as there is no indication that men
wove anywhere in western Mexico in pre-Hispanic times.

A rare spinning instrument is the taravia, consisting of two flat
pieces 6 to 8 inches in length which are lashed to cross members sepa-
rating them by about 6 inches. The whole is rotated around a stick
passing through holes slightly off center in the two flat pieces. The
thread is attached to the shorter end of the forward piece. The prin-
ciple is much the same as that of the pendulumhke instrument already
described. The instrument is sometimes made of cane, sometimes
of heartwood of mesquite or ironwood. It is said to be used for spin-
ning very fine thread, the operator rotating the instrument with one
hand and feeding the thread from a table with the other. The speci-
mens collected appeared to have no important dissimilarity, although
one was specified as being used to weave fine wool thread for sashes, the
other for weaving fine maguey thread for cahuetes.

36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bub. 142

BASKETRY AND OTHER WEAVING

Aside from the ordinary textile techniques, the Mayo weave baskets,
mats, hats, and nets. Basket weaving is widely practiced and there
seems little specialization in the work. There are a variety of tech-
niques but few of the baskets are decorated.

The most common baskets are of cane splints with a squarish bottom
and a roughly circular top, the general form, however, being cubical
(fig. 15,¢). They are woven in a checker technique except that several
splints are handled together as a single element. The canes are spit
and woven while green. The baskets vary from 8 by 8 inches to
36 by 36 inches in depth and diameter respectively. The same material
and technique is occasionally used for other baskets of hybrid shape,
such as hampers and clothes baskets which are obviously of recent
inspiration.

Smaller baskets are occasionally made of palm fiber in twilled and
coiled techniques. Again there is no effort at decoration. The most
interesting are the coiled baskets in a twisted half-hitch which are
made mostly in the foothills. The shapes are numerous and seem
little standardized. A child’s hat made in twilled technique had a
peculiar appendage to the crown; possibly it served as a carrying ring.

Baskets of peeled willow twigs in wicker technique are made in large
quantities and sold in the local market, from whence they are often
exported to more distant points. The majority are flat-bottomed oval
shapes with flaring sides and a bail handle. They are used mainly as
market baskets. Designs in red and green European dyes are applied
as a rule, geometric figures always being used. The effect is gaudy but
not pleasing. In manufacture, the willow twigs are peeled and woven
green, being kept moist by frequent spraying of water from the mouth.
The splints actually in use are passed through a bucket of water occa-
sionally. The bottom is started by holding the beginning splints in
place in a cleft stick stuck in the ground. There is some possible con-
nection between the word for basket (wari) and willow (wata). The
shapes undoubtedly are not aboriginal although the technique may be.

Mats (hipata) are used extensively throughout the area for a variety
of purposes. Mats of cane splints are used for shades, house walls,
windbreaks, beds, and for holding the earth for the earthern house
roofs. The mats of cane splints are made in the same simple checker
technique used in making baskets. Mats of palm-leaf splints are the
most interesting woven materials in basketry technique (pl. 8, fig. 2).
They are made in a large variety of artistic twilled designs and are
used primarily for sleeping mats. Both types seem fairly standard-
ized to a size of about 3 by 6 feet.

Hats of wheat-straw braid and of palm fiber come principally from
the vicinity of Tesia on the Mayo River and Cocorit on the Yaqui

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 37

River. They are made primarily in summer, and in dry weather the
manufacture is often in subterranean rooms in order to keep the
proper humidity. The palm-fiber hats are of particular interest be-
cause of their unusual technique, being doubled, the weaving starting
at the center of the crown, working down to the brim and then back
to the starting point, producing two layers (fig. 15, a, b, d, e).

At the present time mats and baskets are made by the men. The
various types of hats are usually woven by women.

Horsehair bands and belts are made in some quantity by men. The
hair is braided and the braids sewn together. The techniques and
the products seem identical with those of the Mexicans.

No adequate information could be secured on netting. Only a few
know the technique, and the modern productions may be entirely
European in their origin.

Hammocks are made by a few of the Mayo from maquey-fiber string.
While two specimens were purchased, it was impossible to find anyone
making them or to get a description of the technique.

Today the Yaqui make almost no basketry, although the manufac-
ture has been abandoned recently. The most common Yaqui basket
around 1900 was a quadrilateral shape with rounded corners woven in
checker pattern. The source says it was woven of palm strips, but
this must be an error for cane. For the same period are described
baskets of palm strips unlike anything I saw. ‘They were twilled and
double woven with a fine exterior and a coarser interior. This is the
technique used in hats today. Cubical, cylindrical, and bottle shapes
are mentioned. Palm hats and common baskets are mentioned for
the upper Mayo country, and the double woven hats are described
for the Yaqui (Hrdlicka, 1902, pp. 60, 67).

DRESS AND ORNAMENT

Mayo and Yaqui women wear a one-piece cotton dress or more often
a blouse and skirt. One or more petticoats and vests are worn under-
neath. The blouse is short, barely covering the waistline of the skirt.
It is bodicelike and is pleated across the small of the back so that the
short section below tends to stand out slightly. Often it lacks buttons,
being tied at the throat with strings. The skirt frequently sweeps
the ground. It flares considerably and is pleated heavily about the
waist. Usually there are three or four horizontal lines of ruffles. It
is evidently similar to Navaho women’s dress. Dr. Parsons was of
the opinion that the two are identical, although opportunity for exact
comparison has not offered. The general effect is somewhat different
because the Mayo and Yaqui make their dresses of cotton or light
rayons, while the Navaho use heavier materials. Mayo women rarely

530583—45—4

38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 142

wear guaraches (sandals), going barefoot except when in town. Then
shoes are donned at the edge of town. Yaqui women make more use
of sandals. Men and women wear the same sandal types. A rebozo
of black or dark blue, the latter sometimes figured or striped with
white, is worn over the head. The Yaqui often wear brighter colors,
particularly at fiestas. The hair is long, usually in two braids either
hanging or wound about the head. Old women and girls with short
hair often wear it loose except for a cord about the head to keep it
from hanging in the face (pls. 6, fig. 2; 9, fig. 1). Earrings, usually of
gold, and combs are generally worn.

Men wear a cotton shirt, cotton trousers, sandals, a belt or sash, and
a straw hat. Some of the more sophisticated wear shoes. The shirt
is often of bright colors, more so than among the Mexicans, or may
be black, as is frequent among the Yaqui. The Mayo, particularly
outside the towns, wear the shirt tails outside the trousers and the
front tails loosely knotted together. The straw hats are of finer weave
than those customarily worn by the Mexicans, palm fiber frequently af-
fording the material. Sashes, now being superseded by belts of leather,
are of native manufacture, of wool in solid blue or brown, or with
bright-colored stripes or floral patterns woven in. The horsehair belts
made by the Mayo are all for sale. Sandals are home-made. The
sole is ordinarily held on the foot by a leather thong passing between
the big toe and the next digit, fastening to a loop passing over the
instep. The latter in turn is either knotted through holes in the sole
on either side of the ankle or through small loops of stiff wire attached
to the sole at this point. Another loop from these attachments circles
behind the heel. Hair is worn short, cut at home or by itinerant
barbers. The face is smooth. In aie weather a blanket of home
manufacture is worn over the shoulders.

Until a few years ago, it is said that boys and girls up to 17 or 18
went nearly naked in the outlying villages. At present, children dress
much as do their elders except for shorter trousers and skirts. Boys
occasionally wear only shirt and breechclout. Very young children
are often naked, but there is a tendency for even this to be abandoned
and apologies are frequently made for them.

The breechclout (bwa’him) worn by boys is probably an old form.
A strip of cloth passes over a cord about the waist and the ends
hang before and behind. Boys wear their hair short unless they have
been vowed to some saint on account of illness. Then it is allowed to
grow until the vow is complied with, when it is cut and given to the
saint.

The hair is combed with burrs from the echos cactus (éco hicikim).
The spines covering the burrs are trimmed to a length of about
one-half inch and are completely removed from a portion large enough
to hold in the fingers (fig. 8, d).

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 39

Hrdlitka says Yaqui women formerly wore a blue hwipd or sleeve-
less one-piece chemise of native weave not seen elsewhere in Sonora.
Sashes were also worn. Ornaments were rings, earrings, and beads of
silver and other metals (Hrdlicka, 1904, pp. 60, 65.) The huipil is no
longer seen. Velasco (1850, p. 74) says the boys went naked or wore
a breechclout called sapeta, which was a piece of cloth passed between
the legs with the ends tucked over a cord about the waist.

POTTERY

All Mayo pottery seen in process of manufacture was from a very
sandy mesa-type soil used without temper except in the larger pieces.
It was admittedly inferior and was compared unfavorably with the
clay about Alamos. The soil is dug out and mixed with water and
powdered dry horse or burro dung.” The dung is broken up with
the fingers and pounded out with a stick until fine, then winnowed
on hard clean ground by being dropped from the fingers (pl. 7,
fig. 1). The coarser material is discarded. The clay is mixed and
kneaded into the proper consistency and the small pebbles removed
with the fingers. A cone of clay is made, its size depending on the
vessel planned. The cone is held in the left hand and the base struck
with the right fist until a considerable cavity is produced. The hand
is then inserted in this cavity and the vessel is worked into shape by
pressing and patting the clay between the two hands. Neither coiling
nor hammer-and-anvil technique is used in forming the body of the
vessel. A coil is usually added to the rim when the vessel is prac-
tically shaped. The vessel is then scraped with a bit of gourd, the
pressure being opposed on the opposite side with the hand or a smooth
pebble. The entire vessel is sometimes rubbed over with a pebble
dipped frequently in water. The rim is smoothed with the hand
dipped frequently in water or by being pinched and rubbed with a
piece of rubber from an old inner tube. The coil is not added in
making small vessels or plates. The latter are pressed out from a flat
circular piece of clay.

Vessels such as coma/es or small ollas are usually placed, after the
preliminary shaping, on a piece of broken pot or a wooden bowl, which
facilitates turning for the final shaping and smoothing.

In making a large cooking vessel or water jar, the clay is tempered
with fine black sand in addition to being mixed with horse dung. The
base is made by the pounding out method described but the upper
two-thirds are made by applying short thick coils of clay rolled out
between the palms to about 114 by 8 inches. Each coil is thoroughly
worked into the body of the vessel and smoothed before the next coil is
applied. Coils are applied below the working edge and smoothed in

2 The Seri use burro or rabbit dung (Kroeber, 1931, p. 17).

40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 142

and upward with the scraping tools until the desired thinness is
attained.

No particular care is taken in drying, which is done in the hot sun.
When partially dry, the outside receives a final scraping and polishing
and the vessel is removed from the temporary base. If any slip is
added it is simply a wash of red clay or earth imported from Alamos.
Firing takes place in the open, usually within 24 hours. Pieces of
broken pottery or stones are laid in a slight depression to hold the
pottery away from the ashes and earth. Dry wood and sometimes
dung is used and there is not a great deal of care to prevent smoking.
Firing usually takes only a half hour except for large pieces. If the
wind blows the fire too much, a screen of mats is set up.

) a

ie eee

eee

Figure 16.—Pottery among the Mayo. a and B, Utility shapes. ec and d, Orna-
mental shapes. e, Pottery bull used for ceremonials. (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat.
3, Nos. (c) 3290, (d) 3273, (e) 3361.)

When the burning is finished, the pottery is removed from the
ashes with a stick while still hot. A sharp rap is given with a stick to
determine from the sound whether the pot is adequately fired and the
ashes are dusted off immediately with a cloth. The finer “show” pieces
are not placed on the ground but are set in a fragment of broken
pottery until cool (fig. 16, a—-d).

Some of the named shapes are as follows:

tinajita (sp.), a small vessel with a small mouth. It was considered an

ornamental form. .
wakora, the comal, a flat plate for cooking tortillas.
sotori, any large olla for water or for cooking.
puratos (platos?), Small plate or bowl.
kahéte (cajete?), a straight-sided bowl.

Busts] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 41

The attitude toward pottery making is interesting. Usually only
one or two women in each little community supply the wants of their
neighbors. The widowed daughter of my principal informant on the
subject, who was the potter of Chibuku, had been at Alamos and had
worked there in a pottery factory. She considered her mother very
unskillful and the clay in the neighborhood good for nothing. She
objected particularly to the smoking which occurred when her mother
fired pottery. She assisted her mother with great reluctance and
finally, before my departure from the region, had refused to do any
of the work at all, a situation which I suspect was responsible for the
fact that the daughter and her children shortly after moved away to
stay with another widow in an even more miserable hovel than that of
her parents.

It was impossible to find a potter working among the Yaqui. They
use much less pottery than do the Mayo, probably because of their
unstable political situation. The methods described to me are like
those of the Mayo except that the clay is soaked several days in the
river. Clay for colored slips is from a hill (satakiwi) near the Mayo
River. Only the usual phonetic shifts distinguish Yaqui terms from
Mayo: séto’im (large ollas), wakéim (comales), alyupu-dtim (plates
for fiestas) .1$

SKIN DRESSING

Present methods of skin dressing are extremely crude and probably
do not measure up to aboriginal standards except in the few cases
where European techniques are used. For the latter, oak bark is im-
ported from the hills. The present most common method of curing
skins is simply to stake the hide out flat, scrape it rather carelessly, and
cover it with wood ashes. <A day in the hot sun is usually sufficient to
dry it, and it is then hung up, stiff and unusable, to be sold to some
traveling trader. There is no historical evidence of aboriginal tanning
or curing methods.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

The musical bow is played as an entertainment. It is an instrument
made of a long piece of reed (about 3 to 314 feet) with the section
walls bored through and one side cut down until holes are made into
the interior hollow stem at intervals. Near one end a peg is run
through the cane and the string is stretched from the peg to the oppo-
site end of the reed. The latter end is held in the open mouth and
the string plucked gently with the left hand. The plane of the instru-
ment is horizontal’ and the string is away from the mouth. The
music produced is inaudible a few yards from the player. Tone is

13 Modeled effigy pottery is illustrated in the Yaqui number of Mexican Folkways (1937,

p. 45). I never saw or heard of such pottery and suspect it is either recent or possibly
imported. On the other hand, there is some modeling of animal figures.

42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

changed by varying the mouth opening. The only one actually seen
in use was played by an old man during the siesta period (Beals, 1943,
pl. 3). The only name secured was arpita (little harp) or bika Apa .
(cane harp). It was once more common than now.

Aside from the flute used in the pascola dances (described below),
a much shorter specimen of the same construction was secured (pl. 7,
fig. 2). It was said to be used to start, stop, and accompany the songs
called las Wamadas. No further information could be collected about
these songs.

Instruments used in the religious dances are the violin, harp,
notched stick, gourd rattle, disk rattle, cocoon rattle, rattle belts,
double-headed drum, and gourd water drum. The violin (laben) is
a close copy of European models. The harp (arpa) is evidently from
some early Spanish form and has survived with little change. Olson
(1931, p. 16) illustrates a harp from Peru that is almost identical
with the Cahita harps. The principal woods used at present are
cottonwood and ironwood, the latter for parts bearing strain or wear
(pl. 10, figs. 1, 2). The violin illustrated is from the University of
California Museum collection and was made by a blind man (pl. 10,
fig, 2).

The drum (tambor) is a shallow double-headed instrument about
31% inches deep and from 14 to 16 inches in diameter. The heads are
of sheepskin from which the hair has been scraped and are sewn to
two wooden rings drawn together with baling wire. The body of
the drum is of one or two thin strips of wood bent to form a circle
and perforated by one or more holes about one-half inch in diameter
(Beals, 1943, fig. 5, f). The heads are tightened by being warmed
over a pile of coals. It is played by a single stick in the right hand but
the drummer often uses two or three different types of sticks of vari-
ous weights and with different sized heads according to the effect he
wishes (pl. 7, fig. 2). The war drum is slightly larger and is played
with two sticks. A much deeper drum of smaller diameter obviously
is made on the Mexican model and is played with two sticks by a
different drummer. It is used only in certain religious processions.

The flute (bakakusia, cane flute) or pisko ktisia (pascola flute) is
held in the drummer’s left hand while played. It is made of cane in
two sections which fit into one another. The upper section is a simple
whistle with a piece of cane inserted in the mouth-piece but it is too
thick and too firmly fixed to vibrate. Near the lower section are three
stops, two above and one below. The music played is monotonous
and plaintive (Beals, 1943, fig. 5, c). Flute and drum are played
together only for pascola dances.

The notched rasping sticks (hirtikia, méso hirtikiam) are in sets
of three, each stick with a different interval between the notches,
One end rests on an inverted half gourd placed on the ground (pl. 17,

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 43

fig. 2). Every specimen seen had carved on it some conventionalized
form of cross. The gourd resonators (buéham, bule) were
undecorated. |

The gourd water drum (bosipéna) is a half gourd floated in a
wooden bow] or tub of water set in the ground. The open side of the
gourd is placed downward in the water and the upper part is beaten
in time to the rasping sticks. The beater is made of magquey fiber
wound around a slender stick to a thickness of about three-fourths of
an inch (pl. 7, fig. 2). A weird low “chug,” which can be heard a
surprising distance, is produced. Two gourd specimens secured were
decorated with scorpions which had been scratched in while the gourd
was green (Beals, 1943, fig. 5,a@). This was the only example of such
decoration found. The gourd drum and the rasping stick are used
only for the deer dance.

Another type of drum, which I secured but never saw in use, was a
variant of the gourd water drum. It is said to be played for the
Mayo coyote dance. It is a flattish gourd with the top cut away,
leaving a hole about 4 inches in diameter and was to be suspended in
water by a leather thong tied to a horizontal stick inside the gourd.
The drum stick is wrapped with leather (pl. 7, fig. 2).

Gourd rattles are usually well made and are of Pueblo type. A
stick is thrust through the gourd and a thin wooden disk glued over
the outer end, usually with mesquite gum (Beals, 1943, fig. 5, 6).
Other types of rattles are so intimately associated with the dancers
that they are described in connection with their costume (p. 119 et
seq.).

Musicians are usually men, but at Makochin I saw a woman playing
the harp.

Granville (1899, p. 93) mentions a cedar-wood guitar with an
armadillo-shell back for the Yaqui, and also a harp carved with
fishes.

TRANSPORTATION AND TRAVEL

The Yaqui and Mayo follow sixteenth-century Spanish patterns
in transportation rather than any aboriginal modes. Horses, mules,
and especially burros are used to carry goods, not man power. Wagons
are rare, although many Yaqui have acquired them recently through
government aid. Only in water carrying does the aboriginal shoulder
yoke survive; then oil cans are suspended from the ends of a stick
carried on the shoulder, a substitute for the aboriginal nets and ollas.
Occasionally one may see a load of furniture or two clusters of chickens
attached to the ends of such a yoke, but not often. Travel, however,
is mainly on foot even though the burdens may be borne by beasts.

Water travel is unimportant. Most of the year the rivers may be
forded on foot, and their winding courses do not encourage travel
along them. The flat-bottom barges (pangos) used to ferry auto-

44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 142

mobiles are all manned by Indians, however, and the fishermen on the
coasts make dug-out canoes, usually of cottonwood logs.

The crutch paddle was observed on the upper Sinaloa River, at
Playa San Ignacio, and on the Yaqui River.

GAMES

The most popular contemporary game is Nine Men’s Morris. It
is also played by Mexicans in the vicinity, but I do not know of it
from elsewhere in Mexico. The history of how this “pure English”
game became established here would be entertaining, but I have no
suggestions (Week End Book, 1924, p. 244). The Yaqui play the
game of Coyote y Gallinas (coyote and chickens). Bets are some-
times made on both these games.

Top fighting and top spinning are common among boys and young
men. Tops are made of sitabaru wood. “Sitabaru trémpon teyane”
means “let us get sitabaru to make tops.”

Téha is a game resembling horseshoes. Two holes are dug about
20 feet apart and the players pitch stones to see who can come closest.
Mexicans also play this game.

A game formerly much played but abandoned in recent years re-
calls the Southwestern stick or ball race. Bets were made in money
or goods. The bets were in charge of a judge and there were 6
witnesses (testigos) for each side. The number of players on a side
was 12. Each player carried a stick about 1 meter in length to which
was attached a large shell. The players on each side stood at the
start in a file while each of the two leaders threw a ball with his
stick. The course was 2 to 4 kilometers in length to a point and re-
turn, usually on a road leading out of the village. The side first to
return its ball into a small hole at the starting point won. Its Spanish
name was palillo. The sticks were called kuta bateyim teyeunaki.
The word “batey” apparently refers to the older ball game court
(Beals, 1943, p. 35, fig. 6).

I was informed by Mexicans on the Fuerte River that the kicking
ball race, there called gomz, a widespread Spanish (?) term, is still
occasionally played. Shinny is also played with a crooked stick for
each player, one ball, and two goals.

In the National Museum in Mexico City are specimens of stick dice
for a modern form of “guénce” credited to the Ocoroni (pl. 12, fig. 1).
I did not learn of the game among the modern Mayo or Yaqui.

TOBACCO AND SMOKING

Today smoking is largely social. Mexican cigarettes of the cheaper
varieties are much used, although Indians are not heavy smokers.
Some native tobacco (maktco, vi-vam) is also smoked in corn-husk

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAPITA INDIANS 45

wrappers, although its principal use is in Mayo fiestas. The Yaqui
still do not permit young people to smoke, at least in the presence of
their elders. Giving tobacco has a compulsive quality, as among the
Pueblos. It is given to pascola dancers and musicians as part of the
bargain to appear (Parsons, 1929, p. 254). Smoking is still used
ritually by wizards and curers. The coyotes are the owners of
tobacco. A wild tobacco is called go’i bivam (coyote’s tobacco) or
bi-bam huy4po 4wa’i bi-bam atéa (tobacco mountain coyote tobacco
owner). This is used as a remedy for sicknesses of animals but is not
smoked. It would “make one crazy.”

In Spanish times, the Yaqui had a special concession to cultivate
their own small-leaved maktico (spelled “macuci” by Velasco), which
they rolled in large balls and wrapped in maize leaves for storage
( Velasco, 1850, p. 79).

OCCUPATIONS

The current occupations of the Cahita are primarily agricultural.
They cultivate their own land or work for other farmers as laborers
or farm mechanics and tractor operators. They also do much of the
heavy manual work connected with the harvesting and shipping of
agricultural products, loading beans, maize, rice, or garbanzos in cars,
or storing them in warehouses. The Yaqui in particular have also
been the mainstay of the larger haciendas and the mining industry.

In addition there are many minor occupations. The most im-
portant is wood cutting. Wood is the principal fuel of all classes,
and Indians supply the towns, transporting the wood on burros. A
few men are carpenters and others fishermen. Some make furniture.
Others make horsehair belts and hat bands; yet others are masons,
adobe-brick makers, or weavers of maguey-fiber products. Consid-
erable numbers make mats and baskets. Relatively few now handle
cattle, although in the past the Indians raised large numbers. Sheep
and goats are generally kept but they can hardly be said to be raised;
they simply are. I was told of some workers in gold and silver, but,
although I saw specimens attributed to them, I saw no workers.
Some blacksmithing was carried on formerly and perhaps still is.
Among the articles collected is a hand-wrought steel for striking
fire attributed to Indian workmanship. Hrdlitka (1904, p. 65) re-
ports the Yaqui as making rings, earrings, and beads of silver and
“other metals.”

Women do milking and dairy work if there are any cattle. They
perform the usual household tasks, make most of the clothes, carry
water, and give the few fowls and possible pig or two what attention
they get. They also make blankets, hats, belts, and pottery.

It is noticeable that there is considerably more tendency for women
to specialize in their occupations than men. Relatively few women

46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buin 142

know how to make pottery. The same women rarely make both hats
and blankets. On the other hand, men usually have a serviceable
smattering of all the occupations or parts of them. Carpentering,
the weaving of maguey-fiber products, metalworking presumably,
mat weaving, and furniture manufacture are rather limited specialties.
Weavers in particular do little else. On the other hand a carpenter
may turn mason for a while; he also makes most of his own tools; and
he may be a fisherman during the season (making his own nets and
canoe). These are specific cases observed. Practically any Indian
knows how to weave a saddle girth, make a saddle blanket or pad, spin
a professional-appearing maguey-fiber rope, make a stool, carve a
wooden bowl, build a house, or weave a basket or mat.

Many of these occupations, particularly those of the men, are stop-
gaps to fill in leisure time when they are not actively engaged in agri-
cultural pursuits. ‘They are usually followed as professions only by
those who have no land to cultivate. Even these “professionals”
would usually prefer, lacking land of their own, to have steady em-
ployment as laborers on large haciendas. The outstanding thing
is perhaps that the culture is not nearly as specialized as that of the
Mexicans. The Indian is much less dependent on the store for his
wants. The stock of the little store in the Indian village contains
little more than bolts of cloth, needles, thread, lime, salt, coffee, sugar,
beef fat, kerosene, cigarettes, candles, fireworks, perhaps a kerosene
flare or two, and sometimes mats, baskets, or pottery. Occasionally
a little fruit or sausage bought from some traveling trader will be
carried temporarily, and it is considered necessary to carry an emer-
gency stock of a few beans, garbanzos, and a little maize.

A few other occupations should be mentioned. The fireworks maker
is perhaps the nearest to a true specialist among the Indians. He
makes the cahuetes or skyrockets used in every ceremony, and also
the large set pieces (castillos) used at the large fiestas. Nevertheless,
he often has his field to cultivate, although the household is usually
large enough to permit him to devote all his time to an important work
like a castillo, which may require a month to make. For a castillo he
is paid in advance all but 5 pesos, and if the castillo is satisfactory
he is given the balance immediately. The dancers and musicians
are also specialists who make much of their living from the fiestas or
special events at which they are called upon to perform. They make
their own costumes and accessories as a rule, though the pascola masks
are usually made by only a few. But they also have fields to culti-
vate or weave mats or baskets between engagements. The wizards
and doctors are probably specialists of the same order as the musicians
and dancers.

BuALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 47
STAR LORE; ECLIPSES

The Cahita seem to have very little interest in or knowledge of the
stars In view of their reputed aboriginal sun and moon worship.
There is no use of stars to mark the season. For a summary of the
information obtained, see Beals (1948, p. 38.) The moon is con-
sidered female, the sun male. The face in the moon is considered a
woman’s face by the Mayo, a cottonwood tree by the Yaqui. Plant-
ing, harvesting, wood cutting, and the castration of animals are done
in the waning phase of the moon. “Metakyu-tu etnedte,” they say
when the moon is old and it is time to sow. A big flood is foretold by
many stars falling in the middle of the night like rain (Mayo).

When lunar eclipses occur, the Mayo believe a pregnant woman
must not stay lying down or the moon will eat the child. She is
awakened and makes three antisunrise circuits of the house outside;
otherwise the child will be born with some part missing. Water
is thrown out of a jar three times as if making a cross—bé’am watia
huruspo (water throwing cross). Drums, pots, and other objects are
beaten. It is believed variously that the moon is going to sleep and
that it is fighting with the sun.

The Yaqui call a lunar eclipse t4’a mala mécha mu (sun moon kills)
and consider it a serious event. Despite the name, the informant who
gave it insisted eclipses were caused by the earth and moon fighting
rather than the sun. Drums, old pails, and wash tubs are beaten and
everyone shouts. Cahuetes are fired. Water is put in a plate at the
bottom of the house cross, and branches and trash are burned. A
pregnant woman does not leave her house.

For solar eclipses the Mayo cry out, ring the church bells, rattle
pieces of iron, fire cahuetes, and pray in the houses. They burn trash
“for light.”

The Yaqui do the same as for a lunar eclipse except that a candle is
burned by the house cross instead of water being placed there.
Cahuetes are fired and burning coals or fire are thrown at the sun.
Everyone goes to church to pray. “Mikukutaé-’a (the sun is dying),”
they say, and also that “the world wishes to end.” Sickness is sup-
posed to come from an eclipse.

No belief about comets was recorded.

EXTERNAL RELATIONS AND GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE

The Yaqui have much more knowledge of other peoples and a wider
acquaintance of the geography of northwestern Mexico than do the
Mayo, for which their greater mobility is probably responsible. Both
tribes call themselves yoreme (persons) ; a white is called yéri (valiant,
dangerous) ; while other Indians are called by their tribal name in
Spanish. Both peoples know the Tarahumara as taraumdnim. Most

48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 142

Yaqui know the Pima Bajo, Seri, Waicuri, and Opata; many know
the Pima Alta, Papago, and Apache, while one of my informants had

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Figure 17.—Map of Yaqui territory prepared by the Secretary of Pascua, Ariz.,
with the approval of a group of older men. Beginning at the upper left-hand
corner and reading to the right around the map, the wording translates roughly
as follows (the Spanisk is very poor) : a, Here in the sea is a number 30. On
the north side. 6b, Here on Tiburon it reaches dry land. c, Straight to La
Palma on the north side. d, Continue direct to Los Pilares in the mountains of
the Burros (Cerro de los Burros) to the north. e, From there continue direct to
the mountain of Chibato to the sharp peak. /f, Continue in a straight-line.
g, To the little red mountain, straight. h, To San Marcial, straight. i, To the
flat of the Apaches. There is a stone with some letters, straight. j, Direct to
the Sierra of the Saint. k, To Jabacoca. There turn directly toward the sea.
l, To the little hill of Guiulai, enter the sea directly. m. To Santa Rosalia.
There in the middle of the street are some monuments. The center wording
says (approximately): “This is the limit (or line) of the Yaqui. The major
portion of the principality of the Yaqui for all the boundary. Thus we know
it from the ancients of former times.”

visited most of the Pueblos. The Yuma, Maricopa, Navaho, Yavapai,
and others seem unknown tothem. The only names I could secure for
the tribes known are those given. Apparently, they had actual contact

BuALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 49

with the Apache some time ago, as one old man at Pascua village near
Tucson, Ariz., had been a captive in his youth.

The Yaqui have their claimed tribal territory marked out by bound-
ary monuments of piles of stones about 8 feet square and 8 feet high.
This apparently dates from the time of Benito Juarez and is not
ancient. Informants stated that a treaty was signed at that time giving
the limits marked out. The claims include more than the aboriginal
territory. The line runs from somewhat south of Tiburon Island,
across the Gulf of California to near Santa Rosalia, taking in a small
sector of land in Baja California “bordering the Waicuri,” thence back
to the mainland to a double-peaked mountain south of Ciudad Obregén,
thence east of the mountains east of that city, east of Cumuripas, then
to the starting point, passing only a little south of Hermosillo. A
map was drawn to illustrate this (fig. 17).

Practically every point in Cahita territory has its name. Many of
these have been Hispanicized. No effort was made to secure a complete
list of names, owing to the vast number and extent of territory cov-
ered. For a list of Mayo place names, see Beals (1943, p. 34).

HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE

There is very little knowledge of historical events other than those
occurring in the lifetime of the informants. Some confused accounts
are discussed under Warfare. An elderly informant said her grand-
parents spoke of the time the stars fell (the meteoric shower of 1833),
but she was more impressed by a story they had told of the sun disap-
pearing shortly after rising and not reappearing until just before it
set. It was dark all day. The trees were wreathed with snakes, and
women’s long hair turned into snakes. Many died of fright. It is
hard to conceive of any historical basis for this and it casts doubt on
the story of falling stars.

The Cahita believe they have always inhabited their present loca-
tion although earlier accounts indicate a tradition of migration from
the north, particularly for the Ahome (Orozco y Bera, 1864, p. 331).

Although settlers were rare in Mayo territories until within the last
50 or 60 years (except in Navojoa, where a considerable Mexican colony
existed earlier), there are memories of French settlers living on the
lower river, particularly at Santa Cruz, Huperi, and Echojoa. These
settlers married into the tribe extensively and are said to account for
the many blonds found among the Mayo today.

TRADE AND WEALTH

Modern trade differs little from that of the similar classes of the
Mexican population. Dwellers in remote places may barter with trav-
eling traders—a cheese for a piece of cloth or some coffee or the like—

50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

but mostly the products are sold for cash and the needed supplies
bought. Wealth concepts differ little from Mexican ideas; land, cattle,
and silver form the standards of judgment.

WARFARE

The only data on modern warfare are from the Yaqui. The Mayo,
aside from their participation in Mexican revolutionary movements,
have waged no independent warfare for many decades. The Yaqui,
on the other hand, have developed a method of attack and dispersal
with reassemblage at stated dates and places which has been admirably
adapted to the nature of the country and the forces against them.
It has enabled them time and again to wipe out. Mexican forces with
little loss and to vanish before superior forces could come up to them.
These are essentially the methods of guerilla warfare in a country
offering abundant hiding places. Through them, particularly under
Cajeme, the Yaquis withstood vastly superior forces over a consider-
able period of time, even though many of the Indians were armed only
with bows and arrows and slings.

The success of this type of fighting has depended on the fact that
most of the country is heavily brushed, making cavalry tactics impos-
sible and reducing visibility often to a dozen yards. Available nearby
are also the rugged hiding places of the Sierra de Bacatete. The suc-
cess of this warfare was ended in the 1920’s by the airplane, which
took away the advantage of concealment in the brush, and by roads,
motortrucks, and radio, which enabled the Mexicans to keep constantly
in touch with the Indian forces and to keep them continuously on the
move. Instead of pursuing with tired cavalry which was rarely able
to come to grips with the Indians even when their trail was located,
fresh infantry was brought by truck to each new Yaqui hiding place.

Little is remembered about Mayo warfare. Informants knew of a
war drum different from the other drums. The term kapita (Spanish
capitan) is recalled as the name of an old-time official long vanished.
Probably a war organization similar to that of the Yaqui once flour-
ished. A cuartel is also mentioned at Bacobampo where the war drum
was beaten and from whence the Indians went on raids against the
mines at Alamos.

The following tales recall some history of the wars in which the
Mayo were involved in the Republican period: Juan Leba, a Yaqui, had
forts at Watachive and Afil to the north, where he fought and defeated
the forces of the Government. The pueblos of Echojoa, Huperi, and
Santa Cruz were with Yaquis. After that, the Nacionales of Navojoa
were formed by the Mexican residents and, with the Government forces,
defeated the Yaquis and Juan Leba.

BuALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 51

On another occasion, the Indians attacked Navojoa and were de-
feated by much smaller forces, who were aided by San Juan and
miraculous soldiers.

One informant was 9 years old when Cajeme, the famous Yaqui
leader, fought against the Mexicans under Ortiz at Capetimayo and
attacked Navojoa. The Mayos of Cohuirimpo and below were with
Cajeme. Under Ortiz much Indian land was seized. At about this
time, the Indians from down river attacked and took Navojoa for a
short time, until the ranchers came to the rescue and drove them
out. When the Indians fled, the Mexicans killed many of those about
Navojoa who were innocent of any part in the attack, until a Mexican
general came with regular soldiers and stopped them, telling them
they would have no servants and workmen nor anyone to sell their
goods to if they killed all the Indians.

Modern Yaqui warfare centers about a military organization. This
organization probably should be considered as a society. It includes
every male in the tribe over the age of adolescence and in this respect
differs from the other societies which exist in the tribe. Otherwise
it seems very similar. It may possibly be viewed as a tribal society
for men, and its initiation as a tribal initiation into adult status.
At about 14 or 15, a boy becomes a member of the cavalry. One in-
formant stated no ceremony occurs until a rank is taken. Others
said the boy is taken to the church by his “war” godparents, the soldiers
forming two lines on either side. He had already been taught the
prayers of the soldiers, and he prays before the altar. His parents
are present, and the boy is lectured on the responsibilities he will have
and the parents are told not to weep if he is killed doing his duty.

When he becomes older and is either married or has incurred obli-
gations which make service in the cavalry onerous, he notifies the war
captain, and he is then enrolled in the infantry. The infantry is
composed of “strong men.” Its function is to guard the villages, while
the cavalry does the errands, hunts criminals, investigates crimes, and
patrols the boundaries.

The common soldier may later become an officer or official of the
troop. His position is for life unless he is removed or promoted. He
may advance in grade as high as wikoiyaut (bow chief or war cap-
tain). In addition he may also be a member of the matachin dance
society or the clown society or both. The officials are named and
promoted by the war or bow chiefs, but advancement to the status of
war chief is by the voice of the whole troop.

The oldest war captain (yaut, or baméla képita) commands all,
put he may be superseded for old age or other reasons. When a new
captain is to be chosen, an assembly of the people is called in a ramada
outside the church (or the cuartel?). Candidates for advanced office

52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 142

are probably named by various officials, including the principales.
Before about 1900, they would have been chosen by the susuakame or
elders. The candidate is taken by the officials into the church and his
parents are summoned. One of the captains tells him what his duties
will be. His parents are told that if he is killed in the woods and the
animals eat him, they must not weep. If he still agrees to accept the
charge, the coyote headdress is placed on him. He is taken to the
cuartel and placed in charge of it, and told his duties there and on
Sundays. He is also given two soldiers who work for him and tend
his fields. He is obligated to care for these men and their families.

The war officials are headed by the yaticim, or war captains. Then
follow in descending order the lieutenants, sergeants, corporals, alpéz
(alférez), and two drummers. All these officials are called wikoiyaut
(bow chiefs, or officers of the troop). All have insignia of rank which
they wear when on service and in the church. This is a red cloth band
worn around the head, about 3 inches wide and ornamented with pearl
buttons or pearl shell. That of the captain has three horizontal lines
of shells or buttons with others scattered at random between them, a
large abalone shell pendant over the forehead, and feathers sewn
loosely about the band. A coyote skin stretches from the front over
the top of the head and down the back, the tail reaching the waist.
Horizontal rows of hawk feathers (k6ti) are sewn at intervals along
its length, and in front is worn an upright parrot feather about 8 inches
long and sometimes tufts of small parrot feathers. The captain carries
a bow and quiver in all ceremonies.

The lieutenant has two rows of buttons horizontally on his band
and scattered buttons between. The sergeant has a zigzag pattern
horizontally about his band with a star in each angle. The corporal
has the same without stars. These all wear parrot and hawk feathers.
The drummers and the alpéz have only scattered buttons without
design.

Some of the officers head the cavalry, although the latter have no
drummer or alpéz or banner of their own. The officers of the cavalry
are subordinate to those of the infantry of equal rank. At assemblies,
the latter remain seated, the former do those things which require
moving about. The number of officials seems to vary according to the
available good material.

A boy may also be dedicated to a position by his parents. Such a
boy is carefully observed and trained, eventually being given a posi-
tion in accordance with his intelligence and abilities. In Belen
(Pitahaya) two rather young boys were observed wearing the war
captain’s headdress.

The cavalry of the four up-river towns and the four down-river
towns unites in two groups about every 8 or 4 weeks. Those from

Beats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 53

up river patrol the boundaries and report on the state of the terri-
tory in the up-river part of the country. Those from the lower
pueblos patrol the lower-river territory. A corporal or sergeant is
usually appointed to command each party.

The idea of “declaring war,” or deciding on war, seemed rather
foreign to the informants. They felt that they never declared war;
the Mexicans started it, and they defended themselves. However, it
seems that a tribal assembly is necessary to determine on a war policy,
although other informants said that the war captains can determine
on war and command all things in time of war. But a peace could
not be made by them alone; the kobanda’us and war captains jointly
determine that, although again a tribal assembly is probably neces-
sary to be binding on the entire tribe.

The functions of the war officials seem mainly connected with war.
They have little or no authority in the functioning of the church,
although they play an important part in it; nor do they have any
authority over the principales, who, from the statement that as a rule
after their term of office they again become soldiers, are evidently
not considered to be soldiers during their term in civil office.

In war time, the authority of the war captains is evidently para-
mount, despite the statements of the preceding paragraph. One war
captain looks after the old men and the women and children during
war. The pisca and the temastianes (church officials) assemble the
children and take them to the church to pray when there is war.

The order of battle is: The alpéz with the banner, drummer, war
captain, heutenant, sergeants, soldiers, and corporals. In battle the
infantry goes ahead, the calvary behind. The alpéz is a particularly
interesting figure. He plants the banner in advance when: baitle
is joined and he may not retreat or remove the banner even though
abandoned by his fellows, until the commanding officer gives the
order for all to retreat. The idea of abandonment, however, seemed
humorous to my informants, who said no one would retreat without
an order. But if they did, informants said the alpéz would have to
stay. Furthermore, the alpéz is picked as a man of unusual courage
because he must take the most exposed position. He also is a man
of keen eyesight and a good shot. The drummer’s position is even
more dangerous, but he does not have the “no retreat” obligation. All
orders are passed on through drum signals. For this reason the drum-
mer is apt to be killed, and it is customary to have two drummers on a
party, although anyone will pick up the drum and give the necessary
signals in emergencies. On the march, the drum beats constantly and
the alpéz and drummer command. Even a party of five or six has
its alpéz and drummer. The march continues unless the drum stops
beating.

5205883—45——5 -

54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

When traveling through the brush in skirmish formation, a drum
is tapped at each end of the line to keep it in formation. ‘Within
Yaqui territory, the cavalry travel quite as often on foot as on horse-
back. Some use is also made of bugle signals.

The modern Yaqui attitude toward their own wounded is interesting.
Don G., a German-American who in the past has had occasion to fight
- with Yaqui troops, maintains that they have no regard for their own
wounded. A man is a fool to be injured and even though mortally
wounded would be laughed and jeered at. There is some effort to
prevent wounded falling into the hands of the enemy and to remove
the dead in order to prevent torture and mutilation. Both sides in
the Yaqui conflicts have indulged not only in mutilation of the dead
but in barbarities to prisoners which are not to be exceeded in accounts
of Indian or European warfare anywhere. Aboriginally, torture
does not seem to have been practiced by any of the Cahita.

During peace times, the soldiers serve in the guardia or cuartel in
shifts of 1 week. A war captain must always be present or leave
an assistant in his place. Constantly on duty is a lieutenant, a ser-
geant, a corporal, and two or three soldiers. (At Potan, a third of
the soldiers are on duty all the time.) The guardia is often a ramada,
open in front and along most of the two sides, the remainder being
walled. Benches to seat the entire troop are placed inside. The
guardia may at times be brick or adobe, as is the old guardia at Vicam
Station now used by the Mexican officers of the Indian companies.

The soldiers sound the drum three times a day, at dawn, at noon, and
at sundown. The manner of playing is quite complicated. The alpéz
and one or two drummers stand facing east (west at sundown or after
dark when the performance is made during a fiesta in the night). The
right-hand drummer starts playing, bends his right knee, lifting his
left foot backward, steps forward, does a half turn and faces west,
bends his knee, does a three-quarters turn and faces north, bends his
knee, steps forward and faces south, bends the knee again, and resumes
his first position. The drum is rolled continuously. The alpéz fol-
lows one step behind the drummer, making the sign of the cross with
the banner as he bends his knee. The second drummer follows the
alpéz. The entire performance is done five or six times. At times
the banner is not involved and there is only a drummer, frequently a
young boy, who performs the ceremony. When the drum sounds in
the morning, people say the alba, at night, the Ave Maria.

The drum used is slightly larger than the pascola drum and is
played with two sticks in alternating light and heavy beats. A tre-
mendous volume of sound which can be heard a mile or more is
produced.

The religious and civil functions of the soldiers have assumed a
new importance at present because the Mexican Government has en-

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 55

rolled the troops of the different villages as irregular soldiers, and
pays them. This is a way of bribing the tribe into keeping peace.
Now the kobana’u of the different villages levy an assessment. each
payday (each 10 days) of from 50 centavos to one peso to be used
to finance the fiestas, keep a reserve for emergencies (such as paying
for the fiestas for the dead), and to pay claims against the tribe. If
robberies of “foreigners” (including Mexicans) occur in the territory
of the village, the culprits are fined to make restitution if they can be
identified. If not, restitution is made out of the village funds by the
war captain, on order of the kobana’u, who only issues the order after
conference with the principales. Funds are kept in a locked chest in
the guardia. Before the government began to pay the soldiers, levies
of food were made. When the old brick guardia at Vicam Station
was the guardia of the tribe, it was frequently stored full of food.

In addition to supporting all the activities of the tribe, the sol-
diers dance the coyote dance at certain fiestas and ceremonial occa-
sions. If the dancing is only for a short time in the church, as for
Easter, the captains alone dance. In all processions in connection
with Christ and the Virgin, the Christ is accompanied by the war
captains, the Virgin by a soldier on either side. The remainder of
the soldiers march on each side of the procession in single file, the
cavalry on one side, the infantry on the other.

The fiestas of Guadalupe, Santa Isabel, and Santa Cruz are con-
sidered to be fiestas of the soldiers. In war time they are said to
be under the protection of Guadalupe and Santa Isabel. No trace
of morning star or moon connections with the soldiers could be se-
cured. It is possibly significant that the Virgin of Guadalupe is
pictured standing on the moon. The chapel at Pitahaya has a wall
above and behind the altar decorated with a gold moon and gold
stars."

Interesting is the survival of the feeling that the people of the
four down-river pueblos are more bellicose than those of the four
up-river pueblos, a sentiment of pre-Spanish origin.

Twenty years ago, the Indians who joined the revolution on the
Fuerte River wore masks made by splitting an oxtail and letting the
tail hang from the chin, the cheeks being covered. Many joined
Pancho Villa during his stay in Sonora.

SOCIAL ASPECTS OF LIFE
BIRTH OBSERVANCES 15
Among the Mayo, birth occurs in the dwelling house. The mother
is assisted by a neighbor or a professional midwife, who is paid 5

1# Cf. the stars on the wall for the Htewekwe fraternity, Zuili (Stevenson, 1904, pl. 58).
%T am particularly indebted to Dr. Parsons for securing many of the more personal
details of Mayo childbirth.

56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 142

to 10 pesos. A professional is called paltéra or partera or hamut ania
asoamta, “woman helping child receiving.” She has a male helper,
the tenedor, or holder (4u wikapabwise hiépsipu kitia, “mam holding
by middle very tight”: this etymology is a bit obscure; “hiépsipu”
would seem to refer in some way to life or heart). He is paid about
4. pesos. A curer is never called in. Although the tenedor may also
be a curer he never exercises the latter capacity. San Ramén is
said to be “good” for the midwife, but I could secure no evidence of
special practices in connection with the Saint.

‘The woman is usually seated on the ground at birth, although a
kneeling position is sometimes assumed. The partera (midwife) is
in front, while the tenedor holds the woman about the belly from
behind and applies pressure.* If the birth is difficult, the woman
may be suspended from a beam by a loop of rope under the arms
or may be even raised and dropped with a jerk in this rope loop.
This is said often to be fatal.

The child is received on a sheepskin. The midwife cleans the
baby’s mouth, cuts the cord, burns it with a candle, applies salad oil
to the navel, and sulphur to the cord. In 3 days the cord drops off
and the navel is dressed again with oil and sulphur. The cord is
buried in a red-ant hill. The afterbirth and blood-stained cloths
are buried in a hole about 3 feet down and covered with hot ashes
to keep dogs away. If dogs ate the afterbirth, the mother would
have belly pains.

The mother is put into bed and covered well. Formerly, she was
confined 45 days (others say 40 days); 9 days, a period correspond-
ing to Mexican practice, is now common, according to some. She
is fed atole, broiled meat, broth from bones, white bread, parched
corn, and pinole. After 5 days, earth or ashes are placed on her face
as a protection from the wind, and she may go to the kitchen. (The
ashes raise a suspicion that the face protection may be against
witchcraft.) At the fortieth day she bathes, bathing 3 days in suc-
cession. She then sleeps with her husband and “begins another
child.” After completing the “diet,” she goes to Mass at church.
There is no belief in impregnation through sleeping in the sun or
moonlight.

After the birth, the father is under no dietetic or other restrictions.
He is congratulated by his friends and neighbors but continues his
work. The child is visited by everyone soon after birth. If a girl,
the men formerly would kiss its hand; if a boy, the women.

There is no rule of sexual abstinence during pregnancy. A man may
continue sleeping with his wife or he may get another woman. There
are no taboos during pregnancy for either mother or father. The

16 At Sia the male helper is before, the female behind (Stevenson, 1894, p. 135).

BrALs] - CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 57

mother may butcher or use a knife, but if she works much in the field
or is in the sun a great deal, the child may have eye sickness. “Eye
of mesquite” is a remedy for this.

After lactation begins, the mother eats mostly maize rather than
wheat. Maize “has butter in it” and for this reason the Indian mother,
unlike the Mexican, “always has milk.”

There are no witchcraft beliefs connected with confinement, but if
a menstruating woman or a man or woman fresh from sexual inter-
course comes near a newborn child it will break out with black spots
and die. There is no use of corn ears or fire pokers to protect the
infant.

Some say that in winter a child is wiped off and wrapped up and
not bathed until San Juan’s Day, June 24.

The callings of partera and tenedor are taught in the family. In
one case noted, a woman is a partera while her husband is both a
tenedor and a hitoléro, or curer.

Yaqui practices are similar, although my information is not quite
so full. After the birth, a woman must eat only atole and dried cow
meat (not bull meat) for 2 to 4 weeks. The father must not work
for 2 or 3 days following or the child will die, but there are no die-
tetic restrictions for him. The umbilical cord is cut with a pair of
scissors, leaving enough to tie. The end is burned with a candle
flame. The portion of the cord cut off is putin a can or receptacle
and hidden in an echo cactus or other plant. The remainder of the
cord drops off in about 15 days (sic) and by some is placed in a red-
ant nest. The baby is bathed in warm water at birth and the after-
birth (asoakarali) is buried or put in a bush or cactus.

CARE AND REARING OF CHILDREN
INFANCY

Children usually are nursed until about the age of 2, although
occasionally one may see a child as old as 5 receiving the breast.
After being weaned, children receive the same food as adults. Jm-
mediately after birth the child is given a tea of manzanillo to “clear
it.” Another woman nurses the child for 3 days. A 7-months’ baby
was fed water of manzanillo and another woman milked her breasts
into its mouth until it could nurse.

Infants usually are swaddled rather completely. When old enough
to walk, the males frequently are naked, particularly in outlying
villages, but this custom is rapidly disappearing. Formerly, females
also were naked. Usually infants are kept in a cradle resembling
an open-topped crate made of sticks and slung by ropes from the roof
beams. More rarely, an improvised hammock is made of two ropes

58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 142

held apart by sticks with a blanket wrapped and pinned about them.
Until recently, the Yaqui used a cradleboard of cane splints with a
cloth hood on a hoop at the top (Hrdlicka, 1904, p. 73). Small chil-
dren either are carried. on the hip, slung in a rebozo tied over the
opposite shoulder, or carried in the arms.

If the child’s development is slow, remedies may be used. For slow
teething, rattlesnake teeth strung on a string are hung about the
child’s neck. If backward in walking, the child is made to sit on sheep
dung for an hour. Mescal is put on a child’s gums to make it speak
soon. At3 months it is supposed to say “ma*kt”; at 8 months (sic) it
is supposed to talk.

When a child is older, the Yaqui may punish it for misdemeanors,
saying, “ttisa bépsune pake kaintiina anéa (now don’t do that other
thing (bad)).” When the war drum sounds in the evening, Yaqui
children should say the Ave Maria. In the afternoon, if they enter a
house where older people are present. they should say, “Praise be to
God.”

Twins (wowari 4sua hunamut, “twins she bears woman”) are be-
lieved sent by God, but receive no special treatment. A woman who
bore triplets, “Tres Marias,” considered them devils, however, and
died of fright in 8 days, a punishment by God.

Illegitimate children (cuki panuuka, “trash they seize”) formerly
were put into springs or tanks before baptism where they were eaten
by the horned water serpents. At present they receive the name of
their mother, or, if she is a widow, the name of her deceased husband.
No effort is made to ascertain paternity. It is claimed that abortion
is now practiced only by the Mexicans, but this was not always the
ease. It is believed by the Indians that the priest makes Mexican
girls who confess to abortion or infanticide beg alms at night from
house to house and eat straw and earth taken from the graveyard at
night, the penance lasting for some months.

EDUCATION AND PASTIMES

The treatment of children is much the same as among Mexicans.
Children are rarely punished and receive a great deal of what we
would call spoiling. (For formal punishments, see p. 85.) As a
general thing, parents are very fond of their children. Nowadays a
large percentage of the children are receiving formal primary school
education, available up to the fourth or sixth grade. Nevertheless,
much of their important education comes from their own family. It
is in no way forced. The children are with the adults of the house-
hold a great deal and do not play much with other children except
those of families dwelling close by. They early start to imitate the
actions of their elders. Girls soon spin thread, begin to use the metate,

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 59

and so on, but there is little compulsion until they are old enough to
be assigned tasks. Small girls often make crude dolls. The young
daughter of a pottery maker made some crude but passable clay models
of animals with which she was familiar, as well as of miniature vessels.
This was interesting because more or less spontaneous, although she
had undoubtedly seen pottery figurines from other districts in town.
Boys accompany their fathers at an early age and are encouraged but
not forced to assist. By adulthood, usually, they have acquired most
of their father’s limited stock of knowledge and skill.

The pastimes are almost entirely limited to imitations of their elders.
In outlying villages boys may hunt alone or in groups for small game.
In warm weather, they may go swimming. They seem, however, to
have no formal games.

NAMING AND ADOLESCENT RITES

At present, Mayo names are given with some regard to the almanac
of saints’ days. Formerly, this was not done. Instead, some woman
about the house at the time of birth said, “A reward, a reward. No
one here divines what I carry (that is, what I am thinking of).”
For half an hour or so the woman walked about repeating this. Then
a dozen women were assembled and took turns guessing the name
the woman was thinking of. The correct guesser became the god-
mother and her husband or sweetheart the godfather. After 15 days
the godparents took the child to the city and had it baptized. They
left town saying, “I must respect my comadre, I must respect my
compadre, we are godparents of this child.” They addressed it as
“My legitimate godchild,” saying also that they had a right to belong
to its family. When they arrived at the house of the child, they
greeted the parents, saying, “Here in the presence of God we are
compadres,” and gave the child to its parents. When the child was
old enough to understand, the parents told it to call the godparents
niho and nifia and to respect them as its own parents. If the god-
parents lacked heirs, then the godchild inherited from them. On the
saint’s day of any young person, a fiesta was held to which all the
village was invited. Presents of food were given, in advance if pos-
sible, and candles were burned all night in regular Mexican fashion.

The Yaqui infant is baptized by its godparents. If there is no
priest available, the maestro sprinkles water on the child, but this
is said not to be a real baptism. The child is always named for the
saint on whose day it is born, otherwise “the grace and luck are
lost.” (From the distribution of names, one would be inclined to
doubt this view. Moreover, many Yaqui go only by Cahita names.)
The infant is said to take after its godparents; if one is drunken or
lazy, so will the child be.

60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 142

Piercing the ears of girls is done long before the first menses, per-
haps generally in infancy, and is unassociated with any ritual. Pierc-
ing is done with a needle, and a thread is left in the hole to keep it open.
It is said that the Virgin will not recognize girls as hers if the ears are
not pierced.

A Mayo informant mentioned crying from fright at her first men-
struation, but.no ritualization of the event is known.

It is very probable that the induction into the Yaqui military so-
ciety may be regarded as a modified survival of a puberty rite for
boys. (See account of the “adoption rite” (Beals, 1948, pp. 66-68 and
83-84) .)

KINSHIP TERMS

The use of native kinship terms has almost disappeared among both
Yaqui and Mayo. Preservation seems best among the Mayo, although
this impression may result from the accident of my having encoun-
tered a Mayo informant who really knew the terms. Similar indi-
viduals may exist among the Yaqui. Certainly, it is true of both
groups that most people do not know all the terms formerly used nor
do they often know the correct usage of such terms as are remem-
bered. Most people habitually use Spanish kinship terms today.
For this reason the evidence and discussion of the native terms ‘is
taken up in the study of the aboriginal Cahita (Beals, 19438, pp. 47-51).

The Mayo and Yaqui use of Spanish terms, rather than their own,
presents some features of interest which Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons
pointed out after working with the best Mayo informant. ‘This infor-
mant, Maria Ontivéras, applied Spanish terms with apparent indif-
ference to descent, and caused considerable confusion until she was
checked carefully with genealogies. Maria’s outstanding interest was
in the principle of seniority. Yet in spite of this feeling, she has
dropped, in ordinary speech, those Mayo terms which express the
very age distinctions she feels so strongly. Her younger sister’s son,
whom she raised, she normally calls not by the age distinguishing Mayo
term, but by the Spanish sodrino (nephew).

Marriage is permitted between cousins of the second degree and
further if they have different family names, but between those of
the same family name it is prohibited. Thus, terms which would dis-
tinguish descent would have a functional use. But again, the Mayo
terms have lapsed and modified Spanish terms are used. In this case

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 61

the Spanish patronymic may be a substitute if descent was formerly

patrilineal."
MARRIAGE

Present marriage customs are scarcely distinguishable from those
of lower-class Mexicans except perhaps that marriage is more often
legalized among the Mayo. Marriage is civil and the parents today
do not interfere with the choice of mates. A wedding feast with
dancing at the house of the girl’s parents follows the wedding.

In earlier times Mayo marriages were arranged by the parents.
Some informants insisted on the practice of local exogamy, the rancho,
or settlement, being the unit; other informants denied it, but possibly
were thinking in terms of larger village units embracing a number of
ranchos.

Formerly, if a boy had parents he went with them to ask for the
girl. His mother spoke first, then his father. The girl’s parents,
usually aware of the impending visit, sent the girl away to the house
of friends or relatives. After the negotiations between the parents
were finished, they said, “The girl is not here. Come again tomorrow
and in the meantime we will ask her.” The girl’s mother talked to her.
The next day the visit was repeated. The girl’s father asked her before
the visitors if she were willing. She did not answer until he had put
the question three times. She was then greeted by the boy’s mother
and father and the boy’s father gave the girl’s mother money to buy
a wedding dress. If the girl objected to the marriage, ordinarily the
matter was dropped there, but if the man was older and violently in
love, he has been known to kill the girl and himself as well. Parents
GnanaTy asked for a girl but once; if she agreed, the wedding the-
oretically occurred 15 ies later.

If a young couple wished to marry and the parents objected, the
priests formerly used to intercede, telling the parents worse things
might result from the refusal. At the present time, more conservative
mothers immediately investigate if they see a young man about the

17Dr, Parsons has suggested that this practice of allowing to lapse terms which would
serve a psychological or social function is an argument for the linguistic interpretation
of kinship terms. Dr. Edward Spicer in a letter comments: “It seems to me that the
data might be interpreted in precisely the opposite way. Spanish surnames have been
adopted ; marriage prohibitions forbid marriage with anyone having the Same surname.
Therefore a function of the kinship terminology has been eliminated: it is no longer neces-
sary to know relationship in selecting marriage partners, it igs necessary only to know
the new surnames. Consequently kinship terms are no longer concerned with the descent
distinctions, the Spanish terms may therefore be adopted without conflict or significant
ambiguity, and accordingly they are.”

While I agree with Dr. Spicer’s further remark that consideration of more factors
would be necessary for adequate discussion, Dr. Spicer fails to take into account the obvious
factor that marriage is still prohibited with maternal first cousins and that here knowledge
of actual relationship is essential. It is true that the descent distinctions of the old
kinship system are very much diminished in importance by the use of the patronymic,
but it is doubtful if the relative age distinctions Parsons particularly mentions ever had
a relation to marriage customs,

62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 142

house two or three times, and if they do not wish him for a son-in-law,
they order him to stay away. Formerly, a girl would not even be
allowed outside the house if there were unmarried men about nor
allowed to go away from the house unaccompanied. Marriages then
were frequently arranged between the parents without the knowledge
of the young people. The latter would know nothing of it until they
would be brought together before the priest for the marriage ceremony.
Elopements occurred but rarely and social attitudes condemned them.

The marriage of Maria apparently represents conditions of about 40 years
ago. She is of 'a conservative family. Her father objected to the match, but Maria
wept until he consented (she was about 25 at the time). The marriage was in
the old church at old Navojoa and was followed by a horseback procession to her
father’s house. Chocolate and other things were served beneath a ramada
there; then the procession went to the rancho of her husband, where food was
also served beneath a ramada. There was a good deal of music and much horse-
back riding and display of finery. The party then returned to her home where
there was a dance. Everyone got drunk. She was given to her husband the
following day.“

At a still earlier time there would have been a fiesta with pascola and deer
dancers. Atole and bakavaki would have been*served. Cahwetes (fireworks)
would have been fired on leaving the church. The bride would be delivered to
her husband after 8 days, accompanied by large ollas of food, bundles of cahu-
etes, and other things. The couple lived in the man’s father’s house until the
husband built his own. This often was not until the birth of the first child.

Today there is a good deal of contact between young people, although
there is still much shyness and restraint between them. Talk about
sex is rare at any time. “Aman wéye inhfepso (there goes my heart),”
a young man used to say when he saw a girl he liked.

After marriage Mayo women were formerly quite strictly ruled by
their husbands, at least in theory. They should not leave the house
without the husband’s permission. If suspected of having a lover, the
woman was brought before the governor of the village, and she and her
lover were stripped naked to the waist and flogged in public. For-
merly, men were whipped for visiting prostitutes.

Maria’s husband, whom she married against her father’s wishes, turned out
to be a drunkard ; he went frequently to the prostitutes in the Mexican town and
stayed as long as his money and credit permitted. He brought his inamoratas to
the house and frequently taunted Maria with her imperfections compared to them.
Once she bought a dagger to kill him should he get close enough to her. Her father
and brother urged her to leave him, but she refused. When he was finally arrested
by the Mexican authorities after a long debauch, a sympathetic judge sent for her
and asked what to do with him. The judge offered to sentence the husband to a
term in the army so she would be free of him, but Maria begged for his release.
After his release he decided to go away. He came home and Maria gave him food
and a blanket for his journey, but refused his urgings to accompany him. Reach-
ing the outskirts of Cocorit on the Yaqui River, he was killed by lightning.

1° The Tarascans had a similar custom of separation, usually of 4 days, and Prieto notes
it for Tamaulipas and the Aztecs (Relac. Mech., n. d., p. 54; Prieto, 1873, p. 125).

BMALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 63

Maria’s conscience evidently still troubles her a little; perhaps, she feels, she
was not really a good wife to him.

According to other accounts, before marriage a girl formerly spent
- 8 days in her parent’s house preparing food. At the end of this time
she was taken to her husband. Presents were given by others in the
village, so'that the newly married couple were stocked for 15 days with
prepared food. During this period, they rarely left the house. This
house was one which the bridegroom had built in anticipation of the
marriage.

The newly married couple were given land by the kobaniro. Other
people in the village gave them various things so they were set up for
housekeeping. They were given all sorts of household utensils, and the
groom’s parents, if they could afford it, gave them a cow and perhaps
some sheep and goats. If the groom’s parents were rich, the members
of the village gave less or nothing. The young couple could not move
permanently to another ranch without permission, although they could
visit the wife’s parents.

Widowers and widows might remarry but they always remarried a
widow or widower. Divorce theoretically was unknown after Catholic
times, but separations and remarriages still occur. Young children
and older girls stay with the mother, older boys with the father. Pros-
titutes were unknown according to some informants, but others said
they merely were not allowed to live in the villages and had huts out in
the brush 3 or 4 miles away where they were visited secretly by the
men.

Unmarried people were not allowed to talk together. Ifa girl was
not asked in marriage, she used to die a virgin. Unmarried girls were
kept busy in the house, weaving and doing similar household tasks.
If a girl had a child before marriage she was forced to tell who the
father was. If he was of another village, they were married at once;
if they were of the same village, both were sent away to different vil-
lages. I secured no account of sexual instruction or lack of it. (But
among the Yaqui the young people, both men and women, were sup-
posed to be entirely innocent upon marriage. A standing Yaqui joke
whenever anyone gets married is to ask who is going to sleep with them
the first night and show them what to do.) The levirate and sororate
were strictly prohibited, although the sororate certainly was practiced
aboriginally. The age of marriage for boys was 21, for girls, 16.
Residence was always patrilocal. If the mother died, the children
stayed with the father; if the father died, the wife returned to her own
people, taking the children with her. Before marriage a man’s penis
was said to be examined by two or three men representing the parents
of the girl. It was believed that if the penis was too large it might
cause the girl’s death. This may well be a perversion of some mission-
ary’s idea for keeping down venereal disease.

64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

Sexual indiscretions were severely punished. The aboriginal prac-
tice of marrying a stepdaughter was evidently stamped out by the
early missionaries with great severity. In times remembered by
older informants, a man who had relations with his stepdaughter
would be burned to death. Presumably this punishment would be
meted out to any violator of the incest rules. If a woman talked to
a man other than her husband, the husband reported her to the
kobanaro, who had her stripped naked and publicly beaten. A piece
was also bitten out of each ear. The same was done to a man if his
wife found him talking to another woman.

Another account, dictated by a Mayo, of marriage “40 years ago,”
that is, a long time ago, is as follows:

The parents of the girl would visit some other ranch. If they saw there some
youth they liked for their son, they returned to their house and filled a basket with
food and took it to the parents of the boy. At the same time the girl was taken
along and given to the parents of the youth. If the youth’s parents did not
approve of the marriage, they had to pay back the food, but if the marriage went
through, they did not pay it back. Marriage took place in the church, which was
the best marriage. All in the rancheria or town helped the newlyweds with all
the utensils and implements of agriculture, so that the recently married had ali
the utensils for working for their living because all their neighbors helped them.
If they were poor, they helped them the more, All the neighbors of Indian origin
helped them and only if they were very rich, they did not help them. When they
were poor, all helped them with everything, so that their home lacked nothing.
Usually, if they were rich, the parents gave them a pregnant cow and other close
relatives gave them help. Thus in that epoch all had their means better than now.
Generally, all were careful in their labors and were economical in everything.
If the husband of the home became sick, the godparents, who they said were the

second parents, were immediately notified and cared for whoever in the house
was ill. If 2 years passed and there were no children, they said then that one of
them was ill. Then they (the godparents) brought a curandero to see them and
see which was sick. The cwrandero gave the sick person a medicine of roots and
shortly, if there were children, they said the cuwrandero was a good witch, but if
there were no children, they said it was that God did not wish to give ‘thiem
family. It was their belief; and if the home turned out badly, through fault of
the man or woman, then the kobanaro punished them very severely.

If it was the fault of the woman, she was placed with her hands
tied from one stick to the other, and an old woman gave her a
good whipping with a branch of mesquite. If the man was to blame,
they whipped him more cruelly. And after returning to their home,
if they continued their method of living, then they cut half the nose
from the woman and from the man they bit a piece out of each ear.
This was if they were both bad, but if only one, they chastised the
one very severely. This account differs notably from others in
attributing the initiative in marriages to the girl’s family.

According to one Yaqui account of present practices, the parents
of the boy take a measure (almud) of maize to the parents of the
girl. If the marriage proposed is acceptable, the girl makes tamales

BrALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 65

of the maize and takes them to the parents of the boy at the end of
3 days. A marriage feast is held at the girl’s house. Frances Toor
notes some other details. The bride’s parents provide bakavaki. The
godparents attend the wedding. Presents of food are exchanged by
the parents. Girls sometimes wear a shell about the neck as a sign
that they are virgins (an aboriginal practice). The crucial part of
the ceremony is drinking water together in the groom’s house.”®

Boys are theoretically old enough to marry at 15, girls at 12. Actu-
ally, many males of ages 18 to 25 are still unmarried. In the main,
these cases appeared due to economic considerations or, what is per-
haps more fundamental, the lack of interested relatives to assist them.
Some said the godparents arranged marriages rather than the par-
ents. The ideal marriage is apparently one arranged by the parents
when the two principals are young. The parents pick the spouse
for their child, and children are often married without any foreknow]l-
edge of the event. After marriage the godparents take them to the
home of the parents. They stop at the house cross and exhort them
for a short time, then shut the two alone in the house for about a
quarter of an hour. Then the maestro and the godparents enter and
counsel them on “the way to live,” telling them how to live properly,
that one should not leave one’s spouse for any reason, that they are as
of one father and one mother. The young couple live with the man’s
parents until they are grown and have means of support (particularly
in youthful marriages) or until they have children.”

Marriage may be either in the same village or out of it. Marriage
with any known relative is forbidden.

If the parents do not arrange the marriage, an older man may ask
the mother of a woman he likes. If all the relatives and the girl
agree, they then are married.

Granville describes a Yaqui marriage ceremony witnessed some 45
years ago: The man was 20, the girl 13. The parents of both favored
the marriage. The man was put on “probation” for 10 days while
men tried to induce him to drink, the woman to flirt. Then the man
was summoned before a council of five old men of the tribe, includ-

19 Toor (1937, p. 56). Dr. Edward Spicer calls attention to the fact that I have failed ade-
quately to distinguish the numerous sets of godparents acquired by the individual in the
course of his life. Informants were general in their statements and at the time I did not
realize the tremendous importance of the godparent relationship. I also was too indifferent
to what I considered essentially Spanish aspects of the culture. The godparent relationship
was adopted by the Cahita with an eagerness which caused comment by the missionaries
and, as Dr. Spicer rightly observes, there were separate sets for baptism, confirmation,
marriage, entrance into societies, and other occasions. An excellent treatment of the
godparents is given in Dr. Spicer’s book on Pascua village (Spicer, 1940), although
further work is needed to clarify the situation on the Yaqui River.

2 Dr, Spicer reports that at Pascua the pascola dancers play an important part in the
wedding. I never succeeded in encountering a wedding ceremony, but pascola dancers
were mentioned by Mayo informants. From their importance, pascola should appear and
if they actually take no part today, it is to be suspected that this is a lapse from former

eustom.

66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 142

ing the chief, and his character defamed by various accusations against
which he had to defend himself. Passing this test successfully, the
marriage was completed, each party discharging a gun. This was said
to signify that either could kill the other if unfaithful. After this
there was dancing until morning at the home of the bride’s parents
(Granville, 1899, pp. 92-93).

Velasco and Zifiga accuse the Yaqui of exchanging wives and being
indifferent to elopement and adulteries (Velasco, 1850, p. 78; Ignacio
Zuniga, quoted in Hernandez, 1902, p. 93). This is utterly at variance
with both past and present facts, and may be dismissed.

The contradiction of Velasco and Zuniga is contained in frequent
early documentary reports of the morality of the Yaqui, as well as of
the harshness with which sexual offenders were punished. Flogging
is today the least of the punishments, inflicted for merely talking to
a person of the opposite sex in a secluded place. Frances Toor (1937,
p. 56) notes how foreign the idea of divorce is; although today sep-
arations occur, people who have separated may not be remarried by
any ceremony. A generation or two ago practices were even harsher
than those recorded for the Mayo. Yaqui informants said that for-
merly if spouses refused to live together despite the intercession of
relatives, the godmother placed upon the offending spouse (or both if
they were equally at fault) the rosary worn by the dead. The culprit
was placed in the position of the dead, and candles were burned 3
nights. If by the end of this time the person had not begged forgive-
ness, he was buried alive. Such was the effect of Jesuit instruction
upon a people already possessed of strict morals. Significantly, the
bow chief was in charge of such matters.

DEATH BELIEFS AND CUSTOMS

The ideas of the Mayo on death and the future life are not and seem
never to have been particularly clear or consistent, a not uncommon
thing among primitive peoples. In addition to what was probably
an initial uncertainty, the ideas are largely tinged with and in some
respects entirely colored by an unassimilated Catholicism. The pic-
ture is further complicated by the fact that the actual customs of today
differ considerably from those of a generation ago.

The Mayo of today hold vague Catholic ideas about the future life.
One dies and ultimately arrives in heaven. The steps involved in this
passage are none too clearly understood and are never formulated by
the average Mayo.

On the other hand, the elderly people have clearly formulated ideas
which do not always coincide with practice and do not cover all cases.
From Christianity has been developed the idea of heaven and hell.
But hell is not a subterranean place of punishment and expiation. The

BEALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 67

idea of an underworld seemed completely foreign to all informants,
even the most sophisticated. Hell is this life on earth. As one man
expressed it, “When Christ died he left hell and went to heaven.”
Heaven is a vaguely conceived of place in the sky where one leads a
happy life. With the character of this life the Mayo is unconcerned ;
he merely repeats such fragments of Catholic ideas as he can remember.

On the other hand, there are persistent suggestions of a belief in
reincarnation. For example, if an old person has died recently, when
a child of the opposite sex is born it is frequently said, “There he (or
she) is.” Even more general is the belief that if the spirit is not re-
ceived in heaven (Dios hamavéta, “God does not receive him”; ihdiyi
Maria Santisima kaiydkori, “mother Mary Sainted does not pardon
him”) it is sent back to earth to do penance (pendra). This was agreed
on by informants who denied any belief in or knowledge of ideas of
reincarnation. One informant said this penance was to become one
of the horned water serpents for a hundred years, after which the
spirit again went to the sky. Spirits might also be seen by acquaint-
ances (not by members of the family) walking about in their death
clothes,

Practices in connection with death and burial vary widely with the
condition and position of the deceased. Small children under the age
of about 6 are called “little angels” and receive special attention. They
are considered to be without sin, to be like doves. For them a fiesta is
given at which pascola dance. It begins at sundown and continues
until the following morning. The body is placed on a bier before a
temporary altar under the house ramada or a special ramada erected
for the occasion. The body is decked with flowers and a rosary is
placed about the neck. This is done by the godparents, who also pre-
pare the body for the funeral, dress it, sometimes buy a coffin or at any
rate prepare the pa/anque or bier on which it is borne, and then carry
it to the grave. Sometimes the body is taken to the church first. Leav-
ing the house, the procession makes one circuit of the house cross.

It is also said that a child must be carried to the graveyard on the
head of its father. This was observed several times although no other
details of the funeral were seen. On the occasions observed there was
no procession, the mother alone accompanying the father to the church.

Some informants said that in former times the burial ceremonies
for a child were more complex. The godparents were notified imme-
diately and attended to all details of the burial. It was considered
in either life or death that the godparents should attend to the most
crucial things concerning their godchildren. The godparents, on ar-
rival, inquired as to the cause of death. The parents usually did not
tell the truth, as they feared the reproaches of the godparents if they
were considered guilty of negligence. The usual reply was that the

68 BUREAU. OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 142

child had fallen ill in the night and died without their knowledge.
The godparents then said, “Thatis to say, you do not know at what hour
the child died?” On being answered in the negative, the godparents
requested the parents to enter the house and not put foot outside until
after the burial. A man and a woman guarded the door of the house
to see that this order was complied with and the godparents did not
address another word to the parents. If it were necessary to ask
questions, they were asked of the brothers or sisters of the deceased,
who in turn asked the parents. The godparents asked first if there
were some vow owed by the parents in behalf of the child. If there
were, the godparents held a small fiesta (presumably resembling that
of the Yaqui described later) so that the child could leave this world
without owing anything. (But it is fairly clear that there is always
a fiesta for a child.) The flowers placed on the body were white and
those placed about the body were colored. Two boys and two girls
bore the body halfway to the burial ground, where they were met by
the godparents, who bore it the rest of the way, taking turns, first the
godfather and then the godmother. On arrival at the burial ground,
the body was immediately buried. The godparents then returned to
the home of the parents and released them from the house. The par-
ents came out weeping. The godparents reproved them for their lack
of care of the child and departed. The godparents addressed no word
to the parents after this until they had another child. The godparents
were then asked to become godparents of the newborn child. After
baptising the infant, the godparents spoke to the parents and good
relations were restored.

For adults of ordinary status no fiesta is given. There is a velacion,
the body being placed before a temporary altar and candles being
burned. Before death, usually three sets of godparents are selected.
These give a rosary of small black beads with a black cross to the de-
ceased as well as the “cord of the dead” (bwai waibusan, “breechclout
belt”)... This is a cord and breechclout made of domesticated maguey
fiber. It is placed on both male and female, adult and child, over the
ordinary clothing. The ends of the breechclout, which are passed over
the belt or cord, extend down to the feet between the legs and five
white “flowers,” also made of maguey fiber, are placed on it between
the legs. (Cotton is often used today for the cord and flowers.) This
is also spoken of as mukilato véci (dead person’s dress), or imbatodsoa
vécibu (godchild’s dress). The godparents may take this dress and the
shroud to the church to be blessed by the priest or, as is usual now, by
a maestro (lay reader), with holy water and prayers.

The corpse is dressed in its best clothes; new stockings and perhaps
other new garments are purchased. Special emphasis is laid on plac-
ing a new hat in the grave with the deceased. The old clothes and

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 69

bedding are burned some distance away from the house, so that no
sickness will come. Burial must take place before midday, usually
the morning following death.

Some members of the fiesteros (the organizations in charge of cere-
monies) of San Juan and Christ, with their banners, are present at all
funerals. They stand at the head of the corpse with the banners,
while the maestro and two singers pray and sing at the foot. The-
oretically, the corpse should have the head toward the altar (which in
the majority of churches would face east). Sometimes there are two
maestros with their singers, in which case they alternate and prayers
and songs are continuous.

The head of the household seeks the maestro when he is needed.
“Mmo 4’u sika 4mum veldro (we must velar (burn candles for) the
dead) ,” he says to the maestro. The maestro and the singers are paid
1 or 2 pesos for their services. Friends and relatives bring money,
food, and candles, especially for a dead pascola dancer (some in-
formants denied food is brought). Contributions of the neighbors are
sometimes begged by the householder and the fiesteros, who take the
image of their saint and their banner from house to house before the
maestro is summoned. ‘The body is carried to the graveyard by four
men, not relatives of the family, but friends. The relatives have
absolutely no part in the funeral beyond raising the contributions of
food and money and summoning the maestro.

When the body is taken to the graveyard, the fiesteros go ahead.
Usually they run at least part of the way to arrive at the graveyard
in time to see that all the preparations are complete before the body
arrives. The devil is said to go before and they are chasing him to
prevent him from seizing the dead. They make a double circuit
three times about the body on the road, about the cruz mayor (great
cross), and at the grave, waving their banners violently. At the
funeral, if the householder is able, he gives the fiesteros food, but most
fiesteros carry their own for emergency.

On the Fuerte River, the mourners run ahead of the body and hide
in the brush. After the body has passed, they come out of the brush
“looking scared” and follow behind. The devil is said to be chasing
them to the graveyard and he is fooled by their hiding. Among all the
Mayo, if the body is set down on the way to the graveyard, a cross
must be erected. On the more traveled roads there are permanent
crosses used for resting places. Women accompanying the party bear
baskets of green leaves or flowers with which they decorate the arms of
the cross, the leaves of the pioche tree being much employed.

On arrival at the graveyard, the body is set down before the crue
mayor with the head toward the cross. Prayers and songs are given.

530583—45—_6

70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 142

The body is then carried to the grave and lowered. Members of the
family are supposed to avert their eyes so as not to see the body lowered
into the grave or the dirt thrown on it. Some run to another part of
the graveyard and hide. To see the corpse lowered into the grave
would mean death for the relative of the deceased. Relatives may
not sleep until after the burial.

The grave is made as deep as the person stood when erect. The
body is extended “so the dead may walk in heaven.” Theoretically,
the head is buried toward the north, but actually there seems to be
little orientation other than that governed by the position of the church.

The layout of the burial ground at Cohuirimpo is typical. The
large cross is located beneath a ramada at the south side. Surmount-
ing a large mound (probably a ruined structure of the mission period),
is another ramada, closed on two sides. On the north side is a table
made of canes on which rests a broken wooden tamp for pounding
down earth in graves. Over the table is a small cross attached to the
wall, and resting against the wall is another tamp intact (pl. 14, fig. 1).
These tamps are large wooden clubs, carved of one piece of wood,
with heads about 6 inches in diameter, 4 inches in depth, and with a
handle about 4 feet long, all carved out of one piece of wood. Other
tools are carried along with the party bearing the body to the burial
ground. Some ceremonies also take place under this northern ramada
which, in the absence of any church nearer than San Ignacio, takes
the place of the church. At Tesia, for example, the burial ground is
near the church and the body is carried into the church and prayed
over. It is then set before the cross outside, here called the Cross of
Pardon. After a time it is carried to the burial ground and buried.

At Bacavachi a superficially different type of burial exists which
seems to represent a closer adherence to old patterns. The body is
buried by the fiesteros. (This is certainly not always the case along
the river, although the fiesteros themselves assert that it is.) The
body is prepared by the godparents at the house as is done along the
river. The fiesteros then run in advance of the body to the church,
which they circle two or three times, and then on to the burial ground,
where they dig the grave and perform ceremonies. The bearers of the
body and the mournersalsorun. They stop at the church and pray and
then run to the burial ground with the body. By the time the body
arrives at the burial ground, the fiesteros are supposed to have finished
their tasks. This makes the burial more or less of a race.

The race element is still regarded rather seriously. A woman of
the fiesteros on one occasion did not feel like running and so fell behind
the others. On the way she ran a mesquite spine into her foot. She
would not allow the spine to be removed because she regarded it as
a punishment from the dead for not having run fast enough. Her

BHALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS tk

foot swelled to enormous size, but eventually the spine worked itself
out and she recovered.

The graves are always marked by crosses, often fantastically modi-
fied. Several at Cohuirimpo were surmounted by birds, in some cases
the upright being divided above the crosspiece and a bird being carved
on each arm (pl. 14, fig. 2). Some graves have more or less elaborate
brick slabs or tombs over them. Many are decorated with paper
flowers or paper wreaths or handfuls of pioche leaves. Formerly a
wreath of wire and pieces of broken glass called the “crown of gold”
was hung on the cross and a “flower” of the same construction was
laid at the foot of the cross.

Close relatives are sometimes buried in the same grave. The skulls
of the dead are believed to have a cross on the forehead when dug up.
One informant claimed to have seen such a cross.

Ceremonies for the kobanaro and other church officials are held in
the church, and the prayers are said there instead of in their homes.
‘The church bells are rung. Otherwise the funeral appears to differ
little from that of a layman. Matachini are buried wearing the ma-
tachin crown, feather wand, and gourd rattle. Flowers are placed on
the body as for a child. The matachini bring musicians and food, and
dance before the corpse of a matachin or that of a member of his im-
mediate family. They repeat this 6 days after burial and also at the
end of the year. A head fiestera of Christ is buried with the crown
and dress of the Virgin. Whether similar practices obtained for the
other fiesteras or for those of San Juan was not ascertained. Nothing
extra is done for the burial of a male fiestero, but all the fiesteros attend
the funeral of one who has held the office. The pascola and deer
dancers are buried with their equipment beside them, but they do not
wear it.

At the present time coffins are frequently used, but the earlier
practice, still often seen, is to lay the body on a frame made of poles
to which crosspieces of split canes are bound with mesquite bark.
The body is wrapped in a palm-leaf mat. Old people say coffins are
bad: they are like a prison; the body is shut up and the dead cannot
rest. The frames are not buried with the body, but are piled up in
the graveyard to be burned on the day of the dead.

If the deceased person has made a vow to some saint, this must be
carried out at the funeral. If he has promised a dozen cahuetes,
these must be fired off. If he owes a fiesta, one must be given com-
mensurate with the promise.

Should anyone die during Lent, the funeral is in charge of the
clowns. It is said that the dead person belongs to them and they
perform all the duties of the funeral. The fiesteros also appear, how-
ever, and if the person is a matachin, the group dances as usual. In

72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun..142

case either clowns or matachini are to take part in the funeral, they
assemble a little distance from the house. The householder goes to
them and says, “Why are you here?” Their leader responds, “We
have come for our dead.” They then enter and begin their functions.

When the dead are buried by the clowns, the latter make jokes
during the velacién. When the maestro prays, they dance; when he
says, “Accursed be the devil who wishes to seize my soul,” they make
the sign of paying money to the wind. .

The members of the family of the dead person are under strict taboos
for 8 days after death. They may not drink milk or they will lose
their sight or their teeth. Many do not eat cheese either. They may
not leave the house for any purpose except for the funeral. They
must pray every night for the dead. Others say the mourners sweat
in the sun for an hour or so and burn candles; this is called velarua
mukilatavéci. They must not sweep the house.

At Bacavachi, moreover, it is said if the mourners eat red chiles
during this time their eyes will turn red, while if the ears are not
plugged with wool or cotton plugs, or if the plugs are removed during
the week, deafness will ensue.

A generation or two ago more ceremonies were observed in the case
of adults. If an adult owed some vow at the time of death, a fiesta
was prepared immediately, the men and women bringing together
contributions for the purpose. After the fiesta, everyone gathered
around the body and prayed, saying in the prayer that now the dead
person was saved and could go to his destiny.. Then the chief of the
fiesta named six men to go to the burial ground and prepare the grave
or sepulcher. When they finished this, they came running to the
place where the body was and told the leader that the grave was ready.
Then everyone—men, women, and children—circled the body, which
was then carried by four men to the burial ground. The feet must
always go foremost. At the burial ground the body was laid before
the large cross (crue mayor) for 1 hour, after which everyone prayed
and sang and then circled it again. It was then carried to the grave
and placed inside. Each person took a handful of earth and dropped
it into the grave, saying, “For the last time.” This each person
repeated three times. The chief then called all together and said, “We
have complied with our duty and the spirit of this soul is now with
God.” ‘Then all raised their hands to heaven, saying, “God hears you.
Goodbye. Goodbye.” “To your homes everyone,” said the chief, and
all walked out of the burial ground with bowed heads. Once outside,
they raised their heads and all took different directions to their homes.
Every day for 3 days each person who had been at the burial said,
“May God have him in heaven. We have done our duty.”

If an adult died who did not owe any vow, the body rested in a
house for 1 night with candles burning about it. Three credos were

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 73

recited over the body every 3 hours. The body was interred the
following day and prayers were recited for it every day for 9 days
(called the novena).

If the person who died was very old, the mourners struck their
hands together, saying that man was very happy because he had lived
so long and God had preserved him. Also during the clapping of
the hands they said that this was because he was a good man and
there should be much dancing and drinking to bid him farewell from
this world, and they rubbed their hands from pleasure. All night
candles were burned and everyone danced and laughed and drank
with great pleasure, and the old people drank and sang and shouted.
The next day the body was taken to the burial ground well wrapped
in a blanket and a mat, and buried with the same ceremonies as before
described, except that all danced or sang and laughed. If it should
happen shortly after that a child was born in the town, it was given
the name of the dead person (not the surname), and people said,
“ho’o, ho’o, ho’o, ho’o, ho’o, ho’o, hu’ola, hu’ola,” which meant “Look,
look, look, the old man, the old man, the old man, now comes, now
comes.”

At burial ceremonies cahuetes are shot off in considerable numbers.
One informant said that if this were not done, the dead would not
reach heaven. This again conflicts with notions of reincarnation.

Nothing is buried with the dead except the things mentioned in the
foregoing accounts. A dead person is known as mokila or dnima.

The behavior in connection with death is of interest. There is
no great expression of sorrow unless it be in formalized wailing chants
such as were heard among the Yaqui. (Buta widow at Pascua became
hysterical during a chant.) Instead, there seems to be a certain
amount of smiling and good humor among the members of the pro-
cessions. At Tesia it was said that the mourners leave the church
laughing and making jokes. Indeed, it is said that a Mayo never
eries. Sick people who have reached the moribund condition are
virtually abandoned. The face is covered with a cloth and neither
food nor water is given. (This behavior is modifying rapidly at
present.)

Six or eight days after death, the Mayo hold the second velacién
(limosnao). In the case of an adult this consists simply of burn-
ing candles before the altar. Usually the mourners and visitors are
fed, particularly if the dead person owned a bull, in which case the
bull is killed and the meat served with atole and bread. The matachini
or the pascola dance if the deceased were a matachin or a child.
In any case, a maestro and singers are summoned for prayers.
The maestro sprinkles holy water about the house and after this the
spirit of the dead leaves. On the Fuerte River this ceremony is
called el responso and is held on the eighth day. One year after death,

74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 142

another limosnao is given by the family. This is always a fiesta,
regardless of the status of the dead person.

If a person dies far away from home, the same series of ceremonies
is performed as soon as the family finds out.

A regular mourning ceremony is held every year on All Saints
Day and on All Souls Day, November 1 and 2. Five days in advance
many tamales are made, lengths of sugarcane and fruits are brought,
and all is installed in a sort of booth close to the cross which is to be
found outside every house. Whoever comes to the house and prays is
given food from this stall as payment for the prayer. The food in the
booth is said to belong to the dead, who take this method of paying for
the prayers. The same is done in the burial ground. Mescal is fre-
quently served also, particularly if some drunkard comes and prays
for the dead.

According to another account, in the evening of All Saints Day
and of All Souls Day in November, food is set out, usually food
liked by the dead, on a table by the house cross in the evening.
One informant thought that this was a Mexican custom and did not
believe that the dead came to eat the food. Another said people put
out tamales, bread, and brown-sugar cakes, and lighted a candle say-
ing, “ban sékam hiwa hibwaéim animam (now they come to eat at
their house, eat it, dead one),” and believe that the dead do eat the
food. The maestro and singers may visit the house and say prayers
for the dead, taking part of the food in payment. The children
are remembered in this way on All Saints Day. On All Souls Day,
food is usually taken to the cemetery and candles are burned on the
graves all night. The graves are sometimes tidied up and flowers
(usually paper) are placed on them. The maestros or friends visit
the various people and say, “hatcim téwa 4nimam (what are the names
of your dead) ?” Then they pray for them and take food in payment.
The remaining food is not left in the cemetery. On this night the
matachini dance in the church.

The spirit, or wind of the dead, hovers about the house for 8 days
after the death. It seems fairly clear that this period was formerly
3 days and that a second velacién was held at the end of 3 days. Due
to the influence of the Mexican novena, the period has been lengthened.
Formerly, candles were kept burning 8 days, and it was customary for
people in those times to talk to the dead and sometimes to see them.
But nowadays a person who talks with the dead is apt to be frightened
and die. Several stories illustrated the fact that the dead still haunt
the house until the second velacién and exorcism. They manifest
themselves by making sounds in the house at night and in one case a
dog belonging to the dead person acted as though jumping up on his
master. After the exorcism, the dog ceased this action.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 75

For 8 days after death, at 10 a. m., the room in which the dead person
died is purified by burning dung, cow horn, mesquite gum, the nest of
a large bird (waibarakas) found in the woods (some informants indi-
cated any bird’s nest would do), feathers, and dry pitahaya. The
members of the household go into the room where the smoke is being
made, strip themselves, and “bathe” in the smoke (or bathe in warm
water). This “cures” the mourners, prevents sickness, and stops the
evil effects of sorrow. |

Despite the feeling that the dead leave after the eighth day, it is
often said that the dead are always about and help the family, and that
people are not afraid of their voices. If one has lost a cow or a horse
and burns a half-dozen candles to his dead, someone is sure to bring
the animal back. One informant said that if the dead return it is as
wind. When the wind goes out, people are dead. Another informant
said she was not. afraid of the dead, but of a small dove which flies
into the house and says, “Chit, chit, chit.” It is a sign of death in the
house.

Death is also believed to be foretold by the animals of the house.
If a member of the family is going to die, the animals will turn their
heads away from the member and cry.

Belief in ghosts is apparently not general, but the following tale, told
by an informant, suggests the nature of such beliefs as exist.

Some people do not believe in ghosts but there must be such things. A man,
a Mexican, found a cave in the mountains near Alamos. It was stopped up but
he opened it and had started to go in when he heard a voice. He looked around
but could see nothing. He started to go in again when he heard a voice say,
“Tt is mine.” He looked about still more carefully but could see no one. When
he returned to the cave a white bundle came out and he ran away. He came
back six times, and each time the bundle came out. Later he came back with
other men and they could find neither the cave nor his tracks.

At death the Yaqui believe the spirit (hiepsi, “spirit, heart”) hovers
about the house for 3 days until the novena, which actually occurs 3
days after burial, not 8 as among the Mayo. Then the house
is sprinkled with holy water by the maestro. The nature of the burial
rites varies with the social status of the deceased, but certain features
areincommon. There is a ceremony preceding burial, another 3 days
later, and a third a year after death. The grave is prepared by the
tamasti (sexton), and the body is borne to the graveyard by friends
and the godparents (liménci, “carrying to the crosses among the god-
mothers”). Burial is always before midday. The fiesteros (paskéme)
attend all funeral ceremonies and accompany the body to the grave-
yard; the maestros and kopdriam (singers) walk beside it. The
paskéme go ahead. The corpse is taken to the church first, where
the maestro and kopariam sing and pray, and then to the cemetery.
The family and the paskéme sit distant from the grave with their

76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bubn. 142

backs to it while the burial takes place, performed by friends and god-
parents. All present then make a circuit of the grave, salute one
another, and return home.

Certain taboos and observances are general. In the house smelly
things such as horns, béak béna (an herb), situbaro (heartwood of
pitahaya), and dung are burned in a bowl. The mourners breathe in
this smoke. The mourners may not comb their hair or it will fall out;
eat pinole or they will lose their teeth; and they stuff rags in their ears
to preserve their hearing. This is said to be done for 8 days.

For the funeral of a child (some say any unmarried person), ‘a
fiesta is held at which the pascola dance, and sometimes a deer dancer
and matachini. A bull is supposed to be killed. The body is decked
with flowers and placed before an altar beside which the dancers per-
form.

A Yaqui ceremony observed at Potan in 1930 was conducted as
follows:

The ceremonies took place in a ramada by the house. In one por-
tion of this ramada was a temporary altar. This section was partly
walled with mats, being open on the side toward the dancers (south)
and toward the front (west). The altar was against the mats on the
east side and consisted of a table covered with a white cloth. Another
white cloth was hung on the wall behind it. The altar bore a large
crucifix with a double cross, the image of Christ being on the lower arm
and the letters INRI on the upper. Extra candles, fireworks, a Bible
or prayer book, and other odd objects, as well as numerous paper flow-
ers, were also on the altar. Two empty candlesticks stood on the altar,
while before it stood two tall candlesticks with burning candles. The
body of the child was swathed in cloth and rested on an ordinary
wooden packing box in front of the altar.

Before dark the musicians and dancers assembled at a close-by house
and were fed, afterward donning their paraphernalia. There were
two pascola dancers, a violinist, harpist, and drummer. The drummer
sat on a mat on the ground at the south edge of the ramada east of
the center line. A plank set in the ground at a slight angle served him
as a backrest. The other two musicians sat on chairs in the northeast
corner of the dancer’s section of the ramada. The dancing took place
mostly between the drummer and the musicians. <A bench along the
south side was provided for spectators.

Before the dancing began various people knelt before the bier and
prayed fora moment. After the dancing started, several women began
decorating the corpse. First, strmgs of beads (probably rosaries)
were laid over it, some being inserted underneath the wrappings of the
corpse. The whole was then completely covered with red and white
paper flowers. Mats were then laid on the ground and the mourners

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS re

sat on these, several children among them. These had to be shaken
awake occasionally but there was no severity about the treatment,
rather they were given a pitying and tolerating smile. During the
intervals, the dancers carried on their customary jokes.

About 11 or 11:30, the mourners lighted candles. The bier and cru-
cifix, to the accompaniment of a slow chant suggesting a negro spiritual,
were carried about 200 yards toward the church. At this point
a permanent cross stood. The procession was accompanied by the
firing of many cahwetes, especially during the sporadic chants of the
mourners. The bier and crucifix were set down on the ground, the
mourners gathered round, and a maestro led a prayer to which
the mourners responded, occasionally breaking into a chant.

After about 5 minutes the procession was followed by the dancers
and the drummer. With the drummer between them, the dancers per-
formed some steps and the whole procession returned to the ramada,
led by the dancers. ‘The bier and the crucifix were restored to their
places and the dancers and the drummer advanced toward the bier and
back either three or four times. They then returned to their dancing,
and the mourners began to chant. Not long after this the dancers
stopped for a time and were fed in a nearby house. The audience had
also been receiving food from time to time as well as the native tobacco
handed out by the dancers.

At a somewhat later hour another procession took place, and still
later a third. The chanting and dancing continued intermittently
throughout the night. At an early hour in the morning, the ceremonies
were transferred to the church. The bells were rung frequently and
fireworks were shot off from time to time. Not long after nine a. m. the
ceremonies were completed. The actual time of burial was not observed.
The mat and rack on which the body was carried were thrown on a
pile to the north of the church., It was said they would be burned on
All Souls Day.”

For a married man or woman a velacién (yohicupanwak) is held.
The body is dressed with a cord about the waist and a breechclout
(bwahi wikésa), the ends of which reach to the feet. Candles are
burned all night, the mourners stay awake until the burial, the maestro
and kopariam sing and pray. Generally on the third night (in two
cases observed the fourth and fifth night respectively), but sometimes
on the eighth night after the burial, is held the novenayabiuwa,
another velacion. For a married man or woman with children a
fiesta is held a year later with pascola and deer dancers at which the
play of the deer is performed (see p. 180). Other adults are simply
given a velacion. The end-of-the-year ceremony is called lutugé’tigwa

21 A bitter December north wind and the preliminary symptoms of what turned out to be
an attack of malaria prevented complete observation.

78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 142

or lutuciktia (the removal of the mourning). At all velacidnes the
guests are fed. The food is contributed by various members of the
community. The mourners and paskéme sometimes go about with the
image of the saint asking alms in the exile village of Pascua in Ari-
zona, but in the home villages the expenses are frequently defrayed by
the kobana’u, who pays them from the village treasury.

If the dead was a member of any society, it takes part in his burial.
For a soldier, the soldiers dance the coyote dance at the velaciones.
If the deceased was a matachin or the relative of a matachin, the
matachini dance (also at a novena and at the end of a year). If he
was a fariseo, fariseos attend also and help with the burial. In the
latter case, the dead man is watched the first night by a fellow fariseo
wearing a mask and carrying the sticks (with which he keeps away
flies). The corpse wears a mask also and his sticks are laid beside
him. . The masks and sticks are not buried but burned. Two masks
and two sets of sticks are saved at Haster for this purpose.” The
tenances and kopariam are buried wearing the crown of their office.
Ifa man has belonged to more than one society, the members of each.
attend his funeral.

Dr. Parsons observed a burial ceremony at Guaymas which contains
interesting details and for which she gave me her notes.

The deceased waS a woman. The husband apparently was the matachin chief
or mayordomo. He collected the paraphernalia of the dancers and placed it
on a mat before a cross decorated with white papers. A lantern burned along-
side the cross. Under the ramada was a double camp bed of white canvas.
On a table behind was placed a crucified Christ and a small saint. Four long
white candles and some green potted plants (evidently an addition due to the
Mexican surroundings, as they are not seen in the pure Indian villages) were
placed at each corner of the bed. There were no flowers. The bed was covered
by loose blankets so that it was impossible to be sure it held the corpse. A
wooden box coffin stood nearby on a trestle.

Six or seven women surrounded the bed, evidently arranging the corpse.”
When they finished, the corpse could be seen, dressed in white, a white frill
cap on the head, white stockings on the feet, and, resting on the insteps, a
container for coins, which were dropped in by several guests as they arrived.
One man placed what appeared to be native tobacco near the feet; another, a
small white candle. The altar. table was removed as well as the plants, and a
mat spread at the foot of the bed where the women knelt and prayed as they
came in. :

Hight or nine women now knelt and chanted together. (These were the
singers and were, or should have been, accompanied by a maestro.) Then the
dancers picked up their things from the foot of the cross and stood in a group
with the musicians a moment before they began dancing. When the dancing
started, they danced toward the foot of the bed where they inclined themselves,
bowing, then danced backward and forward again. They then took up the
regular dance figures.

2a During Lent all funerals are in charge of the fariseos. Holden (1936, pp. 55 et seq.)
describes such a funeral, although his interpretations are most dubious.
23 Probably godmothers or godchildren. ,

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 79

After 15 minutes, the dancers danced into the ramada and encircled the corpse
in two lines, passing at the head. They inclined toward the corpse, shaking
their rattles toward it. There are 10 minutes of this cwriouws [italics are
Dr. Parsons’] circling about the body, “which is evidently being treated as a
santu.” They then resumed the regular figures. About 25 minutes later the
dancing stopped.

The mayordomo (matachin chief?) now took the two violinists to the foot of
the bed. The three knelt on the mat, prayed silently, crossed themselves, then
made a kind of circuit with the torso, followed by two more crossings and two
more circuits or swings of the torso. They then stood and crossed themselves
three times. The three front dancers now repeated this rite exactly, putting on
their headdresses as they knelt and snatching them off as they turned to go. All
the dancers did the same, in pairs, after which the regalia was all deposited
again at the foot of the cross and the dancers withdrew.

The entire ceremony was repeated twice before dawn. At 8 a. m. the burial
took place. Dr. Parsons was informed that the dancers were paid, but she
may have been misinformed, as this is a modification which does not occur
either in the Yaqui villages on the river or at Pascua village in Tucson.

At Pascua village near Tucson, two similar funerals were observed in 1931
in which matachini appeared. One of these was for a former matachin monarca.
In the afternoon, contributions were solicited from house to house and food and
money collected. Relatives accompanied the party. The banner of San
Juan (?), borne by a girl in white, was waved over the heads of those who
prayed to the accompanying saint.*

The arrangement of the corpse and surroundings differed only in minor details
from those described above. The maestro and singers prayed and chanted. The
matachini began dancing between 7 and 9 with a slow opening dance. A girl,
bearing the banner of the matachini and wearing a tenance crown, waved the
banner in the four directions, then stood at the foot of the corpse. The matachini
danced slowly up to the corpse and back several times. Then there was an inter-
lude of regular matachin dances. About 10, accompanied by the violinists,
the dancers circled the bier in two files in opposite directions. Three circuits
were made.

The girl with the banner more or less accompanied the monarca or dance
leader, but was not definitely in the file. At the conclusion of the three circuits,
the dancers formed a circle about the corpse. The monarca and director of the
matachini stood on the right hand of the corpse, the malinchi (a female imper-
Sonator) on the left. Where the deceased had been a matachin, rather than
merely a relative, the crown or headdress, feather wand, and rattle were taken
from the altar. The latter two were held by the malinchi while the monarce,
aided by the director, placed the crown on the head of the corpse, then placed
the wand and rattle in its hands. In the case of a relative, the dancers knelt
as a group and prayed, the banner (sometimes two) being waved over the head
of the corpse. In the case of the deceased monarca, each dancer successively
knelt at the right hand of the corpse and prayed. During prayers, the banner
was waved over the feet of the corpse. At the conclusion of the prayers, three
circuits were danced, the files reversing directions. Then a long rapid dance
was performed. About 11:30 the dancers were fed by the householders.

4). H. Spicer reports that the presence of relatives and the girl in white is contrary
to the usual Pascua pattern. My contacts at Pascua were much less than Dr. Spicer’s. I
here report merely what I saw and was told. According to Sonoran patterns, the girl
would represent the fiesteros, a group lacking at Pascua.

80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

None of the ceremonies I saw were considered complete, having been cut off
by rain or other ceremonies. In the funeral of the former monarca, the dancers
returned from their other duties between 3 and 4 and repeated the above
ceremonies once.

There is also a padrino (godparent) ceremony which Parsons
missed. The relatives and numerous padrinos circle the corpse three
times, each bearing a lighted candle. Each person kneels as he
passes the right hand and utters a brief prayer. This occurs about
12 midnight and again around 4. In one case, the wife of the de-
ceased went into a violent fit of hysterics lasting for nearly half an
hour after the second ceremony. At intervals the maestro and singers
pray and chant lengthily. Often the chief mourners kneel at the foot
of the bier while this is done. The dancers, maestros, and singers are
usually fed by the householders.

Near morning, final farewells are said by friends and relatives and
offerings are laid with the corpse, principally cloth and clothing. The
maestro sprinkles water on the corpse and speaks the service for the
dead. At the graveyard the service is usually repeated before the
body is placed in the grave. Each person picks up a handful of earth,
makes the sign of the cross before his mouth with it, and throws the
earth in the grave. The godparents and friends fill in the grave and
candles, are lighted on it.

The funeral of a kobana’u is attended by the entire village. The
velacion is held in the church instead of hishome. The other koband’u
and the soldiers take him to church.

Pascola and deer dancers and musicians receive no special atten-
tion at death or after, although my notes speak of the matachini
dancing for the velacion of a pascola dancer. He may have been re-
lated to a matachini. ‘The mask or other equipment is not buried but
is kept by the widow, who loans or gives it to other dancers or musi-
cians who lack equipment. |

People who die on a campaign or in battle receive different treat-
ment. ‘Those who die in the mountains are burned. The body is
laid on a pile of wood. After the pyre is ignited it is left. Three
days later the spot is revisited and if any of the body is still not
consumed, the burning is continued. The bones and ashes are buried
on the spot. Ifa person is killed near the village, he is buried where
he fell. This came out clearly at Vicam, where there is a grave marked
by a large cross within a hundred yards of the cemetery. The man was
shot in 1929, virtually in his door yard, and was buried on the spot.
A large incense burner adorned his grave as well as a massive wooden
cross. Special vows for the dead are apparently taken by whole
villages. Bacun and Cocorit have. observed one jointly for 3 years.
(1932), holding an annual fiesta for the dead killed in the 1929

campaign.

Bears] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAPITA INDIANS 81

The graves are usually oriented with feet toward the church, but
graves not directly before the church have the feet toward the others,
not toward the church. As most of the churches are oriented to the
rising sun, the heads of most graves are east. At Pitahaya the graves
are ornamented by designs in shells, most of them placed at random,
but a five-point star was figured on one. These are said to be made
by brothers of the deceased. On several graves were observed coyote
(or dog) skulls. The significance of this could not be learned, as it
seemed unfamiliar to all my mformants, who were from other towns.

The dead who die when aged are ed to be able to return as chil-
dren. The informants had never heard of the dead returning as
animals. After his death, a clown of Cocorit was frequently seen
running through the woods with his mask on and carrying his sticks,
“although it was not the time of the fariseos.”
~ One informant insisted the name of the dead was formerly taboo
and brought ill luck. The person speaking it would die; “mékia
agémtia katu aundka (it is not good to speak the name of the dead).”
All other informants denied the belief.

The names of all the dead are written down on paper or in books
for the relatives by the maestros. These lists are taken to church
every Sunday and prayers said for them. They are called the dénimas.
They are also taken to fiestas and are given to the maestro on the Day
of the Dead.?5

On All Saints Day, the maestros, each with a sacristan as well as
the kopariam, go from house to house. On hanging shelves the house-
holders place food which the dead are believed to come and eat. It
is given to the maestro wherever he prays. He is also said to be given
5 pesos at such houses, a rather dubious story.2* At night he arrives
at church. The next day, All Souls Day, the pisca (fiscal) assembles
the boys and takes them about to the different houses, ringing a bell.
Each boy has a bag for alms. They sing and are given food. After-
ward, they go to the church and pray and cross themselves. 'The
food they take home and eat. The same day the maestro and the
kopariam pray before each cross in the cemetery. Food is taken there
for them.

23 Again I am indebted to Dr. Spicer for amplification. He found the prayers for
the dead extremely importaut at Pascua. The books are also mentioned by Holden
(1936, p. 58). I have little doubt that the cult of the dead is much more important than
my data would indicate. Roz Spicer, in her manuscript on Pascua ceremonies, sug-
gests that the dead are regarded as an integral part of the community. While I have a
feeling that this is an overstatement of the situation for the Sonora Yaqui and Mayo,
it nevertheless offers a striking parallel to Pueblo attitudes toward the kachina who,
it will be remembered, are in part regarded as spirits of the dead.

26Dr. Spicer writes that at’ Pascua there is a feeling that each family should give

from 2 to 5 dollars. ._My doubt arose from the fact that 5 pesos is an enormous sum to
the Sonora Yaqui; nevertheless, it may well be the ideal.

82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 142
BEHAVIORS, ATTITUDES, AND MANNERISMS

The general behavior of the Mayo is similar in some respects to
that of the Mexican population, and is probably growing more so.
The general attitudes governing sex relations show a distinct shift
in the direction of Mexican patterns. Nevertheless, relations between
husband and wife seem fairly permanent and there is much less philan-
dering than among the Mexicans. The couples with whom I came
in contact had all been married a long time, but it may have been
pure accident that I did not come in touch with impermanent unions.
Still, the present attitudes harmonize with earlier observations re-
garding Cahita character.

There attaches to the Mayo and still more to the Yaqui some repu-
tation for homosexuality. I saw several cases of affectionate and
sometimes almost effeminate relations between men, but they were not
of a nature which necessarily indicated homosexual practices or ten-
dencies. It is not uncommon to see older men strolling through a
village in conversation, with their arms about one another’s shoulders,
and, somewhat less commonly, younger men do the same. A Mayo
woman informant asserted that relations between women occurred
as well as relations between men, although she knew of no cases. She
insisted transvestites occur only among the Mexicans.

The Mayo, and to a somewhat lesser extent, the Yaqui tend to be
very conservative in their habits. This extends to hoarding articles
of little intrinsic value which have been inherited from parents or
grandparents. These are kept in the family chests and consist of
such articles as musical instruments, weaving tools, and ornaments.
There seems little sentimental value attached to these, for the owners
invariably part with them at very slight prices.

In his dealings with strangers the Mayo is suspicious. Often he
will not talk with them at all. Once acquainted, he is friendly and
good-natured. There seems to survive little idea of giving food to
visitors, and in this respect the Cahita are much less hospitable than
the Mexicans.

On the whole, the Cahita seem governed by two conflicting sets of
mores which make it difficult to generalize. The strongest are un-
questionably the native traditions. The Cahita are intensely religious
and strongly attached to persons living in their own village; they
distrust and dislike strangers, especially whites. On the other hand
they are increasingly in contact with various types of whites—hacen-
dados, hard-bitten rancheros, self-respecting small farmers, sly but
affable traders and storekeepers, and, finally, hybrid town dwellers,
bearing a superficial gloss of Mexican-European-American culture
but understanding none of them and debasing all. The Indians most
in contact with these groups are the least pleasant to deal with, less

Busts] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 83

honest, following the moral standards of the lowest-class Mexicans.
All are affected by them to some extent. Asa group, the Cahita are
not consciously disorganized as yet, but in individuals the mixture of
the two impulses has produced a good deal of stress and has had un-
satisfactory results. In the few cases where the Indian has made his
white contacts with better classes, with schools and teachers, the result
has been excellent whether he has remained Indian in his mode of
life or transferred himself wholly into the white culture.

A few customary mannerisms differentiate the Cahita from the
Mexican. There is no difference in most gestures or methods of point-
ing, but sitting positions are usually rather different. Both men and
women among the Indians squat a great deal with the feet flat on
the ground rather than balanced on the balls of the feet. The latter
is sometimes done by Indian men also. Women most frequently sit on
the ground, the knees before them but the legs bent back at the knee
and to one side so the heel of the left foot will be by the right thigh
(or the reverse; there is no consistency of direction). The pascola
dancers have a fixed gesture for stopping the musicians should they
start to play too soon. It is to push downward several times with
the right hand, the palm parallel to the plane of the ground and about
12 inches from it. The foot is sometimes stamped to attract attention
at the same time.

Handshaking is by just touching the fingers. Old people often pre-
cede the handshake by what may be the original Indian salutation,
touching each other’s left shoulder with the right hand before shaking
hands. (This may, on the other hand, be a remnant of the Spanish
embrace.) Evidently, the hearty handclasp of the European is
repugnant. .

Suicide seems always to have been common. Living informants
testified to suicides over shame and for lover’s or marital quarrels,
hanging being the usual method.

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

Little memory of the political organization now remains among the
Mayo. There is some recollection of a chief (kobandro), but he is
often confused with the religious head whereas, in the light of Yaqui
data, he must have been different. The religious head today has the
same name, kobandro.” Among the Yaqui the title of the religious
head is prefixed by teopo-, meaning “temple.” The following Mayo
material is a compilation of information remembered from the child-
hood of elderly people, or recollections of stories heard from the
elders. Its reliability is enhanced by Yaqui data.

27This may be derived from Spanish gobernador. On the other hand, as I have pointed

out (Beals, 1943, p. 82) k6ba means “head” and appears as part of the names of chiefs
'mentioned in early documents.

84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

Hach village had its own kobandro and judge. The functions of
the latter were not judicial despite his name; rather he executed
sentences passed by the kobanaro. From Yaqui data, the judge may

have been the war chief. Both officials were elected for life according |

to most informants. Others insist that the term was for but 5 years
and it is possible that the villages differed in this respect. ‘The koba-

ndro or judge could be removed from office if sufficiently unpopular, |

the populace assembling and escorting him out of town to the music
of drums and flutes. The successor to a kobanaro was never chosen
from the same family.

The kobaniro is obviously a missionized descendant of the pre-
Spanish chief. He, too, was elected, and war valor, speech-making
ability, and the prestige of his family were factors influencing his
selection. The judge may likewise be a partial survivor of the chief’s

speaker, but the connection here is not so clear. In function he re- _

sembles rather the war chief of the Yaqui. The chief’s connection
with religion has an antecedent in that the chief formerly was often
a powerful “wizard.” The chief and the judge together used to
deliver all invitations to fiestas in post-Spanish times.

The kobandro dispensed justice and handled all external relations of
the village. Hunting or fishing parties could not leave the village —

without his permission and then only for a specified number of days.
If they did not return, the chief sent men out to bring them in, and
they were punished. Women going to a white town or another pueblo
to sell things also required the chief’s permission. These women car-
ried a stout stick as a weapon while out of the village. Visitors were
required to secure the permission of the chief to enter the village.

Whites were allowed only on business and were given an escort of two —
men to see that they stuck to their business and left town when it was _
over. Only Indians who had relatives in the village normally were |

admitted. If anyone sold anything he gave the money to the kobanaro
to keep and had to ask him for it if he wished to buy anything. The
purchase must have the kobanaro’s approval. Food could not be sold
without the kobanaro’s permission and this was given only if the
kobandro satisfied himself that there was enough food in the village
to feed everyone until the next harvest.

The most usual punishment dispensed seems to have been whipping.
If two or three people complained to the kobanaro and he considered
the complaints justified, he ordered the judge to arrest the man and
whip him so many times. After the whipping a “doctor” was brought
to the culprit.

Thieves were detected by witchcraft. The guilty person was caught
out in the woods and hanged. His relatives were closely watched for

a year and if they stole also, the whole family might be executed. |

Weapons were never used to kill thieves; they were always hanged.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 85

The orders were always given by the kobanaro. This must have ap-
plied only to flagrant cases.

Murderers were treated in the same way. If the malefactor was
from another village, unless he could be caught in the woods, the
kobanaro notified the chief of the village, who was then supposed to
inflict the punishment. (At a later time murderers were sent to the
Mexican court at Alamos.)

Part of the chief’s duties were the enforcement of rigid sexual re-
strictions. This subject is dealt with under Birth and under Marriage.
The kobanaro had a female assistant whose sole duty was to guard
the morals of the women of the village.

The punishment of children was in the home. Ifa boy did wrong,
he was hung up with a rope and burned with maize husks. If the fault
had been committed in the house, his hands were burned, but if outside
the house, then his feet were burned, the theory being that in the latter
case his feet, in bearing him to the spot where the wrong was committed,
had more responsibility for it than his hands.

This type of organization had broken down by the time of Hrdlitka’s
visit to the Mayo. He states that they had no tribal organization,
although the elders had considerable influence in each village
(Hrdlicka, 1904, pp. 6, 60).

Among the Yaqui a definite tribal organization exists, although
it is loose and relatively unimportant. The kobané’u consult with one
another constantly, and exchange information. In matters of tribal
importance, majority action rules. There is a tribal chieftain, really a
war captain, who is chosen at a tribal assembly. This is attended by
the war captains and civil chiefs (kobana’u) of each village (and to-
day by the secretaries of the war captains), and all the people of the
town where the meeting is held. The people are seated as at a village
council. The visitors are not seated in any order of preference but in
any place they wish on the benches to which their rank is assigned.
The secretaries have a table near the bench of the war captains and
write an account of the proceedings. At such a meeting, about 1924,
Matus (originally of Vicam but resident now of Lencho), the present
tribal chieftain, was chosen.* At the time of Matus’ selection, the in-
cumbent chief, Mori, and his village of Belen (Pitahaya) did not want
to give up authority. The council sent soldiers to secure Mori.
When he was brought before the council, it reduced him from the rank
of a war captain to that of a common soldier, although the rank had
been given by his own village. In spite of opposition to the installa-

23 Pluma Blanca, the official head of the tribe, was installed by the Mexican Government.
While in 1931-32 Matus rarely exercised overt authority, he was generally considered the

real tribal chieftain, even by some of Pluma Blanca’s most devoted men, who recognized
Pluma Blanca’s authority over them as war captain of Bacun, now Lencho.

530583—45——_7

86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

tion of Matus, Mori is still merely a common soldier of infantry.
The council also gave Mori 12 lashes.*°

Councils are also held for matters of tribal interest. One must be
held for a decision for war although a declaration of war seems a for-
eign idea. Another was held on the question of the long-distance tele-
phone line recently put through the Yaqui territory. Outsiders were
allowed to appear before the council, which finally voted 5 to 8 in
favor of permitting the new line, the three down-river towns of Belen,
Huirivis, and Raun opposing. Despite the vote of the council, some
difficulties occurred in building the line through the territory of the
lower towns. The four down-river towns are said by the Yaqui them-
selves to be more bellicose.

Much modification of town government has evidently occurred in the
last 30 years. Today the civil officials of each town are the “12 prine-
pales” consisting of the koband’u and 5 assistants and 6 pueblos
(people). The pueblos are the kobané’u and his assistants of the pre-
ceding year. Theoretically, each kobana’u (the name is applied both
to the head and to his 5 assistants) selects his successor, but actually the
mode of selection is exactly like that for the fiesteros. The new chief
(kobana’u yowe) is named by the head maestro. The new chief then
selects his first assistant (kobana’u segundo, cukulawe), who selects
the third, and so on. The old principales supervise this selection. As
the maestro plays an important part in the selection of military and
religious officials as well, in effect he dominates every phase of town
organization. Formerly, the maestro’s functions were exercised by
a special group, the elders or susuaikame, essentially a religious group.
(See p. 109.) The selection of new officers begins on December 15.
Men are sought at their houses, and a man who does not wish to serve
may be forced to do so. On January 6 the new officials are installed
at a council (described below) and taken before the altar where they
receive their varas (gobana’u kita, “governor stick”).

According to one Torin informant, the position of koband’u was
formerly semipermanent, lasting either until people became dissatis-
fied or the kobané’u himself wished to be relieved. In this case the
first assistant (kobanaé’u segundo) succeeded unless he was powerfully
opposed by the maestro. The third kobana’u (according to this in-
formant there were only three formerly) then advanced to the position
of the second. The new kobandé’u, with the advice of his second and
of the principales, then carefully selected a new third kobana’u. The
choice was submitted to a council of the susudkame and other major
officials for approval.

Another type of official mentioned only by this informant was the
juez del campo. In each distant rancho the kobana’u selected an in-

* This account, by an eye witness from Lencho, might be interestingly modified by a
tepresentative from Belen.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 87

formal representative who kept the kobana’u informed of all matters
of importance such as disturbances, travelers, and suspicious activities.
In most cases the juez del campo asked one or two neighbors to act as
assistants and substitutes in case he was absent.

In theory, all officials, including the heads of societies, should have
two assistants, a second and third. These not only substituted for the
head official in emergencies and succeeded him in case of retirement or
death; they also acted to insure against any failure of duty on the
part of the head. Should the latter fail in any way, the assistants
would report the matter.

The vara is carried only by the six kobana’u and the teépokobana’u
(church head). It is borne on all official occasions and in the church.

Neither the principals or the ko- a
bané’u have any authority over the j
tedpokobané’u or the yaucim or C
leaders of the soldier’s society or d

vice versa, except that the yaucim
and the principales together discuss
the making of peace if there has
been war. When retired from the
pueblos, a civil official had no au- Figure 18.—Seating arrangements of
thority. He usually becomes a sol- tne yaqui village meeting, or junta,
dier again. None of the civil offi- a, Officials of the soldiers. 8,
elals receives any pay, but the ko- Kobana’u. c¢, Pueblos. d, Soldiers.
bané’u‘hastwo'soldiers' who work © Church officials. f, Clowns or
for him in his fields and whose fam- — **™'S°°_ % ‘Tenances and women.

ilies he must care for in return. He will not be asked to be kobana’u
again for 6 or 7 years. In the meantime he may take a soldier’s office
or join a society of dancers or clowns, and so become ineligible.

Council meetings are held in the guardia, or cuartel, the meeting
house of the soldier’s society. The arms are stacked at the rear of the
ramada, usually the only walled portion. The officers of the soldiers
sit on the first bench behind the kobané’u’s, who sit with the first
kobana’u on the left. The pueblos sit each facing the man who has his
former office, the soldiers behind them. The matachini and church
officials sit on one side, the clowns (fariseos) on the other, and the
women and tenances in one corner (fig. 18). The kobané’u calls the
nominated candidate an “intelligent man who knows how to pray”
and who is not an officer in the soldier’s society nor a member of any
religious organization, such as the clown or matachin society.

The nominee is seated cross-legged on the ground, barefooted, and
is cross-questioned as to whether he wants to be a kobané’u. Anyone
in the village, male or female, may speak or object. On the following
day he is given his vara in church, and prays. He is told he has

88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

charge of Christ, i.e., the image in the church. The same is done for
the five assistants.

The duties of the kobana’u are to keep order in the town, punish
crimes, go to church barefooted and with their canes each Sunday,
and supervise community work, such as repairing or building a church.
If anyone has an important thing to speak of, he usually addresses
himself to the head of the pueblos, who takes it before the council of the
principales. Outside the council meetings, each kobana’u gives infor-
mation to the one next highest in rank. The usual punishment is
whipping, administered by the sixth assistant kobana’u, sometimes
called the alawasi (alguacil). Formerly, the kobana’u would have
done nothing of importance without consulting the susudkame.

Men who beat their wives or who leave them are punished by whip-
ping. For robbery, a person is tied to a cross before the guardia and
whipped by acorporal. (It is possible that I have been mistaken and
that this is the alaw4si mentioned above. One informant said he
carried no vara, which would clearly indicate he is not a kobana’u. But
one of the pueblos stated that whipping was always by the sixth
kobana’u.) Ifa person is charged with robbery, a corporal and two
soldiers bring him before the council of principales. If he denies the
charge, an effort is made to find the true offender. “They always suc-
ceed because they know their own people.” Then the guilty party is
sentenced to a certain number of lashes, according to the offense. The
kobana’u gives the order to the war captain, who in turn informs the
corporal. If the same offense is committed twice, the offender is shot
by the soldiers. Men are punished severely for adultery, and if a man
has relations with an unmarried woman, he is forced to marry her.
Women are never punished except for witchcraft or murder (except
during Lent—see p. 114). The following are some extreme cases
occurring fairly recently :

A woman of Vicam murdered her husband, cut the flesh off the bones, carried
the flesh to the woods in a sack, and buried the bones under the kitchen floor.
The woman and her son were arrested. As the husband was of Belen (Pitahaya),
officials from there came to see that the woman didn’t escape. The son was
considered not guilty, but as he said, “What use is life as an orphan? Shoot me
too,” the soldiers obliged and shot them both. The same woman was reputed to
have murdered another man in Phoenix, Ariz. “She had a mania for killing.”

One informant had been present at the execution of a sorcerer at Bacun about
8 years ago. The sorcerer had killed one man. Then another fell sick. The
latter dreamed of the sorcerer. The sorcerer was brought to the house and kept
there under a guard of soldiers for 5 days until the sick man recovered. He was
then taken out in the woods and placed in a cage of branches, shot once, and
then burned in the cage. The soldiers stood around the edge of the woods and
watched. When the burning was over, the remains were left, and the soldiers
marched back to the village, being careful to use the same route returning as on
their outgoing trip.

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 89

Another Yaqui account was more specific and covered methods said
now to be abandoned. Theft within the village was rare, but if it
occurred or there were other infractions of tribal law, the offender was
tied up by his wrists to a post, his toes just touching the ground. The
chief ordered five good blows inflicted on his back. He was then asked
if he had a father or mother. If the correct answer was not given, the
chief turned to the people who were assembled for the punishment.
Unless they voted to punish the man no more, he was given five more
blows, and the procedure repeated. This continued until the victim
responded, “I have no father but God and no mother but the Virgin
Mary (No tengo padre mas que Dids Santo y no tengo madre mas que
Maria Purisima) ,” or the people interfered and caused his release.

If a person is leaving town for 2 or 3 days, he must seek the permis-
sion of the kobané’u. Even if leaving for a shorter period, as a matter
of safety it is considered well to inform one of the officials.

If there is community work to be performed, the principales direct
the work after the kobana’u has approved it. In case of church work,
either the tedpokobané’u or the head maestro proposes the work.

There is some evidence that a system of communal labor obtains
among the Yaqui comparable to what is found further south in Mexico.
Under the heading of communal labor is the service of the church,
particularly that of the maestros, pascola, deer dancer, and the singers
and musicians. None of these is paid for his labor except in the
division of food made after fiestas or, in the case of maestros and
singers, the division of alms given to the church. Nevertheless, work
is considered a duty which must be performed. Work on civic im-
provements of any sort, at present confined entirely to the work of
the church, is considered in the same light. Whether one is asked to
do work, contribute materials, or provide food for fiestas, the same
obligation is considered to have been discharged. Outside of the
specific religious functions, such as those of maestro, singers, dancers,
and musicians, all other communal labor is ordered and supervised
by the kobana’u and his staff. They designate who shall work and
how much and who shall contribute other things.

Informants were not altogether clear as to the extent to which this
system is recognized and organized. One informant used the phrase,
“tekilta hériawi (the work that (they) do).” The root “tek” is un-
doubtedly the same as that in the word for work, “tekipanéa,” and
must have some relation to the communal labor systems (tekio)
farther south in Mexico. Probably both the word and the system
were introduced. Other informants insisted there was no special name
applied to communal labor as opposed to individual labor.

90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 142

RELIGION

IDEAS OF THE WORLD AND THE UNIVERSE

The cosmological and cosmogonical ideas of the Cahita are derived
almost completely from Christian theology. The Mayo’s idea of the
world and creation is merely a slightly confused version of the book
of Genesis and the Old Testament. Perhaps other ideas exist ; indeed,
it would be peculiar if none had survived, but I did not happen to meet
any individuals who held them. The world is no longer a place of
wonder or awe in which the supernatural moves close to man. It is
an ordered universe in the main, and while a jealous God may send
misfortune, yet he sends it because of definite sins and he is propitiated
more with an eye to the future life than to the present. The only
exception is the attitude toward the woods and all things connected
with them. (See p. 190.)

Modifications the Cahita have indeed developed. The introduction
of the idea of reincarnation is ingenious and may well be of aboriginal
origin. A certain fatalism, too, has accompanied Christianity. Free
will is not a Cahita doctrine. “God commands all,” said an old Mayo.
“Tf one man kills another, it is the will of God.” But presumably it
is also the will of God that the murderer be punished, if possible. The
vague ideas about ghosts have a slightly pre-Christian flavor (see
p. 75) as do the attitudes toward curers and wizards.

In the main, however, the religion and ceremonials of the Cahita are
a blend of Catholicism and paganism with the former predominating.
The blend evidently assumed its present form at least two centuries
or more ago. This is indicated by the pronounced uniformity of the
rituals over a large area, including not only the wide-flung Mayo
villages but also those of the Yaqui.

The whites consider the Cahita to be fanatically religious. This
viewpoint has its outward show of truth but inwardly is incorrect.
The Cahita is fanatical in his observance of the forms of his religion;
he is very sensitive to any disrespect or ridicule, but he does not feel
deeply his religion as such; his emotional life is rarely touched beyond
the reaction to spectacle and ritual. This last is more true of Mayo
than of Yaqui.

However scrupulously the Mayo observes his religious rituals, con-
tact soon creates the impression that religion is a husk of ceremonialism
without any inner light of religious feeling. Perhaps this is an in-
correct viewpoint based on lack of sufficient knowledge. Nevertheless,
it seems inescapable. Not once did I meet a Mayo who seemed moyed
by any deep religious emotion. So long as the forms of religion are
observed, he is satisfied. He makes his vows and performs his pen-
ances or duties because they are prescribed for given situations, not

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS QO]

because of any deep emotional compulsion. Often, indeed, his attitude
seems to reflect boredom rather than anything else. Mayo religion
is an empty shell from which the kernel of vitality is lost and which
must inevitably be blown away by the winds of modernism now stir-
ring over the Sonora deserts. Already the number of clowns is dimin-
ishing significantly. On the other hand, the Yaqui evidently feel
their religion much more strongly. There is in their harsh rituals
a fervor and devotion which is lacking among the Mayo. And in con-
versation, God is ever present to the Yaqui. What he cannot under-
stand, whether it be good or bad, is God’s will; God understands.

MAYO RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION

The present ceremonial and religious organization of the Mayo is
almost independent of the Catholic Church. <A priest might be called
in to perform some particular rite on some special occasion, but in 6
months of residence I did not hear of a single instance. On Palm
Sunday the banners of Christ and of San Juan are taken to the church
of the whites, where they are “baptized” by the priest. he rest ot
the year the priest has no contact with the Indian’s religious activities.

The church building is the center for Mayo ceremonial. Every

Indian town has its church, usually built by the Indians and in all
cases kept up by them. Although the Government has taken over
the ownership of all such churches and has appointed Mexican care-
takers, the duties of the latter are confined to locking and unlocking
the doors. The Indians clean the church and make additions and
alterations without permitting any interference by the Mexican
minorities living in their towns.
’ The churches usually consist of a long single room with a sort of
vestry leading off the altar (pl. 20, fig. 1). At Pueblo Viejo, San
Pedro, Masiaca, Batacosa, and Tesia the churches are of this pattern
and are built of either brick or adobe. At San Ignacio and Bacavachi
the main room of the church is simply an earthen-roofed ramada, with
wattled sides and one open end. The altar is within an adobe room at
the closed end. This room is the only part kept locked when the
church is not in use. The churches at Batacosa and Bacavachi are
clearly on the sites of older buildings, probably of adobe. The cobble-
stone foundations are plainly visible. Before each church is set a
large wooden cross which is variously called the cross of pardon or
the great cross (crue mayor). ‘The churches at Pueblo Viejo, San
Pedro, Tesia, and Masiaca are oriented eastward; at San Ignacio,
south ; at Bacavachi, north; at Batacosa, west.

The real head of the Indian church today is the kobanaro in each
Indian town. He has final authority in all matters and is responsible
for the proper observance of the ceremonies and fiestas.

92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY , [Bunu, 142

The kobanaro is named by a council at which 6 or 10 older men are
gathered together representing the various districts of the town and
the surrounding territory. Probably more participate, since each
district sends several representatives. It was difficult to secure a
clear statement of the actual method followed. There appears to be
no formality in the choice of these representatives. It is discussed
in the village (barrio), but apparently anyone who wishes may attend
the council. It is unlikely, however, that a young man or, indeed,
anyone who was not recognized as having some following among the
people would attend. Men, to be considered for the office of kobanaro,
must be respected and have led virtuous lives.

The kobanaro theoretically holds his office for life or good behavior.
M———————,, of Navojoa, has held the office for 8 or 10 years (in
1931). Actually, the kobanaro may be removed from office by a
council, but no case of removal could be remembered by informants.

The kobanaro may have assistants chosen in the same way, usually
two or more who perform many of the duties of the kobanaro’s office
but who are under his orders. Some said there are five assistants,
but evidently they were thinking of the ancient political governor.
None of the church officials (except maestros and singers) receive
any pay, but all the church funds pass through the kobanaro’s hands,
and it seems generally recognized and condoned that some should
go into the kobanaro’s pocket. (One informant said the kobanaro
and his first assistants were paid, but this is contrary to majority
statements.) The case of M—————— is instructive. He is said
to have taken office a poor man. Now he has a good farm, livestock,
wagons, and equipment. Recently, he moved from his ranch to a

residence in the Mexican town across the river, a sign of considerable.

affluence (and of shifting into the non-Indian cultural milieu).
The son rarely succeeds to the koban&ro’s office. Usually he is not
old enough, for the kobanaro must be a man of mature years when
he takes office. Moreover, there is ‘a sentiment against succession.
The kobanaro’s duties are primarily with the church and the saints.
He keeps the keys to the church (unless the Mexican custodian is
zealous), Supervises repairs and improvements, and in many respects
fills the office of sacristan, by which name he is sometimes called. He
oversees the activities of the fiestero groups, composes differences,
and may punish members for failure to perform their duties. He
also deals with the maestros in matters connected with church services
or fiestas. He formerly could have fiesteros tied to the crue mayor
before the church and whipped. He is said still to imprison them
sometimes. He also is called upon to bring pascola dancers to account
if they fail to behave properly at a fiesta. He or one of his assist-
ants always accompanies the image of a saint when it is taken from

Buus] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 93

the church. He is under no restrictions not applicable to the remain-
der of the people other than that his conduct is supposed to be on
a rather higher plane. But he has no special fasts to observe as do
the fiesteros. It is not even necessary for him to be at church on
Sundays, providing he sends a suitable official to. open the church
at the proper hours, although his absence from a large fiesta would
be criticized. However, he usually appears because Sunday is the
day when the fiesteros hold their meetings to plan their activities and
to bring together their cash contributions.

The permission of the kobanaro is necessary to remove the image
of a saint from the church. If a householder wishes to have the
image at his house for a fiesta, he asks the kobanaro for the proper
officials, fiesteros, and matachini he wishes or needs, but he seeks his
own pascola dancers and musicians.

Civil duties are said to have been exercised formerly by the koba-
naro, but, in the hght of the Yaqui data, it is evident that there was
a civil official called by the same name.

The next most important official is the sargento (sergeant), more
often called the judge, who is the direct leader of the fiesteros. He
is named in the same way as the kobanaro, and he must be at the church
every Sunday and at every fiesta. If he misses two consecutive Sun-
days, the question of a successor is discussed. According to one
informant, he is changed every year, but in the informant’s own town
the same sargento held office in 1930, 1931, and 1932. The sargento
instructs the fiesteros in their duties and accompanies them during
all ceremonials. He indicates to them the proper movements and
positions. The kobandro and sargento carry special rods of office
(varas). :

The temasti or temastian (sacristan) is also appointed for life. His
only duty seems to be the ringing of the church bells, but it is prob-
able that formerly he had charge of giving religious instruction to
the children.

A female assistant (kiriyé’te) launders the image’s clothes and
cleans the church. She is said also to be singer for the maestro, but
this appears doubtful, particularly in connection with the Yaqui
data. It is more likely she is a survival of the equivalent of the
tenance (Yaqui “kiyékti”).

Sacristans (apart from the kobandro) are remembered from the
time when regular priests were in charge of the churches. That they
are not identified with the temasti, is puzzling. Their tenure was
for life. Possibly a group like the Yaqui susudkame once existed. A
fiscal (fisca, pisca) attended to getting the children to church for
religious instruction (cf. Yaqui).

The maestros and singers are paid semi-independent officials. They
are hired for each appearance and have no permanent connection with

94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

the church. When there are priests, they act as assistants. At other
times they pray and sing at the various ceremonies. Both maestros
and singers are taught by older people in the same business. Maestros
are supposed to be able to read and write but often cannot. In the
velacion of San José at Cohuirimpo, where three or four maestros
were employed, a young man attempted to fill one of the secondary
posts, but he became lost in the rather complicated series of responses.
A somewhat older man dancing with the matachini was hastily sum-
moned and supplied the responses if the other could not. In spite of
being paid, the work of the maestros and singers is considered an
obligation which they must fulfill.

The dancers and the fariseos are important in religious activities,
but they can hardly be said to be a part of the formal organization.
However, on the analogy of the Yaqui data, they are here so described.

MATACHINI

The matachini form a definite social group. Initiation results from
the taking of a vow, usually as a result of some illness. Boys are
sometimes promised by their mothers. Young boys are called angel-
itos and dance behind the monarca (dance leader). About Navojoa,
they appear only from Holy Thursday until Easter Saturday. At
San Ignacio they also dance on Christmas day. The promise to dance
may be for 1, 2, or more years, but the individual remains a:member
of the group for life even though the obligation to dance may expire.
It is exclusively a male organization except at Huperi and Echojoa,
where women are also said to dance on the days of Espiritu Santo and
Santisima Trinidad.

At Huperi, on the novena of Santisima Trinidad (Holy Trinity)
a dozen or more grown girls wearing palm hats and white dresses
and carrying feathered wands and small gourd rattles dance matachin
to the left of the altar, while the men dance on the right. Each group
is guarded by a chicaton (whip bearer).

For men, the dance costume and paraphernalia are simple. Regular
shirt and trousers are worn but the feet are bare. A bandanna hand-
kerchief is laid on the head and over this is fitted an elaborate crown of
colored paper fastened to a light frame of cane (pls. 12, fig. 2; 18).
Ornaments, especially small mirrors, are often added. In the right
hand is held a wand with feathers (pl. 1, fig. 2; ‘fig. 19) and in the
left, a gourd rattle (pl. 12, fig. 3).

The matachini are onan by a leader (kapétai, capitdn), usually
an elderly man who can no longer take part in the dancing. Some
say he is elected by a group for life or until removal. Others say the
leader is selected by the kobanéro and maestro, which agrees with

Bras] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 95

Yaqui data. He has two assistants, chicatones (whip bearers), also
elected, who wear rawhide whips twined about their waists. They
usually dance, as well as carry out the instructions of the leader.
Finally, there are one or more monarcas (dance leaders), who are
generally the best dancers.

Besides its public ceremonial functions, the organization takes
charge of the funerals of its members. Members dance at the funeral
and the corpse is buried wearing the crown, and with the wand and
rattle of the dancers. The corpse is also decorated with flowers as in
the case of the angelito (young child). The matachini do not actually
handle the body, apparently. At the velacién for the dead, they
dance before the house. As for the other burials, some of the fiesteros
are present with the banners of Christ and San Juan. The body is

Ficurn 19.—Mayo matachin wand of split cane with feather tufts attached (Univ.
Calif. Mus., Cat. 3, No. 3220).

taken to the church before burial. Finally, they are expected to dance
in the church on All Souls Day, November 2.

The public ceremonial duties of the matachini at Navojoa are en-
tirely associated with Christ and the Virgin. During Lent the
matachini dance at the noon rest periods, at the night fiestas whenever
they are asked to participate, and also on the Sabado de Gloria
(Easter Saturday). They do not, however, accompany the image on
the rounds of the houses. At San Ignacio they appear to have taken
over and to carry on the surviving remnants of the fiesta of San José
(despite an informant’s claim that there was formerly a fiestero group
involved, it is entirely possible that the large fiesta formerly held was
also conducted by the matachini), and they also dance 1 day at
Christmas. In this place, the matachini are called Soldiers of San
José. In other pueblos, the matachini appear at still other fiestas.

The matachini are rather definitely under the orders of their lead-
ers and the chicatones (whip bearers), according to informants. The
leader notifies the dancers to come, and keeps track of them. The
only actual show of authority seen was a rather brusque order by a
whip bearer to two young men, who were loitering over a drink of
water, to hurry and rejoin the dancing, an order obeyed with ill
grace. The dancers may not talk to sweethearts or women friends
during ceremonial occasions, but they may speak to wives and mothers.

The actual dances of Navojoa and San Ignacio are essentially the

96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 142

same. However, the dancers of Navojoa seemed to dance with more
spirit and the movements of the dance and the steps themselves were
more pronounced. The matachini are said to dance jarabes and
other conventional Spanish-Mexican dances, but with their own
special manner.

In its general pattern, the most common dance appears to be a
European square dance, although the method of handling the feet,
always flat-footed, is probably Indian. The feather wand, held in
the left hand, is used to indicate changes in the figures, either by
dropping the tip down to the ground and then raising it up to the
shoulder again (its usual position) or, when the dancer swirls, swing-
ing the wand down and up to the opposite shoulder, returning it to

iy”

--->

-

~
~
-

oeececen,

-- -.

~ -
lt ee

om re emer tr emer eee
ee

t

5 a

Figure 20.—Some figures in the Mayo matachin dance. a, Circling figure used in
several dances of the matachini. 6, Solid lines, original position of dancers
with monarca at m. Broken lines show direction of movement of monarca and
files of dancers. This movement is reversed after advancing about 20 feet.
d, Dotted lines show path of paired dancers in one of more common figures.

the left shoulder on the reverse whirl. This whirling is usually an
intermediate step between two primary figures.

In dancing, the matachini are arranged in two lines or files. The
monarca dances in front and between these, sometimes facing the
other dancers, sometimes with his back toward them. The angelitos,
if they are dancing, dance between the two files or else follow the
monared.

It is difficult to give an absolutely clear or certainly accurate analy-
sis of the steps and figures, but the first figure, performed at what is
really no more than a walk, is for the two columns to turn outward
and back, walking toward the rear and resuming their original posi-
tion. The monarca walks to the rear between the two columns and
returns again to his original position. This figure I have called for
convenience a. Its path is diagrammed in figure 20. Between each
figure a there is a whirl, d, also in a walking step. After each series
of three, figure 6 was performed as well as the whirls. After three

Bras] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 97

series of three, figure 6 became the dominant figure. Figure 6 is
performed to a stamping step ending in a kicking of the foot for-
ward, raising the knee at the same time. The files and the monarca
move forward until the monarca about-faces and dances toward the
files, which then move slowly backward. 'This in turn gives way to
figure c, a complex series of movements distinctly reminiscent of the
Virginia Reel (not diagrammed). While the monarca dances back
and forth before the files, the files face each other and each pair goes
through a series of circling movements. The approximate sequence
of the figures is a simple whirl (ending in a dip practically to a kneel-
ing position on one knee which precedes each series of figure a) ;
figure a, repeat three times, whirl; }, whirl, repeat all three times;
6, whirl, repeat three times; a, whirl, repeat all three times; b (with
more pronounced stamp and kick), whirl, repeat six times, a, whirl,
repeat all three times; c, whirl, a, whirl, repeat three times; a, whirl,
three times, 6, whirl, repeat all three times; b, whirl, three times, a,
whirl, repeat all three times, continuing as above until ¢; then instead
of ¢ comes figure a, whirl, figure 6, and the dance ends.

The stamp-and-kick step mentioned appears to be a moverment in 3
done to a 44 rhythm as follows: 1, stamp one foot beside other
(stationary) foot; 2, kick forward, sometimes hopping slightly on
stationary foot; 3-4, return foot to ground back of stationary foot.
This is done three times with one foot, then three times with the
other. After dancing all night, the dancers sometimes did this step
for long intervals without any figure accompanying.

A variation of this was witnessed on one occasion when the con-
ventional figures were performed, but the dancers all hopped first sev-
eral times on one foot, then several times on the other. This was said
to be performed to a special tune by the musicians. Another varia-
tion came toward the end of a noon rest period during Lent when the
monarca did a permutation, exchanging places for a short time with
each of the dancers, starting with the head of the files and alternating
between the two files. The dancers held the monarca’s position for
varying periods, depending on their skill and self-confidence. Only
the stamping step was done and there were no figures other than an
occasional whirl.

The dancers stand and shake their rattles in time to the music for
a short period before beginning their dance. They also signal for the
music to stop by all shaking their rattles violently.

The matachin dancers ordinarily do not practice as a group before
their appearance. If a man does not know his steps, he may practice
at home, securing the aid of someone who knows the routine. Fairly
young boys sometimes take part in the matachin dances as well as
girls up to the age of 15 or 16. Women do not participate. The mu-
Sicians are paid by the fiesteros, who also choose the dance leader.

98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

Two other important dances are performed by the matachini of
San Ignacio and Navojoa. One is the mé-el or bird dance and the
other the “sleepy” dance. In the former (never witnessed) the
dancers form a large circle and dance vigorously, leaping about. The
leader (monarca) dances with a small boy seated on the back of his
neck. The boy is called mé-el from the name of a small bird, barred
gray, white, and black, which gathers in large numbers about the
day of San José and Easter and eats the wheat and vegetables. The
dance is normally performed in the early morning and the leader
refused to perform it at San Ignacio when dancing for San José in
the evening because there were so many sleeping children he was afraid
they would be stepped on. This objection would not have held in the
morning.

The “sleepy” dance is normally performed about the same hour. As
I saw it at San Ignacio, the dancers perform the conventional figures
already described. On the completion of one of the major figures, the
music suddenly stops and the dancers all drop on the ground on their
stomachs, heads pillowed on their arms, facing the altar. The music
begins again, very slowly but gradually quickening in tempo. At
intervals the leader (monarca) raises his head from his arms and
glances about. After the third time, he leaps to his feet, followed by
the others, and the dance is resumed. After one figure 0, the sleeping
episode again occurs, being repeated in all three times. A little later
the whole dance was repeated another three times with the variation
that the second time the two file leaders remained “sleeping” until
the third repetition, when they arose as usual. It is probable that
there would have been a third series of three, but the dance was difli-
cult because of the crowd. Moreover, the musicians failed to stop
for the final series, and a chicatén interfered and stopped the entire
dance. “Yetémpo yéya matacinim” was translated as, “The mata-
chini are dancing the sleepy dance.”

FARISEOS

The fariseos form a masked clown-police group functioning during
Lent. This group is composed of individuals who have taken vows
as the result of sickness. The period of service was variously given
as one, two, three, or more years, and probably depends on the nature
of the vow made by each one. Vows are made for a variety of reasons,
among which the recovery from illness of oneself or a relative, the
securing of good crops, or the saving of a crop suffering from drought
or pest are the most common. There is no public announcement of
such a vow, but the fact is usually known to the immediate family
and friends. Probably it gets to be pretty well known as the time
approaches fer the fariseos to appear, since a common conversation

BHALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 99

topic is the number of fariseos to be expected each year. The indi-
vidual who has taken the vow, however, does not talk about it much
himself. When the time comes, he begins making his mask and his
paraphernalia and joins the fariseos either on their first appearance
or later.

The fariseo (Pharisee) to the Mayo is evidently not only a repre-
sentation of the biblical Pharisee but of the Jew, or rather Judas.
In addition, he is clearly an embodiment of evil; he is the incarnation
of the devil, though, of course, not to be taken too seriously as such.
Despite the opprobrium attached to these concepts, fariseos are con-
sidered guards for the fiesteros of Christ and for all the Lenten cere-
monies and events. They accompany the alms-gathering trips with
the images and help at the velaciénes and fiestas. On these trips they
carry their own food, even though they may be ordered to do much
of the work of preparing wood and bringing water to cook food for
the others. They punish any evidence of sexual misconduct by spread-
eagling the man, tying his arms to a lance passed behind his shoulders,
and forcing him to stand before the altar for several hours. They
do not bother the woman.

This latter function is explained by a story told by one informant
which suggests pre-white antecedents for the organization:

Before the world was made (see p. 216) a married couple lived together.
The man worked a long way from home and when he went out to work, another
man arrived and took his wife as his sweetheart. Someone told the husband,
and the lover said to the wife, “I am not coming to your house again because
of the danger. Meet me in such and such a place.” At the appointed time the
woman was there, but a devil [i. e., fariseo] took the form of her lover and
appeared first. He took her to her husband, saying, “See, here I bring your
wife. She was going with another man. But I did you this favor to bring her
to you.” Thus he guarded the family. In that the devils did not have
guilt before this [present] religion was formed. For this reason the devils go
with the fiesteros and guard all well. They see that no one goes out with a
lover.

The number of fariseos appearing usually increases each Friday of
Lent, ranging from perhaps 6 or 8 the first Friday to 20 or 30 on Easter
Saturday. On Fridays, the fariseos assemble at the house of their
leader at about 11 o’clock in the morning. They have previously
dressed in their houses. They eat at the house of the leader, and
shortly after noon they make a circuit of all the houses in the village
as well as of the rancherias within a mile or so of the town. In part
of Lent, they make extensive begging trips, usually in company with
fiesteros but often alone.

On Easter Sunday the masks and sticks of the fariseos are burned
and the fariseos are re-baptized in the church, being sprinkled with
holy water by the maestro. The fariseo seeks in advance a godmother
and godfather (they may already be in the godparent relation to

100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw. 142

him). When he is baptized, he gives them each a small bottle of
mescal. This is drunk in church from a glass. Both godparents
throw a glass of mescal on the floor of the church before drinking,
saying, “vésata vatoi (to the health of the baptism).” ‘They then
drink, and afterward, invite others to drink.

Later in the day they give a bolo for the godson as is done for a
child. Friends are invited to greet the godchild. Food and drink
are provided, and one of the purposes of the function seems to be to
help the godson to get thoroughly drunk.

During Lent, the fariseos bury all dead. The same is done by
the moros (Moors) during the 6 weeks preceding San Juan’s day.

After the Easter fiesta, the fariseos select a chief for the follow-
ing year. Should the chief die in the interim, a new one is chosen
on the first Friday of Lent. This chief (fariseo yaut) is unmasked
and carries only a machete. He is not under a vow as are the others,
and his authority over the fariseos is absolute. Once arrived at
the house, the fariseos cannot leave without his permission. He
forces the participation of those who have taken the vow. Often
he carries a heavy whip as well as the machete, and should the fariseos
become too disorderly, he has no hesitation in using it. He begs
the hides and sheepskins used to make the masks although each fariseo
makes his own mask at home. Meetings are always at the fariseo
yaut’s house.

Although it is true that usually the fariseo yaut wears no mask,
at Navojoa in 1931 the chief wore full regalia, but frequently pushed
his mask back so that his face showed. Unless they are paid, the
chiefs ordinarily strictly oppose the photographing of either fariseos
or their, equipment, but they make no objections if they know the
individual personally and are sure the pictures are not for com-
mercial purposes. Failure to have made this perfectly clear resulted
on one occasion in my being required to make a departure more hur-
ried than dignified.

In addition to the chief, the fariseos have a boy who accompanies
them with a drum, usually an old pascola drum painted in ridiculous
fashion. He is usually a fariseo too young to wear the mask, but
sometimes a masked man carries the drum.

The pilato (impersonator of Pontius Pilate) is sometimes spoken
of as the chief of the fariseos. Evidently this applies only to the
Easter Week events in which he takes part and for which the fariseos
are called his soldiers. During this week as well as each Friday
of Lent, the fariseos may not eat meat. (Catholic fast days are not
observed by the populace in general.)

Pilate, whose only assistants among the Mayo are the fariseos,
serves for 3 years and is chosen at an assembly like that which chooses

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAPITA INDIANS 101

anew kobanaro. In view of Yaqui data, he probably once had more
authority.

The fariseos are masked and usually are dressed to some extent to
burlesque the pascola dancer. The masks are made as terrifying as
possible and at the same time ludicrous. They are usually made of
goat or wild-pig skin. The hair is partly scraped off, but patches
are left to represent beard or moustaches at the individual’s whim and
in accordance with the individual’s ability. The features are painted
in with some skill. Elaborate curvilinear decorations in green and
red are added, especially on the ears and horns. Large ears flap at
the sides and long horns of skin (a’wam, “deer horns”), project up-
ward. A long nose (k6ba mehé’il, “head forehead”) projects from
the “forehead.” A group of small holes punched about the mouth
of the mask serve to give the wearer some vision. From bottom to
tip of the horns the masks frequently measure 2 feet or more in
height (pl. 18). An old blanket is worn over the regular clothes,
usually held together at the waist by a belt. The latter is often
made in imitation of the coyoles (rattle belt) of the pascola dancer.
Empty cartridge cases are the favorite articles for making the rattles.

RQ 7Z2)

UWA GREEN o - rol
SS |
GEREB ozacK INCHES

Figure 21.—Mayo clown sword and spear (Univ. Calif. Mus., Cat. 3, Nos. 3205,
3208).

Frequently cocoon rattles are worn on the legs. A wooden sword or
machete (ktita machete) is carried on the right hand. <A long wooden
stick or spear (ktita bwawi, “stick well polished”), painted with
rings of red and green paint, is carried in the right hand (fig. 21).
Some fariseos carry small crudely made rattles imitating the gourd
rattles of the deer dancer or the rattle of the pascola dancer. Each
carries a rosary of small beads to protect himself from bad demons
in the sky who might cause body swelling (pls. 8, fig. 2; 11, fig. 2).

All these articles are carefully guarded by the fariseos. Not only
do they refuse to sell any of them, but majority opinion is distinctly
against making copies of them for sale. The specimens I purchased
were specially made, except for one mask which was a failure and
not being worn. The sellers insisted on complete secrecy.

While on duty, if the mask has been removed, the fariseos cover
the lower part of the face with a bandanna handkerchief or an old
piece of cloth. The head is also covered by a bandanna handkerchief

530583—45 8

102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 142

or cloth even while masked. Fariseo actions are at all times in-
tended to be ludicrous and are frequently obscene. Perhaps the most
common behavior of this latter type is repeatedly treating the sword
as a bottle, which is first filled in pantomime from the excretory organs
of any convenient subject, animal or human, and then passed about
the group of fariseos, who pretend to drink with great relish. They
also pretend to be hurt, limp, fall down, stage mock fights, mount
their spears as horses and shy from various objects as they gallop
about, burlesque onlookers, and in the past were said frequently to
become annoying by spilling water when they found someone carry -
ing it or by indulging in other practical jokes. Children found imi-
tating fariseos are carried off and forced to accompany the group
for the day. If the fariseos from different towns encounter one an-
other, they may fight and endeavor to take prisoners.

There is a good deal of individual variation in the way the fariseos
enter into the horseplay. One young man at Bacavachi was subjected
to much good-natured chaffing by his family because he was so serious
and indulged in no tricks. Another fariseo seen at San Ignacio mani-
fested a very prolific sense of humor. His pranks were frequently
above the level of mere horseplay. His costume was unusually lu-
dicrous. A battered old felt hat rested on the top of the mask
with the horns projecting through two holes in the hat brim.

Despite some variations, most fariseo behavior is standardized
and has many points of similarity with that of the Pueblo clowns.
Fariseos imitate the actions of the fiesteros and dancers in burlesque,
ridiculing the most sacred things. They are under enforced silence
while masked. Everything possible is done with the left hand and
backward. Certain gestures form a sort of sign language, such as:

Tapping machete on lance, attention.

Pointing with machete, look there.

Upward point motion with machete, go there.

Clapping machete and lance together longitudinally, it is over.

Passing two hands down torso, hunger.

Lowering left hand and forearm from vertical forward, thank you.

Holding out “ears,” listening.

Making partly open circle with thumb and forefinger, derisive gesture of pay-

ment. To women it may be an indecent proposal. It is a common lower-
class Mexican gesture.

Rubbing palms together, shaking head as if crying, the alms they have begged
have been refused.

To take an offered gift the left hand is used, often extended behind the body.
The left hand is commanded by the devil.

Other activities may be briefly noted:

Imitating maestro reading from a book.
Imitating dancers, reversing as many actions as possible. For example, when
imitating the matachini kick step, they kick backward instead of forward.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 103

Taking flight at often inconsequential things.

Chasing women and children.

Showing interest in unusual things in ridiculous ways.

General burlesque, as pretending to shave one another.

Using machete as a flask, holding under anus of persons or animals, pre-
tending to drink contents and showing signs of nausea or intoxication.

Making love to dolls or setting up dolls in altarlike enclosures, sometimes of
cow dung. If the doll falls (by being pulled with attached cord), they
flee wildly.

Pantomime of ululating with hand before mouth (only one instance seen of
using this gesture).

If they receive food, they eat it in the woods where there are no people.

Squirrel skins are used to imitate the foxskin bags of the alawasi (fiesteros).
They are often wiped in dust or even filth, then rubbed over the faces of
unwary bystanders.

The fariseos make the sign of the cross with the left hand and from right to
left, saying (to themselves), “for the sign [right shoulder] of the holy cross
[left shoulder] of our enemies [to the mouth] free us Lord [three touches
of forehead] God [three touches on breast] knows [mouth; last three move-
ments uncertain].”’ For usual prayer on crossing oneself, see page 190.

The fariseo, despite the nature of his pranks, is expected to observe
personal good conduct, neither drinking nor swearing. To some
extent he is limited in his contacts with women, and there is some
suggestion that all sexual relations are barred. He apparently is
under no unusual food restrictions. If he drinks alcoholic liquors
during his period as a fariseo, it is believed that the mask will stick
to his face and he will be unable to remove it. About 1929 a consid-
erable sensation was caused by a fariseo at Bacobampo whose mask
became stuck to his face as a result of this transgression. He shrieked
with pain on any attempt to remove the mask. He received a great
deal of sympathy and did a quite lucrative begging business until a
sceptical Mexican hacendado used applications of warm water. This
dissolved the mesquite gum with which the mask had been stuck on.
Since then there has been an increase in the scepticism with which
the whole belief is viewed, but the specific case is still being cited
by some to prove that punishment befalls the evil-doing fariseo.

FIESTEROS

Basic to all ceremonials, yet scarcely an integral part of the church
organization, are the fiesteros. Despite their close similarity in organ-
ization and function to cofradia and mayordomia groups elsewhere
in Mexico, they do not occupy the high social position found among
the Zapotec or Mixe. Although the organization is self-perpetu-
ating and so to a degree independent, its activities are definitely con-
trolled by the kobanaro and particularly by the sargento (first judge),
whose duties are primarily the training and direction of the fiesteros.
As this links them with the formal church heirarchy, their organiza-
tion may properly be described here.

104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

For each major fiesta given, such as Easter, San Juan, or Espiritu
Santo, there is a separate group of fiesteros consisting of 12 mer
and 12 women. The men and women are divided as follows: 6
alperéz (alférez), 3 alawdsi, 3 parina; each group with a head
(mayor). Both men and women have a head who is also the head
alperéz. The second alperéz carries the banner of the saint in cere-
monies. The alawasi attend to the needs of the dancers in ceremonies
and see that the musicians and dancers are fed. (Dancers also may
have their own helpers who may also be called alawasi.) Alawasi
wear a coyote- or fox-skin tobacco pouch, decked with ribbons, tucked
under the belt (pl. 15). Staves are carried also. In general the
alawasi, particularly the women, are the youngest and best looking.
The parina supervise the preparation of the food; they are assisted
by volunteer helpers and relatives. ‘The chief men and women fies-
teros look after the entire fiesta and see that everyone, including
dancers and musicians, does his part properly, and particularly they
look after the young female fiesteras to see that nothing happens to
them.

The alawasi were said also to have the duty of engaging the musi-
cians and dancers. These are visited individually in their houses and
given native tobacco and a small coin as a retaining fee to bind the
bargain.

Each fiestero wears a rosary decorated with ribbons. The mayores
(heads of each group) carry staffs of hardwood with ribbons at the
end. The end is of metal forming a cross within a circle. These
staffs are highly prized and will not be sold. They are passed on at
the end of the year. The men all wear red or blue bandanna handker-
chiefs tied over the head. The head fiestero is an exception to all this
in that he wears no insignia and takes no part in:‘any of the ceremonies.
He is occupied in preserving order in a more literal sense, and he
usually is found near the dancers, giving directions to the dancers
and musicians and keeping emulous drunkards off the dancing space.
On one occasion he was himself quite drunk.

The leaders are in charge of all contributions toward the fiestas.
They are also called the “owners” of the image. If the leader be a
rich man and it is proved he has robbed or desecrated the saint in any
way, he is required to stand all expenses of the next fiesta. This would,
of course, be true of any rich man guilty of such an offense, but the
head fiestero is much more likely to be involved in such a scandal
because of his position.

The image of the saint is in the particular charge of the fiesteros
for the year they are active. They attend to necessary services for
the image, such as procuring new garments, purchasing new banners
(the old banner is carefully preserved), and giving their fiestas, and
they are represented at all funerals.

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 105

Each fiestero chooses his successor at the time he enters into active
service as a fiestero. Usually he selects a friend, sometimes a rela-
tive. If a person accepts tobacco from the fiestero, he is bound also
to accept the responsibility of the fiesta. The novice then is the object
of special attention and two (or three) fiestas are given for him and his
fellows, male and female. (The exact number of fiestas seems to
differ, most informants counting three but usually describing only
two. In the case of the San Juan fiesta, a small fiesta is given shortly
after the induction of the fiesteros into active service on San Juan’s
day, but it may not be expressly for the promised fiesteros.) The first.
of the fiestas of which I am certain is the bahé’yi, or bahito (to drink
water or giving water to commence). Water, bread, and meat are fed
to the new fiesteros, and they are given a quarter of beef or bull meat
and other food to take home. During the bahito, the men smoke
around the table, lighting their cigarettes from coals in a basin on a
pottery bull (see p. 140), while the women sit apart on mats. No one
of the promised fiesteros is allowed to move without an old fiestero
in attendance. The third fiesta is the hisimo. At the hisimo the new
fiesteros do not figure importantly; the fiesta is regarded more as a
training for the celebration of San Juan’s day on June 24. This series
of preparatory fiestas is given in the case of all the fiesta organizations
on the Mayo River except that for the Holy Trinity in Huperi. For
the latter, only one fiesta is given and each fiestero provides a castillo
(fireworks tower) instead of the group providing one or two.

For both the preliminary fiestas and the main fiesta, all utensils
such as plates, large cooking ollas, and baskets, must be provided new
by the fiesteros. These are taken home after the fiesta by the promised
fiesteros, who receive a new mat and food as well. Food is also given
the dancers, musicians, kobanaro, sargento, maestros, and all other of-
ficials and helpers at the end of the fiesta.. All who ask for food during
the fiesta are fed after the promised fiesteros and the musicians and
dancers have been fed.

At the main fiesta of the group, the new fiesteros on Saturday (or
the first day) again smoke about the bull and the women sit on mats.
They are fed formally as in the bahito. The men on Sunday (or the
second day) are given charge of the image of the saint. For the Easter
fiesta, the women take charge of the Virgin. In the evening they
are given the banner, staffs, tobacco pouches, and the fiesteros’ special
rosaries ornamented with ribbons. “Béhani entragio (now they
have passed it on)” is said of this occasion. They are also given a
quarter of beef and other food to take home. The head fiestero gives
his successor a new pottery bull to be used the following year (pl. 19,
fig. 2; fig. 16, e).

After “receiving the fiesta,” the new fiesteros in turn seek their
successors. They must make contributions of money and other things

106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

needed, take out the image of the saint whenever it is required, seek
alms, attend funerals, and attend to the details of the fiestas, providing
food, young bulls for butchering, the castillo, cahwetes, new utensils,
candles, payment for the dancers, musicians, maestros, and singers,
and sheets and kerchiefs for the dancers. These duties are described
in more detail in connection with the fiestas themselves.

Having passed on the fiesta, the ex-fiesteros are still under obliga-
tions to their successors and at each fiesta for a year must help them
with food, cahuetes, and other contributions. This obligation ends
with the big fiesta of the following year, making the total service a
matter of 3 years. To the final fiesta of Christ (Easter), in 1932, the
chief of the women at Navojoa for the previous year took her successor
some stew, bread, two dozen small cahuetes, two large cahuetes, tobacco,
and maize leaves. This completed all obligations.

During fiestas, someone under private obligation or a vow to the
church carries and plays the fiesteros’ drum. He is not a fiestero. To
have been a fiestero involves certain permanent benefits in after life
and forgiveness of all sins. The funerals of ex-fiesteros are more elab-
orate, and the chief of the women of Christ, for example, is buried
dressed as the Virgin.

The fiesteros of Christ and San Juan sometimes aid one another by
taking part in each other’s ceremonies. In any case, enough are pres-
ent to bring out the banners of both groups for the processions.

In addition to duties in connection with the fiestas, the fiesteros are
supposed to attend church each Sunday, arriving about 10 in the morn-
ing. Asa matter of fact, not all of them do this, but there are always
a few at the church, which is kept open. It is also visited by some of
the Indians, but the number who attend is small. Fiesteros must also
take the image of their saint and their banner to all funerals.

The fiesteros were formerly under strict supervision. They were
not allowed to drink and there were evidently other restrictions at one
time. The nature of these I could not learn definitely except that they
seemed to be no more than the liberal fasting rules observed by Latin
American Catholics. The informants denied any special sexual re-
strictions for the fiesteros. If they broke any of the rules, drank, or
failed to provide their share of supplies or candles or to perform an
allotted task, they were severely punished. The most severe punish-
ment was said to be to pour an infusion of chzltipin down the throat
as a chastisement for drinking. The chiltipin of Sonora is a small
wild berry which is more fiery than chile. At present the most severe
punishment is to be tied to the cross before the church for a few hours
by order of the kobandro. This is evidently rare, as I heard of no
case actually occurring. Nevertheless, there seems to be a healthy
respect for the kobanaro and his orders. The fiestero may also be

Bras] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 107

dropped from the band and someone else put in his place. The
restriction on drinking evidently does not apply to the male chief of
the fiesteros, but I never saw any of the other fiesteros take a drink or
show the effects of drinking.

The fiesteros of Christ are under food restrictions throughout Lent.
They cannot eat anything but greens and vegetable foods, and on
Fridays they eat nothing until noon. No similar restrictions could be
discovered for the fiesteros of San Juan. All fiesteros remove their
rosaries to drink water.

Superficially, Mayo fiesteros appear to be related to the Spanish
mayordomia organization. Nevertheless, the fiesteros may also be
associated with a pre-Hispanic religious grouping. The use of what
appear to be Indian names for two of the subgroups would suggest
this. The term “alawasi” is also sometimes used to refer to the entire
group. The use of the tobacco pouch by the alawasi and the emphasis
on the native tobacco also suggests some aboriginal connection. The
Yaqui term for fiesteros, “pakéme,’ is known. The Yaqui phrase,
“jtom pako acaim (our fiesta fathers),” for the principal fiesteros is
also highly suggestive of aboriginal antecedents.

The connection of the pascola and deer dancers with the religious
organization is vague and will be discussed elsewhere.

YAQUI RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION

The Yaqui have an elaborate and closely knit religious organization
with three major divisions. There is first the church organization
proper, which appears to be allied to the matachin dancers’ society.
This connection is expressed by the fact the matachini and the re-
ligious or church officers sit together in village councils. Next is the
dancers’ society, and thirdly is the fariseo (clown) society. In addi-
tion, the religious functions of the military society, the kobana’u’s,
and the fiesta organizations should also be considered part of the
religious organization proper.

THE CHURCH OFFICERS

The theoretical head of the entire religious organization is the
tedpokobana’u (equivalent to Mayo kobanéro). Unlike his civil coun-
terpart, he has no assistants of the same name, nor does he have the
service of any of the soldiers in tilling his fields. His only support is
his own labor, his pay from the Mexican Government, if he is enrolled
as a soldier, and alms which are brought to the church. He is chosen in
the same way as the civil governor (nominated by the head maestro),
but he holds his position for life. It is usual to select an old matachin
dancer for the position, and this probably explains the fact that he
sits with the matachini at the councils. Instead of summoning a new

108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

tedpokobanaé’u to a village council to be installed, 5 days after the
choice is made, the council assembles at his house, where it is seated
in the same order as at the guardia. The procedure of the council is
the same as at the installation of a kobana’u. The ted6pokobana’u is the
only church official who carries a staff.

In theory, the teépokobanaé’u has charge of all the officials of the
church, although the maestro must exercise considerable authority.
Indeed, some informants said the maestro commands the teédpoko-
bané’u. The present functions of the maestro were formerly exer-
cised by the susudkame (p. 109). The religious governor administers
justice to individuals attached to the church and supervises church
functions and activities. If offerings are brought to the church (such
as a wagonload of watermelons), he divides them among the other
officers. He takes no part in those sections of the fiesta which take
place outside the church.

The maestros are an anomaly in the group of church officials.*°
Most of them know how to read and write, an ability rare until a
few years ago. Some were trained by priests, but the majority were
trained by other maestros. The oldest maestro exercises considerable
authority. His successor is the next oldest maestro, usually his own
protegé whom he has trained for the office since boyhood. When a
student maestro knows the services, he selects girls of 10 or 12 and
begins to train them to be his singers (kopaériam). When a maestro
is ready to serve, the church governor calls on him at need.. The oldest
maestro nominates (really selects) the governors of the church and
of the civil organization, the heads of the clown and dance societies,
the head officers of the fiesta organizations, and has some say in naming
the chief officers of the tenance and temasti organizations, although
the oldest woman or man usually is the head of the latter two. Neither
maestros nor singers receive any pay, but they share in the alms
brought to the church and receive a share of food left at the end of the
fiestas. The maestros may be married. At Vicam Station, inhabited
by people from Cocorit, there is only one maestro with seven singers,
and one student maestro. This small number is unusual and is attri-
butable to a partial dispersal of Cocorit people.

The temasti (sacristans) are life officers. They are usually vowed
to the service by their parents and the number consequently is variable.
Usually they are headed by the oldest of their number. They care
for the images of the saints, “give food to the saints, the copales” (in-
cense) (this probably refers to their carrying the censor and has an
interesting suggestion of the “feeding” of fetiches among the Pueblos),

3° Dr. Spicer suggests they be regarded as the ceremonial society at the top of one
religious hierarchy. This is a shrewd suggestion. Against it is the apparent lack of

formal organization of the group and the possibility that many of their functions were
formerly exercised by the susudkame,

BEALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 109

ring the bells, run church errands, guard the candles, dig the graves,
and teach the children to pray.

The pisca (fiscal) is a life official, an old man, chosen from among
the soldiers by the te6pokobana’u. He brings the children to church
for the temastidnes, or sacristans, to teach. He stands at the erwe
mayor and speaks to them also. He takes the children out and teaches
them to work, to cut canes for houses, and keeps order among them. If
there are many children, there may be more than one pisca. He seeks
things lacking for the fiestas.

In war time the pisca and temasti take the children to church,
where they all pray.

The tenances (kiydékti) are considered church officials although they
are really a women’s religious society. The group should, perhaps,
be correlated with the clown and dance societies of the men, although
its organization and functions are more closely parallel to those of
the temasti. The kiydkti carry censors in services and carry the
images of the Virgin in processions. They wear a square red cap of
peculiar form. Membership in the organization is for life. Like the
temasti, they are dedicated to the organization while young by their
parents. The oldest member is head of the kiy6kti and succession is by
age unless the maestro interferes.

All church service is directly or indirectly under the te6pokobané’u
and the maestro. ‘These two direct the work to be done by various
members of the organization. Should a larger enterprise be planned,
such as the repair or building of a church, they suggest it to the civil
officials. If the latter approve, a council is called and the matter is
discussed publicly. All men must work or make contributions of ma-
terial. The work is directed by the civil governors.

In former times, probably at least as late as 1900, there existed a
group known as the susuékame who exercised the directive functions
ofthe maestro. The name appears to mean “those who know.” (Com-
pare inépo stiak, “I know.”) They clearly were the repositories of
tradition and custom and were said to be spoken to by angels who
instructed them at night. The group was self-perpetuating, sons or
nephews being trained to take places in the group. They wore the
hair long, spoke no Spanish, and should not leave the village. How-
ever, they worked at the usual occupations and crafts of the Yaqui.

The susutkame had two kinds of meetings. At the summons of the
kobana’u they met in the sacristy of the church and deliberated prob-
lems of the village. Apparently they determined the punishment of
wrong doers after hearing witnesses. Complaints were made to the
kobana’u but he asked the advice of the susuikame. It was the special
\duty of the koban4’u to watch, not only over the susuakame, but over
‘their entire families, lest some disgruntled persons do them harm.

110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 142

The present nominating functions of the maestro also belonged to the
susudkame and their recommendations were sought in filling vacant
offices.

These meetings were quite formal. One of the group was chosen
as the superior. “Nd6ka Acai (you speak, father) ,” the superior would
say to one. If this person did not wish to speak, he said, “Toniko
ékwe émpa noka (excuse us, you speak),” and another began. When
agreement had been reached, the bystanders said, “Diosencdkoi acailim
(thanks be to God, fathers).”

The other type of gathering was in private houses, and was called a
cuentam (cf. Spanish cwento,a tale). The susuakame sat and smoked
good tobacco (papanta) rolled in maize husks. Here they would take
turns recounting stories of things “before the Conquest.” (For an
example, see p. 223.) They knew the secret words of animals. When
one had finished, the leader said, “Nulenhiva (thus it must be),” and
the others would confirm by responding, “Tui.” A deer dancer was
always present and would dance between talks. These sessions some-
times lasted all night.

The data on the susuikame are very unsatisfactory. Jean Johnson,
who did linguistic work among the Yaqui in 1940, came to the conclu-
sion that the group may still exist in secret and that it is much feared.
Johnson also believes that in general the power of the hierarchy is
much greater than I have indicated. The similarity of the term to
the name for the Huichol singing shaman, masa’akame, designated by
Zingg as the most influential person in Huichol Society, suggests the
nature and antiquity of the susuakame.*

A group whose status is far from clear is that of the children known
as angelitos. Both boys and girls are presented to Pilate (see p. 112)
for 3 years by their parents. The boys are dressed as girls. Some
wear the red hat of the tendnces, others a wreath. All are armed
with sticks or switches. During Lent, they are pursued to and from
their homes by the fariseos, while their godmothers protect them. If
they do not behave, under certain conditions they may be captured by
the fariseos (Bogan, 1925, pp. 50-51). The children are under obser-
vation by the tedpokobana’u and kobanaé’u; formerly, and perhaps
today, if the child is intelligent, the parents may be asked to permit
him to be instructed for some office. If the parents agree, the head
maestro, the sacristan, or other official will train the child to serve in
his office. Often the office is one once held by an ancestor of the child. I
am not sure whether all children serve as angelitos or not, but I suspect

31“The greatest of these [special persons in Huichol society] are the masa’akame who
are the singing and prophecying shamans.” (Zingg, 1938, p. xxix.) “The singing and
prophecying shaman, the masa’akame, is the most important of these officials since he

leads all the ceremonies by singing the sacred myths and thus getting into contact with
the gods, who reveal to him their commands to the people.” (Zingg, 1938, p. 187.)

Bras] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 111

most of them do. At Vicam Station in 1932 all the angelitos were
being rigorously instructed in the chants at intervals during Easter
week. )
Sometimes the dedication to Pilate is the result of sickness of the
child. In this case, the service is regarded as the equivalent of wear-
ing a saint’s habit.
MATACHINI

The matachini are a society of dancers with special relations with
the Virgin and the entire church organization. The head of the
church, the teopokobana’u, is usually selected from this body. There
are a chief (yaut) and two assistants, who direct the group, and a
monarca (chief dancer) with two assistants. In both cases the as-
sistants are known as the “second” and “third,” resembling the right
and left hand men of the Pueblos. Normally, the “second” succeeds in
office. Membership consists of persons who, as the result of illness,
have made a vow to join the society. In the case of children, parents
may dedicate a child if it is ill. Membership is for life, although
the obligation to dance is cancelled with old age. Members may also
be excused from dancing by the chief of the group. Those too old
to dance become instructors of the younger members. They stand
with a rod or cane during a performance and correct novices as they
dance. Entrance into the society takes place at the fiesta of the
Camino according to some; at any time, according to others.

The matachini dance at the funerals of all members and their im-
mediate families. They dance again for the novena and for the com-
memoration ceremony at the end of one year. Matachini dance the
evening before all fiestas in the church, on Sunday at the churches,
and in the konti, or procession, before each church every Sunday.

The actual dancing of the Yaqui matachini was not clearly or
lengthily seen, so that it is impossible to give an analysis of the steps
or figures. Essentially, the usual dance is the same as among the
Mayo except that the steps are faster and the whole performance is
characterized by a great deal more precision. The rattles are used
harder, the steps are more decisive. One rarely sees poor dancers
among the Yaqui, though they are the rule among the Mayo. The
costume appears identical except for the wand, which is always three-
pronged. In dancing, the dancers form two files, each headed by a
monarca segunda while the monarca dances in the center in front of
the two files. If angelitos are dancing (the young dancers who are
learning), they dance behind the monarca. The Yaqui call these
malinches rather than angelitos. At Cocorit (Vicam Station), the
monarcas all wore special trousers, a sort of overtrouser of black
velvet, split from thigh to bottom on the outer side. When not dancing

112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 142

these overtrousers were frequently gathered up and tucked between
the legs to be out of the way.

The mé-el and the sleepy dance of the Mayo matachini are not known
among the Yaqui. In some of the pueblos there is a maypole dance
(wik6épa’a) in which a selected group of matachini dance about a tall
upright cane to which colored ribbons are attached. ‘Those of Bacun
dance in two opposing lines of six each with the monarca in the center
by the pole, winding the ribbons about the pole. Those of Cocorit
have six dancers in two opposing lines of three each, who wind their
ribbons about the pole, while another group of six divided into two
sections make their ribbons into braids without winding them about
the pole. These dances are performed at sunrise. At Torin, Holden
(1936, p. 49) reports a maypole dance performed at noon on Easter
Saturday.

FARISEOS

The fariseos (“capaiyékas” is the more common Yaqui term) be-
come members of their society as the result of a vow taken during
illness.*2. The members must serve in masks (coime) during Lent
for at least 3 years, but membership in the organization is for life.

A varied group of officers accompanies the organization and there
seems to be a supernumerary group which is composed of certain of
Pilate’s men who do not wear masks but who, nevertheless, belong
to the society. The principal head is Pilate, but under him and really
more important is the ftom costtimba yéut (our customs chief), who
rules the masked clowns and probably the entire society. He is chosen
at an assembly of fariseos, caballeria, and Pilate’s men. He is a “man
of many sympathies and one who knows the ceremonies.” He is
never masked, but carries a wooden broadsword, beautifully deco-
rated. He always accompanies the maskers. On Easter Saturday he
represents Herod and wears a crown. Other chiefs are kaifax
(Kaifas, “the judge?”) and Pilate. Most officers serve for life, in-
cluding apparently some of the subordinates of Pilate. Some are
offered for service as officers by their parents when young.

Pilate carries a beautifully decorated spear with a crosspiece below
the head from which is hung a small garment like a dress. This
changes color during Lent in accordance with the situation. Fre-
quently there is a second Pilate, usually one who is young and is
learning the duties of the office. Pilate and his men apparently
function only during the last week of Lent. Pilate has a drummer, a
flute player, several assistants called corporals and sergeants (usually
fariseos who are unmarried and hence unable to wear the mask), and
a cavalry and infantry armed with long wooden spears. The latter

= “Yéka’’ means nose; at Pascua “cfipa’’ was translated as pointed or slender for Dr,
Spicer. My informants were all poor at linguistic problems and offered no meaning.

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 113

serve for 3 years as the result of a vow, and never mix with the
fariseos. Except for the cavalry and infantry, all Pilate’s men are
dressed in black, wear round black hats, and a black veil over the
lower part of the face. Subofficials called caballeros (corporals of
Pilate) carry naked swords. They and the corporals and sergeants
of the cavalry are a sort of police. The corporals of cavalry carry
a sword scabbard, the sergeants a long spear. Pilate also has a cap-
tain (who wears a small mask with a large nose) and a lieutenant.

The fariseos proper do not differ markedly in their behavior from
the Mayo. Everything possible is done with the left hand, which
belongs to the devil. The signs, buffoonry, and obscenities are entirely
comparable. The dress is slightly different. The blanket is worn
shorter, rarely much below the waist, and with a double cape effect on
the shoulders. The belt is nearly always a deer-hoof rattle belt, fre-
quently of exquisite workmanship in plaited leather of different colors.
It is not burned as is the rest of the equipment. The Mayo wooden
machete and lance are here machete and knife, the latter merely a
light painted twig with some resemblance to a dagger. The decora-
tion on the sticks is much better than among the hem The masks
differ considerably from Mayo masks in form, and show considerably
more variety. The character of the painting, however, seems the same.
The principal variant is a type lacking the nose but with a sort of
snout. It is supposed to represent a bull. In all, the ears are larger
and crescent-shaped, the horns negligible; both ears and horns are
tipped with feathers.

Another type wears an anthropomorphic mask, frequently with an
exaggerated long “human” nose, covered with white wool except for
the face. It lacks the ears and horns of other masks and is frequently
surmounted by a hat. Its wearers are dressed in an old overcoat
instead of a blanket and their swords or machetes have a handle
resembling a cane. They are called viejos (old ones). The only
explanation given for the viejos was that anyone had the privilege to
make the mask any way he wished. Nevertheless, the viejos obviously
have some directive function. Possibly anyone who wished to make
a viejo mask could do so and thus automatically acquire authority and
leadership, but this appears out of keeping with the formalization of
Yaqui organization.

The masks are kept at the church with the images of the saints when
not in use. They are made at the beginning of Lent and are burned
at the end (Easter Saturday) with the exception of two which are
kept for use if a member of the society dies during the year. Masks
are placed on the head of the corpse during the funeral but are burned,
not buried. If not used during the year, the masks saved are burned
the following Easter. The elaborately decorated spear head of Pilate
_ is not burned either, although the rest of the spear is.

114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 142

On the last three kénti, or Friday processions of Lent, the fariseos
see that everyone in the village attends the church and procession bare-
footed, the women with heads uncovered, without jewelry, and the
hair loose. Should a fariseo become drunk during Lent, his com-
panions roll up his trousers and two run with him three times about
the circuit of the stations of the cross, jabbing his legs and bare feet
with their sticks.

After Ash Wednesday, at the beginning of Lent, the entire village
is in the hands of the fariseos. The fariseo chief becomes chief of
the village and the civil officials temporarily lose their authority.
During this period all offenses are punished by the fariseos. During
Lent a woman may be punished if found talking in the woods with a
man other than her husband or, on certain days, if she even speaks to a
man on the street or outside her own house. Two women were forced
to carry the cross at Bacun in 1931. It was known they had “done
wrong,” although the specific offense was merely speaking to a man
on the street on one of these days. The common punishment for all
offenses is to force the offender to drag around the stations of the
cross a heavy cross of mesquite wood which the fariseos make heavier
by trying to ride on it. Others who pity the offender may try to
help and are permitted to do so.

The fariseos’ first meeting each year is on the first Friday of Lent.
The regular meeting place is beside the church, usually a ramada
at one side. New fariseos are inducted at this meeting. Each novice
sits between two lines and is questioned as to his vow and is told the
rules involved. He is told that when he is masked he must not cough,
speak, or laugh, but carry the rosary in his mouth and pray. A
fariseo is then named as padrino (godfather) and one of the singers
(kiy6kti) as godmother. The novice is taken into the church, crosses
himself, and prays. Later he himself seeks one or more godmothers
for Easter Saturday. Each gives him a new silk scarf on this occasion
and a new rosary. He may or may not have a godfather. If he has,
the godfather is picked by one of the godmothers.

On the fifth Friday of Lent, the fariseos take complete charge of
“Christ” from the soldiers and the latter have nothing to do with the
Christ image until after Easter.** They accompany the image on its
begging trips and beg themselves, accepting the alms with the left
hand.

The society is exclusively a men’s affair except at Bacun, where there
is One woman member. She carries water to the fariseos.

33 Compare with the keeping of an arrowpoint in the mouth by the warriors in the ZuDi
harvest festival (Stevenson, 1904, p. 213).

34 This does not mean they actually handle the Christ image; they are guards in case of

necessity and may punish infractions of rules, but at the same time they represent the
evil forces, the Jews and Pharisees and soldiers of Pontius Pilate.

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 115

The fariseos bury all their own members and give the fiestas
(welaciénes) customary to the status of the deceased. Fariseos also
bury any person dying during Lent, giving the necessary fiestas
(velaciénes). If an adult who dies during this period has a living
father or uncle, the latter is forced to give fiestas for three successive
anniversaries instead of one.

FIESTEROS

The officials of the fiesta (fiesteros) are 12 in number and consist
of 3 groups of 4. First are the paskéme or pa’kéme (these terms are
also applied to the entire group) consisting of the first captain (kapita
yowe, pa’koyowe, or paskéme), the second captain (kapita segundo),
the lieutenant, and the alpéz (a/férez). The order is sometimes given
differently with the second captain and the lieutenant both called
alawasi moro. The second captain (alawasi moro) is in charge of the
fiesta in the ramada; the lieutenant (alawasi moro) is in charge of the
food and its preparation. The alpéz carries the banner, while the first
captain is in charge of the fiesta asa whole. The second 4 are the moros
or servants who help carry food and water, the third 4 are the assistant
moros or servants, helping the previous 4. Those in charge of the food
are sometimes called piko diwem. Itom pako acaim (our fiesta fa-
thers), the heads are called. During the fiesta the first 4 (paskéme)
have their heads covered with a handkerchief and carry a rod of office
(vara) with a cross, a small version of the te6pokobana’u’s staff. AI
except the lieutenant ride horses with coyoles (metal bells) about their
necks and with cocoon rattles wound about their legs. A red ornament
is placed on the horse’s forehead.

The paskome are chosen by their predecessors of the year before.
The old paskéme go out at night, bearing their staffs, to the house of
the man they have chosen as the kapita yowe, stop at the house cross,
and call to the man. He comes out. If he accepts the office, he seats
himself on a blanket spread at the foot of the cross. If he does not
seat himself, they must seek elsewhere. If he seats himself, the head
maestro, who accompanies the party and has actually designated the
man chosen, makes him a speech, telling him the duties he must per-
form. If he says, “I will receive the vara,” cahuetes are fired off and
he is “bound” by being given food or a gallon or so of mescal. He is
then spoken of as the godchild or godson of the man whose place he
will eventually take. The new kapita yowe then designates the man
he would like to have as the second captain, who is visited in the same
way if the choice meets with the approval of the paskéme. The sec-
ond captain then names the lieutenant and the lieutenant, the alpéz.
When all are chosen and have accepted, they go to the house of the new
kapita yowe and are given food, drink, cigarettes, and each fires off

116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

12 cahuetes. After that they are free until the hisimo. In the mean-
time, the new paskéme select the first moro, who in turn selects his
second; the second, the third; and so on. The new moros then select
the first moro helper, who selects the second, and so on.

To be eligible for the office of fiestero, a man must be married.
His wife then shares his duties. There is no separate woman’s group
as among the Mayo.

The hisuma is said to be the same as the Mayo bahito; it is evidently
a combination of that and the Mayo hisimo. Each old fiestero takes
to his godson 4 cajetes or bowls, 4 little ollas, 12 pottery plates, and
a trough of wood (hicikia), in which meat is ground. Meat is cooked
with red chile and atole is made of flour with brown sugar. Each
fiestero fills 1 bowl with meat, 1 olla with atole, and takes a little sack
of bread and goes to the great cross “where they begin to make the
fiesta with their staffs in their hands,” the new fiesteros facing them.
The old fiesteros begin to “sanctify” the new with the banner (make
the cross with the banner over them), and say, “This which we bring
you here (the food) is in order that you may receive this function
with all your hearts. And with the favor of God you will arrive at
the time to make this function the same as we and pass it on to other
persons, and you will comply with all the devotions of the holy
Church, and the corpses which you find.” (The paskéme must velar
all the dead, that is, attend all funerals, even though not summoned.)

The new fiesteros answer, “Héwi, héwi (very good, very good).” All —

then shake hands, take up the utensils, and pass to the altar. A rosary

is placed on each new fiestero, This is said to be a confirmation. —

The new fiesteros take an oath before the altar to perform the fiesta.

The next day the function is ended after pascola and a deer dancer —
have danced all night. All are told to appear in 2 weeks when the —

big fiesta will be made. An alawasi (the lieutenant) is left at a
house nearby to receive the food and the contributions brought.
Either at this time or later there is an assembly of the village to decide

on the contributions to be made and who shall be helpers in the kitchen _

for the fiesta. The paskoyéwe or (first captain) buys any food or
supplies that are to be purchased. During these 15 days each fiestero
shoots off 3 cahuetes each day.

On the first day of the fiesta, the new fiesteros must be present.
They sit on mats before the altar, the old fiesteros facing them and
burning candles to them. About 8 at night all assemble at the great
cross, old and new, with the moros and helpers. There each new
fiestero receives a drink of mescal or cognac in proof that he receives
the obligation of the fiesta. Each old fiestero gives a bottle to the
new kapita yowe (first captain) to drink, and after he has drunk,
shoots a cahuete. Thus they pass down the whole line of the new

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS V7

fiesteros. All go in to the altar again, and the staffs are passed over
to the new fiesteros and candles are burned tothem. “The old fiesteros
are almost out.”

In the morning, in the case of the fiesteros of San Juan, the image of
the saint is taken from the church, accompanied by the maestros and
singers, and with the matachini, pascola, and a deer dancer dancing.
The old fiesteros put the rosaries on the new ones again, and bakavaki
and atole are eaten. The pottery bull is never used among the Yaqui in
these ceremonies. The following year the old fiesteros conclude their
obligation as among the Mayo, each giving his successor food at
midday.

The fiestero organizations may be considered a type of society which
is self-perpetuating, although its membership is in a state of flux
from year to year. It is obvious that although the functions of these
societies are religious, they are of a different order from the dance and
clown societies.

Unlike the Mayo, it should be noted that some fiestas apparently
do not have fiestero groups. Notable are the fiestas of Santa Isabel
and Guadalupe in which the soldiers or the koband’us appear to per-
form the functions of the fiesteros. Closer knowledge, however, may
modify this information.

THE INTEGRATION OF YAQUI ORGANIZATION

In contrast to that of the Mayo, Yaqui society is a closely knit whole
in which each individual occupies a definite position with recognized
obligations. In part, the position of the individual is defined in terms
of organized groups, to one or more of which every individual be-
longs. Each of these organizations has well-recognized functions
and occupies an easily defined relationship with other organizations.
This extends beyond the limits of the purely religious structure, which
is interrelated to and dominates the civil and military structure. To
the Yaqui mind, this is clearly understood, and the interrelations of
the various societies and the individual may be expressed diagram-
matically (fig. 22). In this diagram also is indicated the direction of
authority, showing clearly the way the maestros dominate the entire
society.

This schematic presentation is no doubt idealized, but it is a native
idealization. To what extent there is deviation from this ideal sys-
tem, the role of individual variability and personality and domin-
ance patterns, and what compromises are necessitated by such acci-
dents as military uprisings, it was impossible to determine in the
time at my disposal.

530583—45 9

[Bu.Lt, 142

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

118

SA), PNYVGOY

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2.—Chart of Yaqui Community Organization.

important steps and di

organization.

FIGURE 2

Solid lines indicate the direction of authority in numerous

military group is not expressed in the diagram. Individuals holding any
permanent position left of the line a—a may not hold any office on the right of

instances, although the authority of the religious group over the civil and
the line.

Groups with a broken line about them are either unorganized or

membership is temporary.
groups are omitted.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 119
MAYO FIESTA DANCERS AND MUSICIANS

The deer dancer and, in particular, the pascola dancers may be
termed the fiesta dancers. If there are no pascola dancers, the event
is not a fiesta; if there is a deer dancer as well, it is sure to be a big
fiesta. ‘The pascola dancers also perform at the funeral of a small
child, which is considered a fiesta, and at the funerals and mourning
ceremonies of certain adults. The deer dancer now appears only in
the larger fiestas of the Mayo, but there is evidence that the dance
formerly was part of some of the minor ceremonies as it is among
the Yaqui.

Both sets of dancers learn from older dancers, usually from the
time they are small boys. First, the dancer and the boy dance to-
gether in the house at night. Later, the boy may be taken with the
older man and allowed to dance part of the time at some fiesta where
the older man is dancing. Those who are courageous were said
formerly to be instructed in the woods and perhaps still are. They
are said to learn to dance better in that way, for the pascola dancers
are “part of the religion of the woods.” If the would-be dancer
is frightened in the woods, then he dies soon. My informants be-
lieved there are some ceremonies involved, but they did not know
them. Dancers are said to treat with the devil. This is also true of
musicians.

The pascola dancers usually wear a flesh-colored jersey, although
some still dance with the upper part of the body bare. A cotton sheet,
furnished by the fiesteros or the giver of the fiesta, is wrapped about
the legs and loins from waist to knee, giving the impression of a pair
of peg-topped breeches. A sash is worn about the waist to support
the garment and two strips of cloth go from the sash down to the knees
across the front of the legs and are wrapped tightly around each leg
just above the knee. Two ’kerchiefs, one tied about the waist, the other
about the neck, are furnished by the fiesteros. About each leg is
wound a long double string which has been sewn through a series of
cocoons (tendvares), the ends of which have been clipped off and the
hollow filled with small pebbles or gravel. The feet are bare. The
hair is tied up in a top knot and a paper flower is attached by one of the
fiesteros. Coydles are fastened about the waist, a leather belt with a
dozen or so copper bells or spirals of metal dangling from leather strips
(pl. 15). A sonazo, a curious rattle, made of wood, hollowed out
beyond the handle and with several copper (or brass) disks fastened
with a pin through each side of the opening, is carried in the hand or
stuck in the belt in back, handle down. Usually, a string of beads with
a crucifix is worn about the neck. A wooden mask either covers the
face or is worn on the back of the head.

120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 142

The pascola mask is carved of wood with grotesque human features.
No two are identical, so far as I could observe, but the general features
are the same (pl. 13). Some have teeth or tongue showing, while the
shape of the mouth, nose, and eyes varies. The face is always black,
lips and tongue red, and the teeth, if any, are white. About the edge
of the mask are incised decorations which are filled in with white pig-
ment. These decorations are usually made on the cheeks as well.
Near the top is invariably carved at least one conventionalized cross,
usually worked into the design. Occasionally pieces of abalone or
pearl shell are inlaid on the mask. About an inch from the edge, inside
the border design, a fringe of white horsehair about 4 inches long is
attached. The ends are fastened by wooden pegs driven into holes
drilled in the mask. Some also have moustaches and occasionally a
long beard of white horsehair. The masks are held on by a cord pass-
ing through holes drilled on two sides of the mask and going around
the head.

The pascola dancers perform two types of dances. One is to the
music of violins and harp. A variety of tunes are played, but the danc-
ing does not appear to vary. The dancers perform one at a time,
usually facing and close to the musicians, the mask at the back of the
head, the sonazo stuck in the belt. The body is stooped slightly for-
ward, the arms hang loosely by the sides and slightly forward, the
knees are slightly bent. The step looks very much like a variation of
the European clog and may be derived from it. The basic rhythm is
to strike the ground hard with one foot, hopping quickly twice on the
same foot, then repeat with the other foot and continue alternating.
The entire procedure is extremely rapid, making analysis difficult.
There are also other variations, such as dragging the toe of the foot ina
semicircle in front of the dancer while hopping on the other foot;
extending the heel and dragging it back across the ground; a skipping
step; Jumping up and down on both feet; striking heel against ankle;
and steps to the side. The better the dancer, the more variations are
introduced and more noise is made by the cocoon rattles.

The other dance is to the music of the drum and flute. The mask is
worn over the face. The sonazo is held in the right hand and beaten
against the palm of the left hand in a complicated rhythm. The dancer
again tends to face the musicians most of the time and adopts a more

crouching position. There is some swaying of the hips and inclining ©

of the body from side to side while birdlike motions are made with the
head, down and up, and from side to side. The step is a slow flat-
footed stamp with the heel raised and struck on the ground between
steps without raising the toes from the ground. As before, the
dancers perform one after another (pl. 16, fig. 1).

Brats] _ CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS P21

Characteristically, the dancing does not begin until after the music
has played a few bars or more, gradually working up to’the dance
tempo. This is particularly pronounced with the drum and flute music,
the beat dropping in tempo and into a different rhythm even when
the dancers are changing places.*

After each pascola dancer has danced to both sets of stringed instru-
ments, there is a rest period. During this the drummer tunes his
drum, often interrupting some elaborate jesting performance which
nevertheless continues, although often no one can hear what is being
said. When the drummer has his drum tuned to satisfaction, he beats
it in slow tempo while he warms up his flute. After a few preliminary
squeaks, he begins playing. Once he gets the tune started, the tempo
is gradually increased until it reaches breakneck speed. One of the
dancers then pulls out his hand rattle, gives it a few shakes, striking it
against the palm of his left hand, and takes a few steps. He then
pulls his mask over his face and starts dancing in earnest. When he
finishes, the next dancer starts in the same way. There is no pause
in the music while this is going on. The last dancer ends the dance
by taking a few slow steps hopping from one foot to the other directly
before the drummer. The drummer corresponds with individual beats
of the drum. If the drummer starts his music and for some reason
it is desired to postpone the dancing, one of the dancers stamps on the
ground with one foot before him and holds one hand palm down within
about 2 feet of the ground and rotates his arm or makes a movement
of pushing downward toward the ground.

The oldest dancer in the group is in charge during the fiesta. It is
he who dances first and opens the fiesta with a formal entrance. This
varies little for the large fiestas and the smaller ones, and is described
later. He also takes the lead in the jokes and stories which are told
between the dances. During the rest periods between dances, a run-
ning fire of conversation is kept up between the dancers and with the
audience. The pascola language is often obscene in nature and would
be highly resented from anyone else, but no resentment must be shown
by the audience. If the dancer hears someone say that he has danced
well, he will retort to the speaker, “That is because I slept with your
wife last night.” When he sees someone he knows, he may say, “How
is my wife,——————? or “How is my daughter ————_—_ 2” naming
the person’s wife or daughter. He also addresses men and women by
relationship terms as son, brother, wife, daughter, or mother-in-law.
“See, the lazy one,” he will say of some woman, “she does not give me
food, she, my daughter, she left everything home.” “Here is the
seller of ourselves,” he may say of the seller of cebada, a soft drink.
“It is for this,” said one informant, “that they call them pascola,
because they respect no one, neither fiesteros nor honorable women.

85 Mexican Folkways, July 1938, has a good picture of the drummer.

122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY , [Burn. 142

For this the Virgin and Christ gave them permission.” ‘They also
indulge in more formal joking among themselves, one dancer taking
the Iead and talking to another who answers with the proper ques-
tion or simply by saying, “M-m-m-m,” in a peculiar tone. When the
point of the story or jest is reached, both say “M-m-m-m.” The stories
and jokes are frequently obscene, but sometimes deal with current
affairs such as politics. Sometimes the jesting is simple horseplay.
An example of the latter occurred on one occasion when a bystander
asked for water. The supply in the dance ramada was exhausted, so
the dancer started to call for water in both Spanish and Mayo. He
shouted the word in all possible keys and was finally joined by all the
dancers in one great shout of “Water!” which brought the fiestero
with a bucket on the run. Despite this verbal license, the pascola are
closely watched by the fiesteros and are not allowed to touch any
woman, particularly a sweetheart or mistress. If they do, they are
said to be condemned by the Virgin. (But their reputation for sexual
license is considerable, nevertheless.) They are under no dietetic
restrictions except that the fiesteros are supposed always to kill a bull
to supply them with meat (not a steer or cow) and they are not sup-
posed to drink more than is necessary for them to keep awake during
the night. But a dancer’s reputation depends as much on his ability
to make the audience laugh as on his qualities as a dancer, and the
audience is sharply critical of both phases of his activities.

A final duty of the pascola dancers is to give water and cigarettes
(usually maktico and maize leaves) to whoever asks for them. This
is true whenever they dance. The musicians may also pass out cig-
arettes. The water and cigarettes are furnished by those in charge
of the fiesta.

The deer dancer dances at the same time the pascola dancers are
dancing to the drum and flute, although not coinciding exactly. He
does not costume himself until the music has started. His music is
furnished by three or four singers singing the deer songs. One of the
singers beats an inverted gourd floating in a wooden bowl of water set
in the ground. The other two or three scrape notched rasping sticks,
one end of which rests on a half gourd on the ground. The deer dancer
wears a white kilt about the waist extending nearly to the knees. The
upper part of the body is bare or covered with a flesh-colored jersey.
The kilt, a small sheet, and two ’kerchiefs are furnished by the fiesteros.
The deer dancer has cocoon rattles on his legs and a leather belt about
his waist from which a hundred or more dew claws of deer dangle on
strings. This is called gruhtitisia (pl. 15). On his head is fastened
a stuffed deer head (masokobata), the horns adorned with paper flowers
and streamers (pl. 18). He carries two large gourd rattles (aibési),
in his hands which are rattled continuously while he dances. He steps

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 123

about slowly when dancing, imitating realistically the movements of a
deer grazing and raising its head to look about. At intervals he rests
a few moments. He never speaks and his mien is always serious. He
does not smile. He ignores his audience. When the dance is over, he
removes the deer head and sometimes his belt and usually leaves the
dance place until it is time to dance again (pl. 17).

In the early morning hours, the pascola dancers and the deer dancers
are said sometimes to indulge in a jesting hunting pantomime. The
deer dancer sometimes hides among the audience and is hunted by the
pascola dancers. Informants were very vague, the incident was not
seen, and it is impossible to tell whether the elaborate pantomime of
the Yaqui is practiced or not. A co’para (raccoon) dance and an
owl dance were mentioned but no details could be secured.

The deer dance is the only one which retains an obvious element of
impersonation. In the past, evidently the pascola dancers also imper-
sonated animals. On only one occasion did I see anything resembling
an impersonation, when one of the older dancers gave a representation
of a deer hunt, first mimicking the hunter, then the dogs, the fleeing
deer, and finally the kill and death agony, groveling and writhing
on the ground.

Formerly, there was also a coyote dance, probably similar to the
Yaqui performance. The head and hide of the coyote was worn on the
back, buzzard feathers upright across the forehead, a mirror on the
forehead (the informant was uncertain of this; probably it was the
abalone shell ornament of the Yaqui). Tendvares and coydles were
worn. Dancing was to singing and rhythms of stick raps, and a water
drum of slightly different form from that used for the deer dance.

The pascola and deer dancer have no special restrictions, dietetic
or otherwise, except against excessive drinking during a fiesta. They
are fed apart before dancing. They are also watched to prevent them
from slipping into the brush with a woman during a fiesta. They
are always paid. An alawasi engages them, paying them a small fee
and giving them tobacco at the time, and carrying off their equip-
ment, which is returned to them at the beginning of the fiesta. The
balance of the payment is made at the end of the fiesta and they are
also given some of the surplus food. In case there is difficulty with
them during the fiesta (for example, drunkenness), the fiesteros appeal
to the kobanaro, who deals with them. This entire paragraph also
applies to the musicians.

The musicians are an integral part of all dance performances.
They play for the matachin, pascola, and deer dancers. They learn
from an older person, beginning in childhood, or in the woods as
do the dancers. They are paid in the same way, surrendering their
instruments at the time of engagement. Their dress is ordinary ex-
cept that they always wear a native-made straw hat during the fiestas

124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - [Bun 142

to which a paper flower is affixed by an alawdsi. Women are some-
times harpists and violinists; I saw one woman harpist at Makocin.

For the matachini, a harpist and two to four violinists play. They
perform a wide variety of tunes of Spanish-Mexican origin, such as
jarabes, but with “voice of matachin.” Possibly of more Indian origin
are the tunes for the mé-el (bird dance) and the sleepy dance.

For the pascola at a small fiesta there are two violinists and a harpist
and usually a drummer, though not always; for a large fiesta there
are two sets of musicians playing stringed instruments and a drummer
and flute player. In the latter case, the two groups playing stringed
instruments sit opposite each other and alternate their playing. They
play a variety of tunes with animal names, such as coyote, owl, and
raccoon. The three named are played usually in the early morning
when the coyote howls or when someone in the audience requests these
particular tunes and makes a suitable cash present to the musicians.
When the music ends, a definite closing phrase is played which is
the same for all pieces.

When the players of stringed instruments have finished, the drummer
begins. He sits at the edge of the dance place, on the ground, leaning
against a plank or log set in the ground ata slight angle. Ordinarily,
a mat or blanket is provided for him. The right leg is extended along
the ground, the left is bent with the knee up, the foot resting on one
side. The drum is upright on the curve of foot and ankle so formed.
The wrist of the left hand rests on the upper side of the drum, the
left elbow on the left knee, the flute in the left hand. The drum is
played with a stick held in the right hand and on the face away from
the player.

The drum rhythm works up in tempo and complication until the
dancing starts when it shifts from a 2-2 rhythm to an extremely rapid
combination of beats and rolls of which I was unable to detect the basic
rhythm with certainty. The moment the dancing stops, the drum
tempo drops immediately to the preliminary beat. The flute, played
simultaneously, has a definite rather pleasing but plaintive melody
in different rhythm from that of the drum. The pieces played also
have animal names as kabai tosari (white horses), and tarocé’pa (a
bird; Spanish name unknown to informants).

The musicians for the deer dancer are three or four innumber. One
plays the water drum, the others the notched rasping sticks. All sing
the venado or deer songs in unison in rather low-pitched voices.

Ansekane weyi insaila béta tayiwéya
Go, step my younger brother now, already the sun is rising
tata bétukuli bitedka séwa
traveling beneath the sun throwing flowers on the way
yosi tewéyi memotili macihékamki coicoitéweyi

with all your heart dancing how beautiful

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 125

Free translation—Go, step, my little brother, now the sun is rising, traveling
beneath the sun throwing flowers on the way while dancing with all your heart.
How beautiful.

maso, Maso, mAso gowi énci hase bappo ékimo
Deer, deer, deer coyote you is hunting in the water place yourself
kaécin énci yanake

no you will do harm

Free translation——Deer, deer, deer, coyote is hunting you. Place yourself
in the water. No harm will he do you.

The musicians and pascola dancers are subject to witchcraft.
Witches may make them tired or cause pains in the legs. A charm of
wild chile or chéltipin is worn by them to protect themselves. Chilte-
pin is also eaten by the dancers during the fiesta and the fiesteros are
expected to have a supply on hand for dancers and various officials.

The pascola dancers formally open all fiestas. The oldest pascola
dancer enters masked into the dance place. He is led “as though
blind” by an alawasi, each holding an end of a slender rod with the
right hand. The pascola makes peculiar high-pitched cries, the “cry
of the pascola.” The stringed instruments play the kanaria (no
etymology), or hymn of the fiesta, as he enters. Usually, he first makes
a circuit of a cross set near the dance place (the house cross for a small
fiesta), then three circuits of the dance floor, all in anticlockwise
direction, still led by the alawasi. He is then taken to the saint or
his altar to worship and asks permission to dance before him. When
he kneels, he pushes the mask to the back of his head. He then goes
to the cross. From a point nearby, he fires four cahuetes given him
by the alawdsi. The pascola returns to the cross, masks, and is again
led into the dance place. There he dances a few steps. With the
stick (which the alawasi has left with him) he makes four crosses on
the ground, east, north, west or down river, and south. Each time he
says a blessing and gives the peculiar cries of the pascola. The crosses
are said to prevent evil from entering the dance place and to prevent
bewitchment from making the dancers’ legs become stiff or painful.
He then turns to the musicians, puts his stick in the holes in the
sounding board of the harp, and talks.

As the dancer makes the crosses and talks before the harp, he
addresses both the crowd and the animals of the woods. He ad-
dresses the latter by name and also makes general remarks to the
audience. He asks the animals how they are, whether they rose feeling
well, and whether they have colds.

After having mentioned the wild animals, the dancer concludes his
speech before the harp by saying, “Now I have no father nor mother
nor relatives nor godparents nor wife nor family, and for this Holy
Mary and Christ [or Saint John or whatever saint the fiesta is for]
gave permission.” He then gives the stick to the alawasi and greets

126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu, 142

each musician, dancing a few steps before each one. He says, “Buena
dia, peon de nosotros. Ya cabo el tareo de nosotros (Good day, our
servant. Now is our duty done).” He greets the various officials of
the fiesta, then all the people. He puts the stick up in the roof of the
dance place and begins his joking with the audience and the serious
dancing of the fiesta.

YAQUI FIESTA DANCERS AND MUSICIANS

The pascola and deer dancers are one center about which all Yaqui
ceremonies revolve. The other center is either the saint or the corpse
for whom the fiesta is given. The pascola dancer is dressed and dances
very similarly to the Mayo dancer, although he is generally a better
dancer. Instead of being swathed about the loins and thighs with a
sheet, he wears a blanket in similar fashion. Normally, each dancer
makes his own equipment. The mask is made of a wood called tocuk-
wior (toro prieto). The steps are not as vivacious as among the Mayo,
there is less swaying of the body, and the position facing the musicians
is less consistently held. The deer dancer wears a blanket which hangs
below the knees and suggests Scotch kilts very strongly, replacing the
similarly worn white sheet of the Mayo deer dancer. Otherwise his
costume is the same. His dancing is infinitely better, however. His
use of the gourd rattles is much more energetic, his pantomime more
realistic. He moves about much more rapidly, giving great leaps to
represent the deer frightened or sensing danger. Both pascola and
deer dancers wear shell beads about their necks.

The dancers are usually trained by older dancers from the time they
are small. This is true of the musicians also. However, the deer
dance, at least, is sometimes learned by young men in groups. One
young informant was visiting a house where the young man of the
house was learning the deer dance. A bowl of cigarettes or tobacco
was put in front of the musicians for the guests. One young man
knew many deer songs and took the lead with the music while the host
danced most of the time. The other young men either looked on or
played and sang, learning the songs. Occasionally another danced
when the host became tired.

The musicians learn in the same way as among the Mayo. The
harps are sometimes smaller than the Mayo harp. The arrangement
and number of musicians is similar except that the pascola among the
Yaqui have only one set of the stringed instrument players. The deer
musicians sing as well as play, and use the same water drum and the
notched rasping sticks on gourd resonators.

The music for the pascola is said to be “pieces of the woods.” They
represent various animals and birds of the woods, the noises they make,
and soon. A partial list follows:

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 127

kanarium and second kanarium, the first two pieces played.
t6toi yéwe asda, cock crow (?).

cicibola, a bird.

kikum, the doves.

goim, the coyotes.

coparawe, the badger.

cukakala, the mangy dog.

baiwikicim, birds.

baikurim, a bird.

tosaicacakum, the heron; also a song.

The stringed music is sharper than that of the Mayo, and seems
more clearly European. The deer musicians sing a long list of songs,
which are said to be similar to those of the Mayo. A reading of a
Mayo song secured was recognized as a deer song by two Yaqui in-
formants. The Yaqui claim they sing more slowly than the Mayo.

Dancers and musicians also may learn magically by going to a cave
in the red mountain (sikikéwi) near the upper river. If a man enters
this cave, a big snake appears and swallows him; he must walk right
into the snake’s mouth. He is then ejected by the snake through the
anus into the interior of the cave. This is a large room containing
many animals and snakes. The benches in the room are made of
snakes. About the walls hang all the things connected with the pas-
cola and deer dancers, such as tendvares, coyéles, sonazo, masks, deer
heads, gourd rattles, violins, harps, drums, flutes, and rasping sticks,
as well as the saddles, bridles, ropes, and other equipment of a cowboy.
The man must not be afraid or look back but must walk to the end of
the cave. There he meets a bigger snake, “king of all,” which winds
about him from the feet up until he is entirely wrapped in the snake.
The snake then licks his face all over with its tongue. If the man is
still unafraid, the snake releases him and leads him to the things hung
on the wall of the cave. There he makes his choice according to
whether he wishes to be a pascola, deer dancer, musician, or cowboy.
When he takes this equipment he knows immediately what to do with
it. The animals all say good-bye and the man may leave the cave.
If a man becomes afraid at any time, he is transformed into one of the
animals within the cave. Many who have entered this cave have never
come out. Informants were specific that by entry into this cave one
could not become a matachin, maestro, coyote dancer, wizard, or curer.

The entry of the pascola dancers at the beginning of a fiesta is sim-
ilar to that of the Mayo, but the order of events appears slightly dif-
ferent. The eldest pascola enters the dance place masked and is led
in three anticlockwise circuits of the space. He then puts his stick in
the holes of the harp and talks to it, naming all the animals of the
woods. Then he says, “Now, with the favor of God, we are going
to dance.” After this, he goes to a cross nearby and shoots three

128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bubn. 142

cahuetes. At a house fiesta during Lent there would be three crosses
near the house where he would do this, according to informants. He
then prays masked before the altar, makes three more circuits of the
dance place, and marks a cross on the ground (with the stick by which
he is led) in the four directions, first toward the rising sun, then north,
west, and south, and finally marks a cross in the air above himself.
At the crosses he says many things “which cannot be said in Spanish.”
Nor, may it be added, could informants give them in Yaqui. At the
close of the fiesta, the pascola says good-bye to each musician by danc-
ing a few steps in front of each one. Then they go with the image of
the saint on a procession through six cane arches before the house. If
it is a Lenten fiesta, they stop at a table on which the saint rests before
departing on the begging trips. For other fiestas they go to the church.
The pascola then return to the dance place to change their clothing. In
the case of a Lenten fiesta, the fariseos each thank the dancers.

Behavior during the dancing is quite comparable to that of the
Mayo. The jokes are directed much more pointedly at the deer dancer,
who is not supposed to laugh or smile, although there is no penalty
for so doing. The deer dancer at Vicam Viejo smiled several times
and once or twice laughed. At Vicam Viejo, the eldest dancer called
me his son and the younger dancers offered me cigarettes when they
were passing them out. Elaborate jokes were made at my expense,
but in perfect good humor. The deer dancer began after one pascola
had danced to the music of the drum and flute.

The deer dancer at Vicam Viejo danced with much more vigor than
did those seen among the Mayo and the movements were more dis-
tinctly mimetic. He frequently danced for some time moving only
his body and arms. The gourds were rattled much more violently,
usually about the knees, sometimes down by the ankles, using a wrist
movement with palms of the hands up. At other times the dancer
used a rotary motion instead of a side-to-side movement.

At the conclusion of the regular cycle, sometimes the dance ended;

|

on other occasions the pascola began to howl. In the latter event, the —

deer dancer hastily “hid” in the crowd, followed by the oldest pascola,
who imitated his every motion. The other two pascola then burlesqued
his dance. Suddenly the deer dancer shook his rattles sharply and
leaped into the dance space; the others fled. The deer dancer resumed

his dancing, going about the dance floor in a circle, followed by the

three pascola in single file, burlesquing the dance. When the deer
dancer imitated the deer taking a drink from the water drum, the
pascola threw themselves on the ground, sucked water from the basin,
then jumped up and pursued some youngster until they sprayed him
with the water from their mouths. When the deer dancer knelt and

rubbed the muzzle of the deer head on his knee, the pascola helped

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS ‘129

each other to do the same thing with much yelling, sometimes falling
flat in so doing. When the deer dancer made a downward swoop of
his body while dancing, a pascola often fell flat. Then the others
would try to help him up. This was an occasion for much obscenity in
movement.

Sometimes the deer dancer made a leap into the air. The pascola
attempted to imitate him, and forgot about the dance and tried to
bump their heads on the roof of the ramada. The pascola’s efforts to
jump were often ludicrous. Sometimes one attempted to help the
other ; then both usually fell rolling on the ground. Finally, the deer
dancer made a motion with his head, as though about to gore the
pascola, who fied from the dance space, pursued by the deer dancer
with a violent rattling of the gourds.

Between dances the deer head was placed on the ground before the
musicians. The pascola made sudden motions as if to touch the head,
sometimes sneaking up with great care, on other occasions jumping
at it from a distance. They were repulsed by the deer dancer, who
slapped them or tripped them as they ran, causing ridiculous pos-
turings. At other times the deer dancer tickled the pascola with a stick,
resulting in wild yells. On other occasions, the deer dancer picked
up the deer head and touched an antler to the foot of the prostrate
pascola. The latter pretended to be caught by the horn and made
frantic appeals for assistance. The other pascola laughed at him,
finally approached to help, and were caught in turn by foot or hand.
Sometimes the deer dancer put the head .on the head of a pascola,
who then made loud noises of distress.

Some of the jests were long stories connected with the deer. For
example, the oldest pascola began by saying he was not afraid of
the deer. He then launched into a long description of a deer hunt,
accompanied by considerable pantomime. He stalked the deer, and de-
picted the escape of the deer, long chases on horseback, and similar
details. The whole story took perhaps 10 minutes to tell.

A special performance described by informants, but not seen, is the
coporawi (raccoon dance). The violins and harp play a special tune
for this dance at about 4 in the morning. The rod with which the
pascola is led at the beginning of the fiesta is laid across the shoulders
of two of the dancers, who pretend they are oxen. The third pascola
drives them and they plow the dance place in pantomime, the “oxen”
dragging a cane behind them to represent the plow. The third pas-
cola then sows seed in the dance place and drives the “oxen” out. He
takes the drum from the drummer, sits down, and plays sleepily on
the drum. He calls, “Wolf, wolf,” and another pascola runs up on
all fours. The newcomer has a tail of cane and pretends he is a
dog. He lies down by the other and the two go to sleep, the “farmer”

130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 142

still tapping on the drum. The third pascola enters the dance place,
smells about for tracks, and pretends to dig up and eat the seed. He
goes behind the others and pretends to dig at their buttocks. They
awaken and the dog is scolded. “Why have you slept? Why haven’t
you watched the fields? Don’t you see this animal is eating all our
seeds?” The “dog” rushes out and chases the “raccoon” about. The
latter climbs one of the posts of the ramada and the dog returns to
his master. After simulating typical canine actions, he lies down to
sleep again. This is repeated three times. One of the moros (dance
assistants) places a bow and arrow by the side of the “farmer.” After
the third incident, he picks it up and shoots the “raccoon,” which
falls off the post and pretends to be dead. Then all three go to the
water drum and take out a couple of bottles of mescal hidden in the
water. They and the deer dancer drink.

The “Play of the Deer” (inyoawa?) now begins. During this
dramatization, the pascola dancers call one another brothers. The
youngest dancer goes to the deer musicians and begs of them the
gourds and notched rasping sticks. He takes these to the oldest
dancer. All three pascola play and sing. Then the deer musicians
begin to talk to the dancers. “Would you like to camp here and hunt
deer? It is a good place for deer,” they say. The dancers reply,
“Yes, in a couple of weeks we will return.” “Well, here is a good
water hole,” say the musicians, indicating the water drum. They take
a couple of bottles of mescal from the drum and give them to the
pascola and the deer dancer. It is now they all start to get drunk.

Branches of mesquite are put up at the front posts of the ramada
and on the forked post holding the water jar. The pascola dancers
hide behind these branches. The deer dancer begins to dance. After
the deer dancer completes three circuits of the dance place, the
youngest pascola comes out of his hiding place, and cries, “Here is a
track.” 'The others shout to him to keep quiet. The deer dancer runs
out of the dance place and down the line of arches in front (fig. 23, d).

“The youngest dancer follows, but drops his bow and arrows. The
others seek him and find him crying, hunting for his arrows. “Why
do you come on the hunt if you do not know how?” they say to him.
_ They scold him vigorously.
Then all three hunt the deer tracks and follow down the line
of arches. The pascola shoot some of the bystanders with blunt
pointed arrows. The deer dancer goes around the cross beyond the
line of arches and returns. At the second arch from the cross, the
moro of the deer dancer sticks an arrow into his antlers. At the
third arch, the deer dancer staggers; at the fourth arch, he falls
down dead.

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS KS

The pascola dancers follow; between the third and fourth arch they
start looking for a water hole. The youngest insists there is a water
hole there. Finally they start digging and find a bottle of mescal
previously buried there. The bottle has a string about the neck so
that it can be carried like a water bottle. The pascola all take a
drink, then they pretend to find blood traces, and follow them excitedly
until they find the “deer.” One pascola pretends to be a burro and
gets on all fours. A handkerchief or cloth is knotted about his neck
to lead him by and the deer is placed on his back. One of the other
dancers leads the “burro,” another beats him with a stick. At the
fifth arch, the pascola exchange places. At the sixth arch, the oldest
pascola takes his turn as the “burro” and carries the deer into the
dance place, where it is laid down. After some obscene antics, the
“deer” is then skinned, the pascola arguing about the proper way to

Ficure 23.—Typical arrangement for household fiesta. a, Altar table for saint.
b, Musicians. c, Dance place. d, Six arches of canes bent over and tied at the
tops. e, House cross or special fiesta cross.

do it. The hide is sold, again with argument, to the pakéme. (fies-
teros). Should the latter insist on the skin’s being cured, the blanket is
dipped in water in the water drum and beaten by each dancer on the
ramada posts, until “soft.” The spectators are also struck with the
wet blanket. If the spectators run they are pursued. When the
condition of the “skin” is satisfactory, one of the dancers bends over
and the “skin” is laid on his back and scraped with a length of cane.
In return for the skin, the pascola also receive mescal.

The deer hunt is the last performance of the fiesta. The image of
the saint is now taken back to the church, and the pascola are fed
after the maestros and singers have eaten.

The Play of the Deer is not performed for fiestas of the Virgin,
San Juan, or Easter.

COYOTE DANCE

The coyote dance (g6’1m yé’e) is danced by three men to the music
of a drum. The war captains always dance first. Normally, all the

132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu, 142

soldiers dance in turn three times in the course of a fiesta. All three
dancers wear the coyote skin-feather headdress (cono) (see p. 52),
and hold a bow in the left hand at an angle of 45 degrees, the lower end
between the knees. The bow is struck with a length of cane split .
several times to within a few inches of the handle end. No other spe-
cial equipment or dress is worn. While dancing, the posture is crouch-
ing with the knees bent. The step is a slow flat-footed stamp. When
the drum is beaten in an irregular complicated rhythm, the perform-
ers dance backward, slowly retreating from the drum. Often, the
dancers are not in unison. When they are about 6 or 8 feet from the
drum, the tempo changes and the beats become steady and of equal
value. The dancers then advance more rapidly than they retreated,
straightening the body, tossing up their heads, and glancing over their
shoulders in mimicry of the coyote until they reach the drum. The
tempo changes again and the dancers again retreat.

The drummer is usually an old man with a special head band. He
sings in a low tone into a small hole in the side of the drum. He holds
the drum upright in his right hand, varying the tone by pressing on
the drum heads with his thumb and fingers. The drum is similar to
the pascola drum, but the stick has a round cloth-covered head. A
variety of songs are sung, of which the following is a sample:

k6ni, k6ni, paku, paku, wéyi, kayéwisim, yéwisim.
(Crow, crow, outside, outside, he comes, not playing, playing.)
When the coyote dance is performed, all the kobana’u of the pueblo sit
with their staffs and watch it. The kabos (of the soldiers), wearing
feather headdresses, hand out cigarettes to the watchers during pauses.

At the close of a fiesta where coyote is danced, when dawn appears
each of the three dancers has a plate of meat placed before him half-
way to the drum. Each one dances forward, picks up the plate in
his teeth, and carries it to the drum where he puts it down.

The coyote dance is performed upon the death of all soldiers,
kobana’u, chiefs of the matachini, at the fiesta at the end of the year,
and at certain large fiestas. At other large fiestas, such as on Easter
Saturday, it is danced in the church for a short time by the war cap-
tains. It is not danced in connection with war directly.

MAYO FIESTAS

It may seem unnecessary to describe in any great detail the series
of fiestas which are in large measure Christian: Nevertheless, al-
though it is known that similar ceremonies occur in much of Mexico
as well as in other parts of Spanish America, the present lack of de-
scriptive data makes it impossible to determine what degree of uni-
formity exists. With adequate descriptive data, it should not only

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS han

be easier to sift out the aboriginal characteristics in each case but to

make an interesting study of the cultural processes involved in the

history of spread, modification, and assimilation of the Catholic ritual.

The principal fiestas are those observed on saints’ days. Minor
fiestas are household affairs given under various circumstances, such
as the fulfillment of a vow or the death of a child. Of the major
fiestas, all towns on the Mayo River celebrate Easter Saturday and

San Juan. Many fiestas have been abandoned. As not all towns

were visited, it is possible the following list of fiestas on the Mayo

River is incomplete. Special features of fiestas not noted elsewhere

are given here:

San Ignacio de Tesia, Conicari and Camoa: San Juan, Haster.

Nayojoa: San Juan, Haster. Abandoned fiestas of San José de Cohuirimpo and
Navojoa (informant could not separate these by towns) are Corpus Christi,
Santa Isabel, San Ignacio (the last would seem properly to belong to
Tesia).

San José de Cohuirimpo (now San Ignacio, suburb of Navojoa): San Juan,
Haster, San José (this is no longer a full fiesta, the fiestero group having
been given up, but the matachini carry on with dancing, burning of candles,
and a procession).

San Pedro: San Juan, Haster, San Pedro.

Hehojoa: San Juan, Easter, Espiritu Santo (matachini dance for the latter,
including girls who have taken a vow. They dance with sandals, some-
times with tenévares or cocoon rattles).

Huperi: San Juan, Easter, Holy Trinity (matachini with women dancers, a
castillo for each fiestero, no preliminary fiestas such as the bahito or
hisimo.)

Santa Cruz: San Juan, Haster. (Santa Cruz is practically abandoned. Most
of its population lives in Huperi.)

Bacavachi: Easter, Virgin of the Rosary.

On the Fuerte River, no systematic effort was made to secure a cal-
endar by towns, but the following fiestas.were mentioned: Easter,
San Juan, Pascua de Espiritu, Guadalupe, Candelario, Christmas
Eve. (For the latter, the matachini make their principal appearance
and dance from Christmas Eve until New Year. They go from house
to house with a small image of Christ on a cushion and beg alms.
When the image is brought to the house, the residents pray.)

The fiestas are described in detail later, but certain features of gen-
eral occurrence may be discussed here. Each fiesta is given by a
fiestero group of 12 men and 12 women. Except for the Santisima
Trinidad or Holy Trinity (and possibly some fiestas given on the
Fuerte River), two or three preliminary fiestas are given including
the bahito and hisimo. Each fiestero is supposed, at least theoreti-
cally, to kill a bull for each fiesta his group gives. There is some form
of begging expedition extending over several weeks, and the image of
the saint in whose honor the fiesta is being held is taken from house

530583—45——10

134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwn, 142

to house. ‘The fiesteros must provide and pay for musicians, dancers,
maestros, and singers, one or more large castillos (fireworks towers),
new mats, cooking pots, eating dishes, and other equipment for each
fiesta. Most of the expenses are met by the alms collected. Food
left over at the fiestas is given first to people who ask to be fed;
it is then divided among musicians, dancers, kobanaro, sargento,
maestros, the various fiesta officials, and the fiesteros pledged for the
following year. All fiestas, whether large or small, are characterized
by certain formal behavior on the part of the oldest pascola dancer.
(See p. 125.)

The end of a fiesta is relatively fixed routine. The fiesteros, headed
by their leaders, stand in the dance place and face the officials, headed
by the oldest pascola. The musicians play again the kanaria or hymn
of the fiesta. The fiestero leader asks pardon for all that may have
been done wrong during the fiesta. The pascola leader then addresses
the fiesteros: “We are ashamed, but you gave us permission. Now
I have father, mother, relatives, etc. . . . Give us pardon. You
are not going to lose anything. You are well with the Virgin and
Christ [or whatever saint is honored]. Yonder they are going to
receive you in heaven when you die.”

“Tt is for this,” said an informant, “the fiesteros do not mind the
work and expense of the fiesta.”

Of the fiestas on the Mayo River, those of San Juan Bautista seem
the most important. Not only are they the most numerous and
elaborate, but they loom largest in the native mind. There is, of
course, individual variation in attitudes. As one Mayo expressed it,
some like Christ better, others like San Juan. Why San Juan above
all other saints should play such an important part in the religion,
I have been unable to discover. Undoubtedly, the historical reason
would be of considerable interest as throwing light not only on the
Indian psychology, but on that of the early missionaries in Mexico.

SAN JUAN FIESTAS

There are four fiestas of San Juan held during the year: puti
(Beginning or the Little One), bahito or Middle of the Road (Medio
Camino), hisimo or the Larger (Grandisimo), also called the fiesta
of the banner of San Juan, and the fiesta of San Juan or the fiesta
Grande. The alternate names of the first three fiestas are not trans-
lations of the Indian terms apparently. Bahito, for example, I was
told meant “giving them to eat and drink.”

The four fiestas are said to be held on days when San Juan delivered
some famous sermon or at least on some important event in his life,
but this is probably a rationalization. All dates seem to be more or
less approximate or ideal; actually, all fiestas except that of San Juan

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 135

fall on a Saturday, and if necessary are postponed or advanced. One
scheduled fiesta was postponed a week because it conflicted with a
local election.

Piti is given about the 26th of July and is the first fiesta given by
the new fiesteros for the year. It is a small fiesta and is considered in
the nature of a practice performance for the new fiesteros. It seems
to be a less elaborate version of the other fiestas. As it was not ob-
served, it 1s not described in detail.

According to my informant, who in this case was the chief fiestero
at Pueblo Viejo for 1930-31, the second fiesta is the bahito, which
should be given about January 24. However, in 1931, the hisimo was
actually held January 11 and 12 before the bahito. When this was
pointed out to the informant, he did not seem in the least perturbed

Fieurr 24.—Plan of church and plazas at Pueblo Viejo. a, Church. b, Cruz
Mayor. c, Main plaza. d, Dance place or ramada. e, Fiesteros’ ramada.
f, Ceremonial cooking and eating place. g, Bower and table for saint. Dis-
tances from left to right have been shortened somewhat.

nor did he change the order or offer any explanation. The hisimo was
observed in some detail and will be described as fully as possible,
as it seems to serve as a type for the other fiestas. (Actually, it would
require several people to record all details of a large fiesta. The
accounts given in this paper are based on the fullest possible observa-
tion checked later with leading fiesteros.)

Preparations for the fiesta began rather early in the morning.
Actually, of course, the cutting of wood, the preparation or securing
of pots and other implements, and the purchase of food or arranging
for it had been done before. By 12 o’clock numerous persons were
under the fiesteros’ ramada, or open shed (fig. 24,¢). About the center
post were hung most of the dance paraphernalia of the dancers and

136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu, 142

musicians, including cocoon rattles, masks, violins, and harps. The
two harps were on the west side of the post with their bases facing the
dance shed. Meat was hung on ropes between the poles and cooking
fires were already lit outside the shed. Several people were asleep
on mats under the shed. All during the afternoon, people arrived in
wagons or with burros loaded with wood, ollas, food, and other things.
By night, the ropes between the poles were covered with meat which
must have represented the carcasses of several beeves and a number of
sheep or goats (pl. 18, fig. 1).

About 3 o’clock in the afternoon, a cross about 4 feet high was set
up facing the middle part of the dance shed and close to the southwest
corner post of the fiestero shed. Hanging on it was a dirty maguey-
fiber bag of makutco, native tobacco. Leaning against the south arm
of the cross was the large metal-headed staff of the first judge (sar-
gento). Against the other arm leaned the red banner of San Juan,
its staff resting on a miniature chair about 4 inches high. The banner
of Christ did not appear until somewhat later (pl. 19, fig. 1).

Before dark, the castillo was set up in front of the church and a
guard placed by it. (At the other fiestas, the castillo was not erected
until an hour or so before it was burned.) <A lighted candle was kept
beneath the castillo. The castillo is an elaborate fireworks piece, made
by native artisans, and purchased by the fiesteros for all important
fiestas. The success of the fiesta is to some extent judged by the
elaborateness of the castillo. On Easter Sunday and on San Juan’s
Day, two castillos are burned.

The shrine of the Saint was set up in the dance plaza before dark
also. The shrine consisted of a booth of cotton cloth stretched over
a wooden framework. It was open toward the front and was dec-
orated with a few green branches. A table decorated with paper
flowers inside the booth formed the altar.

About 8 o’clock, the dancing began under the dance shed. Before
this, the dancers and musicians had all been fed from a special vessel
under or around the fiesteros’ shed. The musicians’ instruments were
brought to the dance shed by the fiesteros. A young girl, one of the
alaw4si, assisted by others, decorated the musicians and the dancers
with paper flowers. The dancers dressed a little apart from the crowd
behind the fiesteros’ shed.

Shortly before 10 o’clock, the cross and the banner were moved from
the ramada to a position in front of the shrine. These, together with
the bag of makutco and the hats of the fiesteros, wrapped in a white
cloth, were later carried along on the procession. About 10 o’clock,
the fiestero drum was sounded before the Saint’s shrine at the orders
of the first judge. (The-fiestero drum resembles that of the dancers
except that it is of smaller diameter and considerably deeper. It is

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 137

played with two sticks instead of one. The player is not a fiestero.)

After the drum was sounded, the fiesteros assembled in front of the
shrine in two lines, the men in front, the women behind, faced by the
first judge. The banner of San Juan was held in the middle of the
front line, that of Christ to the right. Most of the time the bearer
of the latter and his two or three companions stood a little out of the
line at a slight angle to it. This symbolizes their membership in a
different group, the fiesteros of Christ. The two groups always co-
eperate, however, by bringing out the banners for each other’s fiestas.
After a few minutes, the fiesteros were joined by the dancers and
musicians.

At a signal from the first Judge, the lines did a right face and
marched in two files toward the church to the music of flute and drum.
The fiestero drum was played, not the Saar drum. Each fiestero
carried a lighted candle.

In the main plaza an orchestra had been playing Mexican dance
music since dark. It did not cease when the fiesteros arrived. Neither
did the numerous drunken young Indians who wandered around and
around the town arm in arm, singing Indian and Spanish songs in
high falsetto voices and shouting, sometimes obscenely. The dance
orchestra seemed to consist of a bass and a snare drummer and two
or three violins. It was impossible to tell exactly because of the
darkness.

Before the church, the procession divided. The majority went to
the right of the cross and made three circuits of it. The alaw4si went
to the left of the cross and also made three circuits. Re-forming the
files, all entered the church. .

In the church, a sermon was delivered by the maestro. There were
prayers and songs. The dancers performed at length before the altar.
Through all this the fiesteros stood in a line facing the altar somewhat
back of the middle of the church.

When the dance was concluded, the image of San Juan was carried
out of the church under a canopy. At the foot of the steps the
fiesteros formed in two lines again with the Saint behind them, all
facing the cross and the castillo. The dancers and musicians stood at
one side. The church bells were rung and a number of cahuetes were
fired, followed by several elaborate rockets of white manufacture.
After a pause of a few minutes, the castillo was ignited.

For the majority of the crowd, the castillo was the event of the
evening. Many Mexicans of all classes came from the Mexican town
to see this. After the castillo, the crowd thinned out materially.

When the castdlo had burned out, the fiesteros formed in files again
and repeated their three circuits of the cross. The Saint’s image was
not carried about the cross. The musicians played during the circuit.

138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 142

The procession then started back to the dance plaza: the fiesteros first
with their lighted candles, then the dancers, then a very old man
(probably the temasti) with a little bronze bell, then the image and
the followers of the procession. Every 40 or 50 feet the old man
rang his bell. The fiesteros about-faced and the procession halted.
The dancers, to the accompaniment of music by the violins, flute, and
drum, then did a few dance steps which were quite different in
character from the regular dances. The dance was a slowish move-
ment. One foot was put forward, then the other foot brought
up to it. Following this, one foot was moved two steps forward, the
dancers bobbed their heads toward the image of the Saint, reversed,
and repeated this toward the fiesteros. The sequence was repeated
three times. The procession advanced again as soon as the music
stopped.

When the processicn reached the shrine for the Saint, three circuits
were made about the temporary cross before the shrine. The image of
the Suint was then placed in the shrine and the fiesteros resumed their
formation before the shrine. The old man with the bell then delivered
a long prayer, ringing the bell he carried at intervals. When the
bell sounded, both banners were waved with a rotary motion and each
fiestero patted himself over the heart three times. At the conclusion
of the prayer, the dancers and musicians entered the shrine two by
two. The dancers each did a few steps before the altar. The dancers
and musicians then departed to the dance shed, where the dancing
was shortly resumed. In the meantime, the fiesteros went up to the
altar in groups of six or eight. As each group reached the altar, the
fiestero drum began to beat in a tempo much resembling the “roll”
of our music. The tempo increased until the group left the altar, then
the drum stopped. Each group advanced to the altar in accordance
with asignal from the first judge, and returned to its original position.

When all had visited the altar, or rather the image of San Juan,
the banners were furled and leaned against the cross. The maguey-
fiber bag, which had been carried by the leader or first judge during
the procession, was placed under the base of the staff of the banner
of San Juan. Ata signal, the fiesteros sat down, placed their candles
on the ground in front of them, and chatted and smoked. About an
hour later, the fiesteros returned to their ramada and ate. The image
is returned to the church with a similar ceremony, usually around
10 in the morning.

During the procession and while the fiesteros ate, cahuetes and a
number of heavy bombs were fired.

The official end of the fiesta was about 12 o’clock of the following
day. After a short period of more than usually energetic dancing,
one of the alawasi offered native tobacco to everyone present. A
small pottery bowl, frequently replenished, contained the tobacco.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 139

The alaw4si also carried a large bundle of maize husks. The dancers
stood about making remarks while this went on. After the tobacco
distribution, they left abruptly and dressed.

The social aspects of the fiesta went on for some hours after this.
The dancers became unusually drunk during this fiesta, and appar-
ently continued drinking for some time. Some of them were still
too drunk to transact business the following Tuesday.

Toward the end of the fiesta, there was some trouble with drunken
Mexicans who wished to dance also. They were discouraged by a
brawny Indian policeman with an antiquated rifle who, when neces-
sary, forcibly ejected them from the dance space. Everything seemed
to be done in good humor. Nevertheless, judging by accounts of other
fiestas and a few slight incidents which occurred in the one described,
it would have been extremely easy for a general fight to have started.
The same fiesta was held at San Ignacio a week later.

The next fiesta of San Juan was the bahito, which was held at
Pueblo Viejo, March 7. It had previously been scheduled for Feb-
ruary 28, but owing to a special election, the Mexican authorities
would not issue a permit for Saturday, February 28. Consequently,
it was decided to postpone the fiesta a week rather than start it on a
Sunday. There seemed no religious feeling involved in holding the
fiesta on a Sunday. The main objection was that it would continue
into Monday when many people would have to leave to attend to their
work. Essentially, the fiesta resembled the one previously described,
but I secured more details in some instances and there were also some
differences.

As before, the fiesteros began to assemble about noon, but the real
ceremony did not begin until about sunset when the dancing started.
Some of the fiesteros did not put on their regalia until later than
this.

The general arrangement resembled that of the previous fiesta.
An exception was that a table was placed before the cross beside the
fiestero’s ramada. On the table, facing the cross, stood a bull of
pottery with a sort of cup on its back (pl. 19, fig. 2; fig. 16, ¢). When
the cross was moved to the shrine of the Saint before the procession
started, the table and the bull were moved into the northeast corner
of the dance ramada.

The castillo was brought into the church about 8:30 p. m., accom-
panied by the musicians who played the dance music in the plaza.
Several of the fiesteros carried the castz/lo up the road from the west,
circled around the cross in front of the church, then went inside.
There the castillo was rested on forked sticks while several of the
fiesteros went into a small room to the north of the altar. On their
return, after about 10 minutes, the castillo was carried out of the

140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 142

church again, passing to the south of the cross. The castillo was then
raised and the fiesteros, accompanied by their drum, went on to the
dance plaza. The other musicians remained in the main plaza, where
they played almost continuously.

The procession took place in the same way as at the previous fiesta
except that the fiesteros for the coming year also participated in it.
When the procession arrived at the church, I observed the actual
ceremonies within the church, which I did not do for the previous
fiesta.

The fiesteros lined up in the church in their usual formation back
of the two side doors. The dancers and musicians made a circuit
of the church and prayed before each image. After this, various
laymen prayed before some of the images. The image of San Juan
was brought out before the altar. After a prayer, the dancers
danced before the image. Then the entire group moved out of the
church and the ceremonies went on as described for the previous
ceremony of hisimo except that as the procession returned to the
dance plaza, the music played continuously.

While the fiesteros sat before the shrine of the Saint, food was pre-
pared by relatives of the fiesteros (pl. 20, fig. 2). When ready, the
food was laid out in a long line east of the fiestero shed. Mats were
first laid down in a long north and south line. Beside the mats to the
west were set 12 huge bowls (barriles, or barrels, in Spanish terminol-
ogy) containing stewed meat called bakavaki. Beside each bow] was
a small pot of coffee and a few cups, usually one to each pot. On the
mat was placed a big bowl of bread (hutapani), tortillas, and a pile of
new bowls.

When all was in readiness, the fiesteros moved to the food: ‘The
women fiesteros who were promised for the next year each sat by a
bowl of bakavaki. On the opposite side of the mats, sat the men and
women fiesteros. Behind the latter, on chairs, sat the male fiesteros
who were pledged for the next year. The female novice served the
food, giving food to the fiesteros first, then to the male novice, and then
to whoever else came up and requested it. Several people made contri
butions of packages of cigarettes. Later, the male novices were seated
about the table under the dance ramada where they smoked cigarettes,
mostly of maktico. The cigarettes were lighted from coals placed in
the bowl on the back of the pottery bull standing in the center of the
table.

The conclusion of the bahito was marked by a great deal more
ceremony than the close of the hisimo. About 12 noon the male novices

returned to the table under the dance shed and sat there smoking |

cigarettes for a long time. Two men held fiesteros’ staffs upright with
the butt resting on the table. Occasionally, they would both rise and

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 141

tap the staffs on the table. Shortly after this, the west section of
the dance shed was cleared and spread with mats on which the female
novices sat. Each woman had a little bowl of makico before her,
together with corn husks and a little bowl of coals. They sat here for
some time. About this time, the great bowls of atole to be eaten later
were started cooking.

About 3 o’clock, the fiesteros lined up behind the cross, which had
been returned to the position near the fiesteros’ shed. The men were
in front, the women behind. The table was again in front of the cross,
but the bull was not visible. On the table were maktico, cornhusks,
and the bundle of fiesteros’ hats. The novices were lined up similarly
facing the fiesteros. The first judge stood in the middle and prayed,
the others giving the responses. After each response, the drum was
played and the banner was waved. Each fiestero and novice made
a sort of symbol of the cross, the fiesteros using their crucifixes or
rosaries, the novices their ribbons. These they touched twice to the
forehead, lips, heart, and then the lips again. The gesture was slop-
pily performed so that this description merely gives an average of the
confused movements made.

After the prayer, the fiesteros filed past the novices, saluting them,
touching them first on the shoulder and then touching hands with the
cross of the fiestero’s rosary between. Once in their original positions,
the fiesteros were greeted by the novices, who used the knot of their
ribbons in the same way the fiesteros had used their crucifixes. After
the novices returned to their position, the first judge said a few words.
The novices now retrieved their hats and other belongings and
dispersed.

The fiesteros now entered the dance ramada and lined up before
the dancers. All knelt, and the first judge gave a prayer with fre-
quent responses by the fiesteros and the dancers. The latter then
rose, and the leader of the dancers made a short speech. All the
dancers now held a bundle of cahuetes vertically with both hands
clasped about the bundle. During both speech and prayer, the music
played softly. Accompanied by a few of the fiesteros, the dancers
now left the shed and stood before the cross faced by two of the
fiesteros and the judge, who prayed briefly. After the prayer, the
dancers rattled their coccoon rattles. The fiesteros then picked up
some smoldering sticks which had been placed in readiness, and
| gave one to each dancer. Accompanied by the fiesteros, the dancers
went off a little distance and fired three or four cahuetes apiece, ignit-
ing them from the stick of smoldering wood, which they passed to
the fiesteros on the return to the cross.

Reentering the dance shed, the dancers now danced three times

toward the musicians at the north, then three times toward the mu-

142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

sicians at the south. They then put their masks in front of their
faces and danced to the music of the drum and flute, the deer dancer
also dancing. Suddenly, at a signal I did not see, the audience broke
and ran. The dancers seized the gourd resonators, filled them with
the water from the gourd water drum and, pursuing the spectators,
threw the water after them. In the commotion, one dancer then
pulled the wooden bowl of the water drum out of the ground and
spilled the water. Then the dancers ran behind the fiestero’s shed,
charging after small boys on the way and performing numerous
antics. The bearer of the banner and two fiesteros bearing batons
stood behind the cross for a few minutes while the other fiesteros
gathered up the mats and musical instruments, placing them under
their shed. The banner was then furled and leaned against the cross.

Atole (banndri) was served during these concluding moments, the
dancers being served first, then everyone who wished it. Bread and
tortillas were also handed out, the serving all being done by the fies-
teros. The atole was made of wheat flour and panoche (unrefined
brown sugar), kaka, cooked to a thick mush. As the eating of the
atole began, a few cahuetes were fired off. The eating of the atole
concluded the official part of the fiesta.

A fiesta was held at Bacavachi on March 21 called the fiesta of
the Rosary (Virgin del Rosario). Informants there insisted it was
the same fiesta as the Bahito of Pueblo Viejo, but this is undoubtedly
incorrect. The fiesteros of Christ held a small fiesta at Bacavachi
the previous night. Saturday morning the dancers for the ensuing
fiesta were all assembled at one of the houses in the village. At Baca-
vachi it was said that if one ate from a certain special olla of atole
or bakavaki, one was obligated to furnish two ollas of the same food
for the next fiesta.

The final fiesta of San Juan is held on San Juan’s Day, June 24.
It appears to be the only fiesta for San Juan which has a fixed date.
It differs from the hisimo only in that it is on a much grander scale
and has many preparatory rites. (This fiesta was not observed; the
data are from informants.)

Twenty days before the fiesta, the fiesteros start visiting all the
suburbs and small settlements, stopping at each house to solicit alms.
They take with them the image of San Juan and are accompanied by
the moros, or moors. The latter are composed of men and women who
have taken a vow to perform this function as a penance or as the
result of some favor they have requested. Some ride on horseback;
others go on foot. The men choose three chiefs who keep order; the
women have only one chief, it being felt that the women are less apt
to get into mischief than the men. If a man molests any of the
women, he is given a beating.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 143

The ideal order on the march (which is probably not closely kept)
is for the leaders to walk in front with the banner, followed by four
pascola dancers and a deer dancer, and then the fiesteros with the
image of San Juan. The latter are flanked on either side by the
moros on horseback and these in turn are flanked by the moros on
foot. The moros are supposed to hold hands, forming a chain.

At each house where they stop, prayers are said on arriving and
leaving and cahwetes and bombs are fired. At each house where they
spend the night, the group makes a small fiesta, and at each house
where they spend the noonday sesta, there is a short small fiesta.
The company is usually invited to some particular house whose owner
has taken a vow to give a small fiesta at this time.

Ideally, the dancers are supposed to accompany the party all the
time and to perform at all these occasions. Actually, it sometimes
proves too expensive to pay for so much service. Consequently, the
dancing at the small fiestas is often impromptu, performed by the
accompanying moros.

The moros on horseback and those on foot at some point perform
a mock battle. The precise time and circumstances, I could not de-
termine. The accounts given seemed to indicate it was a more or
less continuous affair, but a fight lasting over 20 days is hard to
imagine. The moros are given roosters at the various houses where
they stop, and the battle consists of the two sides hitting each other
over the head and shoulders with the roosters grasped firmly by the
neck. The roosters are alive at the start of the battle. Presum-
ably, the remains are eaten later.

According to some, the fiesta of San Juan begins on a Friday (this
does not agree with its being a fixed date fiesta) and continues until
Sunday. Its details appear to be the same in the main as the other
fiestas; at least it was generally considered a waste of time to tell
me the details, a resolution from which the informants could not
be budged. The end of the fiesta was marked by the induction of
the novices to the status of fiesteros for the coming year.

The nature of the induction could be learned only in a general way.
It takes place in the space between the two dance and fiestero ramadas
or sheds. The new fiesteros are given the staffs of office. The chief
fiestero gives his successor a new pottery bull (pasco foro) of the kind
used in the bahito. This bull is inscribed on the left hindquarter
with the initials of the retiring fiestero. The bull is kept by the
chief fiestero on his retirement from office, a new one being made
and passed on each year. The use of the bull seems to be widespread,
as I observed a broken specimen in a niche in the church at Batacosa.

The bowl on the back of the bull is decorated on the inside with a
curvilinear design in red on a buff slip. The same type of decora-

144. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

tion was observed on the inside of the bowls in which food is served
for the bahito as well as in the bowls filled with tobacco which are
placed in front of the women at one point in the same ceremony.
They are the only attempts at decoration observed on Mayo pottery.

On the day of San Juan, certain personal observances were re-
quired. Everyone bathed in the river early in the morning, the
men in one place, the women in another, the boys in a third, and the
girls in a fourth. This is now ignored by most people. Formerly
some ritual accompanied the bathing. People arrived at the river
about 3 o’clock in the morning. When on the point of entering the
water, they said, “God has permitted us to arrive at this day.” Once in
the water, they splashed water at one another, striking the water
with the palm of the hand, strongly, singing in one tone, “San Huanta
bapo yéwe (Saint John playing in the water)”. After repeating
the phrase three times, the bathers left the water and returned home,
where they prayed.

THE FIESTAS OF CHRIST AND THE VIRGIN

The cycle of ceremonies culminating in the fiesta of the Sabado de
Gloria (Easter Saturday) begins on the first Friday of Lent. On this
day, the fariseos have their first meeting to organize and arrange for
their part in the events to come. There is a procession (k6énti) about
4 o’clock in the afternoon, in which images of Christ and the Virgin
are taken from the church out to the edge of the village, visiting the 14
stations of the cross. The final station is marked by 3 crosses known as
the calvario, or calvary. Each station is marked with a temporary
cross (or a cross is carried and put down at each station in some towns).
At Masiaca there are 8 permanent crosses planted beside the road at
the point of the last stop.

These processions are repeated each Friday of Lent. At the early
ones only a few of the fariseos or clowns are in attendance, but the
numbers increase each week. The clowns follow and burlesque the
procession and pretend at the same time to be seeking and following
the footsteps of Christ. Before the procession starts, they indulge in
antics before the church.

In 1981 the first Friday procession was observed at San Ignacio on
February 27. About 3 o’clock, the fiesteros of Christ began to arrive
and the church bells were sounded. The ringing of the bells was re-
peated at about 4. During this time, the crowd assembled. The ma-
jority seated themselves under the ramada forming the major portion
of the church. The fiesteros assembled under a couple of trees near
the cross before the church. Each fiestero knelt and prayed before
the cross and again before the bells as he arrived. Then he greeted the
earlier arrivals, Those who already had donned their rosaries ex-

Braxs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 145

tended the cross in the right hand; the other person either touched the
cross with the right hand or touched it with his own cross. If neither
had a cross, they touched hands.

Staffs for the canopies to be held over the images and the banners
of Christ and San Juan were brought out and tied upright to the cross,
the bases resting on a low four-legged stool. ‘The men, as they arrived,
removed their hats and put bandannas on their heads. The hats were
laid on a fine palm-fiber mat, which was later wrapped about them and
carried into the church. About 4 o’clock, the fariseos came running
down the road, frightening the children and dogs. Their drum was
beaten. After a few minutes of horseplay, the fariseos retired behind
the church and unmasked. ‘There they were joined by late arrivals.

The altar was opened and both Mexicans and Indians entered and
prayed. About 4:30, the crowd had grown considerably, and the pro-
cession was formed. Canopies, made of cheap cotton squares tied to
the ends of four long canes, were held in position in front of the church.
The first canopy was carried by men or boys, the other two by women.
The bearers were hastily selected on the spur of the moment from the
crowd around. Most of the fiesteros formed in two lines facing the
church. Three boys came out of the church carrying a cross and two
large old wooden candlesticks. They took a position between the
- canopies and the fiesteros. They were preceded by a small boy with a
_ bell. A moment later a man joined the boys, carrying a cross about 4
feet high, newly made out of peeled cottonwood sticks.

Women carried two images of the Virgin out of the altar section of
the church and held them a while on the east side of the church. A
number of women came up and kissed the feet of the images. The
fiesteros before the church knelt and prayed, rose, advanced a few
steps, knelt, and prayed again. The image of Christ, a smaller figure,
was brought to the door of the altar room. Two men knelt and prayed
to it, then led the way toward the front of the church, chanting. A
woman followed them, singing, until the image reached its position
under the foremost canopy. The bearers of the two Virgins followed
to their position beneath the two other canopies. The bell carried by
the small boy was rung, the fiesteros knelt and prayed. Then they
rose, and the procession started forward.

The order was as follows: The bearer of the new cross first, the bell,
cross, and candlesticks, the fiesteros with their staffs and banners, the
white banner of Christ in the middle and the red banner of San Juan
at one side, then a man bearing a palm-fiber mat, the maestros and
the singer, and then the images. The man with the cross, who led the
way, stopped and planted his cross on the ground at more or less regu-
Jar intervals. Everyone in advance of the image of Christ stopped,
the mat was spread out on the ground for the bearers of the image

146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 142

to stand upon (this feature was not seen anywhere else), and every-
one knelt except the bearers of the images and the canopies. The —

maestro prayed or rather chanted at considerable length in Spanish.
After several minutes, everyone arose and the procession went on, the
bell ringing and the singer singing in a doleful high voice.

When the procession was well away from the church, the fariseos
came running from behind the building. Some ran part way into
the open part of the church, others to the cross, all peering appre-
hensively about. For a moment they burlesqued the ceremonies

that had taken place in front of the church. Then others pretended —
to find footsteps and all went off in pursuit of the procession, perform-

ing ridiculous antics and occasionally burlesquing the religious pro-
ceedings. They followed the procession until it returned to the
church.

The processions on the other Fridays resembled this one closely
except that the number of fariseos increased each time. The proces-
sions at other pueblos also seemed to follow the same general lines;
in fact, at most places they seemed identical. At Pueblo Viejo, a
few slight differences were noted. In the first place, the fariseos

were fewer in number.and much less extravagant in their perform- |
ances. Instead of following the procession, they walked quietly be-

side the images. In addition, two fariseos walked close to the Christ
image, holding their lances crossed over its head.

At Bacavachi, an old man, who subsequently represents Christ in
the Easter week ceremonies, is taken to the church by the fariseos

two Fridays before Easter. He is said to be “introduced,” or pre- —

sented. He is also paid a sum of money as a retaining fee.

Three or four weeks before Easter Saturday, the fiesteros and fari- _

seos begin begging trips. The image of Christ is carried with them
by the chief fiestero, wearing a white apron. The party goes from
house to house begging alms. Money and food are given and often

the fariseos are given a flower or two to wear on their masks. Daily

attendance is not required of the fiesteros. The banner is always

carried. The kobandro or his assistant always accompanies the im- |

age. The money and supplies secured during the begging trips
are used to defray the expenses of the fiestas. At the close of the
year, anything left over is devoted to the decorations and altars of

Christ and the Virgin or of the church in general. Surpluses are |

never large, as the fiestas involve very heavy expenses for the large
quantities of food required and to pay the dancers and musicians.

At midday, the image of Christ is taken to a house and placed |

on a temporary altar under the ramada while the party rests. This
is also done at night. These stops are called, respectively, siestas
and velacténes (amabdéyi). At night, also, fiestas are sometimes held.
The image and its party are invited to the various houses for these

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 147

rests. Sometime during the preceding year the host has made a vow
to offer his hospitality. Should he have taken a vow to give a fiesta,
this will be done, the householder standing the expenses. Other
people may accompany the image on its visits as a result of a vow to
do so for so many days.** These people and the fariseos perform
such necessary work as chopping wood and carrying water during
the noon and evening stops.

For the szesta, as a minimum, the householder will arrange an altar
and sweep up his house. In addition, he may erect arches of cane
leading to the shade and supply food to the party. The last 2 weeks
of Lent he may invite the matachini to come and dance. He does
not pay them, nor necessarily feed them. Matachini may also be
invited in the evening even when there is a fiesta.

The nature of the velacién varies to some extent with the circum-
stances of the individual at whose house it is held. Usually this
person has taken some sort of vow to hold the velacién and makes
it as elaborate as his circumstances allow. <A different rancheria is
selected each night and in case more than one person has made a
vow, the velacién might start in one house during the afternoon and
be completed at another house in the evening. In some cases a small
fiesta is held.

A velacién witnessed at Tetanchopo near San Ignacio consisted
simply of burning candles before the image, which rested on a tempo-
rary altar decorated with paper flowers. A dish in front of the
image received the alms. The fiesteros sat or lay about the house
while the fariseos stayed some distance in front under some trees.
The masks and other accoutrements were laid on the ground or on a
bush directly in front of the house, but about 30 feet away. The
burning of candles continued from about noon until the following
morning, when the group departed to continue soliciting alms from
house to house.

During the soliciting of alms, the fariseos trail behind the fiesteros
who bear the image. The image is taken into each house and prayers
are said. The householders frequently prepare a temporary altar on
which the image is placed. Alms of some sort, either in cash or food,
must be given. Once, when I met a procession on the road, I offered
a few cents in alms, whereupon the image was thrust into the car
for my benefit.

A more elaborate type of velacién was seen on the night of March
8, 1931, in a rancheria called Makochin some miles down the river from
San Ignacio. About sundown, the image of Christ was brought up
the road from Chucarit, borne by the fiesteros but accompanied by

36It was only after discovering this fact and making a vow that I was accepted in the
fiestas and processions.

148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

the fariseos. It was placed in a temporary chapel made of cotton
cloth stretched over a framework to the east of the house. The
fariseos doffed their masks and put them on their staffs or swords,
which were stuck upright in the ground. Between the temporary
chapel and the dance shed were six arches made of canes stuck in
the ground with their ends tied together. ‘The shed was walled only
on the west side, but was practically against the house on the north.
The west wall was divided into two parts. Against the north half
of the wall, an altar was erected, sheltered by mats. Two violinists
and a woman harpist sat on a bench against the wall south of the
altar. The drummer sat on the ground against a board set in the
earth at a slight angle near the southeast corner of the shed. A bench
for spectators was put along the south side of the shed. The entire
arrangement resembled that made for the ceremonies connected with
a Yaqui funeral. (See p. 76 et seq.)

Shortly after sundown, the first pascola arrived. The musie had
already started playing. The pascola wore his mask and was led
like a blind man at the end of a stick by a fiestero. The fiestero led
the dancer about the dance shed two times and then before the altar.
Here the dancer pushed his mask aside and both knelt and prayed.
Replacing his mask, the pascola was led three times more about the
dance space and then to the cross in front of the shed. He again
pushed his mask aside and prayed, this time without kneeling. He
was then given a stick of smoldering wood and several cahuetes, which
he fired off at a little distance from the shed. Returning to the cross,
he replaced his mask and was led again to the dance shed. ‘There
the fiestero left him with his stick.

The dancer now addressed the musicians. After a few words, he
placed the end of his stick into the lower hole in the sounding box
of the harp. This he addressed for several minutes, prodding around
in the sound box with the stick. He then went to the south center
post of the shed where he spoke for a short time, after which he marked
across on the ground. This he repeated at the east, north, and west
sides of the shed. He then disposed of his stick by pushing it into
the roof.

The pascola spoke to the musicians again. They speeded up the
tempo of the music and he danced a few steps, then stopped and
harangued the musicians. Then the musicians stopped and the drum-
mer began to play. The dancer again performed, stopping at intervals
to address the drummer. To both musicians and drummer, his words
were to the effect that they weren’t doing very well and would have
to play better than that if the evening were to be a success. At the
conclusion of this, he put his mask aside, the stringed instruments
began to play, and he started dancing in earnest.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 149

A short time after this, the image of Christ was brought and placed
on the altar prepared under the ramada. Various people came and
prayed before the image. The fariseos then moved their masks and
sticks to a point a few feet back of the cross before the shed and
dispersed, leaving two men to guard them. The latter promptly lay
down and slept between the masks and the cross.

During these events, the women were preparing food, which was
eaten later in the evening. As this was a small fiesta, only two pascola
dancers took part in the dancing. Otherwise the subsequent proce-
dures were very similar to those of the large fiestas. The ceremony
lasted through the night. In the morning, the fiesteros and fariseos
went forth to beg.

Near Navojoa, March 7, 1932, a simple velacién without a fiesta
was observed. (See fig. 25.) The house was swept clean and a tempo-
rary altar made against the house wall beneath the shade. Five arches
of cane were erected, making a pathway leading toward the road.
Two fariseos arrived in advance of the rest and ran around the house
to see that everything was in readiness. They then began indulging
in horseplay before the house, to the delight of innumerable children.
After about 15 minutes, the procession appeared with a number of
fariseos in advance. ‘The party consisted of the fiesteros, the kobanaro
(who had taken a vow to accompany the image for 10 days or he
would not have been in attendance), the first assistant kobandaro,
who kept close by the image all the time, the sargento, maestro, singer,
and several other people who had taken vows to accompany the image.
A number of people waited to receive the image, in this case, all women.
As soon as the image was placed on a temporary altar before a cross
facing down the row of cane arches, these women knelt and kissed
the image. Prayers and songs were given by the maestro at appropri-
ate places, the sargento ringing a bell which had been left at the house
for this purpose. While this went on, the fiesteros knelt behind the
image, while the maestro, sargento, singers, and the women who re-
ceived knelt or stood in front. During and after this ritual, the
fariseos indulged in various antics for about half an hour. The
fiesteros (who had been sitting on the ground by the image) then rose,
and the image was taken to the altar under the shed. The fariseos
formed a line on each side and made a “fence” with their spears
or lances, beating their machetes on them at the same time. The
fiesteros made one circuit of the regular house cross on their way to the
altar. Before the altar, all except the fariseos knelt, and there were
lengthy prayers and songs by the maestro and singers. Theoretically,
the image was carried to the house by the master of the house, but I

did not notice this nor see the usual ritual of passing the image
about his head before the procession started toward the house. The
530583—45——11

150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

remainder of the night was spent in resting and watching the image,
before which candles were kept burning.

The following night there was a velacién with a fiesta. As it was
the only one to which I had a specific invitation by the host, I had

unusually good opportunities for observation and witnessed numerous

details which were perhaps a part of other fiestas of this nature but
which were not seen before. (Cf. description of similar fiesta in
Makochin above.)

The beginning of the fiesta was identical with that of the previous
night. The dancers were fed at a table near the kitchen before dress-

ing inside the house. While the dancers dressed, a follower of the |

image who acted as an alawasi or servant for the night, set up a
board for the drummer to lean against and the musicians took their
places. The first pascola was led into the dance place with his mask

over his face and was “shown” the dance place (fig. 25,6). He was —

Fieur® 25.—Plan of velacién. a, Musicians. 6, Dance floor. c, Door of house.
d, Location of altar table and saint. The walls on each side are temporary.

led with a stick which he held in his right hand, the other end being
held by an alawasi appointed by the householder. Uttering shrill
falsetto cries, the pascola was led twice around the dance place, once
around the left front post of the shed, and then before the altar, where

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 151

he removed his mask. The image had not yet been brought to the
altar. Consequently, he kissed a white bundle on the altar after
kneeling. This bundle contained white sheets and other parapher-
nalia always carried with the image to decorate the altar should the
preparations of the householder be inadequate. The pascola replaced
his mask and was led back to the dance place, where he engaged in a
long monologue, poking about in the holes in the sounding box of
the harp with his stick, and occasionally uttering high-pitched cries as
before. He then marked three crosses about the dance place, the last
before the harp, talking for a time at each place. He then removed
his mask and was given half a dozen cahuetes, which he fired from a
spot indicated by the alawasi. He returned, donned his mask, and
danced a few steps before each of the musicians, talking to each one.
He then placed the staff or stick in the roof and the real dancing
started. (It should be noted that the order of this procedure was not
quite customary. See the description of the pascola dancers for the
customary procedure and also for the character of his conversation
during this part of the ceremony.)

The movements of the pascola during the opening part of the cere-
monies were imitated by the fariseos under the other part of the shed
reserved for the image of the saint. They imitated the bringing in
of the pascola, the entire group entering in single file, holding on to
each other’s lances. Later they imitated the dancing. They pretended
to be frightened, and rushed out of the shed in a wild stampede every
minute or so, only to return and begin their imitation anew.

Somewhat later the image was brought to the altar, as on the pre-
vious evening. The maestro sang, and, in addition, the pascola danced
before the image, unmasked, while the violinists and drummer played.
From time to time, the dancers uttered characteristic high-pitched
cries. The chief dancer led the way to the altar and was the first to
kneel before the image. There were lengthy prayers and songs, the
householder remaining on his knees throughout. The songs contin-
ued for a time after the maestro left. The fariseos surrounded the
group at the altar, tapping their lances with their machetes, their
drummer tapping the drum slowly three times at the end of each
song.

The dancing now began in earnest and a crowd formed about the
dance place. The householder invited various friends and guests to
have bread and coffee at the table where the dancers and musicians
had eaten.

About 10 o’clock, the worshippers moved from their position in
front of the altar where they had been sitting and kneeling on mats.
The audience was also moved back some distance from the dance place.
The assistant kobanaro rose from his seat beside the altar (left) and

152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 142

extinguished the candles, leaving only the light of two kerosene
lamps. The fariseo leader placed two fariseos on guard. They and
their successors took ludicrous pains to keep their lances crossed be-
fore the altar, either in their hands or leaning against the enclosure.
The leader showed each pair the altar and pretended to whisper in-
structions in their ears. Each fariseo made elaborate counting mo-
tions as though checking the contents of the altar. This was re-
peated at the most incongruous moments possible. The guards then
took turns imitating the pascola and deer dancer. One imitated the
musicians appropriate to each dance; the other, the dancer. All wore
tendvares and carried a crude imitation of the sonazo. The two
gourd rattles used for the deer dance were imitated by rattles of dried
bull’s scrota. The drum and flute were imitated by using one machete
as a flute and that of the other guard as a drumstick, the staff or
lance serving as a drum. The position of the hands was, of course,
reversed as fariseos must do things backward. The notched rasping
sticks (for the deer dancer, although no real deer dancer was actually
present) were imitated with machete and lance in the wrong hands
and the scraping was in the wrong direction. Everything possible,
such as the playing of instruments and the use of rattles, was done
with the left hand. Some laughter was occasioned by a young boy
who began to use the rattle in his right hand and was promptly
corrected by another fariseo.

If the fariseo dancing did not watch, the one imitating the musicians
would forget to “play.” He counted the objects on the altar, or
simply watched the other dance until he was reminded by a pretended
or threatened blow by the dancer; then the musician would “play”
strenuously for a few moments. Sometimes both stopped and counted
furiously. Both were subject to sudden frights and would jump to
one side. During rest periods, the pascola shouted at the fariseo
guards or rattled their tenévares to throw the fariseos into confusion.
The fariseos also peered about to see what the dancers and musicians
were doing; each action observed was elaborately burlesqued. The
pascola dancers frequently shouted that the prisoner was escaping.
Then the guards were thrown into wild confusion until they had satis-
fied themselves everything was in order. After this went on for a
short while, one of the guards left while the other made frantic ges-
tures of vigilance. When the other returned, he made a pretence of
passing money to the one who had stayed. Later this was repeated
by the other guard.

After a time the two guards were relieved. The leader appeared
with two new guards, accompanied by the drummer of the fariseos
playing a marching rhythm on his drum. The guards, when they
heard the drum, began to check up frantically on the objects on the

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS i

altar. Each shook hands with the guard who relieved him (with the
left hand) and gave a burlesque of the embrace, dancing about some-
what vulgarly. In several cases, the handshaking was burlesqued, and
in at least one case, the back of the hand was kissed as described by
Parsons for Oaxaca (Parsons, 1936, p. 89). Finally, the leader
whispered in each new guard’s “ear,” indicated the altar, and departed.

As the night wore on, the gestures and comments became more
obscene. About 12 o’clock, a small stuffed ocelot was introduced by
ene of the fariseos not on guard. It was treated with little rever-
ence, being used to frighten the guards or used by them to threaten the
pascola dancers.

About 12:30 the antics of the clowns were becoming even less re-
strained, when the leader of the fariseos unceremoniously ordered
them all out. They all dropped down, unblanketed, by small fires in
the yard for a few hours’ sleep.

During the guarding of the altar, each fariseo danced the pascola
dance for a time in the dance place. Each danced unmasked and ap-
parently in all seriousness. That this was definitely a ritual per-
formance was indicated clearly when a young man of the audience,
carried away by the music and the hypnotic quality of the dance,
began dancing. He was promptly pushed off the dance floor by an
alawasi.

While the fariseos guarded the altar, a bench was placed on the
left. for the women who had previously been sitting on the ground
before the altar. The candles were relighted after the fariseos left
the altar.

A siesta or noonday rest period with matachini was observed at
Chibuku, March 10, 1932. The house was swept and the house altar
prepared under the shade, as previously described. The matachini
arrived first and began dancing in front of the house cross. From
beyond the dance place, a line of cane arches extended to a neighbor-
ing house beside which a temporary cross and table had been placed.
As before, two fariseos arrived in advance of the procession to see that
all was in readiness. After one period of dancing by the matachini,
the procession arrived. The image was placed on the temporary altar
at the outer end of the row of arches. After prayers, the dancers and
musicians all greeted the image, kneeling and kissing it. The image
was then borne to the house altar by the householder and his wife,
one carrying each side. The matachini danced in front. At each
arch there was a brief halt while the maestro and singer sang, after
which a cahuete was fired. The fariseos accompanied the group on
each side, making a fence with their lances on which they beat with
their machetes.

After the image was placed on the house altar, the maestro and
singer prayed and sang, more briefly than at night. While this was

154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun,. 142

done, the matachini stood in two lines on either side with their
feather wands inclined forward, their hands in the position of prayer
(palms together). After the prayers, the dancers knelt before the
altar, two by two, prayed briefly, and then took positions facing the
altar, reversing the positions they usually held while dancing. After
all prayed, they did an about-face and the monarca led them to the
dance place, where they resumed their dancing. The matachini
danced three times. After a rest period, they danced again until
about 2:30, when the image was taken away again through the arches.
The matachini did not accompany it.

On the altar at Chibuku was an inconspicuous small square palm-
splint twilled basket with a cover containing a money offering from
the householder to the saint. It may have been present at the other
houses, but it was not noticed. The idea seemed familiar to inform-
ants. As on other occasions, the first assistant kobanaro was con-
stantly in close attendance on the image.

The same evening a fiesta was held at Chibuku. This was similar
to the fiestas described except that the matachini also danced. The
matachini performed in a space between the shed and the house cross
without reference to the activities of the pascola dancers. The house-
holder carried the image in from the outer altar to the house altar. On
this occasion, the conventional behavior was observed; the house-
holder knelt and before he carried in the image, it was passed three
times about his head in anticlockwise circuit. Here, as at the siesta
earlier in the day, the matachini knelt in a line on each side of the
altar, hands together, feather wands inclined forward while the
prayers were spoken after the image was brought to the house. Both
matachini and pascola danced before the image as it was brought into
the shed under the row of arches. On this occasion the image and the
fiesteros left before dawn to prepare for the regular Friday proces-
sion at the church in Pueblo Viejo.

March 11, the day following the above-described fiesta, is said to be
the day of the dogs. They are supposed to be tied up all day and fed
only atole. Neither dogs nor humans are supposed to eat meat on this
day, but so far as dogs are concerned, the custom seemed to be entirely
honored in the breach. During Easter week, the fiesteros and fariseos
may not eat meat. Other people do not eat meat from Thursday to
Saturday. | |

At Pueblo Viejo on the Friday of Dolores, the following details of
the start of the procession in the church were observed: The fiesteros
lined up behind the side doors of the church facing the saints. The
image of Christ was in advance, followed by two images of the Virgin.
Four fariseos in pairs crossed their staffs over the image of Christ and
the first of the images of the Virgin. The maestro knelt before the

BuAts] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 155

Christ image and prayed at length, reading from a book. The fariseos
and the bearers of the images alone remained standing during this
prayer. The fariseos turned their backs and pretended not to hear,

creating noises with their rattles, tapping their sticks, and making

various signs.

On Palm Sunday many of the Indians went to the white churches.
They brought back palms from which they made a little cross to tie tc
the door posts or other posts of their houses. The Indian churches
were open, but were occupied only by the fiesteros. The latter put in
quite a bit of time cleaning up the church and the grounds in front
for the ceremonies of the ensuing week. About 11 o’clock in the morn-
ing they took the banners to the white church where they were “bap-
tized,” that is, blessed by the priest. New banners and tobacco pouches
were also taken to church. This was evidently done sub rosa, the
objects being concealed in the audience so far as I could observe. The
remainder of the Easter ceremonies were observed only in 1931.

On Wednesday night of Easter Week, April 1, 1931, candles were
burned before the Christ image in the church at Pueblo Viejo. About
10 o’clock, several of the male fiesteros went out and cut cottonwood
branches with which to decorate the church for the ceremonies the
following day. A square in front of the church was also outlined
with green leaves, the cross before the church being in the center of
the outer line. The purpose of this square I was unable to learn.
The following morning it had been removed and the ground cleanly
swept. The church doors were closed throughout the night. Un-
doubtedly, the Tenebrae were celebrated during the night, but outsid-
ers were not admitted and all informants claimed to be ignorant of
the ceremonies. I suspect there was a whipping ceremony like that
of the Yaqui (p. 171) performed in secret to avoid interference or
comment by the Mexicans.

On Thursday, the first of the public Easter Week ceremonies oc-
curred. Owing to a difference in time, I was able to see the ceremonies
both at Navojoa and San Ignacio. Inasmuch as the ceremonies dif-
fered slightly in detail, I am describing both.

The fiesta at Pueblo Viejo occurred first. The church was opened
shortly after noon and the fiesteros gathered early. About 2 o’clock,
the fariseos appeared from the west with an old man who was to
impersonate Christ. He wore a crown of “thorns” on his head and
was led by a rope about his waist. For a while he was tied to the cross
before the church by one end of the rope. Later he was led inside.
There he sat on a mat near the door facing the entrance with two
fariseos behind him as a guard. The latter indulged in their usual
antics, pretended to sharpen their swords and made meaningful ges-
tures at the old man. On the floor before him was a dish for alms;

156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 142

whenever anyone made a contribution, the fariseos abandoned their
antics long enough to make gestures of thanks. This money was given
to the old man.

Meanwhile, all the other fariseos went to the north side of the church,
where they unmasked. Several of them assisted in the decoration of
the horse on which Pilate was to ride. This took place out of sight
in the yard of the adjoining house. Paper flowers were tied to the
saddle, bridle, mane, and tail. Cocoon rattles were wrapped about
the lower forelegs, and a pascola rattle belt was placed about the neck.
The final adornment was the attachment of mirrors to the tail and over
the forehead of the horse. The impersonator of Pilate wore a heavy
black veil over his face and carried a spear with a huge black head
made of cloth.

During these preparations, the church gradually filled with a chang-
ing crowd which entered to pray to the various saints and the Christ
image. For a time a small boy stood outside the church rattling a
metraca, a board to which had been attached two old-fashioned bureau-
drawer handles.

Pilate now rode out and around the plaza in a clockwise direction.
He was accompanied by two fariseos who ran along side “riding”
their spears or staves and hanging by one hand to a loop of rope slung
over the saddle horn. Returning, Pilate entered the yard beside the
church once more. He was said to be celebrating his victory over
Christ.

After an interval, the old man impersonating Christ was led out of
church, preceded by a fiestero bearing the banner of Christ, and accom-
panied by other fiesteros. The fariseos stood guard over them all and
the rope was still kept about the old man’s waist. He was first led
three times about the cross before the church and then around the
plaza in a counterclockwise direction opposite to that followed by
Pilate. Returning, the old man went once about the cross and re-
entered the church, accompanied by his two fariseo guards. Shortly
after, Pilate rode about the plaza again accompanied by the two
fariseos.

Later the old man was brought before the church and Pilate rode
up to him on his horse and then made the horse back away, repeating
this numerous times. He was said to be mocking Christ. There ap-
parently was no procession.

The ceremony at San Ignacio began much later and was more elab-
orate. When I arrived, the canopies for the image of Christ and the
two images of the Virgin were in position before the church. The
fiesteros were kneeling before the cross in front of the church. The
fariseos were on the east side of the church. The wands and crowns
of the matachini were hung against the outside wall of the west side

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 157

of the building. A horse was brought in and decorated by the fariseos
in the same manner as at Pueblo Viejo, except its mane and tail were
braided and no mirrors were used. Pilate wore a black veil also, but
his black-headed staff looked more like a scepter than a spear. When
the preparations were completed, he mounted and, accompanied by the
fariseos, rode off to bring the old man representing Christ.

In the interval, the matachini donned their crowns and lined up
in double file west of the church door. Included in their number were
two boys and a girl of perhaps 14, the latter clad in a white dress.
The old man representing Christ was now led in, naked to the waist,
and wearing a rosary. His arms were bound and he was seated before
the cross facing the church. The fariseos formed two lines between
the cross and the church.

A girl of about 15 impersonated Veronica. She was dressed in
white and wore a white cloth fastened over her head in a style resem-
bling the Arab headdress. She brought a jar of water from which
she gave the old man a drink and then ran out of the church yard and
down the road. The fariseos suddenly fell on their faces and writhed
in the dirt. The old man’s arms were released and, accompanied by
a man bearing a cross about 3 feet high, he walked down the road
following the route taken by the girl. The girl also carried a cross of
palm leaves about 18 inches high, while the old man carried a smaller
cross of the same material. When they were some distance down the
road, the fariseos rose to their feet and ran in pursuit, accompanied by
Pilate on horseback. The “Christ” was captured about two blocks
down the road. The girl was unmolested and returned to the church
from the opposite direction. She made a circuit of some 8 or 10
blocks, running all the way.

The fariseos followed the same route as the girl. As they ap-
proached the church, they forced the old man to crawl on his hands
and knees for several feet, repeating this several times. In the in-
tervals they pretended to strike him. Two of them held on to a rope
which had been tied about his waist and pretended to drag back on
it. The man with the cross, who had accompanied him and was said
to represent an apostle, held the rope with one hand so that none of
the jerks and haulings on the rope reached the old man. ‘The proces-
sion entered the church yard and the old man returned to his posi-
tion before the cross, walking over two blankets which had been spread
on the ground and between the files of the matachini.

The old man now sat before the cross with a blue bandanna hand-
kerchief spread on the ground to receive alms. Most of the audience
made contributions. As people did so, the fariseos made derisive and
often obscene gestures, particularly when the person stooped to place
alms in the bandanna. When no more alms were forthcoming, the

158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu, 142

money was tied up in the handkerchief and hung about the old man’s
neck. He went into the church, and immediately afterward a large
image of Christ on the cross was carried out and held beneath the
front canopy.

The procession now formed and started immediately, the Christ
image being carried ahead, followed by the images of Saint Paul, San
Juan, the Virgin (two images), and the remainder of the 13 apostles,
including Judas. As in previous processions, the fiesteros went in
front, but on this occasion the matachini followed the maestro and the
singer. This procession followed the same route previously taken by
the old man in his flight and capture. On the return to the church,
the images were put in their places and the ceremonies were over. The
following day another procession was scheduled to follow the route
of the regular Friday afternoon processions. Friday night candles
were to be burned in the church all night.

The Friday activities at Pueblo Viejo were different from those
scheduled for San Ignacio. About midafternoon, Pilate, his horse
decorated as before, rode around the plaza twice and then rode up
to the cross before the church. Turning, he rode 20 or 30 feet away,
then back to the cross. He did this three times, then repeated the
cycle three times after a short interval. A few minutes later Pilate
appeared again and repeated the above 40 or 50 times until the proces-
sion appeared.

Sometime earlier, an image of Christ had been laid out in a glass
coffin borrowed from a Mexican undertaker. The coffin and the bier
on which it rested were simply but richly decorated with flowers. The
fiesteros, and many others who entered the church, knelt before the
bier and women sang at length, being answered by women in an inner
room of the church. After lengthy prayers, the bier was carried out-
side and the procession started. An image of the Virgin dressed in
black was also carried.

Outside the church, the procession circled the cross three times.
As at previous affairs, the alawdsi circled in a clockwise direction
contrary to that followed by the others. The procession now split up,
the bier and most of the fiesteros going east from the church, the image
of the Virgin, preceded by Pilate, going in a northerly direction. Both
parties made a circuit of several blocks, meeting in the middle. Two
fariseos accompanied the Virgin, with their staffs crossed over the
image. Two others walked with their staffs crossed over the bier; the
rest of the fariseos walked on either side. Both processions returned ©
at the same time, circled the cross, and entered the chuch. The fariseos
played about the cross for a while and then retired. The crowd then
dispersed.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 159

In the evening candles were burned before the bier and the mata-
chini danced in the church for a short time. This was, I think, the
first appearance at the church of the matachini of Pueblo Viejo.

By shortly after 9 o’clock the following morning, Saturday, every-
thing was in readiness at Pueblo Viejo for the great festival. The
plaza was filled with people, not only Indians but Mexicans. Women
and children were selling eggshells filled with
confetti to be used later. Beyond the cross
was a big pile of brush on which to burn the
masks and equipment of the fariseos and be-
fore it a pile of smoking coals to start the fire.
The church was already filled, but many still
managed to squeeze in.

The entire altar end of the church was
screened off by cloths hanging from a rope.
Two men stood on the railing of the altar
awaiting the signal to drop the curtains.
Down the center of the church were lined up
the various functionaries. Nearest the cur-
tain were the matachini in two lines with the
pascola dancers sitting on the floor between f f
them. Next were the fariseos, roughly in two
lines, with their leader standing and walking
about between them. Beyond these were the
fiesteros, the banner of Christ on the north
side, the banner of San Juan on the south.
(See fig. 26.) From time to time the fariseos

FigurE 26.—Plan of Pueblo

moved about, rattling their sticks or making
gestures at the crowd. The audience was well
equipped with baskets of green leaves and
eggshells filled with confetti.

After an interval, women began singing be-
hind the curtain. This continued for 15 or
20 minutes. It became stifling hot within the

Viejo Church on .Haster
Saturday. a, Altar. 0,
Curtain before altar. 6,
Pascola and deer dancers.
d, Matachini. e, Clowns
or fariseos. f, Fiesteros,
those of Christ on the
right, those of San Juan
on the left.

church. The leader of the fariseos began
walking about impatiently, making motions for the curtain to be drawn

aside. He became more and more insistent. Finally, the curtain was

dropped, revealing nothing but empty space behind.

Instantly the church was in pandemonium. The singing burst forth
in renewed volume with a triumphant note. The fariseos leaped to
their feet and dashed pell mell from the church. People raised a great
shout of “Gloria, Gloria,” and began pelting one another with green
leaves and smashing the eggs over one another’s heads, rubbing the

160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

confetti in, and crying, “Gloria.” The pascola dancers rushed to the
door of the church and back, bearing large baskets of green leaves
with which they pelted the crowd. They were in turn deluged with
leaves and confetti. This went on for some time, the pascola running
back and forth between the two lines in the center of the church.
At last the crowd began to thin out. Musicians took their places on
the south side of the church near the front, and the matachini began
dancing.

Outside the church, people were likewise pelting one another with
confetti, mostly in eggshells. The fariseos had rushed to the pile
of brush and stripped themselves of their masks, swords, and other
paraphernalia, throwing them on the pile. The brush was ignited,
while the fariseos threw themselves face down on the ground in a
long row, heads toward the cross. Beside each sat a woman who
shaded his head from the sun, while on the other side a man fanned
him gently, loosening the encircling blanket from time to time to
allow the air to enter. These were the new godmother and godfather
of each fariseo. After a half hour or more the fariseos were taken
into the church and were baptized again. Benches were placed north
of the entrance to the church for the musicians, and the pascola
began dancing.

About 11 o’clock the crowd began to thin out. The pascola dancers
removed their activities to the ramada in the dance plaza. There
they continued dancing rather desultorily throughout the afternoon.
During the afternoon, the fiesteros made preparations for the fiesta of
that night.

The fiesta at night followed the usual lines already described.
The matachini added an extra note. They began dancing in the
church at about 9 in the evening. While the castéllos burned, they
stood in two files on each side of the fiesteros. The following day,
Sunday, “Gloria” was sung again in the church, but I have no details
of the ceremony, as I missed it. The new fiesteros for the next year
were inducted at the close of the fiesta in the afternoon.

An account of the Easter Week festivals by the chief fiestera at
Pueblo Viejo presents some interesting differences from the actually
observed performances. According to the informant, on the Friday
of Dolores the image of Christ was brought to church to visit after
seeking alms all week. This seeking of alms was called the kénti
(those who go running); others applied this term to the Friday
processions. The arrival at church was about noon, and, aided by
the fiesteros of San Juan, the fiesteros prayed and sang in the church.
About 1:30 the images of the saints were placed on platforms for
the procession. After arraying the images, the fiesteros prayed and
sang three times. After this day, there was no more begging (but

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 161

despite this statement, I observed fariseos begging the following
Monday).

Candles were burned before the image of the Christ from Wednes-
day night until Easter Saturday. This period of waiting is called
the visita. The velacién Wednesday night is performed before the
images of the apostles by the Jews (fariseos) and the fiesteros. Thurs-
day at 3 o’clock they “run the Lord” (Christ). An old man imperso-
nates Christ. There are 14 stations where he stops and sits on the back
of a Jew or fariseo. (This was not seen at either Pueblo Viejo or San
Ignacio, but is a regular Yaqui practice.) Arrived at the Calvary, the
Great Cross before the church, he sits down and is offered alms. (At
Pueblo Viejo this was done in church before the “running.”) The old
man is then freed and taken into the church, where the bier of Christ
is prepared. Candles are burned all night and a few rockets fired
during the night. During Friday night, the fiesteros feed everyone
who comes. Saturday as described was not different from what was
observed.

Sunday morning bakavaki was made for the middle of the day,
atole in the afternoon. In the afternoon, the fiesta was transferred
to the new fiesteros. The latter always eat from a separate pot, as
do the pascola dancers.

It is evident that two important points may be gleaned from this
account. One is that the chief fiestera herself was not sure of the
routine in some points, indicating the importance of the kobanaro
and sargento in the operation of the fiesta; the second is that evidently
the fiesta has undergone simplification. From the attitude of the in-
formant, it seemed clear that the latter is to be considered the major
cause of differences between her account and what actually took place.

RECENT CHANGES IN FIESTAS

Aged informants said that formerly the only outsiders permitted
at the fiestas were those who had been invited. A whole village would
be invited, the invitations being delivered in person by the kobanaro
and the judge. This function could not be delegated. The visitors
did not mingle with others at the fiesta but they sat in lines facing
one another and talked.

Up to relatively recent times, fiestas were held for the purpose of
averting or exorcising evil, and small ones were given on the slightest
provocation. The causes included such trivial ones as being wounded
by a cactus or mesquite thorn, certainly a frequent occurrence in the
habitat.

Other changes within the memory of living informants are in slight
details. Instead of placing paper flowers on the altar, fresh flowers
were placed in special pottery vases with a glazelike finish called

162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

sétori séwa. Rosaries, instead of being purchased, were carved by
hand from hardwood and dyed black with indigo. One old specimen
purchased for the University of California Museum collection included
half a dozen beads made of peari shell.

The heavy drinking accompanying the fiestas is evidently a survival
of aboriginal times. Up to a few years ago, drinking was restricted
to Sundays and fiestas. Aboriginally also, drinking was entirely in
connection with ceremonial events. While the kobanaro (or a parallel
official now vanished) still held political authority, he kept all the
weapons of the village in his house during drinking bouts. Fighting
with bare hands was not interfered with. Nevertheless, the fiestas
were policed. This is still the case today, as there are usually some
Indians delegated to police the fiestas. In some of the less “advanced”
pueblos they carry a whip made of the penis of one of the bulls
slaughtered for the fiesta. Formerly, this was universally carried
by the policemen.

VELACION OF SAN JOSE

This is an annual occurrence in San Ignacio (formerly San José
de Cohuirimpo). In 1932 it was held on March 18-19. It is evidently
a survival of the fiesta of San José. The fiestero group, if one existed,
has disappeared, and the fiesta is now conducted by the matachin1,
for this event called the Soldiers of San José. They are assisted un-
officially by the fiesteros of both San Juan and Christ and other volun-
tary helpers.

The ceremonies started after the regular Lenten Friday procession
was held. The fariseos went home after the procession, but the fies-
teros remained. The image of San José was first dressed in entirely
new garments contributed by various members of the community and
placed on the image by their donors. When the image was newly
dressed, it was placed on a table covered with an altar cloth and under
the ramada which served as a church. The old clothes were burned
later on. Late arrivals frequently tied ribbons on the image as an
offering.

About 8 or 8:30, the matachini started dancing. All the matachini
were expected to be present, although not all danced at once. There
sometimes were over 40 dancing at one time. The dancing was almost
continuous during the night and until the procession the following
morning between 9 and 10. The dance space was illumined by kero-
sene flares and by candles stuck in canes split at one end.

On either side of the altar, worshippers set some 200 candles in the
ground. Persons burning candles endeavored to stay as close to them
as possible, with resulting congestion. Others brought articles of
clothing and laid them on the altar, kneeling, praying, crossing them-
selves, and kissing the image the usual three times.

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 163

About 9, three maestros and three singers conducted long services.
They stood on a mat placed before the image but beyond the candles.
The matachini knelt throughout this service. The fiesteros knelt be-
hind the maestros. After the prayers, fiesteros and matachini in small
groups knelt, prayed, and kissed the image.

When the services were concluded, the matachini resumed dancing,
and the habit of San José was placed on various individuals by their
godparents. (It is not clear whether these were the regular god-
parents or new godparents chosen for the occasion.) These habits
were donned because of a vow made during sickness by the individual
or his relatives. The habits were made by relatives and given to the
godparents. Sometimes new sandals were donned also. In one case
a boy carried his own habit to the altar with him and gave it to
the godparents there, but usually the habits were recovered by the
godparents from the altar where they had been placed earlier. The
habits were somewhat reminiscent of the Aztec huipil, a sort of long
blouse slipped over the head and tied about the neck with a string.
The material bore flower designs. The flimsy garments were said to be
worn only a short time and then either given to some beggar or burned.

The ceremonial involved in donning the garments was complicated,
and I am not sure I have the order of the various movements correctly.
The garment was first taken from the altar. While kneeling before
the altar, the motion of crossing the godchild was made with the gar-
ment by the godparents and it was then placed on the person. Then,
the godmother holding the godchild’s forehead and the godfather
holding the back of his neck, the godchild rose and kissed the gar-
ments of San José three times. The three knelt again and first the
godmother and then the godfather took the right hand of the god-
child and made the sign of the cross on him with it. Godmother and
godfather shook hands at the end of the ceremony.

This ritual is considered a sort of confirmation. It is said also to
be done on San Juan’s day when a similar garment, colored red, is
placed on the godchild. Im this case the garment is worn for
an entire year. Those seen had an embroidered cross in the middle of
the back and another over the heart. Twice, with small children, an
actual “confirmation” was made. It occurred too unexpectedly to
get a clear view of the proceedings, but a bell was rung for the maestro
and singer who came and prayed. Money was left on the altar after-
ward. .

The general ceremonies in 1932 seemed to be in charge of a “chief”
wearing a broad leather belt, who supervised the church and altar,
but I was unable to get a clear statement of his position or functions.
He did not dance. At times he seemed to be subordinant to the leader
of the matachini. The latter certainly managed all matters connected

164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bubn, 142

with the matachini and the outer portion of the church, and gave the
order to carry in the altar near the end of the fiesta. The matachin
leader was assisted by two chicatones or whip bearers. In addition
there were two assistants to the dance leader who at times took his
place as monarca in the dance. The chicatones danced part of the
time. Other functionaries, who were apparently alawasi, wore a
miniature staff tucked in their shirt bosoms from which dangled sev-
eral red and green woolen balls about half an inch in diameter. Two
matachini stood guard on either side of the altar with wands extended
toward it. From time to time they were relieved. A chicaton led
two other matachini up to the altar, where they knelt and prayed, the
chicaton in the center. All then kissed the saint three times. The
same was done by the two guards coming off duty.

After a procession held the following morning, the matachini
danced again for about an hour. During this period, the habit was
still placed on a few people, mostly children. The close of the fiesta was
marked by taking the saint’s image into the inner room of the church,
The fiesteros and then the matachini went inside to say farewell to the
saint, kneeling, praying, and kissing the image. The matachini then
formed a large circle in the middle of the church and the monarca
thanked them in what appeared to be a set speech, telling them the
dancing had been very pretty and winding up with “dios encdkori
(thank you),” to which the circle responded, “héwi (very good),” and
a few muttered words not understood. Then the monarca spoke of the
dancing to be held the coming week and of Easter Saturday. In
this he was prompted audibly by the “chief,” who stood at his right
hand and a little behind him. There followed some discussion with the
two chicatones, who stood in the center of the circle. The monarca
then made a “thank you” speech to the musicians, standing before
them, ending, “dios encdkori,” to which they replied, “héwi.” During
this speech, the matachinis’ hats were placed in the center of the circle
in two piles. The dancers sorted them without fuss or disorder.
The circle then started to break up, but was recalled. The fiesteros
of San Juan and Christ in the meantime had formed in a line with
their backs to the inner room of the church and facing the cirele. An
opening was made in the circle at the point where the monarca had
formerly stood, so all the matachini faced the fiesteros. The sargento
made a speech of thanks to the matachini with the same ending and
response as the monarca. The fiesteros then made an anticlockwise
circuit, thanking each dancer individually, half-touching the shoulder,
and then shaking hands with the rosary held in the hand. They re-
turned to their original position, and the entire circle of matachini
made an anticlockwise circuit, saying good-bye to each fiestero with
the same handshaking as before. The circle then broke up, the
fiesteros said good-bye to one another, and the function was over.

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 165

YAQUI FIESTAS

The major fiestas of the Yaqui appear to be about the same as those
of the Mayo except that they place considerable emphasis on the
fiestas of Guadalupe and Santa Isabel (Virgin del Camino). The
latter is not represented among Mayo fiestas at all. The Easter
fiestas hold relatively a larger place in ceremonial life than the San
Juan fiesta. Although the latter is one of the more important
fiestas, it is not given in every town. All towns apparently observe
Easter and Guadalupe. Santa Isabel is observed as a tribal fiesta,
as is San Juan, although for the latter, up-river and down-river towns
each have a celebration. Probably all towns observe Noche Buena, at
least as a minor ceremony, while New Year’s Day (Circumcision of
Christ) and various other small festivals are probably held at some
or all towns. The two mentioned occur at Pascua in Arizona. In
her manuscript on Pascua ceremonies, Roz Spicer lists 101 calendrical
ceremonies, including vespers, vigils, novenas, and other minor rituals.
In addition, the same year there were 45 Sunday services and 54 non-
calendrical fiestas such as marriages, funerals, novenas, fiestas de
promesa (fiestas resulting from vows), making a total of 200. Pascua
is a mixed village and apparently makes some effort to perform the
special ceremonies of all the river towns. Consequently, the number
of calendrical ceremonies in any Yaqui River town probably is consid-
erably smaller. Mrs. Spicer’s totals are also increased by breaking
down the Easter events into two parts and segregating novenas, ves-
pers, and rosaries from the major ceremonies of which they form a
part. On the other hand, both because of larger population and be-
cause of self-produced food supplies, the Yaqui towns probably have
many more noncalendrical ceremonies.

The following tentative schedule of major fiestas was secured;
informants seemed vague on the fiestas of towns other than their
own and, consequently, for some towns the minor fiestas are uncertain:
Cocorit: Guadalupe, Easter.

Torin: San Ignacio, Guadalupe, Noche Buena (Natividad, Pastorela), Easter.
Bacun: Camino (Santa Isabel), Easter, Guadalupe.

Vicam: San Juan, Faster, Concepcidn, Guadalupe.

Potan: San Juan, Haster, Guadalupe, La Trinidad.

Belen: San Miguel, Easter, Guadalupe, San Isidro(?), San Ignacio(?).
Huirivis: Santa Rosa, Haster, Guadalupe.

Raun: Corpus Cristi, Easter, Guadalupe.

In addition, Santa Cruz, May 3, though not a big fiesta, is said to be
observed in all the towns. San Francisco is a very important saint
and many vows are made to him, but there is no fiesta in the valley.
Instead, the shrine of Magdalena to the north is visited (or was at:
one time; I was told that in the past special trains were operated be-
tween the Yaqui River and Magdalena).

530583—45——12

166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 142

Yaqui fiestas in general have the same pattern and motivations as
those of the Mayo. Certain features common to all fiestas may be
noted here before giving such data on the individual fiestas as was
secured. About 3 a. m. everyone present at a fiesta is given a bit of
lighted candle which he burns where he is. When a bull is killed
for the fiesta, three cahuetes are fired off. The blood is thrown away
or occasionally saved, cooked, and eaten. There are no other
ceremonies.

Whenever food is served, it is in the dance ramada. ‘The maestros,
temastianes, and kopariam (singers) eat first, then the pascola and
deer dancers and musicians, and finally the fiesteros. Those who eat
in the dance ramada frequently send food to relatives sitting around.
The soldiers eat by themselves and provide their own food. The vari-
ous other officials, such as the kobana’us, are fed, but not under the
ramada.

Two permanent officers are the moros, one for the pascola, one for
the deer dancer. They sit beside the dance place and attend to the
dancer’s wants. Some do it as a vow, others are appointed by the
governors. Men also serve the teé6pokobana’u, the singers, and the
musicians, but they are usually called alaw4si rather than moros.

At the end of a large fiesta the surplus food is divided among the
maestros, singers, dancers, and musicians. If food is given to anyone
else, he must return it in a certain ratio at the same fiesta next year.
For example, if a person is given three pieces of bread at the end of
the fiesta, the following year he must return a whole sack of bread,
for three pieces of panoche, also a sack, for one pole a dozen the
following year, and so on.

The singers and maestros spend the time during a fiesta at the
church except when their presence is necessary outside (as when tak-
ing the image of the saint to the dance ramada, when they are served
food, and so on).

Fiestas are given at any time to comply with vows taken to a saint.
G—- told the following story which illustrates several points
of interest:

When returning from the United States, G————— and some 14 others trav-
eled together on foot. They had to go secretly. Just before reaching the Sierra
de Bacatete, they had to cross a big plain which has no water. They were with-
out food for 5 days. The 6th day they had no water and could not find any.
They traveled until 10 at night without water. About 10 o’clock the party sep-
arated, and part went another way to see if they could find water. G—-—————
and 7 or 8 others remained with the leader, who said he knew where there
was water. Soon they found a place where there was damp earth and, dig-
ging down, they secured a few drops of muddy water apiece. G——————,, the ©
youngest, had found the place, but he was so exhausted he went to sleep before —

he had any water. In the night he dreamed the hole was full of clear water.
He awoke, found it was true, and drank. In the morning they were able to

BEAL] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 167

fill all their water gourds and canteens. The next day they traveled on in the
mountains and came to some houses. Two men went ahead to scout, but the
place was deserted. That day they came to where there were people. Two
men went ahead and asked permission for the others to come, which was given.
They stayed there 2 days and the rest of the party arrived. The people gave
them food. The leader suggested they all give a velacién to Guadalupe for
their escape, and all agreed. After 2 days the people of the rancheria guided
the party to their chief, explaining to him why they had not brought them
immediately (exhaustion and weakness from lack of food). The chief said
it was all right. Then he said to the members of G——————’s party, “Do any
of you owe a vow? If so, I will help you.” They told him of the promise to
give a fiesta to Guadalupe. He sent some of the party to Vicam Station, where
they secured an image of the Virgin and brought it back to the mountains.
They burned candles to the Virgin all night, and brought her image back
to the station.

Scattered data on various fiestas is given below. The brief notes
represent what informants considered to be important differences from
the regular fiesta pattern.

Fiesta de la Cruz.—A paskome is in eee of this fiesta, which is
held in all the towns. It is said to be a fiesta of the ee and the
soldiers. The coyote is danced.

Guadalupe, December 12.—Said to be a double fiesta like San Juan,
with a division into moros and soldiers. It is held in all the towns.
The soldiers dance the coyote on their side. It is a soldiers’ fiesta, but
the koban4’us are said to give it; there are no fiesteros.

Concepcion.—Said to be like the fiesta of Guadalupe.

Noche Buena.—This is held on the eve of Christmas, and probably
is held in all the pueblos. The pastores dance. These are 12 chil-
dren, accompanied by an old man, vey, or king, who plays a drum.
The only other music is singing by the dancers. The pastores are
accompanied by a pascola, who takes the part of aclown. He dances
with the pastores, first on one side, then on the other. He is “half-
crazy.” He jests with the old man, saying, “How beautifully you
play,” and “Play another piece.”

The Noche Buena festivities were observed at Pascua in company
with the Spicers. They will doubtless publish a complete description.
At Pascua, no pastores were present; instead, the matachini per-
formed. It was a small, intimate fiesta, cheery and good-humored.

Virgin del Camino, Santa Isabel (it6émai kamino, “our mother
road.”)—This is the true national fiesta of the Yaqui, held on July 4
in Bacun. It is given by the 12 governors of Bacun, not by fiesteros.
There is no division into two parts. Immediately after San Juan,
the soldiers and matachini of each of the lower towns start forth with
their images of the Virgin toward Bacun. They stop at every house
between their home town and Bacun, where they arrive on the eve of
the saint’s day, or July 3. The matachini of Bacun go to the Sierra,

168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

where the Virgin del Camino is kept in a cave in the highest peak
(totoi takuséwi; “where the rooster sings”, or “rooster sing flower ?”).
That night they hold a fiesta and dance before the image at a place
called torokobampo. The morning of July 4 they arrive at Bacun.*

When the Virgin del Camino arrives, the soldiers of all the eight
towns form a hollow square. The images of the Virgin from the
other towns meet the Virgin del Camino at the cross before the dance
ramada. The matachini from the eight towns are present in a body.
The images then are taken into the church. The best deer dancer
and the three best pascola follow into the church and dance before the
Virgin del Camino.

The following day there are two processions with all the images of
the Virgin, one in the morning and one in the afternoon. In the
afternoon, the procession goes to the cruz mayor. There the images of
the Virgin from the other towns say farewell to the Virgin del Camino,
one by one. All the pascola, deer, and matachin dancers dance before
the Virgin del Camino. The maestros, tenances, and matachini make
one formation and say good-bye to each other, one by one. The soldiers
of the eight towns do the same at the guardia. This is the end of the
fiesta.

Some said this fiesta is divided into the two parties of moros and
soldiers, but this was denied by others. There are no games. The
soldiers dance the coyote. In the morning of the last day the ma-
tachini dance the wokopa’a (the maypole dance) before the Virgin
del Camino.

Although denied by some informants, others said that during the
final day, new members are inducted into the societies. All the sol-
diers, pascola, deer dancers, matachini, and other societies of the eight
towns go to the church. Anyone who has made a vow to become a
soldier, matachin, pascola, deer dancer, tenanci, or (presumably)
temisti, enters the society on this day. Apparently the fariseos do
not enter at this time. Two days later the Virgin del Camino is taken
back to the mountains. If circumstances prevent the bringing of the
Virgin from the Sierra, the fiesta cannot be held.

FIESTAS OF CHRIST AND THE VIRGIN

These, the Easter ceremonies, begin in the first days of Lent. The
image of Christ is taken out on begging trips, much as among the
Mayo, but the following specific differences are to be noted: While
the image is out, four fiestas are observed at houses during each week.
Contrary to Mayo custom, there is no dancing by the matachini dur-
ing the midday rest or at the houses. At the house fiestas, two pas-

87 According to Dominguez (1937, p. 6), this ceremony takes place at Batanconcica, 12
kms. (7.5 miles) from Bacun.

Bwas] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 169

cola dance, but no deer dancers appear. The owner of the house
gives the fiesta and stands for the expense, as among the Mayo. The
fariseos also dance similarly. The kusiaréo (flute player) of Pilate
plays whenever the kopariam sing. His flute, incidentally, differs
from the pascola flute in being shorter and having eight stops instead
of four. Two of the Pilate-fariseo group stand on each side of the
altar of the saint during the night, praying. Behind each is a mu-
sician, flute player, and drummer. They take turns at this watch
during the night, Pilate being one of the first pair. The fariseos
dance outside the ramada instead of before the altar.

The Lenten period is marked, as among the Mayo, with a proces-
sion every Friday. The fariseos meet on the first Friday of Lent. On
the fifth Friday, they take over complete charge of the Christ image
from the soldiers. The ceremonies of Easter week are longer than
those of the Mayo and there are more processions.

The following descriptions for the most part are of ceremonies
actually observed during Easter week in 1932. It should be remarked
that the available time in the field and the conditions of observation
precluded the detailed accounts of ceremonies that are needed. With
the impossibility of recording more than the general pattern, em-
phasis was laid on the more obvious Yaqui interpolations and modi-
fications.**

Pitahaya, March 22, Tuesday of Holy Week.—This procession did
not differ greatly from those held at Vicam Station (see below), but
as it represents a different town, it may be usefully described in de-
tail. The fariseos and fiesteros had spent the night at a building
beside the church originally built for a parsonage. A temporary
cross was set before this structure. At the time of my arrival, the

38 A fairly detailed description of the Easter Week at Torin has been published by
Holden (1936, p. 84). Interpretative aspects are faulty, particularly his description of the
Capaiyékas, or fariseos, as “devil chasers,’ which is completely misleading. A fairly
good objective description of Pascua Village Easter ceremonies is found in Bogan (1925)
with little in the way of interpretation. A generalized description, apparently from the
Pueblo of Potam, is given by Dominguez (1937) and seems quite good. However, some of
the phraseology suggests it is actually an account dictated by a Yaqui rather than one
based on observation, particularly in the way Jews, fariseos, and capiyékas are spoken
of as being entirely different groups. Dr. Ned Spicer and Roz Spicer have made a detailed
study covering two different years at Pascua Village near Tucson, much of the time with
several observers working in shifts. Consequently, their material is most detailed and,
through their kindness, I have been able to examine it. Although certain differences ap-
pear, it is my impression that the descriptions are substantially in agreement. The
Spicers have made a much more thorough study of the elements of Catholic ritual involved,
and Mrs. Spicer has prepared a comparative analysis of the various accounts, including
a manuscript copy of my own descriptions. As this analysis will probably be published,
[I have not attempted to point out more than a few points of comparison. Dorothy Beals
las examined all this materia] from the standpoint of the medieval mystery play. Al-
though her investigations are as yet incomplete, it is clearly evident that much of the
form of the Easter celebration of the CAhita is due to the medieval mysteries, and that
certain problems in the European origins of this type of drama may be illuminated by this
vigorous survival of a Spanish form.

170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

Christ image had been taken into the church, and people were lined
up before and inside the church to receive the procession.

As the procession came out of the church, it was headed by three
boys carrying two large candlesticks and a cross. They were dressed
in white surplicelike garments and wore hats similar to those of the

tendinces. Next was a boy bearing a small Christ
image and men carrying a large image of the
Virgin beneath a canopy (hé’ka). There fol-

3 lowed a Christ image on a cross, and two images

of the Virgin borne by red-hatted tenances.

oS of The angelitos walked beside the images of the
lc A Virgin. The last three images were guarded by

the soldiers; the other image and the three boys
went some distance ahead. There was no bell
g| ——— lg rung, no canopies, no circling around by the
fiesteros or by the procession. Pilate and a
young “understudy,” both with spears covered
in red, and some of Pilate’s men went ahead of
the large Christ image. The cavalry of Pilate
formed a line, on each side of the images of the
e Virgin. The fiute of Pilate played three sus-
tained descending notes at intervals, said to be
the crying of Mary. The drum of the fariseos
Fieure 27-——Arrange- was struck an occasional deep note which repre-
ment outside church sented the sorrow of Christ.

a ie eis rae The route was around a square with the

noun ie ae San church in the middle; the stations of the cross

b, War Captains or Were indicated by temporary wooden crosses.

Bow Chiefs. c, Minor The Calvary (three crosses) was the third sta-

military officials. d, tion from the end. The procession went di-

Soldiers. ¢, Clowns, or rectly forward from the door of the church to

fog es f, Entrance the side of the square, then turned in an anti-

o church. 5 : : :

clockwise circuit. The boys with the cross,
candlesticks, and small Christ image went a bit past each station,
stopped, and faced about. The rest of the procession did a right-
face toward each cross, knelt, and prayed briefly. At each station
the fariseos formed two lines and each file made a complete circuit
of the group on a dead run, traveling in opposite directions.

At the conclusion of the procession, all entered the church except
the soldiers, fariseos, and Pilate and his men (fig. 27). Services inside
continued for about an hour. When songs or prayers were chanted
inside, the flute and drum were played as during the procession. Dur-
ing the singing, the fariseos, led by one of the viejos or old men,
clapped their sticks in various rhythms. When a song ended, they
shook their hips to make their rattles sound, a way of saying, “Thank

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS i

you,” because they didn’t have to work any more, according to
informants.

After a time, the war captains entered the church. Then all the
other officials, soldiers, and fariseos (unmasked) entered two by two,
atintervals. The others left their hats outside, but the fariseos carried
their masks. The war drums were struck two or three times as each
pair entered and again while they were inside. Each pair went to
the main altar, then to the north nave, then the south, crossing them-
selves at each position. They returned to their positions outside before
the next pair entered. The two war captains stood on either side of
the main altar throughout, making their devotions when all the others
had finished.

At high noon a “guard mount” (described later) was performed
with the drums and banner in the space between the fariseos and the
soldiers. During the ritual, the fariseos faced one another in pairs.
They crossed their staffs and beat upon them with their sticks. After-
ward, the fariseos resumed their positions.

Shortly after the ritual, the war captains returned to their positions
outside and the fiesteros came out with the small image of Christ. The
procession formed again, going as far as the church cross. At this
point it disbanded. The fiesteros and the image went to the parsonage,
the fariseos chased the angelitos to their homes, and the soldiers went
to the guardia. The fariseos eventually returned to the parsonage.
The banner of the Christ, the staffs, lances, and other paraphernalia
of the Pilate-fariseo group were leaned against the temporary cross
before the house.*®

On Thursday of Easter week the “running of the old man” theo-
retically occurs. With characteristic Yaqui literalness, however, the
procedure is so violent that all the old men take to the woods during
Lent and do not appear until after the fatal Thursday. Thus at Vicam
Viejo, Vicam Station, and at Lencho in 1932 it was impossible to
secure an old man for the part. Had it been possible to find one, he
would have been forced to serve.

Ideally, the procedure is to serve a dinner to the orphan children
at which the old man, called both Christ and an apostle, sits at the
head of the table. After eating, the children have bands of mesquite
bark bound about their heads and accompany the old man at the head
of a procession. (Possibly the procession is before the dinner.) Sub-

3°Both Holden (1936, pp. 87-38) and Roz Spicer (ms.) describe the tinieblas on
Wednesday night. According to both, the candles are extinguished one by one about
midnight, or a little before, and in the ensuing darkness the worshippers and participants
whip one another. According to Holden, straps are used. The ceremony is started by
someone crowing like a cock. Afterward the candles are relit and the audience leaves,
many imitating the cries of animals. Dominguez (1937, p. 11) says the whipping is con-
fined to the fariseos and cavalry of Pilate, but at Pascua everyone to the smallest child
was whipped. Here, some of the fariseos howled like coyotes to start the ceremony.

LZ? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

sequently, the old man is “run” about the way of the cross, the route
of the procession, led by a black cord. It is then he is mistreated
by the fariseos. At each cross he is allowed to rest and sits on the back
of a fariseo, who prostrates himself for the purpose. Women bring
him water. When he has reached the church, he sits before the altar
to receive alms.”

Much of this was done in a modified form by the Cocorit people at
Vicam Station as described below:

The procession began about 3 p. m. at the church. The circuit was
directly forward to the side of the hollow square formed by the via
crucis, then about the stations of the cross. Pilate rode ahead, escorted
by two fariseos, and followed by the image of Christ borne by four
boys in red caps. Pilate’s spear point was covered in white. After an
interval came a large black cross with a figure of Christ crucified, then
two Virgins, one borne by the tenances wearing red caps. The latter
two images were taken out of the line of the procession over to each
cross and raised and lowered rapidly three times. The image of the
crucified Christ was faced toward the station cross, then about-faced
before moving on. The procession went at a fast walk, barely paus-
ing at stations, except at two points with three crosses instead of the
usual one. Here prayers and songs were performed by singers and
maestros. One maestro and two singers followed the Christ image
in advance of the main party, another equal group preceded the image
of the crucified Christ. The infantry marched on one side of the
procession, with the cavalry on the other. The fariseos ran at the sides,
except for a few who followed behind and prodded up stragglers, saw
that everyone knelt at the proper time, tapped with their sticks the
heads of women who had them covered or whose hair was done up or
had combs, and also objected to earrings or shoes being worn, although
they made no objection apparently to sandals or to shoes worn by the
few Mexicans and myself. At the conclusion of the procession, the
small Christ image in advance was placed in a circle of cottonwood
branches between two small mesquite trees. This represented the
wood of Gethsemane. One man stood guard here while the rest
went into the church, the war captains standing beside the altar.

After prayers within the church, the war captains returned to
the head of their groups and the soldiers marched to rest positions,
stacking their arms. The fariseo flute was played and their drum
beaten. They then marched to their rest place, performing two cir-
cuits before resting. After a short interval, the company reassumed
its positions. The soldiers and all the worshippers then moved out

40 The actual “running”’ of the old man was observed by the Spicers a Pascua in Arizona,

by Holden at Torin, and by Dominguez at Potan. Dominguez (1937, p. 12) gives the best
account of the dinner of the apostles, listing the 12 traditional foods.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 173

of the church to surround the brush circle on all except the side
toward the church. Pilate and his soldiers, followed by the fariseos,
again circled twice before the church, approaching the brush circle
as they did so. They stopped there, reversed, and returned to the
church. This they did three times, each time going further into the
church. The fourth time they went only to the church cross, then
returned to the brush circle, surrounded it, tore it down, and took
the image of Christ back to the church. The watchers sang a sort
of dirge as the fariseos placed a rope about the neck of the image
and pretended to lead it to the church, where it was placed inside
under guard. All rested a short time, the fariseos and Pilate’s
men again doing a circuit on the way to their resting place. While
doing their circuits, Pilate’s men and the fariseos danced with a
shuffling, stamping step.

The following interesting and, in certain respects, important ad-
dition to the above observed data, was provided by a maestro:

The brush enclosure represents the wood of Gethsemane. When Pilate and
his men approach the circle, the old man representing Christ says, “A quién
buscas? (Whom seek ye?).” Tf an image is used to represent Christ, then a
sacristan nearby says the words.

Pilate then replies, “A Jesus Nazareno (Jesus the Nazarene).”

“Yo soy (1 am He),” replies the impersonator of Christ.

The dialog is repeated on each of the first three approaches. Front this
point on, the maestro or others, either in dialog or in chants, repeats all the
words of one of the Gospels, accompanying the appropriate actions in the cere-
monies until the “Gloria” is chanted Saturday morning. Unfortunately, I did
not learn which of the Gospels is used.

A short time after the preceding incident, the procession about the
stations of the cross was repeated in its entirety, with the difference
that the image of Christ was “led” by fariseos with a rope about its
neck. The procession was said also to be completely repeated in the late
night or early dawn. In the meantime, the singers sat on mats
at one side of the church, the soldiers went to their resting places,
and the cavalry of Pilate went out on errands and to secure food
for their horses. Pilate sat on a chair reserved for him on the north
side of the church, and food was brought by women to the various
groups. Women were not allowed to approach Pilate or his group
(in which I include the fariseos), a corporal with a wooden sword
going out some distance to receive the food and to return the utensils.

Friday, March 25, at Vicam Viejo, ceremonies were in progress
in the church at about 10 a. m. (fig. 28). A plain black cross of some
size rested against the main altar with its base on a rug. A war
captain stood on each side. Three carpets were spread on the floor
in front of the cross (fig. 28, 6). Women advanced in pairs holding
hands (or men with children or women with children), knelt a few

174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu, 142

feet from the first rug, and advanced to the rug on their knees, still
hoiding hands. They then knelt on each of the three rugs in suc-
cession, keeping their right hands clasped. At the last rug, they
put alms in a dish at the foot of
the cross, rose, and stepped
backward, kneeling on each rug.
After backing past the next
couple awaiting its turn, they
released hands and touched each
other on the chest or shoulder
lightly, shook hands, and re-
turned to positions in the
audience.

A g 4 Back of the rugs stood a
Bac group of maestros and singers
(kopariam) on a huge petate
(mat). Some of the singers sat
/ down at intervals. Singing and

chanting was continuous. The
i women and a few men onlook-
ers all sat before the side doors
of the church. Opposite the
singers on the right side were
two images of the Virgin on a
table. Back of the side doors
the cavalry of Pilate (fig. 28, 2)
stood guard. Pilate and his as-
sistants stood in the center just
' behind the side doors, the fari-

Figure 28.—Interior of church at Vicam : ;
Viejo on Friday a. m. of Haster Week. a, seos stood behind him, and the
Rug upon which base of cross rests with soldiers stood at the rear in two

dish for alms (0). 6, Three rugs across lines.

which worshippers advance on knees. ¢, After the last offering had
War Captains. d, Women of audience. €, poon made, the singers and

Mat with maestros and singers. f, Side t A toltl It
altar. g, Pilate and officials. h, Cavalry MdeslLos) MOVEC: Up LOsUne athele,

of Pilate. i, Center of clown activity. and the procession formed.
j. Soldiers. Three boys in red caps carried

two candlesticks and a cross
respectively, while behind was carried a figure of Christ. After leav-
ing the church, Pilate, his “understudy,” and their assistants went
ahead of all, the first Pilate on horseback. The spears of both Pilates
were covered in red. Behind the Christ image were a large black
cross and three figures of the Virgin adorned with black veils. The
cross was carried by the civil governor or kobana’u, the Christ by four
men, the Virgin figures by the tenances in their red caps. The war

e

S$ UC UI i re

BrALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 175

captains walked beside the crucifix. The soldiers marched on each
side, followed by the main body of the fariseos. One fariseo accom-
panied Pilate, another two or three brought up the rear with two or
three of Pilate’s men. The procession moved rapidly. Each image
and the cross were taken from the line of march to the crosses set up
on the route and returned instantly to the line of the procession.
Singing and praying were practically continuous. Two (?) lengthier
stops were made. The playing of Pilate’s flute and the fariseo drum
were almost continuous. The route was straight ahead from the
church almost to the dance ramada, then around a hollow square in
anticlockwise direction back to the dance ramada, then back to the
church.

Inside the church, virtually the same positions were taken as be-
fore. After lengthy prayers, the gathering dispersed. The soldiers
went to the left of the church, and food was brought them there from
their homes. The fariseos and the fiesteros remained inside the
church, where the catafalque was prepared. The latter was brought
out in a short time and carried to the dance ramada by a procession of
the tenances and some others, headed by the angelitos, and accom-
panied by the fariseos. Decoration of the catafalque was completed
under the ramada. Food was served, the angelitos eating with the
tenances. The fariseos were served some food outside the ramada.
After about an hour, the catafalque was brought back to the church.

The church was prepared for the ensuing ceremonies by placing a
screen of branches across it in front of the altar. About 3 o’clock
people began to reassemble in the church. A temasti shook a board
rattle (metraca) violently, making three different trips about the cir-
cuit of crosses. The fariseos went from house to house and motioned
people to go to the church. The angelitos emerged from behind the
screen of branches and sat in front of the images of the Virgin. All
the crosses on the circuit of crosses, the big church cross, and all the
house crosses in the village were pulled up and laid flat on the ground
with a few branches laid across them. At each place marked with three
crosses, a bower of branches was erected. During all this time a
guard of soldiers was kept beside the bier behind the screen of
branches. The guard was changed frequently.

When all was in readiness, the center of the church was cleared,
people sitting on the two sides. The fariseos and Pilate’s men ad-
vanced toward the screen of branches and stood there for a while.
Some of Pilate’s men were masked for this event. The fariseos made
bloodthirsty gestures of cutting throats and hanging. Pilate and
his men finally went behind the screen of branches and_ the
fariseos crouched eagerly along the screen. Behind the screen, Pilate
made the sign of the cross three times with his spear before a large
crucifix. When he finished, a heavy blow was struck with a mallet,

176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

a wild shriek rent the air, followed by a chorus of shrieks and laments
and then a chanted lament in unison. The fariseos leaped at the
branches and tore them down, hauling them out of the church through
the side doors. The figure of Christ was hastily removed from the
cross and placed on the wrnia (bier), while the cross was draped with
a long strip of white cloth to represent the crucified Christ.

A short period of singing ensued, during which many offerings
of money and candles were laid before the bier of Christ. Soon a
procession started, very similar to the one in the morning except
that. the bier went ahead, followed by the white-draped cross. Be-
hind came a hooded Christ and the two Virgin figures, still shrouded
in black. Pilate rode forward and back ahead of the procession as in
the morning, making an antisunwise circuit as he rode. The heads of
the spears of Pilate and his understudy were now shrouded in black.

When the procession returned within the church, Pilate’s cavalry
remained outside, mounted. Together with the unmounted infantry
of Pilate, they formed two lines facing each other just beyond the
church cross. After a moment, the mounted men dashed at each
other at full gallop, pulled up just before meeting, tossed their spears
to the infantry or jabbed them upright in the ground, and galloped
to their resting place.

Inside the church, there were lengthy prayers and songs. Many
offerings were made at the bier, which rested before the main altar.
The war captains stood guard beside the bier. The fariseos were
very vigilant in seeing that everyone kept on his knees during this
part of the ceremonies, not allowing anyone to sit back on his heels.
Pilate and his men did not enter the church, but rode back and forth
outside for a time and then went to their resting place. I left at
this point, but indications were that the end of the ceremony would
be similar to the others.

The body is now guarded in the church by the fariseos until about
inidnight, when they are frightened away. A mock fight takes place
outside the church during which the bier is probably removed.
When the fariseos return, the end of the church is screened off with a
big curtain. At the rising of the morning star, the drums are beaten
three times to warn people to prepare for the ceremonies. At sunrise,
a figure of Judas, made of cornstalks and wearing a fariseo mask,
is taken on a burro about the circuit of the crosses in the reverse
(clockwise) direction. The burro serves for 3 years. It is specially
at Holden (1936, pp. 46-47) describes two processions during the night, one with the image
of “Mary” (one of the Virgins?), the other with the image of Mary Magdalene. The
two follow the via crucis in opposite directions. When they meet, the fariseos with each
procession stage a mock fight. This is later repeated before dawn. The curtain was
placed after this procession, while the fariseos and others rested at their camp fires. At
Pascua, the bier was brought out by the fariseos about midnight and paraded about the

town. Both the Spicers (1940) and Holden (1936) describe a celebration held by the
fariseos after this.

BHALS ]

cared for, doing no other work. ‘The cap-
tain of the fariseos wears a small black
cloth mask and, with the other fariseos,
accompanies the trip of Judas. At each
cross there is a pantomime of playing the
violin, dancing pascola, deer, and coyote
dances, and praying. When the circuit is
completed, the Judas figure is set up a short
distance from the church cross. It is
stuffed full of cahwetes and other fire-
works. About 9 in the morning prepara-
tions are well under way for the Sabado
de Gloria (Easter Saturday).

Easter Saturday, Vicam Viejo, 1932.—
At about 9 a. m. people began to drift
toward the church, the majority wearing
new clothes. The women offered an
especially colorful contrast to their Lenten
attire, appearing in brilliant new silk or
rayon dresses and rebozos.

Inside the church, the kopariam occa-
sionally sang. Men finished the prepara-
tion of the Judas figure (fig. 29, /) out-
side the church east of the crue mayor (1).
A burning log lay at the foot of this fig-
ure, to be used to ignite it later. West of
the church cross (this and all the other
crosses were again upright) were two men
with cahwetes and another smouldering
log. Before the cross stood a boy, hold-
ing a Pilate’s sword, and beside him was
extended a blanket (m). On this, women

and men, as they arrived, dropped cotton- -

wood or mesquite leaves, or paper con-
fetti, or flowers. Mesquite leaves were
most abundant, for they were newly out
and their brilliant green was very attrac-
tive. The soldiers were standing and sit-
ting on the east side of the church, while
the front of the church was brilliant with
theedresses of women and girls who sat
or stood in the shade awaiting the begin-
ning of the services. Near the door was

CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS

177

a
y
|o
ya Je

he Sy ileal a ees PA

k +/ +9

Figure 29.—Church at Vicam

Viejo on Waster Saturday.

a, Altar. 0b, Curtain before
altar. ec, Matachini. d, Pi-
late and men. e, Course
followed by clowns as they
approach curtain. f, Sol-
diers. g, Men _ shooting
cahuetes (fireworks). h,

Godparents awaiting final
flight of clowns. 7, Civil
Officials. j. Open runway
from altar curtain to main
entrance of church. k, Lo-
cation of Judas figure. 1,
Cruz mayor. m, Blanket for
collection of confetti and
leaves. n, Pascola and deer
dancers and musicians. a,
Coyote dancers and musi-
cians.

another blanket with a guard to receive greenery and confetti.

178

After a short time the matachini arrived in a group and went to
the forward part of the church, just in front of the screen. Pilate
and his men and the fariseos next arrived from some headquarters
beyond the plaza, probably by the dance ramada. Two Pilates, two
flute players, a drummer, and some other assistants walked in two
lines in platoon formation, abreast, the drummers and flute players
in the rear line. The fariseos were in two
long lines at each side of and behind the
Pilates and their men. Two or three more
of Pilate’s men walked ahead and behind
each line. The flutes alternately played
their three mournful descending notes, fol-
x lowed by a hollow drum tap as the Pilate
\ and his followers began their dance,

The Pilates and fariseos danced with a
stamp and a light tap of each foot alter-
nately. A few more used a more compli-
cated rhythm in which the foot was tapped
two or three times rapidly before stamping
the other foot. 'The stamps were not pro-
nounced and the general appearance was
more of a shuffling walk with a hesitation
at each step. The fariseos tapped their
. Satie a. sticks as they danced. The fariseos did an
cicheni encircling movement, while Pilate and his
men advanced and retreated, about-facing

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 142

-_---- =

oo-~

Ne 2a Se Se
ins

Fieurp 30.—Dance of the Pi-
lates and fariseos. a, Pilate

and assistants in front line,
his men behind. This group
goes forward and back be-
tween a and c¢, about-facing
at the end of their movement.
b, Files of clowns or fari-
seos. The circles indicate
their leaders. The broken
lines show course followed.
d, Main entrance to the
church.

at each end of their march (fig. 30). Most
of the fariseos had bright silk scarves,
given by godparents, tied to their arms.
Some of the godparents tied scarves on the
arms of others, walking beside them as
they danced.

The Pilate and fariseo groups advanced
first to the door of the church, then re-
turned to the church cross, repeating this,

I think, nine times. As the dance began,
everyone moved into the church except the soldiers, who formed
two lines outside the church on each side of the Pilate group
and fariseos. After the nine circuits outside the church, the
dancers entered part way in (fig. 31) so the figure was done
half inside and half outside the church. With each advance they
entered a little further into the church until they finally were
entirely inside and advancing up to the screen which set off the end
of the church. As they approached the altar, they made more and
more gestures of decision toward it. When they reached the screen,

»

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 179

a deer dancer and three pascola took up their positions about midway
in the church, two on either side of the center lane between the spec-
tators. The two blankets full of leaves and confetti had been brought
in and were beside them.

After marching and counter-marching several times in their dance
before the curtain, Pilate and his men marched or danced forward
to the altar. As they reached the curtain, it was raised. The altar
was bare and Pilate and his men came out from the curtain on a dead
run, followed by the fariseos, running as far as the church cross.
They were pursued as far as the church door by the pascola and
deer dancers, who pelted them with
greenery and confetti, as did many
of the women and children standing
on the sides. The curtain was
dropped again and, from the church
cross, Pilates and fariseos danced in Yo)
again. As they reached the curtain,
it was again raised and the perform-
ance was repeated. The third time
it was repeated, the dancers were met}... 91 Entrance of Pilates and
at the church cross by the godpar- fariseos into the church. a, Main
ents, who violently tore off the para- | entrance indicating advance and
phernalia. Blankets, masks, and retreat of the Pilate group. 6},
sticks flew in all directions. Others Route followed by clowns or fari-
gathered up the masks and sticksand “°° °” Geet SRO RRO aT
piled them on and about the figure of Judas. A maestro was in
charge here.

Meanwhile, as the Pilate and fariseo groups started to run out
the third time, everyone within the church began singing the “Gloria” ;
the pascola and deer dancers shouted, “Gloria,” as they pelted the
Pilates and fariseos with leaves and confetti. The pascola and deer
dancers ran to their positions (fig. 29, n), and the war captains to their
positions (fig. 29, 0), and all began to dance. The pascola danced to
flute and drum, wearing their masks. The gourd drum of the deer
dancer floated on a pottery bowl set in sand. As the audience began
shouting, “Gloria,” the men outside began firing cahuetes, the figure
of Judas was fired and the fireworks began exploding, and the soldiers
began firing guns into the air, about half firing volleys in small groups,
the rest firing at random. The church bells were also rung madly
and the noise was tremendous.

As soon as they had torn the regalia from their new godchildren,
the godparents seized the fariseos and Pilates, one by each arm, covered
their heads with the new scarves, and dragged them into the church
and up to the altar, running as hard as possible. There the Pilates

180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 142

and fariseo members were forced to cross themselves before the Virgin ~

in each nave and before Christ on the main altar. A rosary (in some
cases more than one) was put about their necks. They were then
taken to the back of the church just inside the: door, where they
formed a semicircle, their faces partly covered by their new scarves,
each held by the arm by his godparents. A speech was made by one
of the men there. While this was being done, the dancing by the
pascola, deer dancer, and war captains, and the singing of “Gloria”,
continued.

The speech concluded, the dancers and musicians with all their
instruments were led up to the altar. They knelt in two lines and
were led by a maestro in prayers. The matachini, who all this time
had been kneeling in two lines in the front of the church in line with
the pillars, now arose, donned their crowns, and began to dance toward
the door. The pascola and deer dancer danced back and forth through
the matachin formation as far as the door. At the door the matachini
turned back toward the altar, while the others went out. A pro-
cession formed with the three altar boys with two candlesticks and a
cross in front, the fariseos with their godparents in two lines, flanked
by the soldiers with the war captains at their head. Between them
were, I think—the confusion was tremendous and several hundred
persons were involved—the angelitos, the kobana’u group, and church
officials. The cavalry and infantry of Pilate accompanied the kobana’u
group, on foot but carrying spears. The matachini may have come out
of the church at the rear of the group and followed to the dance
ramada, where the entire procession went. As the procession left the
church, the singing of “Gloria” stopped. The masks and the figure of
Judas were but smouldering embers. The ringing of the church bells
continued for a short time after the procession left the church.

When the procession reached the dance ramada, the dancing
stopped. The church officials, the angelitos, and the matachini (if
they were along) returned immediately to the church, headed by the
three altar boys. The pascola and musicians lay down on mats east
of the dance ramada. The ex-fariseos and their godparents disposed
themselves east of and before the ramada. The cavalry spears,
the fariseo masks and staffs saved from the destruction, the
blankets, and the black clothes of Pilate’s men were placed around the
cross before the dance ramada. The soldiers took a position west
of the dance ramada with their arms stacked or racked against a pole
set on forked sticks. The bonnets of the war captains were removed
and their hats placed on their heads by an official, who also stacked up
the arms as they were handed to him. The canes of the civil gov-
ernors were placed in the middle of the rack and they sat with the
soldiers. The swords and scabbards used by Pilate’s assistants were
placed on the altar table under the dance ramada (fig. 32).

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 181

Mats were now spread under the ramada across the front. These
were covered with blankets and then a long cloth runner. The maestros
and singers seated themselves and were fed; each received a large
bowl of bakav4ki or stewed meat with garbanzos, several pieces of
wafer bread, coffee, and water. When they had eaten, they sent their
bowls with any remaining food, together with coffee and bread, to
friends or relatives seated outside the ramada. At the conclusion of
the meal, a speech of thanks was made by one man. When he finished,
all crossed themselves and said, “héwi (very good).”

After the maestros and singers were fed, the mats were moved to
the west side of the ramada and the dancers and musicians were fed

6

Ficure 32.—Dance ramada and cuartel at Vicam Viejo on Easter Saturday. a,
Cuartel, or military headcuarters. 06, Line of racked arms. ¢. Saint’sramada
with altar table. d, Dance ramada. e, Fiesta cross.

in the same way. They also sent out food to others. When they had
finished, all bowed their heads. It was impossible to tell from the
distance whether a speech was actually made, but after an mterval
all crossed themselves and said, “héwi,” as before.

While eating, the guard mount was played by the drummer with
the flag bearer, or alpéz. While the dancers were eating, the dance
place was prepared by being sprinkled with water and then scraped
with a board to remove any pebbles or irregularities of the soil. The
dancers and musicians again reclined and the kobané’u and the soldiers
were fed. After about three-quarters of an hour the dancing began.
The matachini in the meantime had begun dancing inside the church.
Both groups danced until the next morning.*” Late in the afternoon

42 Holden (1936, p. 51) says the Coyote dance was performed all night at Torin. This
was not the case at Vicam Station, and I was told it was not performed at Vicam Viejo.

580583—45——13

182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu, 142

or evening the Christ image was brought from the church and put
on the table under the dance ramada.

The dancing was seen in the evening again at Vicam Station. No
dance ramada was used, but a screen of branches was erected on two
sides of the dance place. A little to one side a bower was made of
arched branches beneath which the image of Christ was placed on a
table. Candles burned before it and two small boys, angelitos, sat on
either side. In front of the altar sat a group of girls and women and
amaestro. The girls, from their dress, were angelitos and apparently
were being taught the songs. At intervals they sang at length, ap-
parently repeating one phrase over and over. The only occasion
when the words were distinguished, they were “Santo San Bernardino
apostolico,” repeated for about 5 minutes.

The pascola stopped dancing at Vicam Station the following morn-
ing at about daybreak, but the matachini continued. Shortly before
sunrise two lines of cottonwood twigs were stuck in the ground to
make a lane between the church and the altar beside the dance place
(fig. 33, @). The lane was strewn with leaves. All twigs and pebbles
were carefully removed. A line of guards was stationed to prevent
dogs from crossing the path; their efforts were more hilarious than
successful. As the first rays of the sun appeared, a boy played the
guard mount on a drum just west (fig. 33, b) of the racked arms of the
soldiers (c). A few moments later a lone boy appeared at the cuartel
behind the church and repeated the performance. A few men stood
near the Pilate-fariseo cross (d), about which were the swords, spears
of the cavalry, and other paraphernalia still remaining. A few were
eating. One pascola, wrapped in a blanket, was amusing himself by
playing the flute and drum softly. The soldiers were lounging about
their post.

When the pathway was in readiness, the matachini stopped dancing.
Four tenances, young girls, in their red caps, issued from the church
and ran as fast as possible to the church cross, bearing one of the
images of the Virgin. There they dipped the image three times, then
ran back to the church, making an anticlockwise circuit of ‘the cross.
A second time they ran halfway to the dance place, dipped the image
three times, and returned. The third time they ran to the shrine
beside the dance place and returned. Immediately on their return,
four men issued from the church carrying another image of the
Virgin. They were confused and, despite shouts and gestures, ran all
the way to the shrine and back without the three starts.

The matachini now divided in two equal parties; one came to the
shrine by the dance place, where a procession was formed. The
matachini led, followed by the pascola and deer dancer with the
drummer in the middle, then the angelitos, the maestros and singers,
the image of Christ, the several kobané’u with their canes, and then

183

,

CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS

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184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 142

a group of women. Pilate carried his spear again with the point cov-
ered in red. The remainder of Pilate’s men were in their black garb
and walked beside the image. The fariseos walked in two lines on
each side, two of them with the sticks and masks which had been
saved, the masks worn atop the head but facing backward. Pilate’s
cavalry walked on one side, half of the soldiers on the other. (The
other half of the soldiers had gone to the church, where they lined
up.) The table on which the Christ image had rested was borne at the
rear. As this procession started forward, another procession issued
from the church toward it, with matachini in advance, followed by
maestros and singers, and an image of the Virgin. In both proces-
sions the matachini danced, as did the pascola and deer dancer.

The two processions each halted three times. At each halt the
maestros and singers with the Christ image prayed and sang first,
then those with the image of the Virgin. Each time the matachini
knelt and the pascola and deer dancer stopped dancing. The women
following the Christ image also knelt, but not the guards or the
fariseos. The third time the processions stopped, the matachini of
the two processions had met. After prayers, they rose and danced
through the procession of the Virgin toward the church, followed by
the pascola and deer dancer. The maestros and singers stepped to one
side and the images of the Virgin and of Christ were brought face to
face. Singing began and the women threw leaves, which they had
stripped from the twigs lining the walk (carefully destroying them
all as they went), and confetti. The Virgin was moved behind the
Christ image, the maestros and singers joined in advance, and the
procession moved toward the church. The fariseo and Pilate groups
ran ahead and into the church, casting aside the masks and other
equipment at the church cross. From this point they ran back to the
procession, then again to the church, continuing until the images were
carried into the structure.

The fariseo and Pilate groups were captured by their godparents and
led up to-the altar as the procession entered the church. After the
images had been placed in position, the fariseos and Pilate’s men knelt
before them. The matachini went outside the church and danced; the
pascola and deer dancers performed inside. The fariseos and Pilate’s
men were taken directly before the altar one by one and rosaries
placed on them again by their godparents. They were then taken
out to the church cross, their heads again covered by their new scarves,
and their blankets placed about their shoulders or over their heads.
They sat in a line, facing the church, heads inclined. Their para-
phernalia were taken behind the church by an official.

While the fariseos and Pilate’s men were coming out of the church,
the matachini stopped dancing and the outcoming parties passed be-

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 185

tween their lines. At certain places in the chants and prayers which
accompanied this, the matachini knelt and crossed themselves. When
all Pilate’s men and the fariseos were out, they formed two lines beyond
the matachini and more prayers and songs were performed.

An interlude now followed while the regular Sunday procession was
held. The image of Christ was brought from the church and, accom-
panied by all those present in their various groups, was taken on a slow
anticlockwise circuit before the church, passing outside the church
cross. Songs and prayers were continuous. When once more in front
of the church, the image was dipped three times, facing east. ‘This
was repeated to the south, east, north, east, and west. Then the image
was returned to the church, while the groups resumed their former
positions. During the procession, the matachini, pascola, and deer
dancers danced before the image. The war drums beat continuously.

The fariseos and Pilate’s men now formed a circle before the church
cross. Someone spoke and there was a ceremony of farewell, each
person going about the circuit. The various officials now began to say
their farewells at the altar, headed by the war chiefs. The officials
entered two by two from opposite sides of the church, each pair being
announced by the war drums. They genuflected and crossed them-
selves on entering and leaving the church. The banners were waved
outside as they entered and the war banner inside was waved over them
in the sign of the cross as they knelt at the main altar. Each bowed
three times to the main altar, three times to the south, and three times
to the north, crossing himself each time. Before the soldiers had
gotten around to their turn, the pascola and deer dancers and musicians
came out of the church. So, too, did the cavalry of Pilate. All went
to the dance place and prepared for departure, although they were
still to be fed by the fiesteros. People began to drift away from the
church also, and the formation of the fariseo group broke up.

SAN JUAN FIESTA

The fiesta of San Juan, June 24, is held in Vicam Viejo and Potan.
The fiesta was not observed, and the data are from informants. The
fiesta of Potan was unfamiliar to my informants, who said it was of
“another kind.” Also, Potan is said to have no banner of San Juan,
which detracts from its importance.

There are two complete sets of fiesteros for San Juan at Vicam Viejo,
each with its saint’s image, its dancers, and other attendants. One
group is called moros, the other soldiers. Each has a banner, that of
the moros being red and that of the soldiers blue. The moros wear a
red ’kerchief on the head and the “horn,” a crescent-shaped copper
ornament, on the forehead, while the soldiers wear a blue handkerchief
on the head and no ornament. Each group has its own dance ramada.

186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 142

The dance ramadas of San Juan are on opposite sides of the second
church cross at Vicam Viejo, the moros on the side toward the sunset,
the soldiers toward the sunrise. For a period in advance of this
fiesta, the fiesteros go from house to house begging alms.

There are many visitors to this fiesta, which is considered a sort of
tribal affair in many ways. In the ceremonial games, the people from
the four down-river towns—Potan, Huirivis, Belen, and Raun—are
said to be alined with the moros, while those from Vicam Viejo, Bacun,
Torin, and Cocorit are alined with the soldiers. (This contradicts the
information that the down-river people have their own fiesta.)

The first day of the fiesta, the vespers of San Juan, the old fiesteros
burn candles to the new. (See p. 116.) The morning of June 24, the
fiesteros and the people go to the church and bring out the two images
of San Juan and the tall cross. It is now the Day of San Juan
(hinduki or cammaréa). Matachini, deer dancers, and pascola dance
before each image, accompanied also by maestros and singers. The
procession goes directly to the river, while the soldiers fire their guns.
At the bank each image is lowered and given to the pascola of its
party. The latter go into the water and bless the water with the
images. Then permission is given to all to bathe. The pascola splash
water over the images.

After the bath, the pascola take the images out of the river and
stand by them on the river bank, urging people to give alms. “Do not
be shamed, give alms,” they cry. They disparage the saint of the
other group, saying, “Don’t give to that saint. He is very drunken,”
and similar nonsense. Everyone gives some trifling alms to each
of the images.

The fiesteros now take the images back to the church with the
pascola and deer dancer dancing before. Then all eat bakayvaki and
atole. The fiesteros go to the church cross and receive the dishes.
The pascola start the dancing, saying, “Good, boys, now it is well to
begin the games.”

Games are held during much of the day. All weapons are taken
away from the men and, if a fight develops, only fists are permitted.
There is horse racing with betting during the morning. There also
is a rooster pull. Roosters are buried in sand with only the head
showing. A bag of money is tied to the rooster’s leg. The young
men ride by on horseback and try to catch the rooster. The man
who is successful in pulling up a rooster is attacked by the others
who try to get it from him before he can detach the money. The
roosters are later divided in the middle and rope handles attached to
the legs. The men line up in two parties and each person hits his
opponent six times with his half rooster. At this time men often
lose their tempers and fights start. Later the women fight with
roosters.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 187

Anciently, the men are said to have lined up in two opposing
parties, soldiers and moros, before the church cross. They were
dressed in leather leggings and a leather belt. At a signal, each man
caught a member of the opposite group by the belt and tried to
capture him. Those captured had to be redeemed by their friends
with a small bottle of mescal.

During the festivities, if anyone rides his horse into the crowd, or
otherwise becomes annoying, he is seized by the fiesteros and tied
to the cross before their ramada. He is not released until his friends
can raise a ransom of 4 or 5 pesos.

A bull made of fireworks was formerly used on San Juan’s Day.
It has not been employed for several years, and none of my in-
formants was clear as to its use.

There is also opposition between the soldiers and the moros. ‘They
attempt to steal each other’s drums and to kidnap the dancers. This
goes on all day and night. It is called the kibahit yéwami. A man
will seize the drum of the opposing party. He bangs it on the floor,
roof, and ramada posts, and then runs to the church cross, where he
strikes it three times on the cross. Then he runs back to the ramada
and repeats the performance. After three visits to the cross, he
attempts to take the drum to his own ramada. His friends help him
while the opposing party tries to take the drum away. If he suc-
ceeds in taking the drum, his party keeps it until it is ransomed,
usually with mescal. On the other hand, if the would-be thief is
captured, he is forced to do the torobicum, that is, he is made to
cross himself and then dance. Afterward he has to drink a broth
made of ground chiltipin.

Whenever a dancer leaves the ramada he is guarded because the
opponents will attempt to kidnap him. If they succeed, the dancer is
taken to the ramada of his captors. The pascola and deer dancer of
that ramada refuse to dance as long as he is a prisoner, and he is
forced to dance continuously until he is ransomed by his own party
or rescued.

At the close of the fiesta on June 25, the moros are “confirmed.”
The fiesteros of the moros and those of the soldiers line up before the
dance ramada, about three steps apart, the soldiers toward the church,
the moros away from it. The moros have a staging of canes called a
castle. Two boys, one on each side, carry the banners of their groups.
They run halfway to the opposing line, wave the banners, and return,
repeating three times. Then the soldiers step forward three steps, and
each salutes the moro opposite him, saying, “Are you going to fight
or are you going with me? See this cross and this rosary. J am
going to take you.” The moros reply, “I am not going. Let us bet-
ter go to the castle.” This is repeated three times. Then they begin

188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn. 142

to fight. If the moros succeed in placing one of the soldiers on the
castle, they baptize him with chile. The soldiers attempt to pull down
the castle. Finally, they pull the moros toward the church. Half
way there and also at the church cross, they fight again. Then the
moros are taken into the church and made to cross themselves. A
rosary is placed on them and they are called the godsons of the sol-
diers. Up to this time they are said to be condemned. ‘The old fies-
teros are now free. The new fiesteros eat bakavaki and atole. ‘This
is the end of the fiesta and the food remaining is divided among the
helpers, the pascola and deer dancers, the musicians, the maestro, and
others.
VOWS, MISCELLANEOUS BELIEFS

The making of a vow or promise has frequently been mentioned
in connection with religious rituals. 'The vow is an important part
of the whole religious machinery, being the basis for recruiting the
membership of organizations and for the performance of many non-
calendrical ceremonies. Probably few Mayo or Yaqui pass a year
without making a vow for themselves or on behalf of some member
of the family. A vow may be taken to participate in some major >
religious activity, or it may be much simpler in character. Vows
may be taken upon the occasion of any life difficulty, when property
is lost, crops are endangered, a member of the family is ill, or as part
of a request for future benefits.

Vows for children may take the form of letting the child’s hair
grow long. After a certain period itis cut and given to a saint as an
offering. Adults sometimes take vows to wear special clothing sup-
posed to have been worn by Christ or a saint on some occasion. The
most frequently seen of these garments is a red shirt with crosses
embroidered over the heart and the middle of the back. The shirt
is a slip-on garment with a slight opening in front which is tied to-
gether with a cord.

When men plant, they may make vows to accompany San Juan wear-
ing cocoon rattles (tendvares), to secure good harvest. For the same
purpose, a man may promise an olla of bakavaki or atole or a bull
for a fiesta. This gift is taken to the fiesteros, and the donor does not
eat of the food. A vow may also be taken to give a small fiesta or to
follow the image of Christ on begging trips for a specified number
of days. A sick child is sometimes promised to San Juan or to the
matachini, becoming a member of the appropriate organization.
For recovery from sickness one vows to become a fariseo. To find a lost
cow or horse, a dozen cahwetes may be promised to some saint.

Before San Juan’s Day, the fiesteros go from house to house with
the saint’s image, accompanied by those who have made vows. Many
girls make this promise. Some go on foot, others on horseback; the

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 189

horses are decked with flowers and sometimes have cocoon rattles
on their legs. The entertainment of a saint during begging trips or
giving a fiesta for the saint is almost always because of a vow.

Kissing the image of a saint is a formalized gesture without any
actual contact with the mouth usually. It is little more than a duck
of the head toward the image, ordinarily three times.

At religious occasions a young woman sometimes salutes an elder
by putting the palms of her hands together, as though praying, before
shaking hands.

Baptism is performed in the rivers, water being put on the head
and a bit of salt on the lips. Confirmation is also observed, the rites
being performed by the head singer and the maestro.

The view that the aged have lived good lives and are therefore holy
formerly received more concrete expression. Young people always
knelt and prayed, putting the hands together, whenever they met an
old person.

The following miscellaneous beliefs are held:

The crosses placed in or before houses prevent the house from being
struck by lightning.

Pork or pork fat are not eaten because pigs were once people.

Children are sometimes struck to make them grow when the bells
ring on Easter Saturday. Fruit trees are sometimes whipped to
make them grow and bear fruit.

It was ordered in heaven that only bulls should be fed to the pascola
dancers.

CIRCUITS, DIRECTIONS, RITUAL NUMBERS, AND OTHER RITUAL

All ceremonial circuits are anticlockwise, except that of Judas on
Easter Saturday, when he is ridden on a donkey about the stations of
the cross. As this coincides with the direction of the stations of the
cross in Catholic churches, one cannot be sure the anticlockwise circuit
has not been derived from this. However, the anticlockwise circuit
is deeply embedded in the ritual, occurring in the activities of wizards
and curers. If the circuit is the result of Christian influence, one
would expect that witches and wizards would reverse its direction.

There is not a great deal of direction symbolism, but east (toward
the rising sun), north, west (toward the setting sun), south, and either
east or up seems the usual directional sequence in ritual affairs. East
is always the starting point, even in those sequences which do not fol-
low the most common pattern, such as the “guard mount” of the Yaqui
and the dipping of the image in the various directions observed in the
Sunday processions. No associated color symbolism could be dis-
covered.

The ritual number is unquestionably three. If other numbers occur
ritually, they must be very insignificant. Three as a ritual number

190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

may be aboriginal here, as elsewhere in Mexico, or it may be Christian
in origin.

Food was formerly blessed by making the sign of the cross over
the dish. There is no crumbling of food on the ground as an offering,
or pouring a libation (except by the fariseos). There is no ritual meal
sprinkling. Holy water is sprinkled about the houses after death, and
water is scattered by pascola dancers at the close of a fiesta. There is
no use of pollen. Incense is used to some extent, particularly by the
Yaqui, but the associations are all Catholic.

There is no fertility idea in connection with the lightning. Three
crosses of blessed palm (frequently only one) are placed in the house
to keep away lightning. Blessed salt thrown in the fire is good to
keep away or stop hghtning. San Ramon and San Isidro are “good”
for lightning.

The usual prayer when crossing oneself is: “Name of the Father
[hand to forehead] and the son [chest] spirit [left shoulder] holy
[right] and to my Jesus [mouth].” (The English is literally trans-
lated.)

THE “RELIGION OF THE WOODS”

Certain phases of belief are generally referred to as being of
“another religion,” “old religion,” or the “Religion of the Woods.” The
nature of these beliefs is such as to indicate they are mostly pre-
Caucasian survivals, although European ideas of magic and the
devil are classed with them. The “Religion of the Woods” is associated
definitely with a fear of the woods, particularly among the Mayo.
Only a brave man will spend a night in the woods; he must have
special powers, particularly over dangerous beasts. Thus, cowboys,
having strangely close associations with animals as well as the woods,
have become associated with this magical quality of the forests. The
pascola, deer dancer, and musicians, despite their essential importance
in the Catholicized rituals, are also associated with the woods. The
opening prayers of the pascola at fiestas (which no one would trans-
late literally) are prayers to the woods and the animals therein and
also to the saint on the altar for permission to carry on the perform-
ance. Dancers and musicians may Jearn their professions in strange
ways. Beliefs in connection with hunters and hunting ritual as well
as the deer “captains” are also to be associated with the religion of
the woods.

Witches and wizards, disease ideas, and curers are primarily asso-
ciated with the woods. One informant, under questioning which
may have been leading, admitted knowledge of an ancient belief in
the sun as God (sun worship formerly existed) and volunteered that
the moon is also considered a God. A few still believe and have a

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 191

special rosary (sic!) for the moon. Those seen appear no different
from other rosaries. The moon is female, the sun male.

DISEASE AND CURING

Mayo ideas of disease seem to be a mixture of Mexican and native
concepts. To some extent, the same is true of ideas of curing and
magic. All concepts are vaguely expressed. Illness is primarily of
two kinds: diseases sent by God, and those sent by bewitchment. In
both types there are associated vague ideas of intrusion and soul
wandering. In the case of sicknesses sent by God, nothing can be
done. Up to a relatively short time ago, people considered to have
this type of illness were abandoned and given neither food nor water,
possibly a pre-white idea, as it is noted elsewhere in Northern Mexico.
Ouranderos (curers) may cure illnesses from bewitchment. In addi-
tion there are minor ills which are treated with household remedies.

Illness, in general, seems to be located in the heart, which is said
to lie slightly below the end of the breastbone or about the lower
edge of the stomach. The heart is identified with life. The word
commonly used for heart, “Hiepsi,” means also life and spirit. “Stila”
is another word for heart, which has not the other connotations, but
it is rarely used. Illnesses of the heart may be caused by too much
thought. One thinks with the heart and bad thoughts or sad
thoughts, or perhaps dreams, may cause illness. There is, however,
no clear definition possible between such illnesses and those sent by
wizards. In cases of bewitchment intrusive objects are frequently
found.

One Mayo informant said that in bewitchment the spirit left the
body and went to the graveyard or wandered about. If it did not
return, the sick person died. When it was seen that the sick person’s
spirit was wandering, neighbors threw water over the house.. If this
did not bring the spirit back, a curer was sent for. The same inform-
ant’s son said curers sometimes dreamed where the spirit went and
were thus able to cure. Roots and herbs are given to bring the spirit
back.

Methods of curing vary widely. Some curers (hitoléso, hitoléro)
who more specifically cure against bewitchment, smoke a cigar called
séwa tamubitu, about 8 inches long, made of maktico wrapped in maize
leaves and tied in three places. It is not clear whether this cigar is
smoked three times or three such cigars are smoked; informants
differed and were uncertain. Evidently the cigar is sometimes sent
to the curer by the patient’s relative. It is smoked at the curer’s house,
or at the house of the patient. Sometimes the smoking is performed
three successive nights. If the sickness is caused by bewitchment, the
curer will see some animal in his dream such as an owl, coyote, wild
cat, dog, or domestic cat. These animals are the familiar animals

192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142

of the wizards, who may assume the form of one of them. Other
people cannot see these animals. This vision comes when the curer
is “dreaming,” in this case the drowsy state preceding slumber. “He
dreams but does not sleep.” (Considerable confusion exists here
because the Spanish word suefio or sofar is used, and may indicate
sleepiness, the drowsy state preceding sleepiness, or a real dream.
The Céhita equivalent is apparently similarly ambiguous in its mean-
ing.) _ Other information is that the curers do not sleep, but they catch
the wizard when he is sleeping by burning candles, praying, and
smoking.**

If no animals are seen, the sickness is sent by God and cannot be
cured. Nevertheless, many curers, particularly those who cure without
the preliminary smoking, attempt to cure illnesses which they say are
not due to bewitchment but are affections of the “heart.”

In another account, the hitoléro faces east, smokes three puffs, bends
the right knee, then north, west, south, and again east. He also smokes
lying on the ground in the same way, listening to sounds below the
ground, whence comes the sickness.

The following story was told to illustrate a method of witch catching.
It is abridged here:

Once a man working in a mine was desired by a woman for her husband, but‘he
repulsed her. Then the woman bewitched him. Another wizard offered to cure
him for 20 pesos. The wizard burned candles and smoked in the house of the sick
man. In the dawn he prayed and made a cord with two sticks (on the ends?)
(witeri tenk6ri likita hipuri, “little cord to seize little sticks it has”). ‘This he
buried at the door of the house. The woman strangled to death in her sleep;
the man was well that day and left the same morning, for the wizard had warned
him not to stay there.

In another account of curing bewitchment, the cwrandero stands in
the door with a machete to keep out the sickness.“ A sheep must be
killed and much native tobacco is smoked and burned in the fire.
Medicines are also given the patient. Among the things burned in the
fire is chiltipin. Sometimes so many things are burned that one
informant, slightly skeptical, stated the patients were killed by the
smoke.

Some curers diagnose illness by feeling the wrists and the inner
side of the elbow with the thumbs, pressing vigorously. The head
_ (at least, in case of headache) is also pressed, particularly about the
frontal portions. The “heart” is felt by pushing the hand into the
abdominal region and feeling the internal organs. A gas movement in
the intestines is certain evidence the heart is affected. In a diag-
nosis observed, the sickness was ascertained in this way. The patient

3 be Desert Cahuila believe shamans are dangerous only when awake (Strong, 1929,
Pp. 0S).

“This suggests the Pueblo striking or “fighting” away the sickness with yucca switches
as at Acoma (White, 1932, p. 111).

BEAxs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 193

complained of headache, but the sickness had “gone from the belly to
the head.”

When curing for bewitchment, the curer asks what punishment is
desired for the wizard. Usually the relatives say, “Let the foolish
one alone.” But they may tell the curer to kill the wizard, particularly
if the patient is very sick. In this case the curer throws the objects
removed from the patient’s body, usually white two-headed worms or
snakes, into the fire. Then the patient recovers immediately and the
wizard dies. The objects appear to be removed by pressure and mas-
sage; no evidence of sucking could be secured. Some curers pray and
sing; others do not. Sometimes two curers are needed, working three
nights. Oil and salt blessed by the priest are very efficacious in cases
of bewitchment. Some people, when angry, can “throw” worms into
the person angering them. It is not clear whether this is a real case
of bewitchment or not.

Curers are ordinarily born knowing how to cure. It is “a gift from
God.” They may learn from their parents, but this seems rare. They
“know out of their head how to cure.” They always know whether
they can cure the patient or not.

It is very difficult to determine the part dreaming plays in sickness.
Evidently something approaching a dream condition is sometimes used
in diagnosis. If sick people dream of San Juan, San Francisco, or the
Virgin of the Rosary they awaken relieved.

Herbs and roots are given very commonly in drinks, both by curers
and as household remedies. One remedy noted (the case was sus-
pected bewitchment) was to place mixtures of mescal and maktico on
the palms of the hands and the insteps. For stomach trouble, a brew
is made of manzanillo (a small white flower with yellow center, finely
divided petals, probably a fennel, in which case the seeds have a car-
minative value), orange rind, hor se dung, and cinnamon. Mescal
or manzanillo cooked with cinnamon will “take the thought away from
the heart” and cure stomach trouble. For rattlesnake bite, damp
earth or a mountain plant, muste, is put on the bite. Other remedies,
mostly of a household nature, are:

Awa’ bi’bam (coyote’s tobacco), a tobaccolike wild plant used in powdered
form for animals with worms.

Sandrowo, a yellow-flowered plant, the root of which is used in a sort of sweat
bath. The patient is steamed under a blanket at midday for 3 days.

Tea of manzanillo is given for lung affections.

Bacomo, a river plant, the root of which is steeped in boiling water and drunk
for headache and toothache.

Leaves of ripa, a plant, are placed under the pillow to make one sleep. The
Mexicans place two poppy flowers under the pillow for the same purpose.

Bibino, a mountain plant, is used for nightmare. The leaves are powdered
over the face and a decoction of the flower is drunk.

Piorsia, a mountain plant, is powdered and drunk for constipation.

194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 142

Wasahiwiria root is boiled and the water drunk before breakfast as a purge.

Lightning-struck wood rubbed on teeth or chewed preserves teeth.

Cicivu leaves with ashes are put on the anus, and the root is used as a laxa-
tive in childbirth.

Pitahaya stalk is a remedy for the bite of a very poisonous snake, kukumpoli.

In some diseases the patient is given medicine to cool him; in
others, medicines to heat him. One woman at Chibuku became ill
because she ate some hail in hot weather when there was a hail storm.
She was sick for several months with pains in the shoulders, head-
aches, and eruptions of the skin. The neighbors felt the obvious
remedies must be something which would heat her, something “hot.”
Remedies which heat or cool the patient do so because of some intrin-
sic quality, not because they themselves are hot or cold. Others
thought this particular case was due to bewitchment.

The status and use of the hito tree is uncertain.* It is obviously
associated with the words for curing and for sickness. Its fruit is
used for food, but its bark is said to be used only for curing animals
who have worms, and not in cases of bewitchment. On the other
hand, the hitoléro must ask permission of “Maria Santisima and
Tata Dios” to cut and cure with it.

Toloache (jimpson weed) is used externally. Informants were sur-
prised and a little shocked at hearing of Indians who became “intoxi-
cated” from the herb. Peyote appeared to be unknown.

The following are some stories of bewitchment and curing:

A cousin of M———————’s became sick, his nose itched and he picked at it.
Finally blood came out. “After a month or so he managed to stop the blood
from coming out; then his nose began to grow big like a turkey’s. The white
dectors several times cut a piece out of the nose, but it continued swelling.
After several times he began to despair. The illness was the result of a flogging
he administered to a woman for taking corn from piles in his fields. He told
her to stop several times; finally he whipped her. In his ‘dream,’ when the
illness became so bad he couldn’t sleep, he saw this woman dressed all in
white. That is one way witches appear. But he did not believe in witches
and wouldn’t let his relatives do anything to the woman. Finally, he got
worms in his nose and then all over his head. He could no longer endure the
pain and one night he hanged himself. The witch killed him.”

4 The sacred character of the hito tree needs further investigation. Apparently no
Cahita willingly cuts such a tree. The species has been tentatively identified as Yacquinia
pungeus A. Gray. It would be interesting to know if this is the same tree used by the
Acaxee to the southeast to make wooden idols or to place beside stone idols. According
to Arnaya, this tree was the jiote or Pistacia terebinthus (Doc. Hist. Mex., 1853-7, 4th
ser., vol. 3, p. 72). However, this is a Mediterranean tree, not a New World plant, and
could not have been known to the Acaxee, a point omitted in my paper on that group
(Beals, 1933). Arnaya may have mistaken another plant for the jiote and according to
Dr. Carl Epling, of the Botany Department of the University of California at Los Angeles,
the hito, Yaquinia pungeus, might easily be confused with Pistacia terebinthus by a person
not a botanist. Unfortunately, there is no evidence whether the hito occurs in Acaxee
territory or not. If it does, then in all likelihood it was the tree referred to by Arnaya, and
would afford an interesting link between Acaxee and Cdhita.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 195

In another case, a curer’s daughter told of a man who got worms in his foot.
Her father pressed out the worms and threw them into the fire. The wizard died
almost immediately. Her father was not a smoking doctor; he diagnosed by
pressing, and used holy oil and salt and herbs in his cures. ‘He saw bewitch-
ment in his sleep.” He had learned this from his mother.

Another curer, also not a smoking doctor, burned candles for 3 nights. If
the patient was bewitched, he saw a coyote, cat, or dog. In curing, he made a
tiny cross of brasilwood, hung it about the patient’s neck, gave herbal infusions,
and rubbed holy oil and salt on the seat of the pain.

A Mexican curer, curing for bewitchment among the Mayo, placed a blessed
candle in the left hand of the patient and put a red cloth with a cross at each
corner of the bed. He then gave drugs and herbs. The patient had an infected
leg full of worms, with much swelling and pus. The curer soaked the leg and
rubbed it. He asked the relatives what should be done with the wizard, but they
asked only for the recovery of the patient.

A cure reported by one informant was a rattlesnake liver rubbed over the
head and face when her teeth were causing headaches. The head and tail are
eut off and dried, powdered, and drunk in atole as a medicine. The informant
suggested the last was Mexican.

After a serious illness the house is purified as after death by burn-
ing dung, herbs, and bird’s nests.

Curers are usually paid whether they cure or not but the amount
varies. If they do not cure, they are merely “given something for
their trouble”; a larger payment is made if the cure is effected.

Words connected with sickness and curing are:

hitto, they are curing.

hikto, to cure.

ahito, sickness (from snake bite in context).

ahitto vare, he is going to cure.

vehatiwi, one recovers.

béha rittobawa, one is going to be cured.

hitoléso, curer for all classes of illness caused by bewitchment. They are the

ones who smoke.

héka, breath, shadow.

téka, world; where the spirit goes.

note, journey.

mahuwe, dream.

sibori, sickness from witchcraft.

Information on Yaqui curers, yéhihito, hitébi (aiyéa hitéme, “he
knows how to cure very well”), is decidedly inadequate. Curers are
still numerous and active among the Yaqui, but on personal contact
refused to divulge any information, and informants knew little of the
curing methods. Herbs are much used and the curers are said to
exchange information. They have no part in ceremonies.

Peyote was unknown to my informants in any form. Toloache
(tolodcitea) is used externally only. The leaves are laid on cuts and
abscesses, where they draw out the pus. For rattlesnake bite, the bite
is cut in the form of a cross and the fruit of the echos is laid on the

196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 142

spot. Bwasubwila (yerba del indio) is used for “surfeit.” Other
herbs, used for purposes unknown to informants, are kardo, hautoria,
kukupite, hdéso, yerba manso, babis, and pa’uwis. Burned and pow-
dered cholla is placed on arrow wounds. For a scorpion sting, the
scorpion is rubbed on the wound.

Hrdlicka states peyote was well known to the Opata and Yaqui, but
this seems doubtful. The use of charred cactus on wounds may have
misled him, although peyote is early mentioned for the Opata for the
same purpose.*®

WITCHES AND WIZARDS

Among the Mayo, the wizard (m0’ria) is ordinarily a separate func-
tionary from the curer. He has a different name and his activities
are always malignant. Some informants said the two functions are
never combined, although it is possible for the curer to kill the wizards.
Others said that in former times the stronger wizard frequently killed
the weaker.

Informants were not clear on the way in which wizards acquire
their powers. They seem sometimes to be instructed by other wizards.
While learning, they see certain animals—owls, dogs, cats, snakes,
wildcats, coyotes, sheep, pumas, and jaguars—with which they talk.
Wizards also may turn themselves into these animals.

The methods of bewitching evidently are various. “Electricity” was
mentioned as being connected with bewitchment. One method illus-
trated by an informant was a ritual performed about 2 in the morn-
ing. (Asin curing, magical powers are more effective when the victim
is asleep.) The wizard faces the east, standing, with a cigarette in his
left hand. Taking a puff of the cigarette, a cross is marked in the air
with the left hand; another puff is taken and a downward motion is
made with the hand in front of the body, bending one knee at the same
time. A final third puff is taken. This is repeated to the north, west,
south, and again to the east. The entire ceremony is repeated three
times. Wizards are also said to sing. Witches turn into red ants,
big black ants, snakes, and coyotes to visit houses secretly.

Formerly, some people were said to turn themselves into coyotes to
steal things. To learn this power, they talked with the coyote of the
woods, the chief of the coyotes. Alternatively, the wildcat form was
taken. Coyotes are not killed except when they steal things from the
houses. It is doubtful if these people are true wizards. Owls are very
much feared and even the calling of an owl at night causes appre-
hension. Wizards are said to go to meetings where they partake of
feasts.

46 Ardlicka, 1908, p. 244; Alegre, 1841, vol. 2, p. 219. A much fuller account of Yaqui
herbal remedies is given by Wagner (1936).

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 197

The following was told by a Mexican, 26 years resident in the village
of Bacavachi:

One of my cowboys (an Indian) was sick with boils. He accused another cow-
boy with whom he had quarreled of bewitching him. While he was sick, his wife
saw an owl come to the house one night. The owl asked where the sick cowboy
lived. The wife said he lived in another rancheria and the owl flew away. She
believed it was the wife of the other cowboy coming to cause more illness.

The Indians are apt to kill anyone they suspect of being a wizard. A man
was killed last year (1930) in the village because he was believed to be a wizard.

A doll is sometimes made, and thorns, usually from the prickly pear,
are stuck into the soles of the feet or into the head or stomach. The
doll is then placed in an olla and buried in the woods. For 8 nights
two candles are burned over the olla and the wizard prays backward.
If the victim is a woman, the doll is dressed as a woman.

At the present time there are still a few practicing wizards. There
are said still to be many in Wi’caka near Echojoa.

Yaqui wizards or sorcerers (yé’sisibo, yoésisibome) still exist but are
rare. Known wizards of either sex are executed if detected. If doubt
is felt about guilt, a council is held to condemn the suspect. If the
evidence is clear, execution is immediately ordered by the kobana’u.
The method of execution is to place the wizard in a cage of branches,
where he is first shot, then burned. The execution is performed by the
soldiers away from the village and is in charge of the war captain.
(See p. 88.)

The wizard is said to be born with the power of bewitchment. The
only animal the Yaqui associate with the wizard is the crow (k6ni),
who is said to be a son of the devil and a sign of death. The crow is
also said to inform one of expected visitors, flying from the direction
they are coming, circling the house three times, and departing.

The only specific method of bewitchment learned is purely Euro-
pean. A doll is made representing the victim and two thorns are
pushed in from opposite sides. If the two thorns meet, the victim
dies.

The following was told by one informant :

Once, when a boy, the informant and friends hunted rats in the woods near
Bacum. In one of the nests in a tree they found an olla, well covered, with
what looked like blood and a black thing inside. They built a big fire about it.
The olla exploded. In the nearest house lived a woman of about 40, sister of
a man burned as a sorcerer. (See p. 88.) She died in 2 days without previous
illness. She must have been a witch.

A close friend of G———————’s had a mistress. She became angry with him
one day because he stayed away so much. The next afternoon while working
in his field, he became thirsty and went to his home with his mother. The
mother brought a glass of cebada for him, but he went to bed burning with
thirst in spite of this. After a while, his throat began to dry up and his whole
body began to shrivel. After about a week, a crow came and began to stay

530583—45——14

198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 142

about the house. The friend was very worried and begged G——————— to
shoot it. G@—— waited, hidden beneath the sahuaro on which it usually
perched, but it flew away straight to the house of the mistress, circled it once,
returned, and sat on another sahuaro. The next day G—————— marked a
cross on the lead nose of a bullet, and succeeded in shooting the crow from a
great distance. When it was dead, the friend refused to see it. Next day he
died. Nothing happened to the yictim’s mistress despite the killing of the
crow, but the informant obviously felt fate had slipped up somehow.

DREAMS

The importance of dreams among the Cahita is hard to estimate.
The material is scanty and applies almost entirely to the Mayo.
There are certainly no definite dream cycles as among the Yumans.
On the other hand, the importance of dreams in curing performances
and in securing power to bewitch suggests vaguely both the Yuman
situation and the Navaho diagnostician. Dreams are an important
aid to diagnosis among the Huichol. (Morgan, 1931; Lumholtz,
19038, vol. 2, p. 239.) The informant who talked most freely about
dreams had been afraid to become a curer in her youth “because she
would dream.”

Dreams may be bad or good, but are generally regarded with sus-
picion. Ifa person dreams of a friend or relative two or three nights
in succession, he will go to see the person to make sure he is
all right. If one dreams of animals, particularly coyotes, he is apt to
be badly frightened (mahuwe) and to cry out in his sleep. It is a
sign he is going to die or that some close relative is going to die.
Before M———————’s father died, she cried out in her sleep many
nights. “Maéamahuwéha kocéka itémpo (I was frightened while dream-
ing).” She dreamed of coyotes, of mounting horses, of falling in the
water, floods, and finally of burying her father. M—— insists
one may dream good things also, but dreams are hard to interpret.
“They usually foretell something, but one can’t always be sure what.”

When death approaches, one may also see things. Fifteen days
before her sister died, M—-————— saw three shadows with heads
enter the house in the middle of the night. Her sister called from an
inner room to know who had entered the house. She felt cold all
over; later she saw the shadows also. “Perhaps they were come to
look at her.” A little later a small dove entered and flew about the
room and out again.

An informant dreamed of Dr. Parsons riding a big red horse. In
the dream she said, “You will fall, comadre.” Next day she was wor-
ried about the dream. An Indian woman formerly employed in a
restaurant at Navojoa visited the proprietress “because she had
dreamed about her,” and wished to know if she was well.

BEALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 199

THE HORNED WATER SERPENT AND OTHER BELIEFS

There is a fairly general Mayo belief in a kind of black snake
(bikot, ba’bakot) with horns like a ram, which commands the water.
Such snakes live in water holes which never become dry. When the
snakes leave the water holes and go down the rivers, they make the
rivers rise and flood the surrounding territory. This causes great
damage, although it has a beneficial result also because the crops are
sure to be good following the flood. After reaching the ocean, the
snakes grow still bigger. Some say that water snakes are the con-
demned souls of those who had illicit love affairs with their com-
padres. After serving 100 years in the ocean, they are released.

Water snakes are sometimes killed by a being called suawaka or
Juan (not Saint John). He isa fat dwarf about a yard high, naked
and hatless, who shoots the snakes witha rifle. It is his shooting which
causes the thunder. The following Mayo tales were told about the
water serpent:

A serpent once lived in a water hole in a cave near Alamos. A young man
went into the cave for a drink, and the snake struck him with its tail and killed
him. His friends sought him and followed his trail to the cave, but were afraid to
enter. The father was wild with grief, and finally offered 1,500 pesos to the man
who would go into the cave and rescue his son or bring out his body if he were
dead. A young man offered to do this, but not until the following day. He waited
until the sun was at the zenith, then he went inside. The snake was asleep.
The rescuer crept past him and brought out the young man’s body. “Not every-
one could have done that; only someone who knew. Perhaps he knew when
the snake slept.”

Last year (1931) there was an enormous whirlwind along the river. It
made a great deal of noise and dust and raised up big sticks. It frightened
everyone greatly, coiling round and round like a snake. Finally, it reached
some white clouds in the sky and then hailstones like marbles fell, as though
someone were Shooting at an animal. The whirlwind finally went off toward
the mountains. For a while we thought it was the end of the world. Some
said it was a water spout, but it could not have been water or when it collapsed
it would have flooded the world. Others say it was the horned snake of the
water.

The lightning is considerably feared and there is a suggestion that
it has serpent associations. Lightning is attracted by the snake in
the deer bezoar and the thunder is associated with the killing of the
horned water serpent. A cross of blessed palm is always put on the
door post or an interior post of the house to prevent hghtning from
striking the-house. Salt thrown in the fire will make it stop thunder-
ing, Mexicans use the palm in the same way. Mexicans also use
salt. blessed by the priest to prevent witchcraft, throwing it about
the rooms or using it in the bath.

A person who learns to gamble in the woods will have special powers
and will always win. A Mayo informant’s uncle had tried: to do
this. The informant’s story of his experience follows:

200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 142

My uncle observed a man who [in gambling] always won, and asked him
his secret. He said he had learned in the woods, and offered to show my
uncle the method. “But this is for the account of the devil. You are going to
place your soul for this business,” he said. My uncle was instructed to buy a
new deck of cards, a new handkerchief, and two or three candles, and go
to the woods with 3 or 4 pesos in his pocket. The instructor then took my
uncle to a place in the woods where there was white earth (this earth seems
always to have supernatural associations), spread out the handkerchief, and lit
the candle beside it. Between 10 and 11 the cards were broken out and the
pesos placed on the handkerchief. The instructor told my uncle to start playing
by himself. “At midnight those who want to play with you will come, three
men.* A wind, very pleasant, will run before and three men will come, spitting,
wearing black capes, with fiery eyes. When they come, do not look at them,
just go on playing by yourself.” It so happened. My uncle heard the wind
and out of the corner of his eye saw the three men come to the edge of the wood.
Their spit was like red fire and their eyes were coals. They were smoking
with their left hands as they stood by the edge of the woods and watched him.
My uncle now took fright and ran away through the brush. By day he returned
and found his money and handkerchief where he had left them, but no sign of
the men. After that both my uncle and his instructor had fever. My uncle
nearly died, but the instructor said that for himself he had a term to his life
and need not worry until the time came [referring to his pact with the devil].

An aunt of the same informant also had uncanny attributes. A
widow, she rode like a man and did a man’s work. She had many
cattle and traveled the woods, hiring a woman to do the housework.
She even broke wild horses. Once she tried to give the informant
a snake to take home to her father. Because of her success with
cattle, it was believed she was able to treat with the “people of the
woods,” if not with the devil himself. (No suggestion of homosex-
uality attached to this case.)

Certain animals in the woods were supernatural in character. The
village of Chukari (house of the dogs) was named for three large
“magic dogs” that once lived there. These animals apparently were
harmless, but travelers in that vicinity were sometimes frightened
by the dogs rushing through the woods, particularly at night. Mo-
ronk4ri (gray house) was similarly named for three gray or lead-
colored horses that ran through the woods and frightened travelers.

Those who had the favor of the animals of the woods made good
vaqueros (cowboys), for the animals of the woods did nothing to
them. Like the gambler who learned in the woods, they had a fixed
term to their life. Consequently, they could be without fear, for
when the time came, death would take them and not before.

Certain plants in the woods are said to belong to Coyote. The
go’ivivam (coyote’s tobacco) is a wild tobacco plant. It is bad to
smoke. A small, wild, round melon is the coyote’s melon, while a wild
flower resembling the manzanillo is coyote’s manzanillo. No use is
made of any of these. Coyote also has a great fondness for water-
melons, which he eats in the fields at night.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 201

The owl is variously called a wizard, a devil, and a demon. While
often said to be the form which a wizard takes, if the owl calls a
person by name, telling him he is asleep, the bird is considered by
some to be a messenger of Christ, who has called the person. The
curer cannot help such a person. The owl frequently circles the
houses and talks to the inhabitants when he is planning evil. Other
birds are also feared. The blackbird is a sign of death or that one
has enemies. The huitakéce (not identified) also means death, and
is killed if possible.

Other Mayo beliefs follow:

When there are many fleas about, it is going to rain soon. When
a big dust devil comes, people make a cross with the thumb and fore-
finger and pray, commanding the whirlwind to go away. It is be-
heved to be the devil come to do damage or evil. Robberies were
formerly detected by witchcraft. One went to a wizard who deter-
mined the thief. (This has an aboriginal antecedent.) To make
rain stop, a naked boy (who has no brothers?) goes around the house
3 times, throwing salt.

The horned water serpent has been identified by the Yaqui with
the seven-headed serpent of Spanish folk lore, and is called bakot
gobtisan kébaka (serpent seven head). The water serpents live in
springs and water holes. By going down the river, they cause floods.
One informant attributed the upsetting of his canoe in the river during
a flood to the swell caused by one of these serpents passing directly
underneath him.

The people are often saved by suawaka (here not called Juan),
who is the king of the animals.. He is a dwarf, naked, and carries
a bow. The thunder is violent when he kills a serpent. The rain-
bow (kurta) is his bow. One informant suggested a connection with
the small boa found locally, the corwa or kuri’esim, a short (4 or 5
feet), thick snake.*

The Yaqui have other animal associations with floods and storms.
When there is a chwbasco, a fine hard rain, two birds are seen in great
numbers, baisébolim (small yellowish doves), and gokobabaséla
(swallow).

When there are heavy rains, small slides run the slopes of the steep
mountains. They are attributed to mythical centipedes (tétan
masiwi), which are taller than a man and which live in the rocks.
When there are big rains or floods, the centipedes break forth from
beneath the rocks and rush down the mountain sides, leaving tracks
of broken rocks behind. Two such slides, visible from Vicam Station,
are said to have been made by these centipedes during an 8-day rain
the year Lencho was founded (about 1929).

47 At Cochiti the helper and protector of animals lives with the twin dwarf war gods
(Goldfrank, 1927, p. 35).

202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 142
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN RELIGION AND CEREMONIALS

How far the modern Yaqui and Mayo cults retain aboriginal be-
liefs and ceremonial practices cannot be determined with exactness.
Nevertheless, certain features may be indicated, with a fair degree
of probability, as retaining influences from pre-Christian times.

Most of the practices and beliefs connected with the “Religion of
the Woods” are aboriginal and are generally recognized by the Yaqui
as not being a part of the Christian belief. It is true that, unrecog-
nized by the Cahita, certain European ideas have become included,
but for the most part these are obvious, and are essentially superficial
details. Probably aboriginal are hunting and fishing beliefs ‘and
ceremonies, and the wizards and curing practices. The type of re-
ligious gathering also has analogies elsewhere, and there is evidence
that the assemblage of large groups at fiestas at which dances took
place was not stopped but encouraged by the missionaries. At the
dedication of the first church of the Zuaque there was “dancing in
the plaza to the sound of drums formerly used to call to war and
in the celebration of victories” (Pérez, 1645, p. 168). Among the

Ahome, the Semana Santa (Holy Week), which the Indians called |

Pascua (as today), was celebrated by “honest” dances to which other
towns were invited. Food for as many as two or three thousand
was assembled for their fiestas (Pérez, 1645, p. 158). This account
would appear to have aboriginal elements in it, and it also closely
resembles present conditions so far as one may judge from such a
general statement. Men and women danced separately and evidently
only the men’s dances survived (Pérez, 1645, p. 149). At the first
Pascua of the Nativity celebrated by the missionaries there occurred
the first use of music by the missionaries, and the first outside proces-
sion, in which the Indians took part with dances (Pérez, 1645, p. 44).
Dancing in the church was definitely fostered by the missionaries,

as a substitute for the dancing about the sand painting, while dancing —

in the ramada today is probably a survival of that in the older cere-

monial hut.*® In view of the historical documentation and the close _
connection of pascola and deer dancers with both the church cere-_

monies and the “Religion of the Woods,” I think it not too romantic -
to consider them direct (though possibly altered) descendants of —
the dancers invited into the church by the missionaries of the six- _
teenth century. The arches erected for the reception of the image —

of Christ at certain velaciones (page 148) have their counterpart in
many of the early descriptions, and Pérez de Ribas (1645, p. 47) says

48The relevant passages from Pérez (1645, pp. 40-41) and the Memorias (38) are
quoted in the first part of this study (Beals, 1943, pp. 66 and 83) and need not be
repeated here. It is clear that the missionaries permitted the same dances to be performed
in the church as were done about the sand painting,

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 203

it was customary to erect arches of green branches to show respect for
a person received by the Indians.

It is plain, then, that certain features of the modern cult have
aboriginal antecedents, including the dancing in the plaza, church,
and procession, the nature of the fiesta gathering, and the use of arches
in the festivals. It is probable that the tendency toward general
masculine inebriation in the fiestas is also a survival of older patterns.
There is lacking direct evidence that the form of religious order
(fiesteros), the clowning fariseos, and the clowning behavior of the
pascola dancers, the use of masks, or the form of the dances themselves
are aboriginal. Some reasonable inferences may be drawn here,
though.

With regard to the fiesteros, I am inclined to believe, in view of the
tendency of the missionaries to adapt what they could of native cus-
toms, that their organization is at least built on some sort of earlier
religious organization. From distributional evidence, I am convinced
the deer dance, and hence probably the whole cycle of animal dances,
is aboriginal in its main outline. For similar comparative reasons,
Tam inclined to consider the fariseo maskers and the principal behavior
of the pascola dancers as built on aboriginal substructures. The
matachin dancers present a more difficult case. Matachin dances
are reported over wide areas of Mexico and the Southwest. Despite
their general European character, some elements, such as the feather
wand, are suggestive of Indian origins. The Aztecs are reported to
have had a dance which resembled the matachin dancers of Italy, and
this may be the origin of the name as applied to the dances elsewhere.
Until more complete comparative data are available, I would be loath
to say that the matachin dances are wholly European in their origin.

In the period since the missionaries there are a few references to
the Cahita dances. Velasco (1850, p. 74) mentions the Tesguin, Pas-
cola, Venado, and Coyote among the Yaqui. Tesguin sounds wrong
here as it resembles the Tarahumara word for maize-beer (Basauri,
1929, p. 40), which would suggest that it is a Tarahumara dance. On
the other hand, my Mayo informants claimed four animal dances once
existed, and the names they remembered correspond with the other
three given by Velasco. McKenzie (1890, p. 300) describes Yaqui
Pasoli (sic) dances in which a cross with the image of a saint was
erected and candles burned. The dancers tied small shells about their
feet (a plausible mistake for the cocoon rattles which were probably
what he really saw) and carried gourd rattles, the faces masked “. . . in
imitation of the animal or mythical being from whom the dance is
derived, and the dancers imitate the actions of the particular animal
as the bear, deer, dog, etc.” The drum and reed flute are the only
instruments mentioned.

204. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunt 142

Although informants said that the dances have lost some features
in the last 50 years, the changes have not been great. In view of the
historical indications of the introduction of dances into church and
fiesta, they probably present a number of features of aboriginal origin.
The drum and flute of the pascola dancers, the rasping sticks, and the
gourd water drums of the deer dancer, may be assumed to be survivals.
The same is probably true of the pattern of the pascola dance, together
with the major part of the costume. Where the cross appears, par-
ticularly on the masks, it probably is introduced, although the cross
existed in aboriginal America, and among the Southeastern Yavapai it
was used by the masked performer (Gifford, 1932, pp. 237-8). The
copper bells on the coyoles may be a post-Spanish introduction; on
the other hand, they may have been traded in even before Spanish
times as copper bells are known archeologically from nearby points.

The masks are a troublesome problem, but they are probably of
aboriginal origin. It is true that early references to masks among

the Cahita are sadly lacking, a puzzling deficiency in view of the con-'

siderable amount of descriptive material written by the early Spanish
missionaries. I know of only one rather late reference to masks among
the Ocoroni. On the other hand, masks are evidently aboriginal both
in Mexico and the Southwest.

It appears to me also that there is a logical argument for the aborig-
inal character of masks in the way they are used. In the first place,
the missionaries would have made no attempt to stamp out Indian
customs which were not objectionable to the church. There is direct

evidence that they encouraged the pelota and kick race games of the —

region as well as “honest” dances (without sexual indecency). To the
intelligent missionary—and evidence seems to show that the early
missionaries among the Cahita were above average—animal imper-
sonating dances may well have been an interesting side show to be held

during the church festivals. The missionaries might easily have been —

unaware of religious associations in animal impersonations. The mis-

sionaries might also have thought it advantageous to transfer dances ;
associated with rituals to a place in Catholic festivals. The pascola

dancers take just such a place in the present festivals. Such a role

would have done little violence to Catholic ideas in a conbury, when

dances in the churches were known in Spain.

What changes, then, would the missionaries have made in the —
Indian dances? They would, perhaps, have shorn the dances of visual ©

obscenities, if such existed, as well as of the religious ideas they pos-

sessed. But the religious ideas back of an animal impersonating dance —

in all probability were too vague to worry the good fathers much, par-

:
|
|

ticularly as they were disposed to see religion primarily in terms of —
organized cults, of altar, idol, and priest. The missionaries did, how-

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 205

ever, make a point of teaching the Indians to play European musical
instruments. It is evident, then, that directly or indirectly, the
missionaries caused the inclusion of the harp and violin in the dance
music.

It is quite possibly significant in this connection that in dancing to

the introduced musical instruments, the harp and violin, the pascola
dancers do not wear their masks over their faces. Only in dancing
to the drum and flute, instruments of undoubted aboriginal proveni-
ence (even though their form may have suffered modification through
white influence), does the pascola dancer draw his mask over his face.
Had the missionaries introduced the masks, it seems logical to presume
that they would have introduced the masks in connection with their
own musical instruments as well. Moreover, the dancing with the
masks is certainly less European in character than that without the
masks, although European influence is doubtful in either case.
If I am not mistaken, another point of interest is that the masked
religious dancers of medieval Europe impersonated evil. They repre-
sented the devil or some other evil force or individual. The pascola
dancer in no sense and at no time appears to have any association
with evil, even when masked, despite his connection with the woods.
At times, while masked, he even delivers religious speeches and per-
forms religious ceremonies directly connected with Catholic saints.
This would seem definitely to dissociate the pascola mask from the
forces with which the European mask was associated. If the mis-
sionaries introduced the mask, it is to be expected that it would be
in connection with the representation of evil, and it seems reasonable
to assume that some remnant of this attitude would persist: Neither
does it seem likely that the missionaries would have associated or per-
mitted the association of the cross with the mask if implications of
the latter had been objectionable. The cross on the pascola mask sug-
gests Christian approval of an aboriginal article, just as it does in the
case of the rasping sticks.

It will be noted that these last arguments would favor the view
that the fariseo mask was introduced. However, in view of the wider
distribution of this type of mask and its highly aboriginal character,
it seems to me possible that the fariseo mask is an adaptation of a
clown element in the aboriginal religion such as we find in the South-
west. To the missionary the function of the clown in burlesquing
religious ceremonies, his obscenities and jokes, would have seemed evil.

‘His functions could easily be incorporated in the representation of
the fariseo in teaching the Indians, as they undoubtedly were taught,
the elements of the Passion play performed in connection with Lent
and Easter. The actions of the fariseos are distinctly similar to those
of Southwestern clowns, and it is quite plausible that there we have not

206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 142

a pure survival, but the adaptation of an aboriginal survival by the
missionaries, an adaptation which has altered entirely the function
of the original complex with little change in its details.

Perhaps these arguments are incorrect. Certainly they smell
slightly of scholasticism, but scarcely more so than the contrary hy-
pothesis which would have dancers wearing introduced masks saying
prayers to the animals of the woods.

A number of ritual features must be accepted on a priori grounds
as being wholly or mainly aboriginal, such as the ceremonial usages of
tobacco and the “incense burner.” Most of these I believe to be ade-
quately described and discoverable in the descriptive account.

On the importance of San Juan Bautista in the Cahita cult, it is
impossible to give a conclusive answer. Undoubtedly, some of this
importance is due to various early European influences. The first
town in Cahita territory, Carapoa on the Fuerte River, had San Juan
Bautista as its patron saint. The survivors of that town played an
important part in the earliest missionary efforts, and there are many
references in the early mission literature which suggest that San Juan
was in some sense regarded as the patron of the whole Sinaloa mis-
sion enterprise. Another possible reason for San Juan’s popularity
is that the festival day falls at about the beginning of the rainy season
and hence was a good substitute for any existing rain festivals.

There are probably some post-Spanish introductions which are actu-
ally of Aztec or other southern Indian origin. The tekio, or com-
munal-work idea, so far as it existed among the Cahita, was, of course,
Aztec. In the religious cult, the use of the eggs filled with confetti on
Easter Saturday might be of Aztec derivation also, for at the fiesta of
flowers (suchiylluitl) held twice yearly in Mexico, young men ran
through the streets at dawn smashing egg shells (Cervantes, 1914,
pp. 59-60).

The organization of Yaqui and Mayo ceremonials, with its empha-
sis on societies and the large number of Southwestern parallels, also
suggests development from an aboriginal pattern. One can hardly
imagine the missionaries fostering such a group as the susuaékame
in any case, and if the present-day ceremonial groupings were founded
by the missionaries, one must at the very least concede that they have
absorbed much from some aboriginal prototypes. Even the matachin
groups, for which the strongest probability of mission origin exists,

present a form of organization and method of recruitment that is-

native in character.

To sum up, it is suggested that not only are the admittedly non-
Christian phases of supernatural practice and belief largely of ab-
original origin, but that many features of the dances, paraphernalia,
and organization associated with Christian ritual are likewise ab-

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 207

-#riginal or derived from aboriginal prototypes. The survivals asso-
ciated with Christian ritual survived primarily through toleration,
adaptation, or failure on the part of the missionaries to understand
underlying significances.

RHYTHMS OF ACTIVITY AND THE ADJUSTMENT TO WHITE CULTURE

In studying groups as numerous as the Yaqui and Mayo, the single
observer, even with unlimited time, cannot achieve a complete or de-
tailed analysis of the culture. At no point really can he state defi-
nitely, ‘This is a true picture of all Cahita behavior.” Even less
can he hope to know the wide range of individual variation and, non-
conformity, although he may hope to catch and express cultural
norms with some accuracy. ‘The rich play of personality against
personality and the interaction of culture and the individual are
bound to elude him in the first confused search for norms within
a rich and hitherto unfamiliar culture type.

At the same time, the ethnographer inevitably becomes aware of
trends and currents. Almost unconsciously and intuitively, inter-
pretative generalizations are made about the character and problems
of the life and culture he is studying, generalizations which are lack-
ing in sufficient concrete supporting data to give them full validity.
Despite the inadequate factual background, such impressions often
are useful to the reader who can, through his own field experience,
weigh their virtues and faults. For such readers the present section
is offered. I hope that with this introduction and disclaimer, the
following general remarks will not serve as a final word, but rather
as a stimulus to further and deeper probing into the fundamental
characteristics of Cahita life.

The central core of Mayo life (and Yaqui life insofar as it pur-
sues a normal course undisturbed by revolt) is concerned with the
fields, Even for those who do not have their own land and hence must
work for others, life revolves about the succession of planting and
harvesting. There are periods of ceremonial activity, seasons of lesser
animation due to climatic extremes, and secondary occupations, such
as wood cutting and small household industries; but agriculture fur-
nishes the thread of continuity and the basic pattern of Cahita life.

The real division of the Cahita year comes in the summer. This
is the rainy season as well as the time of intense heat. Beginning in
early May, or even April, the temperature mounts to well over 100°
Fahrenheit almost daily. By midsummer, temperatures of 120° to
125°, or more, are fairly frequent. About June 1 the rains begin,
heavy torrential thunderstorms. The rivers are high; the roads fre-
quently are impassible. Except immediately after rains, though, the
humidity is apt to be fairly low.

208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 142

The new ceremonial year begins near the end of July with the hold-
ing of the puti, the first fiesta of San Juan. In August, activity of
importance must begin. The pitahayas are ripe, and are gathered
through August. There is plenty of food. Fields must be irrigated
while the waters are high in the rivers and arroyas. By the end of
September, or before, the fall crops of corn, beans, and squashes
must be planted. After September, in the Yaqui River the rice
harvest is in full swing, to be followed by the planting of wheat on
the same lands. This affords work for many Cahita, although they
do not raise rice themselves. In both the river valleys there are peas
and tomatoes to plant for white farmers, as well as care to be given
the corn and bean crops. If the rains extend well into the fall, much
land which cannot be irrigated may be planted to wheat. Sometimes
fairly heavy rains occur as late as December, although ordinarily
a heavy equinoctial storm in late September marks the end of the
rainy season and the extreme heat.

The beginning or middle of November sees the start of the fall
harvest for corn, beans, and squash. By mid-December it is virtually
over and winter is well under way. Nights are cold and days fre-
quently are both cloudy and, in contrast to summer, quite chilly. All
activities are reduced to a minimum, and most household industries,
such as blanket weaving, cease entirely. On the lands of white farm-
ers, the rice harvest is practically over. Most of the wheat is planted,
but harvest of the tomato, pea, and melon crops for export to the
United States usually begins.

In December or January there are normally one or two heavy
winter rains, falling mostly in the mountains, which flood the low-
lands along the rivers and provide the necessary water for irrigating
fields for the spring crops. By the middle of December the Indians
have begun to plant garbanzos, and by mid-January wheat, corn, and
bean planting are under way. Wheat and garbanzo planting must
be finished before mid-February. January, for all its planting, is not
an excessively busy month, for the winter planting season is a more
leisurely time than the summer season. During the month, two addi-
tional fiestas of San Juan are held, the bahito and hisimo.

About the end of January, the weather becomes warmer. Blanket
weaving begins again, although most of the women are only spin-
ning thread. Other household industries are more actively pursued.
In February, the Lenten season starts with its many fiestas and Fri-
day processions, On the lands of white farmers, harvest of the
vegetable crops is usually over by the end of this month.

In March or April occur the elaborate fiestas of Easter Week, ter-
minating the period of artificial sobriety connected with the Lenten
season. The winter is definitely over. Usually there are no more

Burs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 209

rains; the sky is cloudless, the air is clear. Crops are in and need only
nominal care. If the winter showers were sufficient, the woods and
desert are full of flowers. The parakeets begin to return and the
shrubs are full of birds, including thousands of cardinals and other
brightly colored species. Fruit is abundant, especially oranges, limes,
and papayas. Blankets and other household products are plentiful.
Everyone seems busy but no one is working too hard. Despite Lenten
restrictions, this is a cheerful season for the Indian.

Sometime in April it begins to be fairly warm, often hot, according
to most standards, but not the local ones. It is a leisurely month, on
the whole. Even the latest corn and bean plantings are over. There
are garbanzos to eat green, but no harvesting. May is hot, but summer
is not considered to have started. The garbanzo and wheat harvests
are under way, and it is a race to get them finished before the summer
rains start. The corn and bean harvest also starts in this month.

June sees the end of the ceremonial year with the fiesta of San Juan
on the 24th. For 6 weeks the moros have been touring the country-
side. Watermelons are ripe and the spring harvests are mostly over.
The heat is now intense. On the lands of white farmers, rice planting
has been going on for some time, and should be practically over by the
end of the month. Because of the heat, activity is reduced to a
minimum.

These periods of alternate activity and relative quiet have their
parallel to some extent in the smaller cycle of the week. The week
ends are periods of rest and lessened activity. Among the Mayo, the
fiestas all occur on week ends. If there is no fiesta, for a substantial
minority the week end is a period of drinking and carousing, especially
among the Mayo. The towns are crowded and there is a great deal of
drinking starting Saturday. afternoon and often continuing until
Monday night. The more conservative majority, and particularly the
older people, do not indulge in these prolonged drinking bouts.

There are other minor recurring rhythms in the life of individuals
which cannot be said to affect the life of the entire community.
Spring is primarily the hunting and fishing season, and individuals
who follow these pursuits are more occupied during the spring months
than at other times. This affects only a small part of the population.
Blanket weavers, dancers, fireworks makers, and other specialists also
have their own special cycles of activity and rest.

The varying activity cycles are obviously adjusted in part to white
culture, especially in reference to economic pursuits. Large numbers
of both Mayo and Yaqui work periodically on the farms of whites.
The difference in agricultural pursuits makes this possible without
great interference with the farming activities of the Indian. Rice,
garbanzo, and winter vegetables require considerable amounts of

210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw. 142

labor for limited periods. These periods do not coincide with the peak
periods of native farm work.

In other respects the adjustment to white culture made by Yaqui
and Mayo is rather different. On the Yaqui River, the areas of white
and Indian settlement are clearly demarked. White activity is mostly
in the irrigated region south of the river. The Indians are mostly
along the river and on the north side of the stream. ‘The Mayo, on
the other hand, live mixed among white settlements and farms. The
Mayo are in constant contact with whites and under white observation.
These factors are correlated with distinctive reactions and adjustments
to whites and white culture.

Mayo adjustment has in some measure been less successful in pre-
serving native standards intact. On the other hand, it has seen a
great expansion in numbers and in area occupied. Both peoples have
resisted white culture. But the Mayo has done it by turning inward,
by concealing in some degree his feelings and activities from whites.
The commonest white characterization of the Mayo is that he is “muy
cerrado. (very shut).” The Mayo may live among whites, but he
rarely lives with them. When whites begin to settle in a town, the
Mayo moves to the outskirts; when the town becomes predominantly
white, he moves into rancherias in the brush. Constantly he main-
tains a reserve before and among whites. Not unfriendly usually, the
Mayo simply talks as little as possible, particularly about those things
which are most important to him. An inquiry into such a problem
as why a man becomes a fariseo is met with astounding and irritating
vagueness. The son of one of the Mayo families I knew best became
a fariseo. Despite my extremely friendly relations with the family,
I never did succeed in learning the circumstances involved. There is
no indication of any esoteric reasons for such a difficulty; rather is
it typical of the practiced, though I believe usually unconscious,
evasiveness which is the basis of the Mayo technique for maintaining
a cultural integrity in the face of a pervasive and aggressive white
culture. The Mayo may have a white neighbor across a brush and
barbed wire fence, and he may work on his neighbor’s farm. If the
neighbor is friendly, the Mayo may invite him to a ceremony in the
house, but not for many years, if ever, will the Mayo willingly tell
him anything that really matters to the ethnographer.

In contrast to the Mayo attitude, the Yaqui is frank and aggressive.
The only subjects on which I was aware of reticence, once I had estab-
lished friendly relations, were witchcraft and curing techniques. The
Yaqui often leaves home to work for white farmers. Yaquis are the
laborers and miners throughout northern Sonora. Yet they live to
themselves if it is possible, and they have fought vigorously to prevent
whites from settling among the Yaqui villages. On the other hand,

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 911

there is quite conscious acceptance of some aspects of white culture.
The Yaqui have long adapted the Spanish alphabet to writing Yaqui.
Not a few town secretaries use the typewriter, while most Yaqui
clamor for plows, wagons, irrigation pumps, and tractors. I once
was secretly approached by a representative of the still rebellious
group living in the Sierra de Bacatete in 1932; the agent drove his
own automobile to the town in which I was staying. On the other
hand, the Yaqui want no priests to interfere with their beliefs and
ceremonies, no government officials to supplant their own officers and
interfere with customs, nor any Mexican neighbors to settle on land
the Yaqui consider to be theirs. The Yaqui adjustment to white
culture is part of an effort to master their own destiny, conscious,
selective, and aggressive.

MAYO PACIFISM 5 YAQUI NATIONALISM

In no small degree, the differences between the Yaqui and Mayo
adjustments to the encroachments of white culture seem to be rooted
in fundamental differences in the patterns of the two cultures, differ-
ences which historically are symbolised by the pacifism of the Mayo
and the warlike nationalism of the Yaqui. Yaqui and Mayo cultures
modernly are very nearly identical in content, save for the greater dis-
integration of the latter. Anciently, the same must have been true to
an equal, or perhaps greater extent, for the early writers emphasize
the homogeneous character of Chita culture. Yet despite this near
identity, there exists modernly, and evidently existed anciently, a pro-
found difference in temperament between the two peoples, a difference
that must have had some reflection in the aspect of the culture if not
in its content.

There can be little question that the differences existing today in
part are ancient. The Mayo never resisted the Spanish. They wel-
comed missionaries, in fact requested their presence before the Spanish
were ready to advance into Mayo territory. So far as the data show,
the Mayo have never risen against the whites except at Yaqui instiga-
tion. On the other hand, the Yaqui successfully resisted the Spanish
in the beginning. They finally accepted missionaries in return for
peace and almost complete autonomy throughout the Colonial period.
Since then they have risen repeatedly at every attempt to interfere
with their semi-autonomous status.

Modernly, this difference is readily apparent. The Mayo has no
sense of nationalism, no consciousness of his people as a group, no
tribal cohesion. The Yaquis, on the contrary, have a fierce pride of
race, an almost rabid nationalism. One is reminded irresistibly of
Kroeber’s picture of the Mohave:

--'The settlement is the political and social basis of life in California. The tribe,
| at least as a larger unit, exists barely or not at all. The reverse is the case

Zi2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 142

with the Mohave. They think in terms of themselves as a national entity, the
Hamakhava. They think also of their land as a country, and of its numberless
places. They do not think of its settlements. Where a man is born or lives is
like the circumstance of a street number among ourselves, not part of the fabric
of his career. The man stands in relation to the group as a whole, and this group
owns a certain tract rich in associations; but the village does not enter into
the scheme. They liked to see lands; timidity did not discourage them, and they
were as eager to know the manners of other peoples as they were careful to hold
aloof from adopting them. [Kroeber, 1925, p. 727.]

Unlike the Mohave, the Yaqui, perhaps inevitably as the result of
their greater numbers, think not only in terms of the tribe but in terms
of the pueblo or town. Nevertheless, the interests of the towns must
give way before the interests of the tribe. Tribal decisions, perhaps,
but not necessarily through Caucasian influence, are sufficiently pow-
erful to depose strictly town officials who resist them.

Another striking contrast is the drabness of Mayo history compared
with that of the Yaqui. There is no single Mayo individual’s name
appearing in the Spanish records of their history. With the Yaqui
the reverse is true. From the first leader to Banderas, Cajeme, Teta-
biate, Matus, and others, the Yaqui have had and still have intelligent
and courageous leaders whose personalities have impressed themselves
on history. These leaders have acted as tribal representatives, as heads
of the nacidén, not of village or town. Nation or tribe are common
words on every Yaqui’s tongue; they are rarely, if ever, used by the
Mayo. Nearly every Yaqui knows tribal boundaries, tribal rights,
tribal claims against the whites—things foreign to Mayo thinking.
Over and over informants speak of the group as an independent
nation, and, naively enough, discuss treaties and the possibility of
negotiating with foreign powers on an equal basis. The difference here
is perhaps in what is regarded as the “community” in the sociologist’s
sense. The Yaqui community is the tribe; the Mayo community the
pueblo, or even the subvillage, and horizons are correspondingly re-
stricted. A Mayo may sometimes speak with pride of “our pueblo”
to distinguish old Navojoa from the modern Mexican town, but it is
not particularly common to have even a community of this size defi-
nitely recognized as playing a role in the life of the individual.

One might expect, then, a different emotional and psychological
bias in the two groups. This exists, certainly, and Benedict’s (1932)
classification in terms of behavior norms is immediately suggested.
It is at once apparent that the classification, if valid, is not revelatory
in this instance. Unquestionably, both cultures must be classed as
Apollonian and realistic, as much so as the Pueblos. All life situa-
tions are handled by formula. Neither culture has any place for unre-
strained emotion. Even the hilarious excitement of Easter Saturday
or San Juan’s Day is in a Christianized ritual in which all activity is

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 213

carefully canalized into a fixed, formal behavior. Among the Yaqui,
even warfare is patterned and confined. Men attack and retreat upon
order, and the early chroniclers note as strange that not only the Yaqui
but all the Cahita attacked without any war cry and fought in silence,
and in order, with a leader who directed but did not participate.
Death is bereavement, not a supernatural fear situation; mourning is
ritual. In but one case, during several funerals attended, was there a
tear shed or an unritual expression of sorrow voiced. This is again
typical of the Apollonian Pueblos, although perhaps even more extreme.

Evidently Benedict’s classifications do not cut deep enough in this
particular case. Here are two cultures side by side, both Apollonian,
both realistic in their attitude toward life situations, with almost
identical content and pattern, yet there is a fundamental configura-
tional difference which expresses itself in the reactions of practically
every individual of the two tribes.

The differences already discussed in connection with the adjustments
to white culture must be reviewed and amplified here. The Mayo
accepts his status within Mexican culture and compromises rather than
protests. Obstinately devoted to his own ritual, he will evade con-
flict with authority to the extent of moving fiesta dates when they
do not meet with the approval of the Mexican authorities. He permits
visitors and spectators throughout the ceremonies. He is rarely a
good or fluent conversationalist, particularly with strangers, of whom
he is wary and suspicious. The Yaqui refuses compromise except as
a last resort when an appeal to force appears useless or ill-advised.
He permits no onlookers at fiestas; Mexican soldiers and ethnologists
alike, if they wish to view ritual, must become, in form at least, par-
ticipants. As suspicious of strangers as is the Mayo, he is neither
particularly wary nor shy, but sturdily self-reliant. Upon very short
acquaintance, he will talk freely and aggressively. The only inhibi-
tion to Yaqui conversation is the fear of giving information of value
to the Mexicans and of being reprimanded by the hierarchy.

Perhaps these differences are but a reflection of the different world
outlook, springing again out of the community type. Not only does
the Yaqui view his surroundings in terms of the tribe, but he is
conscious of a world beyond the tribe. Aboriginally, he was a raider.
The Mayo asked for missionaries partly because they expected the
protection of Spanish soldiers against the Yaqui. The Guzman party
found the Pima Bajo territory upstream from the Yaqui practically
depopulated as a result of a “war” waged against them by the Yaqui.
Modernly, the Yaqui is no less inclined to wander and to know other
peoples. Where the Mayo knows only the Yaqui and Tarahumara,
the last vaguely, the Yaqui know Mayo, Tarahumara, Pima Bajo,
Opata, Pima, Apache, Seri, and Waicuri. Many have been in the

530583 —45——-15

214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

United States; one informant even knew the Pueblos. Throughout
Sonora, they travel where work is to be had, but the majority return
sooner or later to their beloved river and the Sierra de Bacatete.
They know there are other peoples and other ways of living, although
they have little interest in adopting other ways (save in a few things
such as automobiles, farm machinery, and such practical matters).

Essentially the difference here is that between the aggressive, ad-
venturing spirit, and a passive spiritlessness, or something which
rather closely approximates it. The Mayo may perhaps be character-
ized as Apollonian, realist, passive; the Yaqui as Apollonian, realist,
agegressive.*® Furthermore, how may the whole question of cultural
intensities be fitted into the scheme? Surely they affect configura-
tions no less importantly. The modern Yaqui and Mayo are to be
distinguished by the intensity of cultural expression. Mayo culture,
similar as it is to Yaqui, functions at a low energy level; it lacks
vigor, while Yaqui culture is vital and intense.

The ultimate distinction between Yaqui and Mayo may, of course,
be this problem of intensity, but I am inclined to think this is a
modern development. If Mayo cultural drives had always been
geared to slow speed, it is hard to conceive of the slow southward
drift in post-Columbian times being successful in completely obliter-
ating the peoples of the Fuerte River as it has.

As to causes of these differences, one finds even tentative explana-
tions difficult. The Yaqui were a frontier people in a sense. North-
ernmost of the Cahita-speaking peoples, they were close pressed by
the marauding parasitic Seri, but this could hardly account for a
nationalistic feeling. To the south, the Tehueco and Zuaque were
equally warlike, but the peoples of the Fuerte River failed to become
united in a large social unit as did the Yaqui. Even the Mayo were
loosely united for the length of their river, although the union acquired
no true nationalistic significance. Exposed constantly to attack
by the Yaqui on the one hand and the Tehueco on the other, enemies
far more dangerous than the Seri, the Mayo became neither warlike
nor politically self-conscious. It may be, of course, that conflict
with neighbors speaking a mutually intelligible language and possess-
ing the same culture was less stimulating than the conflict. with the
Seri, Pima Bajo, and perhaps Tarahumara indulged in by other
tribes, but this seems fantastic as a solution. Or, what is perhaps
more plausible, the whole pattern of aggressive nationalism is but

49 Without wishing to enter into extended discussion, if, to discriminate between peoples
so closely allied, classification of the type suggested by Benedict requires the addition of
another category, one is inclined to wonder whether any extension of her classification
beyond the selected list of peoples she has used would not discover a similar inadequacy.
Cultural configurations may in part be due to the type of apperception of the exterior

world and the character of the emotional releases favored by the culture, but it would seem
other factors must be considered before an all-embracing classification may be arrived at,

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 215

a sporadic reflex of the nationalism of the less advanced tribes of the
lower Colorado. This is only removing the question a step further
away. In any case, one would expect more important repercussions
from the much more highly integrated political institutions border-
ing the Cahita to the south in Culiacan. Yet, although historical
data are inadequate, apparently the southern Cahita resembled the
Mayo in being nonaggressive and nonnationalistic.

It may be, of course, that the entire range.of differences here dis-
cussed is post-Columbian. Certainly, it isin part. One feels the less
integrated, less internally vigorous character of Mayo culture to be
modern. It smacks of a decay which is absent from Yaqui culture.
On the other hand, particularly in view of the documentary evidence,
it seems likely that the aggressive nationalism of the Yaqui represents
an ancient differentiation from the Mayo.

As indicated above, the contrasts between Yaqui nationalism and
Mayo pacifism are but the more obvious symbols of deeply pervasive
differences in cultural aspect, feeling, and attitudes. These differences
are not reflected in the objective characters of the cultures. Material
culture, institutions, officials, belief, the details of ritual, the degree
of absorption of white culture, and the major cycles of activity are
remarkably alike. It is in adaptation to the present Mexican culture,
in the character of individual and group responses to a wide variety
of situations, that the Yaqui and Mayo are far apart. Somehow,
meaning and, to a much less degree, the function of culture elements
are subtly altered. The origins of these differences perhape lie too far
in the past to be discoverable, but their present basis and their effects
upon individual and group behavior are perhaps the most important
and interesting subjects for further investigation among the Yaqui
and Mayo.

TALES AND STORIES

Cahita tales represent several types so far as may be judged from the
scanty collection. One type is mixed Spanish-Indian, such as “The
First People” (largely Spanish), or “The Making of the World”
(Spanish with significant Indian elements). There are also purely
Spanish wonder tales such as the “Giant Harvest,” semihistorical tales
such as the “First Conquest,” and, finally, almost pure Indian stories
such as “Coyote and Iguana” and “Coyote and the Bull.” Probably
also Indian is the fariseo story already given (p. 99). In the first
type a noteworthy point is the confusion between Christ and Adam,
Cristo Adan. This is an identification of the Deity with ancestral
man. In the account of the deities represented in the sand painting
(Beals, 1943, p. 67), a confusion apparently existed as to whether the
figures represented deities or the first ancestral pair. It is possible

216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

that the present confusion of Christ and Adam thus arises out of an
aboriginal set of concepts likewise confused.

The stories were all told in Spanish. In translation, I have repro-
duced the stylistic peculiarities of the narrators so far as was possible.

THE FIRST PEOPLE

They say that Cristo Adan made an orchard with many fruits. He
left a man and a woman to take care of it. They were naked and the
woman had the body of a girl without breasts. They ate the fruits of
the orchard, whatever they could find. Cristo prohibited one fruit,
the apple, the big one of the Sierra. I can’t remember the name of the
man and woman. Right away they ate the apple. The woman ate
the apple first. “How good this fruit is,” she said, “try it.’ The man
bit it, and said, “Truly it is good.” The owner, Cristo Adan, came
back to the orchard, shouting. These two took fig leaves and made
breechclouts. They hid apart from each other and turned their heads
away from Cristo when he arrived because they were ashamed. The
woman’s breasts had begun to come, too. Said Cristo Adan, “You ate
the fruit I told you to care for. Now,” said Adan, “you are going to
have family.” He gave them a house and some clothes and put them
out of the orchard. From them came all the people. I think this
conversation [story] came from before the time of the king [that is,
before Spanish times].

THE MAKING OF THE WORLD

Before this world was formed lived the king, Cristo. A condemned
serpent threatened to make a flood. The king said, “The only way
to prevent the flood is for each family to give a young daughter.” In
the middle of the night everyone went and threw a daughter in the
water where the serpent was. The king had three daughters he loved
very much, but he gave the youngest. Soon the serpent demanded
another. The king said, “Now there are no more people. Do what
you want to do.” Then he asked a familiar what to do. This old
man made a house of wood and the compadre [king] made a room
in the house, putting in wood, provisions for a year and a half, and
water, and all the things they needed. The two families entered
the houses. Then all the world trembled and the water began to rise.
It began to rain heavily and there were violent winds. The water
lifted the house and it floated up and down on the water. They had
provisions for a year or year and a half, two head of cattle, and, I
think, a young bull and another pair of animals. Finally, the water
rose up nearly to heaven; in all the world there was barely room for the
house. ‘These families floated up and down living on the provisions
they had in the house and the world ended.

BuaLs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS Pa WA

Then the water lowered slowly. In one year it all went down. The
earth was just mud like atole. Only these two families escaped, they
say. Then Cristo Adan went about all the world in the mud, giving
boundaries to towns, the old ones. Over where there are rocks [in-
dicating east] he drank, leaning down on hands and knees. The mud
hardened and one can see the prints still. He left his trail all over
the world. He left it ai Bayahori [west from Navojoa, although the
informant pointed north, the direction it would be from the pueblo
where he was born], in the east, in all the four corners, blessing the
world again and making a new accounting with the people. He made
the Sierra, heaping up mud with his hands; he made the river and
all this sea-plain, the dusty ground good for sowing. ‘Then he asked
the yoris, the blondes [ whites or warriors] and the yoremes [Indians].
First he asked the yoris, “You, sons, what do you want to maintain
yourselves?” is what he said. They answered, “Why, money, to main-
tain ourselves,” And a second time asking the yoremes, “You, sons,
what do you want?” “May it be this dusty earth and the river, if
you will, to sow beans and maize.” “It is good, children, but you will
have to work.”

Then he gave the yoris a bar, spade, hoe, and machete. “But how
are we to work with these?” they asked. “As you can. There is
money under the ground.” Then Cristo Adan dug a hole in the ground
to show where the veins were. “Now you have the knowledge how to
work. Work and make money,” he said to the whites. Then he gave
the yoremes the dusty ground with the river and all the water and
food there. He gave the deer, peccary, jackrabbits, and cottontails,
and the pitahaya bird. “Catch them as you are able and eat them and
sow seeds, chick peas, beans, maize, squash.” ‘To the yoremes he gave
an old shovel, an old machete, an old knife, an old coa, a bar, and a
yoke of oxen and a wooden plow and a ganancha [hook?] of cane.
He sent San Isidro then to show them how to use these things and to
plant. He told them when they ended their work and others needed
help to help them, to send them a son. If they needed food, to help
them. “Loan each other what you need, coas to sow with, or other
things. But, son, don’t loan or sell any piece of land, even though
small, to the whites. If one or two enter, then they are going to take
away everything and they are going to fight a great deal.” It was
perhaps then that was left the plan of the villages, their jurisdiction
and boundaries, telling which villages bounded on which; and a saint
was left in each town, a short thick saint of solid gold, San Miguel
de Cristo. The people of that time didn’t buy anything, but the gov-
ernment of that time, perhaps there in Mexico [City], gave them the
plans and the saints. They came by boat and were landed at the port
of Agiabampo. When they [the plans] were received, they were put

218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bout 142

in ollas and sealed. They were buried beneath the altar where Mass is
said and no one knew where they were but the sacristan kobanaros.

[The following comments were made at various times referring to
the above story :]

When Christ made the world, he put letters on the rocks to show
where the villages would be.

The religion of today, the ordering of the fiesteros, the fariseos,
and so on was entirely formed when the world was formed. Perhaps
it was written in the plans how they were to be; they had writ-
ten all that should be done. Thus is it done where lives Cristo Adan,
just as we do it here. At this time [Lent], I think Cristo is a pris-
oner there now.

The deer and peccary were given to the Indians by the Govern-
ment and the Sierra was given to the Spanish to work the mines.
They [the Spanish] planted little then. Food was of no value.
One gave permission to one’s relatives to take things from the fields.
Presents were made to those without relatives if one had things to
give. The yoris still do this to some extent. We believe God com-
manded all this arrangement.

Before, when the Government formed the villages, it gave the
plans and boundaries of the villages of the Indians—Tesia, Navojoa,
Cohuirimpo, Echojoa, Huperi, Santa Cruz—and gave land for fields,
land for animals, and it gave the sea, the salt fields, and all the
animals in the sea to the villages of Huperi, Santa Cruz, and Echojoa.
Formerly salt was not sold, but the villages which owned salt gave
permission to others to get it.

Echojoa is the first village. Formerly each of the 11 villages
had an image of Cristo in pure gold, but when the first Spanish
came they robbed the churches. They say that in Huperi and, per-
haps, Echojoa they still have their images hidden.

THE FIRST CONQUEST

When the first conquest was in the world, the Yaqui were in that
place. There they lived when Father Kino (sic!) came. It was he
who conquered all this region and built the first churches in the eight
Yaqui towns. The walls of the first church of Torin are still to be
seen, of stone with mortar made by burning oyster shells. The out-
lines of the shells may still be seen in places in the mortar.

THE GIANT HARVEST

A man began to sow. The maize grew and at harvest time it
was so big and the ears were so high from the ground it needed a
ladder of three steps to reach them. He made a big pile of the
corn and hunted a cart to carry it to his house. After working

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 219

for a month he had carried only half of it home. One ear filled his
cart. One day he left his mules in the field to graze. They ate a
hole in the squash and went inside to continue eating. The man
came and hunted all day to find them. When he found them they
were still eating inside the squash. He drove them out with a whip.
Later, on the same ground, he planted onions. They grew so big
he had to cut them in half to get them in his cart. ‘There were 12
arrobas in one onion.
COYOTE AND THE BULL

Coyote traveled hungry one day when he saw a bull with his
testicles hanging down, as it was in June when the testicles begin to
grow. He thought they looked ripe and he followed after the bull
to see if they wouldn’t drop off so he might have something to eat.
He followed 2 or 3 months waiting for them to fall. He followed,
followed, followed, 1 month, 2 months, until 6 months passed, and
still they did not fall. Finally he got tired. “These things do not
know when to fall,” he said. Dying of hunger, he gave up.

THE IGUANA AND THE COYOTE

One afternoon, wher spring was at its richest, an iguana came
out of its house to be among the green branches, as is their custom
and as the green herbage is their food. When the iguana wished
[to do this] he suddenly saw a coyote who was spying on him to
catch and eat him; but as the iguana had account of the coyote,
he jumped and entered his house. Then said the coyote when the
iguana had escaped him, “Why, the sickly thing thought I was going
to eat him,” said the coyote. There in the house the iguana heard
the coyote say, “The sickly thing thought I was going to eat him,”
and the iguana said, “And if you catch me, perhaps I would not
escape,” he said. “Good, what are we going to do?” said the coyote.
“T don’t know,” he said. “So long, Iguana.”

THE STORY OF TURTLE AND COYOTE

Once Coyote was hungry and thought he would go to a lake where
there were many turtles to see if perchance there was a turtle sun-
ning himself on the bank of the lake. On arrival he immediately
encountered a turtle out of the water, and Coyote was overcome
with pleasure (se murié de gusto), and said thus: “How goes it,
Brother Turtle? What are you doing there?”

“Nothing.” “What is there new?” asked the Coyote. Then the
Turtle said, “I know.” Said the Coyote, “Tell me then.” “The news
that I know is that an armed company is traveling about killing every-
one they find on the way.”

220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 142

Then Coyote said, “Another they may kill but not me, because I will
hide myself immediately.” He went running through the thick woods
and hid himself there, but kept always looking toward the road to see
when the armed troop would pass which his friend Turtle had spoken
of. A good time passed when Coyote said, “Who knows if my friend
Turtle told me this in order to escape from me so that I would not eat
him? Iam going to see.”

He went, approaching little by little toward where Turtle was,
when suddenly came forth a small group of cowboys. They saw Coyote
and all cried, “Seize him!” and they gained on him [Je van entrando].
When Coyote was in the power of the cowboys, he said, “Well, you
told me, friend Turtle, but I believed that this was some bad trick,”
and he asked permission of his executioners to make one cry. In the
cry he said thus: “He who will not take counsels will not become old.”

Coyote died in the gallows [murio horcado| because he had not lis-
tened to the counsels of his friend Turtle.

COYOTE AND THE BEES

A comb of rich honey hung at a height of a yard, more or less.
Coyote arrived at the foot of the tree, looked upward and saw the comb.
Said Coyote, “Now I will eat honey in abundance, for the comb is quite
large, and once I am full, I will call my friends and brothers,” not
knowing that in the woods he was being watched. His method of kill-
ing the bees was in this way: If the ground was hard, he made a wallow
with his nails; one might better say he scratched the earth with his
claws. Ceasing when the earth was scratched up, he proceeded in this
way. As the comb was low, he seized it, and as he struck it the first
blow, the bees became angry. At the second blow, they flew into his
hair, and each time he struck a blow, they flew into his hair in such
manner that they did not reach the skin, and Coyote rolled in the wal-
low and crushed them. Thus giving blows, he killed them until there
remained not a single one in the comb.

Then Coyote began to eat, but this day Coyote traveled with bad
luck. He had the fortune that a tanner [?] passed by and saw what
Coyote had. He thought thus, “Now that he has killed them all, I will
go and take it from him.” When Coyote wished to take the first bite,
the tanner said to him, “Leave it alone. It does not belong to you.”
Coyote went away.

No one knows for whom he works, and he who gained the comb was
the tanner, with great ease and without having to bother himself with
the bees. Coyote went down a small slope and it seems one bee re-
mained on his tail and little by little it crawled down until it reached
the anus, where it stung him. Said Coyote, “One is despised to be seen
working for another. There is no doubt,” said Coyote, “that when the

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 224

ill is in the liver there is no remedy until death.” [The Spanish in
which this story was told was too poor to permit of exact translation,
but most of the important parts were clear enough. It is not clear
who was watching Coyote, but this seems to be an aside to indicate how
the teller knew how Coyote secured the honey. |

THE SNAKE AND THE VIPER

Traveling one day in the spring, the snake encountered a viper.
The snake thought to make an observation to the viper to see if he
would not be angered, as he [the viper] was always very angry, said
the snake to himself. Finally, the snake took courage to begin a con-
versation, and the snake began speaking. The viper was in a humor
to chat. “What are you doing here, Sister Viper?” “Nothing, Sister
Snake. You already know that in my long life he who passes first,
I remember, and he who passes a second time, this angers me, and he
who passes for the third time, this one I bite. What do you think
of it, Sister Snake?” The viper continued with her tale, chatting with
her friend, the snake. “And your life, what is it? I don’t know any-
thing of your life.” “Why my life is thus,” said the snake, “When I
seize someone [it is] to prevent them from killing me. When I have
my children, I care for them and if anyone approaches them I pre-
pare myself. When they are close, I make a whistling and a coil from
which I raise my head [passage obscure] and give them a blow [with
it] until they go. In this way I prevent them from doing injury to my
children.” “You are a famous one,” said the viper. The snake did not
notice that the viper was softening [that is, being polite] in order to
possess herself of the snake and eat her. Thus they were, when two
birds [road runners—churellas?| arrived. One possessed itself of
the viper, the other of the snake.

THE MARRIAGE OF INDIAN AND WHITE

This one was a white man and that one an Indian girl, where as
much the white man as the Indian were enamored, both much in love.
There was a very beautiful Indian girl, so beautiful that she did not
even appear Indian (sic!). The white man went with a commission
to buy wool] cattle, or to say better, sheep, and by chance arrived at
the house where he encountered the Indian girl, very attractive. Upon
seeing this so pretty girl, the man was surprised, believing she was
a woman of reason [gente de raz6n, that is white]. Upon seeing her,
he spoke to her in Spanish and the girl answered him in Indian. Said
the man [to himself |, “How strange to encounter such a woman among
an indigenous race,” and thought to have a conversation with her,
and the girl felt somewhat enamored of that man. Neither of them

222, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buur. 142

removed his gaze from the other. That which thought the white,
thought also the Indian girl. Both felt as though they were in love.
The Indian girl half understood Spanish and the white man half
knew the Indian language.

Finally, the father of the girl became jealous and wished to draw
her away, but it was impossible as she was as though overcome with
the fondness that man had caused in her. Then the father said to
the mother to take her away from before that man. Then the mother
caught her arm and wished to take her away, but it was impossible.
Already that pair had sealed their love in two hours of conversation.
They understood each other so well that it seemed as though they had
been sweethearts some time.

Then the father said to the kobanaro, who is the presidente of the
Indians, he said this: “Seiior presidente, recently a white man arrived
saying that he came commissioned to buy sheep, but I have observed
that it is not such a commission, but the commission he has is to rob
me of my daughter and marry her. This does not seem well to me,”
said the father of the girl, “for he is white and only wishes to ridicule
us Indians.” “Good, bring him here,” said the presidente with angry
accents and disgust. Now the presidente felt in very bad humor be-
cause of the news brought by one of his neighbors, and said, “Bring me
this white,” said the presidente, “for it is bad that he should dare fall
in love with a girl of our village,” said the presidente.

In short, they found three married men to bring that white man.
Then, on seizing him, angrily the girl said to those of her race, “Be a
little better in treating white people,” said the girl, very filled with
fury and anger. Then the girl seized him and said to them, “Loose
him, I am responsible for him.” Said the girl, “Let us go, white man,
where the presidente is. Do not be afraid, do not worry for I can
defend you. Even those of my race are bad; when I speak they will
remain sleeping, if you only love me.” This said the girl to the white
man. This said she to the white man, “Do you believe in this moment
I would feel I had lost my head if you should love me much?” said
the girl. “With all my heart,” said the man. '

On arriving where the presidente was, the presidente already had
prepared the mesquite switches to whip that white man, and as soon
as the chief was able to see where they came together, he said to the
father, “Already he has stolen her.” Said the father to the presidente,
“And those who went for him did not meet her.” Then said the girl
to the man, “Notice the way in which nothing will happen to you;
go to my father asking his pardon and nothing will happen and we
will marry at once.”

All the village was very angry at that man. Perhaps, had it not
been for the girl, they would have killed him without salvation. On

BrALs] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS DPA

arriving where the father and the presidente were, he fell at the feet of
the Indian and begged pardon. Perhaps God had designed it thus,
and only on hearing that he mentioned God, the Indian considered
and said to the presidente, “What will we do in this case?” ‘“What-
ever you say,” said the presidente. Then the girl said to her father,
“If we do not pass by this even, hang us both.”

Then came forth an Indian of some 80 years, very bent, saying
thus, and directing himself to the father of the girl. “You have seen
very little. You have good reason, for you have never been away from
here. I, at the age of 18, went to a town of whites and I married
with a white woman, and to prove that it is true, now you will see.”

Then he ran to his house and brought his wife to talk with that
white man. The Indians waited during this interval. Came the
wife of that Indian, and after she arrived the presidente said, “Speak
with this white man,” to see if it were true. Then the Indians loosed
their laughter, saying, “Also the whites love the Indians,” said all.
Then said the kobandro, who is the presidente, “Attention all, from
today forward I will not treat a white man badly because remember
that among us lives a white woman with an Indian. I want to say
that the yoris [white people] like us.” And the father of the girl, as
he was rich, sent for a carriage with two horses, which they used in
those times, and conducted them to his house, and the next day the
caravan went to a town nearby, where they encountered a curate and
they were married without delay. Afterward the son-in-law was
much loved by that rich Indian.

YOMOMULI °°

Before, there was a tribe from whom the Yaqui are descended.
They knew nothing of God, but among them was a great pole, three
spans in diameter, with one end in earth, the other in heaven. It
vibrated as though talking. At the time all spoke one language, but
only Queen Yomomiuli could understand the pole. She interpreted
that it spoke of a God who made the earth for human beings to live
upon. The pole said that the time of the Conquest would come and all
would have to be baptized. Many people were angry; only a few said
they would receive the benediction. The others said it was not true,
that only Yomomili wished it. So Yomomiuli burned down the stick
with a powerful cigarette, rolled up the river under her arm like a
carpet, and went away. Those who had not wanted to receive bene-
diction sank into the earth.

* This curious tale was given me as an example of what the Susufkame talked of in
their night sessions. Edward Spicer has collected several longer variants of this tale.

224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 142

TURTLE SPEAKS YAQUI

Coyote speaks Yaqui correctly, Turtle does not. One time as a
Yaqui sometimes wanders the woods hungry looking for food, so
Coyote wandered. He saw Turtle below a prickly pear [nopal]
which was dropping its fruit. Coyote saw Turtle’s mouth was red
and thought Turtle would give him meat. He ran toward him, and
said, “Hitisa émpo bwaka sikili ikténa mécik? (What hast thou eaten
that thy mouth is red, Turtle?)”

Turtle replied, ‘“Yorémta hiwa iani intok énci hiwa. (I have eaten
a Christian just now as I will thee.)”

Coyote was frightened and ran off. But this was not correct Yaqui.
It should have been said, “Yoémtani bwéka ianintéko encine bwana.”
Thus those who deny their own language or do not speak it correctly
are called turtles.™

SAINT PETER AND THE GIANT

In the time of Jesus and the Apostles there were struggles with
giants. One day Saint Peter encountered a giant who challenged him
to a trial of strength by seeing who could sink his fist farthest into a
tree. Peter agreed but said, “Not today.” .

“You name the time, then,” said the giant. “Well, tomorrow morn-
ing,” said Peter.

Peter then went to Jesus, and said, “I accepted this challenge in
expectation that you would help me. What. is to be done about it?”

Jesus said, “It is well. Goand make a hole through the tree without
anyone knowing.” Peter did this, and Jesus made the tree look as if
it were untouched. The next morning they made the trial and Peter
stuck his fist clear through the tree. |

The giant was astonished but not convinced. “You are strong,”
he said. “But yonder on the other side of the ocean is an island.
Can you throw a stone there?”

“Certainly,” replied Peter, “but tomorrow.” Peter then went to
Jesus again, and said, “I accepted this challenge in expectation that
you would help me. What is to be done about it?”

Jesus said, “It is well. But instead of a stone, use a quail.”

The next morning both came, the giant with a stone and Peter with
a quail. The giant threw his stone to the Island. Peter then threw
his quail and it flew to the Island. But by a miracle of Jesus it looked
like a stone to the giant. So the giant was convinced of Peter’s
strength.

51This story was at first told to illustrate how one could say things a little wrong
in Yaqui. Aside from mispronounciations, “bwika’’ should have been used instead of
“hiwa.” The informant concluded with the unexpected statement that the story illustrates
the lack of confidence between Yaquis and Mexicans, presumably because the latter do not
speak quite properly.

RR

Brats] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 225

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GLOSSARY
(S, Spanish; C, Caihita; Y, Yaqui; M, Mayo)

Alférez (S), standard bearer; one of the civil officials; a member of a subgroup
of the fiesteros.

Alpéz (C), native corruption of the preceding.

Angelito (S), any young child below the age for confirmation; a group of children
participating in the Easter ceremonies; a child dancer with the matachini.

Arroyo (S), an abrupt-sided water course, usually flowing only during and imme-
diately after rains.

Atole (S), gruel of ground parched corn and water.

Bakavaki (C), a ceremonial food dish of boiled beef, whole corn, and herbs.

Bezoar, a calcareous concretion found in the intestines of certain ruminants such

; as deer and iguana, used as a hunting charm.

Caballeria (S), cavalry; the junior division of the men’s military society.

Caballeria del Pilato (S), cavalry of Pilate: an organization of men associated
with Pilate and his group for the Easter ceremonies; membership is for
3 years only.

Cahuetes (S), local pronunciation of cohetes, small explosive skyrockets.

Castillos (S), elaborate fireworks set pieces used with major fiestas.

Calvario (S), calvary; a spot on the route of Lenten processions usually marked
by three crosses.

Chicaton (S), a whip bearer who keeps order, particularly in connection with
the matachini.

Cholla (S), a variety of very thorny cactus.

Coa (S), any small bladed agricultural implement resembling a hoe, but with
the blade set in the Same plane as the handle.

Cobija (S), a blanket, distinguished from a serape by plainness of color and sim-
plicity of design.

Comadre (S), a reciprocal term used between a person and the godmother of

his child.

Comal (S), a flattish round plate of clay or iron used to cook tortillas; if of clay,
it is lenticular in cross sections.

Compadre (S), a reciprocal term used between a person and the godfather of
his child.

Cruz mayor (S), large cross erected in front of the church.

Cuartel (C), headquarters of the military society.

Curandero (S), a person who cures the sick.

Echos (S), a species of organ cactus.

Fariseo (S), a masked clown; in plural form may refer to the society.

Fiesta (S), any form of religious ceremonial involving dancing.

Fiesta de promesa (S), a fiesta given by a private individual or group of indi-
viduals as the result of a vow.

% Terms appearing only once or twice in the text with accompanying definitions are not
included. ,

IIS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 142

Fiesteros (S), a group of persons, 12 of each sex, who are responsible for the
giving, of a major regular fiesta.

Fiscal (S), a church official who formerly looked after church property and
collected tithes.

Garbanzos (S), chick peas.

Guamuchil (S), a large tree of the Acacia producing a fruit similar to the
mesquite.

Guardia (S), see cuartel.

Hacendado (S), owner or operator of a hacienda.

Hacienda (S), a large agricultural estate or cattle ranch.

Hito (C), a small tree of ceremonial importance.

Hitoléso, hitoléro (C), a type of cwrandero, or curer.

Iguana (S), a large edible lizard.

Infanteria (S), the senior division of the men’s military society.

Jabali (S), the peccary ; a small and savage piglike animal.

Jacal (S), any poorly constructed dwelling of perishable materials with flat roof.

Jaguar, the American tiger; the largest and most dangerous animal in Cahita
territory.

Jarabe (S), a Mexican folk dance.

Jito (S), Spanish form of Hito.

Kobanaro (M), the head of the Mayo church organization; cf. Yaqui
teopokobana’u.

Kobana’u (Y), the head of the Yaqui civil officials; or, any member of the group
of six active civil officials.

Koparia (pl. koparium) (Y), the female singers who assist a maestro.

Koyéles (C), belt with suspended copper bells worn by pascola dancers.

Machete (S), a heavy all-purpose brush knife about 20 inches long with a hookea
blade; for ceremonial use by the clowns, it is made of wood.

Madrino (S), Godmother.

Maestro (S), leader of church services, one who can recite prayers and chants
of the Catholic ritual.

Maguey (S), the agave, or century, plant, usually the Agave americana.

Maktco (C), a small-leaved native-grown tobacco.

Malinche (S), a matachin dancer dressed as a girl who dances behind the leader,
or monarca.

Manzanillo (S), one of the fennels, used in curing and ceremonial.

Matachin (S), a dance, probably of Spanish derivation, with a paper crown,
gourd rattle, and a feather wand. The performers form a society. May also
refer to a Single dancer.

Matachini (S), the matachin dancers.

Mayordomo (S), the head of any group, but applied particularly to the head
of the Yaqui clown society.

Mayor (pl. mayores) (S), the head or principal one of a group. '

Mescal (8S), a distilled liquor made from fermented pulp of the maguey; it does
not refer to peyote. (The use of the term “mescal” to refer to peyote is a
purely North American usage.)

Mesquite (S), an acacia-like tree or shrub bearing long beanlike edible pods.

Milpa (S), a field cleared out of the woods, usually mainly by burning. Tech-
nically, the term applies only to fields which are used temporarily, but in
some parts of Mexico it may apply to any cultivated small field.

Monarca (8S), the leader of the matachin dancers.

Moro (S), (1) one of the society groups associated with the fiesta of San Juan
Bautista on June 24; (2) a servant, particularly applied to certain of the
fiesteros and to the assistants of dancers 4nd musicians who look after
their paraphernalia.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 229

Novena (S), a secondary ceremony properly occurring on the 8th day after the
main event, but among the Cahita sometimes applied to secondary ceremonies
occurring at other intervals.

Ocelot (S), a small spotted animal of the cat family.

Olla (S), a large open-mouthed pottery jar.

Padrino (S), godfather.

Panoche (S), a cake of crystalized brown sugar.

Partera (S), a midwife.

Pascola (C), a type of dancer who appears at all ceremonies; also used for
more than one dancer and for the dance itself.

Pilato (S), impersonator of Pilate in the Haster ceremonies; also among the
Yaqui head of a society group of which the clowns, or fariseos, form a
subsociety.

Pinole (S), flour of parched corn.

Pisca (C), corruption of fiscal.

Pitahaya (S), an organ cactus with highly prized fruit.

Principales (S), term sometimes used for the pueblos.

Pueblo (S), a town.

Pueblos (S), may refer to towns, but among the Yaqui usually refers to group
of six men who in the previous years have been kobana’us, or civil officials,
and who serve a second year as advisors to the new officials.

Quince (S), a game widespread in northern Mexico and the Southwest in various
forms; usually played with stick dice and with counters moved along a board.
The latter feature is lacking among the Cahita.

Ramada (S), a shade, usually brush-roofed, but occasionally with a clay roof.

Rancheria (S), a subvillage; a small cluster of houses.

Ranchero (S), a Mexican small farmer or cattle raiser.

Rancho (8S), a farm settlement, usually not as large as a rancherta. It may
consist of a single household.

Sargento (S), sergeant; a rank in the military society and the Pilato society
of the Yaqui; also applied to subordinates in the various groupings; among
the Mayo usually refers to the first assistant kobandro, or church head,
sometimes also called the judge.

Sargento (S), a native woven blanket or rug with elaborate design and color. A
Cahita serape always has a diamond-shaped center design, or boca manga.

Siesta (S), a midday entertainment of a Saint at a private house.

Sonazo (S), the flat metal disk rattle of the pascola dancer.

Susuakame (Y), the wise ones, or those who know; an extinct (?) governing
group of the Yaqui.

Tamales (S), maize dough, sometimes with meat, wrapped in maize husks and
steamed.

Temisti (pl. temastianes) (Y), sacristans.

Tenance (Y), female assistants in the church.

Tenedor (S), a male assistant to a midwife.

Tenovares (C), cocoon rattles worn on the legs of pascola and deer dancers and
clowns.

Tedpokabana’u (Y), official in charge of the Yaqui church and supervisor of
ceremonials.

Tortilla (S), a flat thin pancake of maize dough cooked without grease on a comal.

Tuna (S), the fruit of the prickly pear; also commonly used to refer to the plant
itself, although properly this should be called nopal.

Vara (S), a rod or cane of office.

Vaquero (S), a cowboy.

530583—45——16

230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ’ [But, 142

Velacién (S), any minor ceremony or commemoration at which candles are’
burned).

Velar (S), to burn candles in connection with any minor ceremony or com-
memoration or to take part in Such an event.

Via crucis (S), the stations of the cross; among the Cahita, a set of crosses put
up outdoors,

Yoréme (C), the Caihita name for themselves.

Yori (C), Cahita term for a white.

Zapatia (S), a Mexican folk dance.

EXPLANATION OF PLATES

PLATE 1

Figure 1.—Yaqui River, showing typical vegetation along lower reaches. At
right is a cultivated sand bank dependent on flooding for irrigation.

Figure 2.—A recently cleared Mayo field showing useful trees and pitahayas left
standing.

PLATE 2

Figure 1.—Echos fence near Masiaca between the Fuerte and Mayo Rivers.
Sections of the cactus are set palisade-fashion in the ground, where they
quickly take root.

Figure 2.—Corner of an adobe house north of the Mayo River northeast. of

- Navojoa with a corn-storage structure in the background.

PLATE 3

Figure 1—Adobe house and adjoining kitchen structure. Corn is piled on the
roof. The wall of the kitchen structure is crude vertical thatch. In the
foreground are bundles of green canes for weaving mats and baskets.

Figure 2.—Mayo wattle and daub structure. The ramada wall on the right is
of wattle without mud plaster, but otherwise does not differ from the house
wall. Notice the notched log ladder for mounting to the roof and the mats
fastened to the ramada wall.

PLATE 4

Figure 1—Mayo ramada, walled with vertical thatch. Indigo is drying on the
table in the foreground.
Figure 2.—A typical extensive ramada and portion of adobe house.

PLATE 5

Figure 1.—A Mayo cooking structure showing characteristically haphazard con-
struction, although unusual in the application of some mud plaster. —

Figure 2.—One of two thatched houses seen on the Mayo River. Such roofs are
common on the Fuerte. Notice the olla in the crotch of the upright post, a
typical household feature.

BEALS] CONTEMPORARY CULTURE OF CAHITA INDIANS 231

PLATE 6

Figure 1.—Cross before a Mayo house. Large crosses of this type are now
rare, the more usual type being small. This cross was said to be between 75
and 100 years old.

Figure 2.—A Mayo father and children beside the ramada. Behind is a raw-
hide string bed set on edge to be out of the way during the day.

Figure 3.—Mayo bake oven. The brush is to discourage sheep from clambering
over the structure.

PLATE 7

Figure 1.— Upper from left to right: Stick or club used to beat manure for
pottery temper, point for pitahaya picking spear, spindle and thread, heavy
spindle used to spin fine thread for fish nets (length 2214 inches), spindle with
woolen thread, three sticks used in weaving belts for shed bars and heddle,
batten used for belt weaving. Bottom: Switch used in preparing wool for
spinning.

Figure 2.—Left to right: Mayo matachin dance wand (length 31 inches), stick
used on notched rasp, pascola drum sticks, drumstick used with suspended
gourd water drum for coyote dance, drumstick used with floating water drum
for deer dance, notched rasp, 24% inches long. Bottom: Short cane flute used
for song accompaniments, 17 inches long. The pascola flute is longer. (Univ.
Calif. Mus. Cat. 3, Nos. 3328, 3197, 3252, 3348, 3342, 3252C, 3252B, 3224, 3220,
8305, 3331, 3330, 3219C, 3307, 3304, 3259.)

PLATE 8

Figure 1—Mayo man feeding maguey fiber into the thread as he backs away
from the spinning device.

Figure 2.—A Mayo fariseo, or clown. In the background is typical ramada, string
bed, and palm-leaf mats used for sleeping purposes.

PLATE 9

Figure 1.—Mayo woman weaving. (Photograph courtesy of Frances Toor.)
Figure 2.—Mayo woman uSing the bow to prepare wool for spinning.

PLATE 10

Figure 1—Harp used to accompany pascola dancer. Height 52 inches. (Univ.
Calif. Museum Cat. 3, No. 3430.
Figure 2.—A Mayo violin. (Univ. Calif. Mus. Cat. 3, No. 3264, A-B.)

PLATE 11

Figure 1.—Old man playing the harp.
Figure 2.—Iwo Mayo fariseos in an inquiring mood.

PLATE 12

Figure 1—Implements from Ocoroni, said to be for a form of quince. The
center and bottom pieces are a fire drill and hearth and are not connected with
the game. (Photograph courtesy National Museum of Mexico, Nos. del
Inventorio 73 and 79.)

232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 142

Figure 2.—Headdress worn by Ocoroni dancers collected at Bamoa, Sinaloa,
presumably a matachin crown. (Photograph courtesy National Museum) of
Mexico, No. del Inventorio 72.)

Figure $.—Ocoroni rattles, engraved and painted. Probably used by matachini.
Mayo and Yaqui dancers commonly use plain or red-painted rattles. (Photo-
graph courtesy of the National Museum of Mexico, Nos. del Inventorio 91
and 92.)

PLATE 13

Masks and headdresses from the Mayo. . Top right and left are pascola masks.
Top center is a matachin crown. Bottom, center, is a venado, or deer dancer’s
headdress, with capaiyéKa, or fariseo, mask on either side. (Univ. Calif. Mus.

Cat. 3, Nos. 3325, 3168, 3320, 3808, 3205, 3204.)

PLATp 14

Figure 1—Ramada, cane table, and tamps for pounding down earth in graves at
Cohuirimpo.
Figure 2.—Carved crosses with birds in graveyard at Cohuirimpo.

PLATE 15

Deer dancer’s belt with pendent deer hoofs at top with the pascola belt below.
Length 48 and 83 inches respectively. The fox skin is a fiestero’s tobacco
pouch. Length 39 inches, tip of snout to tip of tail. Decorated with silk rib-
bons. (Univ. Calif. Mus. Cat. 3, Nos. 3309, 3270, 3269.)

PLATE 16

Figure 1.—Mayo pascola dancers.

Figure 2.—Yaqui pascola dancers with violinist and harpist. The masks would
not be worn while dancing to this music. (Photographs courtesy of Frances
Toor, editor of Mexican Folkways. The July 1937 number of this journal has
some good action pictures.)

PLATE 17

Figure 1—Mayo deer dancer. :

Figure 2.—Yaqui deer dancer and musicians. (Photograph courtesy of Frances
Toor.)

PLATE 18

Figure 1.—The fiesta ramada at Navojoa early in the afternoon as preparations
for a fiesta are under way.
Figure 2.—The ramada during the fiesta, showing a portion of the crowd.

Puiate 19

Figure 1—The banner of San Juan resting on a miniature chair, the fiestero
drum, and the sargento staff. Mayo of Navojoa.

Figure 2.—A replica of the pottery bull used by the Mayo of Navojoa. (Univ.
Calif. Mus. Cat. 3, No. 3361.)

PLATE 20

Figure 1.—The church at Navojoa.
Figure 2.—Cooking bakaviki for one of the large fiestas at Navojoa.

BJREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 1

me oy

meet aim ihe

1. LOWER YAQUI RIVER.

2. A MAYO FIELD.
(For explanation, see page 230.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULELERING/42 PEATE 2

1. AN ECHOS CACTUS FENCE.

2. CORNER OF ADOBE HOUSE.
(For explanation, see page 230.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 3

1. HOUSE AND KITCHEN,

2. MAYO HOUSE AND RAMADA,
(For explanation, see page 230.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 4

1. A MAYO RAMADA.

2. AN EXTENSIVE MAYO RAMADA.
(For explanation, see page 230.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 5

- ee my 24 YY
* “ \ *
iy "y 4 . J a 3 5 4
: : p * : % : 2 : t : ¥ ’ is . P , 1

Ter | had

1. A MAYO KITCHEN.

2. THATCH-ROOFED HOUSE.

(For explanation, see page 230.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 6

1. A MAYO HOUSE CROSS. 2. MAYO FATHER AND CHILDREN.

3. MAYO BAKE OVEN.
(For explanation, see page 231.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 7

1. MAYO WOODEN IMPLEMENTS.

2. MAYO MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS AND DANCE WAND

(For explanation, see page 231.)

(Taz e8ed aes ‘uoleueldxe 1047)
“"NMO1D OAVW ‘2 “HSas!I4 AANOVW ONINNIdS ‘1

i} Eda ket cai IES lalate | ASOTONHLA NVOIMAWY SO Nvaunad

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 9

1. MAYO WOMAN WEAVING.

2. MAYO WOMAN USING THE BOW TO PREPARE WOOL FOR SPINNING.

(For explanation, see page 231.)

Ol 31W1d

evil NILATING

“NINMOIA OAVW “2

(Tez"esed oos ‘nomeueldxe 107

“duVH OAVYW ‘1

ADOIONHLA NVOIYAWY AO NVaHnNSe

(‘Tez a8ed ses ‘mOT}eUe[dxe 10,7)
“SNMO1D OAVW ‘2 “dyVH ONIAVId NYW ‘1

~

bl 3Sividk2vyl NiILSTInNe ASO NONHLSA NVYDIMAWY AO NvaenEe

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 12

1. OCORONI STICK DICE 2. OCORONI DANCE CROWN.

|

ey
“?
-

ale 3

3. OCORONI RATTLES.

(For explanation, see page 231.)

(zez osed vas ‘uoTyeuRB[dxe 10,7)
“SASSHYGGVAH AGNV SHSVW OAVW

€l ALW1d 2@yl NILAVINGA ASOTONHLA NVDIMAWY SO NVauNSs

BULLETIN 142 PLATE 14

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

re
eel

es

GRAVEYARD AT COHUIRIMPO.

il

2. GRAVES AT COHUIRIMPO.

(For explanation, see page 232.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 15

CEREMONIAL REGALIA.
(For explanation, see page 232.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 16

1. MAYO PASCOLA DANCERS.

2. YAQUI PASCOLA DANCERS.
(For explanation, see page 232.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 17

1. MAYO DEER DANCER.

2. YAQUI DEER DANCER.
(For explanatioa, see page 232.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 18

on es =
s

1. FIESTA RAMADA.

2. MAYO FIESTA.
(For explanation, see page 232.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 19

1. BANNERS AND CROSS.

2. POTTERY BULL.
(For explanation, see page 232.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 142 PLATE 20

1. MAYO CHURCH.

2. MAYO FIESTA SCENE.
(For explanation, see page 232.)

INDEX

Aboriginal culture, reference to study | Bacabichis, the, 3

of, by R. L. Beals, ix, x
Abortion, 58
Acaxee, reference to, 194
Acknowledgment, made in first part of
study, reference to, xii
Activity, rhythms of, 207-210
Adolescent rites, 60
Aged, respect for, 58, 189
Agriculture, 5-10
comparison of Yaqui
methods, 10
Mayo, ceremonial associations, 7-9
crops grown, 6-7
implements, wooden, 7, 8
irrigation, 5
labor, by men, 7
religious customs at harvest, 6
vegetables grown, 7
method of clearing land, 5
primary occupation, 45, 207
Yaqui, ceremonials, absence of, 9
crops grown, 9
implements, modern,
by, 211
lands planted, 9
moon’s effect, belief in, 9
Ahome, reference to dances of, 202
tradition regarding migration of, 49
Ahome (town), 3, 19, 33
See also O’mi.
Alamos, 19, 40, 41, 50
Valley, 1
Alegre, Francisco Xavier, cited, 3, 196
Alms, soliciting of, 142-148, 146, 147,
160, 168, 186
Altars, 21
Angelitos, 94, 110-111
Ajil, 50
Animals of the woods, 196, 197
Mayo beliefs concerning, 200-201
Yaqui beliefs concerning, 197, 201
Animals, tame and domestic, 10
comparison with Mexican, 10
moon’s effect, belief in, 10
remedies for sickness of, 45
wild, hunted, 11-14
Apache, 48, 49, 2138
Apollonian, 212
Pueblos, 213
Arizona, southern, Mayo and Yaqui
found in, 1
Arpita (musical bow), 41, 42
Aztec, customs introduced by, 206
huipil, mentioned, 163
looms, referred to, 35
reference to dance of, 203
Baca, 3

and Mayo

desired

Bacavachi (Mayo town), 3, 5, 15, 146
burial ground at, reference to, 70
description of church at, 91
fiesta of Rosary held at, 142
fiestas held at, 133
reference to fariseo of, 102
serapes made at, 26

Bacobampo, 3, 50
reference to fariseo of, 103

Bacubirito, .2

Bacun (Yaqui town), 3, 80, 114, 165, 186
National fiesta (Virgin del Camino,

Santa Isabel) held at, 167
reference to dance at, 112
Bags, made of maguey fiber, 28, 33-35
Bahito (a Mayo San Juan fiesta), 133,
144
description of, 139-142

Baja California, mentioned, 49

Ball and stick game, description of, 44

Bamoa, 2

Banderas, Juan, a Yaqui leader, 4, 212

Bands, horsehair, Mayo, 37

Bartering, 49 -

Basauri, C., cited, 203

Basketry, 36, 37
See also Weaving, hand.

Batacosa, 143
description of church at, 91

Beads, shell, worn by dancers, 126

Beals, Ralph L., cited, 1, 12, 13, 15, 19,

23, 43, 44, 47, 49, 60, 83, 194, 202, 215

Bees, Coyote and the (a Cahita story),

220-221
Behaviors, attitudes, and mannerisms,
diseussion of, 82-83

Belen, 3, 86, 165, 186
(Pitahaya), 52, 85

Beliefs:
associated with the woods, 190-201
concerning hunting, 12-14, 190
in star lore and eclipses, 47
in sun and moon, 9, 190-191
miscellaneous, 188-189
Mayo:

concerning death, 66-75
concerning Horned Water Ser-
pent, 199 r
concerning reincarnation, 67
in future life, 66
Yaqui:
concerning death, 75-81
concerning Horned Water Ser-
pent, 201.
concerning reincarnation, 81
See also Magic and Religion.
Belts, horsehair, Mayo, 37, 38

233

234 INDEX

Benedict, R., reference to classifications
of, 212, 213
Bewitchment, see Disease and curing.
Bibliography, 225-227
Bicam, see Vicam.
Birth observances, Mayo, 55-57
Yaqui, 57
Blankets, woolen, weaving of, 23-32, 208
Bogan, cited, 110, 169
Bow and arrow, 22-23
use in warfare, 50
Boys, activities, 59
matachin dancers, 94
Mayo, fiesta dancers, 119
marriage age, 63
Yaqui, marriage age, 65
membership in military or-
ganization, 51, 52, 60
See also Children.
Buelna dictionary, reference ‘to, 23
Bull, Coyote and the (a Cahita story),
219
Bull, pottery, see Pottery bull.
Burial customs, Mayo, 67-75
Yaqui, 75-SO
Cahuetes, 8, 9, 35, 141
Cajeme, famous Yaqui leader, 1, 4, 50,
Ral, PAD
reference to death of, 5
California, Gulf of, reference to, 49
University of, field expenses paid
by, xii
Camino, [Virgin del] (Santa Isabel),
see Virgin del Camino
Camoa, 3, 133
Camoares, 3
Candelario fiesta, Mayo, 133
Canteens, or gourd water bottles, 21
Capetimayo, 51
Capomas, Mexicanized Mayo village,
20h Alb
Carapoa, 206
Castillos (fireworks), 134, 186, 187, 139
Catholie associations in Yaqui rituals,
190
church, relation of Mayo religious
organization to, 91
Cebada (soft drink), mentioned, 121
Cedros, 3, 7
Valley, 1
Ceremonials, Mayo, associated with ag-
riculture, 7-9
modern, development of, 202-207
Ceremonial year, 208, 209
Ceremonies:
Mayo, donning of habit of San José,
163

Lenten, 144-161
Yaqui, induction of new fiesteros,
115-117
Lenten, 168-185
Cervantes de Salazar, F., cited, 206
Charae, 3
Charay, Mayo village, xii, 3
Chibuku, 158, 154, 194
reference to potter of, 41
Chicorato, 2

Chihuahuita, 7 |
Childbirth, see Birth observances. |
Children, 57-60
activities, 58-59
adolescent rites, 60:
angelitos, 94, 110-111
burial customs, 67-68, 76
dedication to matachini, 111
education and pastimes, 58-59
Noche Buena fiesta dancers, 167
punishment of, in earlier times, 85
Choix, 3
Christ, impersonated by old man, 156,
157, 161, 171-173
Christmas Hve fiesta, 133
Chuearit, 33, 147
Churches, Mayo, Government ownership
of, 91
Church organization, see Religious or-
ganization.
Cigarettes, see Tobacco.
Cinches, made of maguey fiber, 35
Ciudad Obregon, mentioned, 49
Cobijas, see Blankets.
Cocorit (Yaqui town), xi, 3, 80, 81, 108,
111, 165, 172, 186
hats made at, 36
(Vicam Station), reference to mat-
achin dance at, 111
Cohuirimpo, 3
typical burial ground at, 70, 71
velacion of San José at, reference
to, 94
Collection, museum, made in 1980-31,
mentioned, xi
Colorado, lower, reference to, 215
Colorin (Cocorit?), 3
Communal labor, Yaqui, 89
mentioned, 206
Comoriopa, 3
Concepcion, Yaqui fiesta of, 165, 167
Conecare, 3
Confetti, use of at Easter festival, 159
Conicari, 3, 183
Conquest, The first (a Yaqui story), 218
Cord, made of maguey fiber, 23, 35
Corimpo, 3
Corpus Cristi, Yaqui fiesta of, 165
Coyote and chickens (Yaqui game), 44
Coyote and the bees (a Cahita story),
220-221
Coyote and the bull (a Cahita story),
219
Coyote, beliefs concerning, 200
Coyote dance, 48, 78, 123, 131-132, 168,
203
Coyote, The Iguana and the (a Cahita
story), 219
Coyote, The story of turtle and (a
Cahita story), 219-220
Crops, cash, Mayo, 7
grown, 6-7, 9-10
harvesting season, 208
Crutch paddle, 44
Cubiri, 2 ;
Cuirimpo, 3
Culiacan, 215

ha

INDEX

Culiacan River, 1
Cultures, white and Indian in Mexico,
interaction, ix
Cahita, periods of, x
aboriginal, reference to study
of by R. L. Beals, ix, x
Cumuripas, 49
Curers, see Diseases and curing,
Curinghoa, 3
Curing, methods of, see Diseases and
curing.
Customs:
burial, children, 67-68, 76
Mayo, 67-75
Yaqui, 75-80
concerning fiesta food, 142
concerning names of dead, 81
marriage, 61-66
mourning, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 80
Dance:
coyote, 78, 168, 203
Mayo, reference to, 43, 123
Yaqui, description of, 131-132
deer, 122-123, 126-131
mo‘el (bird dance), 98, 112, 124
owl, mentioned, 123
pascola, 120-122, 126-131, 167, 168,
203, 204, 205
raccoon, 123, 129-130
religious and ceremonial, develop-
ment of, 202, 203, 204
sleepy, description, 98
mentioned, 112, 124
Tesguin, mentioned, 208
venado, mentioned, 2038.
See also Dancers.
Dancers:
Mayo fiesta, deer and pascola, 119—
126, 143, 148, 159, 189, 190, 202, 203,
204, 205
matachini, 94-98
Yaqui fiesta, deer and pascola, 117,
126-131, 167, 168, 186, 187, 189,
190, 202, 208, 204, 205
matachini, 111-112
See also Dance.
Death:
Mayo beliefs concerning, 66-75
practices in connection with,
67-75
Yaqui beliefs concerning, 75-81
practices in connection with,
75-81
Deboropa, 2
Deer dance, 122-123, 126-131
dancers, see Dancers.
Diaz, mentioned, 4, 6
Dice, stick, in National Museum, Mexico
City, 44
Directions, symbolism, 189
Disease and curing, 191-196
animals, remedy for sickness of, 45
association with “Religion of the
Woods,” 190
bewitchment and curing, stories of,
194-195

235

Disease and curing—Continued
dreams, an aid in diagnosing illness,
191-192, 193, 198
herbs and roots as remedies, 193,
194, 195-196
methods of curing, x, 191-193
relation of sickness to eclipses, 47
remedies, mostly household, list of,
193-194 ;
sources of illness, 47, 191
words connected with, list of, 195
Distribution of Mayo and Yaqui, 1
Divoree, among Mayo, 63.
among Yaqui, 66
Dogs, day of the, 154
Dominguez, F., cited, 168, 169, 171, 172
Don G., a German-American, quoted on
Yaqui barbarities, 54
Dreams, aid in diagnosing illness, 191-
192, 193
importance of, among the Cahita;
198
Dress, 37-39
Drun, 42, 48, 124, 126, 138, 203, 204
and flute, 120, 121, 122, 128, 152, 20-
fiestero, used at San Juan fiestas,
186, 137
music for coyote dance, 181, 132
Far piercing, 60
Easter fiesta, Mayo, 133, 159-160
wonren’s duties in connection
with, 105
Yaqui, 165, 177-185
Echojoa (Mayo village), xi, 3, 50, 197
fiesta held at, 183
French settlers at, 49
Eclipses, customs followed on occur-
rence of, 47
Mayo beliefs, 47
Yaqui beliefs, 47
Education of children, 58-59
Epling, Dr. Carl, 194
Equipment, modern agricultural, Yaqui
desire for, 211
European tools used, 23
Fariseos, discussion of development of
group, 208, 205.
Mayo, 94, 98-103, 149, 157, 210
biblical characters represented
by, 99, 100
chief, selection of, 100
clowning activities, list of, 102-
103
duties of, 99, 100
gestures used, list of, 102
Lent, time of functioning, 98,
99, 144, 146
ludicrous and obscene actions
of, 102, 152-153
reasons for joining, 98
restrictions imposed on, 103
Yaqui, 112-115
comparison with Mayo, 113
description of group, 112
dress, 113
functions, 112, 114-115
masks, 113

236

Field work, dates of, x
financing of, Xii
sites of, x—xi
Fiestas :
Mayo, 132-164
burial, 67, 68, 72
Christ and the Virgin, 144-161
comparison with Yaqui, 165, 166
coyote dance performance at,
132
dancers, 119-126
fiesteros, in charge of, 104, 105
fireworks feature of, 134
harvest, reference to, 8-9
musicians, 119-126
recent changes in, 161, 162
San Juan, see San Juan fiesta.
small, 143
time held, 209
Yaqui, 165-188
burial, child, 76
Christ and the Virgin, 168-185
comparison with Mayo, 165, 166
dancers, 126-131
dances, 167, 168
data on differences from regu-
lar pattern, 167-168
de la Cruz, fiesta, 167
major fiestas, discussion, 165
musicians, 126-131
Officials of, 115, 116
of the Camino, reference to, 111
of the soldiers, names of, 55
San Juan, see San Juan fiesta.
Santa Isabel and Guadalupe,
165
Fiesteros, 188, 203
Mayo, 103-107, 136, 137, 138, 139,
140, 141, 143, 146, 160
description of group, 104
duties of, 104, 183-134
induction into group, 105
relation to church organization,
1

restrictions of, 106—107
Yaqui, 115-117
comparison with Mayo, 117
description of group, 115-116
duties of, 115
eligibility, 116
induction ceremonies, 116-117
officials of fiesta, 115-117
Financing of investigation by University
of California, xii
Nee Conquest, The (a Yaqui story),
8
First People, The (a Cahita story), 216
Fishing, 14-15
Flute, 42, 128, 188, 152, 169, 170, 203, 204
Food, animals eaten, 16
brought to San Juan Fiesta, 136
fiesta, disposal of surplus, 134
habits, 16
lists of, 15-16
preparation and storage, 15-16
served at Mayo fiesta, 140
custom concerning, 142

INDEX

Food—Continued
served at Yaqui fiesta, 181, 186, 188
customs regarding serving of,
166
sold at stores, 46
wild, gathering of, 10-11
list or 0
Forde, C. D., cited, 9
Forin, Yaqui town according to Alegre, 3
French settlers on Mayo River, 49
Friday of Dolores, 154, 160
Fuerte River, xi, 1, 2, 19, 20, 183, 206, 214
games played, 44
reference to funeral ceremony on, 73
Revolution, reference to, 55
towns dating from or before Mission
times, names of, 3
Games, description of, 44
Yaqui ceremonial, mentioned, 186
Gandara and Urrea, bloody struggle be-
tween, mentioned, 4
Geography of northwestern Mexico,
comparison of Yaqui and Mayo knowl-
edge of, 47
Gethsemane, mentioned, 172, 173
Giant harvest, The (a Cahita story),
218-219
Giant, Saint Peter and the (a Cahita
story), 224
Gifford, E. W., cited, 204
Girls, activities, 59

dress, 38
marriage age, Mayo, 63
Yaqui, 65

matachin dancers, 94, 97
Glossary, 227-230
Goldfrank, E. 8., cited, 201
Government, ownership of churches, 91
town, Yaqui, description of, 86-89
Granville, Verona, cited, 43
quoted on description of Yaqui
marriage ceremony, 65-66
Guadalupe fiesta, Mayo, 133
soldiers’, 55
Yaqui, 165, 167
Guasave, 2
Guaymas, description of burial cere-
mony at, 78-80
Guiraquis, 3
Guitahoa, 3
Guitar, 43
Haciendas, Jaborers on, 45, 46
Hair brush, echos burr, 21, 38
Hairdress, 38
Hammocks, hand-woven, Mayo, 37
Hardy, R. W. H., Mayo and Yaqui
towns mentioned by, 3
cited, 1, 4
Harps, 42, 126, 136, 205
Harvest, The giant (a C&ahita story),
218-219
Hats, hand-woven, 36, 37
Hehnchajoa, 3
Herbs and roots as remedies, 193-194,
195-196
Hermosillo, mentioned, 49

ee ee

i ete

INDEX

Hernandez, Fortunato, cited, 4
map of, showing Mayo and Yaqui
towns, mentioned, 3
Hichucios (Huites?), districts occupied
by, 3
Hisimo, a San Juan fiesta, description
of, 135-139
Historical knowledge, 49
Hito tree, 194
Hoarding among Mayo and Yaqui, 82
Holden, W. C., and others, cited, 78, 112,
169, 171, 172, 176, 181
Homosexuality, mentioned, 82
Horned Water Serpent, beliefs concern-
ing, Mayo, 199
Yaqui, 201
Horse racing and betting at Yaqui
fiesta, 186
Houses, types and construction, 16-20
Mayo, 16, 17, 18, 19
Mexican, 19
Yaqui, 16, 17, 18, 19
utilization and furnishing, 20-22
implements, household, list of,
PP

kitchen equipment, 21-22
Mayo, 20, 21
Mexican type, reference to, 20—
Ail,
Yaqui, 20, 21
Hrdlitka, Ales, cited, 1, 4, 23, 26, 33, 37,
89, 45, 58, 196
cited on visit to Mayo, 85
Mayo towns mentioned by, 3
Huatabampo, 3
Huichol, attitude toward dreams held
by, 198
mentioned, 28, 110
Huipil, formerly worn by Yaqui, 39
Huirivis, Yaqui fiesta town, 3, 165, 186
Huites, 3, see also Hichucios.
Hunting, 11-14
beliefs concerning, 12-14, 190
by Mayo, 11, 14
by Yaqui, 13, 14
Huperi (Mayo village), reference to,
Kites
fiestas held at, 133
French settlers at, mentioned, 49
Iguana and the coyote, The (a Cahita
story), 219
Implements, household, 21-22
modern, Yaqui desire for, 211
See also Tools.
Indian and White, The marriage of (a
Caihita story), 221-223
Infancy, care during, 57-58
See also Children.
Infanticide, 58
Infidelity, punishment for, 88
Informants, names of some, Xi
Illegitimacy, 58
Jesuits, the, reference to, 4, 66
Johnson, Jean, quoted on susudékame, 110
work among the Yaqui, reference to,
110

237

Juarez, Benito, Yaqui tribal territory
dated from time of, 49
Kick-race game, 44
encouraged by missionaries, 204
Kinship terms, use of Spanish, 60-61
Kobanaro, chief Mayo official in earlier
times, 84
Kroeber, Prof. A. L., cited, 28, 39
director of work, xii
quoted, 211
Land ownership, Mayo, 6
Latigos, made of maguey fiber, 35
La Trinidad, Yaqui fiesta of, 165
Leba, Juan, a Yaqui, 50
Lencho, 171, 201
Lent, Mayo ceremonies, 144-161
Yaqui observance of, 168-185
fiestas, customs of pascola
dancers at, 128
function of fariseos during,
112-115
Levirate, forbidden by Mayo, 63
Loom, Mayo, description of, 29-31
weaving, see Weaving.
Lopoche, 2
Lumholtz, C., cited, 198
Machete, 23, 1138
McKenzie, A. S., cited, 1, 203
McMillan, W. C., cited, 17, 18, 20, 21
Macollague, 3
Macoyahui, 3
Madero revolution, mentioned, 4
Magdalena, shrine of, 165
Magic, belief in by Yaqui pascola and
deer dancers and musicians, 127
Maguey fiber, 23, 33-35
articles made of, 23, 83-35, 46
extraction of fiber, 33
weaving, 33-35
man’s occupation, 33, 35
See also Loom weaving.
Making of the world, The (a Cahita
story), 216-218
Makochin, 147, 150
reference to woman harp player at,

Mannerisms, discussion of, 82-83
Manufactures, 22-438
See also individual items, such as
Tools, Weapons, Weaving, ete.
Maricopa, 48
Marriage customs, 61-66
Mayo, 61-64
Yaqui, 64-66
Marriage, degree of kinship permitted
by Mayo, 60
Marriage of Indian and White, The (a
Cahita story), 221-223
Marriage, permanence of, 82
test, a Yaqui, 65-66
with relatives, forbidden by Yaqui,
65
Masiaca (Mayo town), 3, 5, 144
bag weaving at, 33
blankets made at, 26
sash or belt weaving at, 32

238

Masks, discussion of, 204, 205
Mayo, deseription of fariseo, 101—
102
pascola, 120
Yaqui, description of fariseo, 112-
115
Matachini, 94-98, 111-112, 117, 153, 154,
157, 159, 162, 167, 168, 186
Mayo, 94-98
origin of group, discussion of, 203,
206
Yaqui, 111-112
Matapan, 2
Mats, hand-woven, Mayo, 36, 37
Matus, Yaqui tribal chieftain, 85, 86,
212
Mayo, adjustment to white culture, 210
agriculture, 5-9
comparison with Yaqui, 9, 10
behavior (general) like Mexicans,
82
beliefs,
concerning death, 66—75
in effect of eclipses, 47
in influence of moon on crops, 9
birth observances, 55-57
comparison with Mewxican, 56,
oT
taboos, 57
church officers, 91—94
culture, differences between Yaqui
and, plan of presenting, xii
distribution of tribe, 1
down-river, reference to, Xi
dreams among, importance of, 198
dress, 37-38
fariseos, 98-103
See also Religion, Mayo.
fiestas, abandoned, 133
classes of, 133
dancers and musicians, 119-126
general features of, 183-134
recent changes in, 161, 162
special features, 133
; tobacco smoking at, 44-45
hairdress, 38
houses, utilization and furnishing,
20-22
hunting, 11, 13, 14
implements used in farming, 7
land ownership, 6
looms, description of, 29-31
maize, principal crop of, 6
medicinal use, 6
ornamentation, 38
pacifism, discussion, 211—215
place names, sources of list of, 49
population, 2
pottery, 89-41
decoration on, 143-144
practices in connection with
death, 67-75
religious organization, see Religion,
Mayo
River, x, 1, 2, 36, 133, 134
towns, names of some, 3

INDEX

Mayo—Continued
sites of field work, 1930-31 and
19382, x—xi
towns, cited by Hardy, R. W. H., 3
cited by Hrdlitka, Ales, 3
cited by Velasco, José Fran-
cisco, 3
tribal organization, disappearance
of, 85
use of Spanish kinship terms, 60-61
wars, 4-5, 50-51
objective, 5
weaving, 23-35
Men, fiber weaving occupation of, 33,
35, 46
mats and baskets made by, 37
occupations of, 7, 46
punishment of, 88
Meseal, drunk by Yaqui pascola, 180, 131
use at Mayo fiesta, 100
use at Yaqui fiesta,’187
Meteoric Shower of 1833, reference to,
49
Mexican, of Bacavachi, story of be-
witchment told by, 197
cigarettes used, 44
Government, policy regarding sol-
diers, 54—55
mention of, 107
methods of food preparation and
storage in comparison with
Cahita, 15
Revolutionary movements, Mayo
participation in, reference to,
50, 51
Mexicans, 10, 14
attendance of, at San Juan fiesta
(Mayo), 137, 139
at fiesta of Easter, 159
comparison of some Mayo tech-
niques and products with those
of, 37 ;
comparison with, in regard to trade
and wealth, 49, 50
game played by, reference to, 44
mannerisms differentiating Céhita
from, 83
Mayo dress compared with that of,
38

planting methods, reference to, 7
presence in Indian. towns, men-
tioned, 5
some beliefs of, 199
type of blanket sold to, 23
Yaqui war with, 50
Mexico, 1, 31
early missionaries of, mentioned,

similarity of Yaqui communal labor
to that further south in, 89

western, in pre-Hispanic times,
mentioned, 35

Missionaries, early, 2, 134, 208, 204, 205,
206

writings of, on Cahita, reference

to, x

ES Ne ae

—

rt

INDEX

Mixe, reference to, 103
Mochicahui, Mayo village, xii, 3
Mocorito, 2
Mo-el (bird dance), 98, 112, 124
Mohave, Yaqui nationalism compared
with that of, 211-212
Moon, beliefs in, 47
Morality, standards of, 56, 62, 63-64, 65,
66, 82, 88
Mayo, 63-64
Yaqui, 65-66
Morgan, W., cited, 198
Mori, Yaqui tribal chieftain, 85
Moros, 186, 187, 188
function of at San Juan fiesta, 142,
143
mock battle of, 143
Musical bow (arpita), 41-42
Musical instruments, description, 41-438
HKuropean, taught by missionaries,
mentioned, 205
See also individual instruments.
Music, for Yaqui pascola dancers, ani-
mal sounds represented, 126-127
comparison with Mayo and Euro-
pean, 127
Mexican, played at fiestas, 137
use by missionaries, mentioned, 202
Musicians:
association with “Religion of the
Woods,” 190
Mayo fiesta, 119-126
Yaqui fiesta, 126-131
Nacionales, mentioned, 50
Nationalism, Yaqui, discussion of, 211—
215
National Research Council of Washing-
ton, D. C., present work done as Fel-
low in the Biological Sciences of the,
xii
Natividad, see Noche Buena.
Navaho, the, apparently unknown to
Yaqui, 48
women, reference to dress of, 37
Navojoa (Mayo town), 3, 16, 33, 49, 50,
51, 106, 155, 198, 212
data on fiestas held at, 133
description of velacién without a
fiesta, 149
fariseo chief’s costume at, reference
to, 100
kobanaro of, reference to, 92
matachin dances of, mentioned, 94,
95-96, 98
Mayo data in this study collected
in district of, x—xi
See also Pueblo Viejo.
Needles, 23
Nets, hand-woven, Mayo, 36, 37
Nine Men’s Morris game, 44
Nio, 2
Noche Buena (Natividad, Pastorela),
Yaqui fiesta of, 165, 167
Numbers, ritual, 189-190, 191

239

Oaxaca, 153
Obscenities of Mayo pascola dancers,
reference to, 121, 122
of Yaqui deer dancers, mentioned,
129
Occupations, 45-46
agriculture, primary, 45
carpentering, 46
cattle raising, 45
dancing, 46
fireworks making, 46
fishing, 45, 46
furniture making, 45
laboring on haciendas, 46
masonry, 45
men’s, 46
mining, 45
musician, 46
storekeeping, 46
weaving, 46
women’s, 45-46
wood cutting, 45
Ocoroni, 2
game credited to, 44
masks among, reference to, 204
Ocoroni River, 1
Olson, R. L., cited, 42
O’mi (Ahome?), 3
See also Ahome.
Opata:
account of weaving, similar to that
of modern Mayo, ascribed to, 31—
32
knowledge of remedies, reference
to, 196
known by most Yaqui, 48, 213
Orchestra, dance music for San Juan
fiesta supplied by, 137
Organization, political:
discussion of, 83-89 ;
Mayo tribal, in earlier times, 838-85
Yaqui, tribal, 85-86
Ornamentation, 38, 39
Orozco y Berra, cited on towns, 3
Orthography, system followed, xii
Ortiz, leader of Mexicans against Ca-
jeme, 51
Owl dance, Mayo, mentioned, 123
Pacifism, Mayo, discussion of, 211-215
Papago, known by many Yaqui, 48
Parsons, Dr. Elsie Clews, acknowledg-
ment to, 55
cited, 45, 153
description of burial ceremony at
Guaymas, by, 78-80
dream about, 198
statement of, regarding women’s
dress, 37
use of Spanish kinship terms
pointed out by, 60
visit of, to Yaqui and Mayo terri-
tory in 19382, xi
Pascola dance, 120-122, 126-131, 167,
168, 203, 204, 205

240

Pascola dancers, 119-126, 202, 203, 204,
205

association with “Religion of the
Woods,” 190
at Yaqui fiesta of San Juan, 186, 187
belief concerning, 189
Mayo, 119-126, 148, 148, 159
“Play of the Deer,” a dramatization
given by, 130-131
Yaqui, 126-131
music for, animal sounds rep-
resented, 126-127
Pascua de Espiritu fiesta, Mayo, 133
Pascua, see Pascua Village.
Pascua Village, Tucson, Ariz., xii, 49,
78, 165
Noche Buena festivities observed
at, 167
study of by Edward Spicer, refer-
ence to, xi
Yaqui site visited, xi
Pastorela, see Noche Buena.
Pearl shell, rosary beads of, 162.
See also Shell beads, ete.
Pelota game, encouraged by mission-
aries, 204
People, The first (a Céihita story), 216
Pérez de Ribas, Andrés, cited, 202
cited on towns, 3
Peru, comparison of harp from, 42
Peyote, 194, 196
Pilate, head of fariseos, 112-113
impersonation of, 156, 157, 158
in Yaqui procession, 170
Pima, 213
Alta, known by many Yaqui, 48
Bajo, 213, 214
Pitahaya, 55
description of graves at, 81
Yaqui Lenten procession held at,
169
See also Belen (Pitahaya).
Plates, explanation of, 230-232
Playa San Ignacio, crutch paddle ob-
served on, 44
“Play of the Deer,’ dramatization by
Yaqui pascola, 180-131
Population, 1-2
Political organization, see Organization,
political,
Potaén, Yaqui town, 3, 54, 165, 172, 186
description of funeral ceremony at,
76
detailed study of, needed, xi
San Juan fiesta held at, 185
visit to in 1930-31, x
Pottery bull, ceremonial use, 105, 139,
140, 141
decoration on, 143-144 ;
gift to new Mayo chief of fiesteros,

143
not used by Yaqui fiesteros of San
Juan, 117

INDEX

Pottery, making of, occupation of wo-
men, 45-46
Mayo, 39-41
types of, 39-40
vases, use, 161-162
Yaqui, 41
Pregnancy, beliefs in effect of eclipse on,
47

taboos, absence of, 56-57
Pueblos, 212
use of tobacco, reference to, 45
visited by one informant, 48
Pueblo Viejo, 135, 146, 154, 155, 157, 158,
159, 160, 161
bahito at, comparison of with fiesta
of Rosary at Bacavachi, 142
description of church at, 91
fiesta of San Juan held at, 139
See also Navojoa.
Punishments, 62, 64, 66, 88
for tribal law infractions, 88, 89
of children, 85
of men by fariseos, 99
Quiver, 23
Raccoon dance, Mayo, mentioned, 123
dance of Yaqui pascola, 129-130
Rahum, 3
Rasping sticks, 42, 124, 204, 205
Rattles, belt, 42
carried and worn by deer dancer,
122
cocoon, 42
disk, 42
gourd, 42, 48
used by pascola dancers, 121
worn by Yaqui deer dancer, 128
Raun, Yaqui fiesta town, 3, 165, 186
Recreation for children, 58-59
Redfield, Robert, study of Tepoztlan, dis-
cussion of, ix—x
Reincarnation, Mayo belief in, 67
Yaqui belief in, 81
Religion, x, 90-207
beliefs, miscellaneous, 189
circuits, direction of, 189
direction symbolism, 189
discussion of Mayo and Yaqui be-
liefs, 90, 91
Mayo religious organization, 91-107
Catholic church, relation to, 91
church officers, 91-94
fariseos, 98-103
fiesteros, 103-107
matachini, 94-98
modern, development of, 202—207
Yaqui religious organization, 107-—
ally
church officers, 107-111
fariseos, 112-115
fiesteros, 115-117
integration of, 117-118
matachini, 111-112
See also “Religion of the Woods.”

—~ ey a ta ag a NN li =

INDEX

“Religion of the Woods,” 190-201, 202
Remedies, see Disease and curing.
Ritual numbers, 189-190
Rituals, miscellaneous, 190
See also Ritual numbers.
Rodeo, 3
Rooster pulling, Yaqui fiesta custom, 186
Ropes, maguey fiber, rawhide, reference
to, 33
“Running of the old man,” Yaqui Easter
week procession, description of, 171-
173
Saddle pads, made of maguey fiber, 35
Saint Peter and the giant (a Cahita
story), 224
San Ignacio, 3, 70, 91, 94, 95, 98, 133, 139,
144, 147
fiestas held at, 133
reference to matachin dances at, 94,
95, 98
velacién of San José held at, 162
San Ignacio de Tesia, fiestas held at, 183
San Ignacio (?), Yaqui fiesta of, 165
San Isidro, ceremonials in honor of, 8, 9
San Isidro (?), Yaqui fiesta of, 165
San José Charay, 3
San José de Cohuirimpo (now San Igna-
cio), 183
San José, fiesta, Mayo, 133
velacion of, see Velacion.
San Juan, called owner of seeds, 9, 10
importance of in Cahita cult, 206
San Juan fiesta, Mayo, 134-144
description of large fiesta, 135-
189
mentioned, 133
moors, function at, 142, 143
names of, 134
Yaqui, 165, 185-188
ceremonies connected with, 117
San Juan’s Day, final Mayo fiesta of
San Juan held on, 142
reference to, 57, 105
San Lorenzo, 3
San Miguel, Fuerte River town, men-
tioned, 3
Yaqui fiesta of, 165
San Miguel Zuaque,
town, mentioned, 3
San Pedro, Mayo River town, men-
tioned, 3
deseription of church at, 91
Mayo fiesta held at, 133
Santa Cruz (de Mayo), x, 3, 50
fiesta of the soldiers, mentioned, 55
Mayo fiestas held at, 183
reference to French settlers at, 49
Yaqui fiesta of, 165
Santa Isabel, see Virgin del Camino.
Santa Rosa, Yaqui fiesta of, 165
Santa Rosalia, Yaqui boundary line
near, 49
Santisima Trinidad, or Holy Trinity,
fiesta, 183

Fuerte River

241

Sashes, woolen, weaving of, by Mayo,
23, 32-33
Seasons of the year, 207
Serapes, see Blankets.
Seri, 214
known by most Yaqui, 48, 213
Sewing machine, 23
Sex restrictions, 62, 63
enforcement of, formerly, 85
Sexual indiscretions, punishment of,
62, 64
See also Morality, standards of.
Shell beads, worn by Yaqui dancers, 126
See also Pearl shell ete.
Shinny game, 44
Sierra de Bacatete, 1, 50, 211
Sierra, the, 3
Siesta, Mayo, 146, 147
noonday, of fiesteros, 148
Sinaloa, 1, 4, 5
mission enterprise, 206
Sinaloa River, crutch paddle observed
on, 44
towns, names of, 2
Sinaloas, districts occupied by, 3
Site of field work, 1930-81 and 1982,
x-xi
Sivirijoa, 3
Skin dressing, methods, 41
Sleepy dance, deseription, 98
mentioned, 112, 124
Smoking, 4445
by youth, 45
ritual, 45
social, 44-45
See also Tobacco.
Snake and the Viper, The (a Cahita
StOLy)eat
Soldiers, at Yaqui fiesta, 167, 168, 186,
187, 188 ,
ceremonial duties of, 55
fiestas of, 165
See also Warfare and Warriors.
Songs:
coyote dance (Yaqui), 132
deer, reference to, 122
words of, 124-125
Indian and Spanish, mentioned, 137
reference to, 42
Sonora, 1, 4, 39
a Mayo elected governor of, in 1936,
4
reference to Pancho Villa’s stay, 55
Sororate, forbidden by Mayo, 63
Spanish alphabet adapted to writing,
Yaquis 214!
kinship: terms, use of by Yaqui,
60-61
Spicer, Dr. Edward H., cited, 13, 65, 81,
108
quoted, 79
reference to his study of Pascua
Village, xi, xii

242

INDEX

Spicer, Roz, cited on Yaqui ceremonies | Tobacco—Continued

at Pascua, 165, 171
Spicers (Dr. Edward H. and Roz),
cited, 172, 176
Noche Buena festivities observed at
Pascua with, 167
Spinning instrument (taravia), rare, 35
Sports, see Games.
Star lore, 47
Stevenson, M. C., cited, 55, 56, 114
Stores, goods sold at, 46
Strong, W. D., cited, 192
Studhalter, R. A., cited, 10
Suicide, motives, 83
Sun and moon, belief in, 180-191
Sun, disappearance of, story about, 49
Susuikame, a Yaqui group formerly in
existence, 109
Taboos, concerning dead, 72, 76, 81
imposed on parents, 56, 57
Tamazula, 2
Tanning, see Skin dressing.
Tales and stories:
Coyote and the bees, 220-221
Coyote and the bull, 219
Saint Peter and the giant, 224
The first conquest, 218
The first people, 216
The giant harvest, 218-219
The iguana and the coyote, 219
The making of the world, 216-218
The marriage of Indian and White,
221-223
The snake and the viper, 221
The story of Turtle and Coyote,
219-220
Turtle speaks Yaqui, 224
Yomomuli, 228
Tarahumara, 47, 208, 218, 214
Taravia, rare spinning instrument, 35
Tecoriona, 3
Téha (a game like horseshoe), 44
Tehueco, Mayo village, xii, 3, 214
Tehuecos, 214
districts occupied by, 3
Tenebrae, Lenten service, 155
Tepague, 3
Tepoztlan, discussion
studies at, ix-x
Tesguin, dance mentioned, 203
Tesia, 3
burial ground at, mentioned, 70
church at, description of, 91
funeral at, reference to, 73
hats made at, 36
Tetabiate (Yaqui leader), Cajeme’s suc-
cussor, 4
mentioned, 212
Tetanchopo, 147
Tiburon Island, Yaqui boundary line
near, 49
Tobacco, 7, 9, 44-45, 105, 122, 126
ceremonial use, at fiesta of San
Juan, 136, 138-139, 144
by wizards, 196
reference to, 206

of Redfield’s

cigarettes, 105, 122, 140, 196

offered guests by deer dancers in

training, 126
use by fiesteros, 104, 105, 106, 107
in curing, 45, 191, 192
wild, remedy for sickness in ani-
mals, 45
Yaqui cultivation of, in Spanish
times, 45
Toloache, 194
Tools, 7-8, 10-11, 22-23, 211
See also Implements.
Toor, Frances, cited, 14, 16
quoted on Yaqui marriage customs,
65, 66
Top fighting and top spinning (game), 44
Torin (Yaqui town), 3, 86, 165, 186
detailed study of, needed, xi
maypole dance at, 112

Toro, 3

Towns, Yaqui and Mayo, founding of in
relation to missions, 2

names of some, 2, 3
See also individual names.

Trade, similarity to Mexican, 49-50

Transportation, means of, 438-44

Transvestites, reference to, 82

Travel, modes of, 483-44

Turtle and Coyote, The story of (a
Cahita story), 219-220

Turtle speaks Yaqui (a Yaqui story) , 224

Twins, 58

United States, reference to Indians of, x

Ures, 2

Urrea and Gandara, bloody struggle be-
tween, reference to, 4

Vaea, 3

Velacion, 94, 146, 147

(Mayo), of San José, description of,
162-164
with a fiesta, 150
without a fiesta, 149
Velasco, José Francisco, cited, 1, 39, 45,
66, 203
cited on Mayo and Yaqui towns, 3
Venado dance, mentioned, 203
Vicam Viejo (Yaqui town), 171, 186
deer dancers at, 128
description of Lenten ceremonies,
173
fiesta of San Juan held at, 185

Vicam, see Vicam Station.

Vicam Station (Yaqui village inhabited
by villagers from Cocorit), xi, 3, 23,
54, 55, 85, 108, 111, 165, 169, 171, 172,
181, 201

burial at, 80

Easter Sunday ceremonies at, 182-
185

visited, xi

Yaqui procession of “Running of the
old man” by Cocorit people ob-
served at, 172-173

INDEX 243

Villa de Montesclaros, 3 Week End Book, cited, 44
Villa, Pancho, reference to stay of, in|} White culture, adjustment to, 207-211,
Sonora, 55 215
Violin, 42, 136, 137, 188, 205 comparison of Yaqui and Mayo,
and harp, for raccoon dance, 129 218-215
for Mayo pascola dancers, 120 Mayo, 210
Viper, The snake and the (a C&ahita Yaqui, 210-211
story), 221 White farmers, reference to, 208, 209
Virgin del Camino (Santa Isabel), a | White, L. A., cited, 192
major Yaqui fiesta, 165, 167-168 Whites, attitude of Cahita toward, x
fiesta of soldiers mentioned, 55 attitude toward religion of Cahita,
Virgin of Guadalupe, mentioned, 55 90
Vows, discussion of, 188-189 contacts with, effect of, 82-83
fulfillment of at velacién of San first, mentioned, 2
José, 163 reference to, 4
Mayo, 142, 147 White, The marriage of Indian and (a
minor fiestas given in fulfill- Cahita story), 221-223
ment of, 133 Wi’caka, presence of witches at, 197
Yaqui, 165, 168 Witehcraft, x
fiesta given as result of, 166- belief in by Mayo musicians and
167 paseola dancers, 125
Wagner, C. J., cited, 196 punishment for. 88
Waicuri, 48, 213 See also Witches and wizards.
Warfare, 4-5, 50-55 Witches and wizards, 191, 192, 193
Mayo, participation in Mexican association with “Religion of the
revolutionary movements, 50-51 Woods,” 190
summary, 4-5 attitude toward wizards, 90
Yaqui, modern, barbarities in, 54 mentioned, 189
boys’ membership in military stories of bewitchment, 197-198
organization, 51, 52 Wizards, see Witches and wizards.
defensive, belief, 53 “Woods, Religion of the,’’? 190-201
fiestas connected with, 55 beliefs connected with the, 199-200
method, 50 Wool for weaving, preparation of, 27—

military organization, 51-55
religious obServances connected | Women:

with, 51, 52, 54, 55 burial customs for married, 77
summary, 4-5 Mayo, church assistant, 93
Warriors, burial customs concerning, fiesteros, 104, 140, 141
78, 80 musicians, 124
See also Soldiers and Warfare. protection of, on alms-solicit-
Watachive, 50 ing march, 142
Wealth, concepts like Mexicans, 49 restrictions in earlier times, 84
standards of, 50 occupations, 45-46
Weapons, 22-23, 50 Yaqui, punishment of, for witch-
Weavers, loom, names and phrases used craft or murder, 88
by, 26-27 Yaqui, adjustment to white culture,
Weaving, hand, by Mayo, 36-37 210-211
bands, horsehair, 37 beliefs concerning death, 75-81
basketry, 36, 37 practices in connection with,
belts, horsehair, 37 75-81
hammocks, 37 beliefs in eclipses, 47
hats, 36-37 effect on pregnancy, 47
mats, 36, 37 birth observances, 55-57
nets, 36, 37 taboos, 57
by Yaqui, 36, 37 boys’ membership in military or-
basketry, 37 ganization, see Warfare, Yaqqi
hats, 36, 37 council meetings, description of, 87
Weaving, loom, by Mayo, 23-35 culture meetings, description of, 87
bags, maguey fiber, 23, 38-35 Mayo culture and, xii
blankets, woolen, 23-82 distribution, 1
maguey fiber articles, other, 23, dress, 37-89
383-35 fiestas, see Fiestas, Yaqui.
sashes, woolen, 23, 32-33 fishing, 14-15
technique, 29-32 fiesta, dancers, 126-131

Yaqui, reference to, 26 musicians, 126-131, 178

244

Yaqui—Continued

houses, utilization and furnishing,
20-22

matachini, 111-112

military organization, see Warfare,
Yaqui.

musical instrument of, mentioned,
43

musicians, training of, 126

nationalism, discussion, 211-215

occupations, 45

INDEX

Yaqui—Continued.

towns, cited by Hardy, R. W. H., 3
cited by Velasco, José Fran-
cisco, 3
earliest mention of by Pérez de
Ribas, 3
tribal organization, 85, 86
Turtle speaks, (a Yaqui story), 224
use of Spanish kinship terms, 60-61
wars, see Warfare.
wild food gathered by, 10-11

ornaments, 39
population, 1-2
pottery, 41
religious organization, see Religion.
River, xi, xii, 1, 9, 36, 165
crutch paddle observed on,

sashes formerly woven by, 33 é perc : :
sites of field work, x-xi Yumans, comparison of Cahita with, in

territorial boundary, 49 attitude toward dreams, 198
tobacco, cultivation in Spanish | Z@potec, reference to, 103
times, 45 Zingg, Robert M., quoted, 110
smoking by youth, 45 Zuaque, 3, 214 '
See also Tobacco. j districts occupied by, 3
town government, description, 86- reference to dance of, 202
89

Yavapai, apparently unknown to Yaqui,
48

| Yecorato, 3
Yomomiuli (a Cahita story), 223
Yuma, apparently unknown to Yaqui,
44 48

~s

Zuniga, Ignacio, cited, 66

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